The French Imperial Nation-State: Negritude and Colonial Humanism between the Two World Wars 0226897729, 9780226897721

Table of contents :
Contents
Acknowledgments
Part 1: The Imperial Nation-State
1. Introduction: Working through the Imperial Nation-State
2. Framing Greater France: A Real Abstraction
Part 2: The French Imperial Nation-State
3. Toward a New Colonial Rationality: Welfare, Science, Administration
4. A Doubled and Contradictory Form of Government
5. Temporality, Nationality, Citizenship
Part 3: African Humanism
6. Négritude I: Practicing Citizenship in Imperial Paris
7. Négritude II: Cultural Nationalism
8. Négritude III: Critique of (Colonial) Reason
Conclusion: Legacies of the Imperial Nation-State
Notes
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

The French Imperial Nation-State N E G R I T U D E BE T WE EN

&

THE

CO L ON I AL TWO

WORLD

Gary Wilder THE

U N I V E R S I T Y

C H I C A G O

AND

OF

C H I C A G O

L O N D O N

HUMANISM

P R E S S

WARS

Gary Wilder is associate professor o f history at Pomona College. The University o f Chicago Press, Chicago 60637 The University o f Chicago Press, Ltd., London © 2003 by The University o f Chicago All rights reserved. Published 2005 Printed in the United States o f America 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 of

5 4 3 2 1

ISBN (cloth): 0-226-89772-9 ISBN (paper): 0-226-89768-0

Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wilder, Gary. The French imperial nation-state : négritude and colonial humanism between the two world wars / Gary Wilder, p.

cm.

ISBN 0-226-89772-9 (cloth : alk. paper) —

isbn

0-226-89768-0

(pbk. : alk. paper)

Includes bibliographical references and index, i. France— Colonies— Africa, West— 20th century. 2. France— Colonies— Caribbean Area— 20th century. 3. Nationalism— Africa, West— History— 20th century. 4. Nationalism— Caribbean Area— History— 20th century. 5. Africans— France.

6. Blacks— Race identity— Africa,

West— History— 20th century. 7. Blacks— Race identity— Caribbean Area— History— 20th century. 8. France— Ethnic relations. 9. Blacks— France. I. Title. JV1818.W54

2005

323.i’o9i7i’24409042— dc22

2005008094

0 The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements o f the American National Standard for Information Sciences— Permanence o f Paper for Printed Library Materials, ansi Z39.48-1992.

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C O N T E N T S

Acknowledgments

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ix

Part i: T h e Imperial Nation-State 1. Introduction: Working through the Imperial Nation-State 2. Framing Greater France: A Real Abstraction

3

24

Part 2: Colonial Humanism 3. Toward a New Colonial Rationality: Welfare, Science, Administration 4. A Doubled and Contradictory Form o f Government 5. Temporality, Nationality, Citizenship

76

118

Part 3: African Humanism 6. Négritude I: Practicing Citizenship in Imperial Paris 7. Négritude II: Cultural Nationalism

201

8. Négritude III: Critique o f (Colonial) Reason

256

Conclusion: Legacies o f the Imperial Nation-State

Notes

303

Bibliography

363

149

Index

295

387

43

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A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

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A major project so long in the making inevitably accumulates more debts o f gratitude than can properly be acknowledged in a few sentences. Research for this book has been supported generously by grants from the University o f Chicago, the Social Science Research Council, the Fulbright Foundation, the MacArthur Foundation, and the Spencer Foundation. Pomona College has graciously extended liberal amounts o f time and research funding so that I could complete this volume. Pomona has proven to be an exception­ ally congenial milieu in which to pursue my scholarship. I owe special thanks to my exemplary colleagues in the history department— Ron Cluett, Sid Lemelle, Victor Silverman, Pamela Smith, Miguel Tinker-Salas, Helena Wall, Ken Wolf, Bob Woods, and Sam Yamashita— for their stimulating conversation and con­ stant support. Many extraordinary students at Pomona have also provoked my scholarship in numerous ways. Laura Ephraim and Emily Klancher in particu­ lar provided substantive help with revisions. I will always be grateful for the unflagging support for my work extended over the years by my dissertation advisors Leora Ausländer, Jean Comaroff, and Moishe Postone. Their intelligence, experience, and assistance have helped me to sharpen my vision and navigate a course in this profession. Equally im­ portant were the insightful comments and professional endorsements provided generously by those who carefully read the manuscript— Julia Adams, A n­ toinette Burton, Dan Sherman, George Steinmetz, and Tyler Stovall. I owe a great deal to their open-minded critical engagement with this project. Addi­ tionally, I thank my editor at the University o f Chicago Press, Susan Bielstein, for her advice, patience, and belief in the project, and my copyeditor, Kathryn Gohl, whose hard work was much appreciated. This book has also benefited greatly from the critical feedback offered at various stages o f its compledon. I thank the participants in discussions hosted by the Red Line Working Group, the Social Theory Workshop, the Work­ shop on Interdisciplinary Approaches to Modern France, and the African Stud­ ies Workshop— all at the University o f Chicago, the Scripps College Faculty

X

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Research Seminar, the Center for Cultural Studies at University o f California at Santa Cruz, the Center for Ideas and Society at the University o f Califor­ nia at Riverside, the European History and Culture Colloquium at U C LA , the Duke University Press Politics, History, and Culture series editorial board, the Institute o f French Studies as well as the Social Theory and Historical Studies Workshop at New York University, and the history departments at the Univer­ sity o f Michigan, University o f Minnesota, California State University at Long Beach, and Pomona College. I also offer heartfelt thanks to scholars too numerous to mention or whom I might have forgotten whose encouragement, suggestions, and criticism have helped improve this project. These include my other dissertation readers Arjun Appadurai, Barney Cohn, and Tom Holt as well as Anthony Appiah, Talal Asad, Pascal Blanchard, Peter Bloom, Alice Bullard, Tony Chafer, Dipesh Chakrabarty, Armelle Chatelier, Anna Clark, Mary Coffey, Judith Coffin, John Comaroff, Fernando Coronil, Mamadou Diouf, Stephane Dufoix, Ellen Furlough, Jan Goldstein, Lynn Hunt, Benetta Jules-Rosette, Gene Lebovics, Philippa Levine, Achille Mbembe, Simon Njami, Sue Peabody, Kevin Platt, Emanuelle Saada, Amanda Sackur, David Shafer, Julie Skurski, Bill Sewell, Ann Stoler, Margaret Waller, Françoise Vergés, and Patrick Weil. In France, M. Dion at the colonial archives provided much needed guidance, and Michel Fabre shared invaluable bibliographic resources and scholarly insight with me. Unspeakably important has been the deep and abiding engagement with my work by trusted friends whose collegiality, intellect, and integrity inspire me. I have leaned especially hard on and learned more than I can say from Andrew Aisenberg and Laurent Dubois, whose incisive readings helped guide my revi­ sions, and Manu Goswami, my cherished long-term interlocutor. My work has also been well nourished by the insightful comments, conversation, and friend­ ship o f my Ithaca cronies, now scholars, Je ff Melnick and Matthew Trachman; my Chicago cohort, Bill Bissell, Neil Brenner, Nick DeGenova, Elisa Camiscioli, Anjali Fedson, Gautam Ghosh, Cecilia Novero, and Josh Price; and my California colleagues, Dan Birkholz, Malek Doulat, David Lloyd, Panivong Norindr, Marina Perez de Mendiola, Paul Saint-Amour, and Victor Silverman. I turn regularly to these compadres for feedback, perspective, guidance, and solidarity. Without them I would be lost. Profound gratitude is reserved for those who have truly sustained me on so many fronts for the duration o f this project: Robin Lippert, Paula Gorlitz, and especially my parents, Arthur and Marilyn Wilder. Thank you also Mark Kap­ lan and Amy Zimmerman for becoming family in Chicago. Above all, I could not have written the book that I have without the love, wisdom, and careful eye

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

XI

o f Rachel Lindheim, my true partner, closest friend, and coconspirator through every twist and turn.

Extracts from or earlier versions o f some chapters have been published previ­ ously. Chapter 2 appeared as “ Framing Greater France,” Journal o f Historical Sociology 14, no. 2 (June 2001): 198-225. Parts o f chapters 3 and 4 appeared in “ Colonial Ethnology and Political Rationality in French West Africa,” His­ tory and Anthropology 14, no. 3 (2003): 219—52; and in “ The Politics o f Fail­ ure: Historicizing Popular Front Colonial Policy in French West Africa,” in French Colonial Empire and the Popular Front: Hope and Disillusion, ed. Tony Chafer and Amanda Sackur (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999). Part o f chap­ ter 6 appeared in “ Panafricanism and the Republican Political Sphere,” in The Color ofLiberty: Histories o f Race in France, ed. Tyler Stovall and Sue Peabody (Durham, N C: Duke University Press, 2003); and in “ Practicing Citizenship in Imperial Paris,” in C ivil Society and the Political Imagination in Africa: Critical Perspectives, ed. John L. Com aroff and Jean Com aroff (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1999). Part o f chapter 8 appeared in “ Race, Reason, Impasse: Césaire, Fanon, and the Legacy o f Emancipation,” Radical History Review 90 (September 2004): 31—58.

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The Imperial Nation-State The same laws cannot suit so many various provinces, which have different customs and contrasting climates and cannot all tolerate the same form o f government. But differing laws only give rise to disorder and confusion among peoples who live under the same rulers and are in constant communication. They intermingle and intermarry, and forced to accept other customs, they never know if their patrimony is really their own. When a multitude o f strangers are brought together by the seat o f the supreme administration, talents are buried, virtues are unrecognized, and vices go unpunished. The rulers are so busy that they see nothing for themselves; clerks govern the state. Finally, the measures that must be taken to maintain the general authority, which so many distant officials try to evade or deceive, absorb all governmental concern. Nothing is left for the happiness o f the people and barely any for its defense when necessary. It is thus that a body too large for its constitution collapses and perishes, crushed by its own weight.— Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Social Contract

{1} Introduction: Working through the Imperial Nation-State

What are we to make o f the fact that republican France was never not an imperial nation-state? It is no secret that successive republics were instituted within the framework o f a broader and prior colonial empire. Nevertheless, French historiography is typically guided by a national paradigm for which a correspondence between territory, population, and state is considered nor­ mal and the existence o f colonies is treated as exceptional. There is a fre­ quent tension between the categories that historians use to analyze either the French nation-state or its overseas colonies and the empirewide economic, so­ cial, administrative, and publicity circuits that delimited France as an imperial nation-state. The point here is not only that the métropole and its overseas colonies exercised a reciprocal influence upon one another, but that France’s parlia­ mentary republic was articulated with its administrative empire to compose an expanded and disjointed political formation that must be analyzed in its own right. Once we refigure the nation-state as imperial, disjunctions within and between French territories, populations, and forms o f government may be treated as intrinsic features o f the national-republican past rather than as obstacles to national-republican ideals. The focus o f historiography then shifts

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C H A P T E R ONE

away from apparent contradictions between the promises o f republican universalism and colonial or racist practices to the antinomy between universality and particularity that existed within both the metropolitan and colonial poles o f the imperial nation-state, and which expressed itself in discourses as well as practices.

Working through the Imperial Nation-State This book explores a period o f French history during which metropolitan and overseas publics were remarkably self-conscious about the structural relation­ ship between the continental nation and its overseas colonies. Following World War I, the persistence o f the empire served as one o f the few sure signs that France itself had survived the war in a recognizable form. Supposedly exter­ nal and secondary colonial possessions curiously came to signify the durabil­ ity o f the self-contained French nation, especially in the context o f disruptive sociopolitical transformations between the wars. Through a new discourse o f Greater France, a large sector o f public opinion regarded a revitalized empire as the guarantor o f international prestige and economic prosperity. Colonies were reconceptualized as integral, if legally ambiguous, parts o f the French nation. This emergent national-imperial imaginary consolidated as postwar socioeco­ nomic conditions further integrated metropolitan and colonial societies. Yet the very forces driving imperial interdependence also disrupted many o f the empire’s underlying precepts. Although Greater France was at the apex o f its power by World War I, the genesis o f a long crisis o f colonial authority may be traced back to the interwar decades. This incipient crisis generated public debates— official and nongovernmental, metropolitan and colonial, including citizens and subjects— concerning the relationship between the republic and the empire, the legiti­ macy o f colonial power, and the juridical status o f colonized peoples. This book focuses on two intersecting movements to revise the imperial order: one by republican reformers elaborated a new logic o f administration in West Africa (colonial humanism), and another by African and Antillean elites in Paris for­ mulated new currents o f cultural nationalism. Each developed in relation to France’s disjointed imperial character, which they also exemplified. Colonial humanism was an extension o f metropolitan productivism, statism, and welfarism. Yet the peculiar requirements o f colonial politics led adminis­ trators in French West Africa to treat local populations as members o f distinct

W ORKING THROUGH THE IM P E R IA L N A T I O N - S T A T E

5

sociocultural wholes. Policies were therefore shaped by a dual imperative to transform and to preserve indigenous societies simultaneously. The systemic contradiction between requirements to rationalize and differentiate led to para­ doxical dictums that guided French colonial projects: socioeconomic individu­ alism without juridico-political individuality, social development without civil society, citizenship without culture, nationality without citizenship. A new colonial rationality placed subject peoples in a politically effective double-bind that racialized them as minor members o f the French nation. But it was also self-undermining and created possibilities for critical political interventions. Concurrently, expatriate Africans and Antilleans participated in metropoli­ tan French civil society and constituted an alternative black public sphere through which they raised questions about republicanism, nationality, and rights as they intersected with colonialism, culture, and racism. These subjectcitizens confronted the emancipatory and oppressive aspects o f both the univer­ salizing and particularizing dimensions o f French colonial politics. Out o f this political field a younger group o f student-poets emerged, in the mid-thirties, who would compose the Négritude movement. Their cultural politics chal­ lenged the double bind o f colonial racism through a series o f double gestures. They rejected assimilation while celebrating cultural métissage, claimed polit­ ical equality while demanding cultural recognition, sought a place within the republican nation as “ Negro-Africans” while identifying with a transnational Panafrican community, collaborated with colonial reformers while envisioning an alternative Greater France as a nonracial supranational federation, engaged in rational-critical debate while formulating a critique o f colonial rationality itself. My starting point is that reformist colonial humanism and black cultural na­ tionalism, as well as their intersections, become intelligible from the perspective o f France as an imperial nation-state in crisis. Conversely, these interrelated movements provide a vantage point for grasping France as an imperial nation­ state organized around a constitutive contradiction between political univer­ sality and particularity. This study has an imperial scope. It traces interpersonal, institutional, and discursive networks that included republican policymakers in Africa as well as Africans and Antilleans in the republican métropole. These empirewide circuits delimited a common political field whose members belonged to an imperial co­ hort that transcended clean distinctions between colonizing French citizens and colonized African subjects. The scale and composition o f these networks exem­ plified one way in which France was an imperial nation-state. Additionally, they

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generated reflections upon and projects addressing the national-imperial order, an issue then forcing itself into political consciousness, some o f which I analyze below. This book thus extends recent scholarship on the intersections between French colonial and metropolitan histories.1 It does so through an inquiry into political form and political rationality that seeks to displace conventional op­ positions between the French colonial empire and national republic, racism and universalism, the national and the transnational. The analysis refuses to fetishize one side o f these oppositions as a privileged standpoint from which to critique the other. Apparent contradictions between republicanism and colo­ nialism cannot be transposed into a distinction between universalism and par­ ticularism. There were universalist and particularist dimensions o f republican and colonial poles o f the imperial nation-state, each o f which contained eman­ cipatory and oppressive dimensions. We cannot adequately understand the national-imperial order if racism and colonialism are treated as signs o f the ab­ sence or failure o f republicanism understood one-sidedly as universalism. Such a gesture, still common in French colonial historiography, effectively protects an idealized republicanism by pointing to its supposed violation rather than exploring its actual operation. French colonialism provides a fruitful occasion to raise questions about the limits o f a national history paradigm that often affirms republicanism’s univer­ salist self-understanding. There is a risk, however, that by simply applying this paradigm on a broader scale, French historians o f colonialism will reenact that which they are supposed to explore: the incorporation o f overseas territories into a republican national metanarrative. This tendency appears throughout Alice Conklin’s A Mission to Civilize, a monograph that merits attention here not because it represents a varied body o f historiography but because it is so readily cited in writing about Third Republic colonialism.2 Conklin studies the way in which the oppressive policies o f the French civi­ lizing mission in West Africa were informed by supposedly emancipatory uni­ versalist republican values to which colonial administrators were genuinely committed. This promising starting point might have led to an examination o f internal links between republicanism and colonialism. But Conklin’s ability to present an integrated account is undermined by the methodological individ­ ualism that guides her analysis. She focuses on the motivations o f individual policymakers in order to determine whether their intentions were disinterested (genuine) or self-interested (in the service o f political objectives). She then compares administrators’ sincere attempts to help Africans through projects influenced by republican principles to the way in which such efforts were under­

WORKING THROUGH THE IM PERIAL NA T IO N -ST AT E

J

mined by self-serving political interests. Because she does not explore how government in West Africa was sincerely republican and genuinely colonial, France’s oppressive practices there appear to be anomalous (e.g., ironic or cynical failures). Such an evaluation is only possible because Conklin conflates republicanism with universalism, which is assumed to be inherently opposed to colonial racism (reduced to particularism). She does not recognize the ways in which contradictions between universality and particularity were internal to republican, colonial, and racial discourses and practices. Instead, Conklin focuses primarily on contradictions between plans and implementation. This analytic leads her to condemn (as tainted) science that serves political interests as well as policies that use science cynically. By crit­ icizing the colonial misuse o f ethnography, Conklin implies that disinterested science would objectively inform enlightened policy and reduce oppression. She does not recognize the racializing power o f real science. Similarly, by arguing that administrators’ sincere attempts to improve African lives were undermined by cynical interests, she preserves the ideal o f disinterested im­ provement projects. She does not explore how welfare policies were real in­ struments o f colonial government. Ultimately, A Mission to Civilize functions to protect the purity o f republican universalism, scientific knowledge, and im­ proving gestures from the contaminating influence o f racism, self-interest, and instrumental politics. It thereby folds French colonialism into a canonical nar­ rative o f republican universalism that remains as undisturbed as the national paradigm that is its starting point. Conklin’s affirmative historiography compares the West African adminis­ tration to a mythically self-identical republic that never existed historically. The French nation-state was always a disjointed political form. Its administrative, liberal, and parliamentary dimensions did not always align with one another. Citizenship, nationality, and the people were at once abstractly human (uni­ versalist) and concretely cultural (particularist) categories. Imperialism meant that French territories, populations, and governments did not correspond to one another seamlessly. These obscured structural contradictions became in­ creasingly evident under the Third Republic. By the end o f World War I a new state-econom y-society diagram meant that French government was or­ ganized less around liberal individualism than around statist, productivist, and welfarist forms o f corporatism. Interwar colonial administration was a variant o f postliberal politics, not simply a violation o f parliamentary republicanism, which no longer existed. Likewise, metropolitan state politics shared features o f colonial administrative rule. Differences between them, such as the racial divide between rulers and ruled, cannot be translated into distinctions between

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republicanism and racism, liberalism and authoritarianism. Colonial humanism was simultaneously universalizing and particularizing; the imperial nation-state was at once republican and illiberal. Like Conklin, colonial reformers and colonized elites also often protected the French national-republican ideal while denouncing its colonial violation without exploring the underlying connections between them that sustained the national-imperial order. Scholars must beware o f the tendency to enter into what Dominick LaCapra, adapting Freud, has called a transferential relation­ ship to history, whereby “ the considerations at issue in the object o f study are always repeated with variations— or find their displaced analogues— in one’s account o f it.” 3 Otherwise, LaCapra explains, they risk acting out rather than working through history.4 His analysis refers to the ways in which scholars o f historical trauma tend to reenact victims’ traumatic experience. But scholarship on historical perpetrators also risks reaffirming their self-understanding. Instead o f acting out republican colonialism, the following chapters attempt to work through the imperial nation-state. Acting out would incorporate colo­ nial societies into an expansionist national historiography that conflates re­ publicanism and universalism. Alternatively, working through entails situating (not mastering or resolving) the sociopolitical dilemmas raised by French colo­ nialism in relation to the nation-state as an imperial political form. An adequate history o f imperialism must take the empire itself as its object and starting point. Rather than study how French republicanism might have been played out in the colonies or how colonialism might have affected national identity, it would question received understandings o f the national republic as a self-contained entity that can be considered apart from the imperial nation.5 Although interwar reformers and nationalists frequently enacted aspects o f republican colonialism, they were not condemned endlessly to act out its dilem­ mas. They also explored the imperial implications o f French national history as well as the national implications o f French imperial history, recognizing the imperial nation-state as an inescapable reality through which they had to work. Because it was an intrinsically contradictory form whose crises opened pos­ sibilities for systemic transformation, immanent critique— identifying within it alternatives that pointed beyond it— was a quintessential type o f working through. Insofar as these historical actors self-consciously engaged the national-imperial order that confronted them, historians interested in “ working through” it should follow their lead. An approach to working through that avoids the binary reasoning criticized above would treat the imperial nation-state as an artifact o f colonial modernity.

WORKING THROUGH THE IM PERIAL

NATION-STATE

9

This broad term refers variously to the impact o f colonial capitalism on local societies and its articulation with other modes o f production, colonized peoples’ novel and often subversive appropriation o f Western institutions, and the con­ stitutive role o f colonialism, non-Western populations, and their encounter in the making o f modern Europe. A common thread links these meanings: impe­ rialism created novel sociopolitical formations that were irreducibly different from those in the West yet were incontestably modern and inseparable from their European counterparts. Many recognizable aspects o f modernity were notably absent from or pro­ hibited in most colonial societies; examples include free labor, private property, abstract individuality, impersonal common law, disenchanted civil society, and representative government. Yet the often extreme economic exploitation, so­ cial violence, racial hierarchies, and authoritarian politics endemic to colonial­ ism were neither pre-colonial survivals nor symptoms o f European regression. They were effects o f modern capitalism, rational bureaucracy, scientific admin­ istration, normalizing state practices, technological development, urbanization, and the like. This seemingly simple point may nevertheless generate complex analyses when it guides historical inquiry into the peculiar modernity embod­ ied by and generated through colonialism. Such an optic does not only allow us to specify the internal dynamics o f colonial societies more precisely. It also enables a multifaceted and global (in both senses o f the term) view o f moder­ nity, not as one composed o f plural alternative modernities but as a worldwide if heterogeneous dynamic that works through and on Western societies but is neither possessed nor controlled by them. Thinking in terms o f colonial modernity— working through it— allows us to begin to write French history from a properly imperial (not imperialist) standpoint that would resist reducing it to national categories but would gener­ ate novel insights into national history. Marx concludes the first volume o f Cap­ ital by linking primitive accumulation to New World colonization. He writes: “ It is the great merit o f E. G. Wakefield to have discovered, not something new about the colonies, but in the colonies, the truth about capitalist relations in the mother country,” namely, that there was nothing normal or natural about a free-labor market.6 Studying interwar French West Africa may similarly il­ luminate French political relations on an imperial scale. It would highlight the fact that the disjointed relationship among culture, nationality, and citizenship has been a feature not a failure o f the national-imperial state. It would also underscore that alternative methods for combining these elements were long embedded in French national-imperial history.

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Antinomies o f the (Imperial) Nation-State Starting with the specificity o f the colonial modern as well as the ways in which colonial dynamics provide crucial insight into metropolitan contradictions may help us to account for a persistent feature o f French and British imperialism across the colonial periphery: the tension between coexisting policies to ab­ stract and modernize or to differentiate and primitivize subject populations.7 Rather than treat this recurrent contradiction as a sign o f state ambivalence or failure, we can explore the way in which it might be a structural feature o f colonial modernity on a very general level. One way to do so requires linking this long-term tension to a deeper antinomy between universality and partic­ ularity that is expressed on multiple scales (national, colonial, imperial) and at various levels o f abstraction (in policies, in political forms, in their underlying rationality). Although this antinomy was central to administrative rationality in West Africa between the wars, it was not restricted to colonial policies. It was a durable legacy o f the French Revolution that was inscribed in the very structure o f the modern nation-state. The term antinomy, central to Kant’s Critique o f Pure Reason, refers to a con­ tradiction between two propositions, each o f which is obtained by correct rea­ soning and is equally logical.8 Both sides o f an antinomic equation are valid; neither element is prior to, realer than, or the cause o f the other. No amount o f clear thinking can overcome such an opposition. Although Kant’s deployment intimates a useful structural understanding o f contraction, he treats antinomy as a philosophical problem. In contrast, Lukâcs develops a sociohistorical un­ derstanding o f antinomies, grounded in a critique o f Kant’s idealism, that might help us grasp the nation-state as a contradictory form. Lukâcs refers to the opposition between subjectivism and objectivism as “ antinomies o f bourgeois thought.” His insight is that these seemingly irrecon­ cilable social visions— human beings as free producers o f society versus human beings as determined products o f society— do not constitute an intellectual dilemma. Rather, they express valid truths about separate aspects o f existing capitalist social relations. He argues that under capitalism, autonomous indi­ viduals do freely enter into market relations even as reification creates a quasi­ objective second nature that determines social behavior.9 His sociohistorical framework reconciles subjectivism and objectivism as grasping equally real but one-sided dimensions o f a two-dimensional modern society. Here neither sub­ jectivity nor objectivity is more valid than the other; both are real or concrete abstractions.10

WORKING THROUGH THE IM PERIA L N A TIO N -STATE

Lukâcs’s understanding o f the determinate relationship between social cate­ gories and social consciousness derives from Marx’s understanding o f the dou­ bled character o f capitalist modernity under which social relations are at once subjective and objective, abstract and concrete, universal and particular. Marx demonstrates that this doubleness is embedded in the elemental commodity form whose “ dual nature ” is abstractly universal and concretely particular. As he explains, “ the relative form o f value and the equivalent form are two insepa­ rable moments, which belong to and mutually condition each other.” For Marx, this “ double form” is a function o f the dual character o f labor under modern capitalism as “ equal and abstract,” on the one hand, and “ concrete and useful,” on the other.11 Insofar as Marx’s Capital accounts for the abstracting transformation o f in­ commensurable qualities into equivalent quantities, which also enables social distinctions, it can be read as an inquiry into the antinomy between universal­ ity and particularity. Marx explains that in a society o f generalized commodity production, “ every particular kind o f useful private labour can be exchanged with, i.e., counts as the equal of, every other kind o f useful private labor.” He shows that money facilitates this abstraction by mediating the “ equality and equivalence o f all kinds o f labour.” The “ direct exchangeability” o f particular commodities requires that they “ express their values in the same equivalent.” But Marx explains that this medium o f equivalence must come from within the social formation itself: “ a particular kind o f commodity acquires the form of universal equivalent, because all the other commodities make it the material embodiment o f their uniform and universal form o f value.” At that point a “ specific kind o f commodity . . . becomes the money commodity, or serves as money.” Marx characterizes money under capitalism as “ the particular equiva­ lent form.” 12 It is not only simultaneously universal and particular, but its uni­ versality is grounded in its very historical particularity. Although Marx is concerned with the commodity form and social relations, we may adapt his insight about universalism’s self-grounding character to a framework for understanding the nation-state and political relations. Here I bracket the vexing question as to whether the nation-state is essentially a cap­ italist state derived, at a very abstract level, from the peculiar value form o f commodity-mediated social relations.13 Others might characterize the nation­ state and capitalism as encompassing independent sets o f relations that shared common conditions o f historical emergence and whose respective develop­ ments have been structurally entwined.14 Either way, there is no disputing that in the modern period, a political order mediated by formally equivalent (and

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juridically equal) rights-bearing citizens corresponded to a social order medi­ ated by formally equivalent contracting individuals.15 Whether dual aspects o f an overarching capitalism that over time became relatively autonomous from one another or distinct spheres that became his­ torically articulated, modern socioeconomic and political relations became in­ terdependent elements— variously enabling and interrupting one another— o f a larger sociopolitical assemblage. Because capitalism and the state, in Bob Jessop’s terms, were “ structurally coupled” and “ strategically coordinated,” they can be neither analytically separated from nor reduced to one another.IÄ Even if at an abstract level the state is derivable from the commodity form, we might usefully extend Marxian methodology in order to develop nonreductive accounts o f the mature nation-state as a political form. Such work, at once theoretical and historical, would attend to its underlying structure, logic, imperatives, contradictions, and tendencies toward crises.17 The challenge is to analyze political forms on their own terms without hypostatizing a political sphere as external to capitalist social relations. Like the commodity, the modern nation-state had to serve as its own tran­ scendent foundation. Like money in capitalist society, citizenship functioned as a “ particular equivalent” within this political order. Both media addressed one o f the paradigmatic dilemmas o f a disenchanted modernity. Particular so­ cial formations no longer grounded in divinity or monarchy had somehow to generate universal precepts to which they would then be subject as if they were external and a priori.18 This sociohistorical condition has been expressed philosophically in paradoxical formulations such as Kant’s categorical imper­ ative (freedom is duty), Rousseau’s general will (obedience to society is really obedience to self), Adam Smith’s invisible hand (self-interest produces public goods), and Hegel’s cunning o f reason (historical contingency produces worldhistorical destiny). Politically, this peculiar requirement o f modern society presents itself as a problem o f sovereignty. Hannah Arendt makes this very connection: “ The same essential rights were at once claimed as the inalienable heritage o f all hu­ man beings and as the specific heritage o f specific nations, the same nation was at once declared to be subject to laws, which supposedly would flow from the Rights o f Man, and sovereign, that is, bound by no universal law and acknowl­ edging nothing superior to itself.” She argues that human beings, by virtue o f their abstract humanity, were supposed to be the “ source as well as [the] ultimate goal” o f human rights.19 Existing prior to national membership, these rights were the condition o f possibility for national self-government. However, Arendt emphasizes that the French Revolution also insisted that the nation was

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sovereign; neither rights nor legal authority could exist before or above it. Both the object and subject o f legality, the nation had to serve as its own normative foundation. This then was the genesis o f what Arendt identifies as “ the secret conflict between state and nation” that “ came to light at the very birth o f the mod­ ern nation-state, when the French Revolution combined the declaration o f the Rights o f Man with the demand for national sovereignty.” She implies that the nation-state is a doubled political form founded upon both universality and particularity: abstract human rights and concrete national rights enable and entail each other. Arendt outlines the historical process that gradually iden­ tified citizenship with national membership, which she denounces as a “ perver­ sion o f the state into an instrument o f the nation.” 20 This reduction o f human rights to national rights, for example, meant that Jewish emancipation would be paired with sociocultural anti-Semitism.21 Arendt’s structural analysis o f the nation-state thus helps us to account for the matrix linking race, nationality, and rights in modern political formations organized around abstract universality. She explicitly questions the identity between territory, nation, and state pre­ sumed by Western political theory but disrupted by phenomena such as impe­ rialism, pan-ethnic movements, and the proliferation o f stateless peoples after World War I.22 Arendt pays special attention to democratic nation-states that pursue colo­ nial projects beyond their territorial frontiers and thereby undermine their own political principles. This is because “ the genuine consent at its base cannot be stretched indefinitely. . . . The nation . . . conceived o f its law as an out­ growth o f a unique national substance which was not valid beyond its own peo­ ple and the boundaries o f its own territory.” An expanded nation-state would by definition have to fully integrate conquered territories juridico-politically. But the imperial disjuncture between territory, state, and nation, as well as the racism that distinguishes between nationals and natives, prohibits such integration. A colonizing nation-state therefore faces the paradoxical chal­ lenge o f having to “ enforce consent” from conquered peoples, and overseas government would inevitably “ degenerate into tyranny.” Arendt’s prediction o f colonial tyranny (hardly groundbreaking in itself) assumes its full ana­ lytic purchase when she adds, “ and though tyranny, because it needs no con­ sent, may successfully rule over foreign peoples, it can stay in power only if it destroys first o f all the national institutions o f its own people.” 25 She ex­ plains that in colonial societies, race replaces the nation as a principle o f the body politic and bureaucracy replaces parliament as a principle o f govern­ ment. Insisting that these colonial perversions have metropolitan implications,

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she traces connections between nineteenth-century imperialism and twentiethcentury fascism. Whether or not we find her specific historical argument persuasive, we can learn from her attempt to identify systemic continuities between metropoli­ tan and colonial politics, to situate race at the center o f modern European na­ tionality, citizenship, and human rights, and to link both to the nation-state as grounded in a constitutive contradiction between universality and partic­ ularity.24 She does not simply criticize colonialism on humanitarian grounds; she develops (implicitly but powerfully) an immanent critique o f the (impe­ rial) nation-state as a political form. Unfortunately, Arendt’s insistence on a reified distinction between the social and the political prevents her from ex­ ploring the dynamic relationship between political economy and the state. She cannot acknowledge that the debased socioeconomic practices she often con­ demns are inextricably entangled with the idealized republican tradition she wants to revitalize. Nor does she adequately work out the relationship between her structural analysis o f the nation-state and her historical examinations o f its manifestations at lower levels o f abstraction. However, Michel Foucault’s conception o f political rationalities as socially embedded, historically specific, and irreducible (see chap. 3) provides a useful bridge between Marx’s arguments about the nonidentical crisis-prone character o f a self-grounding capitalist modernity and Marxian arguments about the in­ terpenetration o f political economy and the state, on the one hand, and Arendt’s insights into the contradictory structure o f the nation-state and its imperial dilemmas, on the other. Combining elements from each o f these thinkers points toward a framework for analyzing the (imperial) nation-state as a political form founded upon the antinomy o f universality and particularity that must never­ theless be analyzed in relation to political economy and in historically specific contexts. We can then explore how immanent contradictions within the nation-state between universality and particularity, the civil and the political, democracy and rationality, parliament and administration, have shaped modern history. Just as scholars discuss phases o f capitalism, we can trace conjunctural crises and transformations o f political rationality. Liberalism, welfarism, and neolib­ eralism are rooted in a the nation-state form. But each order has its own gov­ ernmental strategies, technologies, knowledge, and targets that must be studied in their own right. Poststructuralist theory has long implored us to reinterpret capitalism through non-Marxist categories such as discourse, culture, and de­ sire. In contrast, I am suggesting that we fold lessons from Arendt and Foucault

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15

into a modified Marxian framework for understanding the noneconomic di­ mensions o f our political modernity through an imperial optic. This framework would allow us to resituate seeming contradictions between French republican universalism and its supposed (internal and external) ene­ mies as contradictions within the nation-state itself. We could then avoid having to explain racism, nationalism, and other particularisms one-sidedly as antithet­ ical to republicanism. Such gestures often criticize either a false universalism that is designed to mask or justify real particularizing practices or a limited universalism that has not been sufficiently extended to all social groups.25 By focusing on the absence o f republicanism, or its failure to be realized, such gestures often do not examine the way existing republicanism worked politi­ cally. A more integrated treatment o f universality and particularity as interre­ lated dimensions o f republican, national, and colonial politics would address the way universalizing practices have had particularizing effects and particu­ larizing practices have served republican objectives over the long-term history o f modern France.24

People, Nation, Empire It is possible to interpret the post-Revolution French nation-state in terms o f successive crises o f universalism that were provisionally stabilized and then displaced into other domains. Schematically, this dynamic was played out over membership struggles whose arena shifted from the people (1789-1848), to the nation (1870—1914), and then the empire (after World War I). These histor­ ical developments corresponded to the three distinct universalizing processes that Pierre Rosanvallon identifies, within the French Revolution, whose histor­ ically specific convergence shaped the modern nation-state: the liberalization o f civil society, the democratization o f political society, and the rationalization o f government.27 The eighteenth-century French republic was founded upon the interrelated principles o f autonomous individuality, citizen self-government, and an imper­ sonal rule o f law. Abstract universal individuals acting as citizens would con­ stitute an objective legal order to which they would be also be subject. They composed “ the people ” — a disembodied sovereign in whose name the repub­ lic was created and in whose legal authority the constitution was grounded. But this was an underspecified category defined in terms o f abstract humanity (whether conceived o f as a natural property o f all persons or as a product o f

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political association) and concrete nationality (ascribed to a pre-political com­ munity).28French peoples’ rights were derived at once from their humanity and their nationality. The founding Declaration insisted that “ men are born and re­ main free and equal in rights,” even as it also announced that “ the principle o f all sovereignty rests essentially in the nation.” 29 Here then was the founding antinomy between universality and particularity: equally valid starting points would lead to contradictory consequences. The dual universal—particular character o f the nation-state was embodied in the citizen, its elemental category. Insofar as citizenship was a function o f one’s abstract human rights, it expressed universality, and insofar as it was secured by membership within a concrete national entity, it expressed particularity. This republican institution thus functioned as a “ particular equivalent” — a univer­ salizing or abstracting category that depended on and produced historical par­ ticularity (a historically specific designation that depended on and produced abstract human and legal universality). As a medium o f universal equivalence within a particular territory, citi­ zenship marked the fundamental distinction between national and foreigner. Within the nation, citizenship institutionalized a distinction between the mass o f people who were granted civil rights and the fraction o f the population who were vested with full political rights. Given that all human beings were sup­ posed to be free and equal members o f a self-governing nation-state, political exclusion was henceforth only legitimate for those groups whose members did not meet the new criteria o f individuality, rationality, and autonomy. The re­ publican order thus created categories o f persons such as minors, domestic ser­ vants, the indigent and propertyless, women, and (former) slaves, all o f whom were not acknowledged as properly independent human subjects.30 The point is that new forms o f inequality were enabled by and entwined with republican principles; they expressed rather than violated the new political universalism. Furthermore, republican universalism was defined as much by rational gov­ ernment and a liberal social order as it was by popular sovereignty and political equality.31 In the early years o f the republic, the very ambiguity o f categories such as the people, the nation, and the citizen stabilized the constitutive tension upon which the nation-state was founded.32 They did so by conflating universal humans and particular nationals and by condensing liberal, democratic, and rational modes o f universalism. Through the concept o f popular sovereignty deployed against monarchial privilege, revolutionary republicans constructed their own universal norms, which appeared to be grounded in nature and reason rather than in a historically specific social order.33 However, after several decades this

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provisional solution generated new problems that intensified following the first international crisis o f capitalism in the 1840s. As William Sewell has demonstrated, French workers insisted that they were the sovereign people who should be self-governing. They argued that they should be citizens because labor, by creating society, was the source o f prop­ erty, and property was the requirement for citizenship. They also expanded the scope o f republican liberties by demanding that the state guarantee their right to w ork.34 Jacques Donzelot interprets the 1848 revolution in terms o f a growing confrontation between two equally legitimate and irreconcilable versions o f re­ publican rights: bourgeois property rights and working people s right to work and to reject an unjust social order. He argues that republican universalism had shifted from being a source o f social integration to a source o f social conflict.35 In other words, workers responded to their sociopolitical disenfranchise­ ment by attempting to disarticulate the previously conjoined liberal capitalist and democratic parliamentary legacies o f 1789. They used one dimension o f republican universalism against another to challenge unjust social hierarchies and political exclusions. In the wake o f the 1848 revolution a reconfigured uni­ versalism founded upon associations and social equality began to emerge. Once the Second Republic recognized social rights as legitimate, the very rationality o f republican politics began to shift. The state became more respon­ sible for promoting social cohesion and protecting social welfare. Rights dis­ course shifted from the political sphere o f individuality and legality to the social sphere o f working and living conditions. Under the Third Republic new dis­ courses o f solidarity conceptualized society as an interdependent collectivity maintained through relations o f social debt rather than a social contract among autonomous individuals.36 After a second global economic crisis in the 1870s, the scale o f capitalist production increased, the boundaries between economy, society, and government were redrawn, and the nascent welfare state expanded. A postliberal sociopolitical order was emerging. Simultaneously, the state un­ dertook projects to nationalize French society through programs o f economic, institutional, and cultural integration.37 When the republican state took responsibility for social rights, the mate­ rial stakes o f national membership increased. Political tensions surrounding the universalism and particularism o f the sovereign people-nation then shifted to conflicts over French nationality in relation to foreigners. By the 1880s the nationality question became further charged after a new round o f massive im­ migration o f eastern and southern Europeans. Although xenophobia at this time is often rightly associated with the far right, Gérard Noiriel reports that national and municipal republican assemblies passed a series o f anti-immigrant

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measures. He refers to immigration as a republican invention and demon­ strates that the French state created the contemporary conception o f nationality through legal and administrative reforms. The 1889 nationality law sought to abolish autonomous communities within a supposedly unified France. Social legislation began restricting social benefits to French nationals. Government agencies charged with the identification, surveillance, and expulsion o f for­ eigners were created.38 Foreigners, in short, became a newly marked social category. Instruments designed to erase them also publicized them. Disputes about visibility, nation­ ality, and foreignness also revolved around Jews. Following their emancipation during the Revolution, most French Jews identified with the nation, pursued cultural assimilation, and supported republican universalism.39 But precisely when Jews lost their formal corporate identity and were interpellated into the modern republican nation-state as abstract universal individuals, they were racialized. Paradoxically, the increasing invisibility o f Jews in public life dur­ ing the nineteenth century served to confirm the anti-Semitic suspicion that Jews were hidden internal enemies o f the nation. Emancipated Jews exempli­ fied both abstract universal citizens and unassimilable outsiders fixed to their concrete particularity.40 The Dreyfus affair may have crystallized the legendary confrontation be­ tween varieties o f integral nationalism and defenders o f republican universal­ ism.41 But we need to remember that the Third Republic’s national homog­ enization project paradoxically required foreigners and Jews to be publicly visible, distinct within and from the broader population. The very logic and instruments o f republican uniersalism— a rational(izing) administration, so­ cial scientific knowledge, and assimilating techniques— worked to particularize segments o f the population. During the Belle Époque, societal rationalization detached itself from and began to eclipse liberalization and democratization, those other universalizing modes o f republicanism. The fin-de-siècle nationality conflicts were settled provisionally by World War I, when a public consensus around the idea o f France as a singular and indivisible nation was reaffirmed across the political spectrum. But wartime violence and its destabilizing postwar consequences fueled another crisis o f republican universalism.42 The pervasive social transformations accompany­ ing postwar reconstruction, another round o f immigration in the twenties, and the unprecedented worldwide economic crisis o f the thirties provoked radical (labor, socialist, and fascist) movements that began to undermine parliamen­ tary republicanism.43 Revitalized regionalisms also challenged national homo­ genization.44

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During and after World War I this crisis o f republican universalism was partly stabilized through renewed attention to the colonial empire as a source o f national unity as well as economic prosperity. However, the growing size and spreading awareness o f visibly different colonial populations stabilized Third Republican nationality conflicts by allowing the nation-state to be reconfigured as white and European. It is telling that by the end o f World War I, working-class disaffection with national unity ideology was partly expressed through race riots directed against colonial workers in the métropole.45 Yet the war also accelerated socioe­ conomic interdependence between metropolitan and overseas France, which in turn stimulated colonial migration, population mixture, and new currents o f anti­ imperialism. Interwar movements to reconceptualize the imperial order devel­ oped among republican reformers and colonial critics. Membership struggles gradually shifted away from either individual autonomy or national identity and revolved increasingly around axes o f race and the question o f empire. France’s colonial empire had long been a site where republican universality was entwined with particularizing practices. The contours o f post-Revolution republican politics were partly determined by colonial struggles over slavery, emancipation, and self-determination in the French Antilles.46 After the first abolition in 1794, as Laurent Dubois demonstrates, a new “ republican racism” in Guadeloupe enabled a regime o f labor coercion as the “ price o f liberty.” 47 The lesson to be drawn from Dubois’s work is not that the republican govern­ ment failed to institutionalize the emancipation it promised but that the new ex­ clusionary logic was strictly republican: because centuries o f slavery had so de­ graded slaves’ moral and intellectual aptitudes, they would not be capable o f the rational thought and independent will necessary to exercise their natural human freedom. A revolutionary idea o f liberty thus worked to racialize free blacks.48 Similar examples could be drawn from the entire history o f French colonial­ ism. The point is not that republican universalism was restricted in the colonies but that intersecting national and colonial politics were shaped by an underly­ ing antinomy between universality and particularity. In the following chapters, I explore the way this antinomy played out during the interwar years on an im­ perial scale through a series o f crises, transformations, and debates concerning the national-imperial state.

