The Formation of Modern Chinese Lexicon and Its Evolution Toward a National Language: The Period from 1840 to 1898

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The Formation of Modern Chinese Lexicon and Its Evolution Toward a National Language: The Period from 1840 to 1898

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Issue Table of Contents
Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series, No. 6 (1993) pp. i-iv, 1-296

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The Formation of Modern Chinese Lexicon and Its Evolution Toward a National Language: The Period from 1840 to 1898 Author(s): Federico Masini Source: Journal of Chinese Linguistics Monograph Series, No. 6, The Formation of Modern Chinese Lexicon and its Evolution toward a National Language: The Period from 1840 to 1898 (1993), pp. i-iv, 1-295 Published by: Chinese University Press on behalf of Project on Linguistic Analysis Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23887926 Accessed: 17-04-2019 17:30 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/23887926?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms

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The Formation of Modern Chinese

Lexicon and Its Evolution Toward a

National Language:

The Period from 1840 to 1898

Federico Masini Department of Oriental Studies University of Rome

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Licuit semperque licebit signatum praesente nota producere nomen. ut silvae foliis pronos mutantur in annos, prima cadunt; ita verborum vetus interit aetas, et iuvenum ritu florent modo nata vigentque.

Multa renascentur quae iam cecidere, cadentque quae

nunc sunt in honore vocabula, si volet usus, quem penes arbitrium est et ius et norma loquendi.

Horace, Ars Poetica,58-62; 70-73.

It has ever been, and ever will be, permitted to issue

words stamped with the mint-mark of the day. As forests change their leaves with each year's decline, and the earliest drop off: so with words, the old race dies, and,like the young of human kind, the new-born bloom and thrive.

Many terms that have fallen out of use shall be born

again, and those shall fall that are now in repute, if Usage so will it, in whose hands lies the judgement, the right and the rule of speech.

(Translation by H Rushton Fairclough, The Loeb Classical Library, London 1926)

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CONTENTS

Preface

page

iii

1. LANGUAGE AND HISTORY FROM 1840 TO 1898

1.1 The linguistic situation in China at the beginning of the XlXth century 1

1.2. Contacts with the West - the language issue 5 1.3 The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 15 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai 1.4.1. Translations by the Protestant missionaries and the Taiping rebellion 35

1.4.2. The first language schools 41 1.4.3. Translations by the Tongwenguan of Peking 46 1.4.4. The first Chinese missions to the West 53

1.4.5. Translations in Shanghai in the 1850s 57 1.4.6. The Arsenal of Shanghai: the formation and diffusion of technical and scientific lexicon 62

1.4.7. From science to politics: Kang Youwei, T

1.5. The influence of Chinese on Japanese lexicon 84 1.6. The influence of Japan

1.6.1. Japan in the XlXth century 89 1.6.2. The first direct contacts: Luo Sen and Yanagihara 90

1.6.3. Diplomats, journalists and traders 92 1.6.4. Fu Yunlong and Huang Qingcheng 96

1.6.5. Knowledge of Japan at the end of the XlXth century: Huan

and Liang Qichao 98 1.6.6. The study and translation from Japanese 104 1.7. The birth of a new national language 109 2. SOME LEXICAL PHENOMENA

2.1. From monosyllabic to polysyllabic language 121 2.2. Loans and neologisms

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ii Contents

2.2.1. Classification and analysis of loans and neologism

128

2.2.2. Phonemic loans and hybrids

135

2.2.3. Loan-translations and semantic loans

141

2.2.4. Japanese graphic loans before 1900

145

2.2.5. Neologisms

152

APPENDIXES

154 App. I. Comparative table of Chinese names of chemical elements

App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms

157

App. Ill, Index of the English and Japanese words

224

Bibliography

241

Index

280

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PREFACE

Although China has one of the most ancient lexicographical trad know little about the etymology of the more recent Chinese words

undertaking this study was therefore to establish the entity and characteris

events between 1840 and 1898, and show that Modern Chinese lexicon is n

fruit of the linguistic experiments that took place in the context of movements of the early XXth century but in fact developed thanks both to base and to the contribution of lexical inventions of the XlXth century.

With the starting assumption that languages react to external stim

particular attention to the impact on Chinese lexicon of those works written

either by foreigners or by Chinese in contact with foreigners either in Chin

The impact of western languages on Chinese lexicon could only be indire

place via the formation of semantic loans and loan-translations, since Chin

difficulty in absorbing phonemic loans. The impact of Japanese was far great

different in structural terms, to some extent Japanese and Chinese share the form.

Precisely because Japanese lexicon did have such a strong impact on Chinese in the early XXth century, I have decided to limit myself to studying the lexical events up

until 1898. By the start of the XXth century numerous Chinese scholars and students were living in Japan, thus opening new prospects for Chinese lexicon. In this text I refer

only to the impact of Japanese on Chinese lexicon up until 1898. I hope to be able to study events after that period more closely at a later stage.

I was forced to make definite choices with regard to the material to examine precisely because the subject is so vast. I had to exclude a great number of texts and, even

among those chosen, numerous terms may not have been taken with the due consideration. Hence there is no claim to completeness, simply the hope that this text may constitute a first contribution to furthering knowledge about an area of interest as yet little studied.

The work is divided into two separate sections. In Part One, 1 look at the impact of historical, political and social events, in relation to the diffusion of knowledge first on

the West and then on Japan. In Part Two, I examine the impact on Chinese lexicon of the events described in Part One, from a more purely linguistic perspective.

There are three appendixes. Appendix I contains a table of the various symbols

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iv Preface

of chemical elements introduced during the XlXth century. This is the only example of

lexical innovation via the creation of new characters. Appendix II contains a vocabulary of all the neologisms I identified in the course of my work. Appendix III contains a list

of the terms contained in Appendix II,according to their English meaning and their Japanese pronunciation (in italics).

I have used Hanyu Pinyin,the Chinese spelling system currently in use in the People's Republic of China. For the dialect terms I have used the systems adopted in the following dictionaries: Rao-Ouyang, Guangzhouhua cidian for Cantonese, and Min Jiaji,

Wu fangyan cidian for the Wu dialect. The Japanese terms were transcribed with the Hepburn system, as indicated in the fourth edition of Kenkyusha's New Japanese-English

Dictionary^ Tokyo 1974. Throughout my work, begun in Peking in 1987,1 had the good fortune of being

able to count on the learned guidance, support and affection of Professors Giuliano

Bertuccioli and Tullio De Mauro of the University of Rome. To them, my deepest gratitude.

I wish to thank Professor Lionello Lanciotti, director of the doctorate program in oriental studies at the Istituto Universitario Orientale of Naples, for his kind support and for allowing me to conduct this research within the program.

I would also like to express my appreciation to Professor William S.-Y. Wang of the University of California at Berkeley, for having agreed to publish this text in the

monograph series of the Journal of Chinese Linguistics. The publication of this work was also made possible thanks to a grant issued by the Italian Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche.

Finally my thanks to Margaret Cook for revising my "pidgin English" !

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LANGUAGE AND HISTORY FROM 1840 TO 1898

1.1 THE LINGUISTIC SITUATION IN CHINA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE XIXTH CENTURY

The Qing ミ音 dynasty, ruling China since 1644, preserved the traditional administrative system of the previous dynasties but imposed the use of Manchu

Mongolian and Chinese on the court bureaucracy. Over the time, however, this officia multilingual policy gradually weakened and, by the start of the XlXth century, Chinese

had long since regained its status as most favoured idiom. Chinese therefore prevailed as

the official language and Manchu and Mongolian were confined to the imperial palace and the banners. Chinese was the language normally used by Chinese government ofucials in

the capital and documents were only translated into Manchu or Mongolian when concerning people belonging to these groups.

Throughout the Qing dynasty, access to the civil service was subject to the

traditional, rigid examination system. During the Qing, there were three levels o

imperial examinations: district, provincial and metropolitan, all based on a knowledge of

the literary and philosophical classics, the Sishu.,四書 or Four Books and the Wujin 五經 or Five Classics and commentaries by the philosopher Zhu Xi 朱喜. In their essays candidates had to follow rigid rules in terms of both presentation

structure and style. The baguwen: eight-legged essay 八股文 or eight-legged essay, as was known, had to consist of an introduction, a middle, an end and a conclusion eac

composed of antithetical sentences、Linguistically, the style was formal and codifie

based on the language of past masters. The mandarins would have used a somewhat more

bureaucratic version of this style (later known as wenyan 文言)in all their offici documents.

Although the examinations were always presented as purely literary tests, they

were in fact tests in language. Candidates had to show that they were well-versed in

traditional culture but also that they were at ease with the language through which

Chinese culture had been transmitted over the centuries. In a country as vast as Chin ^This form of presentation was officially established during the Chenghua 成化

period (1465-1487) of the Ming dynasty. Cf. Zi, Pratiques des Examens Litteraires en Chin 7. On the examination system in general see Miyazaki, China's Examination Hell.

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2 1. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

with such a wide variety of spoken dialects, the advantage of having one written language common to the entire administration was obvious.

The problem was that the civil examinations system only tested the candidates'

knowledge of written language. The only requirement in terms of spoken language was that candidates should be familiar with the rhymes contained in reference texts which

included indications of a particular pronunciation of Chinese characters. This did not involve an in-depth knowledge of the ancient phonemic system, but simply that certain characters rhymed with each other, although this was mostly not the case in the particular dialect spoken by the candidate.

The emphasis on the written rather than oral skills of candidates created problems at the administrative level. This was particularly evident in the metropolitan

court, where the need for a standard oral language was strongly felt by the many functionaries working in the central imperial administration.

Over the centuries, there gradually developed an oral language spoken by functionaries, later known as guanhua 官話.It was a sort of lingua franca or koini that

preserved some of the characteristics of the formal written language used by state administration. Since the guanhua was used first and foremost in Peking, which had been, almost uninterruptedly, the administrative centre of the empire since the XVth century, it was very much influenced by the local Peking dialect.

The need for a standard oral language was even stronger in the provinces. In performing their functions, functionaries were often forced to employ local interpreters to

translate the local dialect in guanhua or in their own native dialect. Thus, during the XlXth century (and presumably before) the linguistic situation

in China was highly diversified. Government officers would have all been familiar (to varying degrees) with the standard wenyan and with one or more spoken dialects. For oral communication, those who were stationed in the capital would have used guanhua and, in

some rare cases, Manchu or Mongolian, in addition to their own native dialect. Officers posted elsewhere would have spoken their own dialect, to some extent the guanhua, and

possibiy other dialects with which they had come into contact in the course of their official career.

Wenyan and guanhua - which were two separate languages, one written and the

other spoken • were used to communicate in certain specific, well-defined areas. They were used essentially for administration purposes and coexisted with many other local dialects. The latter were linguistic forms that had not been codified artificially but were

based on usage in the various regions into which China was divided in terms of geography and ethnic groups.

According to contemporary studies on Chinese dialects (Hanyu fangyan: 22), China can be divided into seven dialectal areas: Wu 吳,Gan 旗,Xiang 湘,Yue Jg.,

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1.1. The linguistic situation in China at the beginning of the XlXth century 3

Kejia 客家,Min and northern dialects 2. The dialects are unevenly distributed: those of the north are spoken in three quarters of the whole country and the remaining six in other areas (excluding those inhabited by non-Chinese ethnic groups). Being spoken in an

area that was less fragmented than the other dialect areas,the group of dialects of the

north was also more homogeneous. The north had been the political and administrative centre of the country for long periods of Chinese history, which also exolains why the guanhua or lingua franca of the functionaries was largely based on the northern dialects.

From the Tang and Song dynasties onward, and specially during the Ming and Qing dynasties, another written literary language, later referred as baihua, also developed and was used to compose narrative works that were to become very popular in China. In

these works we can find trace of the spoken languages used in China in those periods:

traces of northern and other baihua. In fact, baihua or lingua clara was originally also used to indicate any idiom considered representative of any given dialectal group for cultural and economic reasons, rather than a particular type of language as such. For

example, in the Yue dialect area, baihua (Can. pron. bagwa) was used to indicate the standard language,i.e. the Canton dialect (Rao-Ouyang, Guangzhouhua cidian: 5). In the Wu dialect area, baihua (Wu pron. ba?2 hou) was a verb, meaning to "talk" or to "chat" in the sense of "talking freely" and therefore utilizing one's own local dialect (Min Jiaji, Wufangyan cidian : 60). It was only at the start of this century that the term baihua came to be used to refer to the particular literary language used in northern China. No longer was the term used to indicate a spoken language considered representative of any given dialectal group, but to indicate a specific type of baihua (of the north). In this work the term baihua will

always be used to refer to the norther vernacular literary language. However, it seems important to stress that until the end of the last century baihua was used to refer to any

type of spoken language considered more comprehensible than the formal literary language 之

These languages - wenyant guanhua,and baihua • were distinct from the local

idioms spoken by the people. Even the baihua, which was closely related to the local ^The term now used to refer to this latter group is guanhua fangyan "guanhua dialects". It seemed desirable to find an alternative so as to avoid any confusion with the guanhua mentioned earlier, although there is a close historic relationship between the two.

^Precisely to avoid any misunderstanding with this term, in 1898, the newspaper entitled Wuxi baihua bao 無室易白話報(Wuxi newspaper in baihua), which was not written in the dialect of Wuxi, changed its name after only five issues to Zhongguo g“anyin baihua bao

中國宮奋白話報(Newspaper in the baihua of the Chinese official pronunciation), cf. sect.

1.7. Conversely, a newspaper founded in Shanghai in 1902, entitled Suzhou baihua bao 蘇州白話報(Suzhou newspaper in baihua), was completely written in the Wu dialect (spoken in lhal region) and not in the northern dialect. Cf. A Ying, Baokati shuliie: 83.

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4 1. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

idioms, cannot be considered a popular language as such,since it represented a subsequent

phase of development aimed at overcoming the differences existing within each dialect area.

The Qing dynasty, like the dynasties that had preceded it, paid very attention to the language issue, despite the obvious complexity of the linguistic

in China. It was convinced that it could simply continue, as in the past, to g

territory through the State functionaries familiar with the standard written thanks to the traditional state examination system.

Emperor Yongzheng 雍正 seems to have been the only Qing emperor to

addressed the language issue at all, obliging the functionaries from the southern

of Fujian 福建 and Guangdong llff乘 to study the guanhua. In fact, the dialects sp

those provinces were nothing like the guanhua and functionaries had trouble

themselves understood. In 1728, Emperor Yongzheng issued a decree orde governors of Fujian and Guangdong to introduce measures to ensure that pronunciation (zhengyin 正音),i.e. the guanhua, was taught in their pr

"Academies for correct pronunciation" {zhengyin shuyuan 正音書院)were estab

imperial decree in every district of the province of Fujian and candidates fro

province had to demonstrate a satisfactory knowledge of guanhua in order to

higher level examinations. In 1737, however, the provision was abolished altoge

local authorities were simply urged to persevere in their efforts to diffuse th among students and officers 4.

By the start of the XlXth century, there appears to have been very little

in the situation in Guangdong. In 1840 it was in fact described thus by Robert

young English interpreter of Chinese: "Upward a century has rolled on since Kan

issued the above Edict, but we are not aware that any considerable change has tak

since his day’’ (Thom, Esop: viii).

When more Westerners were granted access to the southern part of China

XlXth century, the linguistic situation was still extremely complex. Howe military events that were to transform China's political and economic system in

half of the XlXth century also had an impact on language, leading to a transformation of the traditional situation.

^Cf. Yu Zhengxie, Guisi cungao: juari 9, 270. After the promulgation of YongZheng'S edict, various manuals for the study of guanhua or zhengyin by those speaking the dialects of Fujian and Guangong were published between the end of the XVIIIth and the beginning of the XlXth century. Cf. Paderni, Kuan-hua: 262-263.

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1.2. CONTACTS WITH THE WEST - THE LANGUAGE ISSUE

Over the centuries the contacts between China and the West had very little

impact on the languages of the Chinese empire. Indeed, prior to the XlXth century, very

few Chinese had undertaken any formal study of western languages, although some Westerners had already shown interest in the Chinese language

The first basic linguistic contacts between China and the West took place through missionaries and merchants, the only Westerners to travel to China other than the diplomatic envoys sent directly by sovereign states.

In the XVIIth century a systematic study of the Chinese language was

undertaken by the Jesuits engaged in missionary activity in China. Several of the works

written in Chinese, including texts by Matteo Ricci and Giulio Aleni, were kept at th

imperial library, and, for centuries, constituted the main source of knowledge in China o

matters related to the West 6. The origin of the first neologisms in science, geograph

and education, coined on the basis of western knowledge, are to be found in these earl Jesuit works written in Chinese 入

According to Matteo Ricci, one of the reasons why his predecessors had failed

to spread the faith in China between 1552 and 1583 was lack of knowledge of th Chinese language (cf. D'Elia, Fonti Ricciane: no. 203, note 1). He considered a knowledge of the Chinese language essential for missionary work and referred to some

missionaries who had just arrived in China thus: '•(•") they were all newly arrived and could only study the language and letters of this land so as to be able to perform their

5Up until the second half of the XlXth century, Russian was the only western language officially taught in China. A Russian language school {Eluosi wenguan 俄雜斯文魄 had been founded in Peking in 1757 to train Chinese interpreters for conducting transactions with the Russians (Biggerstaff, Tung Wen Kuan: 308, note 4).

^For information on Ricci and Aleni, and the contribution of Catholic missionaries to knowledge of Europe in China, see particularly Bernard, Adaptations chinoises, Latourette,

Christian Missions and Xu Zongze, Yesuhui yizhu. For a bibliography of western studies on the Jesuits in China between 1580 and 1680, cf. ZUrcher,Jesuit Mission.

^For example the words jihe 接何"geometry", jingxian 經線"parallel (of latitude)", weixian 緯線"meridian (of longitude)", redai 熱帶"torrid zone", lengdai 冷带"frigid zone",

wendai "temperate zone" and ゴ/が“地球"terrestrial globe", zhongxue 重舉"mechanics", etc. Ricci, and later Aleni, also gave new meanings to words that, though existing in Chinese,

were used exclusively to refer to the celestial sphere (semantic loans): beiji 北極"North Pole",

nanji 南極"South Pole" and chidao 赤道"equator". Other terms originally introduced by the

Jesuits are:ゴの:we 大學 in the modern meaning of university, wenke and like 5里科 "literary subjects and scientific subjects", yike 翳科 and yixue 翳學for "medicine", zhongxue

中學"secondary school". Cf. sees. 2.2.2. and 2.2.3. and vocabulary in appendix II.

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6 I. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

task (...)". Undoubtedly the fact that the Jesuits had been allowed to take up residence first in Nanking and then in Peking was an advantage in terms of learning the language. Both

cities were major political centres, where the guanhua was widely spread and the idioms

spoken belonged to the group of northern dialects. In Nanking and Peking the Jesuits came into contact with educated Chinese functionaries who had a good command of

guanhua. The difference between the spoken language and the local dialects was less

marked than elsewhere. Consequently, Ricci gained a positive impression of the linguistic situation in China and embarked on a study of guanhua,which he described as

follows: "With all this variety of languages, there is one which is called guanhua which is the legal language,used in hearings and courts; it is easily learnt in every province simply by using it and even children and women have sufficient familiarity with

it to be able to communicate with people from other provinces" 9.

There appears to have been no general consensus among the various religious orders involved in missionary activity in China on the need for the Chinese to have a

knowledge of Latin or other western languages. Some missionaries believed that the ordination of Chinese priests recruited from the more educated classes might have been hindered by the fact that they were unable to gain an in-depth knowledge of theology and

Latin ⑴.

The first Chinese to receive a complete education in Latin and in Italian was probably a lad from Macao,called Zheng Manuo 節琪諾,subsequently ordained Emmanuel de Siqueira (1633-1673). He arrived in Rome in 1650 at the age of seventeen and studied at the Collegio Romano until 1660. After finishing his studies in Rome, he

erano tutti venuti di nuovo, e cosl non potevano far altro che studiare la lingua

e le lettere di questa terra, per farsi istromenti per questa impresa; (...)•• in his Delia Entrata della Compagtiia di Giesu e Christianita nella Cina,now in D'Elia, Fonti Ricciane: no. 752. 9 "Con tutta questa varietk di lingue, ve ne b una che chiamano cuonhoa,che vuol dire

lingua forense, di che si usa nelle audentie e tribunali, la quale si impara molto facilmente in

ogni provincia con il solo uso; e cosl sino alii putti e le donne sanno tanto di questa che possono trattare ogni persona di altra provincia" (D'Elia, Fonti Ricciane: no. 53). ^From Ricci's writings we can deduct that he had taught the rudiments of Latin to the

convert Xu Guangqi 徐光欧 but did not seem to consider Latin a fundamental aspect of his mission (cf. D'Elia, Fonti Ricciane: II, 254). In 1625-6, Nicolas Trigault (1577-1628) taught Latin to Wang Zheng 王徴(1571-1644),an imperial functionary, who helped him draw up the

Xiru errnu zi 西係耳目富(Aid to the ears and the eyes of Western literati), one of the first systems for transcribing Chinese characters in the Latin alphabet. Ludovico Buglio (1606 • 1682) was in favour of the ordination of Chinese priests, and proposed founding a seminary near the city of Hangzhou (cf. Archivium Romanum Societas Jesus, Jap-Sin. 199, f. 21, cit. in

Bertuccioli, Buglio: 6).

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1.2. Contacts with the West • the language issue 7

travelled to Bologna and Lisbon and from there went back to China to work as a missionary ^!. The decision to teach Latin or any other western language to Chinese converts depended very much on the attitude that the various missionaries had toward the education

of the native clergy. Although all agreed in principle on the need to ordain Chinese priests, most Jesuits believed that the only way to acquire a complete knowledge of the

Christian doctrine was to study in Europe, while Dominicans and Franciscans were more in favour of establishing seminaries and ordaining Chinese priests in China I2.

The first institution established specifically for training Chinese priests in

Europe was the Collegio de' Cinesi founded in Naples (July 25, 26 and 27,1732) by Matteo Ripa (1682-1746), a member of the secular clergy (Ripa, Collegio de' Cinesi: I, 497). Matteo Ripa had spent twelve years in China (1711-1723) as a missionary and when he returned to Naples in 1724 he brought five Chinese lads with him. While in Naples, two of these, Giovan Battista Ku and Giovanni Evangelista In,received all their education in Latin じ.

In his Storia della Fondazione delta Congregazione e del Collegio de' Cinesi, Ripa makes no direct reference to the language skills of the two Chinese priests, but he

does mention that the two men, ordained in 1734,(op. cit.: III, 42) sat for an examination on "Philosophy and Theology, scholastic, dogmatic and moral" 14 at the Propaganda Fide Congregation before returning to China and "both did so well that during the whole examination, which lasted an hour and a half, all one could hear was loud cries

of acclaim from everyone present, continuous hurrahs, with everyone being greatly impressed, especially myself' 15. We know that two other Chinese priests educated at the 1 ‘ In the Archives of the Society of Jesus in Rome, there is some record of the period

Zheng Manuo spent in Italy, including the short note written by him on October 17th, 1651, when entering the Church of Saint Andrea of Rome in order to become a Jesuit novice. To my knowledge, this is one of the first known document written by a Chinese in a western language

(Archivium Romanum Societas Jesus, Rom. 173, f. 92v). About Zheng Manuo, cf. Rouleau, De

Siqueira. 12in 1656 Gregory Lo or Lopez, Chinese name Luo Wenzao HE文漆(c. 1610-1691 ),

became the first Chinese Dominican. He was appointed Bishop and Vicar Apostolic of Nanking on January 4,1674. He remained in office until his death on February 27, 1691 (cf.

Biermann, Dominikanermission in China: 133, n. 70; Latourette, Christian Missions: 122 124). '-'Regarding the knowledge of Latin in China, cf. Fang Hao, Ladingwen.

'4"di filosofia,e di Teologia, tanto Scolastica,quanto Dommatica, e Morale" (op.cit.,HI,45-46). ^"Ambedue si portarono tanto bene, che per un'ora e mezza in circa per quanto dur6

l'csame, altro non s'intese,che a voce piena di tutti, un continuo viva, viva, brillandone pel

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8 /. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

Chinese College in Naples acted as interpreters for the British Embassy to the Qing court led by George Macartney, thanks to their knowledge of Latin and Italian The different approach adopted by the various religious orders is easily explained. The Jesuits wanted to spread the faith particularly among the mandarins, who lacked time

for a systematic study of Latin because they had to study for the demanding civil examinations. The Dominicans and Franciscans were interested in converting the lower

classes of the population, apparently better disposed toward the study of Christian doctrine and the language through which it was transmitted.

However the period of positive cultural and linguistic contacts between the Christian West and the Chinese empire was short-lived. The Jesuits, the Dominicans and

the Franciscans failed to reach an agreement and the Rome authority had to issue three separate decrees regarding the participation of the Chinese converts in Chinese rites: one

favourable to the Dominicans (1645), another to the Jesuits (1656) and yet another leaving the solution to local missionaries on a "case by case" basis (1669). After decades of controversy, the repeated intervention of the Holy Office and two apostolic delegations

to China, in the first year of Yongzheng HiE (1723), the Chinese court finally reacted, prohibiting all missionary activity in China. The Catholic missionaries were confined to

Macao ミ與Only those working at the Astronomical Observatory of Peking were allowed to stay on, but on condition that they did not evangelize l7.

By the early XlXth century, the provinces of Guangdong and Fujian 福建 had already been China's most used natural sea access for several centuries. The first European

Ambassador to arrive in Canton was the Portuguese Thomさ Pirさs, who had landed with a group of merchants in 1520. The colony of Macao was founded by Portugal in

1557 and missionaries arrived soon after. By the early XVIIIth century trade was flourishing in the port of Canton (the East India Company established an office there in

1715), in the southern ports of Xiamen 厦Fuzhou 福州 and Quanzhou 泉州,in the

Fujian province, and in Ningbo 審波 in Zhejiang 浙江.However, in 1757, Emperor Yongzheng confined all foreign residents and trade to the city of Canton, a restriction only lifted in 1840. All later relations between Westerners and Chinese, subsequent to those initially

established by the Catholic missionaries, took place in regions which, linguistically, contenuto tutti que'signori, ed io in speciale" {Ibidem). It seems that the two men knew Latin

better than they did Italian. When the two priests set out on their journey back to China in 1734, Ripa gave them written instructions in Latin. He also urged the priests to converse in Latin daring the journey (Ripa, Collegio de' Cinesi: III,73-80). 1 叶hey were Jacobus Li, also known as Mr. Plum from the meaning of his surname in

Chinese, and Pablo Cho (cf. Crammer Byng, An Embassy to China: 319-320).

"On the rites dispute and the history of Christian missions in China, cf. Qingdai tongsiu\ Latourette, Christian Missions.

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1.2. Contacts with the West - the language issue 9

were the most removed from China's centre. Moreover, the attitude of the western merchants to the Chinese and their language was completely different from that of the

Catholic missionaries in the XVIIth century. The missionaries had successfully imposed

themselves on China by their learning, even though their real objective had been to spread their religion. The western merchants were driven by economic interests and imposed themselves on China by their trade. The Chinese had considered the missionaries as educated functionaries, albeit from other countries, whereas the Portuguese, Dutch and

English merchants were mere "barbarians" (yi 3^) driven by material profit. While the former had been allowed to live in close contact with the Chinese at least for some

decades, the merchants were immediately relegated to Macao and Canton. Macao occupied an isolated position on a promontory. In Canton, the area inhabited by foreigners and the

store-rooms and headquarters of the western companies were prudently situated on a narrow strip of land, outside the city walls, under constant supervision by Chinese guards 18

After 1723, the Qing court tried to prevent all direct contact between Westerners

and natives. Relations were purely commercial and took place through a special class of Chinese mediators 19. All transactions were conducted in a kind of lingua franca known

as pidgin 18cf. Hunter, Fan Kwae: 20-25; CR, Description of Canton, II. no. 4, August 1833, 145; Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy: 13. The Chinese merchants rented to various western merchants three storeyed buildings where they were allowed to trade and reside. In English

these were called factories (or hang 行,with the Cantonese pronunciation hong, "corporation") since this is where the factors resided: "one who acts or transacts business for another" (Webster: 444). For a description of the factory quarter of Canton in 1826 see Hunter, Fan Kwae: loc.cit.

^After 1720, all transactions between foreigners and China had to be conducted via a special corporation of merchants, in Chinese Gonghang 公行"official corporation", referred to by foreigners as Cohong. This was generally composed of about ten Chinese merchants (the

number often varied) who took it in turns to be responsible for the foreign ships landing at Canton. They were responsible for these foreign ships until their departure (Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy: 50-51). This explains why the English referred to them as "horse godfathers" (Hunter, Fan Kwae: 34-36). The only other Chinese allowed to have contacts with foreigners

were bankers (referred to as shroff in English, shilaofu 式老夭),who were responsible for

checking the value of the precious metals utilized for transactions, and the compradores (maiban 買辦)and their interpreters (referred to as linguists, tongshi 通事). 2^This word probably derives from the English transcription of the word used by the

Chinese to convey the English word "business" (Hunter, Fan Kwae: 61). However Chinese scholars now refer to it with the term Yangjingbirt yingyu 洋逆清英播 According to one scholar, this derives from Yangjingbin 洋淫深 a course of water in Shanghai delimiting the area inhabited by Westerners where transactions took place between the Chinese and the

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10 1. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

Pidgin was the term used to refer to the commercial language used by Portuguese traders in the first half of the XVIIIth century. It consisted mainly of Portuguese and Chinese words, with the addition of idiomatic expressions taken from the

other eastern countries with which Portugal already traded, especially India and Malaysia

ム.As the volume of British trade increased in China, a new version of pidgin developed in which the Portuguese words were gradually substituted by English expressions, though

preserving words also from other areas 22. in the late XVIIIlh and early XlXth centuries,

the original Portuguese version of pidgin survived only in Macao. Pidgin English gradually took over in Canton and then in other areas of China involved in foreign trade

23. The words were pronounced according to the phonemic system of the local dialect.

For example fricatives became the occlusives closest to them: f > p, v > b, r > 1,etc. (Hall, Pidgin: 96).