Risking Interdisciplinarity Moishe Postone argues that because universality and particularity are both in­ ternal features o f capitalist society, it is inadequate to critique particularism

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from the standpoint o f a normative universality or vice versa.49 Nor, he main­ tains, should we become preoccupied with the contradiction between (univer­ sal) ideals and (particularist) reality because both belong to modern society. Instead, according to Postone, we must critique the socially constituted anti­ nomy itself in order to reconfigure its elements by identifying immanent possi­ bilities within the existent order that point beyond it.50 When extended to doubled political formations such as the French imperial nation-state, Postone’s perspective allows us to analyze the political antinomy between universality and particularity at various levels o f generality without simply affirming one side o f the opposition at the expense o f the other. Critical understanding that does not merely mimic the antinomic operation o f nationalimperial politics forces us to assume an analytic standpoint that is internal to this system. We need to work through rather than act out the antinomy be­ tween universality and particularity. This means remaining attentive to mul­ tiple modes o f universality (e.g., economic abstraction and legal equivalence or liberalizing, democratizing, and rationalizing dimensions o f republicanism) and the ways existent aspects o f universality and particularity might be radically reconfigured in transformative ways by historical actors (e.g., associational or ethnographic universalism, African humanism). To argue that a constitutive antinomy recurred over time at various levels and in multiple expressions (depending on local conditions) does not mean that French national-imperial history was determined by it mechanically. But link­ ing the antinomy between universality and particularity to France as an imperial nation-state allows us to account for the internal connections between histor­ ical eras, between different colonial empires, and between different levels o f a given imperial order (such as everyday struggles, conjunctural crises, political form, and underlying categories). Doing so allows us to explore historically specific political rationalities without having to treat history as pure contin­ gency. Explaining his attempt to ground the modern bourgeois state in capitalist social forms and class relations, Joachim Hirsch writes, “ this is not a question o f the logical deduction o f abstract laws but o f the conceptually informed under­ standing o f an historical process, in which . . . objective tendencies . . . assert themselves through the mediation o f concrete political movements and pro­ cesses . . . and conflicts.” 51 This elegant formulation may similarly describe my approach to studying political forms on their own terms though in relation to political economy. Methodologically, this inquiry into imperial crisis, political form, and cat­ egorical antinomy must combine concrete empirical and abstract theoretical modes o f analysis. Accordingly, this is an interdisciplinary study located at the

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intersection o f French political history, the historical anthropology o f colonial­ ism, and social theories o f modernity.52 Neither conventionally defined social or intellectual history, this is a historical analysis o f rationalities, categories, and forms as mediated through crises, struggles, and debates. It is at once empirical and theoretical. Such an approach risks frustrating empiricist historians as well as political philosophers. But my hope is that working on the frontiers o f these fields will allow for insights not readily available to studies located exclusively within a single discipline. I f throughout the work I attend to what Edward Said has called the “ worldli­ ness” o f texts, this does not mean that I mistake them for the whole world.53 But neither do I oppose texts with that which “ really” happened historically. To do so would presuppose a reflectionist theory o f knowledge that locates texts and discourses above or outside o f society. This stance would imagine that scholars could discover an unmediated reality from which they could observe society and write history. Instead, I treat the production o f texts and circulation o f dis­ courses as specific types o f social practice that merit historical analysis. The methodological challenge is to avoid either fetishizing texts (reading them only in relation to themselves or to other texts) or sociologizing them (reading them reductively as effects o f their conditions o f production).541 analyze texts in or­ der to elaborate the political and discursive fields that made interwar colonial and anticolonial politics intelligible.55 This historical inquiry is concerned with more than social meanings, how­ ever. It seeks to identify links between interwar conceptions o f the world and the refractory categories, or concrete abstractions, around which the empire was organized. Drawing insight from Marxian theory, we can recognize that categories such as nation and citizen, or even universality and particularity, are at once conceptual and sociohistorically constituted.56 In the following chapters, I repeatedly challenge ideological dichotomies between discourse and practices or plans and implementation by analyzing concrete abstractions that were at once imaginary and real, discursive and structural, constructed and effective. Accordingly this book tries to analyze social problems theoretically and to understand theoretical problems as socially and historically constituted. It draws methodological inspiration from thinkers such as Marx, Arendt, and Foucault, who have produced historically grounded theoretical analyses that are also theoretically rigorous historical inquiries. Conceptual questions and historical problems are the point o f departure for such work; neither their ob­ jects nor methods are defined a priori by disciplinary protocols. The French imperial nation-state was an internally contradictory artifact o f colonial modernity that was simultaneously imaginary and real, abstract and

22

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concrete, universalizing and particularizing, effective and defective, modern and illiberal, republican and racist, welfarist and mercantilist, Franco-African and Afro-French, national and transnational. Constitutionally impure objects such as this require equally contaminated research methods drawn from multi­ ple fields and applied to heterogeneous evidence for an argument that operates at several levels o f abstraction. I indicate, in the following chapters, the medi­ ations between categories, forms, crises, contests, and debates. The many unintended consequences o f interwar projects and policies should be ascribed neither to incompetent implementation nor to irrepressible sub­ altern agency. Nor were they a function o f the inevitable gap between clear rhetoric and messy reality. They were linked to an intrinsic messiness that was expressed equally in projects and practices. Against the grain o f common tendencies within French and colonial historiography, I argue that the impe­ rial nation-state’s dysfunctional dynamic was not arbitrary; it was rooted in a contradictory political rationality that generated recurrent structural impasses. The paradoxical policies that I discuss were elements o f a self-undermining system whose very operation aggravated many o f the crises it was designed to address. But it was precisely because colonial humanism was doubled and con­ tradictory that immanent possibilities for criticism and transformation were possible. Microhistories o f everyday life and ordinary people are often fetishized for supposedly enabling us to get beyond state projects or discourses so that we can see “ messy reality” or “ what actually happened” or “ resistance” — the stuff, we are told, that is located “ on the ground.” This study is guided by a con­ viction that archival research does not simply lead us from abstractions to the so-called real world. Rather, it reveals that the seemingly abstract categories that we consign to political philosophy are often precisely what are at stake in everyday policies and ordinary public debates. In chapter 2 1 analyze Greater France as a real abstraction, an imaginary fig­ ure o f colonial nationalism that also expressed the actually existing economic, social, and cultural interpenetration o f metropolitan and colonial life under the interwar imperial nation-state. In chapters 3,4, and 5 1 analyze colonial human­ ism as reform movement, political rationality, and method o f administration in French West Africa. Chapter 6 bridges debates among reformers over colo­ nial citizenship in French West Africa to citizenship practices among expatriate African and Antillean communities living in imperial Paris. With periodicals and organizations, they constituted an alternative black public sphere through which to confront the persistent contradictions o f the imperial order. In chap­ ters 7 and 8 1 explore the ways in which the early Négritude movement extended

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black cultural nationalism and colonial humanism through rational-critical dis­ course on the existing imperial nation-state, exercises in political imagination that envisioned an alternative transnational political federation, and a critique o f Western rationality and modernity from the standpoint o f Africanity. These final chapters condense what is perhaps this book’s overriding question: What kind o f relationship to the normative categories o f Western political moder­ nity— such as civil society, citizenship, humanism, and reason— can be culti­ vated by colonial peoples whose own domination had been mediated by those categories? Before continuing, I need to clarify several terms used throughout the book. I translate indigène as “ native.” Although I do not place the term in quotes with every use, it should be understood that this is a constructed colonial category and not an ontological designation. For nègre and noir, rather than deciding in each case whether to use either “ Negro” or “ black,” I acknowledge the his­ torical specificity o f these racial categories by using the French term whenever possible. Otherwise I translate both as “ black.” 57 Finally, I want to specify four interrelated meanings o f the term humanism as I use it in this book. Epistemologically, humanism refers to a subject-centered philosophy o f knowledge grounded in individual consciousness. Sociologi­ cally, humanism treats humanity as singular; all people are seen as members o f a universal human family that transcends racial and cultural particularities. Ethically, humanism insists that human beings are the source and object o f all values. Politically, humanism maintains that in a post-transcendent world, sovereignty resides not in god, or nature, or the king, but in humanity itself. All people, from this perspective, are endowed with human rights by virtue o f their humanness and are thus entitled to participate as free and equal members o f self-governing polities. The curious itinerary o f these concepts during the interwar period are traced in the following sections as reformist administra­ tors and cultural nationalists sought to formulate a new relationship between universality and particularity adequate to an imperial nation-state.

{2 } Framing Greater France: A Real Abstraction

Historians have often treated the discourse on Greater France that circulated after World War I as part o f an ideology that attempted to justify, mystify, or publicize French colonial activities. They have been concerned primarily with its breadth or effectiveness.1 Alternatively, this chapter focuses on the determi­ nate relationship between the figure o f Greater France and the imperial charac­ ter o f the French nation-state at this time. The former, I suggest, functioned not so much to obscure the relationship between the nation and its colonies as to specify it. By staging and seeking to stabilize contradictions within the imperial nation-state, the discourse o f Greater France expressed, even if it also distorted, central features o f the interwar imperial order.

Toward an Imperial Nation-State The Third Republic, as is well known, marked the triumph not only o f im­ perial republicanism within the nation but o f republican imperialism overseas. Propelled by a protectionist response to the 1870s economic crisis, a national­ ist response to France s recent territorial losses, a sharpening o f inter-empire

FRAMING GREATER

FRANCE

2$

rivalries, and the lobbying efforts o f various colonial interest groups, the size o f the French empire increased dramatically in the decades preceding the Great War. Just as significant, the republican state transformed its inherited colonies into a structured imperial entity now conceptualized as a political whole. De­ spite the empire being composed o f juridico-politically diverse colonies, it was gradually integrated within an overarching imperial bureaucracy.2 Within spe­ cific colonies a civil and civilizing administrative apparatus emphasized public works, health, and education.} By the turn o f the century, when military rule had been largely replaced by civilian administration, a rationalized and republicanized imperial apparatus was firmly in place. In short, the French state’s project to integrate the nation, assimilate provinces, and constitute republican citizens was entwined with its overseas project to integrate the empire, assimi­ late its colonies, and constitute colonial subjects. Each French state, whether or not republican, confronted tensions arising from colonial conquests that incorporated non-European peoples into an ex­ panded polity composed o f nationals. But this challenge was especially acute for a republican polity premised on civil equality and self-government, one in which the people-nation in principle were the state. Because the modern French nation-state was forged in relation to colonial populations within an imperial system o f which it was always an integral part, it was never simply a self-contained parliamentary republic that also happened to possess overseas colonies. But because its imperial heritage did not wholly negate its republican form, modern France was not simply an empire-state either. Constitutionally, the Third Republic was simultaneously a parliamentary state whose authority derived from popular consent and a colonial state whose authority derived from political conquest. It had somehow to reconcile the precept o f national-popular sovereignty with a legalized racial distinction be­ tween rulers and ruled. It is therefore appropriate to characterize France by World War I as an imperial nation-state.4 The term indicates the dual char­ acter o f France as a single political formation in which parliamentary republi­ can and authoritarian colonial elements were structurally interrelated and not simply added to one another. Specific challenges confront a nation-state that has expanded geographically, incorporated different populations, and rules ac­ cording to nonparticipatory principles. But the disjointed relationship among territory, people, and government should not then lead us to establish an an­ tithesis between metropolitan republicanism (defined by democracy and civil society) and overseas colonialism (defined by tyranny and racism). Doing so would not only obscure the systemic institutional relations between republi­ canism and varieties o f social inequality in metropolitan France. It would also

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preclude our recognizing the way in which imperial rationalization (state cen­ tralization, bureaucratic administration, specialized governmental knowledge) was a universalizing legacy o f Revolutionary republicanism that tied the par­ liamentary and colonial states to one another. The crucial analytic question is not how the universalist republican nation was able to maintain and justify a racist colonial system, but how republicanism, bureaucratic authoritarianism, and colonialism were internal elements o f an expanded French state that were articulated within an encompassing imperial system. The term imperial nation-state is not only a theoretical designation. I also use it to signal concrete historical conditions that characterized France in the age o f empire. It refers to the growing imperial scale o f economic, demographic, and cultural circulation during the Third Republic, especially after 1900, when France was becoming a national-imperial society. The imperial nation-state was at once conceptual and material; more than just an idea or ideal, it was a system (of empirewide networks). I have already mentioned the imperial administrative grid that both mir­ rored its metropolitan counterpart and was integrated into it. Additionally, long-standing economic circuits linked Paris, Bordeaux, and Marseille to colo­ nial resources and markets in Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean. By the early twentieth century, an interdependent imperial economy was well established. French colonial capitalism remained largely mercantilist, was unevenly prof­ itable, and comprised a relatively small percentage o f France’s total foreign trade.5 But such seemingly archaic economic practices were integrated into a broader imperial political economy. Since at least 1900, according to Jacques Marseille, the empire had become a favored site for the export o f French cap­ ital, and colonial commerce played a fundamental role in national economic growth. Secure and expanding colonial markets were especially significant for key if aging sectors o f French capitalism, such as the textile and metallurgy industries. By World War I, the empire had become France’s third largest trad­ ing partner and went on to become the first in 1928. French consumers and industries became increasingly reliant on colonial agricultural products.6 Economic interdependence throughout the empire only increased during and after the war. After financial losses on investments in Russia and the Ot­ toman Empire, French investment capital was redirected to the colonies. Plans for postwar reconstruction assigned a crucial role to the imperial economy. The state’s commitment to promoting an empirewide economic system was out­ lined in a 1917 economic conference organized by the Ministry o f Colonies, followed by the creation o f agencies in 1919 and 1920 that would serve as offi­ cial liaisons between metropolitan and colonial businesses. These organizations

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complemented existing colonial economic interest groups, such as the Colonial Union (1893) and chambers o f commerce in imperial port cities. Growing in­ ternational economic competition after the war also reinforced France’s neo­ mercantilist stake in colonial protectionism, with measures such as the 1928 customs law that led to a dramatic increase in imperial commerce.7 The war also accelerated the process by which metropolitan finance capital transformed family-owned colonial trading houses into joint stock companies linked to banks and shipping lines. In French West Africa such concentration allowed the Compagnie Française d ’Afrique Occidentale and the Société Com­ merciale de l’Ouest Africain to become monopolistic, international, and highly profitable during the 1920s. Along with the Banque d ’Afrique Occidentale, they dominated economic life there during the interwar years.8 These imperial economic circuits generated corresponding networks o f so­ cial circulation. Colonial officials sought to promote or regulate systemic de­ mographic movements such as the trade diaspora that led Syrian and Lebanese merchants to setde throughout the French empire, the seasonal migration o f labor within West Africa from the unproductive Sahel to richer coastal plan­ tation zones, and the emigration o f native populations from French to neigh­ boring British colonies (either to find work or flee taxation and military re­ cruitment).9 At a different level, the colonial state sponsored what Benedict Anderson has called administrative and educational “ pilgrimages” that enabled colonized civil servants to circulate among their childhood homes, metropoli­ tan training institutes, and their governmental posts elsewhere in the empire.10 But rather than facilitate an independent national consciousness among colo­ nized elites, as Anderson describes, these pilgrimages, which were not confined to individual colonies, reinforced the material and conceptual infrastructure o f the national-imperial state. Such imperial social movement also included the military, labor, and edu­ cational migrations that propelled non-Europeans from French colonies to the métropole. These included the large numbers o f colonial troops who served France in World War I and who then associated with counterparts from var­ ious colonies; many o f these troops remained in France after the armistice." During the war, colonial workers, primarily from North Africa and Indochina, were also recruited to fill jobs in French factories. After the war, many o f them formed the nucleus o f enduring immigrant communities that also included African and Malagasy dockworkers. Along with an educated class o f Antillean professionals and university students from across the empire, this expatriate colonial population continued to grow during the 1920s.12 Colonial soldiers, workers, professionals, and students were not simple

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immigrants. They composed a social network that facilitated movement back and forth between the métropole and its colonies as well as between France s colonial federations. These various forms o f circulation provided sectors o f French and native populations with concrete experience that they belonged to a broad imperial system that disrupted provincial definitions o f nation and colony. Empirewide social circulation also corresponded to cross-cultural in­ tercourse, which intensified during this period. During the 1920s and 1930s, a growing preoccupation with “ primitive” African, Asian, and Oceanic cultures linked universities, museums, journalists, novelists, visual artists, and musi­ cians. Exchanges between colonial intellectuals, the European avant-garde, and political activists popularized the idea that non-European peoples were mem­ bers o f distinct societies possessing autonomous histories, cultures, and even civilizations.13 This was an ethnological era characterized by fieldwork, study missions, artifact collecting, colonial expositions, tourism, cultural commodi­ fication, and primitivist entertainment. Such cultural exchange, expropriation, and objectification constituted another sphere o f imperial circulation that linked natives and nationals as well as continental France and its overseas territories, albeit on paternalistic and racist terms. Once we recognize the existence o f these spheres o f empirewide economic, social, and cultural circulation, it becomes easier to reframe the familiar metropole-colony binary. A new topos emerges in which Paris can be seen as one among many nodes in an imperial network. O f course it was a privileged hub o f the imperial system in which massive military, economic, and administrative power was concentrated. But Paris did not simply rule its overseas territories from a distance. If colonial government must be understood as continuous with the French state, the métropole must also be understood as the very center o f an empire o f which it and the colonies were integral parts. Paris was a funda­ mentally imperial city. To identify France as an imperial nation-state is to refer both to this altered topography as well as to the peculiar political form that I discussed previously. In short, the French imperial nation-state was a concrete historical reality. By World War I, France was neither a typical nation (that also possessed overseas colonies) nor a straightforward empire. At the same time, however, imperial France was also a political fiction promoted by colonial publicists in and out o f government, even if most French people remained relatively uninformed about the empire.14 After the war, in other words, the status o f France as empire was curiously doubled. It was at once real and imaginary, concrete and abstract, present and represented, crucial for the French victory yet invisible, integral to the nation yet separate from it. The question o f imperial France thus generated

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a great deal o f public discussion, one product o f which was the discourse o f la plus grande France, which had great currency during the interwar period.

Th e Discourse o f Greater France Under the Third Republic the empire was imagined and debated more inten­ sively than ever before. By World War I, despite large reservoirs o f public in­ difference and political hostility to overseas adventurism, republican advocates had identified colonialism with patriotism, thereby linking imperial expansion to the national project.,s After the war, republicans promoted the general but imprecise idea that the colonies were somehow integral parts o f la plus grande France, an expanded French nation. The figure o f Greater France expressed both a historical reality and a political ideal. On one level, this concept reflected the confidence o f a strong state possessing an organized empire at the height o f its power. But this was also an imaginary figure o f political desire. It re­ vealed the anxiety o f an imperial nation-state confronting crises o f republican and colonial legitimacy. As domestic social conflict undermined the national solidarity o f the war years and the fragile international peace raised public concerns about national security, France’s colonial empire began to figure prominently in postwar na­ tional self-understanding. Despite metropolitan debates about the future direc­ tion o f the colonial project, a broad spectrum o f political opinion identified the empire as a crucial component o f economic growth, national renewal, and in­ ternational prestige.16The discourse o f Greater France coincided with interwar challenges to republicanism. After the war, French lower-middle and working classes began to feel alienated from parliamentary politics. Legislators failed either to stabilize the falling franc quickly enough in the 1920s or to respond adequately to the depression in the 1930s. Party conflicts and a weak execu­ tive resulted in unstable parliamentary coalitions and revolving governments unable to formulate coherent national policies. Frequent corruption scandals further eroded public trust in politicians. Trade unions, the Communist Party, and fascistic leagues further challenged republican institutions. The growing hostility to parliamentary politics reached a peak in the national political crisis o f 1934, when far-right militants almost succeeded in toppling the government during the Stavisky affair.17 The figure o f Greater France thus emerged in a period o f postwar national republican crisis. O f course, ancien régime mercantilism as well as Revolution­ ary and Napoleonic expansionism attempted in different ways to extend the

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nation beyond its hexagonal frontiers. But after World War I, the vision no longer implied a homogeneous national space that extended abroad. It under­ stood the empire as an aggregate o f heterogeneous colonies, each o f which was distinct from metropolitan France but which together constituted a more or less coherent imperial formation, diverse but unified.18 Interwar public commen­ tary struggled to specify the relationship— either real or ideal, among republic, state, nation, and colonies— that was condensed in this figure. The discourse o f Greater France contained and staged certain dilemmas facing the nationalimperial state. The republican figure who contributed most to defining the terms o f the in­ terwar colonial debate was Albert Sarraut. As Radical Party deputy, governorgeneral o f Indochina, and minister o f colonies, Sarraut elaborated a program for a new colonialism that would be rational, profitable, and beneficent. His legendary 1921 legislative proposal for colonial development, which I discuss in chapter 4, depended on and promoted a conception o f Greater France. Sarraut’s “ methodical and precise plan” for state-financed public works and social services overseas made two implicit claims: first, separate colonies com­ posed a single empire requiring coherent and coordinated direction; second, this empire should be managed according to republican legal procedures. His proposal did not only challenge the requirement that colonies be financially self-sufficient but called on the national assembly to formalize the plan in a leg­ islative act. “ Our magnificent colonial domain,” Sarraut explained, “ will thus find itself shielded, by the force and the authority o f law from coincidences and uncertainties.” He argued that consistent national policy for colonial de­ velopment could only be ensured through parliamentary legislation to “ prevent hasty improvisations that would not so much express the view o f the general interest as that o f personal conceptions.” The final article o f his bill required progress reports to be regularly published in order to “ allow for measures o f publicity that would permit parliament and the public to follow step by step the realizations o f the program.” 19 Sarraut, in short, sought to integrate colonial administration and parliamentary democracy by submitting the former to the authority o f the law, the general interest, and publicity. His plan thereby at­ tempted to elaborate a formal juridico-political framework for the increasingly integrated relationship between France and its empire. After the failure o f his legislative proposal, Sarraut developed the concep­ tion o f Greater France more explicitly. He insisted that “ the future power and prosperity o f the M ère-Patrie” depended on “ the increased strength and wealth o f the ensemble o f overseas Frances.” He thus endorsed what he saw as the “ the ineluctable incorporation o f French life into the immense colonial life . . . [a]

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movement o f integration that will amplify the existence o f the Patrie.” On one level, he made a demographic argument: “ The idea, the image, little by little is becoming clearer in peoples’ minds o f a new entity in which the continental fatherland and overseas Frances, if not merged, at least in close solidarity, will make up the real strength o f a plus grande France whose security would rest no longer on 40 million, but on 100 million human beings, and which can expect all o f its food to come from a domain 20 times bigger than the patrie maternelle.” But for Sarraut, these colonial territories and populations were “ no longer only ‘markets’ . . . they are living entities, creations o f humanity, integral \solidaire\ parts o f the French state, which, through scientific, economic, moral, and po­ litical progress, we will help to access great futures, in the same way as other parts o f the national territory.” 20 It is not entirely clear here whether Sarraut is identifying colonies with the French state, nation, or territory. But through the language o f unity, integration, and solidarity, he certainly regarded colonies as integral elements o f an overarching imperial entity that encompassed the métropole. These themes recurred in a 1923—24 lecture series in Paris at the École Li­ bre des Sciences Politiques that included colonial administrators and national deputies. Introducing the lectures, Henri Brenier, a former economic officer in Indochina, repeated the lesson learned during the Great War that French mil­ itary and financial security depended on colonial strength. Other participants went further and affirmed Sarraut’s integral vision by insisting that the goal o f native policy was “ to make France a nation o f 100 million men.” The challenge and triumph o f this “ greater nation” was seen to rest in its ability to create unity out o f heterogeneity. For example, Albert Duchène, director o f political affairs in the Ministry o f Colonies, implicitly compared France to the novel entities created by imperial Rome: “ France is above all a continuation o f Gaul. It is a country in which the most diverse ethnic elements have melted together over the ages.” In a register o f sentimental nationalism, Duchène announced: “ Cit­ izens, subjects, protégés, are nothing but surnames; at moments o f common danger ‘ French’ is the family name.” 21 With this familial metaphor, Duchène reinforced the idea o f “ a sacred union, national unity, the unity o f the French empire.” 22 Others combined familial imagery with industrial metaphors. Octave Hom­ berg was a banker and businessman with investments in Indochina, North Africa, and sub-Saharan A frica.25 His widely read book rejected proposals to sell colonies in order to raise financial capital. Homberg demanded state invest­ ment in colonial development (la mise en valeur) as part o f a coherent imperial economic policy based on an idea o f “ total France ” : “ There is today one France

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forming a single block, like a metal forged by fire; to detach a part o f this block would ruin the homogeneity o f this pure metal.” He explains, “ one doesn’t sell one’s brothers. . . . Our colonies are n o t . . . a property: they are truly the most fecund and sacred part o f our territorial formation; it is thanks to them that France, despite its poorly closed wounds, is still a world-important nation.” 24 Homberg called for a policy o f imperial integration: The goal. . . is to attach the colonies to the métropole as solidly as possible— to work to cement the unity o f this total France. Just as formerly the policy of our . . . sovereigns was to combine diverse provinces . . . into a French unity, today the Republic should, respecting the variety of faraway colonies, integrate them entirely into our national life, to the point where this “ France o f all the continents” with the same blood, beats to the same rhythm in the same heart.25 The discourse o f Greater France thus combined republican nationalist images o f solidarity with integral nationalist images o f organic community. It is unclear whether these declarations o f national-colonial unity were sup­ posed to be descriptive, prescriptive, or merely symbolic. At times Greater France appeared to be a “ phantasmatic” expression o f the imperial imaginary.26 Here its objective was to promote a colonial consciousness (and to structure unconscious colonial desires) among an ignorant or indifferent metropolitan citizenry. The pragmatic Sarraut wrote hopefully o f colonial policy becoming “ a national idea, creating a new spirit.” 27 Brenier published the lectures on colo­ nial policy in order to stimulate the interest o f public opinion. Homberg argued that a coherent colonial policy would raise public consciousness about Greater France, even as informed public opinion nourished by education, the press, cin­ ema, conferences, and expositions was a requirement for such a policy.28 Such discussions o f Greater France were meant to instill in the French public a sen­ timent o f belonging to and having a stake in an empire on which the future o f the nation depended. In turn, it was believed that a more widespread imperial subjectivity would make “ Greater France” more real. This instrumental understanding o f colonial discourse was promoted by Léon Archimbaud, a Radical deputy and member o f the Parti Colonial lobby, in L a plus grande France (1928). He too invoked “ a nation o f 100 million in­ habitants” and asserted that colonies cannot be sold because a nation cannot alienate itself. French citizens, in Archimbaud ’s estimation, needed to recog­ nize “ that our colonies are indispensable to us, and that without them, France would no longer be France.” 29 Archimbaud suggested that state-directed pop­ ular education about colonialism would foster an “ imperial mentality” among

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the metropolitan public. He compared the consciousness o f national belonging that existed in provincial France to the feeling o f imperial membership that he hoped French nationality would provoke.30 Here nation-making and empire­ making were presented as analogous and interrelated. But the discourse o f Greater France emphasized imperial heterogeneity as much as it did national unity. Advocates, as I discuss in chapters 3 and 4, maintained that distinct cultural groups required different forms o f rule that would, as Léon Barety announced to the Sciences Politiques audience, “ respect [their] beliefs” and “ preserve [their] laws and customs.” 31 If, as Albert Duchène claimed, “ France . . . shows itself, in its vast empire, to be respectful o f every­ one’s rights,” the rights extended to native members o f the French national family were cultural not political.32 There was never a question o f replacing rule by decree with the rule o f law in the empire. Although the ideal republic sought to transcend legal pluralism, Greater France had been founded upon it. Partisans o f Greater France, as I show in chapter 5, always coupled invoca­ tions o f a unified empire-nation with warnings against extending citizenship to culturally backward and politically immature natives. For Henri Brenier, “ one o f the most delicate problems o f colonial policy” was balancing “ the need to extend political rights to natives gradually, when [they] are worthy o f under­ standing their use and importance,” with “ the prudence required if we want to avoid the trouble that the ignorance and passion o f men insufficiently prepared for their role as electors will not fail to create if we proceed too quickly.” 33 Likewise Sarraut argued that granting French citizenship to colonial masses would be “ an error as pernicious to our protégés as to France itself.” But he emphasized that these rightless wards under French “ tutelage” would never­ theless be members o f the nation: “ the link that unites them to the métropole is less that o f vassalité than that o f solidarité, it is the link o f the national family.” 34 Sarraut concedes that while other colonial powers (namely, Britain) may grant greater political rights to their subjects, France compensates with “ a sincere tenderness. . . . Paternally against our breast, we softly press the humble face o f our black or yellow brother, who hears our hearts beating in unison with his.” 35 This family metaphor signifies the benevolent paternalism that French colonialism idealized. Colonial brothers were counted among the new national family o f 100 million Frenchmen but within a structure o f paternity, not frater­ nity.30 The discourse o f Greater France included colonial populations within the nation, while excluding them from the polity by defining them as hommes rather than citoyens, social rather than political beings. By dissociating nation­ ality from citizenship, the figure o f Greater France sought to mediate unity and diversity, interiority and exteriority, membership and inequality.

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Although some currents o f the discourse sought to stabilize colonial contra­ dictions, other currents simply staged them. In his canonical manual on colonial law, Arthur Girault advocated integrating the colonies into the national legal order even as he argued against extending French citizenship to colonial popu­ lations in the name o f protecting public order.37 He acknowledged that colonial policymakers confronted a dilemma: "Either [political] rights will be the exclu­ sive prerogative o f native Frenchmen and we must fear that they may abuse them in prejudice against the rest o f the population as we have seen in Algeria and Cochin-China. Or these rights will be granted to all inhabitants without distinction and then native Frenchmen, being the least numerous, in turn could be oppressed as is proved by the example o f the Antilles.” Similarly, Girault observed that those who regarded native voting rights as "the only means to conserve Frances colonies into the distant future ” and those who believed they were the "surest means to lose them in the near future ” agreed that this was "the most serious problem that a colonizing people can face.” He warns that all colo­ nizing nations must sooner or later confront the dilemma between allowing the "dissolution o f [their] empire” or granting "colonial representation,” whether in an imperial parliament or a metropolitan assembly.38 Other interwar critics proposed institutional arrangements that might tran­ scend this imperial dilemma. Outre-Mer, a reformist policy journal published by the École Coloniale, was especially interested in addressing the constitu­ tional challenges posed by juridico-political pluralism. M. Latron called for the creation o f a "colonial charter” that would organize the empire around distinct systems o f government while preserving metropolitan sovereignty.39 Pierre Lampué wanted to formalize the status o f French colonies as "State ter­ ritory” or "integral parts o f the State.” 40 He argued that despite its "juridical diversity,” the empire consisted o f colonies subject to the same constitutional laws and ruled by the same state organisms (government and parliament) as the métropole. Charles Michelet called for an imperial constitution that would specify the rights and duties o f the metropolitan and colonial collectivities comprising the empire. But in a provocative departure from the dominant dis­ course, he did not subsume the colonies within an expanded French nation. Instead he envisioned an imperial federation composed o f distinct semiautonomous nations (France and each o f its colonies) that would be under the jurisdiction o f a single imperial not national state.41 These writers, in sum, presented exercises in political imagination that took Greater France seriously by envisioning legal categories and political arrangements adequate to the national-imperial state.

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A signal contribution to the discourse o f Greater France that sought both to stabilize existing contradictions through family metaphors and to overcome them through innovative proposals was made by Robert Delavignette, the prominent interwar reformer. He suggested provocatively that if Africa was becoming increasingly French, France was becoming increasingly African.42 His focus on national-imperial articulation was especially acute in Soudan— Paris-Bourgogne, an extended essay that bridges his early novels and later policy writing. In 1934 Delavignette attended celebrations in West Africa to commemorate France’s conquest o f the Sudan, and then returned to Paris dur­ ing the civil unrest following the Stavisky affair. Soudan—Paris—Bourgogne re­ counts his experience o f geo-political disjunction as he leaped from Africa to Paris, and from colonial administration to republican crisis, at such a charged moment in French national history. Delavignette describes himself as an African-identified Frenchman who feels alienated as he wanders through a national capital traversed by political disorder. Narrating his itinerary among the sites o f France’s colonial governing complex (ministries, bureaucracies, associations, journals, schools), Delavi­ gnette elaborates an imperial geography o f the metropolitan city. He compares the rioting right-wing extremists with African tribes. After seeking out his bureaucratic colleagues in Paris, he reflects on the intimate relationship be­ tween the republic and its colonies. By the end o f the narrative, Delavignette has retreated to his native Burgundy, where he reconnects with his provincial childhood. Notwithstanding its sentimental primitivism and regionalism, this work develops a remarkable vision o f Greater France as an imperial nation-state. Delavignette suggests that France’s colonies are not inert possessions but have exercised a transformative influence on the nation. Drawing a then common analogy between Roman Gaul and French Africa, he writes, “ the natives were not changed. It was they, on the contrary, who changed those who commanded them into natives.” Although Delavignette opposes colonial citizenship, he in­ sists that “ in this excessive Africa, our victory will be . . . to make a province out o f the colony.” Far from making a conventional argument for assimilation, Delavignette is underlying the reciprocal determinations linking the nation and its colonies. He insists that his own imperial personality was shaped by belonging equally to West Africa, Paris, and Burgundy. Each, for him, was an equivalent pole not only o f his personal geographic imaginary but o f the greater French nation. “ Contemplating my three homes I discover that the Sudan, despite its foreignness . . . will from now on be a part o f the Occident,

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just as Paris and Burgundy.. . . And from the depths o f the Sudanese bush I am conscious o f myself marching to a New Occident.” 43 In Delavignette’s renovated France, the nation and its colonies are impli­ cated in one another. He calls on the post—World War I generation o f French and African youth to embrace this “ new world rising” : You have a unique historical opportunity to think, to create by thought, not only a European France, but an African France.. . . It is yours, the Sudan. It is a part of your patrimony.. . . Use this Sudan to remake the Cité, even in France. Africa is the salvation of Europe! Yes, if she leads you to remake France. Colony, capital, province! Mix these three old words together in your head, without giv­ ing them any hierarchical meaning . . . that is the work o f the New Occident that calls to you.44 Despite the romantic rhetoric, this is not only colonial apologia. It is at once a recognition o f the historical conditions shaping France as an imperial nation­ state and an exercise in political imagination. Delavignette’s vision is both de­ scriptive and prescriptive, empirical and performative. It grasps the peculiar character o f Greater France as both real and imaginary. When Delavignette later became director o f the École Coloniale, he de­ claimed to the students: “ You should understand your profession on a global scale.” “ The France that you represent is not only a territory o f Europe. It con­ structed an imperial cité in Africa and A sia.” Delavignette reminded these fu­ ture colonial stewards that as administrators o f this imperial polity they would be charged with “ national renewal.” 45 He exhorted them to carry with them into the field “ an imperishable memory o f Paris, capital o f Greater France,” hoping that they would be “ conscious o f participating in the life o f an Em­ pire that federates 60 million black and yellow men with 40 million European French people.” 44 For Delavignette, colonial government could regenerate the nation as an imperial polis.

A Concrete Abstraction The discourse o f Greater France referred both to something that actually ex­ isted— the new networks o f imperial circulation that I have described— and to something only envisioned— an imperial mentality, an imperial constitu­ tion, an integrated national-imperial polity. As such, this discourse was simul­ taneously utopian and heterotopian. Foucault defines heterotopia as “ a kind o f

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effectively enacted utopia in which . . . all other real sites that can be found in the culture are simultaneously represented, contested, and inverted.” I f we take colonial discourse to be a type o f national self-reflection, Foucault’s use o f a mirror metaphor to discuss the relationship between utopia and heterotopia may help us to understand the curious political ontology o f Greater France. He writes, The mirror is after all, a utopia, since it is a placeless place. In the mirror, I see myself there where I am not, in an unreal, virtual space that opens behind the surface. . . . But it is also a heterotopia in so far as the mirror does exist in reality, where it exerts a sort o f counteraction to the position that I occupy. . . . it makes this place that I occupy at the moment when I look at myself in the glass at once absolutely real, connected with all the space that surrounds it, and absolutely unreal, since in order to be perceived it has to pass through this virtual point which is over there.47 Greater France, “ at once absolutely rea l. . . and absolutely unreal,” func­ tioned as a type o f political mirror that exerted a “ counteraction” on its own utopian self-image, revealing that colonial conditions were both more and less than they appeared to be. The legendary 1931 International Colonial Exposition in Paris— an event that lasted six months and was visited by more than 30 million people— ex­ pressed this idea o f Greater France as both utopia and heterotopia. Arguably a climactic moment o f interwar public interest in the empire, the exposition as­ sembled colonized peoples, constructed facsimiles o f their architectural forms, and staged native cultural tableaux.48 Governor-General Olivier, the exposi­ tion’s principal organizer, characterized the event as “ a concrete and living representation o f the French people’s colonial empire.” 49 He emphasized that its objective was “ to show the true face o f colonialism to those who are igno­ rant about it or only possess a distorted image o f it.” 50 Minister o f Colonies Paul Reynaud inaugurated the exposition by invoking its aim to create a colo­ nial consciousness among visitors who would be induced to feel as though they were citizens o f Greater France.51 One tourist characterized the Expo­ sition as “ a stroll through all five continents” : “ I advise travelers who fear ocean voyages to journey around the world by way o f the Exposition.. . . Dis­ tances are abolished, oceans are removed.” Visitors could circle the park in a car painted with zebra stripes and driven by a guide wearing khakis and pith helmet who appeared to have “ the soul o f those old colonials disillusioned by twenty years in the tropics.” 52 The French reading public was also able to enjoy

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such ersatz exotic voyages through virtual travel writing published in the pages o f metropolitan periodicals that reported on the exposition. This imperial spectacle was not, however, simply a scene o f entertaining escapism. At the concluding session o f the concurrent Congress on Colonial Education, Henri Bonnamaux called on metropolitan educators “ to complete” the exposition by spreading a message to schoolchildren that would “ penetrate the entire nation” regarding “ the privileged position that they occupied in the world” by virtue o f the French empire. He hoped that such education would foster an “ imperial mentality” so that “ the entire nation feels that its very life depends on the preservation o f its colonial domain, on its economic develop­ ment [mise en valeur], on ever closer soul to soul contact with the native.” 53 The colonial exposition, in other words, was neither only a symptom o f the imperial imagination nor the source o f officially sanctioned illusions. It was part o f an institutional complex devoted to cultural pedagogy. The objective was not sim­ ply to address metropolitan public opinion but to create a new imperial public that would correspond to the imperial nation-state. Scholars have rightly characterized the exposition as an idealized vision o f the empire, a collective ideological illusion or hallucination, and a colonial fan­ tasy or fictive simulated reality.54 But we must also recognize that this public performance o f Greater France grasped and expressed something fundamental about the existing imperial order. Its phantasms and hallucinations were rooted in concrete sociohistorical conditions. The exposition may be understood as an exemplary site at which the contradictions o f Greater France were staged and stabilized: it included the colonies within an expanded national vision, even as it racialized colonial subjects and confirmed their forms o f life as irrecon­ cilably different. This imperial spectacle signified the integrated relationship between the republic and its colonies while indicating the troubling reality o f the métropole as an increasingly imperial space. Mimicking immigration cir­ cuits, the exposition literally brought a new cohort o f colonial subjects to live in Paris.55 Prefiguring the emergence o f interwar anticolonial nationalisms, the event provoked boycotts and counterdemonstrations by African, Maghrebian, and Indochinese activists living in Paris.56 To use Henri Lefebvre’s terms, this exposition was both a “ representation o f space ” created by colonial ideologists and a “ representational space ” that created possibilities for reconfiguring the national-imperial order itself. Lefeb­ vre treats such varieties o f space as concrete abstractions, which he defines as concepts that make social relations possible, forms that have a social exis­ tence, abstractions with practical power. He characterizes concrete abstractions as “ things/not-things” that “ both embody and conceal social relations.” Such

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“ ideological objects overburdened with meaning” are “ neither a substantial re­ ality nor a mental reality.” 57 Greater France was a concrete abstraction: an ide­ ological thing/not-thing— neither only an object nor merely an idea— with a real social existence that both expressed and obscured the economic, social, and cultural relations o f an imperial nation-state. Greater France was both more and less than interwar colonial discourse claimed it to be. O f course the promise o f fully including colonial populations in the French national family was never realized. Yet in many respects Greater France was disruptively real. New empirewide networks o f economic, social, and cultural circulation posed challenges to the colonial power that produced this representation. The imperial order presupposed clear distinctions among metropolitan and colonial territories, peoples, and government. Through fa­ milial metaphors that dissociated nationality from citizenship, the discourse o f Greater France sought to reinforce those distinctions while binding natives to the empire. It mediated unity and diversity, interiority and exteriority, member­ ship and inequality. But the figure o f Greater France also grasped the very real interpenetration o f metropolitan and colonial societies. By blurring the very distinctions it sought to maintain, it reaffirmed the need to separate nationality from citizenship throughout the empire. The discourse o f Greater France identified the colonies as integral parts o f the nation and suggested that France would be incomplete without the empire as a necessary supplement. Yet by excluding natives from the republican polity, this discourse insisted that the colonies were outside o f the nation-state, a sec­ ondary and superfluous supplement.58 But this is not a poststructuralist aporia; it was a historically specific political impasse. Both assertions expressed an equivalent if one-sided reality and desire o f the imperial nation-state. Each o f these claims was both true and fantastic. We cannot simply dismiss the dis­ course o f Greater France as empty rhetoric about national-imperial unity that was designed to distort ugly realities about colonial oppression. There was a determinate relationship between the symbolic order o f power and its cor­ responding sociopolitical form .59 The discourse o f Greater France expressed something real about the underlying contradictory conditions o f France as an imperial nation-state. Lefebvre reminds us that Marx’s critique o f ideology and fetish forms was not meant to unmask ideas in order to expose an unmediated reality. Rather he analyzed real things in order to reveal underlying social relations.60 Simi­ larly, instead o f treating the discourse o f Greater France as an attempt to mask the real relationship between the republic and its colonies, we can see it as specifying this new imperial entity, whether or not deliberately, within which

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parliamentary and authoritarian rule were articulated and metropolitan and colonial populations associated. This discourse was a type o f imperial nationalism that sought to redress the postwar sense o f socioeconomic, geopolitical, and moral weakness as well as the social divisions, political conflicts, and cultural crises that seemed to be sharp­ ening. Debates about Greater France converged with other attempts to restore national order in a climate o f pessimism, hedonism, and insurrection on the one hand and conservativism, nostalgia, and commemoration on the other.61 The public effort to stabilize and stage contradictions between republicanism and colonialism signaled that Frances status as an imperial nation-state was forcing itself into political consciousness. The chapters that follow explore how prob­ lems embedded in the discourse o f Greater France were acted out and worked through in postwar projects undertaken by colonial reformers and cultural na­ tionalists on an imperial scale.

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PA RT

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}

Colonial Humanism Program s don’t take effect in institutions in an integral manner . . . things never work out as planned. B u t . . . this difference is not one between the purity o f the ideal and the disorderly impurity o f the real. . . . the fact that this real life isn’t the same thing as the theoreticians’ schemas doesn’t entail that these schemas are therefore utopian, imaginary, etc. One could only think that if one had a very impoverished notion o f the r e a l.. . . These programmings o f behavior . . . aren’t abortive schemas for the creation o f a reality. T hey are fragments o f a reality which induce such particular effects in the real as the distinction between true and false implicit in the w ays men “ direct,” “ govern,” and “ conduct” themselves and others.— Michel Foucault, “ Questions o f Method”

A contradiction . . . is a condition in which certain indispensable elements o f a social structure cannot be integrated because they are at odds with each other, i.e., the social structure paralyzes itself because the elements necessary for its survival at the same time render it impossible.— Claus Offe, Contradictions o f the W elfare State

Toward a New Colonial Rationality: Welfare, Science, Administration

After World War I, administrators in French West Africa or Afrique Occiden­ tale Française (AO F) confronted the same national-imperial tensions that the discourse o f Greater France staged and sought to stabilize. They addressed intersecting sets o f relations that anchored the modern French nation-state. These relations were gradually modified by the transition from liberalism to welfarism and assumed peculiar forms in an imperial context. They included relations among state, economy, and society; among territory, people, and gov­ ernment; among culture, nationality, and citizenship; and between parliamen­ tary and administrative government. Propelled by structural and conjunctural pressures, this cohort o f reformers elaborated a coherent if contradictory ratio­ nality for colonial rule. This chapter outlines its conditions o f emergence and its governmental scope. Colonial rationality in A O F linked practical science and scientific administration within a paternalist system o f rule that combined the recognition o f ethnic difference with an ethic o f indigenous well-being. Periodizing transformation is always arbitrary and heuristic. World War I was not the singular turning point for colonial politics. There existed prece­ dents for the ideas, initiatives, and institutions that shaped interwar Africa pol­ icy. But these elements linked up with one another in novel ways after the war

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to form a new rationality for rule in AOF. World War I created conditions that required governmental attention even as it accelerated transformations already under way. Scholars often explain interwar policy shifts in terms o f short-term events within the federation, such as doctrinal revisions, European personnel shortages, better-trained individual administrators, failed development plans, and resistance to the colonial state.1 Significant as these factors certainly were, the reorientation o f colonial politics can only be fully grasped when the longerterm emergence o f French welfarism, the systemic substrate o f political ratio­ nality, and the latter’s intrinsic connection to political economy are taken into consideration.

Thinking through Political Rationality Here I am building on the conception o f political rationality deployed, if never fully developed, by Michel Foucault.21 treat it primarily as an analytic term that refers to socially and historically specific logics o f political practice.3 Rather than analyze the generic modern state in terms o f rationalization or reification, Foucault preferred this narrower optic in order to discern “ the specific type o f rationality the state produced.” 4 Political rationality thus allows us to specify states historically insofar as administrative, liberal, and welfare states were or­ ganized around distinct questions and principles.5 For any given time period, this concept also allows us to specify an object sociologically insofar as political rationality is distinct from other socioeconomic and cultural logics but adjusts to, articulates or coordinates with, and uses them.6 Additionally, political rationality specifies an object methodologically in­ sofar as it is “ something midway between the state as a type o f political or­ ganization and its mechanisms.” 7 Reducible to neither “ political theories” nor “ political choices,” political rationality as Foucault identifies it is “ the root o f a great number o f postulates, evidences o f all sorts, institutions and ideas we take for granted.” 8 More generally, he situates his inquiries somewhere “ be­ tween social history and formal analyses o f thought.” 9 His “ target” is neither institutions nor ideas, but “ the conditions which make [practices] acceptable at any moment” insofar as they possess “ their own specific regularities, logic, strategy, self-evidence, and ‘ reason.’ ” 10 Rather than focus exclusively on either objective conditions or subjective representations, Foucault is concerned with “ the forms o f rationality that organize their ways o f doing things” and “ inscribe themselves in . . . systems o f practices . . . because . . . ‘practices’ don’t exist without a certain regime o f rationality.” 11

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In sum political rationality is a differentiating analytic category that can be used to study any type o f political order by attending to its “ regulative scheme o f governmental practice.” 12 This entails identifying a regime’s spe­ cific objectives, strategies, tactics, technologies, targets, and associated forms o f knowledge. More importantly, it seeks to elaborate the underlying logic that relates each o f these to the others. Political rationality, then, is a mediating or relational category through which we can recognize the shared substrate linking ideas and institutions, plans and policies, discourses and practices. Ex­ ploring political rationality therefore allows us to move beyond the one-sided alternatives o f (subjectivist) intellectual history and (objectivist) institutional history. Political rationality condenses political questions, answers, and methods. It is the calculus that makes governmental means and ends intelligible in a given time and place. It calls forth certain political subjects (actors and agencies as well as issues to be dealt with) and political objects (goals as well as targets). It constitutes terrains o f administrative practices and horizons within which they are thought. Political rationality, in other words, is generative not defini­ tive. It is a particular matrix and metric o f government, not a set o f rules or propositions. Political rationality is neither an aggregate o f utterances by po­ litical actors nor an ideological justification for political action. It is implicit, unconscious, and inchoate even as it also assumes conscious, explicit, and pro­ grammatic forms. Political rationalities generate identifiable logics, aims, and strategies that were not necessarily formulated by calculating subjects.13 Po­ litical rationality is neither a blueprint for action nor an anterior spirit that de­ termines practices. It is inseparable from the projects, institutions, and forms o f knowledge in which it is embedded. Each element o f this continuum formulates problems and in turn provides answers for the others in a mutually sustaining dynamic. I f Foucault, however, uses political rationality as general analytic category, he also uses it as a specific historical category. As such it signals not that any po­ litical system has its own systemic rationality but that the Western administra­ tive state is distinguished from all others by the fact that it is governed according to rational principles, techniques, and objectives. This state also presupposes and produces scientific knowledge. As it has developed since the sixteenth cen­ tury, according to Foucault, rational government and political rationality have been characterized by the economic management o f resources and the social management o f individuals and populations. He traces the latter back to a form o f pastoral power in which shepherd-leaders supervised and cared for their flock.u

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In the eighteenth century, Foucault recounts, it was the police who gradually assumed responsibility for promoting living conditions, as a political strategy to strengthen the state, through the administration o f public services and the management o f behavior.15 By “ taking care o f living” and making “ a politi­ cal object o f human happiness,” policing reversed traditional political logic: “ Happiness o f individuals is a requirement for the survival and development o f the state. It is a condition, it is an instrument, and not simply a consequence.” This enterprise required police to address “ society . . . social beings . . . social relations.” A s Foucault explains, “ the state has essentially to take care o f men as a population. It wields its power over living beings as living beings, and its politics, therefore has to be a biopolitics.” 16 With political rationality Foucault extends his earlier description o f bio­ power as constituting “ population as a political problem” and “ life as a po­ litical object.” 17 Interdependent processes o f demographic, agricultural, and economic growth, he indicates, channeled state energy toward “ the admin­ istration o f bodies and the calculated management o f life.” 18 As population welfare became “ the ultimate end o f government,” a new “ era o f ‘governmentality’ ” was inaugurated.19 The pastoral form o f power spread throughout so­ ciety as diverse public and private institutions promoted social health, welfare, and security while also producing corresponding knowledge. These decen­ tralized initiatives began “ to refer” to the state at the same time that power relations were “ progressively governmentalized, that is to say, elaborated, ra­ tionalized, and centralized in the form of, or under the auspices of, state in­ stitutions.” 20 Foucault therefore declares that “ what is really important for our modernity . . . is not so much the étatisation o f society, as the ‘governmentalizadon’ o f the state.” 21 The concept o f governmentalizadon, which critics often use to fetishize centralized state power, actually deemphasizes it. Foucault suggests that “ the state . . . does not have this unity . . . this rigorous functionality . . . this im­ portance; maybe, after all, the state is no more than a composite reality and a mythicized abstraction.” 22 His crucial point is that in the modern era there is no stable boundary between state and society. Governmentality “ is at once internal and external to the state . . . which makes possible the continual definition and redefinition o f what is within the competence o f the state and what is not, the public versus the private.” 23 Foucault’s formulation differs from modernization narratives in which states expand inexorably into civil and private spheres.24 His claim is that dis­ persed and socially embedded political technologies link up with one another in societywide circuits that converge in the modern state, which then serves

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as their framework if not their source. According to this model, states do not colonize social relations; instead, social institutions invest the state. Modern power for Foucault is at once socially immanent and inseparable from an over­ arching superstate. This is why the state for Foucault seems to be nowhere and everywhere. Governmentality, his term for welfarist political rationality, shapes and is shaped by a multiplicity o f public, private, and hybrid sites (both administrative and scientific) that gradually link up through the state, which coordinates but does not contain them.25 Political rationalities are grounded in diverse processes, institutions, and projects that do not always align. There is no necessary correspondence between a given state and a unified or single political rationality. A political ra­ tionality might also be propelled by contradictory imperatives. Because it more closely resembles a paradigm than a prescription for government, a single po­ litical rationality might generate numerous, often incompatible, projects. A ny political rationality also exists, whether productively or agonistically, within a broader field that includes other political rationalities. Finally, political ratio­ nalities are entwined with but not reducible to other socioeconomic rationalities with which they may converge or conflict.26 Whether as an analytic or historical term, political rationality refers less to a thing than a condensed set o f relations— between thought and institu­ tions, among projects, and among economic, social, and political domains.27 By recognizing that contradictions often exist within a given political rationality, between competing political rationalities, and between political and other so­ cioeconomic rationalities, this term does not presume political formations to be closed and self-identical functional systems. It allows that they may be the target o f an immanent critique. In both its methodological and historical senses, political rationality provides a powerful optic for examining the long-term de­ velopment o f the French welfare state as well its subsidiary colonial adminis­ tration after World War I in West Africa.

Welfarism The interwar reorientation o f colonial administration cannot be understood apart from the broader reconfiguration o f state, economy, and society relations that took place under the Third Republic. This reconfiguration was the result o f a decentralized process entailing cooperation and contestation among repre­ sentatives o f government, business, and the public. Countless interdependent actions were channeled through and eventually coordinated by the state. At

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stake was not simply the location o f a boundary between stable public and pri­ vate spheres but the very meaning o f these terms as concrete abstractions. Most generally the scale and scope o f the French state expanded. New social legislation, government agencies, and police addressed working, living, and family conditions (as well as behavior and mentalities) in the name o f public and moral health, social security, and political order. Within these domains, the state deployed new media (civil law and administrative regulation), new tech­ nologies (censuses, actuarial tables, fingerprinting, photography, identification cards), and specialized knowledge produced by investigators, technicians, and experts. As policymakers conceded that poverty was structural, insurance tech­ nologies allowed risk and responsibility to be socialized across the entire pop­ ulation. Developments in statistics converged with the reification o f “ society” as an integrated entity whose purported laws could be better discovered, pre­ dicted, and manipulated.28 Such state instruments— protecting social rights, promoting social condi­ tions, managing social relations, ensuring social solidarity— gradually became state objectives. These symmetrical means and ends expressed and helped gen­ erate a new postliberal political logic organized around population welfare. The gradual shift away from liberalism was prompted by the need to address con­ tradictions intrinsic to the republican nation-state: between human and national rights, capitalism and democracy, parliament and administration, freedom and order. The locus o f public power began to shift from legislators to admin­ istrators. The modality o f government reformers shifted from transforming individuals to managing their milieu, from prohibition to regulation, from pun­ ishment to education, from moral responsibility to social probability. New so­ ciopolitical technologies were dispersed among public and private actors yet channeled back through a reified state with which they also became identified. These were all components o f “ welfarism” — a broad political rationality (not restricted to state-funded social benefits) that entailed objectives, strategies, technologies, and targets that distinguished it from liberalism. Republican state transformations unfolded in relation to a parallel process o f economic restructuring. Across the industrialized West, especially after the worldwide 1873 depression, a transition from liberal capitalism to welfare cap­ italism was fueled by states’ need to reproduce capitalist social relations, to moderate economic cycles, and to maintain social order, employers’ desire for a healthy, productive, and compliant labor force, and workers’ demands for bet­ ter, legally protected working conditions. Concessions to labor were designed to stimulate economic development and to contain the sociopolitical dangers created by economic crises. In France weak domestic markets, overproduction,

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foreign competition, and militant syndicalism eroded a broad consensus on the virtues o f economic liberalism. By 1914 industries began to experiment with corporatism, join cartels, extend paternalistic benefits to employees, and lobby the state for protective tariffs.29 During the war, emergency regulations, powerful ministries, and publicprivate consortiums allowed the state to intervene in all aspects o f the economy. Planners envisioned a new era o f association between enlightened employers and more productive but better paid workers. A national income tax was es­ tablished, rent controls were introduced, colonial workers were recruited, and public health campaigns were initiated. State agencies, municipal governments, and private mutual associations cooperated on nascent public assistance pro­ grams. Word War I thereby accelerated the process through which diverse postliberal initiatives linked up to form a new state—economy—society diagram founded on statism, productivism, and welfarism.30 Despite a postwar backlash, these currents became more firmly rooted in French society in the coming decades.31 During the 1920s the pace o f industrial concentration, cartelization, and Taylorization increased. New holding com­ panies and public—private “ mixed companies” were created.32 Technocratic administrators, managers, and trade unionists agreed that economic rational­ ization, labor regulations, and social security benefits would promote growth and social harmony.33 In 1928 a comprehensive social insurance law for all French employees was passed. Publicly administered benefits were paid for by contributions from employers, workers, and the state to private funds.34 This hybrid approach to welfare was exemplified when a family allowance system was formalized by industrialists in the 1920s and then coordinated by the state in 1932.35 Conservative and progressive social initiatives paid special attention to population management, public health, family practices, and urban planning.36 Through such projects, state and nonstate actors cooperated within circuits that linked government, experts, and knowledge. Recently professionalized social workers compiled data during home visits that informed social policy and so­ cial theory.37 New scientific-administrative complexes called forth their own objects o f regulatory action. In sum, a variety o f social, economic, and political reform movements on the left and the right undertook postliberal projects that emphasized community, solidarity, and morality as well as order, efficiency, and hierarchy. Welfarism was not an ideology; it was an overarching political rationality that allowed for multiplicity, conflict, and contradictions.38 Welfarist projects were at once ef­ fects and engines o f the reconfiguration o f state, economy, and society relations. The transition from liberalism to welfarism was driven less by a single rupture

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than by a combination o f structural contradictions, long-term transformations, and the conjunctural crises attending war and reconstruction. Over time, dis­ persed public and private actors and agencies linked up with one another to form a larger assemblage that was gradually coordinated by the French state. Existing ideas and institutions were absorbed by and reoriented toward this new political logic. The transition from liberalism to welfarism had its West African counterpart in the related shift from a civilizing mission concerned with economic exploita­ tion and individual behavior to a colonial humanism oriented toward economic development, native welfare, and the management o f indigenous populations. A new art o f colonial government in West Africa linked practical reason and administrative science. The remainder o f this chapter outlines the emergence o f this new colonial rationality.

National Crisis and Imperial Legitimacy France’s colonies were not simply influenced by metropolitan welfarism; they participated in the very process through which state, economy, and society rela­ tions were reconfigured. The empire became increasingly integrated under the Third Republic, and it followed that France s colonies figured into the wartime economic mobilization as well as strategies for postwar regeneration. The war provoked more extensive economic cooperation between the metropolitan state and French West Africa, between the colonial government and private Euro­ pean trading houses, and between administrators and African producers. The French state called on colonial A O F to contribute to national defense by pro­ visioning metropolitan consumers and industries with necessary agricultural products. An alliance o f businessmen, bureaucrats, and politicians hoped that state intervention, rational economic planning, and public—private cooperation could do for productivity in Africa what it had done for the munitions industry at home.39 In the next chapter I show how the colonial state in West Africa responded to these national demands, during and after the war, through an interrelated set o f postliberal policies for economic development, population improvement, social welfare, and cultural management. Underlying them was colonial humanism, a systemic political rationality that extended and modified metropolitan welfarism. The war also generated political pressures for colonial reform. As I dis­ cussed in chapter 2, numerous actors insisted that a strong and productive empire would ensure national prosperity, security, and prestige. However, the

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postwar appeal to the empire as integral to the nation was mounted precisely when imperial legitimacy was being challenged internationally. A new geopo­ litical order emerged after the war, featuring the United States and the So­ viet Union as young but ascendant powers. For different reasons Woodrow Wilson and V. I. Lenin supported the rights o f colonial peoples to national self-determination. When Ottoman and German colonies were redistributed to France and Britain by the League o f Nations, they were reclassified as man­ dates entrusted to supervising states only until their populations became ca­ pable o f self-government. After the Russian Revolution provoked worldwide anticapitalist unrest, western European states feared nationalist revolts in their colonies. Such liberal and radical challenges to colonialism encouraged anti­ imperialist movements in Europe and its overseas territories. In light o f these multiple pressures, France, Britain, and the Netherlands began to reconceptu­ alize colonial politics. In France, communists, journalists, and colonized militants joined forces to criticize colonial abuses in Africa and A sia.40 Government officials and public opinion conceded that the nation owed colonial populations a “ blood debt” — better treatment in return for their military service and political loyalty during the war. Challenges to imperial legitimacy were further amplified by a politi­ cized population o f colonial immigrants— veterans, workers, professionals, and students— residing in metropolitan France (see chap. 6). Their demands exacerbated an imminent crisis o f authority in French West Africa linked to demobilized colonial soldiers, deracinated peasants, and disenfranchised elites, both rural and urban (see chap. 4). In short, the nation was seeking to reground itself in an empire whose own political logic required revision. Economic insecurity, national and interna­ tional public opinion, and the fear o f colonial unrest provoked public debates about the legitimate forms and methods o f colonial rule. The state began to concede to arguments that racial superiority, the natural right to exploit un­ claimed global resources, and the old civilizing mission were no longer ade­ quate grounds for overseas expansion and subjugation. Minister o f Colonies Albert Sarraut became a leading proponent o f colonial reform. Acknowledg­ ing France’s wartime debt to colonial manpower, raw materials, and markets, he envisioned a new paternalism that would henceforth rest on economic develop­ ment and social administration. According to his often-quoted dictum, “ France has repudiated the long-standing brutal conception o f [mercantilist conquest] based on the eternal inequality o f races and on the right o f the strongest.. . . The only right that it now recognizes is the right o f the strong to protect the weak.” Sarraut reassured the metropolitan public that this approach to

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colonial government would generate economic and human wealth to ensure the métropole against future threats.41 The minister elaborated a vision o f colonial welfarism that linked economic productivity and social improvement through an interventionist state. In addition to providing legitimacy, this new political logic would guide subsequent policies.

Prewar Precedents Sarraut’s integrated vision synthesized and modified several prewar colonial precedents. As society became a positive object o f scientific knowledge, in­ tellectuals and policymakers had redirected their attention from liberal con­ ceptions o f abstract humanity toward concrete populations formed by distinct histories, cultures, and mentalities. Social reform would no longer be about working on universal individuals but about working through particular com­ munities and would require scientific knowledge o f their milieu.42 Colonial theorists such as Léopold de Saussure (1899) and those gathered at the Inter­ national Congress o f Colonial Sociology (1900) took up this particularist con­ ception o f social life to repudiate the doctrine o f colonial assimilation— both cultural and political— as scientifically unsound, administratively ineffective, and politically dangerous. Colonial populations, it was argued, were members o f organic societies. French institutions and practices would be alien and un­ welcome impositions, violations o f their cultural integrity that would disrupt their proper evolutionary trajectory. This culturally relativist and politically conservative critique o f assimilation generated support for the alternative doc­ trine o f colonial association formulated by figures such as Joseph Chailley-Bert and Jean de Lanessan and officially sanctioned by ministers o f colonies at the various French Colonial Congresses between 1904 and 1907.44 Colonial humanism was a broad political rationality that cannot be reduced to the narrow doctrine o f association. Remember that the term association was derived from corporatist and welfarist discourses. But many o f the prewar figures who endorsed colonial association anticipated and contributed to the new postwar colonial rationality. Notable among them was Jules Harmand, who wrote Domination et colonisation (1910) after decades o f administrative and diplomatic experience in Indochina, India, and Japan. Unlike the later in­ terwar reformers, Harmand delineated a version o f colonial association that was based on a utilitarian concept o f imperial expansion justified by a natural hierarchy o f races. Harmand argued that the empire only exists for the sake o f the métropole, imperial government is necessarily based on inequality, and

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colonies “ are not integral parts o f the national territory and cannot be consid­ ered to be the patrie.” " Yet his thinking prefigures interwar colonial projects insofar as it identifies “ native policy” as “ the problem to which all others are subordinated.” In his economic (in both senses o f the term) formulation, “ the best policy will be that which best utilizes the conquered people . . . while making them suffer the least. . . . It will be able to create bonds between the interests o f the conqueror and those o f the subjects such that whatever serves one also serves the other.” Harmand proposed that “ substituting mutual aid for pure and simple exploita­ tion” would create a relationship o f “ reciprocal utility” between colonizers and subjects. Good government, he argued, “ wants to improve natives in all ways . . . that are profitable to [them] by allowing [them] to evolve according to [their] own plan, by keeping everyone in his own place . . . by only touching the habits and traditions o f its subjects with a light hand.” Recognizing the in­ terdependence o f social science and social administration, Harmand observed that this commitment to “ the conservation o f a subject people’s institutions . . . and respect for its pa st. . . implies a perfect knowledge o f natives and o f their psychology . . . their manners and their ideas . . . that could be acquired not only through specialized training, but by an extended stay in the milieu.” 45 A l­ though subsequent postwar reformers would be less politically conservative than Harmand, they would pursue his native policies based on reciprocity, cul­ tural conservation, and ethnographic expertise. A decade later, colonial theorist Louis Vignon called on the state to elaborate native policy as a national duty. Dismissing assimilation as “ French idiocy,” he believed pace Joseph de Maistre in the elemental particularity o f human groups: “ abstract man [l’homme en soi] does not exist. There are Frenchmen, English­ men, Germans, Blacks, Yellows . . . there is no absolute man.” Yet Vignon also maintained that “ all individuals belonging to the human race have a right to existence, even more, to respect for their family, their property, their religion.” Echoing Harmand, he advocated “ the a r t . . . o f leading [natives] slowly, at their own pace . . . toward a better social, political, and economic state . . . that will respond to their mentality. . . . To guide [conduire] our subjects, it is indis­ pensable to know them well.” Ideally, ethnologically informed officials would assess the stage and pace o f native social evolution, study indigenous political systems, and identify local intermediaries through which to govern. By “ ame­ liorating the material condition o f natives [and] satisfying their interests,” the field administrator (whom Vignon called “ the central character o f the system” ) would pursue colonialism’s fundamental objective: “ general prosperity [and] the consolidation o f French domination.” 46

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Representatives o f the next generation o f reformers who attended Vignon’s classes at the École Coloniale recall rejecting his right-wing political orienta­ tion. They criticized the racism implicit in the policies that he, along with de Saussure and Harmand, promoted.47 Yet these predecessors envisioned native policies that linked economic development to social improvement in ways that their more progressive students would pursue. Books by Harmand and Vignon attempted to formalize governing strategies that had already been developed in the field by a number o f prewar colonial administrators, such as Joseph Gallieni in Sudan, Indochina, and Madagascar (1886—96), Hubert Lyautey in Morocco (1912—25), and Léopold Sabatier in Indochina (1913). These figures, whose politics ranged from republican to con­ servative, developed socioeconomic strategies o f pacification, cultural preser­ vationist approaches to modernization, and ethnographically informed pater­ nalism.48 In French West Africa, as early as 1902, Governor-General Ernest Roume affirmed that the goal o f administration should be to respect all na­ tive customs as long as they did not conflict with the principles o f civilization and to allow indigenous populations to evolve according to their own capac­ ities and histories. I f before 1914 policies guided by these formulas sought to dismantle indigenous political structures, wartime Governors-General Fran­ cois Clozel and Joost Van Vollenhoven began to regard indigenous political systems and local elites as instruments o f colonial administration rather than obstacles to it.49 By the end o f World War I, existing strategies o f colonial administration— native policies based on ethnographic knowledge and cultural preservation, economic development through social improvement, reliance on indigenous intermediaries— were synthesized and reoriented toward novel objectives as administrative imperatives shifted from socializing individual natives to man­ aging native societies. A general recognition o f African social differences would evolve into a scientifically based preoccupation with distinct, organic, and dynamic social totalities. The old civilizing mission would be supplemented by a new colonial welfarism. The consolidation o f this new political logic was facilitated by, even as it produced, a cohort o f reformers who were especially concerned with the intersection o f practical reason and rational administration.

N ew Reformers The postwar colonial reform movement was led by a cohort o f administra­ tors who came to occupy influential positions within the imperial apparatus

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after leaving their posts as field administrators. This was a transitional group. They were trained by the generation o f pre—World War I soldier-imperialists charged with conquest and pacification, yet they prefigured the post-W orld War II technocrats concerned exclusively with development. They were selfdefined bush administrators who became scholars, policymakers, and public intellectuals. These individual reformers helped revise the colonial project while serv­ ing as local African administrators early in their careers. But the new colonial rationality cannot be reduced to the intentions or utterances o f exemplary indi­ viduals. Rather than treat these former commandants— powerful local admin­ istrators who ruled African populations and embodied French authority— as the originators o f colonial humanism, we need to recognize that the very figure o f the autonomous field agent was one o f the movement’s principal effects. As an informed, methodical, caring, and independent public servant, this figure became a metonym for France in Africa. By treating these ideologues o f colo­ nial humanism as a cohort, we can better appreciate the way they belonged to an interpersonal network, circulated through institutional nodes, and were em­ bedded in an impersonal discursive field. I f they helped shape the new colonial rationality, they were also shaped by it. Maurice Delafosse was a crucial bridge between prewar and postwar cohorts o f administrator-ethnographers.50 I f the earlier group was motivated largely by the antislavery campaign, questions o f African Islam, and legal questions related to property rights, later reformers were concerned largely with the in­ ternal dynamics o f African societies and ethnicities. Delafosse, who was also an important intermediary between colonial administrators and metropolitan so­ cial scientists, charted this course in works such as Haut-Sénégal-Niger (1912). This holistic representation o f an African region— including geography, lin­ guistics, ethnology, history, and culture— extended the administrative ethnog­ raphy that François-Joseph Clozel had initiated in Côte d ’ Ivoire beginning at the turn o f the century.51 Delafosse entered the colonial administration by way o f the French army, where he had served in an antislavery unit in the Sahara. After studying briefly at the École des Langues Orientales in Paris, he was posted to Côte d ’ Ivoire and Sudan before being promoted to director o f political affairs for GovernorsGeneral Clozel and Van Vollenhoven in Dakar. Until the end o f the war he advanced ethnologically informed policies o f collaboration with indigenous auxiliaries in order to prevent social fragmentation in AOF. His deep knowl­ edge o f African societies drew the attention o f his superiors and later made him a legendary figure among colonial reformers.52

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After the war, Delafosse began a second phase o f his career as a metropoli­ tan scholar, teacher, and informal policy advisor who insisted on the sociocul­ tural and historical integrity o f African civilizations. His academic and policy writing, his courses at the École Coloniale and École des Langues Orientales, his role in creating the Institut d ’Ethnologie, and his active participation in learned societies account for his pronounced influence on the next generation o f administrator-ethnographers.53 Hubert Deschamps, one o f his former students at the École Coloniale in the early twenties, recalls the mentor’s message: The native, as producer and consumer, is the basis of colonial commerce and prosperity. Economic development [mise en valeur] must be created by natives and for natives. The [African] race must be protected and developed, its insti­ tutions conserved during the slow, effective evolution of the masses. . . . Ad­ ministrative intervention, except for the maintenance of order, must be discrete and persuasive. Whites m ust. . . know, advise, and take an interest in natives without destroying anything. . . . Your vocation is to work for the natives.54 Each o f these elements— economic development, cultural conservation, pater­ nal surveillance and persuasion, and the colonial vocation— would be pursued by interwar reformers whose careers were also modeled after Delafosses. Consider Henri Labouret, Robert Delavignette, and Georges Hardy, whose writings I discuss in the next chapter. The former two served as colonial sol­ diers before becoming local commandants.55 Labouret’s early service focused on suppressing rebellions among the Lobi people in Haute-Volta.56 His field reports reveal a nineteenth-century colonial mentality: “ these backward, prim­ itive, individualist populations knew no other law than that o f the most savage vengeance, they lived in a state o f complete anarchy and permanent hostility, considering all foreigners as enemies.” Yet Labouret also recounts conducting tours in order to establish “ permanent administrative contact. . . with still re­ bellious natives, the education o f whom has been initiated.” 57 The measure o f their “ submission” was not only payment o f taxes but participation in commer­ cial activities.58 Despite his military background, Labouret decided that colo­ nial authority depended more on promoting than on crushing village social life. This pursuit earned him high professional evaluations. His success as “ a pacifier o f the Lobi region” was ascribed retrospectively to “ the methodical action o f a fortunate native policy.” Ultimately, Labouret’s superiors were as impressed with his knowledge o f native languages and societies as with his suppression o f native rebellions.59

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Robert Delavignette’s years as a local administrator were spent in Niger and Haute-Volta (1922—31). His formative experience, on which his reputation was also made, was as an assistant commandant in Banfora (Haute-Volta) beginning in 1927. His predecessor had been stabbed for intervening in a local conflict over a chief who, after an earlier rebellion, had been appointed by the French author­ ities. Rather than restore order through direct force, Delavignette pursued so­ cial peace through economic development and cultural recognition. Under his stewardship, peanut production increased and a peanut-oil press was installed in the district in a belief that development would increase colonial revenue and address local needs simultaneously.60 Tersely acknowledging that “ in several months he has improved a difficult situation,” the administration praised Delavignette’s socioeconomic strategy: “ In developing peanut cultivation, he created commercial and industrial activ­ ity in a region in which economic transactions had been o f little importance.” Additionally, he “ restored tranquility and trust among a population that had been tormented” by political intrigue, which they concluded “ had created an atmosphere o f fear and suspicion throughout the district.” This evaluation con­ firmed an earlier claim that “ the administrative methods adopted and the eco­ nomic results obtained by M. Delavignette place him at the head o f his young generation.” 61 That Labouret and Delavignette were rewarded for attempting to win the trust and improve the lives o f ordinary Africans is evidence o f the reorienta­ tion o f colonial politics then under way. Not coincidentally, another influential reformer, Georges Hardy, was a teacher and scholar. Before serving as direc­ tor o f education in A O F ( 19 12 -19 ), Hardy had been a lycée history and ge­ ography professor in France. Recommending him for a colonial promotion in 1915, Governor-General Clozel called him “ ingenious in his search for means to execute policy.” Hardy arrived in A O F with advanced degrees and scholarly publications in history, geography, and religious studies. During his African service he published work on African history and geography, French colonial history, and the sociology o f colonial administration. Clozel and Van Vollenhoven praised Hardy’s erudition and commitment to colonial education.62 While serving in AOF, this cohort exemplified and elaborated a new logic o f native administration. When they later obtained influential metropolitan posi­ tions, they sought more explicitly to reconceptualize colonial government. In 1926 Hardy was appointed director o f the École Coloniale in Paris, which he transformed into one o f the reform movement’s chief organs. Much o f Hardy’s writings focused on the importance o f knowing the physical and cultural milieu

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o f the overseas territories, exploring the ethnic psychology o f natives, improv­ ing colonial education, and maintaining political legitimacy in a new historical context. I f Hardy was a trained academic, Labouret, following Delafosse’s example, was a pragmatic linguist-ethnologist whose scholarly expertise was insepara­ ble from his administrative objectives. When he entered the colonial service, Labouret spoke English, German, and Portuguese and had studied African lan­ guages at Langues Orientales. He served an uncharacteristic fourteen years in the same region. This atypical continuity allowed him to study the languages and social organization o f the populations he administered. Supervisors identi­ fied a relationship between his political success and his extensive local knowl­ edge. 63 In 1926 Labouret was named director o f political affairs for the Ministry o f Colonies, which claimed to need his administrative and ethnological exper­ tise.64 He also succeeded Delafosse, who had died that year, as professor o f Su­ danese languages at the École des Langues Orientales. By 1929 Labouret was also an instructor at the École Coloniale. There his courses on African culture influenced a generation o f students.65 Labouret’s monographs were as impor­ tant to academic ethnology as they were to the new governmental rationality.66 Labouret was the reform movement’s pragmatist. He advocated paternalist native policy informed by objective social science. In contrast, Delavignette was its sentimentalist. His paternalism was based on the subjective experiences o f administrators and Africans. Compared to Labouret’s tenure, Delavignette’s time in the field had been brief and flawed despite his minor success. According to one evaluation, he possessed “ a mind that is, above all, speculative, having a tendency to neglect practical questions” and “ maybe a bit too distant from the realities required by the job o f an administrator.” Another warned that “ his state o f health condemns him, despite his courage and his devotion, to avoid the difficult, tiring activity required by long tours. A s a consequence, he would ren­ der better service in an office than in the bush.” 67 In later writings Delavignette would nevertheless romanticize the local commandant, the African village, and a benevolent native policy. By 1930, poor health and family responsibilities led Delavignette to accept a position in Paris at the Agence Économique, a government information bu­ reau charged with attracting investors to AO F and raising its public profile. The agency praised him as “ an able and natural writer” o f colonial propa­ ganda whose “ administrative competence” was complemented by his “ liter­ ary value.” While there, he wrote realist novels such as Toum (1926) and L es paysans noirs (which won the Grand Prize for Colonial Literature in 1931) about West African administration and village life. The agency selected him to write

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the official book on A O F for the 1931 Colonial Exposition. One supervisor de­ clared that “ Delavignette is today, without a doubt, one o f our best colonial propagandists. ” 68 That an administrator-turned-Parisian-writer was so highly regarded by bureaucrats indicates the government’s changing priorities. Metropolitan offi­ cials believed that securing political authority and shaping public opinion were interdependent activities. In 1936, Delavignette became an assistant to Mar­ ius Moutet, the Popular Front minister o f colonies. The following year he was named director o f the École Coloniale (by then named École Nationale de la France d ’ Outre-Mer). Delavignette continued to write semiautobiographical novels and nonfiction books on colonial Africa. He, along with Labouret and Hardy, also contributed frequent articles to metropolitan and colonial periodi­ cals that criticized misguided colonial policies and promoted ethnologically in­ formed native policies focused on economic development, social improvement, and cultural preservation. Following Delafosse’s example, all three reformers used their experiences in West Africa as a foundation for subsequent scholar­ ship, policy making, teaching, and journalism. They were the vanguard o f a reform movement that exploited and extended an existing information econ­ omy through which colonial discourses circulated publicly.

Colonial Publicity The intersecting sources o f colonial ideas that proliferated in metropolitan France after World War I has been well documented.69 But it is important to emphasize that the colonial publicity circuit did not simply broadcast ideo­ logical justifications for French rule. It provided self-reflexive media through which practical intellectuals could explore the implications o f the new politi­ cal logic that they were formulating. Interwar reformers developed a hybrid genre o f political writing exemplified by the administrative treatise. These works combined political theory, bureaucratic sociology, indigenous ethnol­ ogy, and policy analysis. At once descriptive and prescriptive, the texts served as pragmatic primers for field administrators even as they criticized current policies. Meant to be persuasive, they addressed public officials and public opin­ ion simultaneously. Several o f these texts were serialized in colonial-themed periodicals.70 A range o f media oudets were available to these Africanist writers. Two pe­ riodicals became especially bound to the reform movement. L'Afrique Française (18 9 1-19 6 0 ) was the monthly bulletin o f the Comité de l’Afrique Française.71

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These hybrid organizations, associated with but not part o f the state, brought together businessmen and bureaucrats who promoted policies favorable to colonial capitalism. Yet recognizing that economic development would entail ethnological inquiry, they also publicized scholarship. L'A frique Française was directed at government specialists as well as a general readership. It was both an unofficial mouthpiece for the administration in Africa and a forum for de­ bates about colonial government. After World War I, its focus shifted from an earlier emphasis on missions o f discovery to administration and develop­ ment. Although L'A frique Française was not controlled by the reformers, they published there frequently, and it reported regularly on their policy initiatives in AOF. Between the wars, this periodical thus helped disseminate the new colonial rationality. If L'A frique Française was redirected by and toward colonial humanism, Outre-M er was directly identified with the reform movement. Georges Hardy created this journal in 1929, which he edited and published under the auspices o f the École Coloniale. Outre-M er promoted “ the study o f current principles, gen­ eral doctrines, methods, and procedures o f colonialism” and addressed “ ques­ tions o f organization and government.” The aim was to shift away from “ pure doctrine” and “ colonial metaphysics” in order to “ maintain close contact with realities . . . with the life and soul o f colonial populations” through attention to “ the needs and aspirations o f the native” and “ the ethnic and psychological study o f pupil-societies” in the service o f a “ moral rapprochement between métropoles and colonies.” 72 Outre-M er thus identified paternalist colonial au­ thority with administrative ethnology, welfarist policies, and political partner­ ship. These were precepts o f the new colonial rationality that the journal would explore in a remarkable range o f articles published by the journal on adminis­ tration, ethnography, and comparative colonialism. L'A frique Française and Outre-M er became important outlets for a vision o f ethnologically informed administrative science and scientific administration. They were relays in a colonial publicity circuit that included other periodi­ cals, associated publishing houses that specialized in colonial writing, learned societies, and international policy conferences.73 These constituted the infras­ tructure for an empirewide administrative public sphere that assembled present and former administrators, politicians, businessmen, scholars, and journalists. Many figures shifted between these roles regularly. This information econ­ omy was associated with the colonial state but neither contained within nor controlled by it. As I show in chapter 6, it was also paired with a parallel black public sphere in metropolitan France. This colonial publicity network

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helped generate and circulate the new colonial rationality even as it was a product o f it.