Syntax was modelled mainly on Cninese syntax. Being so concise, it seemed Westerners (Zhou Zhenhe, Fangyart: 256). However this later etymological explanation seems

improbable since the language spread first in Canton and Macao and not in Shanghai where western settlements were established much later. It seems more likely that Yangjingbin yingyu

is the popular etymology of the term "pidgin English", brought to Shanghai by the English and their Cantonese escorts after 1842.

む Words of Malay and Hindi origin generally referred to units of weight and currency:

they were used first by the Portuguese, and then by the English in their commercial transactions in Malaysia and India. For example lac "100.000", from the Hindi Wch,officially acknowledged in English in 1599 (Webster: 668); shroff "banker, especially he who controls

money", from the Hindi sarrSf and Malay saraf, officially acknowledged in English in 1618 (Webster: 1092); tael "unit of weight corresponding to the Chinese Hang 兩",from the Malay

tahil, officially acknowledged in English in 1588 [Webster: 1201; Hamus Melayu, with Chinese and English Explanation (Malay-Chinese-English Dictionary), Hong Kong 1958: 349】.

22Examples of Portuguese words later substituted by English words are: pattlT "priest" (くPortuguese "padre") substituted by gos-pigin mden: ids < Portuguese "deos", pigin "business", moen "men", "men (who care) the business (of) god"; giindi "big", substituted by

big or pikinirit "small", substituted by smdl (Hall, Pidgin: 95, note 2; Hunter, Fan Kwae: 61-62.

23xhe history of "Chinese pidgin English" (thus called to distinguish it from "Malay

pidgin English") can be divided into four phases: the origins in Canton and Macao (1715 1748); the "classical" period in Canton (1748.1842); the period of greatest development and use in Hong Kong, in the ports opened after the treaties with China,and in the valley of Yangzi (c. 1842- c. 1890); the decline after 1890 (Hall, Pidgin: 95. Hall indicates as his source:

J.E. Reinecke, Marginal Languages, 772-785,Yale University Dissertations 1937,which

unfortunately 1 have been unable to consult). For traces of Portuguese still present in spoken Chinese in Macao, cf. Hu Peizhou, Aomenhua.

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1.2. Contacts with the West - the language issue 11

suitable for a buyer / seller,owner / servant relationship. This explains why foreigners considered pidgin a language "deprived of syntax, without the logic of speech, and reduced

to its most simple elements" (Hunter, Fan Kwae: 61). Pidgin was the language used by the linguists (tongshi 通事),the Chinese staff

employed by the Ministry of Finance 24 for the transmission of all official communications between the Chinese and foreigners. Foreigners were forbidden from studying Chinese so as to prevent any unauthorized contacts between the Chinese and Westerners.

The situation changed considerably with the arrival of Protestant missionaries in

China in the early XlXth century. Robert Morrison, of the London Missionary Society, was the first to try (unsuccessfully) in around 1803 to get a passage to China on board a

ship belonging to the East India Company (Thorn, Esop: Preface, f. lv). He eventually managed to get a passage on an American ship that arrived in Canton on September 7, 1807. Missionary activity was still forbidden,but Morrison studied the language secretly

25. On February 20, 1809, he was appointed interpreter to the local East India Company

office in Canton The fact that Morrison studied Chinese for missionary rather than purely commercial motives might explain why he was the first to produce a number of useful aids for leaning the language 27. 24in Chinese Hubu 户部,from which some believe the term Hoppo derives. This term was used by foreigners to indicate the Guangdong Maritime Customs Supervisor Office

(Yue haiguan jiandu 里海RS監督)which depended from the Ministry of Finance. However, there are discordant views on the origin of the word Hoppo. In this regard see トairbank,Trade

and Diplomacy: 49, note 15. 25Hunter (Fan Kwae: 60-61) describes how Morrison was forced to study Chinese at night, after his first Chinese teacher had had his head chopped off. The Protestant missionary

Samuel Wells Williams, who arrived in Canton on October 26,1833, recollects thus: "(...) it was a very distinct fact that the authorities at Canton during a long course of years, by their intimidations of natives who aided us to learn it, did much to prevent foreigners from acquiring

a knowledge of the language" (Williams, Recollections of China: 17). 26cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 3; Laihua waiguoren: 341. James Flint was the first English interpreter to be hired by the East India Company. He had arrived in Canton in

1736 and been appointed "linguist to all our supra cargoes in general" by the East India Company in 1746 (Fitches, Sinologie: 31). However, like many of his successors before and after Morrison, once Flint had mastered the Chinese language, he stopped studying and devoted himself to trade.

2フ Among others we owe the following works to Morrison: A Grammar of the Chinese Language (Serampore, 1815) (Cordier: 1661-62; Lust: 1023), Dialogues and Detached Sentences in the Chinese Language; with a free and verbal translation in English. Collected from various sources. Designed as an initiatory work for the use of Students of Chinese. (Macao, 1816) (Cordier: 1641-1642; Lust: 1022), A Grammar of the English Language: for the

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12 J. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

In 1815, Morrison moved to Malacca, where he founded the Anglo-Chinese College (1818) (Ying Hua shuyuan 英華軎院),with the help of William Milne and Liang Afa 梁阿發,who was possibly the first Chinese Protestant convert 28. In 1825 this college was considered the best Chinese language school in the Far East (Hunter, Fan

Kwae: 15). In Malacca, Morrison published the Cha shisu mei yue tongji zhuan 察世俗每月統紀傅,Chinese Monthly Magazine, the first foreign magazine to be published in Chinese 29. In 1823,with the support of the Royal Asiatic Society of London, he published one of the first translations of the Bible 30 (cf. Wylie Protestant

Missionaries: 3-6; Laihua waiguoren: 341; Zeng Xubai,Xinwenshi: 125 -128; Ge Gongzhen,Baoxue shi: 64-65; cf. also sees. 1.3. and 1.4.). Although other English missionaries followed in Morrison's footsteps, as far as we know very few Westerners in Canton had sufficient command of Chinese to be able to

use of the Anglo-Chinese College (Macao, 1823) (Cordier: 1662; Lust: 1024) and the first Chinese-English dictionary (cf. Morrison, Dictionary) first published in Macao in 1815. Morrison's dictionary was one of the first bilingual Chinese dictionaries ever printed. The Dictionnaire chinois, fran^ais et latin, publii d'apres I'ordre de S.M.l'empereur et roi Napoleon le Grand, par M. de Ouignes, resident de France a la Chine, attache au ministere des relations exterieures, correspondant de la premiere et troisieme classe de I'Institut,had been published in France in 1813. It contained 13.316 characters and Morrison indicated it as one of his major sources (Morrison, Dictionary: Advertisement, IX-X). In fact it was simply the printed edition

of a manuscript dictionary, written by the Franciscan Basilio Brollo from Gemona (1648 1704) that de Guignes had claimed to have written himself (cf. Bertuccioli, Brollo: 4).

28Born in the district of Canton in 1789, Liang Afa was baptized in Malacca by William Milne on November 3, 1816. His biography can be found in Wylie, Protestant Missionaries'. 21-22.

was published in Malacca from August 5,1815 until 1822. In the first three

years almost 500 copies were printed; by 1819 more than 1000 (cf. Chinese Monthl Magazine,in CR, II, n. 5, September 1833, 234-236).

^Shentian shengshu 神天聖塞,21 vols., Malacca 1823. This translation was

started by Morrison and completed with the help of William Milne. It was not the firs

complete version in Chinese of the Holy Scripture. In 1822 the English missionary Joshua Marsh man had already published a Chinese version of the text, called Sheng Jing 聖經^ at the

Serampore mission in India. However, it seems unlikely that this translation ever reached

China. In the next decades at least two translations of the Bible appeared in China. One wa jointly rendered by Walter Henry Medhurst, Elijah Coleman Bridgman, John Robert Morrison

and Karl Friedrich August Giltzlaff with the New Testament being printed in 1835 and the Old i

1838. The fourth and the best translation was the so-called "Delegates' Version" (Ne

Testament, Shanghai 1853; Bible,1854) translated by a group of Protestant missionaries in

China (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries'. 1-6; Boardman, Taiping Rebellion: 47-48,142 144). For information on the diffusion of these translations in China see sec. 1.4.

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1.2. Contacts with the West • the language issue 13

communicate in anything other than pidgin English,prior to the Opium War (1839-40)

3 し In 1840, one Westerner wrote: "scarce a dozen of Englishmen in the world care a straw about the Chinese, their History or their Language" (Thom, Esop: Preface f. 2r).

Most of the transactions between Westerners and Chinese had to take place through Chinese interpreters. Often even they had trouble communicating because of the many different dialects spoken in those regions. After the Nanking treaty, Great Britain

opened offices in five Chinese ports. When the British Consul Henry Gribble arrived in Xiamen on November 2, 1843 with two interpreters from Canton, he discovered that they

couldn't understand the Fujian dialect or guanhua 官話 and was forced to hire two more

interpreters, one who spoke the local dialect and knew a little English having lived in Singapore, and the other to translate the dialect into guanhua

Clearly in the first half of the XlXth century contacts between Westerners and

Chinese were highly mediated and circumscribed. Moreover, as the initial contacts were

with the lower classes (who used local dialects rather than the guanhua), in this early phase we have to search in the local dialects, rather than in the official language used by the functionaries, for traces of western influence on the Chinese language.

The Cantonese were the first to come into direct contact with the foreign "barbarians". When the Westerners moved to other ports in China, they were accompanied

り In 1882, Hunter {Fan Kwae: 60) wrote: "For years after my arrival (1825) but three

foreign residents were Chinese scholars - namely, Doctor Morrison; the present Sir John Francis Davis, the last Chief of the English East India Company's establishment; and one

American, myself - while 'Pigeon-English' had grow up with the early days of foreign intercourse with the port of Canton". Williamson, a Protestant missionary who had arrived in

Canton in 1833, recalling those times wrote "One remarkable feature of the time now under review (before 1840) was the small numbers ot roreigners who were students of Chinese. I can, in fact,remember only five, during the time that Lin (Zexu) was commissioner; leaving out of view the Portuguese of Macao, few of whom,however, knew anything of the character. One of the five referred to was Mr. Robert Thom (...); another was Mr. John R. Morrison (...); and a

third was Dr. Gutzlaff {sic!). These three were the only men who were available to the British

Government as interpreters" (Williams, Recollections of China: 16-17). According to Chang Hsin-pao, (Lin Zexu: 11) "(...) throughout the stormy decade after Napier (1834), we hear of

only four interpreters employed by the British commercial, diplomatic, and military establishment". The four interpreters, in addition to Morrison, were: his son John Robert, Robert Thom, Samuel Fearon and Karl Friedrich August GUtzlaff. However, it seems that Hunter was perhaps rather too pessimistic. He referred only to those working as interpreters and made no reference to the other Protestant missionaries who had been studying Chinese with Robert

Morrison. An Italian, Giuseppe Maria Calleri, had been studyng Chinese in Macao, the city with the largest foreign community, since 1834 (cf. Bertuccioli, Calleri).

3217th letter of Gribble, British Consulate of Amoy (Xiamen), February 12, 1844, cit. in Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy: 165, note 20.

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14 I. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

by Cantonese assistants and especially interpreters, because of their knowledge of piagin

English. With increasing foreign expansion in the Chinese territory, Cantonese thus spread to the other areas of foreign settlement (Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy: 164-166).

Over the decades, many words of English origin, related to products or objects

previously unknown to China, entered the local dialects of Guangdong through pidgin

English. For example sanwenzhi Cant. pr. sammenji 三文治"sandwich"; mai Cant. pr. mak 麥"(trade) mark"; bashi Cant. pr. baxi 巴士 "bus"; Cant. pr. xidam 士擔"stamp" Cant. pr. xidobelei 士多啤點"strawberry"; Cant. pr. doxi 多士 "toast’’; zhishi Cant. pr.

jisi 之士 "cheese" 33. Some of these words later spread to other dialects and even to guanhua. For example, the terms baxi Jisi and sammenji of the Canton dialect were adopted also in the

Shanghai dialect and then in guanhua. In some cases, the original writing form was maintained; in others, it was lost and one or several new ones were acquired; in others still both the original and the new forms were utilized

Because of the oral mediation performed by pidgin English in certain southern

dialects foreign words were usually phonemic loans 於.In guanhua and, generally in the written language, other forms of loans were preferred.

It seems likely that the Canton dialect was more susceptible to phonemic loans, simply because it was the first to come into contact with foreign languages rather than for any other intrinsic linguistic motive linked to the structure of that particular dialect. It

should therefore be considered in the framework of the general influence exercised by

33 it is very difficult to ascertain exactly when these and other terms of English origin were absorbed into the Guangdong dialects (mainly as phonemic loans). At least 200 words of current use in Cantonese derive from English. Most of them are phonemic loans or hybrids. Almost one third of these words were then absorbed by putonghua 替通話(cf. Rao Ouyang, Guangzhouhua cidian: 320; Chen Yuan, Yuyan yu shehui: 71; Zhou Zhenhe: Fangyan: 236-237). Regarding loans from English in the Hong Kong dialect (which is very similar to that of Canton), see Chan-Kwok, Lexical borrowing from English: APP. I, which contains a detailed list of these loans.

^Baxi has kept the original writing form pronounced in guanhua as bashi 巴士. The

writing form of jisi "cheese" (from pidgin English 5Tz,cf. Hall, Pidjin: 107) was adapted in guanhua by substituting the characters pronounced ji 之 and si 士 in Cantonese, but read as zhi

之 and shi 士 in guanhua, with two other characters whose sound was similar to the original English sound: jisi 針司 Sammenji,on the contrary, has kept the original writing form, pronounced in guanhua sanwenzhi 三文治,with an additional new one: sanmingzhi 三明治 (cf. Chan-Kwok, Lexical borrowing from English.,Rao-Ouyang, Guangzhouhua cidian).

addition lo the Canton dialect, some rare phonemic loans from Malay are

present in the dialects of Fujian {Minnan Rfl南),cf. Zhou Zhenhe, Fangyan: 237-238; Santa Maria, China and Malay-Indonesian World.

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1.2. Contacts with the West • the language issue 15

pidgin English on the dialects spoken on the southern coasts. Being accustomed to a language, pidgin English, that was almost exclusively a spoken language, whose lexical heritage consisted basically of phonemic loans from other languages,native speakers tended to transfer into their own dialects those words and expressions of pidgin English, used to refer to products new to China.

Although on the perimeter of a highly "continental" empire, during the XlXth

century, with the arrival in the territory of an increasing number of Westerners, the coastal areas of China gained unprecedented importance in economic, commercial and also linguistic terms.

1.3 THE FIRST TRANSLATIONS: LIN ZEXU,WEI YUAN AND XU JIYU The Chinese had always considered Westerners to be "barbarians", just like all the other populations the empire had come into contact with over the centuries. The court of Peking was thousands of miles from the coastal provinces: it did not need, fear or even want to come into contact with foreigners. Chinese mandarins therefore took no interest

in foreigners or in their country of origin. The weighty reference works compiled on behalf of the Qing court by the historians appointed for this specific task only included

information on western countries for reasons of completeness. The information was second-hand, based mainly on what the missionaries, especially the Jesuits, had written about their country of origin in the previous centuries

Although some Chinese had travelled to western countries during the Qing dynasty,very few had written an account of their experiences. Some Chinese had travelled

to Russia between the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries; the first original account of these

journeys is contained in the two diaries of a mission which left Peking for Russia in

1688: Fengshi Eluosi riji 奉使W羅斯曰記(Diary of a mission to Russia) by Zhang Penghe 彌W翩 and Chusai jiliie 出塞紀I格(Notes outside the borders) by Qian Liangze 錢良擇.Unfortunately the former contains no information on Russia and Qian's account gives only very general indications about the country.

Material on Western Europe was also very rare. At the beginning of the XVIII century, Fan Shouyi 樊守義(1682-1753), a young convert from Shanxi later known as Louis Fan, accompanied the Italian Jesuit Francesco Pro van a (1662-1720) to Europe. They left Macao on January 14, 1708 and reached Europe the following year,sailing via South America. Fan entered the Jesuit noviciate in Rome on December 15, 1709. After ten years in Europe, he went back to China with Provana and arrived in Canton on July

36cf. F. Masini,"L'ltalia descritta nel Qing Chao Wen Xian Tong Kao" in Rivista di Studi Orientals LXIII, 4, 1989, 285-298.

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16 1. Language and history front 1840 to 1898

J 7, 1720. On October 12 of the same year Fan reported on his journey to the Emperor

Kangxi 康賊.His short written account of the journey, the Shenjianlu 身見鋒,was discovered and published by Fang Hao in his Zhong-Xi jiaotong shi (855-862) (cf. Dehergne, Jesuites: no. 282). Fan's text is probably one of the earliest original descriptions of South America and Western Europe ever written by a Chinese. It contains various references to places in

Brazil, Portugal and Italy, and interesting descriptions of Saint Peter's church in Rome and the miracle of Saint Gennaro in Naples. The many names of places used in the text

are all rendered through phonemic loans. The text is interesting from a linguistic perspective because it contains the terms xuexiao 举校,daxue 大舉,zhongxue 中$ and xiaoxue 小學 used to refer to schools in Portugal 37.

Another early travel report on Europe is Hailu 海旅 written by Yang Bingnan 揚炳南,on the basis of the stories told to him by a sailor called Xie Qinggao 謝?資高, who had spent fourteen years (from 1783) in Europe on board a western ship Though not actually written by the person who had done the travelling, this report is a precious source of original information.

Again, foreign loans for local institutions and customs are rendered in Chinese

by means of phonemic loans. For example, in the section on Portugal (f. 12r-13r) the terms used to indicate the most important public offices are all phonemic loans. The king

of Portugal is called li 卩里(rei,cf. Ch'en, Hai-lu: 215), the crown prince lifandie 黎番爹 (Vinfante, cf. Ch'en, Hai-lu: 215) and so on. Apart from phonemic loans, this particular work does not seem to contain any of the other types of neologism found in later works.

On the eve of the short but disastrous Opium War, the Chinese authorities basically knew nothing about their enemies and had no idea of what the barbarians thought about China and its people. The civil and military functionaries of the coastal zones know nothing

about the barbarians; they only tremble when they hear the word English, but they don't even know where they come from 於.

ks far as I know the text was not published before this century. Hence it has been

of no use as far as the knowledge of Europe in China is concerned. On these words, cf. vocabulary in appendix II. 38xhe text of Hailu is to be found in Xiaofanghu zhai,zhi 11,ff. l-15v. Cf. Ch'en, Hai-lu. Zhongguo dui Xifang: 754 contains short biographical notes on Xie Qinggao and Yang Bingnan. 39Un Zexu 林貝丨】像 Fu qin Dong-Xi geyang yuecuan yichuan yan xingcheng banpian

附榮罙西各洋越!^船^!行趣辦h,in Lin Wenzhong gongzhengshu林文忠公政書 (Political writings by Lin Zexu), 1885, 126, Cit. in Xu Minggao, Lin Zexu: 39.

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1.3. The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 17

The functionaries showed absolutely no interest in the languages spoken by foreigners. And indeed considered it dangerous even to study them:

During the reign of Maqing 墓摩(】796-】820),in the province of Guangdong someone wanted to publish a book containing a transcription of Chinese and barbarian characters, which would have been very useful for translating Chinese characters. But the Guangdong 赓寒 authorities forbade it

(Haiguo tuzhi: 109-110).

This period of almost complete ignorance came to an end when Lin Zexu 林貝!)徐 was appointed Imperial Commissioner by Emperor Daoguang 道光 in order to

solve the opium issue in Canton. He arrived in Canton on March 10,1839 accompanied by two English language interpreters, possibly the only Chinese in Peking who knew English. On his arrival he hired others, thus forming the first group of official

imperial English translators.

A few months after his departure from Canton, in the third month of 1841 (March 23 - April 20),Lin Zexu sent a report to General Yishan 实山,describing the naval defence strategy of the province of Canton 41. A section of the report was entitled

Yiqing huice yi zhoumi tanbao 夷情@測宜W密探報(The inscrutability of the barbarians is such that information needs to be collected in secret). Lin Zexu expressed his interest in foreign publications in the following terms:

In the zone of Macao, the Cninese and the barbarians live together. Wherever barbarians from all countries are gathered together, it is possible to see

and hear many things. Thus it was particularly necessary to send able and reliable people to listen in. In this way we were able to know beforehand what

was true and what was false about the situation of barbarians. Newspapers (xinwenzhi 新聞ネ氏)are also published by barbarians every seven days, that is once a week (libai ネ曹拜).The purpose of these is to inform their own country of events in Guangdong and, at the same time, inform the barbarians in Guangdong

of events in their own country. Thus information on events is given simultaneously, as with the gazettes at our postal stations (Tanghao 賭幸曰). These texts are not given to the Chinese to read because they don't know the writing of the barbarians and therefore could not read them In recent years I have

40cf. CR, March 1839, n. 11, 608; Lai Xinxia, Lin Zexu nianpu: 211. 41 Lin Zexu was recalled to Peking on September 28,1840. He was substituted first by Qishan 琉蕃,who arrived in Canton at the end of 1840, and then by General Yishan 典山,

who arrived in Canton on April 14, 1841 (Cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 511-514; 126-129; 391-393).

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18 1. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

hired translators and sent them to buy these newspapers indirectly so that they can be translated in secret. From these I have truly learned a great deal about the situation of the barbarians. This should be the basis of our strategy for starting

to rule them (Haiguo tuzhi: 2899-2900)

Although the Chinese forces received a squashing defeat despite all the information collected by Lin Zexu, the translations helped pave the way for the diffusion of information on the western world.

From a letter written by Lin Zcxu to the Governor of Guangdong, Yiliang 'fe 良

(cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 389-390) at the end of the second month of 1839 (March 15), we know that he started to have some western papers translated just a few days after his arrival in Canton 幻.

As already indicated, two translators had accompanied Lin to Canton: Yuan Dehui 衷德輝 and Ya Meng 亞孟 44. The former, a native of Sichuan 四)11, had learned

Latin at a Catholic school in Penang in Malaysia and English at the Anglo-Chinese College, founded in Malacca by Robert Morrison, which he attended for two years from

1825. Yuan Dehui was accused of belonging to a secret society and expelled from Malacca. He moved to Canton and remained in contact with William C. Hunter, a fellow

student in Malacca, through whose recommendation he was later appointed Latin

^^The report is cited by Ge Gongzhen, Baoxue shi: 99, note 1,but wrongly attributed

by him to Wei Yuan 我源 rather than Lin Zexu. In his Periodical Press: 30-31,Britton then made the same mistake. In fact, the text is the sixth paragraph of the letter by Lin Zexu Da Yi

jiangjun fangyu Yue sheng liu ぬ《答奕將軍防架藜雀六^ (Six Paragraphs in Response to General Yi Concerning the Defence of the Province of Guangdong) found in Haiguo tuzhi: 2886-2900. ft was also reproduced in Yang Guozhen, Lin Zexu shujian: 177-181, with the omission, perhaps by mistake, of the final phrase of my translation.

む"(To date) some papers have been translated, but sporadically and unsystematically. Now I will have some issues completely copied and send them to you for your information. The fact is that many of these contain false information and cannot be

considered reliable. Despite this, I will send them to you as Yi qing beicai 夷情满采 (Documents on the situation of barbarians) (cf. Yang Guozhen, Lin Zexu shujian: 44-45; cit. also in Lai Xinxia, Lin Zexu nianpu: 213). The latter will be the title of juan 51 and 52 of the

Haiguo tuzhi 濟國圖志》which in fact contains some of the texts that Lin Zexu had had translated.

^^Information on the interpreters used in Canton by Lin Zexu can be found in the following works: Hunter, Bits of Old China: 260-263; Britton, Periodical Press: 31-32; CR, VIII, 2, June 1839, 77; Chen, Lin Tse-hsu: 9-11; Chang Hsi-t'ung, Western Political Science: 14; Xiao-Yang, Zhong-Xi: 444-445; Lin Yongyu, Lin Zexu: 121-125; Chen Yuan, Lin Zexu.

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1.3. The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 19

interpreter to the Lifan yuan 理浓院 in Peking in 1829 45. According to Hunter, Yuan Dehui then worked for Lin Zexu in Peking and travelled to Canton with him in 1839, after two earlier visits to Canton to collect Western books in 1830 and in 1838 (Hunter,

Bits of Old China: 260-263). Ya Meng, of Chinese father and Bengali mother, was an elderly translator, who

had been assigned to the Interpreters and Translators Institute of Peking (Huitong siyi

guan 會同四S军S6)奶.He had studied at the English mission of Serampore in India. Lin Zexu evidently did not have too much confidence in the linguistic skills of

his first two interpreters. Soon after nis arrival in Canton, he asked Hunter, a young interpreter working for Russell & Co., to translate back into Chinese a letter of his to

Queen Victoria. This letter had already been translated into English by Yuan Dehui but Lin Zexu wanted to make sure that the English translation corresponded to the original meaning of his letter 4/. Evidently Lin was very sensitive to the problem of linguistic communication with Westerners.

In Canton Lin Zexu hired two more local interpreters: Lin Ashi 林阿適 48 a young man who had studied in Cornwall,Connecticut from 】822 to 1825 49 and Liang

^^Translated as the "Court for Colonial Affairs", this institution had been founded in

1638 to manage relations with Mongolia, Muslim countries, Tibet and Russia. It was one of the few government offices that dealt with foreign affairs prior to the establishment in 1861 of

the Geguo Zongli Yamen 各國總理®fPラ Cf. Political Organization of China: 491; Corradini, Li'fan-yiian'y Hucker: no. 3603.

46This office had been established in 1748,following the combination of the Translators Institute (Siyi guan 四夷館 or 四謀能)and the Interpreters Institute (Huitong guan 會同館).It was the residence of the envoys of tributary countries and provided interpreters and

translators of the Asian languages (Korean, Burmese, Vietnamese, etc.). Cf. Hucker: nos. 2890, 5656.

^^This episode is described by Hunter (Fan Kwae: 139-140; Bits of Old China: 262 263). The English text of the letter, which officially never reached the hands of the Queen, was published in an abridged form in CR (VIII, no. 1, May 1839, 9-12), with the title "Letter to the Queen of England from the Imperial Commissioner and the Provincial Authorities requiring the

interdiction of Opium". The full text of the letter was later published in CR, VIII, n. 10, February 1840, 497-503. The letter is dated the second month of the XIX year of Daoguang 道光(March 15 • April 13, 1839). Another English translation, based on the Chinese text, can now be found in Fairbank, China's Response: 24-27. Lin Zexu was dissatisfied with both versions - the English version by Yuan Dehui and the Chinese version by Hunter - and in November of that same year asked the opinion of an American doctor, Peter Parker. Cf. Chang

Hsin-pao, Lin Zexu: 137, n. 51; Lin Yongyu, Lin Zexu: 122-123. 48cited by Britton (Periodical Press: 31) as Lieaou Ah See, alias William Botelho.

He attended the school ”for American Indians, Hawaiians and 'heathen youth'

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20 1. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

Jinde 梁進德.The latter especially became an important source of the information and later translations collected by Lin Zexu on western countries. The son of Liang Afa (cf.

sees. 1.2 and 1.4),Liang Jinde had been baptized by Robert Morrison on November 20, 1823 (Wylie,Protestant Missionaries: 21) and, at the age of ten, placed in the custody of the missionary Elijah Coleman Bridgman who introduced him to the study of the English

language 50. Liang Jinde remained in Canton until 1839 when he moved to Macao to work for Charles W. King, an American trader. In May of that year Lin Zexu heard of his particular linguistic skills and hired him as interpreter 51.

Lin Zexu had been appointed by the Emperor as Commissioner to curb the opium trade, and the local authorities would have been instructed to give him every possible assistance. There should have been no need for him to hire perspnal interpreters

since presumably he could have used the services of linguists responsible for contacts with foreigners on behalf of the authorities.

The correspondence sent by the the emperors to the European sovereigns through their emissaries to the Chinese court were normally translated by the foreign delegations

generally". Quotation from George H. Danton, The Culture Contacts of the United States and China, New York 1931,102-103 (work which I have been unable to consult) contained in

Britton, Periodical Press: 31- 32. Lin Ashi was probably the first Chinese student in the United States. Twenty years later, another Chinese student, Rong Hong 容IS attended the Protestant school, named after the deceased Robert Morrison, and later Yale from 1847 to 1854

(cf. Zhong Shuhe, Zou xiang shijie: 122-140). On Lin Ashi cf. also Lin Yongyu, Lin Zexu: 123 and sec. 1.4.4., note 36.