Th e École Coloniale As the professional itineraries o f Delafosse, Hardy, Labouret, and Delavignette suggest, the École Coloniale functioned as another crucial relay within colo­ nial humanism’s administrative-scientific complex.74 Created in 1887 as part o f the Third Republic’s attempt to professionalize and rationalize the colo­ nial service, this school became responsible for training administrators destined for Indochina, Africa, and Madagascar. Before 1914, when it emphasized legal studies, the school only formed a minority o f officials, and its students were o f lower quality than those entering other branches o f the French civil service. Its status gradually improved after the war, especially after its reorganization by Georges Hardy.7S In addition to raising its competitive profile, Hardy emphasized pragmatic management skills so that graduates could “ address administrative, financial, economic, and social questions with the same ease and mastery.” 76 He broad­ ened the legal and technical curriculum by teaching new courses on “ the du­ ties o f colonial administration” and “ applied colonial psychology.” 77 Under his tenure, the school increasingly emphasized knowledge o f local regions, cul­ tures, and languages as crucial for colonial government. In 1929 he created a chair in General Ethnography for Labouret.78 The latter taught courses on African culture, history, and languages as well as one directly on colonial eth­ nology. Labouret extended the school’s new emphasis on pragmatic knowledge when he brought students with him on study missions to Senegal, Guinea, and Cameroon in 1932 and 1934. He described these field trips as “ sociology ap­ plied to colonialism” whose goal was “ to observe local collectivities practically, to compare them, and to establish a balance sheet o f what they lack in order to provide it to them.” 79 In 1932 Ernest Roume told assembled students that their primary objective was “ detailed study o f the history and geography o f our colonies, the habits [moeurs], customs, [and] languages o f their popula­ tions,” 80 Current administrators were invited to speak on “ colonial sociology,” and colonized elites on their native cultures.81 Students were encouraged to expand their ethnological training through additional classes at the Institut d ’Ethnologie, Langues Orientales, and the In­ stitut de Géographie with which the École Coloniale often shared faculty.82

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High-ranking bureaucrats, younger administrators, and influential scholars were affiliated with the school.85 Its teachers were linked to different branches o f the colonial service, colonial interest groups, the press, scholarly societies, academic journals, and metropolitan universities. Administrators migrated back and forth between the colonies and its classrooms, just as graduating stu­ dents often returned later as instructors. Standing at the center o f these diverse empirewide networks, the interwar école became a central node o f the broader reform movement. Reformist ideas were further circulated through its journal Outre-Mer. By connecting diverse figures and features o f this movement to one another, the école helped generalize the new colonial rationality. When Delavignette became the director in 1937, he maintained its commit­ ment to administrative sociology, local knowledge o f native societies, and prac­ tical colonial experience. He informed provincial lycées preparing students for entrance exams that the école would provide “ an education in applied admin­ istrative science, on the one hand, and a knowledge o f geography combined with history, ethnology, sociology, and law, on the other.” Seeking to attract as well as produce broadly educated students, the école expected that those en­ tering would have studied sociology (Durkeim, Hubert, Mauss, Lévy-Bruhl, Simiand, Halbwachs, Febvre, Bloch, Frazer), political economy (liberalism, Marxism, Saint Simonism, and the Physiocrats), and literature (Hugo, Balzac, Taine).84 As important for the école was the sense o f mission, the “ discipline and duty,” that its students were supposed to possess. Delavignette reminded them that they were preparing to “ offer [themselves]” to the “ trials o f service” and should be motivated not by “ a traveler’s curiosity” or “ a desire for adventure and exotic escape” but by a “ colonial vocation.” 85 The école was vocational insofar as it trained students for a career and attempted to foster within them a sincere calling for national public service. Its graduates were supposed to be the vanguard o f a new type o f colonial government. In a 1937 commencement address, Delavignette synthesized lessons from Durkheimian sociology, Maussian ethnology, and postliberal welfarism. The “ colonial task o f our time,” he explained, requires “ exploration that no longer has to do with territories but that extends to societies.. . . we are responsible for gathering diverse peoples with a spirit that is attentive to their customs, their religions, their modes o f work, and their progress, to guide them to a fra­ ternal organization that will be as fertile for them as for us.” 86 He reminded students that “ there is no technical problem that is not also a human problem and . . . no human problem is insoluble for a colonial ruler . . . who discovers the spirit and import o f indigenous customs.” 87 Delavignette thus envisioned

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a scientifically informed administration that combined social government and cultural humanism.

Colonial Ethnology The École Coloniale served as an important site o f institutional mediation be­ tween science and government. It contributed to the development o f colonial ethnology, a hybrid administrative science. The école maintained a close rela­ tionship with the Institut d ’Ethnologie, which was itself a node in the reformist network. It was not until this academic institution was created in 1925 that pro­ fessional certification became possible for ethnologists within the French uni­ versity system. Marcel Mauss, Lucien Lévy-Bruhl, and Paul Rivet, from their respective locations in comparative sociology, philosophy, and biological an­ thropology, founded a scientific institute that from its inception was linked to colonial concerns.88 According to Lévy-Bruhl, the first objective o f the new Institut d ’Ethnol­ ogie was to train not only professional ethnologists but “ those living or des­ tined to live in the colonies,” including “ future administrators, colonial doc­ tors, and missionaries.” He argued that because native populations constituted the empire’s most valuable natural resource, economic development (mise en valeur) would require specialists to study local languages and religions. He proposed that the Institut d ’ Ethnologie train cadres o f a formal colonial an­ thropological service modeled after the one that Britain had created in the Gold Coast.89 The new institute was financially supported by the ministries o f Colonies and Public Education. Mauss hoped that it would train younger academic fieldworkers to document and preserve the indigenous cultures he feared were dis­ appearing after decades o f French intervention.90 Lévy-Bruhl explained that the institute would sponsor ethnographic study missions, with the collabora­ tion o f colonial governors, or would entrust such missions to qualified colonial officials. These teams were “ to collect, classify, and study all sorts o f docu­ ments and objects concerning past and present civilizations that are in danger o f quickly disappearing or being removed by foreign ethnographers . . . in­ stead o f being conserved in colonial and metropolitan museums.” 91 The most celebrated and influential o f these was, o f course, the Mission Ethnographique et Linguistique Dakar-Djibouti (19 3 1-3 3 ), when Marcel Griaule led a team o f researchers across sub-Saharan Africa to study linguistic forms, transcribe oral

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testimonies, produce an archive o f maps and photographs, and collect mate­ rial culture.92 Scholarly monographs that were generated from these trips, by figures such as Griaule and the missionary-ethnographer Maurice Leenhardt, were published by the institute.93 These scientific missions enabled Paul Rivet, between 1928 and 1937, to transform the old Musée d ’Ethnographie into the modern Musée de l’Homme, which became the repository o f ethnographic objects systematically collected by the research teams. The reorganization was funded by the Ministry o f Colo­ nies, and the new museum became formally affiliated with the Institut d ’Ethnol­ ogie.94 By displaying objects in cultural contexts, the new museum sought to substitute ethnographic understanding for aesthetic appreciation. Separate ex­ hibition halls were devoted to geocultural regions “ according to the rules o f modern museology.” Rivet used the interwar idiom o f development to describe the museum’s will to “ develop [mettre en valeur] all its incalculable riches and to render it worthy o f our country’s admirable colonial effort.” 95 The museum’s wish to represent comprehensively and classify indigenous societies corresponded to the ethnographic principles outlined by Marcel Mauss in the seminar on method at the Institut d ’Ethnologie that he taught from 1926 to 1939. He promoted a precise total ethnography, or “ social physiology,” to be conducted over an extended period o f time in order to encompass technology, aesthetics, economy, law, morality, and religion.96 For Mauss, ethnology and imperialism were entwined insofar as “ the field o f our studies is limited to those societies that people the French colonies and others o f the same stage [of development].” His objective— “ reproducing native society” through ob­ servation— required teams o f fieldworkers using multiple methods, with the help o f the actors most informed about and living closest to natives: mission­ aries, settlers, and local administrators. But Mauss not only wanted science to use these colonial figures; he hoped it would help them. His seminar was titled Descriptive Ethnographic Instructions for the Use o f Voyagers, Administra­ tors, and Missionaries, and it was addressed it to “ colonials without professional training.” Mauss acknowledged that colonial administrators had already con­ tributed to the science o f ethnology even as he called on scholars to aid colonial rule by studying indigenous populations more systematically.97 Lévy-Bruhl also addressed his work to colonial officials. Michel Leiris, who studied with Mauss in the 1930s, recalls a brochure announcing the institute in which Lévy-Bruhl explained that ethnology would enable “ more rational and human modes o f colonization.” 98In a note to his English-reading public, LévyBruhl relates that many “ among those whose official functions or vocations brings them into constant relations with primitives,” including “ administrators

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and missionaries who share their everyday life,” wrote to tell him that his books had helped them to “ comprehend much that had appeared both unintelligible and ridiculous in the way natives reason, and also in their customs, and that their relations with them are accordingly facilitated and improved.” 99 Building on Durkheim’s project, Lévy-Bruhl sought “ to determine which are the most general laws governing collective representations . . . in the most undeveloped peoples known to us.” He criticized “ the English school o f an­ thropology” (Frazer and Tylor) for presuming that Western reason was univer­ sal. Refusing to treat primitive thought as a logical attempt to produce rational explanations o f the world, Lévy-Bruhl insisted that there were distinct and ir­ reconcilable modes o f thinking: “ A definite type o f society, with its own institu­ tions and customs, will therefore necessarily have its own mentality” and “ the external world they perceive differs from that which we apprehend.” But de­ spite this apparently pluralistic conception o f socially determined mentalities, Lévy-Bruhl identifies only two categories into which the diversity o f societies can be reduced: primitive and civilized. He maintained that all primitive so­ cieties share a common form o f “ prelogical” thought (mythical and synthetic rather than analytic) wherein things have mystical properties and persons ap­ prehend them in an unmediated fashion through relationships o f subjective “ participation.” 100 Lévy-Bruhl thus used principles borrowed from comparative sociology to critique an individualist analysis o f cultural forms and a universalist under­ standing o f human consciousness. But he then ignored the relativistic impli­ cations o f such a position by postulating the existence o f a total and socially compulsive “ primitive mentality” that irrevocably separates primitive from civilized societies. He thus replaced the universalism o f British evolutionary thinkers, which only understood other societies as inadequately developed ver­ sions o f their own, with the particularism o f his own evolutionary dichotomy between primitive and civilized mentalities. Mauss too was preoccupied with the Durkheimian question o f collective representations.101 Whereas Lévy-Bruhl created a rigid distinction between mystical primitive and rational civilized mentalities, Mauss historicized modes o f thinking and insisted on their socially determined character. His work thus moved beyond the dichotomy between the British anthropological universal­ ism that Lévy-Bruhl rejected and the philosophical particularism that LévyBruhl produced as an alternative, both o f which were evolutionary positions. For Mauss, the most important unit o f ethnological analysis was “ society,” de­ fined as “ a social group, generally named by itself and by others . . . ordinarily living in a determined place, having a language, a constitution, and often a

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tradition that is its own.” 102 He believed that every society possessed its own forms o f consciousness, categories o f thought, and principles o f classification.103 Rather than restrict collective representations to non-Western societies and reduce them to a general primitive mentality, however, Mauss identified them as a central feature o f all societies. Instead o f making modern, rational, European society a norm against which to measure the evolutionary stage o f other soci­ eties, he sought to make the West one among many. He thus attempted to show the sociohistorically specific character o f seemingly universal practices (of the body, classification, exchange) and categories (such as the self, the person, the individual).104 Mauss challenged the universalist idea (which he called an occi­ dental fantasy) that there exists one civilization to which all the peoples o f the world must increasingly aspire or conform, as well as the particularist idea that any one nation’s civilization could be the singular civilization to which others, unworthy o f the name, would be incapable or unfit to assimilate.105 Yet evolutionary hierarchies reappear in Mauss’s discussion o f the nation, which he defines as “ a materially and morally integrated society, with a sta­ ble, permanent central power, with defined borders, a relative moral, mental, and cultural unity o f inhabitants who consciously adhere to the State and its laws.” 106 This normative nation, in which “ the notion o f rights and duties o f the citizen and the rights and duties o f the patrie oppose and complement one another,” conspicuously resembles the French Third Republic.107 Note Mauss’s claim that in such nations there exists no “ intermediary between the nation and the citizen, that all types o f sub-groups disappear, that the unlimited pow­ ers [toute-puissance] o f the individual in the society and o f the society on the individual exercise themselves unchecked and without a hitch.” According to Mauss, “ there can be no nation without a certain integration o f society; that is to say that it must abolish all segmentation by clans, tribes, royalties, and feudal domains.” He explains that “ the title o f nation . . . only applies to a small num­ ber o f historically known societies. . . . Presently living human societies are far from all being o f the same nature and rank in their evolution. To consider them as equals is an injustice with regard to those among them for whom civilization and a sense o f law are the most fully developed.” 108 Mauss thus uses the na­ tion as a mechanism o f hierarchical distinction the separates primitive societies in which power is mystified and social relations are collectivist from modern societies in which power is rationalized and social relations are individuated.109 Mauss envisioned a world composed o f separate but equal societies, each an integrated totality with its own categories, norms, and practices. However, he qualified this cultural relativism with an evolutionism that contrasted kinship societies defined by custom and collectivity with national civilizations regulated

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by law and individualism. He implied that there existed a historical dynamic which led peoples from one developmental stage to the next. Native policy in A O F during this time was organized around this very understanding o f indige­ nous societies as both culturally fixed and socially flexible. For Mauss, ethnology and policy were mutually informing. His concern with reciprocity and social harmony in so-called archaic societies is commonly read as a response to World War I. In The Gift he sought to identify primordial social practices that would ensure peace for his own fragmented society. As he maintains, “ the clan, the tribe, and nation have learnt— just as in the future the classes and nations and individuals will learn— how to oppose one another without slaughter and to give without sacrificing themselves to others. That is one o f the secrets o f their . . . solidarity.” But such formulations may also be read as expressing the new political rationality then consolidating in both the métropole and the colonies. Mauss proclaims the “ dawn and realization o f . . . corporate law . . . and group morality,” as increasingly “ the State, municipali­ ties, public assistance establishments, management and wage-earners are all as­ sociated” through social legislation even as the state looks after individuals.110 Criticizing the way that the human being in the modern West had become an “ economic animal” and a “ calculating machine,” Mauss insisted that a public order organized around “ social insurance, solicitude in mutuality or coopera­ tion” would be preferable to either feudal paternalism or capitalist income.111 If we accept that Durkheimian sociology was a theoretical formulation o f the late nineteenth-century solidarism, then we can also recognize Mauss’s ethnology as a theoretical formulation o f early twentieth-century welfarism.112 Mauss insisted on a strict division between social science and public policy, yet he also counseled sociologists to remain interested in the practical applica­ tions their work. He maintained that “ the ultimate problem for sociology” is to determine how “ the science o f societies” can “ effectively contribute” to “ the art o f directing a society, the action o f administration, le commandement. ” 1n Mauss could have been describing metropolitan and colonial welfarism when he wrote that “ the art o f politics should not be independent o f sociology, and sociology should not be disinterested in politics.” 114 He called on scholars to fulfill their social duty to “ help direct public opinion, indeed government” by venturing into that domain “ halfway between action and science, in the region o f practical rationality” through such seemingly neutral practices as “ impar­ tial surveys” and “ the simple scientific recording o f facts.” 115 Each element o f the new colonial rationality— the interpersonal cohort, the information cir­ cuit, and the institutional nodes— operated in precisely such an intermediary domain o f practical rationality. In their writings and hybrid careers, interwar

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reformers transcended the opposition between disinterested science and instru­ mental action not so much by finding a middle ground between them as by exploiting their intersection.1,6 Within French West Africa, the scientific-administrative complex was pro­ moted most vigorously by Governor-General Jules Brévié (1930—36). A grad­ uate o f the École Coloniale, Brévié participated in the occupation and organi­ zation o f Haut-Sénégal-Niger, addressed economic production in Guinea after the war, and in 1920 joined the Office o f Political Affairs in Dakar. He then served as governor o f Niger before becoming governor-general o f AOF, where he would supervise colonial humanist initiatives.117 During the early 1930s, Brévié’s policy experiments in A O F and reformers’ metropolitan proposals were mutually reinforcing. In the next chapter, I discuss how the governorgeneral grounded the emergent political rationality in concrete projects. Here I want only to indicate that Brévié joined the other reformers in making colo­ nial ethnology— a fusion o f practical science and scientific administration— a crucial feature o f what was seen as a new art and science o f colonial government. After having served the governing project at all levels, with experience in economic as well as political administration, Brévié concluded that detailed knowledge o f local populations was essential for a successful native policy. He had collaborated with Delafosse on the research for Haut-Sénégal-Niger. In turn, Delafosse wrote the preface for Brévié’s own contribution to African ethnology. His “ essay on colonial political psychology” valorized indigenous African religious practices over an imported Islam. Brévié argued that colonial policy should work to preserve African civilizations whose essentially collec­ tivist character he insisted on throughout a text in which he cites Lévy-Bruhl approvingly.118 By joining ethnology and policy recommendations, this monograph antici­ pated Brévié’s later administrative concerns. It contributed to the new African­ ist research as well as to reformist theories o f administration. During the inter­ war period, Brévié published programmatic essays in which he outlined a vision o f colonial government that grounded political authority in economic develop­ ment and social management. Immediately after becoming governor-general, he reiterated Sarraut’s postwar claim that a new era o f colonialism had begun: “ the page o f exploration and conquest is finished. . . . Today, the page o f eco­ nomic mise en valeur and human development is generously open before us.” 119 He informed his administrators that “ the essential factor in the economic devel­ opment o f the country” will be “ our constant concern . . . to remain in close, permanent contact with our administrés, to follow the transformations o f their mentality.” 120 For Brévié, political authority and economic prosperity would

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depend on joining comprehensive knowledge o f native societies to continuous contact with indigenous populations. Privileging persuasion over coercion, Brévié and the reformers invested themselves in the idea o f government by administration. “ The art o f admin­ istering [villages],” Delavignette wrote in his reform treatise, “ is the opposite o f a tyranny,” requires “ no deployments o f spectacular force,” and simply con­ sists o f “ recognizing [natives’] rights and serving their interests.” Labouret in­ voked the example o f Lyautey, who had simplified the “ art o f commanding” to four precepts: “ knowing, know-how, knowing how to make, and making known.” This art o f administration would entail a relational form o f govern­ ment; a commandant would have to “ understand those whom he addresses and make himself perfectly understood by them.” 121 As Brévié instructed his colonial governors, “ it is not in offices and through intermediaries that we exercise our control over the indigenous milieu . . . it is by making ourselves seen and heard, by tirelessly circulating . . . always in m ovement. . . constant, thoughtful, and always attentive.” 122 The crucial instrument o f this administrative art was “ the tour,” which, ac­ cording to Delavignette, was “ a method for knowing the country and collab­ orating with i t . . . a method o f administration.. . . it is the essential activity o f authority. It is through the tournée that the commandant practices the art o f native policy that links the colonial administration to the regions.” 123 Through field tours, colonial officials were supposed to engage indigenous society in or­ der to learn about natives’ needs and care for their interests. These were neither simply public displays o f colonial force nor mechanical exercises in data col­ lection. Tours were a means o f exercising power by inviting natives to speak “ the truth” about their lives.124 Brévié defined this new mission: “ To be in a state o f perpetual perception and analysis o f natives’ individual and collective sentiments . . . to define calmly and exactly the smallest trouble that can have an effect on the native m ilieu.. . . It is not sufficient to be strong and just; we must also know how to bring, in our relations with natives, untiring kindness, concern at all times, and well informed indulgence.” 125 The tour placed admin­ istrators in a relationship with the administered, whose economic, social, and cultural lives could thereby be surveyed. The art o f administration both required and produced scientific knowledge o f native society. Brévié warned against improvised government activity, ob­ serving that “ colonization is becoming a question o f method, o f calculation, of predictions and, we should say, o f science. It remains without a doubt and first o f all a political and psychological art, but one that must be guided and clarified by exact scientific data.” 126 Hardy likewise argued that “ colonial policy should

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first o f a l l . . . be scientific” and based on “ the systematic and scrupulous estab­ lishment o f fa c t. . . data acquired with the methodological rigor o f the natural sciences.” 127 Given that native policy would differ according to milieu, however, this new science o f administration had to be adjusted to social context. As Delavignette suggested, its “ methods are experimental” and depend on local conditions.128 In Brévié’s formulation, “ science in the service o f colonization always leads to man, to the population, to the native milieu. Whether it is a matter o f agronomy, medicine, or biology, this limit must be recognized. The great colonial science is still definitively a science o f man.” 129Administration would have to be informed by a social and human science. Ethnology at this time was the ascendant human science.130 In chapter 4 , 1 discuss the ethnographic surveys o f customary law that Brévié commissioned in the early thirties. Additionally, he instructed the adminis­ tration to organize a West African historical archive composed o f documents related to the colonial conquest and to traditions that seemed to be disappear­ ing. Brévié hoped to promote “ a methodical research program” focused on inquiries into colonial history and African culture.131 He further pursued this objective by lobbying for the creation o f an official scientific institute in A O F devoted to geographic, ethnographic, and historical research. This indepen­ dent institute would cooperate with the federation’s technical services as well as with metropolitan scientific organizations. By generating publications, it would also raise the French public’s knowledge o f Africa. After years o f planning, Brévié’s vision was eventually realized in 1938 as the Institut Français d ’Afrique Noire in D akar.132 Brévié explicitly stated that “ the government o f natives . . . requires a ver­ itable science o f ethnology, a knowledge o f comparative colonization . . . a colonial political science.” The governor-general maintained that “ coloniza­ tion needs scholars, impartial and disinterested researchers with broad vision, outside o f the urgency and fire o f action.” However, he warned that “ science must be subordinated to action, submitted to urgency, to the facts that com­ mand. . . . without losing any o f its disinterested and objective character, this science must apply itself to concrete, living problems, plunged into action.” 133 Henceforth, scientific administration would have to be informed by an applied ethnology o f native milieux.134 Delafosse had earlier implored all administra­ tors responsible for native policy to become “ nativologists” [indigènologues] engaged in the objective study o f natives’ “ mentality . . . needs . . . desires, what they are, what they want to be, and what they can be.” 135 Hardy called for a new “ ethnic psychology” that should focus on “ a clearly determined and

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situated mentality— for example, that o f the Bambara or the Annamites,” in or­ der “ to determine, in effect, not only what natives think, but how they think.” 156 This preoccupation with knowing native society was precisely the focus o f the International Congress on Native Society in 1931, which attempted to relate social science, administrative theory, and colonial policy. Participants included metropolitan bureaucrats, field administrators, missionaries, and ethnologists as well as Paul Hazoumé. Its objective was to study “ native society in itself and not only as a function o f European action” in order to recognize “ the properly human value o f the native.” 157 Such language signaled the interwar reorien­ tation o f governing strategy as policymakers internalized the lessons o f Mauss and Delafosse by treating native societies as dynamic integral entities with their own structures and histories. The very category “ native society” — an object o f knowledge and field o f intervention— was integral to interwar colonial ratio­ nality. Conference presentations focused on policies regarding African labor, and social and family conditions. Many advocated protecting local cultures and mentalities. Delavignette’s intervention argued that the “ native mentality . . . is not a stagnant thing” but something that “ varies by country and by race.” He warned the administration that in order to avoid a colonial crisis, it must establish ethnological research centers: “ there will be urgent peril if we do not act. . . . The great public works, the great products, the great intentions o f Greater France, all definitively depend on knowledge o f native mentalities.” 158 Important as it would be for administrators to understand native conscious­ ness, reformers also believed that effective native policy required them to un­ derstand local sociopolitical institutions: kinship structures, family practices, rules o f political succession, customary law, religious groupings, property re­ gimes, and agricultural systems. Labourers writing was oriented more toward understanding such objective social structures than subjective native mentali­ ties. In writing and teaching, he elaborated a pragmatic native policy founded on ethnological competence, cultural protection, and social welfare.15’ He ar­ gued that native policy “ requires an exhaustive study o f the society and a skillful adjustment o f our methods to the framework o f that society. . . . The enterprise is not only administrative, it is scientific and cannot be improvised.” 140 In an article titled “ Ethnologie coloniale,” he wrote that administration would depend on “ the exact understanding o f natives’ languages, moeurs, in­ stitutions, manners o f living, acting, reacting, and thinking” and explained that administrators must be “ linguists, ethnologists, and above all psycholo­ gists.” Labouret set forth concrete proposals for the practice o f colonial eth­ nology, including the production o f “ a network o f good regional monographs” by competent local administrators, missionaries, and settlers based on careful

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observation over a long period o f time.141 He warned against relying on the accounts o f cultural mediators (servants, youth, native police and soldiers, in­ terpreters) and counseled researchers to learn local languages.142 Labouret produced an elaborate Plan for Regional Monographs, which pro­ vided administrators with “ all the elements necessary to understand and guide populations . . . under their authority.” This was a comprehensive and detailed document that categorized a given society in terms o f its geography, history, populations, material technologies, languages, forms o f knowledge, aesthetics, social organization, family practices, kinship systems, and economic, political, juridical, and religious institutions. The plan indicated precisely what kind o f information should be gathered in each o f these domains and the types o f ques­ tions to be asked o f different social actors.143 Several years earlier Outre-Mer had published Labouret*s translation o f “ Recommendations for the Study o f the Family,” written by the British International Institute o f African Languages and Civilizations. This guide instructed fieldworkers on how to map and de­ scribe village organization, habitations, lineages, the division o f labor, everyday habits, and cultural beliefs.144 Labouret’s own scholarship exemplified this synthesis o f Maussian and Malinoskian varieties o f ethnographic holism. His major monograph, Les tribus du rameau Lobi, is a totalizing representation o f a timeless African society fixed by custom. His discussions o f Lobi demographics, technology, aesthetics, social and economic organization, law, morality, and religion continually remark on the high degree o f functional integration among such a seemingly decentralized and disorganized “ tribe” with no formal governing structures or sociopoliti­ cal hierarchy apart from the family.145 Labouret underscores the work’s schol­ arly legitimacy by assuring the reader that it is based on rigorous ethnological methods, including knowledge o f the Lobi language, a long stay in the field, and knowledgeable informants.146 Although he conducted research while a lo­ cal administrator, he makes minimal reference to his colonial location or to the colonial context that inflected Lobi social practices. In a brief final section titled “ Evolution,” Labouret calls for a “ methodical purging” o f native agitators.147 Once purified, he suggests, indigenous society will naturally evolve as the administration builds roads, promotes market ex­ change, and organizes local political hierarchies. A new municipal spirit, grow­ ing economic intercourse, and the freer movement o f subjects across larger regions, according to Labouret, would then effectively ensure social order and contribute to indigenous evolution. After almost five hundred pages o f decontextualized ethnography that describes an unchanging social formation, the

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monograph thus concludes with a vision o f comprehensive social transforma­ tion driven by a program o f economic and administrative intervention. In another monograph, Les manding et leur langue, Labouret focuses on the centrality o f the family to this process o f social evolution in French Sudan. He criticizes previous scholarship for focusing on political and military his­ tory while neglecting “ the transformation o f the family,” which he argues is “ the principal element upon which progress in African territories should and must rest.” Accordingly, his account addresses the influence that colonial in­ tervention has had on the authority o f the chef de fam ille. Labouret explains that according to Manding custom, the male head o f the household had been charged with managing collective property and executing group justice in or­ der to ensure social solidarity and protect the common good. He characterizes Manding marriages as a form o f “ communism” based on contracts between two families.148 Labouret then recounts how in one generation o f French rule this collective family economy was being displaced by “ an already powerful urban economy.” Colonial “ peace and security” allowed for the greater imperial circulation o f Africans. A new class o f Sudanese migrant laborers traveling to Togo, Gold Coast, Côte d ’Ivoire, and Senegal returned to Manding villages, where they demonstrated their independence by refusing to obey traditional family heads. This “ seasonal proletariat,” according to Labouret, attended school, stimu­ lated social envy, and had sufficient personal savings to pay for marriage cer­ emonies without needing chiefs to grant them collective property. With the support o f colonial administrators, who restricted the authority o f traditional chiefs, as well as colonial courts, which recognized individual rights o f selfdetermination contrary to custom, marriage became a contract between in­ dividuals. Labouret concludes that “ the kinship collectivity upon which we have counted until now is rapidly disintegrating; another group is succeeding it, weaker but more accessible, more flexible and easily educated: the nuclear household . . . the conjugal family.” 149 It is not clear whether Labouret fears or embraces this transformation. Re­ gardless, he presents the family as a central index and site o f these changes. He identifies social disintegration as an effect o f colonial intervention and treats this process as an object o f ethnological inquiry with pragmatic implications. Labouret refers to this monograph as a “ manual” that synthesizes courses he taught at the École Coloniale and the École des Langues Orientales: “ intended for students about to leave for West Africa, it is designed to be used as instru­ ment for work in the field.” 150

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Both monographs exemplify the intimate relationship between colonial eth­ nology, governing strategy, and political authority. Each work also expresses a tension between static and evolutionary understandings o f native society. Inter­ war colonial ethnology tended to fix African masses within their social group by maintaining that they were subsumed by their cultures, existing in a state o f pure collectivity, where myth reigned over reason and the group wholly dominated the individual. Yet colonial ethnologists, whether administrators or academics, were also preoccupied with the problem o f social transformation caused by French intervention. They believed that indigenous social categories such as clan, collectivity, communal property, and custom were transmuting re­ spectively into nuclear families, individuality, private property, and law. French native policy in AOF, as I show in the next chapter, sought both to prevent and promote these developments.151 Scholars have remarked that this generation o f administrator-ethnographers was especially interested in individuality, collectivity, and the family.152 But such scholarly preoccupations must be accounted for in relation to the political field in which they were produced. Colonial ethnology privileged such issues precisely because collectivist structures, especially the family, were understood by the colonial state to be indices and catalysts for the social transformations that government policies feared and encouraged. Ethnologists’ (contradictory) characterizations o f African social relations and (contradictory) native policies were intrinsically related to, and did not simply influence, one another.155 This imperial scientific-administrative complex included scholars, teachers, and administrators, inside and outside o f government, in the métropole and overseas, through which practical science and scientific administration con­ stituted one another, whether or not intentionally.154 Interwar administrators wrote fieldwork monographs that were formative for metropolitan science, while new native policies concerned with protecting yet improving indigenous social institutions incorporated the methods and insights o f professional aca­ demics. Government policies were informed by and produced ethnographic categories just as ethnological science was informed by and produced admin­ istrative categories.155 It is important to remember that for those involved there was nothing ex­ traordinary about the reciprocal relationship between science and government. Far from occluding the role o f ethnology in administration, interwar reform­ ers idealized it.I5 cd. Pierre Renouvin and René Rémond (Paris: Presses de la Fonda­ tion Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1967); Cohen, “ Colonial Policy o f the Popular Front” ; Mar­ seille, Empire colonial, 334—37; Bemard-Duquenet, Frontpopulaire; Cooper, Decolonisation and African Society, 73-10 7; and Chafer and Sackur, French Colonial Empire. On post-World War II develop­ ment, see Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, Daniel Hemery, and Jean Piel, eds., Pour une histoire du développement (Paris: Harmattan, 1988); Cooper, Decolonisation and African Society', and Frederick Cooper and Randall Packard, eds., International Development and the Social Sciences: Essays on the History and Politics o f Knowledge (Berkeley: University o f California Press, 1997).

CHAPTER FIVE

1. Jules Carde, “ Circulaire sur la réorganisation de l’enseignement, 1 mai 1924,” JO A O F, May 10, 1924,310-47. For overviews, see Buell, Native Problem, 2:49—64; Olatunji Oloruntimehin, “ Education for Dominance in French West Africa from 1900 to the Second World War? Journal o f the Historical Society o f Nigeria 7, no. 2 (June 1974): 347—56; Denise Bouche, L'Enseignement dans les territories de l'Afrique occidentale de 1817 à 1920: Mission civilisatrice ourformation d'une elite? 2 vols. (Lille: Presses Universitaires de Lille, 1975); Peggy Sabatier, “ Did Africans Really Learn to Be French? The Franco­ phone Elite of the École William Ponty,” and David E. Gardiner, “ The French Impact o f Education in Africa,” both in Double Impact: France and Africa in the Age o f Imperialism, ed. G. Wesley Johnson (Westport, C T: Greenwood Press, 1985), 179-87, 333-44; and Conklin, Mission to Civilize, 75-86. 2. Carde, “ Circulaire sur la réorganisation,” 3 0 9 -10 ,316 ,330 -31,339 . On Hardy’s school reforms, African teachers, and cultural nationalist consciousness, see François Manchuelle, “ Assimilés ou patri­ ots africains? Naissance du nationalisme culturel en Afrique française (18 53-19 31),” Cahiers d'Études Africaines, nos. 138-39 (1995): 351-6 1. 3. See Albert Charton, “ Les études indigènes à l’École William-Ponty,” Bulletin de l'Enseignement de l'Afrique Occidentale Française 84 (July—December 1933): 199. 4. Brévié, Discours prononcé 1930, 35, 36.

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5. Brévié, Discours prononcé 193t, 53—54,57-58. 6. “ Circulaire au sujet de l’enseignement populaire en AOF, 20 janvier 1932,** JQ AO F, January 3 0 ,19 3 2 ,10 5 -6 ; and “ Circulaire sur Penseigement populaire en AOF, 8 avril 1933 ,” JQ AO F, August ■ 3, 1933, 395-98. On popular education as an instrument o f social improvement, agricultural devel­ opment, and cultural preservation, see Albert Charton, “ Role social de l’enseignement en Afrique Occidentale Française,** Outre-Mer 6, no. 2 (June 1934): 188-202; GG Jules Brévié, “ L’enseignement en A.O.F. en 1934 et l’oeuvre sociale,” Éducation africaine, no. 87 (July-December 1934): 135-44; René Fil, “ L'école rurale: Essai de definition,” Éducation Africaine, no. 89 (January-March 1935): 5966; and Fily Dabo Sissoko and Cheze, “ Essai sur la nouvelle orientation scolaire,” Éducation Africaine, nos. 90-91 (April-September 1935): 201-8 . 7. Brévié, Discours prononcé 1330, 40. 8. Brévié, Discours prononcé 1931, 58-59. 9. Brévié, Discours prononcé 1930, 40. 10. Robert Delavignette, “ L’appel de l’Europe: Une afrique nouvelle,” Monde Colonial Illustré, no. 124 (December 1933): 194. 11. Brévié, Discours prononcé 19 31, 59. 12. Brévié, Discours prononcé 1930, 36. 13. Brévié, Discours prononcé 1931, 54. 14. Ibid., 56. 15. Contribution à l’exposé du programme de mise en valeur de l’Afrique Occidentale Française, October 7,19 32, AAO F 17G-160. 16. Labouret, A la recherche, 7 2 -7 3 ,118 ; Delavignette, Service africaine, 226. 17. Baréty, “ Conférence,” 85. 18. Sarraut, Grandeur et servitudes, 158, 153. 19. Ibid., 154. 20. Rapport politique 1931, AAO F 2G-32/25, 27, 36; Rapport politique 1932, AAO F 2 G -3 1/ 17, 2 -4 , 7; Rapport politique 1933, AAO F 2G-33/7, 8; Rapport politique 1934, AAOF 2 G -34 /12, 6, 15, 22, 29,40; Rapport politique du GG 1936, AAO F 2G -36 /25,42-48,66. 21. Rapport politique 1932, AAO F 2 G -3 1/ 17 ,4,6. 22. Rapport politique 1933, AAO F 2 G -3 3 / 7 ,19-20. 23. Rapport politique 1934, AAO F 2 G -34 /12 ,15 ,19 - 2 0 . 24. Rapport politique 1933, AAO F 2G -33/7, 30-32; Rapport politique 1931, AAOF 2G -32/25,20. 25. Rapport politique 1934, AAO F 2G -34/12, 25. In 1936, the administration prosecuted editors o f La Voix de Dahomey. Rapport politique du GG 1936, AAO F 2 G -36 /2 5,14 -18 . 26. Rapport politique du GG 1937, AAO F 2G -37 /1, 6. They also reported that elites in Dakar “ demonstrate . . . hostility toward nationalist propaganda.” Dakar et dépendances: Rapport politique 1937, A A O F 2 G -37 /3,6. 27. Delavignette, Service africaine, 234. Delavignette compared this new tribal mentality to that of Nazis and slave traders. 28. Rapport politique 1933, AAOF 2G-33/7, 30-32. During the Voix de Dahomey crisis, adminis­ trators assured Dakar that political dissent never reached the native masses. See also Manning, Slavery, Colonialism, 261—75. 29. Cote d'Ivoire, Rapport politique 1937, AAOF 2 G -3 7 /5 ,140, 14 3,14 6 ,147, 161. 30. Rapport politique 1931, AAO F 2G-32/25, 22. 31. Rapport politique 1934, AAO F 2G -34 /12, 27. 32. Rapport politique du GG 1936, AAO F 2G-36/25, 37. On the strikes, see Bernard-Duquenet, Front Populaire.

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33. Rapport politique du GG 1936, AAO F 2G-36/25, 34-38. 34. Rapport politique 1931, AAO F 2G -32/2 5 ,13 -14 ; Rapport politique 1932, AAO F 2 G -3 1/ 17 ,7, 10. 35. Cf. Bhabha, Location o f Culture, 85—92; and Stoler, Carnal Knowledge, 79—111. 36. Brévié, Trois études, 21. 37. Brévié, Discoursprononcé 19 3 1,59-60; and Brévié, circulaire, August 18,1932, in Circulaires, 10. 38. On racial formations, see Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1980s (New York: Roudedge, 1986), 1-8 6 . On racism as a historically specific process that articulates with existing social relations, see Stuart Hall, “ Race, Articulation, and Societies Structured in Dominance,” in Sociological Theories: Race and Colonialism (Paris: UNESCO, 1980). 39. Sarraut, Mise en valeur, 100. 40. Delavignette, Service africaine, 240-41, 235, 242. 41. Maurice Delafosse, Les noirs de VAfrique (Paris: Payot, 1921), 156-160; and Delafosse, Nègres,

5- 1342. See Delafosse, Broussard. 43. Sarraut, Mise en valeur, 100,16 3,96 -9 7. 44. Brévié, circulaire, September 27,1932, in Circulaires, 36. 45. Brévié, Trois études, 33-34. 46. Brévié, Discours prononcé 1930, 18. 47. Brévié, circulaire, August 18,1932, in Circulaires, 7. 48. Réponse du GG, May 1934, AAO F 18G-62. 49. Brévié, circulaire no. 415, in Circulaires, 29-30. Brévié thus resurrected a discourse that cir­ culated in post-emancipation colonial societies. See Thomas C. Holt, The Problem o f Freedom: Race, Labor, and Politics in Jam aica and Britain, 18 32-18 38 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992); and Dubois, “ Price o f Liberty.” 50. Sarraut, Mise en valeur, 100—101. 51. Ibid., 10 2-3. 52. Hardy, Nos grands problèmes, 142. 53. Labouret, À la recherche, 115. 54. Henri Labouret, “ Citoyenneté d ’empire,” in L*homme de couleur, ed. Cardinal Verdier (Paris: Plong, 1939), 354. 55. Ibid., 354, 350. 56. Labouret, A la recherche, 115. 57. Brévié, circulaire, September 28,1932, in Circulaires, 45-47. 58. Girault, Principes de colonisation, 392. 59. Solus, Traité de la condition des indigènes, 135. 60. Brévié, circulaire, August 1932, in Circulaires, 9. 61. Sarraut, Mise en valeur, 98—99; Sarraut, Grandeur et servitudes, 153—61. 62. Labouret, “ Citoyenneté d ’empire,” 351-52. He argued that the administration should reward elites* longtime loyalty to France by granting them access to jobs reserved for citizens. Ibid., 357. 63. Labouret, A la recherche, 122-23. 64. Sarraut, Mise en valeur, 98—99. 65. See Lamine Guèye, De la situation politique des sénégalais originaires des communes de plein exer­ cice (Paris: Éditions de la Vie Universitaire 1921); Buell, Native Problem, 1:947-52; Michael Crowder, Senegal: A Study o f French Assimilation Policy (London: Methuen, 1967), 9—28. 66. See Johnson, Black Politics in Senegal, 178 -9 1; and Searing, “ Accommodation and Resistance,” 452-543. These texts discuss political struggles by the originaires.