5ら have not been able to ascertain the exact date of Liang Jinde.s birth. However, Lin Yongyu (Lin Zexu\ 123-124) writes that when was 10 years old he was placed in the custody of pastor Bridgman "who had just arrived in Canton". We know that Bridgman had

arrived in Canton on February 19, 1830 (Wylie,Protestant Missionaries'. 68) so Liang Jinde must have been born around 1820. This approximate date is confirmed by the texts to be found

in Wylie (Protestant Missionaries: 21): "In 1823, he (Liang Afa) returned again to his native

place (Canton), and on the 20th of November that year, he took his infant son to Dr. Morrison, who baptized him, with the name Leang Tsin-tih (Liang Jinde)". 51 Much of the information on Liang Jinde, not contained in the first western works on Lin Zexu and his interpreters, is the result of research conducted by the Chinese scholar Lin

Yongyu in the archives of the American Board of Commissioner of Foreign Missions, at the Harvard Yenjing Institute. However, Lin Yongyu also failed to notice that Liang Jinde had been

mentioned by Wylie {Protestant Missionaries: 21) as Leang Tsin-tih. Lin Yongyu wrote that Liang Jinde had gone with his father to Singapore in 1834. But this is not confirmed by Wylie

who says that in those years Liang Afa stayed behind in Canton, where he worked as "Native Teacher" at the London Missionary Society. In 1834 he was imprisoned with other Chinese

converts for the diffusion of Catholic books. So he only moved, first to Malacca (1837) and then to Singapore, in 1838. He returned to China in 1839 and died there in 1855.

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1.3. The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 21

themselves, for the court believed that the foreigners should learn the language of the emperor and not the Chinese the language of the foreigners. The foundation in 1757 of

the Russian language school (Eluosi wenguan 俄!!斯文餅)to train Russian language interpreters in Peking was the first sign of a change of attitude (cf. sec. 1.2. note 5). Prior

to this, Latin interpreters from the Catholic missionaries in Peking had always translated

for the missions to Russia. We have already mentioned the mission to Russia in 1688, in

which the Jesuits Jean-Francis Gerbillon and Thomas Pereira had acted as interpreters (cf. Pflster, Notices: 443-451, 381-385). Lin Zexu had a very different approach. In adressing the very serious issue he had

been called to solve, he knew how important it was that the foreigners and their rulers should understand the exact intentions of the court, and that the Chinese should understand what the foreigners thought about China and its government. Lin's ultimate

goal was knowledge of the West, not to satisfy his own intellectual curiosity, but to enable China to prepare an adequate response to the foreign threat. In a situation of almost total lack of first-hand information on the western

world, Commissioner Lin's prime interest was to learn more about the geography of western countries, and then their history and political institutions.

Probably, it was the young Liang Jinde, Lin Zexu's only interpreter to have received a completely western education, who first introduced the Commissioner to Hugh

Murray's work An encyclopaedia of geography, published in London in 1834 Liang Jinde probably also translated some sections of that work, later published, under the

signature of Lin Zexu, with the title Si zhou zhi 四洲志(Geography of the four continents) 53. Through Liang Jinde, Lin Zexu also learned much about the western world and what the "barbarians" thought about China. This information was mainly taken

from the Canton Register, the Chinese Repository and the Canton Press, some of the first periodicals published by the foreign community in Macao and Canton 从.Lin Zexu

52por evidence of this, see CR, X,1841, 576- 577. Quote also in Chen, Lin Tse-hsu: 9. For the complete title of Murray's work, cf. bibliography under heading: Lin Zexu, Si zhou zhi.

According to Britton (Periodical Press: 32) this was published in 1841. Chen (Lin Zexu: 25) believes that it was never published in a separate volume. Ebisawa {Christianity in

Japan: 2682) indicates the existence in Japan of an original copy of the Si zhou zhi dated

1838. The text was then included in the Haiguo tuzhi (cf. further on), and later in the Xiaofanghu zhai,zai bubian,zhi 12.

^^Note that in Haiguo tuzhi all these periodicals are indicated by Wei Yuan as having

been printed in Macao and not in Canton, respectively with the title A omen zalu澳門雑fl;

Aomen yuebao 澳P3月報 and Aomen xinwertlu 澳門新間錄 Britton has explained this as follows: "Possibly Lin and Wei Yuan thought it in expedient to publish the fact that foreigners

had been publishing such things at Canton" {Periodical Press: 33). The first foreign language

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22 /• Language and history from 1840 to 1898

also consulted the few foreigners resident in Canton who knew the Chinese language. The

American Peter Parker who translated some articles for him from Le droit des gens by

Emmerich de Vattel, a text included in Haiguo tuzhi (cf. further on). Evidence of Commissioner Lin Zexu's confidence in Parker is the fact that the latter prescribed a hernia truss for his recurrent inguinal hernia problems

Most of the Chinese readers of the time would have probably never come across

these translations, which contributed so much to increasing knowledge on the western world, had Lin Zexu not shared the results of his studies with his friend Wei Yuan 魏源 56, at the time Secretary of the Grand Secretariat of the imperial court 57. Lin Zexu probably thought this was the only way to render his work public, since in the meantime

he had fallen into disgrace following the failure of his mission to Canton. Wei Yuan collected all the material on foreigners that Lin Zexu had brought with him from Canton

and completed it with other historical material from other missionary and Chinese

sources. He published this collection in 1844 with the title Haiguo tuzhi 海國圖志 newspaper printed in China was the A Abelha da Chine,written in Portuguese. It came out in

Macao on September 12, 1822. The first English language newspaper was the Canton Register,a weekly paper directed by James Matheson. The first issue was published in Canton on November 8, 1827; among its most important contributors were Robert Morrison and John

Sade. In 1839 it moved from Canton to Macao, and later to Hong Kong in 1843. Its name was

changed to Hong Kong Register and publication ceased in 1853. The Chinese Repository was published monthly and had been founded in May 1832 by Peter Parker. It was published until 1853. The Canton Press was published weekly as of November 12, 1835. It moved to Macao in

1839 and publication ceased in 1844 (cf. Ge Gongzhen, Baoxue shi: 81-82; Zeng Xubai, Xinwen shi: 158-160; Britton, Periodical Press: 16-29; "European periodicals beyond the Ganges" in CR, V, no. 4, August 1836, 145-160). See also sees. 1.2. and 1.6. JJThis is reported in clinical record no. 6565 contained in Peter Parker's yearly report entitled Hospital Report of the Medical Missionary Society in China for the year 1839 (X Report), published in CR, VIII, no. 12, April 1840,634-637. Parker writes that he was never able to examine Lin Zexu personally, since "he was fearful of admitting a foreigner to any approach to intimacy". As a result, Parker had to send the Commissioner all the hernia

trusses he possessed, through "the Peking interpreter of western language" (probably Ya Meng). With regards to the results of the treatment, Parker writes: "The truss sent to his

excellency, it has been reported, answered tolerably well Cf. also Chang Hsi-t'ung, Western Political Sciences: 11-13; Chen, Lin Tse-hsu: 10-11. 兄 Lin Zexu gave Wei Yuan the material he had collected in Canton, when they met at

Zhenjiang 室裔江 in Jiangsu 江蘇 province, during the first decade of August 1841 (cf. Lai Xinxia, Lin Zexu nianpu: 364). 57Wei Yuan signed the introduction to the first edition of the Haiguo tuzhi as Neige

zhongshu Shaoyang Wei Yuan内閣中書綱纖"Wei Yuan of Shaoyang (Hunan), Secretary of the Grand Secretariat" (cf. Haiguo tuzhi: 12).

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1.3. The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 23

(Maps and documents on maritime countries)见 The work was enormously successful and reprinted several times. It can legitimately be considered the first modern collection of reference texts on Westerners, their countries and skills.

In the introduction, to the first edition, dated the Xllth month of the XXEnd year

of Daoguang (January 1-29, 1843),also reproduced in the subsequent editions, Wei Yuan wrote:

On what is based "Maps and documents on maritime countries" in 60 juan? In the first place, it is based on the "Treatises of the Four Continents" (Si

zhou zhi 四洲志)by Western barbarians, translated by Lin Zexu, the former Governor General of the two Guang (Guangdong 賡寒 and 廣西 Guangxi). It is also based on the historical works and treatises on the islands composed from the

Ming dynasty on, as well as on the maps and words of barbarians of today, compared and combined (...). In what way is it different from previous works on

Maritime Countries? The former were based on what the Chinese said about the

West, but this is based on what Westerners say about the West (Haiguo tuzhi: 5).

Thus Wei Yuan's goal was to publish a sort of encyclopaedia of everything written by Westerners on the world outside China. The 1847 edition consisted of 60 volumes (juari #): the first juan containing the section on "Plans of maritime defence" 59, the second containing reproductions of maps and juan three to forty-three describing each geographical area and the countries contained in each. For each area and country, Wei

Yuan first reproduced what had been written in the Si zhou zhi and then supplemented

that material with excerpts from Chinese historical works 60 and citations from more

^^Originally the Haiguo tuzhi consisted of 50 juan; in 1847 it was extended to 60 juan, in 1852 to 100 and, in 1895, to 125. The first edition was enthusiastically reviewed by Stanislas Julien in the Journal Asiatique in 1847. Regarding the various other editions of the work, cf. also Chen, Lin Tse-hsu: 23-30.

59This is the Chou hai pian _海篇.In the Haiguo tuzhi the text appears under the heading "Collected by Wei Yuan". However, on the basis of the subject matter and style, some

scholars, including Lin Yongyu (Lin Zexu: 135-136), believe that the author was probably Lin Zexu and not Wei Yuan. Indeed this seems plausible, given the particularly difficult situation of

Lin Zexu after the failure of his mission to Canton. A partial translation of the text can be

found in Fairbank, China's Response: 30-35. 60!n addition to the translations by Lin Zexu.s interpreters, and texts written in Chinese by Westerners in the early decades of the XlXth century (cf. further on), in the Haiguo

tuzhi Wei Yuan also included excerpts from Chinese works containing information on countries outside China: texts from the dynastic histories (from the Hanshu 漢書 to the

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24 1. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

than ten geographical works written by foreigners in Chinese (cf. Barnett, Wei Yuan and

Westerners). These were mostly texts written in Chinese by Protestant missionaries stationed in China during the early XlXth century. There were also references to works written by Jesuit missionaries or other Westerners during the XVIIth century. The most

quoted work is the Wanguo dili quantu ji 萬國地i里全團集(A complete and illustrated

collection of world geography) by the Prussian missionary, Giitzlaff Extensive reference is also made to the Zhifang waiji 職方外紀(Record of the places outside the jurisdiction of the Office of Geography) published in 1623 by the Italian Jesuit Giulio

Aleni. In juan 47 Wei Yuan has reproduced the integral version of Matteo Ricci's introduction to his Kunyu wanguo quantu 坤货■萬國全圖,referred to as Li Madou ditu

利瑶蛋地圖,and some excerpts from the Kunyu tushuo 坤辑圖貌(Essay on the Map of the World) by Ferdinand Verbiest, in the general treatise on the globe 62.

Wei Yuan also reproduced excerpts on each particular country from other works.

For example, excerpts from Meilige heshengguo zhiliie 美理哥合省國志■各(Short geographical history of the United States), published in Singapore in 1838 by the English missionary Elijah Coleman Bridgman, from Waiguo shiliie 外國臾B各(Brief history of foreign countries),probably by Robert Morrison, and from Diqiu tushuo 地球圖說(Illustrated description of the globe) by the American, Richard Quarterman Way 63

The works by Protestant missionaries included in the Haiguo tuzhi are particularly interesting from the point of view of the study of neologisms. The excerpts

Mings hi 明^),excerpts from historical-geographic works,such as Hailu 海錄(see above),

Haiguo wenjianlu (Things seen and heard about maritime countries) by Chen Lunjiong 陳倫炳 published in 1744 (cf. Wylie, Literature: 59),Yingjiliguo yiqing jiliie 英吉利國夷情記略(Brief notes on the situation of the English barbarians) by Ye Zhongjin 葉室重進(around 1834) and others. A collection of these texts on the West written by the Chinese prior to 1840 (for the most part included in the Haiguo tuzhi) can be found in Zhongguo dui Xifang: tome 2.

Mcf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 60. A section of this work, probably reconstructed from the excerpts contained in Haiguo tuzhi, can be found in Xiaofanghu zhai, zai bubian: zhi 12.

^^General information on these works is available in Bernard, Adaptations chinoises and Xu Zongze,Yesuhui yizhu: 313-320. On the genesis of the Zhifang waijit see in particular

D'EIia, Mappamondo: 49- 50. For information on Ricci's world map see the same study by D'Elia; Ch'en, Matteo Ricci's Contribution, and D'Elia, World Map. 63For a study on western sources of the Haiguo tuzhi, see the already mentioned study

by Barnet, Wei Yuan and Westerners. Information on each missionary is contained in Wylie,

Protestant Missionaries. Editions of these works, probably reconstructed on the basis of the excerpts published by Wei Yuan, can be found in Xiaofanghu zhai, zai bubian: zhi 12.

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1.3. The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 25

from Bridgman.s work Meilige heshengguo zhiliie contain words such as maoyi 買吞 "trade", wenxue 文举"literature", falii 法侓"law", huolunchuan 火拳禽船"wheel steamship", huolunche 火|宵車 ”steam-train", huoche 火車"train", gongsi 公司"United East India Company". These works and the neologisms would have probably remained confined to a very narrow circle had the texts not been included in the Haiguo tuzhi. Their fate is therefore linked to the diffusion of Wei Yuan's work first in China and then in Japan.

The section on geography, and the three juan reproducing documents on the

maritime defence policy, are followed by juan 51 and 52, entitled Yi qing beicai 夷情潜采(Documents on the situation of barbarians). This section contains some of the translations of western texts sent by Lin Zexu to the court, describing the populations involved in the opium trade and especially their attitude to the Chinese. Juan 51 contains five short essays, presented as translations from the Aomen yuebao (cf. note 54), dealing

with the following subjects: "China" Lun Z/io/i双論中國{Haiguo tuzhi: 2921-2941) 6、"Tea" Lun Chaye 論茶葉(ibid. : 2935-2941), "The opium prohibition" Lun jin yan

論禁煙(ibid.: 2943-2964), "The use of troops" Lun yong bing 論用兵(ibid.: 2965 2984) and "The situation of the barbarians of each country" Lun geguo yi qing 論各國夷情(ibid. : 2985-2995). These are excerpts from articles published in English on

the Chinese Repository and translated into Chinese by しin Zexu's interpreters. Other translations from western periodicals printed in Canton included in the Haiguo tuzhi are:

an article based on a report on India, taken from Aomen yuebao (Chinese Repository)

(Haiguo tuzhi: 784-788); a report taken from Aomen xinwenlu (Canton Press) on a French expedition to the South Pole (ibid.: 2518-2523) and two articles taken from Aomen zalu (Canton Register) respectively on the exchange of foreign currency and the difficulty encountered by foreigners in pronouncing Chinese words (ibid.: 3419-342】;

3421) 65.

64The last part of this section contains interesting information on the study of the Chinese language by Westerners: "Among the Westerners that took an interest in the Chinese

language, after the British, are the Germans and the Prussians" (Haiguo tuzhi: 2930). "Morrison says that he knows only a bit of Chinese writing and that he is still far away from

fully knowing the literature. Among all countries of the world, only the British had paid attention to the Chinese historical language (Zhongguo shiji yanyu 中國完記”SS吾)”(ibid.: 2934).

6^l have not been able to find the exact English source for each of these texts. Probably none of them is a complete translation of any one article, published in the Chinese

Repository, Canton Register or Canton Press. Britton (Periodical Press: 33) claims that the text on tea is the translation of excerpts from the article "Description of the Tea Plant" published by Samuel Wells Williams on CR (VIII, no. 3, July 1839, 132-164). Information on the attitude of foreigners to increased opium trading probably comes from the review of

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26 1. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

Juan 52 contains a "Selection of articles by the barbarians on Chinese affairs",

Hua shi Yi yan lu yao 華事夷言錄簦(Haiguo tuzhi: 2997-3018), a short essay on trade Maoyi tongzhi 貿易通志(/ろ/ゴ.:3019-3030) from a Chinese work by the same name written by the Prussian missionary Gutzlaff, and the translation of a few articles from the

work Le droit des gens (Geguo liili 各國標例)by Emmerich de Vatte丨,indicated as

滑達爾 The latter had been translated into Chinese by Parker and by Yuan Dehui respectively {Haiguo tuizhi: 3031-3038) 67. Some of the texts translated by Lin Zexu's interpreters were enclosed with the official reports sent to Peking and were thus probably the first English texts, translated by Chinese, to officially reach the emperor 68 •

The final section of the work (from juan 53 to juan 60) contains original

Algernon Thelwall's "The iniquities of the opium trade with China: being a development of the

main causes which exclude the merchants of Great Britain from the advantages of an unrestricted commercial intercourse with the vast empire" (London, 1839),published on CR

(VIII, no. 6, October 1839, 310-317) and the article "Remarks on the present crisis of Opium Traffic" (CR, VIII,no. 1,May 1839, 1-37; VIII, no. 2, June 1839, 57-83). ^^The complete title of the work is Le droit des gens ou principes de la loi naturelle appliques a la conduite et aux affaires des nations el des souverains, two volumes, NeuchStel

1758. The short excerpts translated into Chinese and reproduced in the Haiguo tuzhi are certainly based on the English translation. Prior to 1840, the work was translated eight times in Great Britain and twelve times (including reprints and new translations) in the United States. I have not been able to establish upon which English version Parker and Yuan Dehui based

their Chinese translation. Cf. Le Droit des Gens. Ou Principes de la Loi Naturelle, Appliquis a la conduite et aux affaires des Nations et des Souverains. Par M. de Vattel, with an Introduction

by Albert de Lapradelle. Vols. 1-2, Reproduction of the Edition of 1758. Vol. 3, English Translation, Published by the Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington 1916. ^^Regarding the articles translated by Parker, referring to Lin Zexu's hernia (cf. note

55), he wrote: "His first applications, during the month of July (1839),were not for medical relief, but for translations of some quotations from Vattel's Law of Nations, with which he had been furnished: these were sent through the senior hong-merchant; they related to war, and its

accompanying hostile measures, as blockades, embargoes, &c.; they were written out with a Chinese pencil" (CR, VIII,no. 12, April 1840, 635). ^^The note by Wei Yuan to the translated text "On China" Lun Zhongguo {Haiguo tuzhi: 2921) indicates that "Among the articles translated by Lin Zcxu the Commissioner of the two Guang (Guangdong and Guangxi) between 1839 and 1840, four texts were sent as accompanying documents to the reports presented to the emperor". In another note by Wei Yuan to the text entitled "Selection of writings by barbarians on Chinese affairs" Hua shi Yi

yan luyao (ibid.: 2997) we read "This text was translated by Lin Zexu, Commissioner of the two Guang, and is to be found in a report sent to the emperor by Yuqian 宇§8策 Commissioner of

the two Jiang (Jiangsu 江蘇 Jiangxi 江西 and Anhui 安教)

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1.3, The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 27

translations or descriptions, supplemented with notes and tables, on the use and the construction of western military equipment. In particular, juan 59, entitled Xiyang qiyi

zashu 西洋器藝雑逑(Various notes on western equipment), contains information on Western equipment as well as a brief introduction to the western alphabet indicating the twenty-six letters of the English alphabet and their pronunciation, each transcribed with a

Chinese character. This introduction is described as having been taken from Meilige heshengguo zhiliie (Short geographical history of the United States), the already cited work by Bridgman (Haiguo tuzhi: 3425-3429).

Chinese and western scholars have already stressed the importance of the collection from the cultural and military perspective. Indeed it was the first systematic attempt to diffuse information on the West and western military technology in the belief

that the Chinese empire only needed to acquire practical knowledge and skills to be able to overcome the foreign threat 的.

Generally speaking the work has been more or less ignored in terms oi its

influence on the transformation of Chinese lexicon 冗 It undoubtedly played an important cultural role in spreading information on the western world, however, its contribution to the diffusion all over the country (and even beyond) of words previously

only used in areas in contact with Westerners was equally important. In fact the Haiguo tuzhi was enormously popular in Japan as well. First excerpts, and then the whole work, were republished in Japan, becoming an important source of information on the western world just when Japan was establishing contact with the United States (cf. sec. 1.5.).

Of course it is impossible to establish exactly when a given word was used for the first time, but we can at least establish that certain expressions existed from a specific time onward.

Without extensive study, it is not possible to state in absolute terms that a given word was used for the very first time in a given translation later included in the

Haiguo tuzhi. In some cases Wei Yuan reproduced earlier texts, which already contained some of the terms used in the Haiguo tuzhi 71. Given the difficulty of establishing with precision whether a given word might

^^Regarding Lin Zexu's contribution to the military effort of imperial China, see in

particular Chen,Lin Tse-hsu. For his political contribution cf. Chang Hsi-t'ung, Western Political Science and Fairbank, Trade and Diplomacy: 178-186. 70 As far as I know, only Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 523-524) used the work to study the lexical evolution of the Chinese language.

71 This is the case of the already cited works written in Chinese by Protestant missionaries, and of texts such as Yingjiliguo yiqing jilue 英吉利國夷情記略(Brief notes on the situation of the English barbarians) written by Ye Zhongjin 葉盡重進(around 1834) and included in the Haiguo tuzhi (1869-1893), where we find xinwenzhi 新間紙"newspaper" and an

explanation of the expression gongsi 公司"United East India Company".

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28 /. Language and history from J840 to 1898

have existed immediately prior to the Haiguo tuzhiy I believe that this collection can legitimately be considered representative of the lexicon of the period and useful, therefore,

for studying the early influence of western languages on Chinese, and especially on Chinese lexicon.

Some remarks on style might be useful, before analyzing some of the terms that

appear in the texts and in the original translations. The language is extremely plain, characterized by the frequent use of disyllabic words, the virtual absence of the final particles used in the more cultured, classical languages and an effort to avoid sophisticated

words not used in colloquial language. These characteristics will become the distinctive feature of Chinese political prose at the end of the XlXth century.

In the Haiguo tuzhi,phonemic loans are used to indicate the names of countries

and places. These are mostly taken from the geographical works written in Chinese by the Catholic missionaries in the XVIIth century, and later geographical works and travel reports. The same method is used to render in Chinese the terms used to indicate official

positions and political institutions. For example in the Si zhou zhi and in the translations of the articles of the Chinese Repository, we find English parliament transcribed as baliman 巴厘滿 and the House of Commons as ganwen haosi 甘文好司, according to the Cantonese pronunciation: gemmen housi. Phonemic loans are also used to translate units of weight: the English pound is transcribed with the character which in

Cantonese sounds bong Mandarin pron. bang 換,while ton is transcribed as den Mandarin pron. dun 舊 72

Although phonemic loans were widely used during the whole of the XlXth century, their impact on the language was not as strong as that of semantic loans and loan-translations. Semantic loans are words produced by the extension or transformation

of the original meaning, on the basis of a comparison with foreign words. Loan translations are words created as morpho-syntactic replicas of foreign models. Semantic

loans, loan-translations and autochthonous neologisms constituted the core of the set of

expressions that was to supplement the traditional Chinese lexicon and lead to the formation of Modern Chinese lexicon 乃.

For example, the Haiguo tuzhi contains the word gongsi,still used in Modern

Chinese to convey the meaning "company", or "association of businessmen or producers". When the text was first produced, the word was only in use in that part of the

country where a particular "firm" bearing that name operated and traded. Through the Haiguo tuzhi, the word then spread to other areas, eventually coming to indicate every kind of "company". In the Haiguo tuzhi (147) we read: ^^For each of the Chinese words analyzed in this work, the reader is referred to the

vocabulary contained in appendix II. 7^For a detailed description of each of these categories of words see sec. 2.

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1.3. The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 29

In Guangdong where there are more than ten western countries doing trade; all these (have) merchants spread around and not one "gongsi". England is

the only country which has its own "gongsi" which is a union of some tens of traders who join capital and run the business together, they work together and share the profits.

So the term gongsi originally indicated the United East India Company, founded in 1600, after the amalgamation of the two former East India Companies 74.

Xinwen 新間 also became widespread following publication of the Haiguo tuzhi. Although this particular compound was used during the Tang dynasty to indicate "recently heard facts"; and during the Song dynasty to indicate an "unofficial dispatch", it

eventually came to be used for "news", "information", as in the title of one of the first

missionary magazines, the Tianxia xinwen 夭卜新閒(World News), printed by the Protestants in Malacca between 1828 and 1829 (Ge Gongzhen, Baoxue shi: 67). Xinwen then gave origin to the word xinwenzhi 新閒条氏,a loan-translation from the English newspaper, "sheet of news" used to refer to the periodicals printed by Westerners in Macao and Canton. The word disappeared at the end of the XlXth century when it was substituted by the more recent baozhi 幸gjl氏“newspaper".

In Lin Zexu's Si zhou zhi the autochthonous neologism 75 guohui 國會 is used to translate the English term "parliament", and probably reached Japan for the first time via this text. Not long afterwards, it became the name of the first Japanese constitutional

assembly (with the Japanese pronunciation kokkai)つら.

7^We find the same etymology in Hunter, Fan Kwae: 30. He?manovさ-Novotn^ (Economic Terms: 59) wrongly claims that it is a native neologism ”most probably" created between 1899 and 1910. For the use of the word in Japanese, see the vocabulary in appendix.

75! use "autochthonous neologism" for words created in China, during the period under examination. By "autochthon" I am referring to words which already existed in Chinese before the XlXth century.

76pittau (Meiji: 14) claims that the word only arrived in Japan in 1861 through the

work on the United States Ta-mei lien-pang chih-liieh (sic!) composed in Chinese by the Protestant missionary E.C. Bridgman. None of the three editions of Bridgman's work on the

United States bears this title (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 70). However, the Japanese title cited by Pittau for the Japanese edition printed in 1861 is identical to that of the third

Chinese edition of Bridgman's work Lianbang zhiliie or Rempd shiryaku ®邦志略 printed in Shanghai in 1861 (cf. Drake, Bridgman: 101). The only edition I was able to consult is the one

contained in the Xiaofanghu zhai collection (zai bubian, zhi 12) with the title Meiligeguo zhiliie 美5里哥國志略.This is an excerpt from the first edition, entitled Meilige heshengguo zhiliie 美J里哥合省國志略.In this I found no evidence of the presence of the compound guohui.

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30 I. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

Presumably, the term quanli 禾1J appeared at a later date since it is not used to

convey the English "right" in the articles taken from Vattel's Le droit des gens. The English term "right" is translated by Parker as li 例"rule" (Haiguo tuzhi: 3031) and by Yuan Dehui as daoli 道i里"reason" (ibid.: 3036). Trade related words such as maoyi 買易"trade" and jiaoyi 文易"to trade", jinkou

進ロ "to import", chukou 出口 "to export", wrongly claimed by some scholars to be loans from Japanese, are present in the Haiguo tuzhi,as well as terms created with the prefix huo 火"fire" to refer to western machinery: huoche 火隼 77 or huolunche 火格車

"train.", huolunzhou 火辜侖舟 or huolunchuan 火辜S船"steamship", huolunji 火華侖機 "steam engine"フ8, tielu 鐵路"railway", tiezhe 鐵撤"track". We also find wenxue 文學 "literature",/a/u 法往"law" and zhengzhi 政治"politics". The Haiguo tuzhi aroused a certain interest in intellectual circles in both the coastal zones and the capital, probably as a consequence of the military events linked to

the Opium War, which ended with the defeat of the Chinese empire. We know that it "was handsomely printed, and circulated in the summer of 1844 among the high officers

of government at the Capital and the provinces"乃. Prior to the war, only a few of the more enlightened functionaries had understood

the importance of learning something about the people with whom China was in contact in the southern regions. After the war, the importance of the foreign issue became more

evident. The Haiguo tuzhi also played an important role in encouraging Chinese intellectuals to take an interest not only in the geography of the western countries, but

also in the political system of the countries producing the cannons that had so rapidly destroyed the empire's coastal defences.

Another geographical work which contributed (as Lin Zexu and Wei /uan's work had) to spreading information on the institutions of western countries was the 10

juan Yinghuan zhiliie 攝環志略(Short treatise of the maritime circuit) by Xu Jiyu 徐道余 first published between 1848 and 1849 80. Like Lin Zexu, Xu Jiyu had been sent as a functionary to the coastal provinces of Fujian and Guangdong and had become interested in the West, collecting all possible information and translations on the western hi 1847 S. Julien had already noted the existence of this word in the Haiguo tuzhi (cf. Julien, Hai Kuo Tu Chih: 533).

the history of steamships in China, see Chen, Lin Tse-hsu; Chen, Tseng Kuo fan: 40-41; Ros, Steamship in China. Cf. also sec. 1.3.4. ‘^Sir John Francis Davis, China during the War and since the Peace,London 1852, I, 310-311. Cited by Chang Hsi-t'ung, Western Political Sciences: 17. 犯Cf. Drake, Hsu Chi-yii: 55, note 8. Hummel {Eminent Chinese: 309-310) indicates 1850,the year of the second edition, as the first year of publication. A coDy of the 1866 edition, printed by the Zongli Yament is to be found in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Rome (72.d.28).

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1.3. The first translations: Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 3 】

countries.