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67. It extended a May 20,1857, decree. Guèye, De la situation politique, 15-32; Buell, Native Prob­ lem, 1:948; Johnson, Black Politics in Senegal, 183—91. 68. Johnson, Black Politics in Senegal, 40. 69. GG Angoulvant, Proposition de loi tendant à accorder la qualité de citoyen français aux natifs des communes de plein exercice du Sénégal, September 3, 1916, CAOM 1AP-539. Others criticized legal dualism as well. Valude, Chambre des Députés, Proposition de loi, April 4, 1922; and GG de l'AO F to Ministre des Colonies, Statut des originaires des 4 communes du Sénégal, June 1924, both in iAP-539. Others were alarmed that originaires who retained their customary civil status continued to use the French état civil. Directeur des Affaires Politiques to Chef du Service Judiciaires, État civil indigène, July 28,1934, AAO F 23G-15. 70. Décret réglant les conditions d'accession des indigènes de l’AOF à la qualité de citoyen français, May 25,1912, CAOM 1AP-1638. 71. The Government General conceded that local administrators enjoyed too much discretionary power to reject eligible applicants. Goston Domergue, Projet de loi sur l'accession des indigènes des colonies à la qualité de citoyen français, November 19, 1924, CAOM 1AP-1638; GG de l'AO F to Lt. Governor o f Dahomey, Demandes de naturalization et d'accession, January 26,1934, AAOF 23G-9. In 1936 Senegalese functionaries eligible for citizenship complained to the ministry that their applications were being ignored by Dakar. Un groupe des sujets français to Ministre des Colonies, September 27, 1936, AAO F 23G-9. 72. Between 1914 and 1922 only 88 citizenship requests were approved for the whole federation. Tableau de demandes de naturalizations formulées pare les indigènes de 1912 à 1925, September 12, 1925, AAO F 23G-24. In 1932 citizenship was granted to 7 o f the 41 who applied, in 1933 to 9 o f the 50, in 1934 to 7 of the 54, in 1935 to 6 o f the 47, in 1936 to 3 o f the 22, and in 1937 to none o f the 56 who applied. Rapport politique et administratif annuel 1932, A AO F 2G -31/7; Rapport politique 1933, A A O F 2G -33/7; Rapport politique 1934, AAO F 2G -34/12; Rapport politique du GG 1936, AAOF 2G-36/25; Rapport politique du GG 1937, AAO F 2G -37/1. 73. Décret 1912, CAOM 1AP-1638. 74. Citizenship requests were also rejected if they were made by anyone deemed to have a dubious political attitude, to associate with known political activists, or to encourage workers to strike. Eval­ uations o f citizenship applications between 1929 and 1932 are contained in CAOM 1A P -14 8 ,149,150, >5*» *5*75. On restrictive interpretations o f the 1912 decree, see AAOF 23G-9. 76. In contrast to the 1889 nationality law, which presumed that second-generation immigrants would assimilate French culture, administrators recognized that in a colonial context, legal, territorial, and cultural identities did not necessarily map onto one another. 77. GG de l’AOF, Circulaire: Statut des indigènes de l’AOF, October 8,1922; and Carde, Natural­ isation des indigènes, June 1923, both in AAO F 23G-9. 78. On family citizenship and nationality politics, see Elisa Camiscioli, MIntermarriage, Indepen­ dent Nationality, and the Individual Rights o f French Women: The Law o f 10 August 1927,” French Politics, Culturey and Society 17, nos. 3 -4 (Summer/Fall 1999): 52-74; and Jean Pedersen, “ ‘Special Customs': Paternity Suits and Citizenship in France and the Colonies, 18 70-1912,'' in Domesticating the Empire: Race, Gender, and Fam ily Life in French and Dutch Colonialism, ed. Julia Clancy-Smith and Frances Gouda (Charlottesville: University o f Virginia Press, 1998). 79. Ministre des Colonies Sarraut to GG de l'AOF, Interprétation du décret du 25 mai 1912, July 31,19 22, AOF 23G-9. 80. “ Accession des indigènes de l'AOF aux droits de citoyen français, 21 août 1932,'' JO AO F, Au­ gust 25, 1932,9291. 81. GG Brévié, Circulaire: Accession des indigènes à la qualité de citoyen français, January 1933,

336

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I 3 3 -

I 3 6

CAOM i A P-i 549. Brévié advised investigators to interview a wife separately in order to determine if she were “sincerely disposed to renounce her [civil] status.” 82. Revision des actes réglementant l’accession des indigènes à la qualité de citoyen français, August 1931; GG de l’AO F to Ministre des Colonies, Refonte des texts relatifs à l’accession des indigènes orig­ inaires de l’AOF à la qualité de citoyens français, October 6, 1931; GG de l’AOF, Circulaire: Consti­ tution des dossiers de naturalization, April 16, 1932; GG Brévié, Circulaire: Délivrance de certificates de bonnes view et moeurs, February 15, 1933, all in AAOF 23G-8. 83. Cf. Stoler, Carnal Knowledge. 84. Galandou Diouf, Proposition de loi, October 9, 1936, AAOF 23G-9. 85. GG de l’AOF to Ministre des Colonies, Accession des indigènes anciens combatanis, AAOF 23G-9. The revised citizenship decree o f July 23, 1937, again required applicants to subject themselves to French civil law and specified that candidates “cannot have ever demonstrated any hostility to France by their acts, writing, or words.” “Conditions dans lesquelles les indigènes de l’AOF peuvent être admis à la qualité de citoyen français, 23 juillet 1937 Ç J OA OF, July 27, 1937, 8476—77. 86. Procureur Général du Service Judiciaire de l’A OF to GG de l’AO F, September 28, 1923, AAOF 23G-15. A memo from the m id-1920s affirms that naturalization laws don’t apply to natives because they have French nationality: Note to Directeur des Affaires Politiques, n.d. [mid-1920s], CAOM 1AP1638. 87. On mixed-race policies in AOF, sec Owen White, Children of the French Empire: Miscegenation and Colonial Society in French IVest Africa, 1895—1960 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). 88. Germain Crespin, Avocat-défenseur, July 31, 1923; Lt. Governor o f Dahomey to GG dc l’AOF, Application décret 26 mai 1912 sur naturalization indigène, August 26, 1923; Chef du Service Judiciaire to GG de l’AOF, September 28, 1923, all in AAOF 23G-15. The administration attempted to clarify the impact on colonial mixed marriages o f the revised 1927 nationality law (which allowed wives to retain their nationality upon marrying foreigners) in response to an inquiry from an international feminist organization. Doris Stevens, Chairman, Inter-American Commission on Women, to J. Carde, GG dc l’AOF, Condition des femmes, April 30, 1929; Ministre des Colonics, Nationalité: Effets dc la loi du 10 août 1927 sur les mariages mixtes, September 7, 1931; GG de l’AOF, Projet de décret: Mariages entre français ou étrangers et indigènes, December 11, 1931; Ministre des Colonies, Effets dc la loi du io août 1927, July 19, 1932, all in AAOF 230-15. On the 1927 law’s presumption that French women are bearers o f national values and agents o f assimilation, sec Camiscioli, “Intermarriage.” For overviews of French nationality law, see Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood, 85 113; and Noiriel, French Melting Pot, 45 90. 89. Lt. Governor o f Dahomey to GG dc 1’AOF, August 26, 1923, AAOF 23G -15. 90. Chef du Service Judiciaire to GG de l’AOF, September 28, 1923, in AAOF 23G-15. 91. Rapport présenté par M. P. Jacomct au Conseil de Législation Coloniale, séance du 8 novembre 1926, AAOF 23G-15. 92. Sarraut, Mise en valeur, 96

104.

93. Note to Directeur des Affaires Politiques Girault, n.d. [ca. 1923]; Ministre des Colonies Sarraut to Ministre des Affaires Étrangères, June 19, 1923; note, October 15, 1925, all in CAOM iAP-1638. 94. Rapport sur la condition légale des sujets français dans les colonies et les prerogatives qui ré­ sultant de la qualité de sujet, présenté par M. Tesseron, n.d. [ca. 1925], CAOM 1AP-1638. 95. Ministre des Colonies to Président de la République, n.d. [ca. 1928], CAOM 1AP-1638. 96. Projet dc décret présenté par M. Bernard Lavcrgnc, annexe au P.V. [Procès Verbal] du 15 juin 1927, CAOM 1AP-1638. The proposal was modeled on the Roman edict of Caracalla (212 A D ). 97. Séance du 30 mars 1927; and Conseil dc Législation Coloniale, P.V. dc la séance du 13 juin 1928, both at CAOM 1AP-1638.

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98. Conseil de Législation Coloniale, séance du 15 juin 1927; and Conseil de Législation Coloniale, P.V. de la séance du 13 juin 1928, both at CAOM 1 A P -1638. 99. GG de PAOF to Ministre des Colonies, Rapport: Indigènes d ’elite, October 30,1930, CAOM 1AP-1638. 100. Brévié, Discours prononcé 1930, 17 -18 . Carde had opened access to better administrative jobs for “ deserving natives” on May 10,1928. 101. Officials argued that participation in local assemblies and municipal councils would provide natives with the gradual political education necessary for a future citizenship. Sarraut, M ist en valeur, 104—3; and Sarraut, Grandeur et servitudes, 164; Labouret, A la recherche, 118, 122-23. On colonial councils and assemblies, see Buell, Native Problem, 1:958-82. 102. Brévié characterized councils as instruments o f political education, cultural preservation, and social control, in “ Circulaire sur l’administration indigène: Les conseils, 28 septembre 1932 "JO A O F, October 2 2,19 32 ,9 38 -4 1. 103. A partial list would include rightless subjects; notable subjects exempt from the indigènat or enjoying access to French tribunals or allowed to sit on advisory councils; urban subjects who partici­ pated in elections for local assemblies; nominal citizens by virtue o f birth in one o f the Four Communes or service in the military, who could elect national legislators but maintained a customary civic status and were not free to travel to the métropole; and those who had “ advanced to the status o f citizens” and lived under the French civil code but were still subject to the administrative rule o f the Government General. To this we can add mixed-race subjects, Africans temporarily residing in the métropole, nonEuropeans from other French or foreign colonies living in AOF, and non-French foreign nationals living there. 104. Mayor o f Saint-Louis B. Camara to Lt. Governor o f Senegal, État civil, July 15,19 21, AAOF 23G-13; Carde, GG de l’AOF, Loi du février 17, 1924, May 3, 1924, AAO F 23G-6; Lt. Governor of Dahomey to GG de l’AOF, Adjovi, August 20,1926, AAO F 23G-9; Buell, Native Problem, 1:952-53. 105. Carde, GG de l’AOF, Abus de nom patronymique, AAO F 23G-15. 106. GG de l’AOF, Circulaire: Statut des indigènes de l’AOF, October 8,1922, AAO F 23G-9; Ob­ servations du GG, Naturalisation des indigènes, June 20,1923, CAOM 1AP-1638; GG de l’AOF Carde to Ministre des Colonies, November 1923, CAOM 1 AP-1638; Affaires Politiques et Administratives, Révision des actes réglementant l’accession des indigènes à la qualité di citoyen français, August 8, 1931, AAO F 23G-8. 107. Lt. Governor o f Dahomey to GG de l’AOF, Application décret 26 mai 1912 sur naturalisation indigène, August 26, 1923; Chef du Service Judiciaire to GG de l’AOF, September 28, 1923, AAO F 23G-15. 108. Nationalité française en AOF et a Madagascar, October 8,1933, AAO F 23G-8. 109. GG de l’AO F to Ministre des Colonies, Accession des indigènes de 1*AOF à la qualitéde citoyen français, May 17,1934, AAO F 23G-8. 110. The long conflict between the Adjovi family in Dahomey and the colonial state from the con­ quest until decolonization began with an intrafamily property dispute, which led to struggles over chiefly succession, then to social upheaval, and finally to anticolonial nationalism. See AAO F 8G-41. On the broader context o f this drama, see Manning, Slavery, Colonialism, 18 7-216 , 261—75. For an account o f the Lebou people’s protracted conflict with the government o f Senegal over land rights, see Buell, Native Problem, 2:1024-29. h i . Rapport politique 1933, AAOF 2 G -3 3 / 7 ,16 -17 . 1 12. Côte d ’Ivoire, Rapport politique 1937, AAO F 2 G -3 7 /5 ,141. 1 13. GG de l’AO F to Ministre des Colonies, Application en AOF de la loi du 21 mars 1884: Syndicats professionnels, December 1918, AAO F 18G-148.

338

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TO

PAGF.S

I

40-

I

44

114. Brévié, Note sur la promulgation en A OF de la loi du 21 mars 1884 sur les syndicats profession­ nels et la loi du 12 mars 1920 sur l’extension de la capacité civile des syndicats professionnels, August 23, 1920, AAOF 180-148. 115. Brévié, Étude sure le régime des associations en AOF, August 10, 1920, AAOF 18G-148. 116. This decree also prohibited the emigration of married women without the consent o f their husbands, unmarried women without the consent of their family heads, unaccompanied minors under the age o f fifteen, and men eligible for military recruitment. “Décret réglement de l’émigration et de la circulation en AOF, 24 avril 1928 "Jo u rn a l Officiel de la République Française (JO R F ), April 28, 1928, 4834—35; Arrêté portent réglementation de l’émigration et de la circulation des indigènes en AOF, May 13, 1928, AAOF 21G-37. This decree also regulated the recruitment by private companies o f African labor for work outside o f the federation. 117. Rapport: Projet de réglementation de l’émigration et de la circulation des indigènes de l’AO F, November 12, 1925, AAOF 21G-37. 118. Designation des moyens réglementaires susceptibles de limiter la population de Dakar, 1934, AAOF 21G-49. 119. Approbation d ’un arête du Lt. Gouverneur du Dahomey concernant une carte d’identité pour les indigènes déplaçant à l’intérieur de la colonie, June 18, 1936, AAOF 21G-37. ] 20. Gouverner de la Côte d’Ivoire to GG de l’AOF, July 18, 1939, AAOF 21G-37. 121. The Government General used naturalization dossiers to “track the candidate in his peregri­ nations across the national territory.” GG de I’AOF, Dossiers de naturalization, December 17, 1932, A A O F23G -8. 122. “Arrêté promulgant en AOF le décret du 20 septembre 1933 rendant applicable aux colonies l’article premier de la loi du 27 décembre 1916 concernant la repression du vagabondage special,” JO A O F ’ October 21, 1933,910—11. 123. “Arrêté promulgant en A OF le décret du 12 janvier 1932 réglementant les conditions d’admis­ sion et de séjour des français et étrangers en AOF, 29 février 1 9 3 2 JO A O F , March 26, 1932, 2 9 7 301. 124. GG de l’AOF, Circulaire a/s décret du 27 mars sur le régime de la press, May 8, 1928, AAOF 21G-44. On the range of local colonial publications, sec Marguerite Boulègc, “La presse au Sénégal avant 1939: Bibliographie,” Bulletin de VInstitut Français d'Afrique Notre, nos. 3 4 (1965): 555 —7 4 -

125. “Arrêté promulgant en AOF le décret du 22 juillet 1933 f JO A O F , August 26, 1933, 777 78; and “Arrêté promulgant en A OF le décret du 8 mars 1934, ” J OA OF, April 7, 1934, 252 53. 126. On civil society in colonial and postcolonial Africa, sec John L. Comaroff and Jean Comaroff, eds., Civil Society and the Political Imagination in Africa: Critical Perspectives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999). 127. See Manning, Slavery, Colonialism, 261 75. 128. See Pierre André Taguieff, The Force of Prejudice: Racism and Its Doubles (Minneapolis: Uni­ versity o f Minnesota Press, 2001). Taguieff, despite an idealist nco-Kantian approach, makes careful distinctions between universalist and differentialist racisms and their corresponding antiracisms. See also Balibar and Wallcrstcin, Race, Nation, Class, 54—62; and Balibar, Masses, Classes, Ideas, 191—204. There were strong parallels between the doubled dynamic of racial exclusion in colonial AOF and the mechanisms o f gender exclusions in metropolitan France as analyzed by Joan Wallach Scott, Only Paradoxes to Offer: French Feminists and the Rights o f Man (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,

19 9 6)129. See Artem Lctncv, “L’assimilation culturelle vue par les assimilés (d ’après les Cahiers William Ponty),” Geneve-Afrique 17, no. 2 (1979): 19 26; Gail P. Kelly, “Interwar Schools and the Development of African History in French West A frica,” History in Africa 10 (1983): 163 85; Gail P. Kelly, “Learning

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to Be Marginal: Schooling in Interwar French West Africa,” Proceedings o f the French Colonial Historical Society 11 (1983): 2 9 9 -3 11. 130. Henri Labouret, "Questions de politique indigène africaine: Protectorat ou administration directe?” Outre-Mer 1 (1929): 93. 131. Henri Labouret, “ L’accession des indigènes à la citoyenneté française,” Afrique Française

0935): 724 -25 . 132. Labouret, “ Citoyenneté d ’empire,” 357. 133. Albert Memmi, The Coloniser and the Colonized (1957; Boston: Beacon Press, 1965), 123-25; Albert Memmi, Le libération du ju if (Paris: Gallimard, 1966), 227-29. See also Gary Wilder, “ Irrec­ oncilable Differences: A Conversation with Albert Memmi,” Transition 71 (Fall 1996): 158-62.

CHAPTER SIX

1 .1 use a broad definition o f Panafricanism that is not restricted to the self-conscious international political movement known as Pan-Africanism. See Sidney Lemelle and Robin D. G. Kelly, “ Imagining Home: Pan-Africanism Revisited,” in Imagining Home: Class, Culture, and Nationalism in the African Diaspora, ed. S. Lemelle and R. Kelley (New York: Verso, 1994). 2 . 1 borrow the concept o f Négritude as a “ cultural project” from A. James Arnold, introduction to Lyric and Dramatic Poetry, 1946-1982, by Aimé Césaire (Charlottesville: University Press o f Virginia, 1990), xvii. 3. On Senghor’s youth, see Janet Vaillant, Black, French, and African: A Life o f Leopold Sédar Senghor (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1990). 4. Georges Ngal, Aimé Césaire: Un homme à la recherche d'une patrie (Paris: Présence Africaine, >994)i 3005. Daniel Racine, Léon-Gontran Damas: L'homme et l'oeuvre (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1983), 25. 6. Léopold Sédar Senghor, La poésie de l'action: Conversations avec Mohamed Afr\a (Paris: Stock, 1980), 34-50. 7. Ibid., 52, 55-56; James Bruce-Benoit, “ Témoignage,” in Hommage à Léopold Sédar Senghor: Homme de la culture (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1976), 219-20; Vaillant, Black, French, and African, 5863. According to Vaillant, Senghor’s half-scholarship required him to serve in the colonial government for ten years after his studies. 8. René Depestre, “ An Interview with Aimé Césaire” (Havana, 1967), in Discourse on Colonialism, by Aimé Césaire (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972), 73. 9. Racine, Damas, 25-28; and Damas, “ Entretien avec Léon-Gontran Damas” (May 1977), in Racine, Damas, 197. 10. Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 19. 11. Racine, Damas, 25-28; and Damas, “ Entretien,” 197. 12. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ Paris” (1961), in Liberté t: Négritude et humanisme (Paris: Stock, 1964), 312. 13. Senghor, Poésie de l'action, 56-57. 14. Racine, Damas, 25-28; and Damas, “ Entretien,” 197. 15. See Jean-Francois Sirinelli, “ La Khâgne,” in Lts lieux de mémoire, ed. Pierre Nora, vol. 2: La nation (Paris: Gallimard, 1986), 589-624. 16. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ Lycée Louis-le-Grand, haut lieu de culture française ” (1963), in Sen­ ghor, Liberté 1, 403—4; Senghor, Poésie de l'action, 58-59. 17. Ngal, Césaire, 43-46, 80. 18. Senghor, Poésie de l'action, 59-60.

340

N O T E S T O P A G E S 1 5 3 — 155*

19. Ngal, Césaire, 43-46, 80. 20. Anderson, Imagined Communities, 53—6 1 ,1 1 3 —40, 21- Senghor, “ Lycée Louis-le-Grand,” 405; Senghor, Poésie de faction, 64-65. Senghor arrived in Paris as a self-professed monarchist before joining the Socialist student movement in 1929-30. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ Comments on the Thesis o f Martin Steins,” 1980, typescript provided by Michel Fabre, 20. 12, Ngal, Césaire, 43-46, 80. 23. Depestre, "Interview with Césaire,” 69.

24. Philip Decraene, interview with Aimé Césaire, December 6,1981, in Le Monde, Entretiens avec Le Monde 4; Civilisations (Paris: Éditions la Découverte, 1984), 194; Ngal, Césaire, 46,303. 25. , Soulèye Diagne, “ A la mémoire de Léon-Gontran Damas,'* in Hommage posthume à LéonContran Damas (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1979), 123-24. 26. Léopold Sédar Senghor, "La mort de Léon-Gontran Damas,” in Hommage posthume à Damas,

10 - 11.

17 , Damas, “ Entretien,” 195; Lcopold Scdar Senghor, preface to Racine, Damas, 9. 28. Senghor, “ Mort de Damas,” ri.

29. Jenny Alpha Villard, “ Damas,” in Hommage posthume à Damas, 149,151. 30. Albert Rakoto-Ratsimamanga, “ Hommage à L. S. Senghor,” in Hommage à Léopold Sédar Senghor, 143, 144. 31. Birago Diop, La plume raboutée: Mémwrci (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1978), 52 -6 1,7 0 -7 7 . After veterinary training in Toulouse, Birago was in Paris waiting for assignment to the colonial service. His meager scholarship had prevented him from attending medical school. 32. Vaillant makes this comparison in Black, French, and African, 94-95. See also Fabrc, Harlem to Paris; Stovall, Paris Noir; Jules-Rosette, Black Paris. For an insightful and complementary account of interwar black Paris that focuses on diasporic internationalism and illuminates the lives and work o f René Maran in relationship to Alain Locke, the Nardal sisters, Claude McKay, Lamine Senghor, and Tiemoko Garan Kouyaté in relation to George Padmore, see Edwards, Practice o f Diaspora, 25-38, 10 5 -15 ,16 -2 0 ,119 -2 9 ,14 7 -5 8 ,19 8 -2 2 5 ,2 2 8 -3 0 ,2 4 5 -3 0 5 . 33. Rakoto-Ratsimamanga, “ Hommage à Senghor,” 143. 34. Philippe Decraene, “ Léon-Gontran Damas n'est plus,” in Hommage posthume à Damas, 180— 81. 35. Mercer Cook, “ ln Memoriam Léon-Gontran Damas,” ibid., 20.

36. Gabriel Lisette, “ Hommage à Léon-Gontran Damas,” ibid., 211. 37. Bruce-Benoit, "Témoignage," 220. 38. Vaillant Black, French, and African, T02-7. 39. Césaire quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 79, 80. 40. Senghor, “ Comments,” 47. 41. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ L’apport de la poésie nègre au demi-siècle" (1952), in Liberté 1, 136. 42. Senghor lived at the Cité Universitaire while Damas, Césaire, and Birago Diop lived in Latin Quarter residential hotels. Bruce-Benoit, “ Témoignage,” 220; Diop, Plume raboutée, 76—78; Racine, Damas, 26; Lisette, “ Hommage à Damas,” 209; Ngal, Césaire, 79, 91, 303. 43. Senghor, “ Paris,” 313. 44. Ibid., 31 3-1 4. Césaire writes: “ in Paris, at the same time that I discovered culture . . . I became conscious o f my belonging to la condition originale du Nègre" Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 82. 45. Damas, “ Entretien,” 197. Fellow students included Michel Leiris and the Haitian writer Jacques

Roumain. Racine, Damas, 28. 46. Racine, Damas, 29, 47. Damas, “ Entretien,” 197-98; and Racine, Damas, 29.

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48. He became a naturalized citizen in 1933 so that he could be eligible for the agrégation, which he obtained in 1935. Léopold SédarSenghor (exhibition catalog) (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, 1978), xii. 49. Senghor, Poésie dt Paction, 60. 50. Senghor, “ Comments,” 71,96. 51. Ibid., 44. Delavignette wrote the preface for the edition o f Ousmane Socé Diop’s 1935 novel that was reprinted after the war, Karim: Roman sénégalais (Paris: Nouvelles Éditions Latines, 1948). 52. Senghor, “ Comments,” 74. 53. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ Les leçons de Leo Frobenius” (1973), in Liberté t, 398-99. 54. Ibid., 87. 55. Senghor mythologized his early immersion in customary African society, which he had experi­ enced through women relatives and his maternal uncle Waly, a peasant cultivator. Senghor, Poésie de Paction, 34. Césaire mythologized his relationship to Africa by claiming as his ancestor a Césaire who had led a Martinican slave insurrection in 1833 and by describing his grandmother as “ a woman who visibly came from Africa.” Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 300. 56. Damas, “ Entretien,” 194. 57. V. Y. Mudimbe, “ Entretien avec L.-G. Damas,” in Hommage posthume à Damas, 357-58. 58. Damas, “ Entretien,” 196. 59. Depestre, “ Interview with Césaire,” 72-76. 60. Senghor, Poésie de Paction, 184. 61. See Philippe Dewitte, Les mouvements nègres en France, 19 19 -19 39 (Paris: Harmattan, 1985); Spiegler, “ Aspects o f Nationalist Thought.” 62. Senghor quoted in Lilyan Kesteloot, Les écrivains noirs de langue française (Brussels: Éditions de l’Institut de Sociologie, 1963), 207. According to one estimate there were only 25 African students in the métropole in 1926 and 21 in 1932. J. Dion, “ Historique du SLO TFO M ,” in CAOM Inven­ taire du Service de Liaison avec les Originaires des Terrritoires Français d ’Outre-Mer (1915-1954) (SLOTFOM ). 63. Dion, “ Historique du SLO TFOM ” ; Stovall, “ Color-Blind France” ; and Rosenberg, “ Repub­ lican Surveillance,” 14 8 -2 11. 64. CAI reports often elided social, ethnie, and ideological distinctions between black anticolonial groups; their diverse expressions were crudely lumped together as “ anti-French,” often erroneously conflated with communism, and thought to have been provoked by outside agitators. 65. The conjunction o f surveillance and assistance was consistent with postliberal political logic. It was not the cynical betrayal o f republicanism that Rosenberg suggests in his illuminating account o f the Paris police. Rosenberg, “ Republican Surveillance,” 180-285. 66. A small steady flow o f native noncitizens contravened colonial travel restrictions and moved to France with false identity cards or without any papers. SLO TFO M -VI/15. 67. On Kant’s regulative idea and republicanism, see Luc Ferry and Alain Renault, Political Phi­ losophy 3 : From the Rights o f Man to the Republican Idea (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1992), 124-25. On Kant’s reformist notion o f republicanism, see Wolfgang Kersting, “ Politics, Freedom and Order: Kant’s Political Philosophy,” in The Cambridge Companion to Kant, ed. Paul Guyer (Cam­ bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 358-61. For a crypto-Kantian conception o f democracy to-come, see Jacques Derrida, Specters o f Marx: The State o f Debt, the Work o f Mourning, and the New International (London: Roudedge, 1994), 59-75. 68. Dipesh Chakrabarty, Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), 3-6 . 69. See Claude Nicolet, La république en France: État des lieux (Paris: Seuil, 1992), 397. 70. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The Basic Political Writings (Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing, 1987), 148-49 (emphasis in original).

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71. See Claude Nicolet, L'idée républicaine en France, 138 9 -19 24 (Paris: Gallimard, 1982), 11, 31, 331; and Nicolet, République en France, 53, 71. See also Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (New York: Penguin, 1963), 1-4 0 , 221-28 ; and Arendt, Human Condition, 2 2-58 ,19 2-20 7. 72. On colonial politics in the French Antilles, see Henri Bangou, La Guadeloupe 1848-1939, ou les aspects de la colonisation après Vabolition de l'esclavage (Aurillac: Éditions de Centre, 1963); Pierre Pluchon and Lucien-René Abénon, eds., Histoire des Antilles et de la Guyane (Toulouse: Privat, 1982); Blackburn, Overthrow o f Colonial Slavery; Armand Nicolas, Histoire de la Martinique de 1848 à 1939, vol. 2 (Paris: Harmattan, 1996); and Henriette Levillain, ed., La Guadeloupe, 1835—19 14: Les soubre­ sauts d'une sociétéplur-ethnique ou les ambiguities d'assimilation (Paris: Éditions Autrement, 1994). 73. M. Benga, “ Le problème de naturalization,” Dépêche Africaine 2 (April 1928): 2. Benga pointed out that the 1927 nationality law allowed foreigners to become citizens after only three, rather than ten, years o f residence. 74. On the relationship between civil society and the public sphere, see Jürgen Habermas, “ Further Reflections on the Public Sphere,” in Habermas and the Public Sphere, ed. Craig Calhoun (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1992), 452-57; and Jean Cohen and Andrew Arato, C ivil Society and Political Theory (Cam­ bridge: MIT Press 1992), 2 11 - 3 1 . 75. SLOTFOM -III, V. 76. On alternative public spheres, see Nancy Fraser, “ Rethinking the Public Sphere: A Contribution to the Critique o f Actually Existing Democracy,” in Calhoun, Habermas and the Public Sphere, 12 1-2 8 . 77. After passing African citizenship laws (19 15-16 ), Diagne organized the recruitment of African soldiers during the war, supported shifting power in AO F away from urban elites and toward rural chiefs (1921), signed an agreement favorable to Bordeaux merchants who were trading in West Africa (1923), represented France in voting against an international convention that would outlaw colonial forced labor (1931), and was named undersecretary o f colonies. See Johnson, Black Politics in Senegal, 154-77; G. Wesley Johnson, “ African Political Activity in French West Africa, 1900-1940,” in History o f West Africa, ed. J. F. A. Ajay and Michael Crowder (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974); Michael Crowder, “ Blaise Diagne and the Recruitment o f African Troops for the 19 14 -18 War,” in Crowder, Colonial West Africa, 10 4 -19 ; Searing, “ Accommodation and Resistance,” 416-34,452-567; Amady Dieng, Blaise Diagne, premier député africain (Paris: Éditions Chaka, 1990), 7 9 -10 3 ,12 5 ,12 7 , 130-35; and Buell, Native Problem, 2:81. For critiques o f Diagne, see “ Grandeur et decadence!” Race Nègre 1, no.6 (October 1928): 1; T. Garan Kouyaté, “ ‘La France coloniale* ou la poubelle diagniste,” Race Nègre 2, no. 2 (April 1929): 1; and T. Garan Kouyaté, “ M. Diagne s’est suicide,” Race Nègre 4, no. 1 (July 1930): 1; W. E. B. Du Bois, “ The Negro Mind Reaches Out” (1925), in The New Negro: Voices o f the Harlem Renaissance, ed. Alain Locke (New York: Athenaeum, 1992), 397. 78. Senghor, “ Comments,” 16; Vaillant, Black, French, and African, 71-7 2 ,10 2 ,8 9 . The correspon­ dence between Diagne, Brévié, and the inspector o f education about Senghor’s scholarship in 19 31-32 is contained in AAOF 17G-470. 79. Guèye was the first black African to obtain a law degree in France. Although he lost the 1934 election, he was elected to the assembly in 1945 after the death o f Galandou Diouf. Johnson, “ African Political Activity,” 551-62. 80. Senghor (exhibition catalogue), xii. 81. Mudimbe, “ Entretien avec Damas,” 363; Diop, Plume raboutée, 79. Guèye served as Senghor's mentor in institutional politics, inviting him to speak to his Senegalese Socialist Party and persuad­ ing him in 1945 to run for a seat in the national assembly. Johnson, “ African Political Activity,” 560; Senghor, Poésie de Faction, 106. 82. On the use o f Antillean administrators in French Africa, see Véronique Hélènon, “ Les ad­ ministrateurs coloniaux originaires de Guadeloupe, Martinique et Guyane dans les colonies françaises d ’afrique, 1880-1939,” PhD diss., École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris 1997.

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343

83. On Maran’s early life, colonial career, and writing, see John Alfred Dennis J r., “ The René Maran Story: The Life and Times o f a Black Frenchman, Colonial Administrator, Novelist and Social Critic, 1887-1960,” PhD diss., Stanford University, 1986; Keith Cameron, René Maran (Boston: Twayne, 1985); and Femi Ojo-Ade, René Maran, the Black Frenchman: A Bio-Critical Study (Washington, DC: Three Continents Press, 1984). For an insightful reading o f Batouala, see Berliner, Ambivalent Desire,

77- 8384. René Maran, Batouala: Véritable roman nègre (1921; Paris: Albin Michel, 1938), 9. Hereafter this volume is cited in the text in parentheses. 85. On Maran’s unstable subject-position, see Christopher Miller, “ Nationalism as Resistance and Resistance to Nationalism in the Literature o f Francophone Africa,” Yale French Studies 82 (1993): 6 2-100. 86. See Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks (New York: Grove Press, 1967). 87. The administration was outraged over the publication o f Batouala, and Maran, feeling perse­ cuted and plagued by fever, felt compelled to flee his post, although he feared that French officials would assassinate him on his voyage home for treatment. Dossier Personnel, René Maran, EEII6/75/35. In contrast, other critics o f colonial abuses, including Delavignette, Labouret, and Gide, advanced in their careers. 88. Hommage à René Maran (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1965), 21, 26, 29, 66, 204, 226. Dewitte, Mouvements nègres, 72—80. 89. René Maran, “ Réflexions,” Les Continents 1, no. 1 (May 15, 1924), 1; Maran, “ Lettre ouverte au professeur Alain-Leroy Locke,” Les Continents 1, no. 3 (June 15, 1924), 1; and Maran, “ Au pied du mur,” Les Continents 1 no. 5 (July 15, 1924), 1. On this journal, which was founded by the Dahomean critic and Garveyist nationalist Kojo Tovalou-Houénou, see Spiegler, “ Aspects o f Nationalist Thought,” 50-80; and DeWitte, Mouvements nègres, 74-93. 90. Maran to Charles Kunsler, February 6, 1922; Maran to René Violaines, November 5, 1922; Maran to Charles Kunsler, September 4,1922, all in Hommage à Maran, 6 1-6 2 ,19 ,6 3 , 91. Maran to René Violaines, April 6,1925, in Hommage à Maran, 24, 27. 92. Maran to René Violaines, December 17,1927, ibid., 27. 93. Quoted in P. Tuffrau, “ Hommage,” ibid., 261. 94. René Maran, Un homme pareil aux autres (Paris: Albin Michel, 1947), 35—36,12. Maran finished writing this book in 1923. 95. Senghor, “ René Maran, précurseur de la Négritude,” in Hommage à Maran, 13. Senghor later acknowledged that “ out o f friendship for René Maran, I made him more nègre than he was.” Senghor, “ Comments,” 50. 96. On the interwar recuperation o f the category nègre, see Edwards, Practice o f Diaspora, 25-38. 97. Jacques Louis Hymans, Léopold Sédar Senghor: An Intellectual Biography (Edinburgh: Edin­ burgh University Press, 1971), 34; Senghor, “ Comments,” 43; Césaire, quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 48; Cook, “ In Memoriam,” 21. After Maran’s death, Mercer Cook and Damas took care o f the funeral arrangements. Damas, “ The Last Public Statement o f L.-G. Damas,” in Hommage posthume à Damas, 253. Cook recounts Maran calling Senghor “ profound.” Cook, “ Afro-Americans in Senghor’s Po­ etry,” in Hommage à Senghor, 151. On Maran’s relation to Négritude, see Michel Fabre, “ René Maran, critique de la littérature africaine francophone,” Afrique Littéraire et Artistique 50, no. 4 (1978): 30-35. 98. Inscription in Senghor (exhibition catalogue), 48. 99. Ousmane Diop to René Maran, May 25,1935, ibid., 51. 100. Damas to René Maran, April 16, 1938, ibid., 56. Aimé Césaire, envoi autograph, 1939, ibid., 80. 101. Fabre, Harlem to Paris, 148-49. 102. Locke, New Negro, 392,50-51.

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103. Fabre, Harlem to Paris, 7 0 -7 1,7 7 , 90. 104. Mercer A. Cook, “ Some Literary Contacts: African, West Indian, Afro-American,” in The Black Writer in Africa and the Americas, ed. Lloyd W. Brown (Los Angeles: Hennessy and Ingalls, 1973), 120; Ngal, Césaire, 51; Fabre, Harlem to Paris, 150. 105. Dépêche Africaine 1, no. 1 (February 1928): 1. 106. Maurice Satineau, a graduate o f the École des Hautes Étude;, also wrote a full-length mono­ graph on colonial slavery and political liberty, Histoire de la Guadeloupe sous Parteien régime ( f6 jS— 1789) (Paris: Payot, 1928). 107. “ Notre but, notre programme,” Dépêche Africaine 1, no. 1 (February 1928): 1. 108. Ibid. 109. See the extensive police reports in SLO TFO M -V/ 2. no. “ Notre but, notre programme,” 1. n i. Dépêche Africaine, March 1930, 4. 1 1 2. Dépêche Africaine, April 1930,1. 1 1 3. Dépêche Africaine, May 1930,1. 1 14. Rapport au President, June 6,1930, Inini, CAOM 1AP-379. The plan was to turn Inini into a large-scale agricultural development project through the use o f Indochinese penal labor imported for this purpose. “ Décret portent creation d ’établissements penitentiaries dans le Territoire autonome de l’lnini,” January 2 2,19 31, Bulletin Official du Ministère des Colonies. See 1AP-2975. 115. For background, see Rodolphe Alexandre, Gaston Monnerville et la Guyane, 1893—1948 (PetitBourg, Guadeloupe: Ibis Rouge Éditions, 1999), 23-44. 116. Dépêche Africaine, August-September 1930,1. 117. Dépêche Africaine, October-November 19 30,1; and August-September 1930,1. 118. Dépêche Africaine, May 1931, 1—3. 119. Galmot was a French journalist and colonial capitalist committed to economic development in Guiana who was elected in 1919 to the national assembly. The rioters that Monnerville defended were acquitted, and the attention he received from defending them led to his being elected deputy from Guiana in 1932. See Alexandre, Gaston Monnerville, 44-83; and Jacques Mange, Jean Glamot: L'homme des tropiques (Paris: Éditions Caribéennes, 1990). For parallel events in Martinique, see Richard Price, The Convict and the Colonel: A Story o f Colonialism and Resistance in the Caribbean (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998), 1-48. 120. Dépêche Africaine, May 1 9 3 1,1- 3 . 121. Ibid., 3. 122. Jane Nardal, “ L’internationalisme noir,” Dépêche Africaine, February 1928,5. 123. Paulette Nardal, “ Éveil de la conscience de race,” Revue du Monde Noir, no. 6 (1932): 29. This complete journal has been republished in La Revue du Monde Noir/The Review o f the Black World, 19 31—1932: Collection complete, nos. 1 à 6 (Paris: Jean Michel Place, 1992). 124. W. E. B. Du Bois, “ The Talented Tenth” (1903), in W. E . B. Dubois: A Reader, ed. Andrew Paschal (New York: Macmillan, 1971), 3 1- 5 1; Locke, New Negro. 125. “ Our Aim,” Revue du Monde Noir, no. 1 (1931): 2. 126. Nardal, “ Éveil de la conscience,” 31. 127. “ Our Aim,” 2. 128. Nardal, “ Éveil de la conscience,” 31. 129. “ Nos enquêtes,” Revue du Monde Noir, no. 2 (1931): 60. 130. “ Notre enquête,” Revue du Monde Noir, no. 4 (1932): 51-52. 131. “ Our Aim,” 2. 132. “ La page de correspondance,” Revue du Monde Noir, no. 4 (1932): 59.

NOTES

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133. Paulette had a degree in English literature and often translated at gatherings. Ngal, Césaire, 50. On the Nardals’ importance, sec T. Dcncan Sharplcy-Whiting, Négritude Women (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), 38—79. 134. They included Sajous, the Nardals, the Achilles, René Maran, Felix Ebouc, Paul Morand, Pierre B. Salzmann, Gilbert Graticnt, Étienne Lcro, Bene Mcnil, Jules Monncrot, and Daniel CcnacThaly. Louis Thomas Achille, preface to Revue du M onde N oir/R eview o f the Black Worlds xvi. i 35. Ibid., xv, viii. 136. “Our Aim,” 2. 137. Damas, “Entretien,” 200. 138. Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 51-52. 139. Senghor, “Comments,” 21, 24. 140. Louis Thomas Achille, whose father had taught Damas and Césaire in Martinique, was a class­ mate of Senghor’s at Louis-Ie-G rand. Damas later married Achille’s sister Isabelle. Racine, Damas, 36. Another o f their former teachers from Martinique was Gilbert Graticnt, who also contributed to L a Revue. Daniel Racine, “La fortune de Léon Damas aux États-Unis,” in Hommage posthume à Damas, 384; Racine, Damas, 26; Ngal, Césaire, 32. Senghor crédits Louis Thomas Achille with introducing him to African American writers. Senghor, Poésie de Paction, 59. 141. Damas, “Entretien,” 201 2. See also Ngal, Césaire, 51; Vaillant, B lack, French, and African, 91; and Cook, “Some Literary Contacts,” 121. 142. These included Alain Locke, Carter Woodson, Langston Hughes, Walter White, Rayford Lo­ gan, Countee Cullen, and Sterling Brown. Cook, “Some Literary Contacts,” 120; Cook, “In Mcmoriam,” 21; Damas, “ Last Public Statement,” 249 52; Racine, Damas, 31. During this period, Damas even met Duke Ellington, Cab Calloway, and Louis Armstrong. Damas, “Entretien,” 201. In 1939 Cook published an article that introduced Damas and his circle o f colonial poets to black Americans. Mercer Cook, “The Race Problem in Paris and the French West Indies,” Jo u rn a l o f Negro Education 8, no. 4 (October 1939): 673—80. See also Michel Fabre, “African Americans and French-Speaking Black Literature (1930—1950): Discovering the Négritude Movement,” Regards Européens sur le Monde Anglo-Am éricain , no. 3 (1992). 143. Damas, “Last Public Statement,” 249; Senghor, “Comments,” 21. 144. Senghor, “Comments,” 31 32; Cook, “Some Literary Contacts,” 121. 145. Cook, “Some Literary Contacts,” 122. 146. Ngal, Césaire, 52. Although he denied that the Harlem Renaissance influenced his work, Césaire acknowledges that it was “indispensable for a very clear coming to consciousness.” Depestre, “Interview with Césaire,” 71. 147. Damas, “Last Public Statement,” 252; Racine, Damas, 30; Léon Damas, “La négritude en ques­ tion, ”Jeu n e Afrique, no. 532 (March 16, 1971): 59. When Damas died, he was in the process o f writing a biography o f Hughes; Damas, “Last Public Statement,” 253. Senghor was inspired by Hughes’s poetry but did not meet him until 1966. Cook, “Some Literary Contacts,” 123. 148. Damas, “Last Public Statement,” 252; Racine, Damas, 30. 149. Léon Damas, Retour de guyane (Paris: José Corti, 1938), 158 59. 150. Senghor, “Apport de la poésie nègre,” in Liberté 1, 136. On the African American community in Paris at this time, see Josephine Baker and Jo Bouillon, Josephine (New York: Paragon House, 1988), 42 94; Phyllis R ose,ya{{ Cleopatra: Josephine Baker in H er Time (New York: Vintage, 1989), 3 177; Langston Hughes, The B ig Sea: An Autobiography (New York: Knopf, 1940), 144-86. 151. Langston I Iughes, “The Negro Artistsand the Racial Mountain” (1926), in Harlem Renaissance Reader, ed. David Levering Lewis (New York: Viking, 1994), 95. 152. Locke, New Negro, 6 7.