The Yinghuan zhiliie is much more compact than the Haiguo tuzhi. The treatise on the terrestrial globe {diqiu 地i求)and the presentation of the world map of the globe (diqiutu 地王求圖)is followed by a section on each geographical area, preceded by a map of that area. Xu Jiyu developed and analyzed every source or information available for each western country. Unlike the Haiguo tuzhi,he cited directly and almost exclusively from

Chinese works 8、Precisely because it was mostly written by the one person and not a

collection of works of different origin, Xu Jiyu's work is stylistically more agile and easier to consult than the Haiguo tuzhi. The author describes the origin of his work thus: In 1843 I was on mission in Xiamen where I met the American David

A bee I (Ya Bili 雅禅J 里)a famous Westerner, who could speak the language of Fujian. He had with him a book of maps drawn in great detail. Unfortunately, I was not able to understand the writing and I reproduced more than ten sheets,

which Abeel translated for me. Thus I more or less got to know the name of each country, but did not get to know all the details for lack of time.

The following year I returned to Xiamen and the Vice Prefect Huo Rongsheng 霍蓉生 had purchased two more juan of maps, one was two inches (cun 寸)thick and the other one inch. These works were far more detailed than Abeel's. I found various other works written by Westerners in Chinese and I tried

to find others. They were written in such common, unrefined language that an educated person could hardly bear to look at them. I gathered them together, and transcribed some of them on pieces of paper so that they coula oe used as well.

Every time I met a Westerner, I showed him these works in order to receive confirmation on the shape and the conditions of each country beyond the borders. Gradually 1 got to know the borders and, on the basis of the maps, was able to establish which of the works I had collected were reliable. These remarks

became chapters and with time I collected them together in juan. Every time I found another work or obtained more information, I corrected and supplemented

the manuscript. In all, I have changed it tens of times. Between J843 and now

(1848) I have spent five summers and five winters thus, spending all my free

time on this work, in addition to my official commitments, and have not

81 Of the geographical works by the Jesuits, Xu Jiyu makes only one reference to Aleni's Zhifang waiji: "Australia is the fifth continent mentioned in the Zhifang waiji,written by a Westerner" (Juan 2, f. 42r). Concerning other references to western works of the XlXth

century, cf. Drake, Hsu Chi-yu: 218-220, note 2 and note 7. A list of the twenty-six Chinese works mentioned by Xu Jiyu can be found in appendix A to the aforementioned work by Drake.

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32 1. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

stopped even for a day

82

Geographical and historical information is contained in the introduction to each

country. The sections dealing with the history of western countries are particularly interesting. The author knew no western language and therefore based his account on the

historical works written in Chinese by Protestant missionaries. His direct contacts with

Westerners had enabled him to check what he had learned from books. Thus Xu Jiyu's accounts are not first-hand translations but re-elaborations of facts contained in other works written in Chinese.

In terms of lexicon, Xu Jiyu used loan-translations more than phonemic loans. In the section dealing with Great Britain we read: "In the capital there is a place for public

meetings (gonghui 公會)which is divided into two parts. One is called the House of Lords (Jue fang 爵房)and the other is called the House of the Local Dignitaries {Xiangshen fang 鄉绅房)’,.Thus Xu Jiyu does not uses a phonemic transcription of the term "parliament", such as baliman 巴厘滿,but prefers to indicate this institution as gonghui 公會"public meeting". He translates the English expressions "House of Lords" and "House of Commons" by conveying their meaning in Chinese. The term haosi 好司 used to indicate "house" by Lin Zexu is correctly translated with the term fang 房,which

in fact means "house". Lord is translated as jue 翁,in Chinese "noble", and "commoners"

as xiangshen 鄉绅 in Chinese "local dignitaries".

The terms huolunche 火_w車"steam-train", huolunchuan 火幸食船"wheel steamship" and huolunji 火輸機"steam engine" are still attested in Chinese lexicon. In the section on the United States we find that the two traditional terms for

military offices, zhengtongling 正統領 and zongtongling 總統領,are used to indicate respectively the "governor" of an American state and the "president" of the United States.

This section also contains one of the first descriptions of the western electoral system

ever directly written by a Chinese. Possibly it was based on Bridgman's description in Meilige heshengguo zhiliie 83. Xu Jiyu's preference for loan-translations was not purely coincidental. In the introduction he actually addressed this particular issue, indicating that "the names of

foreign places are the main problem". He also explained that the lack of consistency between Chinese and western sounds had resulted in several transcriptions being invented for the same foreign terms. Xu Jiyu quite rightly added that since the Westerners arriving

ぬXu Jiyu, Yinghuan zhiliie, Introduction by Xu Jiyu, f. 8r-v. A partial English translation can be found in Drake, Hsu Chi-yu: 54. There is a biography of Abeel in Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 72-75. On Xu Jiyu and Abeel, see also the introduction by Xu Jiyu’ to Martin's work Gewu rumen, translated in sec. 1.4.3.

Xu Jiyu, Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 9, f. 15v. Bridgman's description is in Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 12r-v; cf. Xiaofanghu zhai, zai bubian: zhi 12.

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1.3. The first translations: Lin Zexu,Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu 33

more recently in China adopted the pronunciation of the Canton province, the transcriptions were not made with the right pronunciation (zheng yin 正奋),namely that

of the northern dialects 84. Coming as he did from Shanxi 山西,a northern region, Xu Jiyu was particularly conscious of the fact that different transcriptions were being made for the same foreign sounds. Xu Jiyu also indicated that he was aware that the issue was

further complicated by the fact that "Western languages are not all the same". His solution to that particular problem was to include a note at the beginning of each section

on each particular country indicating "all different names of places, including those translated by the English and those translated by the Portuguese (...), so that the readers

will recognize at least one of them" As a result of Xu Jiyu's efforts, and thanks to his knowledge of the northern pronunciation, many of the transcriptions used by him to indicate proper names and names of places were widely used in later official documents 86

Unfortunately Xu Jiyu showed such interest in Westerners and their countries

that he was accused of siding with the English and had to resign as Governor of Fujian

after the publication of his work in 1851 (cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 310; Chang

Hsi-t'ung, Western Political Science: 23) 87. Nonetheless the Yinghuan zhiliie was immensely successful, first in Japan (where it was reprinted in 1859 and 1861,and translated in 1874),and then in China, where it was reprinted in 1866 by the Zongli Yamen (cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 310; Zhongguo fanyi Riben shu: 56; Drake, Hsu Chi-yu: 55, note 8).

In fact, we shall see that several terms, wrongly thought to be of Japanese origin, actually reached Japan from China through these works on the West, and only

later returned to China and were incorporated in the Modern Chinese lexicon (cf. sec. 1.5.).

After the Nanking treaty, the Westerners were allowed to establish consular offices in the ports of Canton, Fuzhou, Xiamen, Ningbo and Shanghai, thus paving the ^^Some names still used in Modern Chinese to indicate certain foreign countries are the result of this particular situation. For example, Canada is still referred to in Chinese on the

basis of characters pronounced in Cantonese as Ganada 加|大》but which in putonghua sound as Jianada.

^^The quotations are all from Xu Jiyu, Yinghuan zhiliie, juan 1, f. 3r-v. 桃Juan 4, f. 4v-5v contains a general table listing the different transcriptions for the name of each country.

o7A critique of the Yinghuan zhiliie is contained in the short note Yinghuan zhiliie

dingwu 遠琪志略訂誤(Corrections of errors contained in the Short treatise of the maritime

circuit) published anonymously in the collection Xiaofanghu zhai,zai bubian: zhi 12. However these notes did not concern matters of any substance, but only the exact geographical position of certain countries.

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34 I. Language and history from 1840 to 1898

way for foreign penetration in the rest of the country. The contacts between foreigners and

the Chinese moved away from the zone of Canton to the other ports and thence to the interior. Translation activity, and therefore the rendering in Chinese of words and concepts

of foreign origin, previously concentrated in Canton,also spread to other parts of the country.

In the next section we shall see how this gradually attracted the interest of the court and led to the establishment of the first modern institutions for the translation of

western texts. These institutions were responsible for the translation into Chinese of texts containing information on the western world. Undoubtedly they also contributed to the diffusion of the terms selected to express western-related notions.

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1.4. FROM CANTON TO PEKING AND SHANGHAI

1.4.1. TRANSLATIONS BY THE PROTESTANT MISSIONARIES AND THE TAIPING REBELLION

Whoever wishes to control the foreign barbarians must first comprehend their reality and whoever wishes to comprehend their reality must first establish an institution for translating the books of the barbarians 1.

These words,written after the first Opium War by Wei Yuan or, more likely,

Lin Zexu (cf. sect. 1.3., note 59) in the early 1840s, remained unheeded for about twen

years. It was only in 1862 that the central authorities eventually did establish in Peki

what was the first modern school to teach western languages and translate foreign work

thus, for the first time guaranteeing the systematic presentation in Chinese of western ideas and concepts. Between 1840 and 1862, the Chinese dignitaries continued to show little interest

in anything western and the court persisted in its efforts to try to limit foreig

penetration in the Chinese territory. This period of isolation came to an end when foreig

concessions were established in China's main trade centres, as a consequence of th

treaties imposed by Great Britain, France and the United States. Foreign merchants a

traders now had the incentive to settle in the concessions and in the newly opened ports

as well as in Hong Kong, by then a British colony. Numerous missionaries, most

Protestant, also travelled to these cities to continue the religious work begun in Cant at the beginning of the century, though this time with more freedom and means.

The texts written and translated by the Protestant missionaries are important for

studying the impact of the West on Chinese language. In sees. 1.2. and 1.3. referenc

was made to the work produced in Canton by the first Protestant missionaries: Robe

Morrison, William Milne, Walter Henry Medhurst, Elijah Coleman Bridgman and Ka Friedrich August Giitzlaff, just to mention some of the more famous.

In his Memorials of Protestant Missionaries,published anonymously in

Shanghai in 1867, Alexander Wylie writes that the Protestant missionaries produc more than 100 works in Chinese (translations and works written in Chinese) betwee ‘Haiguo tuzhi: 110-111. Cit. also in Fairbank, China's Response: 34.

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36 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

1807 (when Morrison arrived in Canton) and 1842. By the end of the 1850s, there were more than 266 works, of which 253 in guanhua and the rest in various southern dialects.

By 1867, the year of publication of Wylie's work, there were 777 Protestant works, of which 187 in dialect 2. The first missionaries were particularly prolific: Giitzlaff produced 61 works

(articles and books) in Chinese, Medhurst 59 and Milne 21. Of the 777 works published

prior to 1867, 474 were works of religious propaganda of absolutely no interest to Chinese functionaries: excerpts from the Holy Scripture, catechism, moral precepts,

theological essays, etc. Most of the approximately 100 texts on subjects other than religion were printed after 1855. Only 13 works on geography, history or political economic issues were published before 1854 3. Apart from the geographical works, which were fundamental for the Haiguo tuzhi (as indicated in sec. 1.3.) and therefore circulated beyond the narrow world of the Protestant missions, it is very difficult to gauge to what extent the other religious works were known beyond the local context with which the missionaries were in contact.

Before analyzing the diffusion of the religious works produced by the Protestants, it may be useful to mention their contribution in the field of medicine, the only scientific area they addressed in any depth in the first half of the century.

In 1805, a certain Alexander Pearson, a surgeon employed by the East India Company, vaccinated some Chinese. He then wrote a 7-leaf pamphlet entitled Treatise on

the New English Methods of Vaccination, translated into Chinese by George Staunton and published that same year in Canton under the title Yingjiliguo xinchu zhongdou

qishu 英D吉刚國新出種?5奇書(Wylie,Protestant Missionaries: 186; Coates, Macao: 104; Britton, Periodical Press: 35). The first western hospital was founded in Macao in

1820 by Robert Morrison, and a fellow surgeon of the East India Company, John Livingstone. The hospital was called yiyuan 醫院 a term derived from the "Imperial Medical Academy" (Taiyiyuan 太醫院)and thereafter used in Chinese to indicate every type of hospital.

In 1851, a 10 juan work entitled Quanti xinlun 全新論(New treatise on

^The majority of the works were in the Shanghai dialect (56, of which 3 in phonetic

transcription); Mandarin came next (41),and then the dialects of Ningbo 宴波(36),Fuzhou

福州(23),Canton 廣州(14), Xiamen 盧門(12), Hakka 客家(2) and Chaozhou 潮州,Jinhua 金華 and Hangzhou 杭州(1 each). Tsien came to a slightly different conclusion in his Western

Impact: 311,which was based on Wylie's study. He counted a total of 795 works: 578 in guanhua, and 217 in the various dialects.

3Chang Hsi-t'ung {Western Political Science: 8-9) indicates only 12 publications prior to 1852. I have included the Dili quanzhi 地i里全志(Universal Geography) by William Muirhead, 2 vols., Shanghai 1853-54.

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1.4.1. Translations by the Protestant missionaries and the Taiping rebellion 37

physiology) was published by an English doctor, named Benjamin Hobson, in Canton 4.

This work introduced a new branch of knowledge the quanti "physiology" and for the first time presented in Chinese words pertaining to physiology and anatomy, which

were semantic loans from English. For example danao 大腦"brain’’ in contrast to xiaonao 小腦"cerebellum" 5. Apart from the Taixi renshen shuogai 太西人身親概 (Abridged treatise of human anatomy according to western science), by Johann Schreck,

alias Terrentius, edited in Hangzhou before 1626, but published in 1643, this was the only western medical work translated into Chinese and later constituted the basis for other

texts on the same subject published by Protestant missionaries in Shanghai (cf. Bernard,

Adaptation Chinoises: nos. 141, 335; Rosner, Terminologie Medicale). It was also known in Japan where it was reprinted in 1857 (cf. Saneto, Liuxue Rib en: 3).

Hobson also wrote Bowu xinbian 博物新絲5 (Natural philosophy), published in Canton in 1854. This work was in three sections: science, astronomy and natural history,

the second of which: Tianwen liielun 天文■各論(Rudiments of astronomy), had already

been published in 1849 (Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 126-127). The part on science

consisted of the following chapters: Diqi lun 地氣論(On gasses), Re lun 熱論(On heat), Shuizhi lun 水質論(On the characteristics of water), Guang lun 光論(On light) and Dianqi lun 電氣論(On electricity). It is probably one of the first scientific treatises to have been written in Chinese in modern times, and contains the first reports on chemistry and electricity 6.

In the previous section we indicated that some of the geographical and political

information contained in the journals and works produced by the missionaries had attracted the attention of Chinese functionaries. We shall see that after 1854 the

missionaries and Chinese scholars jointly produced some works on technical and scientific subjects.

Generally speaking, however, with the exception of the geographical and historical works utilized by Wei Yuan, Chinese scholars did not show much interest in the works produced in Chinese by the Protestants until the middle of the century. They

were naturally suspicious of the outside world and anyway considered the texts to be poorly written. In the introduction to the Yinghuan zhiliie,one of the two works analyzed in some depth earlier, Xu Jiyu had this to say about the material produced by the Protestant missionaries in Chinese: 4 Cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 126. In 1852 the work was included in volume

120 of the collection Haishan xianguan 海山仙食8||書 edited by Pan Shicheng 潘仕成 Cf. Zhongguo congshu zonglu: I,184. list of medical terms used in Hobson's text can be found in his Medical

Dictionary,partly reproduced in Doolittle, Dictionary: III,300-307.

^For a detailed analysis on the origins of Chinese terminology in these areas see sees. 1.4.3. and 1.4.6.

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38 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

Information on borders, configuration, political events (yange

products and recent episodes of western history all come from the works by Westerners, whether in printed or manuscript form, and from about ten different

monthly journals (yuebao xinwenzhi 月報新間紙).Their style is for the most part prosaic and hard to understand. However the facts are mostly reliable.f...) Westerners like Matteo Ricci (Li Madou 利瑪费)Giulio Aleni (Ai Ruliie

艾儒B各)and Ferdinand Verbiest (Nan Huairen 南tS仁)had lived for a long period in the capital (Peking) and knew the Chinese language. Their works are written in a clear, flowing style though the reasoning is sometimes exaggerated

or misleading. Nowadays Westerners are not very well versed in the Chinese language and their works are common and inelegant. But the descriptions of events in each country are reliable and indisputable: it is obvious that the elegance of the former cannot compete with the simplicity of the latter て

The scornful attitude of the Chinese functionaries toward the religious works produced by the Protestants is understandable. The geographical and historic publications

undoubtedly attracted the interest of some Chinese scholars, yet it was through their many religious works that the Protestants made their first converts. Some functionaries

certainly spread information on the western world at the court and among intellectuals,

but essentially the mission of the early converts was to spread the message of Christianity all over China. The message of two particularly active Cantonese converts even reached the ears of those who were to be responsible for the important Taiping rebellion in the not too distant future. For details on Liang Afa 梁P可兮窆 and Kew Agang's

8 early effort to spread religious texts among the Chinese, again we have to return to Wylie.s text, Protestant Missionaries (11-12):

The same year (1830) he (Kew Agang) itinerated about 250 miles in the interior of China, in company with Leang Afa, instructing their countrymen in the knowledge of Christ, and distributing religious tracts among them, which

had been written and printed by themselves. Going in a south-west direction, they threw themselves into the train of one of the public examiners, and passing on from one district to another, they had free access to the young literati, among

'Xu Jiyu, Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 1, Fanli f. 2v. For a partial English translation see Drake, Hsu Chi-yii: 54.

8Kew Agang (characters of the name not known) was introduced to Morrison by Liang Afa and baptized by him in 1830. For information on Liang Afa, Liang Jinde's father,

see sees. 1.2. and 1.3. Biographical details on Kew Agang and Liang Afa are to be found in Protestant Missionaries: 11-12 and 21-25.

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1.4.1. Translations by the Protestant missionaries and the Taiping rebellion 39

whom they distributed upwards of seven thousand tracts on the most important

subjects ミ We know nothing of the influence of this early missionary work on the candidates sitting for the imperial examinations. However, a few years later, during the

1833 or 1834 examinations, a certain Hong Renkun 洪仁坤 had a copy of Liang Afa's religious work Quart shi liangyan 勸世良言(Good Words exhorting the Age). He failed the examination but later became head of the laiping revolutionary movement, under the

name of Hong Xiuquan 洪秀全 10 • According to statements made some years later by his cousin, at the time Hong

Xiuquan did not pay too much attention to the religious treatise. It was only when he read it again in 1843, that it seemed to confirm his earlier religious visions. He became convinced that he was God's second son, the brother of Christ, and had been entrusted with the mission or ridding China of idolatry and imposing faith in the true God. In 】847

Hong Xiuquan attended the lessons of the Protestant pastor, Issachar Jacob Roberts for a

couple of weeks (Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 94) and first saw a translation of the Bible,probably the Chinese version translated by Giitzlaff in 1835-38 (cf. sec. 1.2., note

30). The Taiping rebellion is beyond the scope of the present work, however, it is relevant to note the impact that some of the missionary works had on the lexicon used in the religious material produced by the movement.

In 1853, a group of rebels led by Hong Xiuquan conquered Nanking and established the Celestial Kingdom of Great Peace (Taiping Tianguo 太平天國)which lasted until 1864. The religious works published by the Taiping immediately after conquering Nanking contain some of the terminology first introduced by the Protestant missionaries.

For example, the term used to indicate the Holy Scripture is taken from Glitzlaffs translation of the bible. According to Giitzlaff, the Taiping called the (Old/New) Testament Yishu 埴書 or "Last wish of a sovereign" follow by Shengshu 聖書 "holy book"〗1. The revolutionaries used the term Tianguo 天國"celestial empire" to indicate the dynasty they had founded. It is said to derive from "the kingdom of ^The religious texts referred to by Wylie are probably Liang A fa's earlier works composed between 1819 and 1829. Cf. Wylie, op. cit.: 22-25.

l^For information on Hong Xiuquan, the Taiping revolt and the influence of Christianity on the formation and development of the revolt, see Boardman, Taiping Rebellion.

11 Later, in the 1853-1854 translation, known as the "Delegates' Version", we find

the term yue ^ "pact, convention". Cf. sec. 1.2., note 30 and Boardman, Taiping Rebellion: 57, note 17.

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40 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

heavens" referred to by Matthew in Giitzlaffs translation of the Gospel (Boardman, Taiping Rebellion: 86). Examples of other words taken from Giitzlaffs version of the

Bible are: fuyinshu 福音書•’book of good news" to indicate the Gospel, tianlu 甜露 "sweet nectar" to indicate the biblical manna and anxiri 安息曰"day of rest" for the Sabbath.

Although these religious expressions were widely used during the Taiping, they were very much linked to that kingdom, and did not survive long after its demise. Thus we can say that the literary works produced by the Taiping had a fairly minor influence on Modern Chinese lexicon. Interestingly some of the new linguistic elements introduced

in this period only developed at the end of the century and, in some cases, even after 1949.

The message of the Taiping was directed toward the farmers and boatmen of southern China and was therefore based on the heritage of popular beliefs that has always

constituted the foundations of secret societies and the Buddhist faith. The imperial functionaries considered the leaders of the rebellion to be uncouth and ignorant, and even

more uncouth and ignorant the masses destined to receive their message. The style used

by the Taiping in their iconoclastic, popular proclamations and texts was nothing like the elaborate style of official documents.

The Taiping used religious terms of Protestant origin and expressions deriving

from the dialects of southern China spoken in Guangxi 廣西 and in Guangdong 膺乘 by

the Hakka 客家 populations and by the non-Chinese ethnic group of the Zhuang 壯(Shi Shi, Taiping ciyu: 1). They also used expressions typical of secret societies and created new expressions (Shi Shi, Taiping wenzi: 5-6). However their most important linguistic

innovation concerned characters. In their messages directed to an essentially ignorant public, the Taping tended to use simplified characters, widely used among the lower classes but generally destined to disappear in time, because not considered sufficiently erudite. For their own name, the Taiping used the simplified version of the character guo

"country", which is now in use in the People's Republic of China. The Taiping tried to reduce the number of characters used and to assimilate in one sign several separate but

virtually homophonic and homographic characters. Although this system was already

widely used, it was traditionally opposed by the purists who still considered the assimilation of similar characters a sign of ignorance (cf. Shi Shi, Taiping wenzi). The Taiping are also responsible for spreading the use of two punctuation marks

(the comma and the full stop) and introducing a system of simple underlining for the names of people and double underlining for the names of places. Again these procedures were already in use (we find them in the texts on foreign countries, for example in the

geographical works produced by the Jesuits, when the frequent use of phonemic transcriptions of foreign names might have created confusion), but spread more widely

and rapidly thanks to the Taiping (cf. Shi Shi, Taiping wenzi\ Taiping shigao: 229).

In the Taiping document entitled Qinding junci shilu 15定軍辭富錄(True

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1.4.1. Translations by the Protestant missionaries and the Taiping rebellion 41

military regulations approved by the emperor) stress is placed on the need to abandon the

use of obscure classical expressions and use a style based on the spoken language. Words of effect should not be used, nor it is necessary to make use of

even half a word that is not close to reality. When it is necessary to express sentiments of respect, it is not necessary to make use of classical expressions

{Taiping shiliao: 71-72). Despite its undoubted innovative potential - also in the area of language - the Taiping movement succumbed to the imperial troops and local military forces. Between

1860 and 1864, it was finally defeated by Zeng Guofan 督國潘,who was to play such a vital role in the period of Chinese history known as the "Tongzhi Restoration" (1861

1870). 1.4,2. THE FIRST LANGUAGE SCHOOLS Peking was occupied for a very brief period at the end of the 1850s, following

the French and English victories and the failure of the first campaigns to squash the Taiping revolt. Some of the more enlightened scholars, conscious of the need to breathe new life into the decadent Manchu dynasty, started pressing for the reform of traditional

institutions and the foundation of new institutions, based to a certain extent on western models.

On January 13, 1861, Prince Gong 恭親王,Guiliang 桂良 and Wenxiang 文す羊 submitted to the Throne a memorial requesting the establishment of the Zongli geguo shiwu yamen 總5里各國事按衙門 in Peking. This was the "Office for the Affairs of All Countries", the first modern Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, whose first diplomatic missions left for the West soon later. In the same memorial they also reiterated the request made by Lin Zexu twenty years earlier:

We request Your Majesty to instruct that two people from Canton and

from Shanghai should be sent to Peking for examination. The two people from each of those cities should De capable of understanding the written and spoken language of foreigners. We have observed that in relations with foreigners it is

necessary in the first place to know their situation; at the moment we do not understand their language and we do not understand their writing, so how can we

hope to find a positive solution to all the contrasts?

A school for the study of the Russian language was created in the past

and this was an excellent idea. However, with time, this study has come to be

considered a mere formality and it is no longer possible to understand that

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42 1.4. Front Canton to Peking and Shanghai

language. It seems necessary to consider providing incentives to encourage study.

Having heard that some of the traders in Canton and Shanghai have

studied the language and the writing of the English, the French and the Americans, we request Your Majesty to instruct the Governor Generals and the

Provincial Governors of those provinces to each select two sure and reliable people. Four people should be sent to Peking bringing with them the books of each country. Four or five gifted, intelligent young people aged no more than thirteen-fourteen should be selected from each of the Eight Banners to study

under them. The people sent to Peking will be remunerated according to the regulations applying to the Russian school. After two years, and depending on the greater or lesser zeal shown by them, those who have obtained good results

will be rewarded with promotions. Once the students of the Eight Banners are able to understand the written and spoken languages, (the teachers' activity) can be suspended.

Regarding the language and writing of Russia, we request Your Majesty to examine carefully the regulations and supervise the teaching closely. We request that those who study written foreign languages be suitably

remunerated once they have given proof of their skills or otherwise dismissed

without delay じ. The Tianjin treaty signed by China and Great Britain in 1858 and ratified in 1860 also addressed the language issue,highlighting the importance of having reliable interpreters, versed in the languages of the foreign powers with which China had come into conflict during the XlXth century. Under this treaty all Great Britain's diplomatic

correspondence with China would be in English, but the English version would be supplemented with a Chinese version, until China had established its own interpreting QP.rvirf

12This memorial is in Yiwu shimo, Xianfeng, juan, 71,2674-2680. Other English

translations can be found in Biggerstaff, Tung Wen Kuan: 312-313; Fairbank, China's Response: 73-74; Biggerstaff, Government Schools: 95-96.

BArticle 50 of the Tianjin treaty reads thus: "From now on, Great Britain's correspondence will be sent in English and temporarily accompanied also by the Chinese version. Once China has entrusted some students with the study of spoken and written English,

it will no longer be necessary to send the Chinese version. From now on, wherever there is reason for discord in relation to the interpretation of documents, Great Britain will always consider the English version to be the correct one. The text of this Treaty has been written in English and Chinese. The text was carefully compared according to this article and resulted free

of errors" {Yiwu shimo, Xianfeng, juan 28, 1022-1023). Cf. also Martin, Cycle of Cathay:

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1.4.2. The first language schools 43

Prince Gong's indication that the interpreters of western languages should be recruited in the cities of Canton and Shanghai would seem to indicate that no one had been able to master those languages in Peking. Yet, despite the large, well-established

foreign community in Canton and Shanghai,it seems that no one had a sufficient

command of English and French. Clearly China was still very far from that superimposition of the classical cultural heritage and the practical knowledge of foreign

languages and customs, advocated by Prince Gong. No scholar "would have lowered" himself to studying the languages of the ”barbarians". Hence the contacts between the

Chinese and the foreigners were still mediated by local servants, mostly of Cantonese origin. They were the descendants of the "linguists" working in Canton at the beginning

of the century and they still mostly used different forms of Piajin English to communicate with foreigners.

In an interesting essay,Feng Guifen :馬桂芬(1809-1874), a learned librarian who lived in Shanghai, complained that the Chinese authorities had to depend on "linguists" for all contacts with the foreigners:

Trade is one of the aspects of the present policy. Since it is impossible not to have contacts with foreigners, it is necessary to know their intentions, to

know their desires, to distinguish what is true and what is false in their behaviour and in their thoughts. Only thus, can we draw any advantage. Since trade began twenty years ago, many of them have studied our language and our

writing and the best have even managed to read the classics and the histories (...). But none of our functionaries and dignitaries is capable of that. When we

have contacts with them, we have no alternative but to use the so-called "linguists". They have become a curse of the relations with the West. There are many "linguists" in Shanghai and they make a very big profit. They have now become a class in their own right, like functionaries, farmers, artisans, or traders

(...)14. Feng Guifen advocated establishing schools to teach foreign languages and translate western works also in Shanghai and Canton. In the foreign community, the situation was entirely different. Following in the

295; Biggerstaff, Government Schools: 97-98. In note 12 Biggerstaff indicates that in 1945 46, when he was working as Chinese interpreter for the American Embassy in Chongqing, this

custom was still in use. Indeed it is still in use: The Italian Embassy in Peking still provides a Chinese translation prudently labelled as "informal" of all its written communication with the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

^ ^Shanghai sheli Tongwenguan yi 上海設立同文館議(Proposal for the creation of a Tongwenguan in Shanghai) in Feng Guifen, Jiaobinlu: 2】1.

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44 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

footsteps of the Protestant missionaries who had been the first to undertake a systematic

study of the Chinese language, many Westerners started to study the Chinese language and culture after the Opium War, thus giving origin to modern sinology. Here reference

need only be made to James Legge (1814-1897), Sir Thomas Francis Wade (1818-1895) and William Alexander Parsons Martin (1827-1916). The imperial court had no alternative but to recruit its western language teachers in the foreign community.

The first modern Chinese school for the study of foreign languages and the training of experts in international relations was inaugurated in Peking on August 20,

1862. The school was called Tongwenguan 同文摊"School of Combined Learning" (cf. Martin, Cycle of Cathay: 301). A British Protestant missionary, Mr. John Shaw Burdon, was responsible for the first English course, and was succeeded by John Fryer, who later played a major role in the creation of the translation department attached to the Shanghai

Arsenal (cf. Martin, Cycle of Cathay: 296). In 1863 the former Russian language school was incorporated in the Tongwenguan and departments of French and Russian established,

each with ten students. The first French lesson was given by a Dutch missionary 15.

In 1863 an imperial edict authorized the establishment of a Tongwenguan in Shanghai and in Canton, in response to the proposal presented by Li Hongzhang 李鴻軍 In 1869, the Shanghai Tongwenguan was incorporated in the Jiangnan jiqi zhizao ju

江南機:器製造簡"Jiangnan Office for the Construction of Machinery", an institution that had just been set up in Shanghai and later became known as the Shanghai Arsenal. The Canton Tongwenguan was inaugurated in 1864. These schools were the first to train Chinese scholars in foreign languages and later in certain scientific disciplines.

Although initially they had been created only as language schools, the Tongwenguan eventually provided courses also on scientific subjects. In 1867, the Zongli Yamen managed to oppose the more conservative functionaries and convince the emperor to start classes in astronomy and mathematics at the Peking Tongwenguan. In that same year the school hired Anatole Adrien Billequin of France as chemistry teacher

and W.A.P. Martin (who had been teaching English at the school since 1864) was appointed professor of political economy and international law. In 1869 the Chinese Li Shanlan 李善闍 was appointed professor of mathematics. Martin become director of the

school on November 26 of that same year ^. From the very beginning, the schools in 15On the establishment of the language schools, see Biggerstaff, Tung Wen Kuan and Biggerstaff, Government Schools. In particular on the Peking Tongwenguant see Martin, Cycle of Cathay: 293-327.

1 ^Biggerstaff (Government Schools: 157, note 3) indicates that in fact the edict,

issued in response to Li Hongzhang's proposal, only referred to the school of Canton. However it was interpreted as permission to establish both schools.

'^Biographies of Li Shanlan are to be found in Qing shi gao, liezhuan: 294,14011

14013; Qingshi liezhuan: 69, 72v-73v; Beizhuan ji bu: 43, 1513-1515; Hummel, Eminent

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1.4.2. The first language schools 45

Shanghai and Canton held courses in mathematics. The more conservative functionaries were still against holding courses in completely new subjects that had never been part of

the classical cultural heritage, but by then Western mathematics had come to be considered a Chinese discipline, since it had been introduced by the Jesuit missionaries during the late Ming and early Qing dynasty.

Linguistically, the three Tongwenguan played an important role. The Peking school was particularly renowned for its interpreters and translators, who accompanied

China's first missions to the West. As we will see in sec. 1.4.4” the travel journals written by some of the students are a precious source for studying the formation and diffusion of Modern Chinese lexicon. Some former students of the Tongwenguan later became diplomats and represented China in many foreign countries.

The Peking Tongwenguan and the Shanghai Arsenal (to which the Shanghai

Tongwenguan had been annexed under the name of Guang fangyan guan 膺方言能 "School for the diffusion of Languages") both made an enormous contribution to Chinese lexicon through their translations of western works.

Chinese: 479-480. On his teaching period at the Peking Tongwenguan, cf. also Hong Wansheng, Li Shanlan. On Li Shanlan's translating activity in Shanghai, cf. also sec. 1.4.5. On Martin's connection with the Tongwenguart, cf. Martin, Cycle of Cathay: 293-294 and Biggerstaff, Government Schools: passim.

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1.4.3. TRANSLATIONS BY THE TONGWENGUAN OF PEKING

The Peking Tongwenguan was mainly responsible for translating western work

on subjects hitherto unknown to China. It worked very closely with the Zongli Yame

which entrusted it with the task of gaining more information on western political a

legal systems. About twenty western works, mostly on international and foreign law

were translated at the Peking School between its foundation and 1898 One of the fir

works published by the Tongwenguan, on behalf of the Zongli Yameny was Henr

Wheaton's Elements of International Law (London, Philadelphia 1836) The Chines version of this work, Wanguo gongfa 公法,produced by W.A.P. Martin befor being appointed professor of English to the Peking Tongwenguant was published 1864 (with an introduction by Dong Xun董恂 a senior functionary of the Zong Yamen), and presented to the emperor the following year It was the first text

18According to note 84 of Biggerstaffs article Tung Wen Kuan, before 1888 there were five works on international law, two on foreign law, two on foreign history, two

chemistry, two manuals for the study of English and French, a French-Chinese dictionary an

six other works of philosophy, political economy,anatomy, physics, mathematics a

astronomy. In another of his studies (Government Schools: 152) Biggerstaff wrote: "More

than two dozen works altogether were published by the T'ung-wen Kuan before 1898, includin

five on international law, two on foreign laws, two on foreign history, one on politi

economy, and ten on chemistry, physics, mathematics, and astronomy". I have been unable to

consult Biggerstaffs source: the 1888 and 1898 calendar of the Tongwenguan, the

Tongwenguan timing lu 同文能題名錄 According to Tsien, approximately twenty-six work

were translated by the Tongwenguan of Peking, including some incomplete or unpublish works (Western Impact: 316). In his article on the activity of the Peking Tongwenguan (i

Morse, International Relations, III,App. F, 478) W.A.P. Martin writes that there wer

twenty-two works "mostly executed by professors and students conjointly". In his Xixue

shumu biao 西學書目表 published in 1896, Liang Qichao refers to twenty-one work

translated at the Peking Tongwenguan, of which only sixteen were published: ten by Marti three by Biliequin, one by John Hepburn Dudgeon and two travel journals.

^Other legal translations published by Martin at the Peking Tongwenguan were: Gon^fa わ/an/flrt 公法便覽(Manual of public law), 1877, translation of Introduction to th

Study of International Law by Theodore D. Woolsey; Ludi zhanlie xinxuan 陸地戰例新選(Ne

selection of infantry rules), 1883; Gongfa 公法會通(Manual of public law), 1898,

translation of Johann Kaspar Bluntschli's Volker Recht (cf. Fryer, Catalogue: 31) and Zhongguo gushi gongfa 中國古世公法(Public law in ancient China). Faguo liili 法國律例, translation of the Code Napoleon was published by A. Biliequin. Cf. Liang Qichao, Xixu

shumu biao: zhong, ff. 2v-3r, W.A.P.Martin "The Tungwen College", in Morse, Internationa Relations: III, App. F, 478; Fryer, An Account: 31. 20Concerning his decision to translate Wheaton's work, Martin wrote: "I returned to

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1.4.3. Translations by the Tongwenguan of Peking 47

Chinese on procedures regulating international relations, apart from the excerpts from Vattel's Le droit des gens which Lin Zexu had asked Parker and Yuan Dehui to translate

in 】840 (cf. sec. 1.3). A comparison of Matin's translation and Wheaton's original version shows that

several new elements in the Chinese lexicon probably derived from this particular translation. Moreover, given the diffusion of the work in Japan on the eve of the Meiji

reform (1868),it seems likely that many of the neologisms present in Martin's translation also contributed to the formation of Japan's modern legal political lexicon 21. Over twenty years earlier, the concept of "right” contained in Vattel's work had

been translated by Parker as li 例 and by Yuan Dehui as daoli 道理.In Martin's translation,the term is rendered as quart tfi, thus extending the original meaning of the

term, which was ”power", "strength". From then on, quan was used as a suffix to build

words relating to every form of "right". We find some such compounds already in

Martin's translation: for example, tequan 特播"privilege" and zhuquan 主權 "sovereignty". When used as a generic expression, the compound quanli 播禾ij is used to convey the concept of "right" and, as such, it still exists in Modern Chinese

The term minzhu 民主"democracy", which was to play such an important role

in the history of modern China, is also to be found in Wanguo gongfay where it translates the concept of "republic". Where Wheaton makes a distinction between a "monarchical" and a "republican" government, Martin translates the latter as minzJiu zhi

guo民主之國. Martin uses the prefix zi 自"self-” to create words such as zizhu 自主 "independence",zihu 自譜"self-preservation" and zizhi 自治"self-government". Some terms indicating the institutions and offices of democratic-constitutional governments spread in both China and Japan. In addition to translating "Parliament" as

guohui 國會,Martin was also the first to translate the terms "Senate" / "Upper House" and "House of Representatives" / "Lower House" referred to the American Congress,as

China in 1862 with a view to opening a mission in Peking. Detained in Shanghai by the death of Mr. Culbertson (...), I employed a portion of my time in translating Wheaton's Elements of

International Law, a work that was to exert some influence on two empires as well as on the course of my life. The want of such a book had early forced itself on my attention, and I was

proposing to take Vattel for my text, when Mr. Ward recommended Wheaton as being more

modern and equally authoritative" (Martin, Cycle of Cathay: 221-222; more about the translation process: 233-235. Cf. also Martin, Awakening of China: 288). ハ Martin's Chinese translation was republished in Ky5to in 1865, one year after it

came out in China. Cf. Pittau, Meiji: 15; Cohen, Chinese Law. 167. For information on the diffusion of this work in Japan, cf. also sec. 1.5. ^^The Chinese origin of the Japanese term for "right" and "sovereignty" has already

been noted by Cohen, Chinese Law: 142 and Jansen, Japan: 343.

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48 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

Shangfang 上房 and Xiafang 下房.

It is particularly interesting to note the Chinese terms used for "personal property" and ”real property", although, notably, in China these two neologisms introduced by Martin did not meet with much success. These two types of property were

indicated as dongwu 動物"movable good.’ and zhiwu 植物"non-movable good", thus exploiting the etymological meaning of the two terms in use from ancient times to indicate "animals" and "plants". Because of this superimposition the two terms were short-lived and were substituted by the terms of Japanese origin dongchan 重J産 and budongchan 不重t)産"mobile products" and "non-mobile products"

Martin's translation of the Wanguo gongfa was widely diffused among the Chinese functionaries in contact with Westerners, and, like most of his other translations, had an especially strong influence on the students from the Tongwenguan who acted as interpreters for the first Chinese missions to the West.

Martin also edited the Gewu rumen 格物入門(Introduction to the Sciences), published in 1868 with introductions by Dong Xun 董询,the functionary of the Zongli Yamen who had presented the Wanguo gongfa, and Xu Jiyu 徐確余.The latter was the author of Yinghuan zhiliie (cf. sec. 1.3) and director of the Tongwenguan between 1867 and 1869, before Martin's appointment (cf. Biggerstaff, Government Schools: 112-113). Xu Jiyu described the author and his work thus:

Western studies began when Matteo Ricci (Li Madou 利瑪登j came to the East. Later, Verbiest (Nan 南)and Aleni (Ai 艾ノ extended and enriched them,

making them more comprehensible and more detailed. However they spoke of astronomy and of the calendar, without going into details on the doctrine of scientific principles.

Soon after having been appointed to Fujian 福遲 I was sent on mission to Xiamen 厦門^ where I met an American, David Abeel (Ya Bili 雅禅5里),a scholar who had seen and heard a great deal. He knew the language of Fujian and so, whenever I was free from commitments, I spent all my time in long conversation with him. I learned some basic rudiments on the ancient and modern organization of each western country, but I did not have time to start a study of science.

In the Vth year of Tongzhi (1866-67), His Majesty sent me to the

Zongli Geguo Shiwu Yamen with the office of administrating the Tongwenguan. There I came into contact with Mr. Martin (Ding Guanxi 丁悶西).His western erudition is immense and there is nothing that he does not

know. He wrote Gewu rumen 格物入門(Introduction to the Sciences) and has 23As for all the Chinese terms and neologisms analyzed in this work, the reader is referred to the dictionary in appendix II.

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1.4.3. Translations by the Tongwenguan of Peking 49

asked me to write an introduction for it. I have agreed, and reading the text 1 have learned things that I never heard. Yet they are real things that can be seen.

Compared to the unlimited abstruseness of others, his words are surprisingly indisputable, as if they were judgements (Gewu rumen,juan 1,f. \r-2v).

The work is divided into seven juan. Each deals with one of the following disciplines in a question-answer process: shuixue 水學"hydraulics", qixue 氣學"the study of air", huoxue 火举"the study of fire", dianxue 電举"electricity", lixue カ举 "mechanics", huaxue 化學"chemistry". The final juan contains a brief essay on systems of calculus and measurement in the field of science.

The sections on electricity and chemistry are particularly interesting. Many words are explained for the first time. The character dian % is used to indicate electricity.

It is also used as a suffix to coin polysyllabic words to indicate the instruments deriving

from the application of electricity. We cannot establish exactly when this particular

character (which has existed since the remotest times) came to take on the meaning

"electricity", on the basis of the original meaning of "lightening", but this is undoubtedly one of the first works in which the phenomenon and its various applications are explained in detail.

To my knowledge, Benjamin Hobson's Bowu xinbian, published in Canton in 1854, was the first text to contain a treatise on electricity in the chapter entitled Dianqi

lun 電氣論(cf. sec. 1.4.1.). However dian had probably already been used for electricity by the American pastor Daniel Jerome Macgowan in his work Bowu tongshu 博物通書 (Philosophical almanac) published in Ningpo in 1851. I have not been able to consult that text. In Protestant Missionaries (133),Wylie writes that the work contained "a

treatise on the electric telegraph, incorporating a short account of Magnetism and Galvanism, illustrated by forty five diagrams". Reference to electricity indicated as dianqi

電氣 can also be found in William Muirhead's Dili quanzhi 地5里全志(Universal geography) published in Shanghai in 1853-1854 (cf. Matsui, Yakusho no kango: 43). We find the character dian used in the compound dianliji 電理機"telegraph" in the travel journal written in 1854 by Luo Sen 羅森,a young Chinese passenger on an American ship. He used this term to indicate the gifts presented by Captain Perry to the

Japanese upon signing the Kanagawa treaty (cf. sec. 1.6.2.).

On his way to Europe in 1866, Zhang Deyi 張德ft also discussed electricity and showed that he was familiar with the phenomenon, probably because he had seen it

when studying with Martin in the Peking Tongwenguan. In fact, he indicates Martin's Gewu rumen as his source

Some Chinese scholars believe that other polysyllabic neologisms, created by the prefix dian in the Gewu rumen - for example, dianchi 電池"electric battery" ^On discordant dates, see note 30 further on.

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50 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

originated in Japan. Japan was certainly making more rapid progress than China in the

use of electricity for lighting, the telegraph and the railway. But, on the basis of the above early 1850s sources, it seems more likely that the decision to use the character dian

to indicate electricity originated in China 25. Moreover the Gewu rumen allows us to consider many compounds obtained with the affix dian as autochthonous neologisms 26. In the fifth juan of the Gewu rumen, mechanics is referred to as lixue 力®. In the sixth juan of the Gewu rumen on chemistry the term huaxue 化举 is used for the first time to

indicate this branch of science. It still has this same meaning in Japanese (Jap. pron.

kagaku) 27. Prior to the publication of the Gewu rumen, some information on chemical phenomena was contained in the chapter Diqi lun 地 (On gasses) contained in the treatise Bowu xinbian (Natural Philosophy) published in 1854 and edited by Benjamin Hobson. However, this science had not yet been given a name (cf. sees. 1.4.1. and 1.4.5.). It is thus more than plausible that the compound was introduced into Chinese by Martin 28.

In a short note dated 1907 Martin himself claimed the honour of having christened the term:

Professor Billequin is the father of Chinese Chemistry, but Dr. Martin

claims the honor of having christened the science by the name which it now

Electricity was known in Japan at least from 1776, when we have reports of Hiraga Gennai operating an electric machine he had bought from a Dutch trader in Nagasaki. However he used the phonemic loan erekiteru and not the semantic loan dian,Jap. pron. den , to refer to

the phenomenon. The use of the latter term to indicate electricity was later to spread in Japan

(cf. Tanaka, History of Science in Japan).

^°For a detailed list of these, see vocabulary in appendix II.

^^The volume on chemistry was republished on the missionary weekly JHXB in episode form from September 26, 1868 (【,4, 15r-16).

^^Regarding the belief that the term was of Japanese origin, cf. also the vocabulary in appendix II. Recently, some Chinese science historians have claimed that the term was used

for the first time by Alexander Williamson in his work Gewu tanyuan 格物探康(The Fundaments of Science), dated, according to them, 1850 (cf. Pan Jixing,Tan huaxue; cit. in Liu

Guangding,Gewu tanyuan: 203, note 12). Following Pan Jixing, Reardon (Chemistry: 51 and note 40) and Nakayama (Modern Scientific Terms: 304; ChQ-Nichi taishaku) also claim that the term huaxue has existed in Chinese since 1856-7. However, Liu Guangding (Gewu tanyuan: 203) has shown that Williamson's work was written in 1872. Nor is the Gewu tanyuan included

among Williamson's works listed by Wylie in his usually very accurate Protestant Missionaries updated to 1867. Therefore the Gewu tanyuan came after Martin's Gewu rumen.

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1.4.3. Translations by the Tongwenguan of Peking 51

bears, in a book on Natural Philosophy published prior to Mr. Billequin's work

29



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S

52 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

The term huaxue definitely did not derive from Japanese as some Chinese scholars have claimed (Gao Mingkai, Wailaici yanjiu: 92; Wang Li, Hanyu shigao: 531). The first work on modern chemistry to appear in Japan was the Seimi kaiso 舍密問奈

(Treatise of Chemistry) by Udagawa Yoan 宇田川格)!E,published between 1837 and 1847. In the title the phonemic loan seimi 舍密,from the Dutch term "chemie",rather than huaxue, is used to express the term "chemistry" (cf. Vos,Dutch Influences: no. 276;

Needham, V, 3, 255; Tanaka, History of Science in Japan). Seimi was still present in Japanese in 1862, when Ueno Hikoma published his Seimikyoku Hikkei 舍密局某内書 (Manual of Laboratory Chemistry), and in 1868 when the Seimikyoku 舍密兒,the first Japanese institution for teaching chemistry, was founded in Osaka 大板(Tanaka, History

of Science in Japan). Kagaku 化举 only spread to Japan later. Therefore the neologism huaxue definitely passed from China to Japan and not vice versa The situation as regards chemical elements and therefore chemical compounds is

even more complex. In his Bowu xinbian 傅物新線 written in 1854, Hobson invented Chinese names for at least four elements: "nitrogen" danai 淡氣,"carbon" tanqi 炭氣, "hydrogen" qingqi 控氣 and "oxygen" ycmgqi 赛氣(cf. Bowu xinbian: juan 1, f. 2r-v; cf.

also appendix I). In Gewu rumen (juan 6, f. 7v-8v) Martin provides a systematic presentation of the principles of chemical notation introduced by Antoine Laurent Lavoisier (Lawaxie 拉瓦泄)during the reign of Qianlong 乾降(1736-1796), coining the neologism yuanzhi 原苗 to indicate the chemical elements. Although he mentions that

62 elements were known to exist, he only lists the 42 most important ones, using

disyllabic compounds or phonemic loans to translate them Martin explains that Tongwenguan published two works on chemistry translated by Billequin (Fryer, An Account:

22-23; Jiangnart ji: juan 2, 21r-v; Biggerstaff, Government Schools: 152; Alletton, Terminologie: 58). Following the publication of these works, some Westerners overcame their initial diffidence for the term huaxue. The preface to the Chinese-English dictionary, published by the Protestant missionary Wilhelm Lobscheid, in 1871, reads thus: "Other terms, such as 化舉 which has been used for Chemistry, have been omitted on the simple ground that Chemistry is not a doctrine of transformation and that our present state of science forbids us to

make use of the terms of the alchymists of a darker age" (Lobscheid, Dictionary, Preface: v).

^^About the Gewu rumen in Japan, Martin wrote: "It has also been reprinted in Japan, with the addition of a commentary" (Martin, Cycle of Cathay: 237). Unfortunately I have not been able to ascertain the existence of this work in Japanese libraries. Therefore I have not been able to determine whether the term actually reached Japan via Martin's Gewu rumen. However, it seems plausible that the Gewu rumen enjoyed the same fortune in Japan as Martin's other work, the Wanguo gortgfa,which was reprinted several times. For details about

the diffusion of Chinese chemical terminology in Japan, cf. also sec. 1.6.2.

35Martin provides a Chinese name {huazi 華字)for 25 of the 42 elements. For the remaining 17, he uses a phonological transcription (ziyin 字音),cf. Gewu rumen: juan 6, f. 9v-10r; cf. also appendix I.

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1.4.3. Translations by the Tongwenguan of Peking 53

chemical compounds are the product of the union of various elements "just as different traits of brush compose a character of Chinese writing" (Gewu rumen: juan 6, f. 7v-10v).

In sec. 1.4.6., we shall see that the American John Fryer and his Chinese assistants successfully produced a Chinese notation system for chemical elements at the Shanghai

Arsenal, selecting one character for each element, thus faciUtating the indication of chemical compounds.

The translations of the Tongwenguan contributed to the diffusion of many neologisms in Chinese. The same can be said of the travel journals written by the students of the school who accompanied the first exploratory and later official diplomatic

missions to Europe of the Chinese government. These journals gained some renown in Chinese intellectual circles and were the first real source of original information on western life and customs. 1.4.4. THE FIRST CHINESE MISSIONS TO THE WEST

China's first exploratory mission, composed of Sir Robert Hart, inspector

general of customs and a group of imperial officials, left for the West on March 6, 186

and returned to China on October 26, 1866. Zhang Deyi 張德典,a former student of

Peking Tongwenguan was a member of the delegation and later wrote a diary describ

this first journey to the West. This young student was to have a very successful career

the Zongli Yamen, participating in several Chinese missions abroad before bei

appointed Ambassador of China to Great Britain in 1901. He remained in Great Brita

until 1905 and was concurrently ambassador to Belgium and Italy for short terms (c

Zhongwai s hi ling: 4, 15, 17). Before leaving Cnina for his foreign posting, Zhang D

had also been appointed to teach English to Emperor Guangxu 光緒(reign 1875-19 (cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 732; Martin, Cycle of Cathay: 316-317). The 1866 mission was not, however, the very first opportunity for a young Chinese student to travel to the West. Probably one of the first Chinese to have th

opportunity to study abroad in the XlXth century was Rong Hong 容153, who studied a

Yale from 1847 to 1854 36. Unfortunately, the account of his experience was on

written in English in 1901 and published in the United States in 1909, with the title M

Life in China and America. It was subsequently translated into Chinese in 1915, with th

title Xixue dongjian ji 西舉寒渐記(Notes on the penetration of western studies in th East). Thus the diary does not constitute a reference for studying the development

As already indicated (sec. 1.3., note 49), Lin Ashi was perhaps the first Chinese

student to study in the United States. However, as far as I know, he has left no record of th

journey. Rong Hong was probably the first student to actually graduate from an Americ university.

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54 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

Chinese lexicon in the period in which Rong Hong was abroad (cf. Zhong Shuhe, Zou xiang shijie: 122-140; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 402-405). Only two years later, in 1849, Lin Zhen 林IS,a twenty-five year-old lad who had mastered the rudiments of English in the port of Xiamen, was sent to New York to teach Chinese. His short travel diary, published in 1849, is useful from the point of view of studying neologisms at the end of the first half of the XlXth century. For example, his

notes contain a description of a camera indicated as shenjing ネ审|寅"magic mirror".

However, we have to wait until the publication, almost twenty years later, of the travel diaries written by Zhang Deyi and Binchun 斌播,who headed the 1866 mission, to find some neologisms useful for studying the formation of Modern Chinese lexicon J ‘.

As already indicated,Zhang Deyi's work Hanghai shuqi 航海述奇(Wonders across the seas) was clearly influenced by Martin's translations. Zhang Deyi actually says

that the Wanguo gongfa was the text utilized for writing out the agreements between

countries (Zhang Deyi, Hanghai shuqi: 570). He refers to the United States as the only

democratic (or republican) state,and uses the expression minzhu zhi guo 之® which had already been used by Martin in his translation (op.cit.: 556). To indicate an English court he creates the neologism panduanchu 爹1J©{逸,based on the verb panduan

判勸 used by Martin to translate the English "judgement" (op. cit.: 529). He refers to the Gewu rumen as the source of his knowledge on electricity (op.cit.: 489). Both diaries contain several references to technical products and objects hitherto

virtually unknown in China. Wherever possible, Zhang Deyi and Binchun use terms that

already existed in the previous works on the West especially the Haiguo tuzhi and Yinghuan zhiliie.

We have seen that in the 1840s the term gongsi 公司 was used in Canton mostly to refer to the United East India Company. In 1866,both Zhang Deyi and Binchun use the same term to indicate foreign companies in general. The original meaning had probably extended to include all foreign companies, following the expansion of foreign trade in China.

Zhang Deyi makes extensive use of three syllabic compounds, obtained with the

two characters huolun 火輪"fire wheel" plus a suffix: huolunche 火格隼"steam-train.’, huolunji 火棺機"steam engine", huolunchuan 火華禽船"steamship", all words present in

both the Haiguo tuzhi and the Yinghuan zhiliie. Again we find xinwen 新間 and xinwenzhi 新間紙"newspaper", the former a semantic loan and the second a loan translation from English. The diaries also contain some terms, formed with the prefix dian 電,that Zhang

Deyi had probably first encountered as a student in the Tongwenguan and then in the 37Some excerpts from Binchun and Zhang Deyi's diaries have been translated into Italian by Masci,L'oceano: 39-63 and 65-130.

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1.4.4. The first Chinese missions to the West 55

Gewu rumen. Again electricity is referred to with the compound dianqi 爾氣 which was

also very productive as a prefix for creating neologisms for other electrical devices:

dicmqideng 電氣燈"electric lamp", dianqiji 電氣機"electric engine", dianqixian WMM. "electric line", dianqixin 電氣fS "electric message" or "telegram" and others. In this text

the latter coexists with dianbao 電報"telegram", later more commonly used to indicate telegraphic messages. It is interesting to note that Zhang Deyi first heard about the existence and the function of the telegraph as a student in the Peking Tongwenguan. Martin had been teaching English there since 1864 and had also given his pupils "lessons

in the use and management of the telegraph" The first experimental construction of the telegraph took place in China in 1865 (Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 467). China's first real diplomatic mission to the West was led by Anson Burlingame, who had been the first American ambassador to China from 1861 to 1865 and from 1866

to 1867 (cf. Zhongwai shiling: 60). The delegation left Shanghai in 1868 and stopped in Japan and the United States before travelling to Great Britain, France, Belgium, Prussia,

Denmark, Switzerland, Holland, Russia, Italy and Spain. It returned to China in 1870. After Burlingame's death in Russia in 1870, the Manchu Zhigang 志剛 led the last lap of

the mission. Later he wrote a diary of his journey entitled Chushi Taixi ji 初使太西記 (Memories of the first mission to the West) which was published in 1872.

Zhigang makes frequent reference to western institutions and machinery. We

also find the terms ziyou 自由 MfreedonT and zizhu 自主’’independence";ぎ如ぼ 上堂 and Xiatang 下堂 to indicate the two Houses of Parliament, generically indicated as

Huitang 會堂,and two three-syllabic words with the suffix yuan 院 or yuan 園: yangfengyuan 春疯陕"lunatic asylum" and wanshouyuan 萬歡固"zoological garden". To refer to various types of machinery, Zhigang uses six disyllabic neologisms

composed of a verb plus the suffix ji 機’ used in Modern Chinese as a suffix for every kind of machinery: zhiji 織機"textile machine", dangji 蕩機"ironer”,jiji 摘機"press",

zhaji 幸し機"driller", baji 拔機"extractor” and huoji 火機"machine"; Zhigang also uses two polysyllabic compounds, again with the suffix ji: yinwenji 巨口文機"printer" and tongxinxianji 通fg線機"information machine". The text contains two phonemic loans: danbagu 旦ネ巴孤 for "tobacco" and bolixidun 伯5里喜領 for ”president", the latter being explained as zongtongling 總統領,a semantic loan used to indicate the highest US office.

Another important reference is the diary written by Guo Songtao 郭當糞, China's first ambassador to Great Britain and France from 1876 to 1879 (cf. Zhongwai shiling: 3). Guo Songtao kept a diary for the duration of his foreign post and the section

犯"With a view to the introduction of that wonderful invention, I had myself taken

lessons in Philadelphia; and I had brought with me, at my own expenses, two sets of instruments, one on the Morse system, the other with an alphabetic dial-plate, easy to learn and striking to the eye" (Martin, Cycle of Cathay: 299).

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56 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

referring to the period between his departure from China (December 1876) and his arrival

in London (January 1877) was published while he was still in London, with the title Shi Xi jicheng 使西紀程(Record of the journey of the mission to the West). This provoked

the reaction of the conservatives in China who accused Guo Songtao of siding for the West. This explains why most of Guo Songtao's diaries remained in manuscript form until very recently

Of the Chinese holding important official positions in the second half of the XIXth century, historians consider Guo Songtao one of the most attentive observers of the western world. The diaries of his experience as China's first permanent representative

in the West are full of interesting references to history, institutions and European customs. Unfortunately his diaries are far less interesting from the point of view of language, since Guo Songtao only invented numerous phonemic loans.