34Ö

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1 7 6 - 17 9

153. Ibid., xxv, xxvii, 4-5. 154. Ibid., 12 ,14 —15. 155. Revue du Monde Noir, no. 1 (1931): 38. 156. On McKay’s stay in France, see Claude McKay, A Long Way from Home (1937; New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1970), 243-91. 157. Claude McKay, Banjo: A Story without a Plot (1929; New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1970), 259-60. Cf. Georges Bataille, “ The Notion o f Expenditure,” in The Bataille Reader, ed. Fred Botdngand Scott Wilson (Oxford: Blackwell Press, 1997), 16 7-8 1. 158. Cf. Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1993), 7 2 -110 . 159. Léon Damas, Pigments/Névralgies (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1972), 11. 160. McKay, Banjo, 200; Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ Le problème culturel en A.O.F.,” in Liberté 1, 21. 161. Depestre, “ Interview with Césaire,” 71. 162. Léon Damas, “ Naissance et vue de la négritude,” in Racine, Damas, 185. 163. Damas, “ Entretien,” 200. Césaire recalled that “ the Revue du Monde Noir was superficial.” Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 52. 164. Although Damas did not contribute an article to the new journal, he belonged to the circle that published it. Damas, “ Entretien,” 200. The single issue o f this polemical journal quoted the same passage from Banjo about native roots. Légitime Défense (Paris: Jean-Michel Place, 1979), 13—14. 165. Légitime Défense, 2. 166. Jules-Marcel Monnerot, “ Note touchant la bourgeoisie de couleur française,” ibid., 4. 167. René Ménil, “ Généralités sur “ l’écrivain” de couleur antiallais,” ibid., 8. 168. Étienne Léro, “ Misère d ’une poésie,” ibid., 10. 169. Senghor and Monnerot had been classmates at Louis-le-Grand. Vaillant, Black, French, and African, 68. 170. Senghor, "Comments,” 37. 171. Depestre, “ Interview with Césaire,” 69-70; Senghor, Poésie de Faction, 87-88. 172. Ménil, “ Légitime Défense,” in Légitime Défense, n.p. 173. Senghor quoted in Kesteloot, Écrivains noirs, 92, 94. Early Négritude thought also sought an accommodation between Western and African culture. 174. Senghor, Poésie de Faction, 87. 175. Senghor included Léro's poems in his landmark collection o f Francophone black poetry. Damas discovered these poems after Léro’s untimely death while preparing an agrégation in phi­ losophy. Léopold Sédar Senghor, ed., Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie nègre et malgache (Paris: PUF, 1948), 49176. Senghor credits Légitime Défense with directing Césaire to Rimbaud, Lautréaumont, and ver­ nacular literatures. Légitime Défense, 55. 177. Senghor, “ Comments,” 13. 178. These political reports are collected in SLO TFO M -V/2. 179. Ministre de la Guerre chargé de l’intérim du Ministère des Colonies to GG de l’AOF, Septem­ ber 17 ,19 31, AAO F 21G-44. 180. “ Renseignements,” Cabinet du Directeur de la Sûreté Générale, August 26,1931; and Rapport du Desire, September 10 ,19 31, both in AAO F 21G-44. 181. These were local members o f the League for the Defense o f the Black Race and the newspaper Périscope Africain. Jean-Louis was a Guadeloupean lawyer who had worked in colonial courts in French Equatorial Africa. GG P.I. de l’AOF to Ministre des Colonies, August 29,1931, AAO F 21G-44. 182. Damas, “ Entretien,” 200.

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183. Ménil, "Légitime Défense,” n.p. The group survived at least until 1935, when Monnerot spoke in its name at the Congrès des Écrivains pour la Défense de la Culture. Kesteloot, Écrivains noirs,

9ï. 184. For overviews o f these groups, see Spiegler, “ Aspects o f Nationalist Thought” ; and De Witte, Mouvements nègres. 185. Paris had been the host o f the international Pan-African Congresses in 1919 and 1921. Here I am discussing less formal Panafricanism. See Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide (New York: Praeger, 1962); J. Ayodele Langley, Pan-Africanism and Nationalism in West Africa, 1900— 1945 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973); P. Olisanwuche Esedebe, Pan-Africanism: The Idea and the Movement, 7776*-1991, 2nd ed. (Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1994); and Lemelle and Kelley, Imagining Home. 186. Dewitte, Mouvements nègres, 95-102. 187. Ibid., 130,137. On Lamine Senghor, see Spiegler, “ Aspects o f Nationalist Thought,” 117 - 14 ; Miller, Nationalists and Nomads., 21-4 6 . 188. Lamine Senghor, “ Ce qu'est notre Comité de Défense de la Race Nègre,” Voix des Nègres 1, no. 1 (January 1927): 1. Copies o f this and the journals discussed below may be found in SLOTFOM-V. 189. Le Comité, “ Le mot ‘ nègre,* ” Voix des Nègres 1, no. 1 (January 1927): 1. 190. Dewitte, Mouvements nègres, 150-54; Rapport de Désiré, January 12, 1929, and Rapport de Paul, October 25,1929, SLO TFO M -V/3. Rapports de Désiré, August 31, September 10, October 13, October 22, and November 28, 1927; February 28, 1928; January 12, 1929; and Rapport de “ Coco,” August 10,1929. SLO TFO M -V /3. 191. Governor-General Carde interdicted the paper. “ La générosité française sous la Illème répub­ lique,” Race Nègre 1, no. 3 (September 1927): 1. Police infiltration is documented in SLO TFO M -V/3. 192. Rapport, November 5,1927, SLO TFO M -V/3. 193. Rapport, November 19,1927, SLO TFO M -V/3. 194. “ La Ligue est en deuil: Son très dévoué président Senghor Lamine est mort,” Race Nègre 1, no. 5 (May 1928): 1. Rapport de Joe, November 2,1929, SLO TFO M -V/3. 195. Quoted in Préfet de Police de Paris to Ministre des Colonies, February 28,1928, SLOTFOMV /3. 196. “ Vers l’élaboration d'un programme,” Race Nègre 2, no. 1 (March 1929): 1, SLO TFO M -V/3. In 1929, they resolved to block the arrival o f blacks scheduled to be imported from the colonies for the colonial exposition. Rapport de Joe, November 2,1929, SLO TFO M -V /3. 197. Kouyaté to W. E. B. Du Bois, April 29,1929, A A O F 21G-44. 198. Doralie, “ Expliquons-nous,” Race Nègre 1, no. 3 (September 1927): 1. 199. “ Ordre du jour,” Race Nègre 1, n a 5 (September 1927): 1. 200. Rapports de Paul, May 25, 1930, and February 24, 1931; Rapports de Joe, March 22, April 5, May 5,19 31. SLO TFO M -V/3. 201. Kouyaté to W. E. B. Du Bois, April 29, 1929; and Kouyaté to Lt. Gouverneur du Senegal, November 28,1927, A A O F 21G-44. 202. Rapport de Paul, June 28, 1930, S L O T F O M -V /3. 203. Rapport de Paul, October 11,19 29 , SLO TFO M -V /3. 204. Rapports de Paul, January 16, and June 28,1930. Lack of funds kept him from also organizing black unions in Le Havre and Dunkerque. Rapport de Paul, April 17,1930, SLO TFO M -V/3. 205. Rapports de Paul, June 28, November 12,1930, SLO TFO M -V /3. 206. Rapport de Désiré, November 18, 1930; Rapport de Joe, November 20, 1930, SLOTFOM V /3. 207. Rapport de Paul, October 251929, SLO TFO M -V/3. 208. Rapport de Paul, January 16,1930; Rapport de Paul, April 17,1930. SLO TFO M -V /3.

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182-184

209. Rapport de Désiré, September 17 1930; Rapport de Paul, November 12, 1930. SLOTFOMV /j.

210. Syndicat Nègre de Marseille, Statuts, February 23,1930, AAO F 21G-44. 211. Ministre des Colonies to GGs de l'A.O.F., A.E.F., Madagascar, March 2, 1930, SLOTFOMIII/112 . 212. Rapport de Désiré, December 6,1927; Rapports de Joe, November 2 and December 22,1929; May 15 and July 14, 1930; and December 27, 1931. SLO TFO M -V/3. Rapport de Désiré, March 15, 1930, SLO TFO M -III/112. 213. Rapport de Désiré, March 15,1930, S LO T F O M -Ill/112. “ Contre le communisme: Un institut révolutionnaire nègre en plein Paris," L'Am i du Peuple, May 26, 1930, SLO T FO M -III/112. Sajous presented himself to the préfet de police and insisted that he no longer belonged to the group. Rapport de Joe, May 5,19 31, SLO TFO M -V/3. 214. Rapports de Paul, November 25 and December 11,19 30 ; Rapport de Joe, March 1519 31; Rap­ port de Claude, June 15,19 31; “ A tous nos abonnés, membres, et lecteurs,” Race Nègre 4, no. 4 (April 1931) [Kouyaté ed.]: 1; Rédaction, “ Avis,” Race Nègre 4, n a 4 (April 1931) [Faure ed.]: 1. 215. Kouyaté created the UTN in May 1932 with promises o f financial support from the Colonial Commission o f the PCF. Dewitte, Mouvements nègres, 284-304. 216. Participants at the first meeting included African, Antillean, and Malagasy communists from the UTN. Also present were Léonard Sainville from the Guadeloupe Student Association, Megrone from the Martinique Student Association, and Léopold Sédar Senghor from the African Student Asso­ ciation. At least two police informants attended the meeting. Note sur la propagande révolutionnaire interessant les pays d'outre-mer, June 30, 1933, SLO TFO M -III/61; Rapport de Joe, June 23, 1933, and Rapport de Paul June 23,1933, SLO TFO M -III/73. 217. He hoped this would lead to a multiracial conference in Paris that would include all the peo­ ples colonized by France. Note sur la propagande révolutionnaire interessant les pays d'outre-mer, July 31, 1933, SLO TFO M -III/61. In May 1934, Kouyaté organized a meeting that included blacks, Indochinese, and North Africans with the hope o f creating an intercolonial committee that would “ work for the national liberation and social emancipation o f French colonies.” On the importance o f Schoelcher for the Négritude project, see Gaston Monnerville, Léopold Sédar Senghor, and Aimé Césaire, Commémoration du centenaire de l'abolition de l'esclavage: Discours prononcés à la Sorbonne le 2 j avril 1948 (Paris: Presses Universitaires des France, 1948); and Gary Wilder, “ Race, Reason, Im­ passe: Césaire, Fanon, and the Legacy o f Emancipation,” Radical History Review 90 (September 2004): 31-58. 218. Note sur la progagande révolutionnaire interessant les pays d'outre-mer, July 31, 1933, SLO TFO M -III/61; Rapport de Joe, June 23,1933, and Rapport de Paul, June 23,1933, SLOTFOM III/73. 219. Rapport de Joe, June 23,1933, and Rapport de Paul, June 23,1933, SLO TFO M -III/73; Note sur la propagande révolutionnaire interessant les pays d'outre-mer, July 31,19 33, SLO T FO M -III/61. Senghor's name is not listed in the police account o f that discussion, so he was either silent or not present. 220. Notes sur la propagande révolutionnaire interessant les pays d'outre-mer, October 31, 1933, November 3,1933, February 28,1934, and April 30,1934, SLO TFO M -III/61. 221. Bureau Politique du Parti Communiste, Section Coloniale, September 3,1935; Note, Réunion de la Section Coloniale du Parti Communiste, October 10,1935, SLO TFO M -III/73. 222. Réunion de la Section Coloniale du Parti Communiste, October 10 and 11,19 35, SLOTFOMIII/73. 223. Réunion de la sous-section nègre du Parti Communiste, December 18, 1935, SLOTFOM -

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224. Réunion de la sous-section nègre du Parti Communiste, October 11, 1935, SL O T F O M -III/ 73. 225. Scnghor, “Comments,” 22, 30-31, 36, 52. 226. Ibid., 17-18. 227. Ngal, Césaire, 6 8 -7 0 . Ngal reports that L'Etudiant M artiniquais did not endorse the letter protesting the murder o f Andre Alikcr in 1934 that was signed by Mcnil, Damas, Monncrot, and Léonard Sainville among others. Alikcr was a Martinican communist journalist who was killed after uncovering corruption scandals among colonial officials. Sec “L’assasinat de notre camarade André Aliker,” Cri des Nègres 3, no. 5 (April May 1934): 1; and Nicolas, Histoire de la M artinique, 2:218 29. According to police reports, Alikcr’s brother was affiliated with the founding of V Etudiant N oir. Note de L.S., May 3, 1935, SL O TFO M -III/73. 228. Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 68 69. 229. “Association des étudiants ouest-africains,” Cri des Nègres 3 (August 1934): 2. 230. Nadine Dormay Savage, “Entretien avec Léopold Sédar Senghor,” French Review 47, no. 6 (May 1974): 1065. Ngal, Césaire, 69. 231. Diop, Plume raboutée, 53, 76, 79. In 1947, Birago Diop published a collection of indigenous folk tales for which Senghor later wrote a preface. Diop, Les nouveaux contes d'Am adou Koumba (Paris: Présence Africaine 1958). Diop remembers gathering with Antillcans and Senegalese at the home of Marthe Lamine Guèye, where he met the Nardal sisters, whose Revue du M onde N oir he had read in Toulouse. 232. Bruce-Benoit, “Témoignage,” 221. 233. J. Bourgarel, “Pour une association unique des étudiants nègres,” Cri des Nègres (November December 1933): 1. 234. Diop, Plum e raboutée, 77 78. 235. Léonard Sainville, “Témoignage,” in Hommage à Senghor, 127-30. 236. Diagne, “Mémoire de Damas,” 123 25; Diop, “Nos retrouvailles,” in Hommage posthume à Damas, 129; Sainville, “Témoignage,” 127-30. They report that Socé Diop and Damas first met when the former confronted the latter in order to criticize his poem “Et Cetera.” 237. Diop, Plum e raboutée, 76 79. 238. Ngal, Césaire, 70. 239. Ibid., 129. 240. Quoted in Racine, Damas, 2 9 -3 0 . 241. Aristide Maugée, “La question des bourses,” and André Charpentier, “Puisse-t’on nous en­ tendre!” Etudiant N oir: Jo u rn a l de l'Association des Etudiants M artiniquais en France 1, no. 1 (March 1935): 1. References that follow arc to this issue. 242. André Midas, “A propos de l’association,” Etudiant Noir, 2; “Réflexions sur une réunion d ’étudiants martiniquais,” Etudiant Noir, 3. 243. Midas, “A propos,” 2. 244. Paulette Nardal, “Guignol Oulouf,” Etudiant Noir, 4. 245. Henri Eboué, “Language et musique chez les nègres du Congo,” Etudiant Noir, 4. Henri was the son o f Félix Eboué, the Guadeloupean colonial administrator and heroic de Gaulle supporter dur­ ing World War II. Senghor later married Félix’s daughter Ginette. Vaillant, Black, French, andA jrican, 210 11. 246. Aimé Césaire, “Nègrerics: Jeunesse noire et assimilation,” Etudiant Noir, 3. Ail Césaire quo­ tations in the next few paragraphs are from this anicle. 247. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “L’humanisme et nous: René Maran,” Etudiant Noir, 4. Ail Senghor quotations in the next few paragraphs arc from this article. 248. On Césaire’s neologisms, see Clifford, Predicament o f Culture, 175 81. 249. Léonard Sainville, “Un livre sur la Martinique,” Etudiant Noir, 5.

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250. Gilben G ratient, “ Mulâtres . . . pour le bien et le mal,” Étudiant Noir, 5-6. All Gratient quo­ tations in the next few paragraphs are from this article. 251. This challenge to Antillean nadvism anticipates post-Négritude conceptions o f antilleanité and créolité. Édouard Glissant, Caribbean Discourse: Selected Essays (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1989); Jean Bemabé, Patrick Chamoiseau, and Raphael Confiant, Éloge de la créolité/In Praise o f Creoleness (Paris: Gallimard, 1993). 252. Léonard Sainville, "Simples questions à J e Suis Partout, ” Étudiant Noir, 8. 253. In contrast to the accepted belief that there was only one issue o f the journal, this report noted that five hundred copies o f its second issue were published. However, it might be referring to L'Étudiant Martiniquais. Rapport de L.S., May 3,1935, SLO TFO M -III/73. 254. Réunion de la sous-section nègre du Parti Communiste, October 10,1935, SLO TFO M -III/73. Again, it is unclear whether Sainville is referring to L'Étudiant Noir. 255. Probably collapsing them with Légitime Défense, she described their group as “ Marxially sound" and "organized out o f . . . formerly . . . reactionary elements by two young comrade student intellectuals, the brothers Monnerot.” Cunard clearly doesn't understand the genesis o f L'Étudiant Noir, but her familiarity with the journal indicates its public profile at this time. Nancy Cunard, "T ri­ color with International,” July 14, 1935, SLO TFO M -III/73. On Cunard and the black community, see William Wiser, The Craqy Years: Paris in the Twenties (New York: Thames and Hudson, 1983), 160-65. On Rivet’s anticolonial politics, see Paul Rivet, Paul Langevin, Alain, and Marc Casati, La France en face du problème colonial (Paris: Comité de Vigilance des Intellectuels Antifascistes, 1936). On this demonstration, see Jackson, Popular Front in France, 7 ,4 2 -5 1. 256. Spiegler, “ Aspects o f Nationalist Thought,” 246-63. 257. Note confidential, Ministre de l'Intérieur to Ministre des Colonies, October 28, 1935, SLO TFO M -III/73. 258. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ A l'appel de la race de Saba,” in Poèmes (Paris: Seuil, 1984), 59-60. 259. Notes de L.S., January 11 and 25,1935, SLO TFO M -III/73. Although Faure was a member o f this collective, which promoted cooperation, his LD RN responded to the invasion with calls to "vomit out the dregs” and "purge the race ” o f all blacks willing to collaborate with any whites or agents o f French colonial authority. “ Epurons notre race,” Race Nègre 9, no. 1 (January-February 1936): 1. 260. Other members included colonial notables such as Joseph Lagrossillière (deputy and presi­ dent o f the Conseil Général o f Martinique), Galandou Diouf (from Senegal), and Marius Moutet. The UTN warned its members not to collaborate with this nonrevolutionary association. La Fédération des Peuples Colonisés et Nguyen The Truyen, March 1 1 , 12, and 13,1935; Lettre de la Federation des Peuples Colonisés; Note d'un Agent, March 21,1935; all in SLO T FO M -III/119. 261. Lettre de la Federation des Peuples Colonisés, SLO TFO M -III/ i 19. 262. Note sur la propagande révolutionnaire, February 28,1935, SLO TFO M -III/61. 263. T. Garan Kouyaté, “ À nos lecteurs!” Africa 1, no. 1 (1 December 1935): 1. 264. The first issue o f Africa was selling so well on the boulevard Saint-Michel that Parisian police seized the inventories o f Kouyaté's vendors. Note de L.S., December 18,1935, SLO TFO M -III/73. 265. “ Alliance France-Outremer,” in Note de L.S., November 27,1935, SLO TFO M -III/73. Kou­ yaté later published this plan as "Programme du rassemblement colonial Français: Principes directeurs d ’une transformation de l'outremer,” Africa 2, no. 11 (June 1937): 3266. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Outside in the Teaching Machine (New York: Routledge, 1993), 64. 267. Cohen and Arato, C ivil Society, 1-2 6 . Unlike them, I do not derive this possibility from com­ municative rationality. 268. Michael Warner, “ Publics and Counterpublics,” Public Culture 14, no. 1: 49-50, 85-89.

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269. Birago Diop remembers Ousmane Sucé taking notes during visits tu the Cuban Cabana. Diup, Plum e raboutée, 78, 76. 270. Diup, M irages, 30. Hereafter this volume is cited in the text in parentheses. 271. Suce Diup later broke with Scnghorby challenging Négritudes antiassimilatiun stance (1942) and aligning himself with Scngor’s political rival Lamine Guèyc (1951). Vaillaint, Black, French, and African, 186, 238. 272. Miller, Nationalists and Nomads, 65. Miller reads M irages de Paris as advocating métissage rather than as staging the tension between cosmopolitan and nativism that Négritude confronted.

CHAPTER SEVEN

1. Holt, Problem o f Freedom. Sec also Dubois, Colony o f Citizens; and Wilder, “Race, Reason, Im­ passe.” 2. Examples include Jean-Paul Sartre, “Orphée noir,” in Scnghor, Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie, ix—xliv; Janheinz Jahn, Neo-African Literature: A History o f Black W riting (New York: G rove Press, 1968); and Kesteloot, Ecrivains noirs. 3. Examples include Spicglcr, “Aspects o f Nationalist Thought”; Irving Leonard Markowitz, Léopold Sédar Senghor and the Politics o f Négritude (New York: Athenaeum, 1969); Hymans, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Martin Steins, “Les antécédents et la genèse de la Négritude scnghoricnnc,” doctoral diss., Université de Paris III

Sorbonne Nouvelle, 1980; Dewitte, Mouvements nègres.

4. Sec, c.g., Abiola Irele, The African Experience in Literature and Ideology (London: Heinemann, 1981), 67—88; V. Y. Mudimbc, The Surreptitious Speech: Présence Africaine and the Politics o f Otherness, 194J *987 (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1992); and Jules-Rosette, Black Paris. 5. 1 use cultural nationalism here because, first, Négritudes interwar interventions revolved around questions of biocultural identity and civilization, and second, the movement did not advocate political independence until the 1950s. 6. Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought in the Colonial World: A D erivative Discourse (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993), 30, 50 51. 7. In later work, he displaces this argument about the tension between the modern and the national onto that between capital and community. Chatterjee, Nation and Its Fragments, 13, 220 39. On Chattcrjcc’s failure to link the contradictions of anticolonial nationalist thought to the sociopolitical field o f late colonialism and global capitalism as well as a brilliant critique o f “methodological nationalism” in social thought, see the introduction to Manu Goswami, Producing India: From Colonial Economy to N ational Space (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 2004). 8. Gilroy, Black Atlantic, 2 29; Appadurai, M odernity at Large, 69, 158, 167; Partha Chatterjee, “Beyond the Nation? Or W ithin?” Social Text 56/16, no. 3 (Fall 1998): 5 7-69. 9. Although Gilroy recognizes that post-emancipation Panafrican politics have synthesized na­ tional and transnational approaches, he ultimately submerges the former within the latter by empha­ sizing diasporic cultural politics. Gilroy, Black Atlantic. 10. Senghor, “Comments,” 86, 24 25. 11. Senghor, “Apport de la poésie nègre,” in Liberté 1, 135-36. 12. Although Jacques Chevrier suggests that Négritude avoided censorship through poetry, he ex­ plains its members’ use o f poetry in terms o f orality in African culture and as a medium for subjective expression. Chevrier, Littérature nègre (Paris: Armand Colin, 1990), 53 56, 97 98. 13. L. G. Damas, Poètes d ’expression française, 19 0 1-19 4 5 (Paris: Seuil, 1947), 16, 9 io, 8. 14. Senghor (exhibition catalogue), xii—xiii. The war allowed Senghor to demonstrate black pa­ triotism. After being taken prisoner by the Germans, he recalls, S.S. officers decided to shoot the

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black soldiers. Senghor maintains, “we remained loyal until the end. . . . when they raised their rifles, we shouted: Long live France! Long live black Africa.” Their lives were spared. Senghor, Poésie de Paction, 83. 15. Senghor, Poésie de Paction, 102-4. 16. Senghor, “Appori de la poésie nègre,” in Liberté i , 136, 139. 17. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “Comme les lamantins vont boire à la source” (1954), in Poèmes, 160. 18. Senghor, Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie, 5. 19. Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 85. 20. Vaillant, Black, French, and African, 130-42; Senghor, Selected Poems o f Léopold Sédar Senghor, cd. Abiola Irelc (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 12-13; Kcstcloot, Ecrivains noirs, 128, 175 200; Racine, Damas, 58 59. 21. Several critics have emphasized the need to analyze Négritude as historically specific, a form o f engagement, and a radical imaginative politics. Michel Hausser, Pour une poétique de la Négritude (Paris: Silex, 1988), 1:18, 21; Ronnie Leah Scharfman, Engagement and the Language o f the Subject in the Poetry o f Aim é Césaire (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1980). 22. Damas, Pigm ents/N évralgies, 73 . 1 Icrcafter this volume is cited in parentheses in the text as P ig ­ ments. For my translations from Pigments 1 consulted those in Ellen Conroy Kennedy, The Négritude Poets (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1975). 23. Phis poem is dedicated to Aimé Césaire. 24. Senghor, Léopold Sédar Senghor: The Collected Poetry, ed. Melvin Dixon (Charlottesville: Uni­ versity Press o f Virginia, 1991), 577. For my translations o f Senghor’s poetry I have consulted Dixon’s translations. 25. Senghor, Poèmes, 219. Hereafter this volume is cited in parentheses in the text. 26. Senghor, Collected Poetry (Dixon cd.), 584. 27. Half of Hosties noires was written before World War II, and half during the war, while Senghor was a prisoner. 28. Banania was a popular French breakfast cereal whose ubiquitous advertising campaign featured a racialized Senegalese soldier grinning comically and speaking pidgin French. 29. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “Language ci poésie négro-africainc” (1954), in Liberté 1, 171. 30. Sainville, “Témoignage,” 131. 31. Rakoto-Ratsimamanga, “Hommage à Senghor,” 144. 32. Bernard Dadié, “Senghor, mon parrain,” in Hommage à Léopold Sédar Senghor, 208

10. Dadié

would become a distinguished member of the post World War II generation o f Présence Africaine writers. Sec Julcs-Roscttc’s interview in Black Paris, 140-46. 33. Mark Sankalé, “L’ainé du Quartier Latin ou déjà la passion de la culture,” in Hommage à Léopold Sédar Senghor, 189. 34. They met at the Foyer des Étudiants Réunionnais, 62 boulevard Saint Michel. Other participants included Azango and Apithy, contributors to Kouyaté’s journal A frica, and Pinto, Diane, Buity, Santos, Yammissou, Ramanjato, and Jean David (vice president o f the National Union of French Students). Association des Étudiants Ouest-Africains, October 3, 1938, SLO TFO M III/ 119. On Azango and Apithy, see Spicglcr, “Aspects of Nationalist Thought,” 267—68. 35. Association des Étudiants Ouest-Africain, October 7, 1938, SLO TFO M III/ 119. 36. Jean Coker, Treasurer, Association des Étudiants Ouest-Africain, to Gaston Joseph, Directeur des Affaires Politiques, Ministère des Colonies, May 5, 1939, SLO TFO M 111/119. 37. Association des Étudiants Ouest-Africain, October 7, 1938, SLO TFO M III/ 119. 38. Ministre des Colonies to GG de 1’ AO F, October 11, 1938, SLO TFO M 111/119. 39. Senghor’s name does not appear in the reports on future meetings held by the organization.

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Bureau des Affaires Politiques, Ministère des Colonies, to Marius Moutet, May 15, 1939, October 30 1938, and April 10,1939, SLOTFOM I I I / 119. 40. Sankalé, “ Ainé du Quartier Latin,1* 190-94. Sankalé describes Senghor as a "methodical** man who exercised daily, ate carefully, managed his time rigorously, dressed neatly, looked serious, and reasoned with intensity. Their group included Alioune Diop, Louis Béhanzin, François Amorin, Vic­ tor Diatta, Abdoulaye Ly, Jacques Senghor, Suzanne Diop, Christiane Diop, Solange Faladé, Jacques Rabémananjara, André Anguillé, Pham Van Ky, Guy Tirolien, Sidney Pelage, Albert Béville, Gabriel Lissette, and older figures such as Damas, Birago Diop, and François Dieng. 41. Ibid. 42. Senghor, “ Comments,” 20, 23,41. 43. Senghor (exhibition catalogue), xii. 44. Senghor, “ Comments,” 56. 45. Senghor denies ever being connected to the Vichy regime and reports that “ as a prisoner o f war I spent several months in a retaliation camp in the South-West, for having helped prisoners from Breton escape.” He then recalls that after being freed because o f poor health, he joined the Resistance as part of the Front Nationale Universitaire. “ After the liberation I still had a case o f nitroglycerine bom bs.. . . I was awarded a Medaille de la Reconnaissance Franco-Alliée.. . . during the Occupation, I hid in my apartment Mme. Ella d ’Andurain, née Raitz, who had committed the triple crime of being communist, Jewish, and o f Russian origin. In this way, with her small child that she had with her, she could find someone to lead her into the unoccupied zone. All these facts are verifiable.” Ibid., 14. 46. “ À la mort” and “ Nuit dans Sine” appeared in Cahiers du Sud in 1938; “ In Memoriam,” Héritage,” and “ Aux tirailleurs sénégalais morts pour la France” appeared in Volontés in 1939; “ Neige sur Paris” appeared in Charpentes in 1939. Senghor (exhibition catalogue), xiii. Senghor was introduced to Georges Pelerson, editor o f Charpentes, by an old friend from Louis-le-Grand. Senghor, 101. 47. Racine, Damas, 29—30. 48. Damas, “ Entretien,” 199, 200, 30,198. 49. Ibid., 198. The colonial state in Côte d*Ivoire promoted “ native theater,” which usually per­ formed folktales, in order to foster a new “ Franco-African culture ” and thereby contain uprooted elite students. Charles Béart, “ Le theater indigène en A.O.F.,” Information d'Outre-Mer, nos. 3 -4 (M aySeptember 1939): 128-39. 50. Damas, “ Entretien,” 198-99,199. 51. Ibid., 199. 52. Racine, Damas, 29. 53. Ibid.; and Damas, “ Entretien,” 198. Londres was a famous anticolonial journalist in France. 54. Racine, Damas, 29. 55. Damas, “ Entretien,” 198. 56. Damas, Retour de Guyane, 8. Hereafter this volume is cited in parentheses in the text as Retour. 57. On French colonial penal colonies see Price, Convict and the Colonel, 79-109; and Bullard, Exile to Paradise, 12 1-6 2. 58. At the time that Retour de Guyane was written, Félix Éboué from Guiana was governor o f Guadeloupe, the first Antillean to serve in that position. He was involved in an intense power struggle with its elected colonial deputies, Graden Candace and Maurice Sadneau, in the context o f a militant strike wave and accusadons o f electoral fraud. Moutet to Éboué, August 24, 1937, CAOM Papiers Moutet PA-28/4/94; Éboué to Moutet, September 8. 1937, PA -28/1/6; Éboué to Ministère, July 18, 1938, dossier personnel, Adolphe Félix Sylvestre Eboué, EEII-4094/1. 59. On these célébrations see Alexandre, Gaston Moruterville, 10 2 -13. 60. “ La parole est aux réprouvés . . . , ” Esprit 7, no. 81 (June 1,1939).

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61. Léon Damas, “ Misère noire,” Esprit 7, no. 81 (June 1,1939): 333-34. 62. Léon Damas, “ 89 et nous, les noirs,” Europe, no. 139 (July 15,1939): 511. 63. Damas, “ Misère noire,” 334, 336. 64. This irreverent personal attack on a deputy undersecretary o f state and ally o f Minister Moutet likely contributed to the government’s decision to bum the stocks o f Retour de Guyane. After its pub­ lication in 1938, extracts o f Retour were printed in the Guianese newspaper L*Observateur in order to foment local opposition to Monnerville. Alternatively, Damas was attacked in the pages o f Le Petit Guyanais. Alexandre, Gaston Monnerville, 6 6 ,16 2 -7 1. 65. Damas, “ 89 et nous,” 347-49. 66. Ibid., 515. 67. Cf. Lukacs, “ Reification,” in History and Class Consciousness, 149-222; and Sartre, “ Orphée noir.” However, this peasant fetish was a departure from Leninist orthodoxy and anticipated later positions adopted by Mao and Fanon. 68. Damas, “ 89 et nous,” 337. 69. Ibid., 338, 340. 70. Cf. Aimé Césaire, Lettre à Maurice Thore\ (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1956). 71. Damas, “ 89 et nous,” 343, 344. 72. On the limitations of such a position, see Postone, Time, Labor, and Social Domination. 73. Cf. Vergés, Monsters and Revolutionaries, 7 2 -12 2 ; and Fred Constant and Justin Daniel, eds., 1946—1996: Cinquante ans de départmetalisation outre-mer (Paris: Harmattan, 1997). 74. See Jules-Rosette, Black Paris, 70-74, 90-98, 244-49. 75. Notes 1913, dossier personnel, de Coppet, EEII-4682/1. 76. Notes 1914 and 1916, dossier personnel, de Coppet, EEII-4682/1. 77. Notes 1928 and 1929, dossier personnel, de Coppet, EEII-4682/1. 78. Notes 1931, dossier personnel, de Coppet, EEII-4682/1. 79. Notes 1933, dossier personnel, de Coppet, EEII-4682/1. 80. Marcel de Coppet, Discours prononcépar le gouverneur général de l'A O F à l'ouverture de la session du Conseil de gouvernement, novembre 1937 (Gorée: Imprimerie de Gouvernement Général de l’AOF,

1937), 981. Causerie de M. Moutet sur le Comité d ’étude des coutumes indigènes, PA 28 -5/132. 82. Inspecteur de l’Enseignement de l’AO F to Ministère des Colonies Delavignette, December 18, 1936, PA 28-4/121; and de Coppet, Discours, 16. 83. Renseignements, September 10,1937, AAO F 21G -14 1; and Senghor, “ Comments,” 105. 84. “ Avec M. Léopold Sédar Senghor,” Paris-Dakar, September 3,1937, 3. 85. Renseignements, July 19, August 10, and August 27,1937, AAO F 21G -141. On the power strug­ gle between Diouf and Guèye, see G. Wesley Johnson, “ The Impact o f the Senegalese Elite upon the French, 1900-1940,” in Johnson, Double Impact, 166-75; and Johnson, Black Politics in Senegal, 144-51. 86. Renseignements, August 9,1937, AAO F 21G -141. Socé Diop’s speech was published in ParisDakar, August 4 and 5,1937. 87. Renseignements, August 9,1937, AAOF 21G -141. 88. Renseignements, August 5,10 , and 27,1937, AAOF 21G -141. 89. “ Avec M. Léopold Sédar Senghor,” Paris-Dakar, September 3,1937, 3. 90. Ibid.; and “ Le problème culturel en AO F,” Paris-Dakar, September 4 ,19 3 7 ,1. Senghor would not comment on his disagreements with Socé Diop. 91. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ Le problème culturel en AOF,” Paris-Dakar, September 7 ,19 3 7 ,1- 2 . “ Le problème culturel en AO F” was published serially in Paris-Dakar on September 7, 8 ,10 , and 11,

NOTES

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1937. Hereafter this article is cited in parentheses in the text by date; the page numbers for all cites arc 2. 92. These comments anticipate his later conception o f “universal civilization.” 93. Dadic, “Scnghor, mon parrain,” 209, 210. 94. De Coppct, Discours, 19. 95. Vaillant, Black, French, and A jrican, 163 64. She also discusses how Scnghor’s ideas were ex­ tended during the war by younger Africans in D akar Jeunes, the Vichyist newspaper established by Governor-General Boisson. Ibid., 183 89. 96. Congrès International de VEvolution Culturelle des Peuples Coloniaux, 2 6 27, 28 septembre 1.937: Rapportset compte rendu (Paris: Exposition Internationale de Paris, 1938), 21—25. Participants included Paul Rivet, Marcel Griaule, Marcel Mauss, Marcel Cohen, Michel Leiris, Jacques Soustclle, Maurice Leenhardt, Theodor Monod, Denise Paulmc, Melville Hcrskovitz, Labourct, Dclavigncttc, Charton, Monnerville, Paul Ilazoumé, Fily-Dabo-Sissoko, and Léopold Senghor. Ibid., 13, 17, 23 35, 122, 125. 97. “Programme,” in Congrès International, 6. 98. Denise Blanche, preface to Congrès International, 13 15. She specifically criticizes Senghor’s antiassimilationist ideas as well as his formulation o f “an other humanism” for Africans. 99. Leopold Sédar Scnghor, “La resistance dc la bourgeoisie sénégalaise à l’École Rurale Popu­ laire,” in Congrès International, 42 44. 100. Ibid., 44. 101. Ibid. 102. Senghor, “Comments,” 106. 103. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “Vues sur l’Afrique noire, ou assimiler, non être assimilés” (1945), in Liberté 1, 39. Hereafter this article is cited in parentheses in the text as “Vues.” It was originally published in a volume edited by Dclavigncttc, to whom Scnghor dedicates this piece, on the Fourth Republic’s reorganized French imperial community. 104. Labourct, “Citoyenneté de l’empire.” 105. Léopold Sédar Scnghor, “La culture et ‘l’empire,’ ” Charpentes 2 (Ju ly —August 1939): 61—64. Hereafter this article is cited in parentheses in the text as “Culture.” 106. Charpentes 1 (June 1939)- The premier issue included poems by Scnghor and Damas as well as Césaire’s translation o f Sterling Brown. 107. Cf. Lebovics, True France, 135—71. 108. “Colonies,” Charpentes 2 (July August 1939): 60. 109. Lucien Combelle, “Retour à l’humanism,” Charpentes 1 (June 1939): 4; Gaston Diehl, “Le temps de la honte,” ibid., 5—7; Georges Pclcrson, “Question de valeurs,” ibid., 9, 10, 15, 18. For parallel reflections on “machinism,” culture, and humanism by more politically radical thinkers, see the essays collected in “Discours au Congres International des Écrivains pour la Defense de la Culture, 21—25 juin 1935,” Europe 151 (15 July 1935): 424 57. 110. Jean Touchard, “L’esprit des années 30: Une tentative de renouvellement de la pensée politique française,” reprinted in Révoltés de Tesprit: Les revues des années30 , ed. Pierre Andreu, Raoul Girardet, and Jean Touchard (Paris: Éditions Kimé, 1991), 210. 111. Sec Jacques Mari tain, The Social and P olitical Philosophy o f Jacques M aritatn: Selected Readings (New York: Charles Scribner’s and Sons, 1955); Emmanuel Mounier, Personalism (London: Routledge, 1952); R. William Rauch, Jr., Politics and B e lie f in Contemporary F ranee: Em m anuel M ounier and Chris­ tian Democracy, 19 32—19S0 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1972); Joseph Anthony Amato, M ounier and M aritain: A French Catholic Understanding o f the M odern World (Birmingham: University of Alabama Press, 1975). Maritain and Mounier flirted with extreme right-wing nationalism early in their careers. Esprit became a forum for colonial humanist writing by both colonizers and colonized

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112. Senghor, “ Comments,” 88. 1 13. Verdier, Homme de couleur, i- ii, x. 114. Among them were R. P. Aupais, André Gide, Henri Labouret, Pierre Do-Dinh, Jacques Roumain, Airanio Coutinho, Jean-Price Mars, Toxaburo Dan, and L. S. Senghor. 1 15. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ Ce que l'homme noir apporte,” in Verdier, Homme de couleur, 293. Hereafter this article is cited in parentheses in the text as “ Homme.” 1 16. See Hughes, Consciousness and Society. 117. Henri Bergson, An Introduction to Metaphysics (1903; New York: Macmillan, 1955); Lucien Lévy-Bruhl, Les fonctions mentales dans les sociétés inférieures (Paris: Alcan, 1910); Leo Frobenius, “ The Nature o f Culture” (1921), in Leo Frobenius, 18 73-19 73 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1973), 19 55; André Breton, “ Manifesto o f Surrealism” (1924), in Manifestoes o f Surrealism by A. Breton (Ann Arbor: University o f Michigan Press, 1972); Martin Heidegger, Being and Time (1927; Albany: State University o f New York Press, 1996). Senghor was familiar with all o f these works. Following German idealists such as Herder and Hegel, Frobenius maintained that every society had its own autonomous culture, soul, or paideuma. He argued that African societies were organized around intuitive rather than mechanistic ways o f apprehending reality, which led to distinct aesthetic forms, worldviews, and epistemologies. Frobenius's Africa was a magical world o f childlike play, where feeling and (poetic) creativity were privileged over intellect and empirical facts. 1 18. Critics regularly identify Senghor’s thought as conservative, racist, and even quasi-fascist by focusing only on its nativist strand. Hymans, Léopold Sédar Senghor; Steins, “ Antecedents” ; and William B. Cohen, “ French Racism and Its African Impact,” in Johnson, Double Impact. It is true, however, that Senghor was influenced by Arthur comte de Gobineau and Maurice Barres. He writes, “ When I arrived in France, I was educated . . . by provincial priests. I was mostly a monarchist. I was very influenced by Barrés [who] helped me to know and love France better, but, at the same time, he reinforced in me the feeling of Négritude, by placing the accent on race, or at least on the nation.” Senghor, Poésie de Faction, 65. Césaire recounts, “ Yes, we read Gobineau, Senghor and I. It was mosdy to reject him, since he was the great French theorist of racism. B u t. . . I must acknowledge, Senghor liked him a lot. . . . Gobineau pleased him by having said: 'art is nègre.* . . . As a result, the attitude toward Gobineau was very ambivalent.” Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 211. Senghor seems to have been most attracted to Gobineau s idea that civilizations and races are necessarily impure, but he regarded such mixture as a source o f dynamism, not degeneration as Gobineau did. 1 19. Senghor, Liberté 1, 8. 120. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ Éléments constitutifs d'une civilisation d'inspiration négroafricaine,” in Deuxième Congrès des Écrivains et Artistes Noirs, vol. 1 : L ’unité des cultures négro-africaines, Présence Africaine, nos. 24-25 (February-May 1959): 279. 121. Senghor, Liberté 1, 7, 8-9. 122. Ibid., 8, 9. 123. Delà vignette, Service africaine, 236, 240-41. 124. Ibid., 240-41. 125. See Spiegler, “ Aspects o f Nationalist Thought” ; Dewitte, Mouvements nègres; Mudimbe, Sur­ reptitious Speech; François Manchuelle, “ Le role des Antillais dans l'apparition du nationalisme cul­ turel en Afrique noire francophone,” Cahiers d ’É tudes Africaines 32 (3), 127 (1992): 375-408; and Manchuelle, “ Assimilés ou patriots africains?” ; Michael C. Lambert, “ From Citizenship to Négritude: 'Making a Difference’ in Elite Ideologies o f Colonized Francophone West Africa,” Comparative Stud­ ies in Society and History 35, no. 2 (April 1993): 239-62; Miller, Nationalists and Nomads; Edwards, Practice o f Diaspora. 126. Postone, Time, Labor, and Social Domination, 36—39, 66—67, 87—90.