He could not speak English and therefore used interpreters, including Zhang Deyi. His diaries contain frequent references to new scientific disciplines and technical inventions introduced by the West in the decades immediately prior to his departure from

China. For example, huaxue 化舉"chemistry", dianqi 電氣"electricity", dianqideng 罨氣澄 "electric lamp" and names of institutions such as yiyuan 番義院"parliament". They also contain many phonemic loans from English and French. In addition to the justifiable use of phonemic loans for proper names, Guo Songtao also uses phonemic loans for words such as telephone, microphone, phonograph, or for the names of institutions and public offices such as Foreign Office, Literary Fund, Court of Common

Pleas,Police, Major, even when he was clearly familiar with a term already in use in Chinese. Thus for "parliament", he used both yiyuan and balimen hui 巴力鬥舍,for chemistry the already widespread huaxue and jianmisideli ■密斯得里 a phonemic loan from the English "chemistry", etc. (cf. Guo Songtao,Lundun yu Bali riji: 149; cf. also sec. 2.2.2.). Almost none of the phonemic loans invented by Guo Songtao became part of Modern Chinese lexicon and most of the expressions he coined were substituted by other

kinds of neologisms.

•^^The integral version of Guo Songtao's diary was only published in 1984, with the title Lundun yu Bali riji (Diary of London and Paris) edited by Zhong Shuhe in the collection

Zou xiang shijie congshu, Changsha 1984. In addition to the Shi Xi jicheng,it contains the integral diary of the London and Paris period, the diary describing the return journey, and some

excerpts from Guo Songtao's diaries written immediately before his departure and after his

return home. Some excerpts from Guo Songtao's diary have been published in Italian: cf. Masci, L'oceano: 237-263

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1.4.5. TRANSLATIONS IN SHANGHAI IN THE 1850s

In the early 1850s, Shanghai succeeded Canton as the centre of Protestant missionary activity and fruitful contacts started to develop between foreign missionaries

and Chinese scholars under the auspices of the London Missionary Society. The Chinese

mathematician, Li Shanlan 李到簡(1810-1882), first came into contact with Alexander

Wylie, Joseph Edkins and Alexander Williamson in Shanghai in 1852 and started

working with them on the translation of western scientific works (cf. sec. 1.4.2., note 17).

Although it is impossible to analyze all the work translated at the London Missionary Society of Shanghai and highlight all the lexical inventions used in these translations, in very general terms, it can be saia that the translators used existing terms in some fields and invented new ones in others.

Euclidean geometry had been introduced into China by the Jesuits in the XVIIth

century and the first six volumes of the Elements of Geometry already translated by

Matteo Ricci and Xu Guangqi 徐光B5 and published in Peking in 1607 (D'EIia, Fonti Ricciane: II,356-361; Bernard, Adaptations chinoises: 329; Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 173). In the XIXth century Li Shanlan and Alexander Wylie translated the last nine books of Euclid's Elements of Geometry and published them in 1857 with the title Xu jihe yuanben 讀 14何康本(Continuation of Elements of Geometry) 40. Thus the translation of western scientific works picked up exactly where Ricci and Xu Guangqi had left off more than two centuries earlier, as if to build a bridge between the two ages. After two centuries of virtual silence, cooperation between the Chinese and

the Westerners was once again possible, just as it had been when the Jesuits first introduced China to western scientific knowledge.

In 1865, Li Shanlan asked Zeng Guofan 督國Sf to have the Chinese version of Euclid's Elements of Geometry reprinted. The first six books, published in 1607, were

completed with the remaining nine, translated by Li Shanlan and Wylie in 1857. The first integral translation of Euclid's work was published in Nanking in 1865. It contained

five prefaces: one by Zeng Guofan, one by the new Chinese translator Li Shanlan, the two original prefaces by Matteo Ricci and Xu Guangqi, and a fifth preface by the modern

translator, Wylie ^ . ‘^Regarding the origins of the translation of the first six volumes of Euclid's Elements of Geometry by Matteo Ricci and Xu Guangqi, see Moule, Obligations of China and D'Elia, Euclide.

41 The title of the complete edition was Jihe yuanben shiwu juan 接何康本十五卷 (Elements of Geometry in 15 volumes), Jinling 金歧 1865. An English translation of the prefaces by Zeng Guofan and Matteo Ricci is to be found in Moule, Obligations of China. Italian translations of the original prefaces by Xu Guangqi and Ricci are to be found in D'Elia,

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58 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

An examination of the earlier and later translations of the two sections of this work reveals that the language for this particular science had undergone no change in the two centuries intervening between the translation of the first and second part. The term

"geometry" is still translated with the Chinese term jihe 姥何,originally used by Ricci and Xu Guangqi. In fact this is the term still used in Modern Chinese and Japanese (Jap. pr. kika). Like many other works translated by the Jesuit missionaries at the Ming court,

the Jihe yuanben 线何康本 had also reached Japan but it was proscribed in 1630. The proscription was only lifted in 1720 (cf. Bernard, Traductions chinoises: list I,no. 12;

list IV, no. 7). The term jihe had probably survived in both Chinese and Japanese, because it was

a phonemic loan from the Latin geo as well as a semantic loan, the two characters both having the meaning of "how much". Jihe was therefore easily absorbed by the language because its meaning disguised the fact that it was a phonemic loan 42.

Other purely phonemic loans invented by the Jesuits had a different fate: for

example, "algebra", translated by the missionaries as Aerrebala 阿爾熱巴拉》was substituted by daishuxue 代數聲"in the title of Li Shanlan and Wylie's translation of Elements of Algebra by Augustus dc Morgan, published in 1859 In yet other cases, the terms used to translate mathematical terms had existed in

Chinese for many centuries. For example, shuxue 數舉"arithmetic", had existed in Chinese at least since 1578, though it had never been widespread 44. The first modern Euclide. Li Shanlan's introduction is reproduced in Beizhuan ji bu: 43, 1514: Cf. also sec. 1.4.5.

42Not having any comprehensive, in-depth studies, it is difficult to assess the exten

of the influence of the Jesuits on Chinese mathematical lexicon in the XVIIth century. In t

regard, in 1867 Wylie (Literature: 118-119) wrote: "(...) mathematical studies having b

long dormant in China, when the Jesuits arrived, few if any of the native scholars knew w

the ancient works contained, and the missionaries were left to teach many things as ne

which had been well understood in China for ages past. The consequence was the introduc

of a new nomenclature in place of the old established terminology, and the latter having be

restored by native mathematicians, there are now two systems of terms, both of which bei

partially or simultaneously adopted in many modern treaties, have introduced a looseness an

inaccuracy of phraseology, little to the advantage of mathematical studies". By "mod treaties" Wylie is clearly referring to the mathematical works translated in Shanghai during 1850s. Cf. further on and sec. 1.2.,note 7.

むCf, Needham, III, 53; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479; Wylie, Protestan Missionaries: 174; Beizhuan ji bu: 43, 1514.

^^The term is found for the first time in the titles of mathematical books, in Shuxu

tonggui 數學通軌(Rules of mathematics) by Kc Shangqian 柯尚環リ578) and Shuxue

數學翁(Fundamentals of mathematics) by Du Zhigeng 社知耕(1681). Particular thanks t

Catherine Jami of the France C. N. R. S. for providing me with the title of the second work.

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1.4.5. Translations in Shanghai in the 1850s 59

work to contain this word in the title is Shuxue qimeng 數举敵SR (Introduction to mathematics) translated by Wylie and published in Shanghai in 1853 (Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 173) ‘

Mathematical terms such as weifen 微分 and jifen ネ看分 that had been used in Chinese to indicate differential and integral calculus since the Xlth century A.D., were re

introduced by Li Shanlan and Wylie in their translation of Augustus de Morgans', Elements of Analytical Geometry and of Differential and Integral Calculus, published in

Shanghai in 1859 with the title Dai wei ji shiji 代做ネ糞拾級 45. The origin of the term

fangcheng 方程"equation" is similar 46. Thus, in the case of mathematics and astronomy, the terminology existed already and the translators of the London Missionary Society only had to consult earlier works to find the terms they needed. In other branches of science - for example physics and botany

-this was not the case and they had to invent some neologisms.

Edkins and Li Shanlan re-introduced zhongxue 重舉(already used by Schreck and

Wang Zheng 王徴 in their translation Qiqi tushuo 奇器圔親,1634) to indicate mechanics and used it in the title of their translation of William Whewell's, An

Elementary Treatise of Mechanics, published in Shanghai in 1858 47. They also invented

two other new terms: jingzhongxue 静重學 for "static mechanics" and dongzhongxue 重t)重學 for "dynamic mechanics"

The neologism zhiwuxue 植物學 was first introduced into Chinese in Zhiwuxue 植物學,a botanical treatise in eight juan based on the works of John Lindley, published

in Shanghai in 1858 and translated by Li Shanlan and Alexander Williamson. The work contains several new lexical elements in the area of botanical taxonomy and became the main reference for this particular science in China and in Japan 49.

Wylie, Muirhead,Williamson and Edkins also edited the first Chinese journal Needham: III,714; Siku quanshu zongmu: 908.

45cf. Needham: III,143; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479; Wylie,Protestant Missionaries: 174; Beizhuan ji bu: 43, 1514, in which Li Shanlan's introduction to the work is also reproduced.

“Regarding other mathematical neologisms introduced in this period by the Shanghai translators, cf. Nakayama, Modern Scientific Terms: 304.

パCf, Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479; Wylie, Protestant Missionaries'. 188; Beizhuan ji bu: 43, 1514 in which Li Shanlan's introduction to the work is also reproduced.

^Zhongxue was later substituted by the autochthonous neologism lixue カ舉 invented by Martin in 1868; similarly jingzhongxue became jinglixue 着多ブコ^* and dongzhongxue, donglixue 璽(j力与?v cf. vocabulary in appendix II.

the contribution of the Zhiwuxue to the formation of Chinese and Japanese

botanical lexicon, see the works by M6taili6. In Botanique, M6taili6 identifies 37 neologisms introduced in this work, of which 18 are still used in botanical taxonomy. Cf. also sec. 1.5.

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60 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

dealing mainly with the scientific subjects published in Shanghai between January 1857

and January 1858. It was entitled Liuhe congtan 六合叢各炎"Overall discourse on six points", i.e. the six Chinese cardinal points: the four cardinal points plus the zenith and

the nadir 50. Through their translations, the Protestant missionaries contributed to spreading technical-scientific information in China; in the journal they presented other aspects of western culture, for example, geography, Greek literature, information on the American and British parliamentary systems, etc.

From the lexical point of view, particularly noteworthy is the use in the journal

of the term yiyuan 售義院"parliament", of which I was not able to find trace in earlier works. This term was to coexist in China with several others used to refer to that

particular institution. After the journal was reissued in Japan in 1858, and translated in

1864, yiyuan (Jap. pr. giin) (along with yihuit Jap. pr. gikai and guohui, Jap. pr. kokkai 國會)also became widely used in Japan 51.

The fact that the term used to indicate "telegram" was dianqi tongbiao 楚氣通播 and not dianbao may mean that the latter term (which we only find in Martin's Gewu

rumen, published in 1868, cf. sec. 1.4.3.) only appeared after the publication of the journal. We also find the following terms: wenxue 文舉"literature", already present in the Haiguo tuzhi\ guozhai 國債"national debt"; tongji 统計,however as a verb meaning "to calculate" and kongqi 空氣 used to indicate "air".

Each issue of the journal consisted of a first part containing a number of signed articles, a second part containing short reports grouped by country or geographical area, and a third part containing economic information, such as the volume of trade and the price of goods. The structure of the journal was later used as a model for various journals

published by the British and American missionaries in the second half of the XlXth century (cf. further on).

This activity of translation and diffusion of western knowledge aroused the interest

of some Chinese officials. Mindful of the political and military lesson of Lin Zexu and Wei Yuan twenty years earlier, they believed that China would overcome all her present difficulties by acquiring the practical knowledge which, in their opinion, had contributed

to the military superiority of the West. This approach became what was known as the "movement of self-strengthening" {ziqiang 自強).

50八.Wylie (Weilie Yali |费烈亞力),Liuhe congtan xiaoyin 六合蕞錢小引(Short Guide to the Liuhe congtan) in LHCT: 1857, 1, lr, cit. also in Britton, Periodical Press: 52.

Regarding the journal, see also Ge Gongzhen, Baoxue shi: 68-69; Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 173.

On the Liuhe congtan, cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries, 173; Ge Gongzhen, Baoxue shi: 68-69 and Britton, Periodical Press: 52. Indexes for the first thirteen issues

(January 26, 1857 • January 15, 1858) are to be found in Jindai qikan: 1-3. Regarding its diffusion in Japan, cf. sec. 1.5.

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1.4.5. Translations in Shanghai in the 1850s 61

In 1862, Zcng Guofan, one of the main supporters of the movement, decided to

set up a department for the construction of military machinery {Anqing junxie suo 安摩軍械所)at Anqing 安摩,his headquarters for the fight against the Taiping. In 1861

and 1862, he recruited Xu Shou 徐壽(1818-1884) and Hua Hengfang 華薪芳(1833 1902), who had acquired the first rudiments of technical knowledge from the early

scientific texts published in Shanghai by the London Missionary Society At the end of 1867 the Anqing Arsenal was incorporated in the Shanghai Arsenal (Jiartgnan jiqi zhizao ju 江南機器製逸局)and a translation department was established there, under the

responsibility of Hua Hengfang, Xu Shou and his son Xu Jianyin 徐建資(1845-1901) 力.A number of Westerners were given the job of selecting and preparing the material to

be translated. As at the London Missionary Society of Shanghai, translation work was always done jointly by a Western oral translator and a Chinese editor 54. The first texts were translated in 1867 55. Since the translation department was annexed to the Arsenal, most of the more than one hundred works translated and published there were technical-scientific texts on

Shou and Hua Hengfang decided to establish a sort of intellectual coterie in the city of Wuxi 無案暮 in the province of Jiangsu, after reading the scientific Jesuit translation of

the XVIIth century and Benjamin Hobson's treatise Bowu xinbian, published in Canton in 1854 (cf. sees. 1.4.1 and 1.4.3). On the basis of the description contained in this latter work, Xu Shou and Hua Hengfang managed to complete the first steamship ever built in China without the help of foreign technicians at the Arsenal of Anqing. The "Yellow Swan" (Huanghu 黄聰 was launched in the Illrd month of 1866: "It was more than 50 chi long (about 17 meters) and travelled at a speed of more than 40 li an hour (about 20 km)". Cf. Qing shi gao, liezhuan:

292, 13929-13931; Beizhuan ji bu: 43,1516-1517; Fryer, An Account: 1-3; Chen, Tseng Kuo-fan: 40-41 and Ros, Steamship in China: 148.

•^Xu Shou concentrated mainly on chemistry and steam engines; Hua Hengfang mostly on mathematics and geology, cf. Beizhuan ji bu: 43, 1516.

^^Fryer (An Account: 12) describes the practical aspects of translation thus: "The foreign translator, having first mastered his subject, sits down with the Chinese writer and dictates to him sentence by sentence, consulting with him wherever a difficulty arises as to the

way the ideas ought to be expressed in Chinese, or explaining to him any point that happens

to be beyond his comprehension. The manuscript is then revised by the Chinese writer, and any errors in style, etc., are corrected by him".

^^These were Yungui yuezhi 運規約指(Practical geometry) Fryer and Xu Jianyin's translation of a treatise by William Burchett; Qiji faren,汽機發知(Manual of the steam engine) Wylic and Xu Shou's translation of a manual by J.T. Main; Dixue qianshi 地举淺釋 (Geology), Macgowan and Hua Hengfang.s translation of a text on geology by C. Lyell. They were all translated in 1867 in the residences of the foreigners and published in 1871. Cf. Fryer,

An Account: 4, 22-23; Bennet, Fryer. 84,106,107.

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62 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

military technology, engineering, chemistry, etc.

The translators of the Peking Tongwenguan had concentrated mostly on legal and historical subjects. The Shanghai translation department, inheriting the legacy of the

XVIIth century Jesuit missionaries and of the Protestant missionaries just a few years earlier, concentrated on technical and scientific works, thus giving China the opportunity to re-establish contact with those specific areas of western thought. 1.4.6. THE ARSENAL OF SHANGHAI: THE FORMATION AND

DIFFUSION OF TECHNICAL AND SCIENTIFIC LEXICON

John Fryer was the most active of the western translators at the Shanghai Arsenal. Between 1871 and 1896, he translated 77 works in conjunction with Xu Shou and other Chinese colleagues; 14 other works, translated later in America, were subsequently published by the Arsenal. He also translated 38 other works for various institutions, thus making a total number of 129 works (Bennet, Fryer. 37). Thousands of copies of Fryer's translations were published and sold by the translation departments and

missionary publishing houses all over the country ^. From the beginning, the translators of the Shanghai Arsenal understood the importance of the methodology used to develop Chinese scientific terminology. Fryer and

his Chinese colleagues agreed that the following criteria should be adopted in their translation work.

After considerable discussion the following plan was agreed upon by those who organized the department:

1. Existing nomenclature • Where it is probable a term exists in Chinese, though not to be found in Dictionaries,

兄There are three catalogues of the works published by the Shanghai Arsenal. One is

contained in John Fryer's article. An Account, which goes up to 1880. Another is to be found

in the 1905 work Jiangnan ji (juan 2, ff. 15r-23r) and the third is Shanghai zhizao ju yi yin

tushu mulu上海製造筒圖書目錄(Catalogue of the works translated and published by the Constructions office of Shanghai) published around 1910. According to Bennet's (Fryer) analysis of these lists, it seems that around 121 works were translated and published: 77 by John Fryer, 23 by Carl Kreyer, 10 by Young J. Allen, 9 by Alexander Wylie and 2 by John Macgowan. For a complete list of all the translations, the reader is also referred to the appendixes of Bennet's work Fryer. Cf. also Xiong Yuezhi, Fanyiguan shiliie: 30-32. J ^Fryer indicates that prior to June 1879 31.111 copies of the 98 works published at that time had been sold for a total of 83.454 juan (Fryer, An Account: 19).

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1.4.6. The Arsenal of Shanghai 63

{a) To search in the principal native works on the arts and sciences; as well as those by the Jesuit missionaries and recent Protestant missionaries.

(b) To enquire of such Chinese merchants, manufacturers, mechanics &c., as would be likely to have the terms in current use.

2. Coining of new terms. Where it becomes necessary to invent a new term there is a choice of three methods.

(a) Make a new character, the sound of which can be easily known from

the phonetic portion, or use an existing but uncommon character, giving it a new meaning. (b) Invent a descriptive term using as few characters as possible. (c) Phoneticise the foreign terms, using the sounds of Mandarin dialect, and always endeavouring to employ the same character for the same sound as far as possible, giving preference to characters most used by previous translators or

compilers. All such invented terms are to be regarded merely as provisional, and to

be discarded if previously existing ones are discovered or better ones can be obtained.

3. Construction of a general vocabulary of terms, and list of proper names.

During the translation of every book it is necessary that a

unusual terms or proper names employed should be carefully

various lists should be gradually collected and formed into a com for general use as well as with a view to publication ネ

Fryer and his Chinese colleagues agreed on the above criteria in 1

very general theoretical rules still to be tested were used by Fryer and hi

basis for starting to standardize existing lexicon (the traditional forms of the terms invented by the missionaries in the first half of the century) scientific terms

J8Italics as in original text: Fryer, An Account: 9-10; and later, Scientific Terminology: 5. Cf. next note.

59in relation to these first general criteria, Fryer explained in a later te

he first started translating scientific texts at the Arsenal of Shanghai in

system of rendering scientific terms was agreed upon by my Chinese colle

published, however, for general information till January, 1880, when it appea

Daily News and Herald,and subsequently in Nature,as follows: (Fr Terminology: 5). He then proceeded to list the three points cited above.

1890, in describing how he first started translating western scienti

the Arsenal of Shanghai in 1867, Fryer wrote: "At that time the only books t

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64 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

In sees. 1.4.1 and 1.4.3 we described how the term huaxue 化^!• had been coined to indicate modern chemistry and referred to the first information on chemistry contained

in Hobson and Martin's works. A practical solution still had to be found for translating the name of chemical elements.

Huaxue chujie 化聲•初赌 published in four juan in Canton between 1871 and 1875, was one of the very first translations of a chemistry text. It contained a translation

in Chinese of the section on inorganic chemistry included in David Ames Wells' Principles and Applications of Chemistry (New York & Chicago, 1858). In 1871,a review of the book described the approach adopted by the translators with regards to terminology in these terms:

In regard to the Nomenclature, a few foreign names have been transferred where there was a manifest necessity of it. The ordinary terms for

some know substances, used by previous writers have been retained. The name

of some of the Elements have been taken from a list supplied by Mr. J. Frier (sicj. A single Chinese character has been used to represent each element. In this way the name of compounds were easily fixed 6、

Thus Fryer was probably responsible for the idea of using new characters to represent unknown substances in Chinese

Chinese treating on modern sciences and arts, were: the works on Astronomy and Mathematics, by Mr. A. Wylie; Mechanics, by Dr. Edkins; Natural Philosophy and Medical Science, by Dr. Hobson; Political and Physical Geography, by Rev. W. Muirhead and others; and Botany, by Dr. Williamson. With these should be mentioned the voluminous works of the

Jesuit missionaries which, though two or more centuries old, were often of considerable service, especially in astronomical and mathematical terms" (Fryer, Scientific Terminology:

4-5).

^

の Review e Recorder: IV Vocabulary Cf.

further

o

on.

^^Alletton de rec

l.id在e

europden".

who

was

seems belief

Fo

resp

to hav that F

works, syllable

ferrous

John of

th subs

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1.4.6. The Arsenal of Shanghai 65

Fryer directly addressed the problem of how to translate the elements in Huaxue

jianyuan 化举尿(Original mirror of chemistry) published in 6 juan at the Shanghai Arsenal in 1872. This chemical text by Wells, already translated by Kerr and He Liaoran

何瞭然(Huaxue chujie 化學初腔),was re-translated by Fryer and his colleague Xu Shou

徐案.Chapter 29 (juan 1, ff. 20v-24r) of Fryer's translation contains a list of 64 chemical elements, preceded by a note entitled Huazi mingming 華字命名(Chinese notation) in which Fryer describes the method used to coin new terms 63. The original

term was kept for the ten elements that already existed in Chinese and had their own monosyllabic name (gold, silver, copper, iron, lead, tin,mercury, sulphur, phosphorus and carbon); for 48 unknown elements a new character was invented (or a pre-existing character used with a different meaning). Each of the new characters was composed of a

radical,selected on the basis of the class to which each element belonged (metals and metalloids were identified by the two radicals jin 金 and shi 5), plus a phonetic element,

determined on the basis of the first syllable of the Latin name of each element. In the case of bromine the existing character chou 奠 plus the radical shui 水 ” water” was used

and its pronunciation changed to xiu 澳.Names composed of two characters (disyllabic)

were used for the five gaseous elements (oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, chlorine and fluorine), adopting qi 氣"gas" as the second character. Fryer probably decided to keep disyllabic words for these five elements because they had already been introduced into

Chinese by Hobson in Bowu xinbiany written in 1854, or by Kerr and He Liaoran in Huaxue chujie,which was published between 1871 and 1875. However he only used the first character when the name of these elements appeared in chemical compounds (cf.

sees. 1.4.1. and 1.4.3.) °^. Later qi, in the above cases used as an independent character, 5). This is the best system. In future his example will have to be followed for translating the

names of things". That Liang Qichao's comment should have remained unnoticed is all the more remarkable because Reardon (Ibidem) also wrote: "It is interesting to note that no Chinese historian gives substantial credit to Kerr, Fryer, or any other foreigner" (original italics).

^^Later Fryer was to publish the Vocabulary of Names of Chemical Substances (in Fryer, Translator's Vade-Mecum). It included around 3000 lemmas and, among them, the 54 chemical elements that were already listed in the 1871 Huaxue jianyuan, cf. appendix I. In his introduction to the 1885 vocabulary, Fryer wrote that this collection had been conceived as an appendix to the first edition of "Bloxam's Chemistry". However, it is not clear to which work he was referring, since he translated several of Bloxam's works (cf. Fryer, An Account: 22-23; Jiangnan ji: juan 2, ff. 21r.v; Bennet, Fryer: 86).

^^Fryer kept the following terms invented by Hobson: yangqi ^55, "oxygen", qingqi 輕氣"hydrogen", danqi 淡氣"nitrogen". Hobson also coined tanqi 炭氣 but Fryer substituted this term with the monosyllabic tan 灰,as carbon is not a gas but a metalloid (cf.

Hobson, Bowu xinbian: juan 1. f. 2r-v). Fryer also kept lii 綠"chlorine" and fu 弗"fluorine"

already used by Kerr and He (Huaxue chujie 化學初階,Boji yiyuan 博濟碧院 Canton, 1871

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66 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

became a radical and the terms used to indicate these five elements became monosyllabic, composed of the radical qi 氣(gas,representing the gaseous nature of the element), and a

phonetic part derived, as for metals and metalloids, from the first syllable of the Latin name.

The creation of new characters was the main system followed over th

though not without some hesitation and controversy, as new chemical eleme

gradually discovered (Alletton, Terminologie: 42-46; Reardon, Chemistry: China's more recent linguistic past, this procedure has been used only for elements. Wherever it has been necessary to create neologisms in other areas

lexicon, the tendency has been to follow the more traditional system of exte

meaning of existing terms or inventing new polysyllabic compounds, or even

to phonemic loans. In the case of chemical compounds, the translators hav name of the chemical elements plus the number of the molecular quantity resorted to phonemic loans from the English when this was impossible

Two other areas in which translators had to work on developing a u

terminology were mineralogy and pharmacopoeia. Fryer prepared a glossary of w

both areas, and in 1883 published a vocabulary of the mineralogical terms pre

D. Dana's work. Mineralogy, translated by Macgowan and Hua Hengfang 華

75, juan 】,f. 6, cit. in Reardon, Chemistry: 377) and, by analogy, with oth

substances, had them followed by the character qi 氣"gas", creating thus liiqi 掀最

and fuqi 弗氣"fluorine". In 1890, Fryer explained why he had decided to keep th "There is one thing, however, that I cannot plead guilty of; and that is of wilfull

terms that former translators have introduced, unless palpably and hopeless

Wherever I may differ from any previous translator of any repute, whose works

published or cut on blocks previously to my own, it has been through ignorance rather than wilfulness. The right of priority on the field ought certainly to be among translators, but it is, perhaps almost as frequently disregarded as recogniz

Scientific Terminology: 5-6). He used the term "nitrogen" {danqi as an exa

explaining that he had kept it because it had been coined by Hobson. Martin (Gew juan 6, f. 9v) used danqi 淡氣 for "hydrogen" and not for "nitrogen". Cf. appendix I.

^Evidence of the importance of Fryer's contribution to the formation of chemical terminology is the fact that, of the 64 chemical elements rendered

Chinese, 35 still exist, plus the 8 that already existed to indicate the elements alre

in China (of the latter, only the terms for carbon and phosphorus have been cha appendix I.

is beyond the scope of this work to analyze all the neologisms contained in Fryer's vocabulary of chemistry. For the moment it seems sufficient to have analyzed the general criteria followed by translators in inventing new terms. For a more in-depth study of

the development of Chinese terminology for chemical compounds, cf. Alletton, Terminologie and Reardon, Chemistry.

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1.4.6. The Arsenal of Shanghai 67

the title Jinshi shibie 金石級别 and published in twelve juan in 1871 67. ]n this text Fryer gives the corresponding Chinese term for approximately 1600 mineralogical terms, indicating the term used by the translators and his own new version.

In 1887, Fryer also published a vocabulary of the medical terms he had used to

translate some sections of Materia Medica and Therapeutics by J. F. Royle and F. W. Headland (6th ed. rev., by J. Harley, London 1876). In 1879 he published a translation of

four juan of this latter book entitled Xiyao dacheng 西菜大成(cf. Fryer, An Account: 24-25; Jiangnan ji: juan 2, f. 18r; Bennet,Fryer: 94). The vocabulary contains about 6000 Latin and English lemmas and the Chinese equivalent. Fryer wrote a short introduction for each of these dictionaries (including the

chemical vocabulary described earlier) explaining the criteria he had followed in translating the terms into Chinese. For animal and vegetable species, Latin terms were translated by means of phonemic loans. In the case of descriptive nouns, the terms were

translated by means of loan-translations, or hybrid forms. For example, Chenopodium

Vulvaria became zigong xing 子宮形(uterus shaped) jinubutiyoumo tt奴布If 由末.The latter is a phonemic loan from the Latin Chenopodium, while Vulvaria is rendered by a loan-translation.

Fryer explained that he used the Chinese equivalent for English botanical and animal terms and only resorted to phonemic loans if there was no equivalent. Thus, the

term "clove" is translated according to traditional Chinese pharmacopoeia as dingxiang

丁番,but "pimento" as bimentu 比屠.Fryer was aware that wherever possible phonemic loans were to be avoided. When he had no alternative he always supplemented the phonetic term with the closest autochthonous term. For example,"lotus" is translated as lutuosi 睦花斯 and as lian 蓮,the latter being the autochthonous Chinese term.

Fryer was not satisfied with how Macgowan and Hua Hengfang had translated mineralogical terms (mostly by means of phonemic loans) and preferred to use terms that

already existed in Chinese, or neologisms formed according to the criteria he had developed for the translation of chemical terms. For example, the translators had used the

phonemic loan mulibiedienaituo 目力别迭奈脱 to translate "molybdenite". Fryer translated it as mu liu er kuang 金目硫ニ(molybdenum / sulphur / two / mineral) on the basis of its chemical structure: the mineral is composed of one molecule of molybdenum and two of sulphur.