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127. Cf. Wilder, “ Race, Reason, Impasse.” 128. In contrast, recent attempts to recuperate the utopian or messianic often risk slipping unneces­ sarily into transhistorical or transcendental positions that preclude rather than enable concrete political engagement in this world. See Jacques Derrida, “ The Force o f Law: The 'Mystical Foundation o f Au­ thority,* ” in Deconstruction and the Possibility o f Justice, ed. Drusilla Cornell, Michel Rosenfeld, and David Carson (New York: Routledge, 1992); and Derrida, Specters o f M arx. For a critique o f this “ blank utopia,” see LaCapra, Writing History, Writing Trauma, 152-53.

CHAPTER EIGHT

1. Fanon, Black Skin, 118 ,12 3 ,13 2 . 2. Memmi, Liberation du ju if, 227-29. 3. Chakrabarty, Provincialising Europe, 19. Whereas Chakrabarty attributes this dilemma to the existence o f incommensurate lifeworlds, I relate it to a contradictory structure o f domination. 4. Partha Chatterjee, “ Religious Minorities and the Secular State: Reflections on an Indian Im­ passe,” Public Culture 8, no. 1 (Fall 1995): 32-33, 37, 38. 5. Edouard Glissant, Caribbean Discourse: Selected Essays (Charlottesville: University Press of Vir­ ginia, 1989), 2. 6. Chakrabarty, Provincialising Europe, 18—22, 47—71, 244-55. 7. On Négritude and European irrationalism, see Hymans, Leopold Sidar Senghor; Steins, “ An­ tecedents” ; Irele, African Experience, 67-88. 8. Aimé Césaire, Discours sur le colonialisme (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1955), 11. Hereafter this volume is cited in the text in parentheses as Discours. 9. Césaire's analysis resonates with Arendt, Origins o f Totalitarianism, 123-302. 10 .. He thereby anticipates later arguments by Michel Foucault and Edward Said. 11. Sartre, “ Orphée noir.” This essay appeared as the preface to Senghor*s 1948 collection o f Fran­ cophone black poetry, which helped institutionalize Négritude as a self-conscious movement. Here­ after this essay is cited in the text in parentheses as “ Orphée.” 12. Sartre's sexualized primitivism is revealed in passages such as the following: “ technology has con­ taminated the white peasant, but the noir remains the great male o f the earth, sperm o f the world. . . . For our black poets . . . being comes from Nothingness like a penis becoming erect” (ibid., xxxixxxiv). 13. Léopold Sédar Senghor, “ La négritude est un humanisme du XXième siècle ” (1966), in Liberté 3 : Négritude et civilisation de l'universel (Paris: Seuil, 1977), 70. Hereafter this essay is cited in the text

in parentheses as “ Négritude.” 14. Senghor, “ Apport de la poésie,” in Liberté 1, 139. Hereafter this essay is cited in the text in parentheses as “ Apport.” 15. Senghor, “ Langage et poésie Négro-Africaine” (1954), in Liberté 1, 165. Hereafter this essay is cited in the text in parentheses as “ Langage.” 16. Senghor, “ Éléments constitutifs,” 257-58. Hereafter this essay is cited in the text in parentheses as “ Éléments.” 17. Cf. Bergson, Introduction to Metaphysics; and Frobenius, “ Nature o f Culture,” in Frobenius. 18. Aimé Césaire, “ Poésie et connaissance,” Tropiques, no. 12, (January 1945), reprinted in Trop­ iques: 19 4 1-19 4 5. Collection complète (Paris: Jean Michel Place, 1978), 157. Hereafter this essay is cited in the text in parentheses as “ Poésie.” For my translation o f certain passages, I consulted Arnold’s translation o f “ Poetry and Knowledge” in Césaire, Lyric and Dramatic Poetry, xlii-lvi.

358

NOTES

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PA GHS

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19. Cf. Giambattista Vico, The New Science o f Giambattista Vico (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1984). 20. The Nietzschean concept o f creative destruction was developed by Joseph SchumpeLer to char­ acterize the cyclical character o f capitalism and has received attention from Marxist critics. See Joseph Schumpeter, Capitalism , Socialism , and Democracy (1942; New York: Harper, 1975), 82—85; and David Harvey, The Condition o f Postmodernity (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), 16 18, 105 8. 21. Cf. Henri Bergson, Laughter: An Essay on the M eaning o f the Comic (1900; New York: Macmillan I9 , 0 22. Sigmund Freud, The Interpretation o f Dreams (New York: Avon Books, 1965), 312-19. 23. Henri Bergson, Time and Free W ill: An Essay on the Immediate D ata o f Consciousness (1913; Mineola, NY: Dover Publications, 2001), 75 139, 224 29. 24. M. M. Bakhtin, The D ialogic Im agination (Austin: U niversity o f Texas Press, 1981), 84. Sec also Gary Saul Morson and Caryl Emerson, M ikhail Bakhtin: Creation o f a Prosaics (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990), 366—432. 25. Bakhtin, D ialogic Im agination, 253, 255. 26. See Harvey, Condition o f Postmodernity, 260 307. 27. Walter Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History” (1940), in Illum inations (New York: Schocken, 1969), 257, 261. 28. Walter Benjamin, “Surrealism: The Last Snapshot o f the European Intelligentsia,” in Reflections (New York: Schocken Books, 1978), 190. 29. Senghor, Collected Poetry (Dixon ed.), 575. Hereafter this volume is cited in the text in paren­ theses as Senghor. 30. Bakhtin, D ialogic Im agination, 256. 31. Clifford, Predicament o f Culture, 117-51. 32. On the colonial genealogy of “fetishism,” see William Pietz, “The Fetish of Civilization: Sac­ rificial Blood and Monetary D ebt,” in Pels and Salemink, Colonial Subjects, 53-81. 33. Damas frequently dedicated poems to his African friends. 34. On the Cahier as an epic poem, see A. James Arnold, M odernism and N égritude: The Poetry and Poetics o f Aim é Césaire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 168; and Abiola Irclc, in­ troduction to Aimé Césaire, Cahier d'un retour au pays natal, ed. Abiola Irele (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 2000), lxix—lxx, 89. 35. Ngai, Césaire, 80 81. 36. Quoted ibid., 82. 37. Damas, Poètes d'expression française, 134. 38. Césaire, “Cahier d’un retour au pays natal,” Volontés 20 (August 1939): 23 51. A revised ver­ sion of Cahier was published in Paris by Bordas in 1947 with a preface by André Breton. Sec Lilian Pestre de Almeida, “Les versions successives du Cahier d'un retour au pays n atal," in Césaire yo, ed. M. a M. Ngal and Martin Steins (Paris: Editions Silex, 1984), 35 89. In 1941 Breton met Césaire in Martinique; Césaire had returned home to be a professor at the Lycée Schoclchcr, where he taught Fanon. Anticipating Sartre, Breton claimed that Césaire was not simply a black poet but “embraced all that was intolerable and amendable in the general condition o f man in this society.” André Breton, “Un grand poète noir,” preface to Cahier d 'un retour au pays natal / Return to my N ative Land, by Aimé Césaire (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1971), 8 12. 39. Damas, “Entretien,” 195; Damas, “Négritude en question,” 59. 40. Daniel Maximin, “Aimé Césaire: La poésie, parole essentielle,” Présence Africaine, no. 126 (1983): 17 (interview). 41. Quoted in Lilyan Kesteloot, Aim é Césaire (Paris: Seghers, 1962), 190.

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359

42. Jacqueline Leiner, "Entretien avec Aimé Césaire,” in Tropiques, xvii. 43. Anne Guérin, “ Aimé Césaire: Le cannibale s’est tassé,” L'Express, May 19 i960, 35. 44. Jeanine Cahen, “ Aimé Césaire et les nègres sauvages,” Afrique Action, no. 6 (November 21, i960). Cf. Clifford, Predicament o f Culture, 175 -8 1; and Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guttari, Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature (Minneapolis: University o f Minnesota Press, 1986), 16 -27. 45. Leiner, “ Entretien,” xxiv. 46. Cahen, “ Césaire.” 47. Decraene, “ Césaire,” 197. 48. Quoted in Lilyan Kesteloot and Barthélemy Kotchy, Aimé Césaire: L'homme et l'oeuvre (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1993), 203. Césaire characterizes Négritude as “ a truly minimal credo that consists in saying simply that I am Nègre and I know it, I am Nègre and I feel solidarity with all other Nègres, I am Nègre and I believe that I am heir to a tradition and that I must give myself the mission o f fructifying this heritage.” 49. Kesteloot reads the poem as an autobiographical expression o f Césaire s experience, emphasiz­ ing its progressive movement forward and upward. Ngal's treatment o f its themes and style focuses on the poet's attempt to establish metaphysical harmony with nature and the cosmos as a way to establish authentic roots in the world. Arnold insightfully attends to its poetic form and textual dynamics but within a Hegelian framework that traces the poet’s voyage from alienation to authenticity. Scharfman’s incisive deconstructive reading explores how the poem undermines its own claims regarding subjec­ tivity but remains within an identity paradigm. Kesteloot, Césaire, 25-26; Kesteloot, Écrivains noirs, 148; Kesteloot and Kotchy, Césaire, 24-26; Ngal, Césaire, 119-208; Arnold, Modernism and Négritude; Scharfman, Engagement, 3, 29-34. The créolité movement criticizes Césaire for privileging African identity over a heterogeneous Antillean culture. Patrick Chamoiseau and Raphael Confiant, Lettres créoles: Tracées antillaises et continentales de la littérature (Paris: Hatier, 1991), 116 —30; Raphael Confi­ ant, Aimé Césaire: Une traversée paradoxale du siècle (Paris: Stock, 1993). Other illuminating interpreta­ tions nevertheless ascribe a linear movement to the Cahier. Thomas A. Hale, “ Structural Dynamics in a Third World Classic: Aimé Césaire’s Cahier d'un retour au pays natal," Vale French Studies 53 (1976): 163—74; Maryse Condé, Cahier d'un retour au pays natal: Analyse critique (Paris: Hatier, 1978), 3 1—42; Irele, African Experience, 133-38. 50. Aimé Césaire, The Collected Poetry, ed. Clayton Eshleman and Annette Smith (Berkeley: Uni­ versity o f California Press, 1983), 35. Hereafter Eshleman and Smith’s outstanding translation is cited in the text in parentheses as Césaire. 51. On hyperbolic, parodie, and carnivalesque language as critique, see LaCapra, Rethinking Intel­ lectual History, 281—324. 52. This is regarded as the first use o f the term Négritude, which Césaire coined. Later the speaker declares, “ my négritude is neither a tower nor cathedral / it takes root in the red fiesh o f the soil / it takes root in the ardent fiesh o f the sky / it breaks through the opaque prostration with its upright patience ” (Césaire, 69). 53. These and most other verses after this point were added later in post-1939 versions o f the Cahier. 54. On the exotic Antillean woman, see Burton, “ Maman-France Doudou,“ 158-63. 55. Mikhail Bakhtin, Problems o f Dostoyevsky's Poetics (Minneapolis: University o f Minnesota Press, 1984); and Bakhtin, “ Discourse and the Novel,” in Dialogic Imagination. See also Morson and Emer­ son, Bakhtin. 56. After this point, the Cahier conforms again to the 1939 version. 57. The Cahier anticipates Fanon’s discussion o f black lived experience in Black Skin, 109-40. On Fanon as rewriting the Cahier, see Wilder, “ Race, Reason, Impasse.” 58. Referring to this scene, Césaire recalls, “ It was somewhat lived. He was a guy who haunted

360

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the Latin Quarter. His name was Hanna Charley. A very bizarre man, half mad [cinglé], but also half philosopher and half bum [clochard], who hung out in the Latin Quarter and interrogated every black student. He had moments o f prosperity and moments o f poverty. He was originally from Guadeloupe. The portrait is not only o f him, I mixed together other characters.” Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 229. Charley was a member o f Lamine Senghor’s CD RN in 1926. Dewitte, Mouvements nègres, 131. He later served as president of both the Groupe du Souvenir de Victor Schoelcher and the Société Amicale des Antillais, Guyanais, et Africains de Paris. Hanna Charley, letter, Race Nègre 8, n a i (July 1935): 4. 59. It also mirrors the paradigmatic moment o f racial interpellation represented in Diop, Mirages de Paris, and Fanon in Black Skin. 60. Decraene, “ Césaire,” 194,197. 61. Césaire, Lettre à Maurice Thörey, 15. 62. Guérin, “ Césaire,” 35. 63. Depestre, “ Interview with Césaire,” 76-77. 64. See René Ménil, “ Pour une lecture critique de Tropiques, ” in Tropiques, xxv-xxxviii; Ngal, Césaire, 1 1 1 - 1 7 . Césaire contends that Tropiques and his lycée courses had “ an incontestable influence on an entire generation” in Martinique. Leiner, “ Entretien,” x. For Ménil’s Marxian repudiation o f the Négritude project, see René Ménil, “ Une doctrine réactionnaire: La Négritude,” Action: Revue Théorique et Politique du Parti Communiste Martiniquais, August 1, 1963, 35-42. Contemporaneously (1943-44), under the Vichy regime, Senghor helped publish L'Étudiant de la France d'Outre-Mer: Chronique des Foyers, an outgrowth o f a study group organized in 1942. It was concerned with colonial student life in the métropole, folklore and ethnology, and new Francophone writing. It published poetry by Senghor and Césaire. A number o f younger writers (Alioune Diop, Mark Sankalé, Guy Tirolien, and Jacques Rabemanjara) who would later participate in the Présence Africaine movement were associated with this journal. Copies can be found in SLO TFO M -V/6. Présence Africaine was the journal founded in 1947 and publishing house in 1949 by Alioune and Christian Diop that became the organ o f institutionalized Négritude as epitomized by a series o f international conferences on black culture and politics in 1956, 1959, and 1966. See Alioune Diop, “ Niam n’goura ou les raisons d ’etre de Présence Africaine,” Présence Africaine, no. 1 (November-December 1947): 7 - 14 ; Alioune Diop, “ Discours d ’ouverture,” in Le Premier Congrès International des Écrivains et Artistes Noirs: Compte rendu complet, Présence Africaine, nos. 8 -10 (June—November 1956): 9 -18 ; Paul Hazoume, “ L’humanisme occidentale et l’humanisme africain,” ibid., 29-45; “M élanges” (Réflexions d'hommes de culture): Présence Africaine, 19 4 3-19 6 3 (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1967); Mudimbe, Surreptitious Speech; Jules-Rosette, Black Paris. 65. See Ernest Moutoussamy, Aimé Césaire: Député à l'assemblée nationale, 1945—1993 (Paris: Har­ mattan, 1993). 66. Quoted in Ngal, Césaire, 239. 67. Aimé Césaire, “ Crise dans les départements d ’Outre-Mer ou crise de la départementalisation,” Présence Africaine 36, no. 1 (1961): 10 9 -11; Césaire, “ Sur la poésie nationale,” Présence Africaine, no. 4 (October-November 1955): 39 -4 1; Césaire, “ Culture et colonisation,” in Premier Congrès Interna­ tional, 190-205; Césaire, Lettre à Maurice Thore\; Césaire, “ L ’homme de culture et ses responsabilités,” in Deuxième Congrès des Ecrivains et Artistes Noirs, 116 —12. 68. Aimé Césaire, introduction to Esclavage et colonialisme, by Victor Schoelcher (Paris: PUF, 1948); Césaire, Toussaint Louverture: La Révolution française et le problème colonial (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1962); Césaire, La tragédie du Roi Christophe (Paris: Présence Africaine, 1963); Césaire, Une saison au Congo (Paris: Seuil, 1967); Césaire, Une tempête (Paris: Seuil, 1969). See Ngal, Césaire, 247-70. 69. Robin D. G. Kelley, Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination (Boston: Beacon Press, 2003), 157- 94*

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70. Frederic Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1981). Jameson links literary production, Marxian critique, and utopian thinking. 71. David Harvey, Spaces ofHope (Berkeley: University o f California Press, 2000), 49,136-96. For another dialectical attempt to link the social imaginary to revolutionary transformations, see Cornelius Castoriadis, The Imaginary Institution o f Society (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1987).

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{

INDEX

}

Achille, Louis Thomas, 132, 133^ 174, 345n.i4o Achille family, 152 ,175 Adjovi family, 337n.no administrative treatises, 39 Adotevi, Stanislas, 232 advisory councils, 137 Africa (journal), 194 African Americans. Sec black Americans African art, 155, 248. See also black aesthetics African elites (évolués): chiefs and, 114; citizenship desired by, 12 2 ,128.136.137; citizenship for, 128. 129-34, 118-39, 144; civic associations developing among, 139-40: deferring rights for, 124-29, 143; as disrupting colonial order, 149; education and disaffection among, 119-23; growth of, j 18-19; nationality without citizenship for, 134-39; semi-citizenship proposals for, 133-38 ,160; Senghor on, 237-40; West African Student Association and, 213 African expatriates: black public sphere created by, 144; black republicanism of La Dépêche Africaine, 166-71; cultural nationalism of, 4, 5; and UÉtudiant Noir, 185-92; humanism among, 17 1-7 9 ; in imperial Paris, 149-200; as marginalized in metropolitan civil society, 158-59; at Nardal salon, 174; Panafricanism and republican public sphere, 192-98; patriotism of, 161-66: political freedom of, 150; practicing citizenship in Paris, 157-61; radical Panafricanism of, 179-85; in social circulation in French colonies, 27-28; as source of agitation, 94; voluntary associations of, 157 African family: chiefly lineages and, j j £ citizenship and, 127, 13 1-3 1, H 5, h 8, 139, lV7n.no; customary law and, 109; Delafosse on, 98; Delavignette on individualism and, 102-3; ethnology of, 74; farms, 86, M> 89, 3230.35; as foundation of rural society, 98, 102;

fragmentation of, 94,96, loi. 3270.115; état civil indigene for controlling, 104-5: Hardy on individualism and, 101: and immigration control, 338n.n6; Labouret on study of,2h 74; Senghor and, 247. See also marriage African humanism, 147-294; of African and Antillean expatriates, 171-79; Cesaire's Cahier d'un retour au pays natal on, 290; critique of colonial reason, 256-94; cultural nationalism, 201-55; Négritude formulating black humanism, 203; practicing citizenship in imperial Paris, 149-200; Senghor on, 188. 204. 232-52. See also Négritude African languages, 189, 235, 263 African rulers. See chiefs Afrique Française, L ' (periodical), 59-60 Afrique Occidentale Française. See French West Africa Agence Économique, 58-59 Agence Métromer, 193 agriculture: and depression of 1930s, 90-91» 93; French consumers as dependent on colonial, 26; modernization of West African, 85-89; and Office du Niger, 89; USAID project for, 297—98. See also cotton; development “ À la mort" (Senghor), 211 “ À l’appel de la race de Saba" (Senghor), 193, 213, 215, 231 Anderson, Benedict, 2 7 ,153 Angoulvant, Governor-General, 130 anthropology. See ethnology Antillean expatriates: cultural nationalism of, 42 3; and L'Étudiant Noir, 185-92; Légitime Défense group, 178-79; Maran, 162; as marginalized in metropolitan civil society, 158-59; McKay’s Banjo influencing, 178; at Nardal salon, 174: Panafricanism and republican public sphere, 192-98; as practicing citizenship, 160;

388

INDEX

Antillean expatriates (continued) radical Panafricanism of, 179-85; voluntary associations of, 1S7 Antilles, French: administrative reorganization proposed for, 169; citizenship in, 160, 169; La Dépêche Africaine and, 166. 168; racial consciousness developing in, 171; republican racism in, 13. See also Antillean expatriates; Guadeloupe; Guiana; Martinique antinomies, 10 -11,26 1,26 2 anti-Semitism, 18 AOF. See French West Africa Apollinaire, Guillaume, 215, ±66 Aragon, Louis, 216 Arato, Andrew, 196 Archimbaud, Léon, 32-33 archival research, 22 Arendt, Hannah, 12 -13 , assimilation: African and Antillean expatriates opposing, £ Césaire rejects, 136,1883 189; colonial rationality on association and, 83; colonial reformers opposing, 32, 33; Damas on, 207—8, 222-26, 229, 230, 231, 232, 277; Delafosse opposing, 99; La Dépêche Africaine on, 167, 168, 169; in Diop's Mirages de Paris, 198; L'Étudiant Noir on, 188; G ratient on, 191; Jews pursuing, 18; Locke on, 176: Maran on, 189; Négritude as rejection of, 156,188.202.224, 227, 243; Négritude cohort as product of, rjr* La Revue du Monde Noir on, 173; Senghor on, 209-10, 213, 232, 235-38, 241-42. 272: slavery compared with, 277; turn to native chiefs and shift from, 112; World War 1 and shift from, j i 6 association: and assimilation as entangled in practice, 813 colonial humanism and, 52-53; Senghor on, 241-42; turn to native chiefs and shift to, H2; World War I and shift to, 116 autarchy, 83,92 authenticity: Césaire's Cahier d'un retour au pays natal on, 286; Damas on, 218, 224, 225-26, 227, 22Q, 231, 276, 277; Légitime Défense on, 179; Négritude on, 190, 213, 218: poetry for recovering, 261; in postcolonial Togo, 296; racist valorization of, 149; Senghor on, 208, 213, 250 authority, crisis of French colonial, 93-98

Bachelard, Gaston, 262 bagne, 218-19

Bakhtin, Mikhail, 268-69,270, 273, 274 Bal Nègre, 199 Banjo (McKay), 1 7 6 - 7 8 , 1 9 9 , 2 0 0 Banque d'Afrique Occidentale, 2 7 Baréty, Léon, 3 3 , 1 2 J Bastille Day parade of 1 9 3 5 , 1 9 2 - 9 3 Batouala (Maran), 1 6 2 - 6 4 , 1 6 5 , 1 6 6 , 1 8 9 , 2 5 9 Baudelaire, Charles, 3 3 3 , 2 4 8 , 2 6 5 Benga, M., jü j Benjamin, Walter, 269,270,293 Bergson, Henri, 246, 257, 262, 268. 270 Beton, Isaac, 183 biopower, 46 black aesthetics (black style), 189, 248, 263; McKay and, 177; Senghor on, 165,188-89,206,210,263 black Americans: Césaire studies literature of, 278; Damas on, 222-23, **8: Harlem race riot, 208; Négritude group as interested in, 175. See also Harlem Renaissance; New Negro movement black humanism. See African humanism; Négritude black public sphere: Achille family and, 152; commitments to republicanism and Panafricanism in, 196; La Dépêche Africaine and, i 6t. ethnic spies creating record of, 158; expatriates forming, 3,150; Kouyaté as leader in, 194; Légitime Défense and, 179; Maran in consolidation of, 166: and Nardal salon, 174; Négritude cohort in contact with, 175; Négritude group as public intellectuals, 214 -17; practicing citizenship in imperial Paris, 149-200. See also African humanism; civil society; Négritude, public sphere Black Workers' Congress (1930), 181 “ Blanchi” (Damas), 277 Bonnamaux, Henri, 38 Bordeaux, 26,181 Brenier, Henri, 31, 3*, 33 Breton, André, 206, 215, 246, 266, 3580.38 Brévié, Jules: agricultural development policies of, 297; censorship policy of, 142; on citizenship for African elite, 128; on citizenship for children of Africans, 139; citizenship legislation of 1932, 132-33; on collectivity and individuality, 101; on deferral of rights for natives, 125, 127; and depression of 1930s, 90,91,93; on development and social progress, 99; educational reform of, 119-20, 233; on education and dissent, 123; état civil indigène of, 103-4; immigration controlled by, 141; legal reform of, 107,109-10; and native chiefs, i i 2 . 1 13 - 1 4 , 1 15; Office du Niger created

INDKX

389

by, 89,91; scientific administration promoted by,

186; analytic and hermeneutic modes employed

68 70; on semi-citizenship for African elites, 137; on trade unions, 140; urban development

by, 257; arrives in Paris, 152; assimilation rejected by, 156, 188, 189; autocritique of

policy of, 99 100; welfarism of, 98, 99 100 British International Institute of African Languages

Négritude of, 278 92; background of, 151; on capitalism, 258 50. 261; on Damas, 279 80;

and Civilizations,^ Brown, Sterling, 175, 34^.147.

colonialism, 258 59, 291; on early Négritude

and departmentalization, 230; Discours sur le

Bulletin du Comité des Etudes Historiques et Scientifiques de l ’A OF, 31 5^73

writing, 207; emotional toll of student life on,

Burkina Faso, 297

Antillean movements, 185; and L'Etudiant Noir,

154 55; engagement with multiple African and 187. 188, 189-90, 192; French education of, 157.; Frobenius influencing, 156; as institutional

Cabane Cubaine, 154. 175. 270

reformer, 291; on Légitime Défense, 178;

Café La Samaritaine, jjL ;

on limits of cultural nationalism, 232; at

Cahier d'un retour au pays natal (Césaire), 278 92; copy sent to Maran, 165; creative destruction

Lycée Louis-lc-Grand, 153; and Maran, 165; in Martinican Student Association, 185; on

in, 279, 280; framing, 278 81; as nègrerie, 294;

McKay’s Banjo, 178; meets Senghor, 152; as

publication of, 279, 358^38; reading, 281 92;

national legislator, 7.98; “Nègrcries,” 188,

tensions within, 291 Cahiers du Sud (journal), ?. 16

189 90, 285, 293; on Négritude as resistance to assimilation, 446; in Négritude cohort, 151 57;

CAI (Service de Contrôle et Assistance en France

“Poésie et connaissance,” 265 68; poetics of, 265 68, 279 81; psychological breakdown

de Indigènes des Colonies), 157 58,268,-179 Caisse d’Epargne de l’A .O .F .,^ capitalism: antinomy between universalism and particularism in, 11 13; Césaire on, 258 59, ?-61; colonial, 26-27; colonial modernity and, 9; Damas on, 228, 230, 231; and depression of 1930s, .91; French colonial, 26-27; in Giscard D ’Estaing’s report, 92; in McKay’s Banjo, 176-77; nation-state associated with, 11-12; as necessary to understanding French empire, 301; in new logic of colonial development,

of, 155, 279; as public intellectual, 291 92; on L a Revue du Monde Noir, 174—75; Tropiques published by, 265, 291; and West African Students Association, 186. See also Cahier d'un retour au pays natali Négritude Césaire, Suzanne, 291 CGTU (Confédération Générale du Travail L ni taire), 181, 183 Chad, 733 Chaillcy-Bcrt, Joseph, 42

82; Scnghor on African society versus, 247;

Chakrabarty, Dipesh, 159, 257 “Chant d’ombre” (Senghor). 210

transition from liberalism to welfarism, 47» 43,

Chants de maldoror (Lautréamont), 259

48-50

Chants d'ombre (Scnghor): “A la mort,” 211; “Chant

89; in Sarraut’s legislative proposal of 1921,

Carde, Jules: censorship policy of, 147; civil registry created by, 103; economic development policies

d’ombre,” 210; “Comme je passais,” 270-71; cultural politics in, 208-13; "Émeute à Harlem,”

reform of, 107—8, 109, 110; and native chiefs,

208; “Femme noire,” 210; “Nostalgie,” 273; “Nuit blanche,” 270; “Le retour de l’enfant

112; Office of Emigration and Immigration established by. 140; Sarraut influencing, 98; on

prodigue,” 209-10; Senghor’s distinctive voice developed in, 205; transformation of time-space

of, 85-88, 7.97; education reform of, 119; legal

scmi-citizcnship for African elites, 137; Scnghor presented with prize by, .142

in, 270-73 Charley, Hanna, 287, 359^58

CDRN (Comité de Défense de la Race Ncgre), 180 Ccnac-Thaly, Daniel, 169

Charpentes (journal), 216, 243, 244,244 Charton, Albert, 119. 233. 234, 239

censorship, 141—42,-224. “Ce que l’homme noir apporte” (Scnghor), 245-50

Chatterjee, Partha, 80, 203, 257 chiefs: court system for reducing power of, 107; in

Certificate of Good Life and Morals, 133 Césaire, Aimé: on African and Antillean students,

Chirac, Jacques, 295

French colonial government, 111 -15

390

IN D KX

chronotopes, 268 69. 273, 293

prohibiting, 101 6; in Mauss’s ethnology,

circulation in French imperial nation-state: of

66 67; native chiefs and, 112; Senghor on

administrators, £24 of capital and colonial subjects, 26 28, 38, 7 3,i}4,99 100; L a Revue du Monde Noir and black diasporic, 174: Senghor on, 243, 252; of subversive ideas and individuals, 122, 140 41. See also African expatriates; Antillean expatriates; immigration; imperial nation-state; vagabondage citizenship: African culture seen as antithetical to French, 130-34, 143. 144; African elite’s desire for, 122, 128, 136, 137; African expatriates practicing in Paris, 157-61; in the Antilles, 160, 169; for colonial people, 33 34, 125, 126 34,

African, 247 colonial assimilation. See assimilation colonial association. See association Colonial Cotton Association,^ colonial education: “Africanizing,” 119 20, 239 40; Congress on Colonial Education of 1931, 38; Damas on, 223; and disaffection among African elites, 119 23; Hardy’s commitment 10,47; for native chiefs, 114-15; Rural Popular Schools, 1?.n, 233; Senghor on, 234 40; sociopolitical breakdown resulting from. 85, 86. 94. 06, 97. 144 colonial elites: Damas on, 207 8, 223 24, 226 28;

138 39, 144, 160, 195 96; L a Dépêche Africaine

educational “pilgrimages” of, 27; L'Etudiant

calling for, 167; dual character of,

Noir on, 187. See also African elites

état

civil indigene for restricting, 104; exposing tensions in Greater France, 144 45; Greater

colonial ethnology. See ethnology colonial humanism, 41 145; African elites and,

France dissociating nationality from, 33, 39, 160;

118 19; L'Afrique Française associated with,

Labourers imperial citizenship proposal, 144,

60; antiracism of, 124, 125; and association

242; race as at center of, 14; republican, 129 30;

doctrine, 52, 81; beyond analytic of failure,

semi-citizenship for African elites, 135 38,

76-81; in Brcvié’s administration, 68; circular

160; Senghor on colonial African, 236, 240;

ideal of, 102; on citizenship for native elite, 128,

Scnghor’s federal imperial scheme, 242—44; two

129-34; on colonial government and native life,

dimensions of, 196 civic associations, 139—40, 142

m2; and customary authority, 115 16; Damas redeploying language of, 228, 232; de Coppet

civic republicanism., 159, 1 6 7 235

attempting to pursue, 233; on deferring rights

civilizing mission, 6 -7 , 50.44* 116. 241

for évolués, 124-29, J4 4 ; defined, 76-77; of

civil registries, 103 5 civil rights, 94. 159

Delafosse and Brévié, 98 100; double bind of, 142—45; dual imperatives of, 116-17; École

civil society: African and Antillean expatriates as marginalized in metropolitan, 158-59, 161;

among African elites, 119-23; International

Coloniale and, 624 on education and disaffection

colonial regulation of, 139 42, 158; as concrete

Congress on the Cultural Evolution of Colonial

abstraction, 158; L a Dépêche Africaine and, 167;

Peoples and. 239; as method of rule, 77; native

Ligue de Défense de la Race Nègre on, jü±; metropolitan, 150; republican conception of, 159-60, 195—96; restrictive measures often strengthening, 149; Senghor on African, 248; as two dimensional, .196^ See also black public sphere, citizenship Clifford, James, 274 Clozcl, François: administrative ethnography of. 55; civil registry created by, 103; and Dclafossc, 44; on Hardy, 47; on indigenous political systems, 44; legal codification by, 108, 109 coercion, 84. 86, 323^42, 324^59

policy guided by, 76; Négritude movement and. 156, 202-3, 2I 7 - 2 53? 2 5^; l5cacc Corps program as legacy of, 297; as politically effective, 118, 142—43; and postwar colonial reformers, 44; of postwar reformers, 54-59; prewar precedents for, 52-54; racializaiion by, 143; for revising imperial order, 4 -5 ; second-order discourse created by, 299; Senghor and, 232-33, 234, 235-36, 237, 238, 240, 241, 243-44, 246, 251-52; shift from civilizing mission 10,40; as simultaneously universalizing and particularizing, iL 99, 143; as strategy

Cohen, Marcel. 155

for promoting virtuous circle of growth, 93; temporality, nationality, and citizenship

collectivity: citizenship for natives precluded by, 143; colonial reformers both encouraging and

4 3 -7 5

Cohen, Jean, 196

in, 118—45; toward new colonial rationality,

IN D KX

colonial modernity, 8 9; colonial humanist

39I

Congress of Berlin (1885),^ ^

welfarism as instance of, jîo; racialization

Congress on Colonial Education (1931), 38

as dimension of, 196; in Sarraut’s legislative

Conklin, Alice, 6 7

proposal n f 107.1 7 8 ? • stru m ira I contradiction s in 1

Cook, Mercer, 166, 173, 345^142

10: technological intervention and ethnographic

cosmopolitanism, 177, 196, 253

conservation combined in, 97 98

Cosnier, Henri,_&$. Côte d’ivoire: civil society developing in, 139; civil

colonial reform: advisory councils supported by, 137; in Brévié’s administration, 68 70; care as political instrument for, 78, 79; on collectivity

war in, 295; Clozel’s administrative ethnography

and individuality, 101 6; and colonial humanism, 76—77; cultural humanism of, 80,

dissent in, 123; legal codification in, 108; native

124; of L a Dépêche Africaine, 166 71; Ecole

96; Sudanese migrant laborers traveling to, 73;

Coloniale and, 62; Institut d’Ethnologie and, 63; of justice system, 106 11; Maran as moderate reformer, 162, 165; Négritude compared with, 202 3, 217; periodicals associated with, 59 60;

in, 44; Damas’s Pigments published in, 216; elite chiefs in, 114; sociopolitical breakdown in, 94, tension between évolués and traditional leaders in, 123 cotton, production of in West Africa, 87-88. See also development

postwar reformers, 54 59; prewar precedents

counter-Enlightenment, 261

for, 52 54; publicity about, 59 61; Sarraut

créolité, 299

as proponent of, 41; Senghor and, 237, 240, 243 44, 251 52; on social science and policy,

creolization, 191 Cri des Nègres, L e (journal), 183, 186

71, 74; World War 1 leading to calls for, 50 52. See also colonial humanism

Cubism, 262 Cullen, Countee, 166, 345^142

colonial studies, 78 80 Colonial Union, 27 Comité de Défense de la Race Nègre (CDRN), 180

cultural assimilation. See assimilation cultural humanism: of Charpentes contributors, 244; of Delafosse, 99; of Delavignette, A4;

Comité de l’Afrique Française, 49, 315n.71, 315^73

International Congress on the Cultural

Comité d’Etudes Coloniale (Communist Party), 180

Evolution of Colonial Peoples and, 239; of

Comité Internationale pour la Défense du Peuple Ethiopien, 193

interwar reformers, 80, 124; Senghor and, 235, 243, 249; of Verdier, ^44 cultural nationalism, 201 —55; as an analytic

“Comme je passais” (Senghor), 270 71

category, 351 n-5; Césaire’s Cahier d'un retour

Commission of Codification, 109-10

au pays natal on, 287, 290; Damas’s critique of

Commission of Native Customs. 108 Committee for the Study of Native Customs. 233

colonialism, 217 32; immanent critique and political imagination, 252—55; Kouyaté’s. 194; in

commodity form, 11.12 Communist International, 181, 182

McKay’s Banjo, 177; of Négritude, 150-51, 203; Négritude cultural politics, 204-14; Négritude

Communist Party, French (PCF): anticolonialism of, 184; Césairc ’s Cahier d'un retour au pays natal

group as public intellectuals, 214 17; for revising imperial order, 4—5; Scnghor’s African

on, 290; colonial unrest blamed on, 123; Damas contrasted with, 228; and radical Panafricanism,

humanism, 232-52; situating Négritude, 202-4 cultural politics: as an analytic category, 205;

180, 182, 183. 184; republican institutions

Césairc and, 283, 291; Damas and, 216, 218, 225,

challenged by, 29

227. 229, 232; Gilroy on, 351^9; Négritude’s

Compagnie Française d’Afrique Occidentale, 27 concrete abstraction: as analytic category, 2J4 civil society as, 158; colonial citizenship as, 196; Greater France as, 36, 39-40; Lefebvre on, 38-39; Lukâcs and, ±o; public and private spheres as, 48 Confédération Générale du Travail Unitaire (CG T U), 181. 183

201—2, 204. 207, 252, 270; L a Revue du Monde Noir and, 173; in Scnghor’s poetry, 208, 211; of subject-citizens, 197 cultural relativism: assimilation criticized by, 52; of colonial humanism, 124; and deferral of rights for natives, 127; of Delafosse, 9 8 -9 9 ; of Mauss, 66-67; *n Senghor, 237 “culture ct Tcmpirc,’ La” (Senghor), 243-44

392

IN D KX

Cunard, Nancy, J4LI customary chiefs. See chiefs customary law, 106 11, 131, 136

ethnology and policy, 30; Haut-Sénégal-Niger, 44. 68, 329^148; and International Congress on Native Society, 71 ; Négritude drawing on, 257; on self-determination, 98 99; Senghor citing, 246: on welfare and development. 98

Dadaism, j A l Dadié, Bernard, 214, 238 Dahomey: de Coppet as governor of, 233; elite

de Lanessan, Jean,42 Delavigncttc, Robert: at Agence Économique, 58 59; on art of administration, 69, 30; on

dissent in, 122; identity cards in, 141; native

collectivity and individuality, 102-3; as colonial

chiefs in, 112, 11.3; sociopolitical breakdown in,

reformer, 46^44,4^; Damas meeting, 155; on Damas’s anticolonial poetry, 217; in Diop’s

Dakar, 94, 100, 179 Damas, Léon-Gontran: and African Americans,

Mirages de Paris, 199; on disaffected populations, 122; at École Coloniale, 36,49, 6_l 62-63; on

175, 3450.142; analytic and hermeneutic modes

fraternity in difference, 124, 236; on Greater

employed by, 257; on assimilation, 207 8,

France, 35 36, 240; in Ministry of Colonies, 49,

222 26, 229, 230, 231, .237; on authenticity, 218, 224, 225 26, 227, 229, 231, 276, 277; background

332m 199; on native mentalities, .31; Les paysans noirs, 58, 102; preface to Diop’s Karim, 186; on

of, 151; and Césaire’s Cahier d'un retour au pays

Rural Popular Schools, 120; and Senghor, 251;

natal, 279 80; on connections between African and Antillean smdents, 186; and Diagne, 153;

Service africain, 251; Soudan-Paris—Bourgogne,

“89 et nous, les noirs,” 222, 224, 225, 228; on empire as economically integrated, 228, 243; engagement with multiple African and Antillean movements, 183; ethnographic mission to Guiana, 155, 217 18, 273; and L 3E tudiant Noir, 187; in Fédération des Peuples Colonisés, 193; in French avant-garde, 215, 216; French education of, 152; Frobcnius influencing, 136;

35; Toum, 4S; on the tour,.69. democracy, Senghor on African, 247 48 democratization, ±4. Deng, François, 154 departmentalization, 230, 231, 232, 291, 298 Dépêche Africaine, L a (journal), 166 71 ; and Nardal salon, 171; Nardal’s “L’internationalisme noir” in, 171 ; L a Revue du Monde Noir compared with, 172, 173; seen as political threat by state, 179

gender ideology in poetry of, 275 76; and Gucyc, 162; immanent critique of, 231, 252-53;

Depestre, René, 232 depression of 1930s, 90-93

on Légitime Défense, 178; and Maran, 165; on McKay’s Banjo, 177-78; meets Césairc, 152;

de Saussure, Léopold, 4 4 54 Descartes, René, 270

“Misere noire,” 222; moves to France, 152, 154;

Deschamps, H ubert,^ Desnos, Robert, 216

as national legislator, 298; on Négritude, 156; in Négritude cohort, 151-57; and New Negro writings. 175; one-sided vision of modernization

Deuxieme Congrès des Écrivains pour la Défense

of, 231, 253; on politics and literature, 205; as public intellectual, 216-17; Retour de Guyane,

development: African family and, 102; Brévié on social progress and, 99; chiefs and, 114—15;

dc la Culture (1938), 175, 216

165, 217-32; on L a Revue du Monde Noir, 174; Scnghor on, 153; and West African Students

chiefs and, 114; Damas on, 230; economic crisis

Association, 186. Sec also Pigments

Fourn on native policy and, 94; Homberg on, 31—32; new logic of colonial, 81-90; as objective

decolonization. 254, 299. 300 dc Coppet, Marcel, 122, 133, 233-34, 238-39, 332n -!99

Dclafossc, Maurice: on African family, 98; antiracism of, 124; and Brévié, _6£, 98, 99,

and, 9 0 -9 3 ,4 4 ; ethnological training and, 63;

of colonial humanism, 76, 80; in postcolonial Togo, 297; public works, 30, 82, 83, 9 9 .24Ü; in Sarraut’s 1921 legislative proposal, 30-31, 81-82; World W arl and, 26-27, 83—84. See

109; as colonial reformer, 55-56,494 cultural humanism o f,99; Damas reading, 155; in Diop’s

also agriculture Diagne, Blaise, 129, 161, 162, 342n.77

Mirages de Paris, 199; at École Coloniale, 46» ü i; at École des Langues Orientales. 56. 58; on

Diagne, Soulcyc, 144 Diop, Aliounc, 214

INDKX

Diop, Birago: and Guèye, 162; in Négritude group, 154; in West African Student Association, 186 87 Diop, Ousmane Socé: Césaire meets at Lycée Louis-lc-Grand. 153: Dakar Chamber of Commerce speech of, 234; Karim, 165, 186;

393

Esprit (journal), 246* 222, 244 essentialism, 241, 251 état civil: indigene, 103 5, 106, 131, 138,141; marriage in French, 132 “Et Caetera” (Damas), 208 Ethiopia, Italian invasion of, 193 95

Mirages de Paris, 186, 198 7.00, 7-54, 273; in

“Ethnologic* coloniale” (Labouret), j i

Négritude group, 154; in West African Student Association, 186

ethnology, 63 75; Brévié on colonial government and, 68-70; in colonial administration, 70 75;

Diouf, Galandou, 133, 234

in colonial reformers’ cultural humanism, 80;

Dioury, Sidy Mohamed, 214

Damas’s ethnographic mission to Guiana,

Discours sur le colonialism (Césaire), 258 59, 291

155, 217 18, 275; in Damas’s “I.imhé,” 275;

Domination et colonisation (Ilarmand), 52 —53

of Delafossc, 44; at École Coloniale. 61. 62;

Donzelot, Jacques, 17,424114

ethnological era of colonialism, 28; of Labouret,

Dreyfus affair,_lR Dubois, Laurent. 19

4&r£i_; of Lévy-Bruhl, 64 65; of Mauss, £4,

DuBois, W. E. B., 16s, 172. 181

drawing on, 257; Outre-Mer associated with,

Duchène, Albert, 31, 33

60; postcolonial critique of, 224; Senghor and

Durkheimian sociology, £2^ 65, 67. 76, 199

65 67; Musée de l’Homme, £4; Négritude

Damas studying, 155 56; Senghor on. 245, 246. See also Institut d’Ethnologie

Éboué, Félix, 353^58 Eboué, Henri, 187, 188, 180

Étoile Nord Africain, 192 Étudiant Noir, U (journal), 185 92; Césaire’s article in. 188, 189 90, 285; and Italian invasion

Ecole Coloniale, 61-63; Delafossc at, 4 ^ 61;

of Ethiopia, 193; Négritude and, 187, 202; police

Delavignette at, 36,49^.64, 62 63; Hardy at, 57,£14

surveillance of, 192; self-reflexive criticism in,

and Institut d’Ethnologic, 64,-64; Labouret at,4 ^ £ l,

73, 3i5n.66; Outre-Mer, 34, 6 0,62,32; renamed

251; Scnghor’s article in, 187. 188—89, 19 °-> l92-> 2 35

École Nationale de la France d’Outrc-Mcr, 49;

Europe (journal), 216. 222

Vignon at. 54 École des Langues Orientales: Damas studying at,

évolués. See African elites

152, 155; de Coppet studying at, 233; Delafosse at,

expatriates Expressionism, 262

44^46 ,4K; and École Coloniale, £14 Labouret at, 4IL 73 École Libre des Sciences Politiques, 31, 33

expatriates. See African expatriates; Antillean

Eyadema, Gnassingbe, 296, 297

economic crisis. See depression of 1930s economy, colonial. See development

family, African. See African family

education, colonial. See colonial education “89 et nous, les noirs” (Damas), 222, 224, 225, 228

family allowance system, 49 famine in Niger, 95—96

elites, colonial. See colonial elites emancipation of slaves, 19. 183, 201, 222, 229

Fanon, Frantz, 198, 232, 256-57, 260, 297 fascism, 29, 192-03. 246

“Émeute à Harlem” (Senghor), 208 emotion: Césaire on poetic knowledge and, 265;

Faurc, Émile, 182-83, u93 Fauvism, 262

Senghor on African art and, 248; Senghor on black reason and, 263-65; Senghor on emotion as African and reason as Hellenic, 245-46

federation: Damas’ vision of imperial, 240, 244, 250, 252; Kouyaté’s plan for imperial, 194-95; movement for intercolonial, 193-94; proposals

engagé literature, 202, 208, 211,213, 2^°

for Greater France as imperial,4*24, 34, 144—45,

equality: black republicanism calling for, 167; Damas on, 222, 229; French republicanism as

203,-244; Scnghor’s vision o f imperial, 240, 244,

based on, 46*44, 130; Senghor on African, 248; Senghor on African women’s, 247

250,252 Fédération des Peuples Colonisés, 193-94 “Femme noire” (Senghor), 210

394

I N D HX

fetish objects, 275 76

French Communist Party. See Communist Party,

fieldwork monographs, 74

French (PCF) French imperial nation-state: as artifact of colonial

First International Congress of Black Writers and Artists (1956), 291 forced labor (coercion"). 84. 86. 89, 323^42, 324^59 foreigners, 17 i 8, jl41 Foucault, Michel: influence on this study, jll ; on political rationality,

44 47; on theoretical

schemas, 41; on utopias and heterotopias, 36 37

modernity, 8 9; contradiction between universalism and particularity in, 5 8; Damas and Senghor as caught up in double-binds of, 254; development of, 24 29; disjointed political form of, 7 8; internal contradictions of, 21 22; legacies of, 295 302; republican France as never

Fourn, Governor, 95 Fourth Republic, 291, 296, JL94.

not imperial nation-state,4; Sarraut’s integrated

Foyers des Étudiants Coloniaux, 215 France: colonial emigration to, 141; colonial

forms of identification in, 196 97. See also federation; French colonialism; nation-state

workers in, 27 28; crises of universalism in, 15 19; Fourth Republic, 201, 20A 295; Gaul, 31,

vision of, £24 as a system, 4(4 transnational

French Revolution: antinomy as legacy of, 10; in Damas’s “89 et nous, les noirs,” 222; in Damas’s

35; national paradigm o f,4; as node in imperial

“Ils sont venus ce soir,” 275; liberalization,

network, 28; Second Empire, 219, 220; Second

democratization, and rationalization converging

Republic, .17; survival of empire after World

in, 15, 26; Senghor’s “A l’appel de la race de

War 1*4, See a^so French imperial nation-state; French Revolution; Paris; Third Republic

Saba” invoking, 213; slavery abolished by, 201; on sovereignty of the nation, 12 13;

French Antilles. See Antilles, French French Colonial Congresses, 42. French colonialism: capitalism of, 26 27; civilizing

Toussaint-L’Ouverture and, 225 French West Africa: advisory councils in, 137; Brévié as governor-general, 68 70; Carde

mission of, 6 7,40*44^ 116, 241; colonial

as governor-general, 85 88; censorship in,

publicity, 59 61; colonies conceptualized as political whole, 24; colonies reconceptualizcd

citizenship for native elite, 128, 129-34, 160;

after World War 4 . J44 contradiction between universalism and particularism in,

141 42; circulation regulated in, 140 41; civic associations in, 139 40, 142; civil society regulated in, 139-42, J4&; colonial humanism

5 8; Damas’s Retour de Guyane on, 217 32;

in, 77; colonial publicity about, 59 61;

decolonization, 299, 300; departmentalization, colonial government, 101-11; ethnology

colonial rationality in, 43-44, 40.44, 55-61; customary law in, 106 11 ; dc Coppet becomes governor-general of, 233; deferring rights for

of, 28, 63 75; Greater France discourse as

évolués, 124 20, 143; Dclavignette on France

concrete abstraction, 36-40; Greater France

and, 35-36; L a Dépêche Africaine on reform in,

230, 231, 232, 291, 298; dual imperative of

discourse as justifying, .24, 29 36; International

166 71; during depression of 1930s, 90 93; dual

Colonial Exposition of 1931, 37-38, 59,_l£ i * 198;

imperative in, 4—5, 101 —16; état civil indigene,

Kouyaté’s Franco-overseas alliance proposal

103-5; finance capital in, 27; Labourct’s imperial citizenship proposal, JL44; legacies

for, 194—95; Ligue de Defense de la Race Négritude as transcending colonial limc-spacc,

of, 295-302; nationality without citizenship for African elites, 134—39; ncomcrcantilism

268-78; Négritude’s critique of colonial reason, 256—94; new logic of development in, 81—90;

81-90; postwar colonial reformers in, 55-59;

reconciling republicanism with colonialism, 25-26, 201; Sarraut’s legislative proposal of

property registration, 105-6; public works projects in,Ü4; rural depopulation in, 94—95;

1921, 30, 81-82, 90; Scnghor on, 232-52; social circulation in, 27-28; toward new

semi-citizenship for African elites, 135-38, 160; Senghor’s report on education in, 234-39;

colonial rationality, 43-75. See also Antilles, French; colonial education; colonial reform;

sociopolitical breakdown feared, 93-98, 149; Van Vollcnhovcn as governor-general, £4;

French West Africa; Greater France; native

welfarism in, 79—80; in World War 1*412; World W ar! and economic development in, 83—84. See

Nègre on. 181; Maran’s critique of, 162-64;

policy

in, 83-84; new logic of development in,

INDKX

395

also African expatriates; African family; chiefs;

Iladj, Messali, 192, 193

Cute d’Ivoire; Dahomey; I laute-Volta; Niger;

Haiti, 225, 283 Hardy, Georges: on citizenship for colonial people,

Senegal; Sudan Freud, Sigmund, 178, 268, 269, 270

127; on collectivity and individuality, 101; and

Frobenius, Leo, 155. 156. 245. 246, 257,

colonial education, 119. 234, 239; as colonial reformer, 46, 57 58,49; at Ecole Coloniale, 47,

356ml 17

üjl ;

on ethnic psychology, 70-71; Outre-Mer

founded by, 60; on scientific knowledge in administration, 6 9-70

Gallicni, Joseph, 44 Galmot, Jean, 170, 344ml 19 Garvey, Marcus, 165, 168 Gaul, 31, 35 Geismar, Léon. 110. 111 Ghana, 297 Gide, André. 153, 162, 215 Gift, The (Mauss), 67 Girardet, Raoul, 77 Girault, Arthur, 34, 127

Harlem race riot, 208 Harlem Renaissance: Damas as interested in, 153; Maran introduces Francophone black intellectuals to, 166; Negritude influenced by. 175 Ilarmand, Jules, 52 53,44 Harvey, David, 293 Haute-Volta: justice system in, 107 8; Lobi people, 56, 72; native chiefs in, 113, 114; peanut oil press in, ±02.

Giscard D’Estaing, M., 91 92 Glissant, Edouard, 257

Haut-Sénégal-Niger: Brévié in organization of,_£&;

Gobineau, Arthur, comte de, 356m 118 governmentality, 46 47 Gratient. Gilbert, 187, 190 91,223

Haut-Sénégal-Niger (Delafosse). 55. 68, 329m 148

Greater France, 24-4 0 ; African and Antillean

Heidegger, Martin, 246, 257, 260

expatriates envisioning alternative, 4; colonial citizenship exposing tensions in, 144-45; as

legal codification in, 109 Ilazoumé, Paul, .74. 316n.81 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm F ried rich ,^ 289 90 Heisenberg, Werner, 262 11erskovi tz, Mel vi lie, 217

concrete abstraction, 36 40, 200, 255; Damas on, 221. 228, 229, 232; Dclavigncttc on, 35 —36,

heterotopia, Greater France as, 36 37

240; empire reconceptualized after World War

Holt, Thomas, 201 Homberg, Octave, 31-32

1* 4 * 29-36; League of Nations mandates, 41;

Hirsch, Joachim,zd.

33, 39, 160; Négritude rcconccptualizing, 252,

IlomburgcT, Lilias,±54 Hosties noires (Senghor), 212

253, 254; Sarraut on, 30 31, 32, 126; Senghor

Hughes, Langston: Les Continents publishing,

nationality dissociated from citizenship in,

and, 212-13.

2 32 t

235, 236, 240, 250; toward

166; at Deuxieme Congres des Écrivains pour

imperial nation-state, 24-29. See also French

la Défense de la Culture, 175, 216; in Diop’s

colonialism

Mirages de Paris, 199; Négritude group as

Griaule, Marcel, 63 64 Guadeloupe: citizenship in, 160; L a Dépêche Africaine and, 166; republican racism in, ±9; sénatus-consulte of 1854, 219 Gucyc, Abdou Kader, 214 Gucyc, Lamine, 161 -6 2 . 234, 239 Guiana: citizenship in, 160; Damas’s ethno­ graphic mission to, 155, 217-18, 275; in Damas’s Retour de Guyane, 217-32; Inini territory proposal, 169—70; mineral

interested in, 175 —76, 34 5n. 142; L a Revue du Monde Noir publishing, 173; Senghor and black students reading. 215 humanism: meanings of, 24^ See also African humanism; colonial humanism; cultural humanism human rights: in anticolonial critique, 203; Césairc on political domination and, 266; versus the nation, 12-13, racc as al ccntcr African natives denied, 80

-14; West

extraction from, 230; riot trial of 1931, 170, 344ml 19 Guillen, Nicolas, 216 Guycr, Jane,Ü8.

identity cards (in French West Africa), 140-41 identity politics, 191

39d

IN D KX

“Ils sont” (Damas), 207

Jean-Louis, Henri, 179

“Ils sont venus ce soir” (Damas), 274 75

Jessop, Bob,_i_2 J e Suis Partout (newspaper), 191 92

immanent critique, 79; Arendt’s of the nation-state, ±4; of colonial humanism, 120, 145; Négritude

Jeune Garde, Le (journal), 226

as, 177, 198, 200, 2^1, 250, 252 54,256 57,265,

Jews, 13, 18

292; political rationality and, 474 Postone on 20, 252; working through as,8^_2Q

jus solis, 138 39

Jospin, Lionel, 295

immigration, 17 18, 27 28, 38, 94, 141. See also African expatriates; Antillean expatriates; Kant, Immanuel, io,_L2^ 267, 270

circulation; Négritude Indigènes d ’E lite, 136

Karim (Diop), 165, iM

individualism: African elites seen as individuals, 143: colonial humanism promoting bourgeois,

Kelley, Robin, 293 Kicm, Pham Duy, 153

143, 203; colonial reformers both encouraging

Kouyaté, Tiemoko Garan: Africa founded by,

and prohibiting, 101 6; Labouret on Lobi, 56;

194; in Agence Métromer, 193; in Comité

in Mauss’s ethnology, 67; native chiefs and, j j _i ;

Internationale pour la Défense du Peuple

Senghor on African, 247; Senghor on Western,

Ethiopien, 193; in Fédération des Peuples Colonisés, 193; Franco-overseas alliance

I ni ni, 169 70 Institut de Géographie, Ai

proposal of, 194 95; in Ligue de Défense de la Race Nègre, 180 83; in Union de

Institut d’Ethnologie: Damas studying at, J4JL.J44; Dclafosse in creation of, 46; École Coloniale

Travailleurs Nègres, 183; and West African Student Association, 214

and, Ai- 63 64; monographs published by, 315^73; Senghor studying at, 205 84, 86.87, 323^42, 324^59

Institut Français d’Afrique Noire,7a

labor co ercio n,

Institut Nègre de Paris, 182, 183

Labouret, Henri: on art of administration, 69;

Intercolonial Union, 180

on citizenship for colonial people, 127; on

International Colonial Exposition (1931), 37-38,

collectivity and individuality, 101; as colonial

59--1Ü-U

19 8

International Congress of Colonial Sociology (1900), 41

reformer, 56. 57, 58. 59; on deferral of rights for native elite, 128; at École Coloniale, 48, Al* 73, 315n.66; at École des Langues Orientales,48, 73;

International Congress on Native Society (1931),

“Ethnologie coloniale,” 714 as ethnologist, 4&,

-7 *International Congress on the Cultural Evolution

Les manding et leur langue, 73—74; at Ministry

of Colonial Peoples (1937), 239 40 internationalism: Comité de Défense de la Race Nègre on, 180; Ligue de Défense de la Race Nègre on, 181; Nardal’s “L’internationalisme noir,” 171; New Negro movement and, 176; Sartre on race consciousness and, 260; in

61; imperial citizenship proposal of, 144, 242; of Colonies, 48; Plan for Regional Monographs of, 72; scholarly affiliations of, 31911.139; on sociopolitical breakdown, 96; on sociopolitical institutions and policy, 71—74; Les tribus du rameau Lob 1, 72—73 LaCapra, Dominick, .8

Scnghor’s poetry, 210, 213,231 “internationalisme noir, L’ ” (Nardal). 171

Lampué, Pierre, 34 Latron, M., 34

intuition, Senghor on, 263. See also emotion irrationalism, 246. 257. 261, 264, 267

Lautréamont, Isidore Ducassc, comte de, 178, 259, 266, 267, 281, 282

Italian invasion of Ethiopia, 193-95

Lavcrgnc, Bernard, 136-37 law, customary, 106—11

Jacomct, P., 135 Jaffard, Hélène. 182 Jaillard, A., 186

LDRN (Ligue de Défense de la Race Nègre), 180-83 League of Nations, 51, 181, 195 learned societies, 60, 315^73

I N D Kx

Lebanese merchants, 27

397

marriage: alliances of chiefs and interpreters,

Ledru-Rollin, Louis, 221 Leenhardt, Maurice, 64

113; attempts to transform, 328^130; child, 111 ; citizenship and colonial. 131 35,138 39,

Lefebvre, Henri, 38 39 legal codification. See customary law

and customary. 103. 104. 109. See also African

Légitime Défense (journal), 178 79; colonial students contrasted with, 185; Damas and, 205, 224; Sainville and Gratient compared with, 190; Senghor and, 178, 179. 186 Leiris, Michel, 64, 216 Lenin, V. I..41 Léro, Etienne, 178, 179, 192 Lévy-Bruhl, Lucien. 62. 63, 64-65. 68, 246. 257 liberalism: contradictions in, 201; Damas on racism and, 229; Négritude linking liberal and postliberal discourse, 257 58; as rooted in nation-state, ±4; transition to welfarism from, »7 , 4 ^ 4 8 SQ liberalization, 15, 18 Liberté: Négritude et humanisme (Sengbor). 250 Ligue de Défense de la Race Nègre (LDRN), 180-83 “Limbe” (Damas), 275 77 Lobi, 56, 72 Locke, Alain, 165, 166, 175, 176, 177, 345m 142

336n.88; Delavignette on African, 102; état-civil family; état-civil “Marseillaise,” 213 Marseille: economic links with colonies, 26; Kouyaté’s black union in, 181; in McKay’s Banjo, 176 77 Marseille, Jacques,.26» 92, 325^64 Martinican Student Association. 185, 187 Martinique: in Césairc’s Cahier d ’un retour au pays natal, 281 82, 290; citizenship in, 160; L a Dépêche Africaine and, 166; Gratient on racial stratification in, 190 91; postcolonial impasse confronting, 257; Sainville on class divisions in, 190; and sénatus-consulte of 1854, 219 Marx, Karl,9, 11 12. 14, 21. 39. 178. 32m.4 Marxism: Communist International, 181, 182; of Damas, 222, 228 29, 231; of Légitime Défense, 178-79; for understanding noneconomic

dimensions of modernity, _l^ See also Communist Party, French (PCF) Mauss, Marcel: Damas and, 155; Delafosse and,

Lukâcs, Georg, 10-11

99; École Coloniale entrants expected to have

Lyautey, Hubert, 44^.69

studied, 62] ethnological views of, 65 67; The

Lycée Louis-lc-Grand, 152-53

Gift, 67. 317m 109; as Institut d’Ethnologic founder, 644 International Congress on Native Society and, .71; Musée de l’Homme

macrohistories, 301 maison du bonheur, L a (Maran), 165

and principles of, .644 native policy and, 76;

Mallarmé, Stéphane, 266 manding et leur langue, Les (Labourct), 73—74

Monde Noir on, 174; Senghor studying with,

Mann, Gregory, Maran, René, 162—66; Agence Métromcr bulletin edited by, 193; articles in Les Continents, 164, 166; autobiography of, 164-65, 200; Batouala,

Négritude drawing on, 257; L a Revue du

McKay, Claude: Banjo, 176 78, 199, .200; Damas and Senghor translating, .134; in Diop’s Mirages de Paris, 199; Négritude influenced by, 176; L a Revue du Monde Noir publishing, 173; “To

162-64, 165, 166, 189, 259; black students read, 215; and L a Dépêche Africaine, 166; at Deuxieme

America,” 176 Mcmmi, Albert, 145, 147, 260

Congrès des Ecrivains pour la Défense de la Culture, 216; in Diop’s Mirages de Paris, 199;

Ménil, René, 178-79, 291 mentalities, 65, 6 6 , 1 2 5

identifies as nègre, 165; L a maison du bonheur, 165; as moderate reformer, 162, 165; as precursor

mercantilism, 26, 29, 82, 83-84, 92 Merlin, Covcrnor-Cencrai, 107

of Négritude, 162, 165; Senghor and Damas attend talk by, 153; Senghor on, 189, 235; as

“message, L c ” (Senghor), 209 methodology of this study, 20—23

subject-citizen, 164, 179; Un homme pareil aux autres, 164-65, 200; and Union de Travailleurs

métissage: African and Antillean expatriates celebrating, 4; in Diop’s Mirages de Paris, 199;

Nègres, 183 Maintain, Jacques, 244, 245, 247

Gratient on racial stratification in Martinique, 190—91; versus racial authenticity, 200:

398

IN D KX

métissage (continued)

nationalism: and African elite’s dissent, 122, 123;

Senghor on Maran’s, 189; Senghor’s black

Chatterjee on anticolonial, 203; L a Dépêche

ontology and, 241

Africaine rejecting,

republicanism’s

Michelet, Charles, 34

failure associated with, .14; Russian Revolution

microhistories, 22* 302

influencing, 4 4 ,7 7 See also cultural nationalism;

Mirages de Paris (Diop),_LM, 198 200,244^273 mise en valeur: Carde on, ^4; colonial education and, 38; Delafosse on, 56; and economic depression, 00; évolués and 121; Homberg on, 31; and the Intitut d’Ethnologie, £4; Sarraut on, .££4 Van Vollenhoven on, £4. See also development “Misère noire” (Damas), 222 Mission Ethnographique et Linguistique DakarDjibouti (1931 33), 63 64 Mission to Civilize, A (Conklin), 6 7 Mobutu Sese Seko, 274. 296 modernism (artistic): Césaire’s genealogy of, 265 66; epistemological certainties revised by, 270; Négritude drawing on antirealist,

Panafricanism nationality: without citizenship for African elites, 134 39, 161; Benga on, 342^73; Greater France dissociating citizenship from, 33, 39, 160; immigration and, 17 18, _l9; Kouyaté on, 182, 194; Lamine Senghor on, 180; Négritude on, 254; race as at center of, ±4; L a Revue do Monde Noir on. 172; sovereignty of the nation, 12-13, 16. See also black internationalism; citizenship; cultural nationalism; federation nation-state: antinomies of, 10 15; capitalism and, 11 12; historicizing, 204; Mauss’s definition of nation, 66; paradoxes of colonizing, 13 14. See also French imperial nation-state; nationalism

179, 257, 261 62; Senghor on black aesthetic

native chiefs. See chiefs

and,_24£; Symbolism, 206, 257, 262. See also Surrealism

native justice system. See customary law

modernity: anticolonial nationalism accepting, 203;

native policy: African elites and, 118-19; as both promoting and preventing evolution, 74; Brévié

depression of 1930s delaying French economic

on pedagogy and, 119; colonial reformers on, 54,

modernization, ^2; Foucault on political

714 Delafosse and, 70 .9 9 ; Delavignette on, 70;

rationality in, 44-4 7 ; Légitime Défense group

economic development, welfare, and political

on, 178 79; Locke on, 176; McKay on, 176 78;

authority as related in, 97; Hardy on, 69 70;

modernization of West African agriculture,

I Iarmand on, 44; of Labourct, 46* 4£; Mauss

85 89; Négritude as immanent critique of,

and, £7; in postwar French West Africa, 77; for

252-55, 257; in Négritude’s politics and poetics,

promoting virtuous circle of growth, 93; social

261 68; L a Revue du Monde Noir's critique of, 173; Senghor and, 211-12, 232, 242, 246, 249,

science and, 74, 76; sociopolitical breakdown

250 51. See also colonial modernity; modernism Monncrot, |ules. 178, 184. 186, 192 Monnerville, Gaston, 169 70, 474,224, 230, 3 4 4 n.i 19, 3 5 4 n. 6 4

Mounier, Emmanuel, 216, 244, 245 Moutct, Marius, 59, 215, 221, 33211.199 Musée de l’Homme,.64, 217

Napoleon 111. 210 Nardal, Jane: and Guèyc, 162; “L’internationalisme noir,” 171; salon of, 174—75, 178 Nardal, Paulette: in Comité Internationale pour la Défense du Peuple Ethiopien, 193; L'Etudiant Noir article of, 187-88, 192, 198, 287; and Gucyc, 162; and Institut Nègre de Paris. 182;

opposed with, .94; Vignon on, 43. nativism: Césaire’s Cahier d'un retour au pays natal and, 282, 283, 285, 286, 288, 289; versus cosmopolitanism in African and Antillean expatriates, 196; Damas and, 223, 227, 229, 231; in McKay’s Banjo, 177; Négritude and, 156, 186, 191, 202, 218, 252, 253, 299; L a Revue du Monde Noir and, 172; of Senghor, 2.54 262 Nazi Germany, 123, 258 Ndiayc, Edouard, 214 “Nègrcrics” (Césairc), 188, 189-90, 285, 293 Nègres B osh, 218, 225 Négritude: on alliance between masses and dite, 227; as anticolonial resistance movement, 202; antirealist modernism and. 179, 257, 261-62; assimilation rejected by, 156, 188, 202, 224, 227, 243; on authenticity, 190, 213, 218; Césairc’s

and L a Revue du Monde Noir, 171, 172; salon of,

autocritique of, 278—92; cohort of, 151-57;

174-75, -lÆ

colonial humanism and, 156, 202-3,247, 253,

I N D Kx

256; colonial reformers compared with, 202 3,

nonprofit associations, 140

217; conceptual and historical originality of,

“Nostalgie” (Senghor), 273

254 55; critique of colonial reason of, 256 94;

“Nuit blanche” (Damas), 274

cultural nationalism of, 150 51, 201 55; as cultural politics, 204 14; during decolonization,

“Nuit blanche” (Senghor), 270

299; dialectical poetry of, 293; in Diop’s Mirages de Paris, 186, 198, 200; double identification

Offc, Claus, 41

203; as elite Francophile movement, 202; elitism

Office du Niger, 89,91 Office of Emigration and Immigration, 140

of, 185; and L Etudiant Noir, 187, 202; Gratient challenging, 190, mi; as immanent critique,

Olivier, Governor-General, 37 Olympio, Sylvanus, 296

252 55, 257; legacy of, 299; on Légitime Défense group, 178-79; liberal and postlibcral discourse

originaires, 129 30

linked by, 257 58; Lycée Louis-le-Grand in

Ortiz, Fernando, 217

genesis of, 153; Maran as precursor of, 162, 165;

Outre-Mer (journal), 34, 60, 62, 72

strategy of, 21 2; dual functioning of, 197 98,

399

“Orphée noir” (Sartre), 259-61

and McKay’s Banjo, 177; as nativism, j_sC, 186, 191, 202, 218, 252, 253, 299; and New Negro writings, 175 78; origins of, 4; Panafricanism

Panafricanism: African and Antillean expatriates

of, 175, 185, 202, 203, 253, 256; poetic immediacy

identifying with, 5, 157; African elite’s dissent

as characteristic of, 207; poetry as privileged

and, 123; black students in Paris cultivating, 155;

medium for, 205; on politics and poetics,

in Césaire’s Cahier d'un retour au pays natal, 287;

258 68; and Popular Front, 195; practicing

contradictory dimensions of, 197; of Damas,

citizenship in imperial Paris, 149 200; as public intellectuals, 214 17; as quasi-institutionalized

228, 229; in Diop’s Mirages de Paris, 199; L'Etudiant Noir and, 187; failures of interwar,

movement, 298; and radical Panafricanism, j-84; as remaining in Paris after their studies, 227;

with, 166; in McKay’s Banjo, 177; Nardal’s

republicanism of, 203, 253, 256; revolutionary rejection of, 232, 299; and L a Revue du

and, 175, 185, 202. 203, 253,246; radical, 179-85;

Monde Noir, 174 75; Sainville challenging, 190; Sartre on, 259-61; Scnghor’s canonical

du Monde Noir promoting, 172. 173; seen as

definition of, 250; Scnghor’s Chants d'ombre as meta-narrative of, 205, 208-12; situating, 202 4; and Surrealism, 179. 257, 261, 262; in Togolese schools, 296-97; as transcending colonial time-space, 268-78; utopian poetics of, 292—94. See also Ccsairc, Aimé; Damas, Léon-Gontran; Senghor, Léopold Sédar ncolibcralism, J4

201; Maran puts Négritude group in contact “L’internationalisme noir” on, 171; Négritude republican public sphere and, 192 98; L a Revue political threat by state, 179; of Senghor, 213, 215, 231; of West African Student Association,

-2J4 Paris: African expatriates in, 149-200; African immigrants as source of agitation, 94; Cabane Cubaine, 154, 175, 270; Dclavigncttc on Africa and, 35, 36; economic links with colonics, 26; as imperial space, 157; as node in imperial network,

neomcrcantilism, .82^ 8 3- 84,92. Neruda, Pablo. 216

28; Senghor on, 155,147 Parti Colonial, 32, 315^71

New Negro movement: L a Dépêche Africaine and, 168; Maran in The New Negro, 165; Nardal

particularism: antinomy in nation-state between univcrsalism and, n -1 5 , 19-20; Césairc’s

and, 171; Négritude cohort and, 175-78; L a Revue du Monde Noir and, 172; Senghor and

Cahier d'un retour au pays natal on univcrsalism and, 289, 290-91; of Césairc’s rejection of

black students reading, 215; in Scnghor’s Dakar

assimilation, 188, 189; colonial humanism as simultaneously universalizing and

Chamber of Commerce speech, 237-38 Niger: famine of 1931 in, 95-96; llaut-SénégalNigcr, 68, 109; native chiefs in. 112

particularizing, SL 99, 143; in colonial racism, 203; contradiction in French imperial nation-

Niger River, 87. 89 Noiricl, Gérard, 17-18

state between univcrsalism and, 5-8; in Cosnicr’s modernization report, 85; crises

400

IN D KX

particularism (continued)

Deuxième Congrès des Écrivains pour la

of French universalism, 15 19; Damas on

Défense de la Culture, 175, 216; Négritude

univcrsalism and, 222, 229, 232; in Lévy-Bruhl’s

group in organizations of, 214; Panafricanism

ethnology, 6$; in Mauss’s ethnology, 66; nation­

and, 192, 193, 194, 195; and Senghor’s “A I’appel

state as founded on antinomy of universalism

de la race de Saba,” 213; West African dissent

and,_L4, j A; Négritude and, 202, 252 53, 254;

intensifying under, 123

republicanism’s failure associated with,

popular sovereignty, 16 17,-24

Revue du Monde Noir and, 173; Sartre on people

postliberal. See welfarism

of color a n d S c n g h o r on univcrsalism and,

Postonc, Moishc, 19 20,^42

236, 241, 250, 251; temporizing for stabilizing

postcolonial West Africa, 296 98

tension between univcrsalism and. 118

poststructuralism, 14* 39, 301

pastoral power, 45,46 paternal idioms, 125-26

Prat, Aristide, J4_i

patriotism, black, 161 66 paysans noirs, Les (Delavignette), 58, 102

“primitive” cultures, 28, 65, 66. 246, 257

Peace Corps, 296. 298 Pelorson, Georges, 279 “people, the,” 15 16 Pigments (Damas): “Blanchi,” .277; cultural politics in, 206 8; Desnos writes preface for, 216; “Et

Price-Mars, Jean, 217 primitive mentality (Lévy-Bruhl),.6$ primitivism: and Césaire, 285,^92; of Delavignette, 35; of McKay, 176; of Sartre, 35^1 2; of Senghor, 246,290 property registration, 105 6 protectionism, .92, 93, 228

Caetera,” 208; “Ils sont,” 207; “Ils sont venus

Proust, Marcel, 153. 215

ce soir,” 274 75; “Limbe,” 275 77; “Nuit

public assistance programs, 49

blanche,” 274; “Solde,” 207; transformation of

public health, 82, 100

time-space in, 273 -78

publicity, colonial, 59-61

Plan for Regional Monographs, ^2

public opinion, measures to prevent growth of

plus grande France, L a (Archimbaud), 32-33

organs of, 14Q

“Poème liminaire” (Senghor),^j_2 “Poésie et connaissance” (Césaire), 265-68

publics, multiple, 197

poetic knowledge: Césaire on, 265 68 poetry: Ccsairc’s poetics, 265-68, 279-81; Négritude’s politics and poetics, 258 70; Négritude’s utopian poetics, 292-94; as privileged medium for Négritude, 205; Scnghor on Negro-African, 263; Scnghor on poetic immediacy, 207; Scnghor studies French, 206. See also black aesthetics; Négritude political rationality, 43—75; as an analytic category, 44—47, 301; colonial humanism as, 76—78; École

public sphere, Panafricanism and republican, 192 98. See also black public sphere; civic republicanism; civil society public works, 30,-82^.84,99, 298

“Que m’accompagncmcnt koras ct balafongs” (Scnghor), 272

race: colonial humanism’s racialization, 143; L a

Coloniale in, 61-63; ethnology and, 63-75; in French West Africa, 50-61; Foucault on. 14,

Dépêche Africaine and, 168; csscntialism, 241, 251; identity politics, 191; Jews racializcd,

44; methodological significance of, 301; native policy guided by, 76; Négritude poetry and,

_l8 ;

293; Scnghor’s Dakar Chamber of Commerce lecture and, 235; welfarism as, 47-50. See also

logic of temporal deferral and, 126, 143; Nardal on race consciousness. 171; New Negro

movement on, 175-76; in post-World W arl conceptions of imperial order, 19; racialization

colonial humanism; welfarism polygamy, 104, 131, 133

as dimension of colonial modernity, 196; racialization in Diop’s Mirages de Paris, 198; as

Pompidou, Georges, 144 Ponty, Govcrnor-Gcncral, 107, 111. 233

replacing nation in colonial societies, 13—14; L a Revue du Monde Noir on race consciousness,

Popular Front: Damas in cultural politics of, 216-17; Coppct as representative of. 233;

172; ruling native peoples through racialization, 78, 79; Scnghor on, 209-10, 213, 236, 245-46; in

IN D KX

Senghor’s poetics, 262 65. See also assimilation; association; authenticity; métissage; racism Race Nègre, L a (newspaper), 180. 181, 182, 183 race riots, djy, 208 racism: African and Antillean expatriate

colonialism, 25 26, 201; republican France as never not imperial nation-state, 4 ; republican racism, 19, 171; Senghor on colonialism of, 232 52 Retour de Guyane (Damas), 165, 217 32

challenging, 4 ; capitalism and,.9; Césaire’s Cahier d'un retour au pays natal on, 2K), 285 89;

“retour de l’enfant prodigue, L e” (Senghor),

colonial humanism’s antiracism, 124, 125;

Revolution of 1848,-17 Revue du Monde Noir, L a (journal), 171 —75;

Damas on, 222, 228-29, 231 32; Delavignette on black, 122; logic of temporal deferral and,

4OI

209 10

breakaway group from, 178; L a Dépêche

126, 143; Maran on incscapableness of, 164-65;

Africaine compared with, 172, 173; and

modern regime of power in development of, 80; versus popular sovereignty, 24; of prewar

L'Etudiant Noir, 190; Maran puts African

colonial reformers, 44; rationalism enabling,

America” in, 176; and Nardal salon, 174; seen as

256 57; republican,

171; republicanism’s

Americans in contact with, 166; McKay’s “To political threat by state, 179

failure associated with, 6.-14; reverse, 231, 246;

Reynaud, Paul, 37

scientific, 202, 246; Senghor on, 151. 233, 241,

rhythm, 263 rights: civil, 159; colonial subjects claiming

246; versus universalism, 201 Rakoto-Ratsimamanga, Albert, 214 Ranke, Leopold von, 269 rationality: Césaire’s poetry as engagement with, 278 90; versus domination, 201; in imperial

republican, 149 50; deferring for évolués, 124 29, 143; social rights, 17, 48. See also human rights Rimbaud, Arthur, 153, 178. 266. 282

integration, -24; of justice system, iq8, i 10; Négritude*’s critique of colonial reason, 256-58,

Rivet, Paul, 63,64, 155, 192,217

292 94; Négritude poetics as a critique of, 205, 258-78; in Sarraut’s legislative proposal of

Rosanvallon, Pierre, J4 Roumain, Jacques, 216

1921, .82; societal rationalization, _l4,_l&,26* See also colonial humanism; political rationality;

Roume, Ernest, 44^.61^ 107. 109, 110 11

welfarism Rawlings, Jerry, 297

rulers, African. See chiefs Rural Popular Schools, 120. 233

realism, 248, 262

Russian Revolution, _$jl, 94

Roberts, Richard, .87

Rousseau, Jean-Jacqucs,-L,-12^.144

reason. See rationality “Recommendations for the Study of the Family” (British International Institute of African

Sabatier, Leopold, 44

Languages and Civilizations),:^

Said, Edward, 21 Sainvillc, Leonard: and L'Etudiant Noir, 186, 187,

reform, colonial. See colonial reform regionalism, _lü relativism, cultural. See cultural relativism republicanism: black, 166-71; on citizenship, 129-30; civic. 159. 167, 221, 235; civil society

190, 191-92; on Négritude* group, 214; and L nion de Travailleurs Negres, 183, 184, 192 Sajous, Léo, 171, 182, 193 sanitary passports, 100, 141

as conceptualized in, 159-60, 195-96; colonial humanism and, 116; colonial subjects claiming

Sankalc, Mark, 214, 215

republican rights, 149-50; contradiction between universalism and particularism in, 5-8;

Sarraut, Albert: Brcvié influenced by, 98, 99; and Garde, 85, 98; on citizenship for colonial people,

crises of universalism in France, 15-19; Damas’s Retour de Guyane on colonialism of, 217—32;

33, 126-27; and citizenship legislation of 1932, 132; on colonial crisis, 97; on colonial education,

Greater France discourse and challenges to, 29; of Négritude, 203, 253. 256; Panafricanism and

121, 126; colonial reform supported by, 51-52; on deferring rights for natives, 124-25, 128;

republican public sphere, 192-98; particularisms

on état civil indigène, 103; on food security, 96; on Greater France, 30—31, 32, 126; on human

seen as antithetical 10,-14; reconciling with

Sankara, Thomas, 297

402

N D KX

Sarraut, Albert (continued)

on emotion as African and reason as Hellenic,

dignity and skin color, 124; legislative proposal

245 46; engagement with multiple African and

of 1921, 30, 81 82,^0; on semi-citizenship

Antillean movements, 185; and L ’E tudiant Noir,

for African elites, 135, 137; social welfare and

187, 188 89, 190, ±924 French education of,

political authority in policies of, 97

151 52; French poetry read by, 206; Frobenius

Sartre, Jean-Paul, 215, 259 61 Satineau, Maurice, 166, 179, i8n, 183

influencing, JL46; gender ideology in poetry of, 272 73; and Gucyc, 161 62; Hosties noires,

Schoelcher, Victor. 183, 229

212; immanent critique of, 252 53; imperial

scientific administration, 43, 60, Hi* 63, 68-71,

federation scheme of, 242 44, 250; at Institut

74 75

scientific knowledge: Césairc on, 265; colonial

d’Ethnologie, 155; International Congress on the Cultural Evolution of Colonial Peoples

based on, 42; Western administrative state and,

speech of, 239 40; and Italian invasion of Ethiopia, 193: on Légitime Défense, 178. 179:

45. See also ethnology; sociology

Liberté: Négritude et humanisme, 250; at Lycée

administration applying, 69 75; social reform

scientific racism, 202, 246

Louis-le-Grand, 152 53; as lycée teacher,

Second Empire, 219. 220

205 6; and Maran, 165, 189; meets Césaire,

Second International Black Writers Congress (! 959), 29I 92

298; on Négritude* as cultural problem, 204 5;

152; “Le message,” 209; as national legislator,

self-determination,4JL, 98 00, [44. 176

in Négritude cohort, 151 57; and New Negro writings, 175; one-sided primitivism of, 246,

self-government. 12, 16, 25. 160 sénatus-consulte (1854), 219 20,m .

253; Panafricanism of, 213,1114*. 231; on Paris, 155, 157; “Poème liminaire,” 212; on poetic

Senegal: citizenship for originaires, 129 30; Dakar, jq-U 100, 179; education encouraging social

immediacy, 207; poetics of, 262 65; as president of Senegal, 298; as public intellectual, 214 16;

fragmentation i n , Gei smars collection of civil customs of, 110, in ; Haut-Sénégal-Niger,

272; on L a Race Nègre, 185; on L a Revue du

68. 109; nationalist activity in, 123; Senghoras

Monde Noir, 175; scholarship of, 154; on Lamine

first president of independent, 298; Sudanese

Scnghor, 185; social Christians influencing,

Second Republic, .17

“Que m’accompagnement koras et balafongs,”

migrant laborers traveling to, 73 Scnghor, Lamine, 180, 185

244 45; as socialist, 215 16, 244; on Surrealism,

Senghor, Leopold Scdar: on African humanism,

sur l’afrique noire,” 240 43; in West African

188, 2Q.J, 232-52; in Agence Mctromcr, >93; agrégation obtained by. 153; “A l’appel de la

179; trade union activism of, 215-16; “Vues Student Association, 183, 185, 186; during World War II, 353n.45. Sec also Chants d ’ombre

race de Saba,” 193, 213, 215. 231 ; analytic and

separatism, 229, 231. 232. 241

hermeneutic modes employed by, 257; arrives in Prance, 152; on assimilation, 209-10, 213,

Service africain (Dclavigncttc), 251

232, 235 38, 241 42, 272; on authenticity, 208,

Service de Contrôle et Assistance en France dc Indigenes des Colonics (CAI), 157 58, 168, 179

2 13, 250; background of, 151; on black reason,

Sewell, William, ±7

263—65; “Ce que l’homme noir apporte,” 24550; on Ccsairc’s breakdown, 155; and colonial

SIPs (sociétés indigènes de prévoyance), 88 —89, 9 L