The scientific neologisms guangxue "optics" and shengxue m "acoustics" were also introduced by the translators of the Shanghai Arsenal. The former was used to translate the title of John Tyndall's work Light, translated by Carl Kreyer and

Chao Yuanyi 超元益 and published in four juan in 1879 (Bennet, Fryer. 105). The latter ^^The three existing catalogues give different dates for the publication of this particular work. Fryer indicates that it was published in 1871 (An Account: 22-23). The Jiangnan ji (juan 2, ff. 20v) in 1872 and Bennet (Fryer: 107) in 1885.

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68 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

to translate the title of John Tyndall's work, Sound, which was translated by Fryer and

Xu Jianyin 徐建買 and published in eight juan in 1874 (Bennet, Fryer. 82).

In 1874, Fryer also participated in the establishment of the first library of western scientific texts, The Chinese Polytechnic Institution and Reading Room or Gezhi

shuyuan 格致書院,thus ensuring that his translations and western scientific knowledge

in general became known to an increasingly vast public. He was secretary of this institution up until his departure from China more than twenty years later Oo. In 1876,

Fryer founded a scientific journal entitled Gezhi huibian 格致!遂输 69, an^ jn I8g5 a company for the distribution of Chinese scientific texts on the West: The Chinese Scientific Book Depot (Bennet, Fryer. 63-66). Twenty-three years after he had first explained the general criteria to be adopted

in inventing new Chinese terminology, Fryer illustrated how these criteria had been put

into practice at a Missionary Conference held in Shanghai in 1890. Fryer was now in a position to describe a proper terminological system that had been developed over the years:

1. New terms ought to be translations, where possible,and not mere transliterations (...). 2. New terms if positively untranslatable must be transliterated by the

most suitable Chinese characters obtainable.。..)

3. New terms ought to accord as far as possible with the general construction of the language. (...) 4. In the next place, new terms should be short and terse.f...) 5. New terms must be accurately and clearly defined. (...) ^®The Institution was established inside the foreign concession of Shanghai at the proposal of the British consul, Walter Henry Medhurst. Its declared purpose was "to bring the

Sciences, Arts, and Manufactures of Western Nations in the most practicable manner possible

before the notice of the Chinese" and to hold exhibitions of western machinery and manufactures, organize conferences and arrange lectures on scientific subjects, as well as to

establish a library and reading room. The organizing committee was composed of Medhurst and Fryer, as well as Alexander Wylie, Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin (cf. Biggerstaff, Shanghai Polytechnic: 73-74). The journal, created for the dissemination of scientific knowledge, inherited the

spirit of the monthly Zhong-Xi wenjianlu 中西閲見錄 that had been founded in Peking by Martin and Edkins in August 1872 and ceased publication in 1875. Fryer was editor of the journal from its creation until 1881. Between February 1876 and January 1882 it came out monthly; when publication recommenced in 1890, it came out every three months. I do not know exactly when publication ceased completely. According to Britton, it had a circulation of 4000 copies a month (cf. Jindai qikan: 411-423; Britton, Periodical Press: 59-61; Bennet, Fryer: 50-55).

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1.4.6. The Arsenal of Shanghai 69

6. New terms must bear an analogy with all the others of the class they

belong to. (...) 7. Lastly and briefly, new terms must be elastic (...), (Fryer, Scientific

Terminology: 6-12). Thus, a fairly loose, indefinite approach had now become a definite and precise system: In translating foreign words into Chinese the main system to follow was the use

of Chinese characters, employed for their semantic value, i.e. by way of a process of loan. Wherever single characters could be found to express foreign terms, these were to be

used individually. Otherwise, terms composed of several characters will be used. When it

was absolutely impossible to create semantic loans or loan-translations, phonemic loans

were the only solution, but always using the same characters for the same foreign sounds. In this regard, Fryer raised two separate points: Which western language should

be used as the basis for the phonemic loans? More importantly, which of the many different pronunciations used in the country should be chosen as the standard for the unification of phonemic loans? "Even if the Mandarin pronunciation is to be the standard,

it is necessary to define what variety of the Mandarin: for between the Peking and Nanking Mandarin, to say nothing of the Kwei-chow, An-hwei and Ho-nan varieties, there is enough difference to make a close imitation of a foreign sound in one place but a

very poor approximation in another". Fryer proposed to solve the problem thus: ”I believe that it is perhaps possible to find a series of characters of which the dialectical differences in sound throughout the empire would be not very serious" (loc. cit.: 9).

In the third point Fryer stressed the need to choose the characters used for transliterating foreign words by exploiting the semantic indication of the radicals, i.e. the

parts which, being recurrent in a given class of characters, allow one to make some association between the meaning of the character and its writing form. For example, he

suggested using characters that contained the radical ”fire" (huo 火)to transpose the English word "rifle". Fryer respected what had become an established practice in China,

namely the use of characters containing the radical "mouth" (kou ロ)to transcribe the

sound of a foreign proper noun. In this way the reader could easily identify which sequence should be taken for its phonetic rather than semantic value.

Fryer also advocated reducing the number of characters composing polysyllabic

words as much as possible. He had realized that "the longer the term the more burdensome and awkward it becomes. There is a constant tendency to abbreviation however" (loc. cit.: 11). Thus the three-syllabic huolunchuan 火搞船 was substituted by the disyllabic lunchuan 稅船"wheel-boat.’ (cf. sec. 2.1.).

In point six Fryer indicated that in the case of words linked by a semantic analogy this link should be expressed with characters recurrent in the whole class. For

example, ’.If we translate number as shu then a fractional number is fenshu 分 a root number is genshu 报數,a factor is chengshu 乘數,a multiple is beishu 信教.and

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70 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

to carry out the analogy a prime number ought to be the character shu 數 with something

before it as a qualifying term, and not shugen 數报 as is used in our translated or compiled arithmetics and in original Chinese one also" (loc. cit: 12). Clearly Fryer had understood that association between terms is emphasized by the recurrent use of a given character for all words belonging to the same semantic class. By applying this criteria in

the form of suffixes and prefixes, the Chinese language was able to develop its lexical potential to the full in the subsequent decades (cf. sec. 2.).

Finally, Fryer stressed the importance of compiling specialized vocabularies to

ensure "union, unanimity and uniformity" (loc. cit.\ 4) of the new scientific lexicon. Between 1885 and 1888 he developed glossaries of chemical, medical and mineralogical terms which he included in his book, The Translator's Vade-Mecum published in 1888.

His vast translating experience enabled Fryer to capture several aspects of the

process of lexical innovation, thanks to which the Chinese language was able to exploit all the potential of its own resources in facing external lexical pressure. He realized that the Chinese language had a natural tendency to create semantic loans or loan-translations

rather than phonemic loans. It is particularly significant that he managed, albeit implicitly (and perhaps precisely because he was a foreigner), to distinguish the concept

of zi 字"character" from that of ci "term". This led him to suggest that, when creating polysyllabic words, translators should bear in mind their association with other words of

the same class. Although, like his Chinese colleagues, Fryer was still blinded by the notion of character, he realized that Chinese was already on the way to polysyllabism, which was the only route to follow if the lexicon was to overcome the many problems it was facing. Although in theory he had advocated the need to revive ancient characters or

invent new ones, he only used that system for chemical elements. In all other cases, he used the much smoother route of creating polysyllabic compounds.

Fryer analyzed the process of lexical invention with Xu Shou and Xu Jianyin, the Chinese translators who worked at the Arsenal. Through them, Fryer became known

to, and esteemed by, Liang Qichao 梁E5超,who was to adopt Fryer's system, although still not for the invention of polysyllabic compounds, which most probably he could not yet appreciate to the full extent 70.

In conclusion, Fryer was confident that the Chinese language could develop a modern scientific lexicon. At a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society in Shanghai on May 26,1886,several other translators like W. A. P. Martin, C. W. Mateer, W.

Muirhead, A. Williamson and D. G. Macgowan, also expressed the same confidence in the potential of the Chinese language. This view was not shared by other missionaries

who believed that western learning could only spread in China through the English 70Cf. Ding Wenjiang,Liang nianpu: 33. For Liang Qichao.s opinion on Fryer's work and his attitude on lexical issues in general, see Liang Qichao's essay on translations, analyzed in detail in sec. 1.4.7.

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1.4.6. The Arsenal of Shanghai 71

language (for example: Alfred J.Bamford, Ernst Faber, George M. H. Playfair, etc). In their opinion Chinese did not have the necessary structure for the creation of a modern

scientific and technical lexicon (cf. To Convey Western Knowledge). The former were subsequently proved right and the latter absolutely wrong. With John Fryer's work, the interest of Chinese intellectuals in the material and

technical aspects of western culture (first expressed in Lin Zexu's time) reached its peak.

The translations produced over the decades at the Shanghai Arsenal had stimulated and responded to this interest and it was thanks to them that some Chinese were able to get

to know something about western technical culture. The work done at the Arsenal not only responded to a need; it also paved the way for the future. By the end of the century,

some members of Chinese academia started to take an interest in the political and social thought of the West and, later, in the philosophical concepts that constituted the core of western doctrine.

We have seen that the translations published at the Shanghai Arsenal contributed

to the shaping of scientific lexicon. The reformists working at the end of the XlXth century played a major role in the formation and diffusion of Modern Chinese lexicon in the field of law, politics and philosophy.

1.4.7. FROM SCIENCE TO POLITICS: KANG YOUWEI, TAN SITONG

AND LIANG QICHAO Although by the early 1880s a good deal of material in Chinese was available on western geography, technology and science, and to a lesser extent on western history and law, with the exception of the narrow circle of people involved in keeping contact with western countries (the functionaries of the Zongli Yamen in Peking) and the people

engaged in the construction of machinery at the various arsenals scattered around the country, Chinese scholars showed little interest in western texts. Knowledge of "western

subjects" was not considered a title of merit in the framework of the civil service and young people sitting for the state examinations did not have the incentive to study them. Science was not included in the traditional curriculum and initially the language schools had trouble recruiting students (Biggerstaff, Government Schools: 93).

Since the Canton days, the Protestant missionaries had been striving to establish contact with the educated classes. After publishing religious works in Chinese, they started to translate works concerning other aspects of the West: history,geography and law in addition to science and technology. As already mentioned, in 1874 John Fryer

had founded a reading room in Shanghai and in 1876 a scientific journal to increase the circulation of his translations.

In the 1880s the Chinese started to show an interest in the educational system, politics and institutions of western countries. Again the Protestant missionaries played a

fundamental role. John Allen, an American missionary, had been one of the first to

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72 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

identify the cause of China's backwardness and realize the importance of the diffusion of non-religious information.

In 1874, the weekly Jiaohui xinbao 教會新報 or Church News founded by Allen in 1868, became a periodical "devoted to the extension of Knowledge relating to Geography, History, Civilisation, Politics, Religion, Science, Art, Industry, and General

Progress of Western Countries"フ1. The new periodical was called Wanguo gongbao 萬國公報 or The Globe Magazine and soon started to publish regular articles criticizing

various aspects of traditional Chinese culture. Allen urged the Chinese to study the western system in the belief that the solution to China's problems lay first and foremost in a reform of the education and examination systems based exclusively on the knowledge of traditional Chinese classics In 1887, a group of English and American traders, diplomats and missionaries in

Shanghai founded the Society for the Diffusion of Christian and General Knowledge

Among the Chinese or Guangxuehui 廣举會.In 1889, Allen was appointed secretary of this Society. The Wanguo gongbao, which had ceased publication in 1883, was taken over by the Society and made a monthly journal, keeping the same spirit and intent.

Through the journal and the publication of translations of western works the Guangxuehui started to become popular with scholars, especially those who had started to

look to the West not simply as a source of scientific knowledge, but also as an inspiration for a more radical transformation of the country 7^.

Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao and Tan Sitong all played a major role in the intellectual and political life of late XlXth century China. In the process of their intellectual formation in Shanghai,they had become acquainted with most of the literature that existed in Chinese on the western world: the geographical works composed

by Lin Zexu, Wei Yuan and Xu Jiyu, the diaries of the first journeys to the West, the translations published in Shanghai and Peking, and the various scientific and informative

journals on the West such as Xiguo j ins hi huibian 西S3 近時■输,Gezhi huibian 格致ElホSi and Wangguo gongbao. Tan Sitong, and Kang Youwei in his early works, seemed particularly influenced by western scientific concepts 7气 ハ JHXB: frontispiece 1,no. 1,f. lr. Cited also in Britton (Periodical Press: 53). For information on the foundation of the periodical, cf. also Bennet, Allen.

72on Allen and the periodicals Jiaohui xinbao and Wanguo gongbaot see Wang Shuhuai, Wair en and Britton, Periodical Press. Detailed indexes of both periodicals are contained in Bennet, Chiao-hui hsin-pao, Bennet, Watt-kuo kung-pao and of Wanguo gongbao only, in Jindai qikan: 29-406. I was able to consult the two periodicals at the British Museum in London.

7Regarding the influence of the activity of the Protestant missionaries on Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao, see in particular Chen Chi-yun, Missionary Education. バAn analysis of the extent of this influence is beyond the scope of this work. For

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1.4.7. From science to politics: Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao 73

After meeting John Fryer in Shanghai in 1893,Tan Sitong,then aged 27, immediately embarked upon the study of Fryer's scientific translations. After meeting

Tan Sitong in Peking in 1895, Liang Qichao wrote that nobody seemed better versed

than he in scientific subjects Between 1896 and 1897, Tan Sitong completed his major philosophical work, the Renxue 仁® (Doctrine of benevolence), in which he referred to some of the scientific concepts expressed for the first time in China in Fryer's

translations and in the articles published in Wanguo gongbao. Particularly important was

the concept of ether, understood as the universal substance which fills the universe,

allowing all phenomena to mutually influence each other. "Ether" is translated into

Chinese by means of the phonemic loan yitai 以太.Tan Sitong associated it with the

electric charge 76. Tan Sitong also used some scientific terms introduced by the translations of Protestant missionaries in the XlXth century. For example, daishu 代 "a\gtbT2C\fangcheng 方程"equation", quantixue 全9JHJJ "physiology", etc.

In 1874, at the age of 17, Kang Youwei first came across the Yinghuan zhiliie and "learned the situation of the world and the concept of earth" (Kang nianpu: 112). In

1879 he saw a copy of Xiguo jinshi huibian,the journal published by the Shanghai Arsenal (op. cit.: 115). The same year in Hong Kong "he re-read Haiguo tuzhi and Yinghuan zhiliie, bought some maps of the world and started to collect the texts on the West that were the foundations of western learning" (Ibidem). On his way back to Peking in 1882, he stopped at Shanghai where he ’丨purchased great quantities of western works"

(op. cit. : 116). The next year he "purchased the Wanguo gongbao and assiduously studied western works on acoustics,optics, chemistry, electricity, mechanics and every type of

historical work and travel journal" (Ibidem). In 1898 he sent a memorial to Emperor Guangxu 光箱,asking for institutional reform. He supplemented the memorial with some of the works by Timothy Richard, that had been published on the Wanguo gongbao

and then by the Guangxuehui (cf. Liang Qichao, Yin bing shi,Zhuanji: I,15). After studying the western translations, Kang Youwei wrote a number of texts,

clearly influenced by the scientific texts translated into Chinese,including the Renlei

gongli 人類公理(Universal principles of humanity) and the Shili gongfa 窗理公法 (Principles of truth and universal law), written between 1885 and 1887, where Kang the use made by Kang Youwei,Tan Sitong, and Liang Qichao of the knowledge acquired from the works, particularly the religious works written in Chinese by the Protestant missionaries, see the study by Chen Chi-yun, Missionary Education.

7^Letter from Liang Qichao to Kang Youwei, cit. in Ding Wenjiang, Liang nianpu: 28.

^°Tan Sitong might have come across the concept of ether in Henry Wood's work, Ideal Suggestion through Mental Photography (Lee and Shepard, Boston 1894),translated by John Fryer in 1896 with the title 治心免寐法 Zhi xin mian bing fa,cf. Shek, Tan Ssu-t'ung: 202 and Bennet, Fryer. 97.

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74 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

utilized the logical process of Euclidean geometry to deduct truths on human nature and society and the immutable laws governing morals and human institutions

Methodologically, the works contained obvious conceptual and terminological references to the Chinese translation of the principles of Euclidean geometry, published

in an integral version in 1865 78. Conceptually, with regards to the study of law, Kang

Youwei made explicit reference to the translations of international legal texts by the Protestant missionaries 79. Kang Youwei was also particularly interested in issues pertaining to politics and government, but dissatisfied with the Chinese translations available at the time. In 1896

he wrote a letter to Zhang Zhidong 張之桐,Governor of Canton, expressing his dissatisfaction in the following terms:

"There are too few books on the West available in Chinese and Fryer's

translations all deal with unimportant subjects such as military sciences and medicine. The works on the government are more important, since western doctrines contain many new principles that do not exist in China. It would be a great feat to establish an office to translate them 柳.

Kang Youwei's work and that of his pupil Liang Qichao testify more than any

‘1 According to some scholars, the Shili gongfa was a later version of the Renlei gongli (cf. Howard,K'ang Yu-wei: 307, 311). On the genesis of Shili gongfa 5里公法,see also Lou Yulie's introduction (2-3) to the edition printed in 1988, cf. Kang Youwei, Shili gongfa .

78According to Chen Chi-yun {Missionary Education: 81), the term gongli 公理 used by Kang Youwei in the title of the work has a "strong religious connotation", having been used previously in Catholic catechisms and Protestant preachings. Given the general structure of the work which follows a geometrical logic, it seems more likely that Kang Youwei used this expression for its geometrical meaning. Jihe 客ong//接何公5里 in fact translates the

expression "geometrical axiom" (cf. ZWDCD, 9418.28). This is the opinion of Lou Yulie, the editor of the printed edition of the Shili gongfa, cf. Kang Youwei, Shili gongfa : 3. This is also confirmed by Kang Youwei in his autobiography, cf. Kang nianpu: 118.

79in Shili gongfa: 60, he cites the Wanguo gongfa by Martin (Peking, 1864), the Gongfa huitong 公法會通(Manual of public law), translation by Martin of Bluntschli's Volker recht (cf. Fryer, Catalogue: 31) and Geguo /tf//各國猱例(The laws of all countries) perhaps another name for Billequin's translation of the Code Napoleon, Faguo luli 法國雄例. These were all printed at the Peking Tongwenguan (cf. W.A.P. Martin "The Tungwen College" in Morse, International Relations: III, App. F, 478; Liang Qichao, Xixue shumu biao: zhong, f. 3r). Evidently he was familiar with all these works.

^Kang nianpu: 119. Another English translation is in Howard, K'ang Yu-w'ei: 305.

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1.4.7. From science to politics: Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao 75

others to the change of interest towards the end of the century from technical and scientific matters to government- and political-related issues.

Liang Qichao discovered geography in Shanghai on his way back from Peking

in 1890 at the age of 18, after failing the metropolitan examination. "I bought the Yinghuan zhiliie in a shop. After reading it I learned of the existence of each country, of

the five continents. I also saw that the Shanghai Arsenal has translated many kinds of western books. I liked them but could not afford to purchase them" 81 • Between 1892 and

1893, he did manage to read them along with "every sort of travel diary of the envoys

abroad and the journal Gezhi huibian published by the English, Fryer" (Ding Wenjiang,

Liang nianpu: 19). Back in Peking in 1895, he purchased and read a great number of western works (op. cit.: 27). In early 1896, Liang met Timothy Richard in Peking and

perhaps worked as his secretary for about two months82. Richard took part in the meetings of the Qiangxuehui 強舉會(Society for the Study of Selfstrengthening) that had just been founded by Kang and Liang, and presented some papers on the progress of

western science (cf. Chen Chi-yun, Missionary Education: 87-88).

When Liang Qichao moved to Shanghai that same year (1896) he was asked to be editor of the Shiwubao 時按幸日(cf. sec. 1.6.5). Where he was to publish his first political articles, the Bianfa tongyi 變法通嫌 83 During this same period, Liang Qichao

also edited the Xixue shumu biao 西舉書目表(Bibliography of western learning) an annotated list of approximately 329 Chinese works on western subjects, which included 119 published translations by John Fryer and various translations by Richard and Allen

as well as the Wanguo gongbao 弘.This list was accompanied by an article on how to aoproach the study of western subjects, entitled Du xixueshu fa 請西举書法.The organization of the list is a clear indication of the change of interest. It is no longer

exclusively technical, as it had been among the members of the Movement for Selfstrengthening, and extends to other aspects of western learning. Divided by subject

81 Liang Qichao,三十自述zishu (Autobiography at the age of 30) in Yin bing shi, Wenji: XI, 16.

82丁. Richard, Forty-Five Years in China, New York 1916, 255. Cit. in Chen Chi yun, Missionary Education: 86. There is no evidence of this in Liang Qichao's works. On the

contacts between Richard, Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, cf. Chen Chi-yun, Missionary Education: 86-87.

^Bianfa tongyi (General principles of change of laws) is the title of this collection of twelve articles published in episode form on the Shiwubao. The episodes appeared from the

first issue of the journal (August 9, 1896). Two others were published in episodes on the Qingyibao 清議報 in Yokohama from the first issue of December 23,1898. They are now in Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,1- 92.

84Liang Qichao, Xixue shumu biao. Cf. also Bennet, Fryer: 44 and App. IV; Wang Shuhuai, V/air en: 103-104.

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76 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

matter • technical (xue 举),political (zheng 政)and religious (jiao 教)-the list is the first bibliographical guide available in Chinese for the study of western knowledge Through the scientific works, translated first by the Protestant missionaries and then by the Shanghai Arsenal, and through his contacts with Timothy Richard in Peking

and Xu Jianyin 徐建If in Shanghai, Liang Qichao had also become acquainted with the

neologisms used by the western translators of scientific works and their Chinese colleagues. Thus in Bianfa tongyi and Du Xixueshu fa we find expressions such as dianxue H huaxue 化举,zhongxue 重舉,shuxue 數举,shengxue 聲举,guangxue

光學,yixue翳學, yiyuan 整院,quanti xue全體祭jihe 何,daishu代數qiji器徵 etc.

Liang Qichao also used some of the terms first introduced into Chinese in the

translations of the Peking Tongwenguan. For example gongfa 公法,fugoce 直國策, minzhu 民主,minquan 民播,quanli 播利,etc.

From a conceptual point of view, the underlying approach in Liang Oichao's works seems to stem from the "missionary education" he had received between 1896 and 1897 86. Liang Qichao believed that a reform of China's traditional education system was

essential for political transformation. At the time, education was only for an 谷lite and based solely on the knowledge of Chinese classics. Referring to the fact that in the West

women,farmers,merchants and soldiers were literate, Liang Qichao suggested that schools be set up in China for the social classes that were traditionally excluded from the study of the written language. He believed that in China literacy was greatly hindered by the fact that the written language was based on form rather than on sound as in western

languages. He suggested that children be taught Chinese using a sort of primer, similar

to the one used in the West (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,50-52). In other words, Liang Qichao seems to have advocated a system of phonetic transcription of characters in order to help children learn the Chinese language more easily 87.

Liang Qichao met Xu Jianyin in Shanghai at the beginning of 1897. The latter

had been one of the directors of the translation department annexed to the Shanghai

"^Liang Qichao, Xixue shumu biao xuli西祭書目表序例 (Introduction to the bibliograDhy of western learning) reproduced also in Yin bing shi, Wenji: I: 122-126. %On the political and cultural influence of missionary propaganda on Liang Qichao, see Chen Chi-yun, Missionary Education.

87 At the start of this century there was (and to some degree still is) considerable

debate on this issue. For historical precedents, and the debate on the phonetization of the

Chinese language, see Luo Changpei, Hanyu pinyin, in particular 7-22. Cf. also sec. 1.7. Regarding the origin of the present system of phonetic transcription of Chinese called Hanyu

piny in, see Bressan, Piny in. On the experimental use of new methods of teaching Chinese

characters to primary school children, see also F. Masini, "Scrivere in Cina" (Writing in China), in Riforma delta Scuola、anno 30, no. 6,1984, 36-37.

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1.4.7. From science to politics: Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao 77

Arsenal and had worked with Fryer on the translation of several western works. Liang also came into contact with Ma Jianzhong 馬速忠,one of the first Chinese students to study in France (1875) 88. The latter showed Liang Qichao the manuscript of his Mashi

wentong 馬氏文通 the first western-type Chinese grammar, published in 1898. In Bianfa tongyi,Liang Qichao wrote: "All over the world, China is renowned for its refined

language, yet not a single work for studying its grammar has been handed down" (Yin

bing shi,Wenji: I,52). He stressed that in the West the study of grammar made k possible to learn the language more quickly and indicated that the first Chinese grammar

he had ever seen was the incomplete one by Ma Jianzhong 的.He also expressed the hope that the study of grammar would spread in China.

Liang Qichao was far from believing that the traditional curriculum should be abandoned all together. He simply proposed that it be supplemented with the study of western politics (xizheng 西政).For this purpose, it was fundamental that western works

on this subject be translated into Chinese. An article of the Bianfa tongyi, was entitled

Lun yishu 输輝書(On translations) 90.

Liang Qichao believed that the study of western laws would be useful for reform, and that for this purpose it was imperative to be familiar with western languages.

He observed that as soon as relations had been established with China, the western missionaries had immediately translated Chinese works into Latin, English and French. The Chinese had not. Therefore western languages should be taught to the Chinese from childhood and particularly useful western works translated into Chinese without delay. In this regard, Liang Qichao stressed three points: in particular the need to make the right choice of the texts to be translated,to establish general criteria of translation and to train Chinese to translate western works.

As all the translations done thus far by the newly-created Chinese institutions

(Tongwenguant Shanghai Arsenal, etc.) all concerned technical and scientific subjects,

88Liang Qichao studied Latin with Ma Jianzhong every evening from the autumn of 1896 to the winter of 1897. He also met Yan Fu,a student at the Arsenal of Fuzhou, who had lived in England for about two years (from 1877). Yan Fu showed Liang Qichao the manuscript

of his translation of T.H. Huxley's Evolution and Ethics,which was published in 1898 (Ding

Wenjiang, Liang nianpu: 33). Ma Jianzhong's biography is contained in Yuyanxuejia: I,138 144. On Yan Fu, see Schwartz, Yen Fu. Cf. also sec. 1.7. 的Liang Qichao said this in 1897. The Mashi wentong was to come out in book form the following year.

90published in three sections on the Shiwubao, with the title Lun xuexiao: yishu

論舉校薛書(On schools: translations): 27, May 22, 1897; 29, June 10, 1897; 33, July 20, 1897. Now in Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 64-76. The importance of this article for the study of neologisms has already been stressed by Bertuccioli, Letteratura cinese: 324. Regarding Liang

Qichao's lexical inventions, cf. also Lanciotti, Letteratura cinese: 143.

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フ8 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

"the first thing to be done is to translate texts on western laws" (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,

68). Historical works, government yearbooks ("blue book", lanpishu 藍皮書)and works on agriculture also needed to be translated.

Liang Qichao's views on the general criteria of translation are particularly interesting. He was critical of the fact that there were different translations for the same

western terms in the various texts translated: "To each thing must correspond the same name. In fact the terms vary from book to book and sometimes are even different within the same book. This disorients the reader who doesn't know which to abide by" (Yin bing

shi, Wenji: I,71-72). He suggested drawing up lists of words, giving precise indications on how each foreign term was rendered in Chinese:

If we want to standardize translations, this type of work is urgently required When John Fryer (Fu Lanya W&St) translated works on chemistry and steam engines at the Shanghai Arsenal, he published lists of Chinese terms with

their western equivalent beside them. The work Xiyao liieshi 西38略釋(Manual of Materia Medica), translated in Canton contains lists of names of illnesses and medicines, with the Chinese version being placed alongside the western version This is an excellent idea. The names translated in the "Shiwubao" are also

always listed in the tables in the appendix to each issue, with the Chinese and western text opposite each other. In this way our readers can see how we have translated a given western term into Chinese. Thus they can correct the ones that

are wrong and continue to use the right ones. This is the route to follow for standardization and uniformity (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 72).

In a note to the above text, he added "The lists of the terms prepared by the Arsenal (of Shanghai) are excellent and can be also used in the future".

Thus we learn that Liang Qichao got the idea of providing lists of words with the western version opposite from the glossaries published by Fryer at the Shanghai Arsenal. These lists were provided in the last sheet of the Shiwubao, entitled Zhong Xi

wen hebi biao 中西文合壁表(Comparative table of the Chinese and western languages ) starting from issue no. XIII (December 5, 1896).

Liang Qichao subsequently tried to analyze the problems encountered in translating various categories of western terms into Chinese. He proposed different

パ Regarding the glossaries prepared by Fryer, cf. sec. 1.4.5. The Xiyao liieshi was

written in Chinese by John Glasgow Keer, and printed in Canton in 1871. The Chinese English glossary referred to by Liang Qichao was included in the 1875 edition. The third edition appeared in 1886. Some excerpts of the vocabulary of medical terms in appendix to the

book were reprinted in Doolittle,Part. HI, XXI,295-300. Cf. also Liang Qichao, Xixue shumu biao: f. 6r and Wong, Chinese Medicine: 393.

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1.4.7. From science to politics: Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao 79

solutions for the standardization and unification of each category of words.

For proper names (renming 人名)and names of place (dinting 地名)Liang Qichao explained that the phonemic length of the foreign words had resulted in "the same

name being translated in a hundred different ways by a hundred people" (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,72). He criticized as impractical the solution adopted in Yinghuan zhiliie, where

Xu Jiyu had listed all the various writing forms used to indicate each country (cf. sec.

1.3.)- He suggested that all the English syllables should be listed with the proper "pronunciation in the language of the capital, the most widespread in the country" (loc. cit.). This list would be used as a reference in translating western names into Chinese and vice versa 幻. Liang Qichao believed that the earlier writing forms of western names based on

the dialects of southern China (Guangdong and Fuji an) should be abandoned and substituted by terms based on the dialect spoken in the capital.

Concerning the translation into Chinese of western public offices (guanzhi 官弗!)),Liang Qichao first explained the general criteria: "Names with a translatable meaning, should be rendered according to that meaning. Those which do not have a translatable meaning should be rendered according to their sound" (loc. cit.) He added,

though, that in this case the situation was much more complex than for proper names and place names, since "if they are translated according to their sound, the function and

responsibilities are not clear (...)• If we compare them to Chinese offices,there are several that don't exist in Chinese (...) often the responsibilities don't coincide with the

term (...) and this is also a disadvantage" (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,72-73). Again he proposed preparing a list of all western offices, indicating level and function, and comparing them to ancient and modern Chinese offices. "When an office still exists, it should be translated with the modern Chinese term; if it no longer exists, with the ancient term. If it neither exists now or in the past, then the sound should be transcribed" (Ibidem).

Liang Qichao's proposal was based on the solution adopted in Japan: "At the moment the Japanese civil service is completely modelled on the western one, yet their

terms are for the most part inherited from (the Chinese terms of) the Han and Tang dynasties. If they have an office that does not exist in China, either now or in the past, then they use a Japanese term. (This system) is excellent" (Ibidem). The third category of terms referred to by Liang Qichao in analyzing translation

problems concerned things {mingwu -§^).

92丁he glossary of medical and pharmacological terms drawn up by Fryer in 】887 (cf.

sec. 1.4.6.) contained an appendix, entitled Vocabulary of Proper Names,divided into two parts: I. Names of Persons and II. Names of Places. Liang Qichao might have been inspired by

this appendix.

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80 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

Some things exist in the West and not in China, and some things that exist in China do not exist in the West. Some things exist both in China and in the West, but they are used differently. Hence the nouns do not correspond at all,

and the translators have no way of knowing their precise meaning. If a term is

translated according to the meaning, then often two different works will give two different names for the same thing. It even happens that the Chinese term is

not used for things that exist in China. It is necessary to analyze all western

things, such as the names of the sixty-four elements (of chemistry) and all objects of daily use. The things that exist in China too must be referred to with

the Chinese name, whereas for those that do not exist in China, it will be necessary to study the works that have already been translated and choose the name most used and adopt it. For those words for which there is no translation,

it will be necessary to assess the substance and the use of the thing and distinguish it with a name (Ibidem).

Liang Qichao noted that, compared to western languages, written Chinese was "formal" rather than alphabetic, and encountered greater difficulty in inventing new names.

In the West, language and writing are united, thus for each t

is a sound, a character (zi 宇)and a name; In China, language an

separate, thus things that existed in ancient times but no longer ex

a character invented by the ancients. If this thing no longer ex

character is no longer used. There are no characters for the thi

today, so there is no alternative but to borrow ancient characte

them for naming these things. This is the example of loan (...). S

many new tnings and it is not always possible to borrow ancient ch

first task is to invent new characters. All the terms that have be recently, for example those using the character "steam" (qi 菊J,

new characters have been used for the sixty-four elements,

platinum and potassium. In his translations of chemical works, J

Lanya 傅蘭雅)translated the names of elements by taking the fi

the foreign term and translating it into Chinese, and adding a radi

of ferrous substances, he added the radical "iron" (jin 金),.of m

radical "stone" (shi 石).This is the best system. In future his exam

to be followed for translating the names of things (cf. sec. 1.4.6”

things belonging to the fish category, we will add the radical "fish

those belonging to the bird category (niao 鳥),the radical "bi belonging to the category of trees (mu 木),the radical "tre

belonging to the "utensil" (qi 基)category, the radical "basket" (fa

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J.4.7. From science to politics: Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao 81

on (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 74). I have quoted extensively from Liang Qichao's interesting text because it gives

an absolutely clear picture of his conception of language and lexical innovation. As a

scholar, he had been particularly impressed by Fryer's system for inventing new characters in Chinese. But precisely because of his traditional, literary background, he tended to overestimate the writing form and underestimate the strictly linguistic aspect. He did not fully understand the innovative potential of the polysyllabic neologisms that had allowed the Chinese language to cope with the introduction of a great number of new

concepts and things during his century. According to Liang Qichao's vision, which we

can consider representative insofar as belonging to one of the most fertile lexical innovators of the last century, the Chinese language was not made up of words but of characters. Even though he did manage to capture some aspects of the process of lexical

innovation, such as phonemic loans and semantic changes, his literary background prevented him from seeing that the system adopted by Fryer for rendering the names of

chemical elements, although brilliant, was destined to remain in a very narrow context,

since it was not capable of providing a feasible solution to the development of Chinese lexicon. Yet, he was a great inventor of polysyllabic neologisms and contributed to their diffusion in his political texts. In this regard, it is particularly interesting to examine the use of the suffix xue 學(study, to study). In the second half of the XlXth century western translators used this suffix to invent about a dozen neologisms to indicate the names of the technical-scientific

subjects that had been introduced into China. For example, huaxue 化^^ ”chemistry",

lixue カ學"mechanics" and guangxue 光® "optics". They also revived compounds such

as yixue 整學"medicine", zhongxue 重舉"mechanics" and shuxue 數舉"mathematics", which had once existed but subsequently disappeared. By analogy, Liang Qichao used, and

possibly even invented, other disyllabic compounds with the suffix xue 举.For example

tianxue 天舉"the study of the sky", qixue 氣聲• "the study of steam", dixue 地舉"the study of the earth", tuxue 圖舉 "the study of the maps". These terms later disappeared.

So, not only did Liang Qichao contribute to the diffusion of a number of disyllabic compounds composed with the suffix xue 舉,he also invented some such compounds himself. Without knowing it, he contributed to the trend of inventing disyllabic neologisms, already underway in the language. Later, when we will examine Liang Qichao's contribution to the diffusion of the first loans from Japanese,we shall see

that he also made an original contribution to the development of Chinese lexicon in this

particular context (cf. sec. 1.6.5.) In the article on translations, Liang advocated adopting a standard terminology

for weights and measures and the calendar. Again he suggested the preparation of comparative tables. He also analyzed the overall quality of the translations of western texts. "In translating, there are two types of errors: one is called 'to follow the Chinese

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82 1.4. From Canton to Peking and Shanghai

but losing the western meaning’ and the other is 'to follow the western meaning but preventing the understanding of the Chinese text" (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,75).

Liang Qichao's judgement on the linguistic quality of the translations by westerners was similar to the one expressed earlier by Xu Jiyu (cf. sec. 1.3.). He stressed the importance of the translator mastering the subject he intended translating, in a manner

not unlike the author himself. The only successful translation in his view was Yan Fu's

Tianyan lun 天律^ 93 Most of the other texts had been so badly translated, that it would have been better to have them translated all over again (Ibidem).

Concerning the need to train Chinese translators, Liang Qichao stressed that "All translators must know Chinese, the western language and the subject matter they

intend translating (•")• Among the recent translations of western works, the best are those dealing with arithmetic; of these Jihe yuanben 接何康本(Elements of Geometry)

is the best of all". (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,76)

After proposing that some young Chinese interpreters be set to work on translations rather than used for the simpler task of interpreting, Liang Qichao concluded his essays with some notes on Japan and the Japanese language: After reform, Japan concentrated on the study of the West, translating

some of the most important western works; moreover the works composed by them are for the most part worthy of consideration. It is therefore a good idea to

study Japanese to translate Japanese works, since huge results can be achieved with little effort. There are several reasons for studying Japanese: 1) The sounds

are few. 2) There are no sounds that do not exist in Chinese and there are no

harsh contrasting sounds. 3) The grammar is approximate (sic!). 4) Proper names are close to reality and are for the most part the same as the Chinese ones. 5) For six or seven-tenths it is composed of Chinese characters. For this

reason Huang Zunxian 貲逸3S believes that it can be learned even without studying it. All that is needed is an effort of memory for anyone to learn it in

six months. Compared to western languages, this is like 'working half for double the result' (Ibidem).

So Huang Zunxian was the source of Liang Qichao's knowledge on the Japanese language (cf. sec. 1.6.5.). Judging from what he wrote about Japanese grammar, he ^Evolution and Ethics by Thomas Huxley (cf. sec. 1.4.7., note 88). ^^Liang Qichao was referring to the works jointly translated into Chinese by the Protestant missionaries and Li Shanlan 李蕃® at the start of the 1850s in Shanghai. It is interesting to note his opinion of the translation of Euclid's Principles of Geometry^ most of

which had been translated by Matteo Ricci and Xu Guangqi 徐光敗 in the XVIIth century (cf. sec. 1.4.1.).

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1.4.7. From science to politics: Kang Youwei, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao 83

probably had not spent those six months he believed necessary for learning it, otherwise

he would have soon realized that it might have been easier for a Chinese to learn it than

any western language but that the syntax of the Japanese language was extremely complex. The remark on Japanese lexicon is interesting. In expressing the opinion that it

was similar to Chinese lexicon, Liang Qichao was implicitly indicating what was to constitute the main trend of lexical innovation in China at the end of the XlXth century

and during the early decades of the XXth century: the gradual and conscious increase in the absorption of Japanese words.

With Liang Qichao, we witness the first attempt at combining the lexical inventions, introduced by western translators and their Chinese colleagues in the second half of the XlXth century, and the new lexical trends that had started to develop at the end of the century.

Although the immediate effect of the translations was the invention of the Chinese equivalent for a certain number of western words, in a wider perspective, it was

undoubtedly thanks to these translations that some Chinese (here we chose to consider Liang Qichao as the ideal representative) embarked upon a study of Chinese lexicon and understood the importance of uniformity and renewal.

Before examining Japan's influence on Chinese lexicon, it may be useful to refer

to the impact of the Chinese language on the Japanese language in the decades immediately prior to the start of the Meiji era (1868).

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1.5. THE INFLUENCE OF CHINESE ON JAPANESE LEXICON

By the end of the XlXth century, Japan had become a model of development for China in the field of education and the study of western culture. Interestingly, Japan had

gained information on the West not yet available in Japan from the texts on the West written by Chinese or foreigners living in China only fifty years earlier.

After the signature of the Kanagawa treaty which opened Japan to the West in

1854, the first copies of Chinese texts on the West and some of the first translations done by the Protestant missionaries in China were introduced into Japan by Chinese and

western traders doing business in Japanese ports. Many of the terms contained in these

works were immediately adopted in Japan, which was just beginning to embark upon a lengthy process of constitutional reform. Some of these terms only came back into use

in China towards the end of the XlXth century, when China followed the example of Japan and also started thinking about institutional reforms and the adoption of western law.

Scholars of Modern Chinese lexicon have tended to put all the emphasis on this

second phase, the introduction of Japanese neologisms into Chinese, being convinced that these terms were original loans from Japanese. Instead, a good many of these terms had actually reached Japan from China and then returned to China several decades later 1.

Although the diffusion in Japan of Chinese neologisms is beyond the scope of this study, I shall give a few examples just to demonstrate that, immediately before the Meiji era, China was responsible for the diffusion in Japan of information on the western world and some of the terms used to indicate the new concepts.

The first three copies of the second 60-juan edition of the Haiguo tuzhi (1847) arrived in Japan in 1850 and were immediately proscribed. By 1854, eight copies of the work had been sold. Between 1854 and 1869, twenty-five Japanese translations of various chapters of the work were completed. The first chapters translated concerned the countries

Japan most urgently needed to learn more about: America, France, Russia, India, England. This was followed by a translation of Wei Yuan's text Chou hai pian 赛海® (Plans for maritime defence). Two editions of the section of the Haiguo tuzhi entitled Yi

qing beicai 夷情浦采(Documents on the situation of barbarians) appeared in 1854. This ^ee, in particular, the works by Gao Mingkai,Wang Lida and Sanet^ Keisha. The issue of Japanese loans is considered from a more strictly linguistic perspective in sec. 2.2.4.

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J.5. The influence of Chinese on Japanese lexicon 85

section contained the texts translated by Lin Zcxu's interpreters \

As in China, the Haiguo tuzhi constituted one of the first modem sources of information on western countries. It seems then quite feasible that some of the neologisms that already existed in Chinese when the work was written would have been introduced into Japan through this work, which also contained exceipts from some of the

works translated into Chinese by the Protestant missionaries which were extensively cited by Wei Yuan.

Among the various texts republished by Wei Yuan in the Haiguo tuzhi, there were some excerpts from the work of the naturalized Dutch Prussian missionary, Karl

Friedrich Giitzlaff, Maoyi tongzhi 貿為通知(Treatise on trade) published in 63 leaves in Canton in 1840 (Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 61,cf. also sec. 1.3.). In one of these

excerpts (Haiguo tuzhi: 3019-3030) we find the loan-translation tielu 敏路"railway", from the German "Eisenbahn" indicating the railroads that had been built in Europe to

foster trade. Thus the term was definitely introduced into Japan via China. The later

compound synonym tiedao _道 also reached Japan from China. Both compounds are still used to indicate "railway" in Chinese and Japanese. In China, the term tielu is used more frequently, whereas in Japan it is considered formal, and tiedao is used more.

The term xinwen 新間"news" was also probably introduced into Japan via the Haiguo tuzhi. It might not have acquired its more recent meaning of "information" under

the influence of Chinese, but the term xinwenzhi SffKKR, a compound loan-translation of the English "newspaper" used by Lin Zexu to indicate the periodicals published by the

Westerners in Macao and Canton, only arrived in Japan in that period. Both xinwen and xinwenzhi are still commonly used in Japan to indicate newspapers. In China, between

the end of the last century and the beginning of this one, the neologism baozhi 報紙 became more popular than xinwenzhi. It was probably invented by analogy with xinwenzhi.

The Haiguo tuzhi was also responsible for the diffusion of the term gongsi 公司 used in Japan to refer to Chinese companies. We have already seen that gongsi 公 HJ (cf. sec. 1.3.),originally the proper name in Chinese for the United East India Company, was later extended to all foreign "companies", and finally also to Chinese companies.

Lin Zexu's Si zhou zhi 四洲志,also included in the Haiguo tuzhi, contains the term guohui 國會"parliament" which became widespread in Japan (cf. sec. 1.3.). Xu Jiyu's Yinghuan zhiliie was also well-known in Japan. It was first published

in China between 1848 and 1849, reprinted in Japan in 1859 and 1861, and translated in

1874 (Drake, Hsu Chi-yii: 55, note 8; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 310; Zhongguo yi Ribert shu: 56; Matsui, Yakusho no kango: 35). I have not been able to consult the 1874

Japanese translation and in the Chinese text I have not been able to trace terms, later ^For a list of the Japanese editions of the Haiguo tuzhi (in Japanese Kaikoku zushi)

before the Meiji era, see Ebisawa, Christianity in Japan: 2745-2769.

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86 1.5. The influence of Chinese on Japanese lexicon

considered to be of Japanese origin,not present in other earlier works, such as the Haiguo tuzhi or the texts by the Protestant missionaries that I shall be examining later.

Other works on the West by Protestant missionaries in China also reached Japan. I shall not attempt to assess the impact that the words contained in these works had on the Japanese language on the eve of the Meiji reform, but I will simply indicate some of them wrongly considered to be loans from the Japanese when, in fact, they were introduced into Japan from China and not vice versa.

In his text, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, published in

1867,the English missionary Alexander Wylie mentions that the Liuhe congtan 六合裹談 journal, he had published in Shanghai for a year in 1857, had been "recut in Japan by authority, the following year. The reprint is in a handsome style, but all the

articles on religion are omitted, and the Japanese grammatical signs superadded to the original" (op. cit.: 173; cf. also Ebisawa’ Christianity in Japan: 3471 and Saneto, Liuxue

Riben: 4). It was later translated in 1864 with the title Kampan Rikugo Sodan 官板六合IIS炎(Official Print of the Liuhe congtan), cf. Ebisawa, Christianity in Japan:

3472). The Chinese edition of the journal I was able to consult contains Chinese terms considered by some scholars to be loans from the Japanese: yiyuan ■義院"parliament" and

wenxue 文举"literature" (already present in the Haiguo tuzhi)

On the basis of a Japanese source (cf. sec. 1.3., note 76),Pittau (Meiji: 14-15) indicates that an edition of a work by the American missionary Bridgman was published

in Japan in 1861 with the title Rempd shiryaku 聪邦志略.As I have already indicated, this was probably the third edition of Bridgman's History of the United States,published

for the first time in Singapore in 1838 (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 70; Drake, Bridgman: 101).

The only edition that I was able to consult (in excerpt form only) is the one contained in the collection Xiaofanghu zhai yudi congchao, zai bubian 小方■地 蕞纱,再補摘(zhi 12). Judging from some of the indications in the text, it was taken from the first 1838 edition. I have not been able to check to what extent this text corresponds to the third edition printed in Japan in 1861. It may be useful, though, to draw the reader's attention to some of the terms I found in Bridgman、1838 text, which

virtually disappeared in Chinese for several decades, and then reappeared via Japanese.

Moreover,the presence of these terms also in the 1861 Japanese edition, containing excerpts from Bridgman、1838 text, would prove that certain terms had already existed in

Chinese in ancient times and were then re-used by Bridgman in 1838; they were then introduced into Japan in 1861,rapidly absorbed by Japanese lexicon in the early decades of the Meiji era, returning finally to China as loans from Japanese. We shall see that this

is not an isolated example. Many other terms contained in the Wanguo gongfa followed the same procedure.

The following terms were used by Bridgman in 1838: xuexiao Jap. pron. gakko

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1.5. The influence of Chinese on Japanese lexicon 87

$校"school", zhengfu Jap. pron. seifu 政府"government", xuanju Jap. pron. senkyo 選"to elect", baozhang Jap. pron. hosho 保W "to protect" and xingfa Jap. pron. keihd 刑法"penal law". Bridgman's texts also contains other terms that we have already seen in

the 1844 edition of the Haiguo tuzhi (cf. sec. 1.3.). The Wanguo gongfa,the Chinese translation of Henry Wheaton's Elements of International Law, published in Peking in 1864, was reprinted in Japan in 1865, with the

title Bankoku koho. As already indicated (cf. sec. 1.4.3.),this work was responsible for

the introduction into the Japanese language of some of the neologisms invented in China. Some are characters or compounds of characters that already existed in classical

Chinese and gained a new meaning in Martin's translation: quan Jap. pron. ken 權 "right", minzhu Jap. pron. minshu 民主"democracy", ziran Jap. pron. shizen 自然 "nature", gongfa Jap. pron. koho 公法"public law". Others were new compounds of characters, such as quanli Jap. pron. kenri 播利"right",tequan Jap. pron. tokken 特播 "privilege", zhuquan Jap. pron. shuken 主播 ”sovereignty’’,zizhu Jap. pron. jishu 自主 ••independence".

Many other works on the West written in China were later reprinted in Japan.

For example: Quanti xinlun 全體新論(Treatise of Physiology) which was published by H. B. Hobson in Canton in 1851 and re-published in Japan in 1857 (cf. Saneto, Liuxue

Riben: 3); Da Yinguo shi 大英國史(History of England) translated into Chinese by the missionary Muirhead and Jiang Dunfu 蔣教後,published in China in 1836 and reprinted

in Japan in 1861 (cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 836); Zhiwuxue 植物學(Botany) published in Shanghai in 1858 by Li Shanlan 李春闇 and Alexander Williamson, reprinted in facsimile in Japan in 1867. The term used to indicate the discipline zhiwuxue

植物學"botany" was first introduced in Japan through this work,as well as other

Chinese neologisms such as xibao 細胞"cell" 3. In 1872 Murata Fumio 村田文夫 published a collection entitled Yogo on'yaku sen 洋詩音譯筌(Collection of translations from western languages) in which he presented eight works published in China before the

Meiji era 4.

These are some of the most significant examples of works on the West, ^Cf. M6taili6, Botanique which contains an analysis of some botanical terms introduced into Japan from China. See also sec. 1.4.5., note 49. ‘Three works written by Chinese: Yinghuan zhiliie by Xu Jiyu, Haiguo tuzhi by Wei

Yuan and Yingjili liieji 英吉利略記(Short notes on England) by Chen Fengheng P亲逢衡 (1841); three works by Protestant Missionaries: Diqiu shuoliie 地球親略(On the globe) by Richard Quarterman Way (Ningbo, 1856), Lianbang が仙e 聯邦志略(History of the United States) by Bridgman (Shanghai, 1861) and Wanguo gongfa by Martin (Peking, 1864); Dili 分“•地5里全志(Universa丨 geography) by William Muirhead (Shanghai, 1853-1854) and Da Yingguo zhi 大英國志(History of England) by the same author (Shanghai, 1856). Cf. Matsui,

Yakusho no kango.

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88 1.5. The influence of Chinese on Japanese lexicon

published in China around the middle of the XlXth century and republished in Japan prior

to 1868. They constituted a source of information on western countries, and probably introduced into Japanese neologisms invented in China to translate concepts of western origin. After 1868, Chinese academics and functionaries started to take an interest in the

vast programme of reform underway in Japan (cf. Jansen, Japan: 343-347). At first this interest was extremely circumspect, given the traditional diffidence of the Chinese toward

Japan and the very limited information available in China on Japan (cf. Saneto, Zhong

Ri lianxi: 99-108). Again, the travel diaries of travellers and diplomats were an important first source of information on what was happening in Japan (as had been the case earlier for the West). The neologisms invented by the Japanese under the impact of the political and social changes underway in Japan were introduced into China through these texts.

Scholars who have studied the influence of Japanese lexicon on the Chinese language believe that Chinese students studying in Japan after 1896 were responsible for

introducing the first Japanese terms into China. However, Japan and the Japanese language undoubtedly had some impact on Chinese lexicon even prior to that period.

Again, this can be demonstrated by examining the impact in China of the works on Japan written by Chinese travellers and scholars at the end of the XlXth century. As it is

not possible to take all the works into consideration, I shall refer to the ones deemed most significant in term of their diffusion among the writers who were to have the greatest influence on the evolution of the Chinese language between the end of the XlXth century and the start of the XXth century

list of all the works on Japan written in Chinese between the start of the Mciji era

(1868) and the 1894-95 war between China and Japan is available in Sanet5, Zhong-Ri lianxi: 100-101. I shall examine ten of the around thirty works listed.

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1.6. THE INFLUENCE OF JAPAN

1.6.1. JAPAN IN THE XlXth CENTURY

China's defeat by Japan in the short 1894-95 war marked the beginning of a new era in the relations between the two countries. After the war, and particularly after the failure to introduce reforms in 1898, China's intellectual さlite turned to Japan as a model for institutional and educational reform.

Although, historically China had considered Japan more or less a Chinese cultural colony, by the XlXth century Japan was reacting more successfully than China to the western threat. Japan had already assimilated various aspects of western culture and

technology and incorporated them in a vast programme of political ana institutional reform.

Prior to this, Japan had been even more reluctant than China to engage in relations with the outside world and had been virtually isolated from any external contact.

Although the Catholic missionaries had been tolerated for more than a century, in 1639 this situation came to an abrupt end with the introduction of new rigorous policy toward

foreigners, which was only waived in 1853. The only significant exception was the island of Deshima 出島 in the port of Nagasaki 長崎 where trade with the Dutch and the Chinese was allowed to continue.

In 1854, the American ships under the command of Admiral Matthew Calbraith Perry forced Japan to accept a first trade agreement. Japan, like China about a decade later,

was obliged to open its doors to western powers, though without having to accept any particular form of trade (such as opium) and, above all, without a single shot being fired. Unlike China, Japan was ready to accept western cultural and technical products. The intellectual さlite had been in contact with certain aspects of western culture through

the Dutch since the beginning of the XVIIth century. In fact, a small Dutch colony resided on the island of Deshima and was responsible for the gradual diffusion in Japan of

the so-called Rangaku 蘭舉"study of Holland". Dutch works on medicine, botany and astronomy were translated and studied in Japan during the XVIIIth century and, by the end

of the century, the interest in Rangaku began extending to other areas of western

knowledge, such as cartography, geography and military sciences. In 1811, a government office for the translation of Dutch texts was established in Japan {Ransho

Yakkyoku 聞書譯肩,cf. Goodman, Dutch Impact: 118).

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90 1.6. The influence of Japan

Although the supporters of Rangaku were interested mainly in the natural science and medicine,by 1854 Japan was ready to accept doctrines and concepts from other worlds. The first foreign language school,the Yogakusho 洋举所,was founded in

Japan in 1855, twelve years before the Tongwenguan was established in Peking. Japan was also ahead of China in sending students abroad. The first Japanese students were sent

to study in Holland in 1862. Western public and international law was first introduced into Japan through their notes published in 1865、

With the exception of the few students who had studied in the United States under the auspices of the Protestant missionary societies (cf. sec. 1.3., note 49), the first

official Chinese students were only sent abroad to study in the United States in 1872

(Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 404). The University of Tokyo (Tokyo daigaku 求京大舉) was founded in 1877. China's education reform only began in 1904 (Jones, Live Machines: 43; Political Organization: 574; Peake, Education: ch. 2). The first Japanese railway between Toky5 and Yokohama 橫潘 was inaugurated

in 1872 and marked the start of a rapid expansion of Japan's railway system (Huang Zunxian, Ribenguo zhi: 603). China's first railway line (between Shanghai 上海 and Wusong 吳浓)was inaugurated after tremendous difficulties in 1875, was suspended soon afterwards and only reactivated in the 1880s. (Morse, International Relations: III, 74 et

seq.). The same applies to the telegraph system. In China after a few sporadic attempts

in 1865, the line between Tianjin 天律 and Shanghai was only completed on December 24, 1881 (cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 467). The Japanese Nagasaki-Yokohama line was completed with the assistance of British technicians by the early 1870s (cf. Jones,

Live Machines: 170,note 59). 1.6.2. THE FIRST DIRECT CONTACTS: LUO SEN AND YANAGIHARA Once contact between Japan and the West had been re-established, numerous Chinese traders moved to the coastal cities of southern Japan, especially Nagasaki which had had a Chinese community since the early XVIIth century and for two hundred years

had been the only city in which a limited number of Chinese were allowed to reside (cf. Kamachi,Chinese in Meiji Japan: 59).

However, these Chinese artisans, sailors and traders contributed little to the diffusion in China of expressions of Japanese origin, and, as far as I know, the first direct

information on modern Japan to reach China was probably contained in the short travel

1 Nishi Amane 西!® and Tsuda Masamichi 律田真道 studied with Prof. Simon Vissering in Holland and respectively published the two works: Bankoku kさhさ萬园公法 (International law) and Taisei kokuhdron 泰西國法输(Public law in the West). Cf. Pittau, Meiji: 15.

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1.6.2. The first direct contacts: Luo Sen and Yanagihara 91

notes written by Luo Sen II森,who had travelled to Japan with Admiral Perry's second naval expedition (1854).

Luo Sen had met Perry through Samuel Wells Williams (1812-1884), a Protestant missionary, who had studied Chinese and Japanese in Canton. He had been hired by the American commander to interpret during the first expedition to Japan in May

-August 1853 (Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 77; Laihua waiguoren: 513-514; Zhong Shuhe, Zou xiang shijie: 116). Between 1854 and 1855 Luo Sen's travel notes were published in episode form with the title Riben riji 日本日記(Japanese diary) on the Chinese monthly Xiaer guanzhen 退爾貫玲 published by the Morrison Education Society in Hong Kong 夂 As Luo Sen only spent a few days in Yokohama, his diary contains no words of Japanese origin that subsequently spread in China, with the exception of the term shijie Jap. pr. sekai 世界"world", to be found in a letter from a Japanese scholar, reproduced by Luo Sen in the diary. However, this term only started to spread in Chinese at the end of the century.

At the time, Japan was still under the domination of the Tokugawa. The only foreign works translated into Japanese were the Dutch works translated by the scholars of

the Rangaku and very few neologisms from English had been invented. Luo Sen's diary

does contain some Chinese autochthonous neologisms such as huolunche 火幸禽車 "steam-train", dianliji 電5里機"telegraph" 3 and riyingxiang 曰影博"photographic camera".

In 1867, the last Sho gun of the Tokugawa lineage which had ruled Japan for more than two and a half centuries surrendered the rule of the country to the young emperor of the Meiji era, who immediately embarked upon a vast programme of reform.

In 1870, the Meiji government sent Sakimitsu Yanagihara 柳原#5光 waiguoren: 529) to China to establish contact with the Qing dynasty with a view to drawing up an agreement of trade and friendship. Yanagihara, who was just twenty, arrived in Shanghai on August 9. From there, he travelled to Tianjin where he delivered

to Li Hongzhang 李鴻箪 a message from the Japanese Foreign Minister to the Chinese Zongli Yam en. After some initial difficulties, Li Hongzhang and Zeng Guofan 普國補^ agreed to the Japanese proposal and indicated their willingness to sign a trade agreement with Japan the following year, when Japan was to send a plenipotentiary ambassador to

China. The latter arrived in 1871 in the person of Date Munenari 伊達宗城.The first Sino-Japanese treaty was signed by Li Hongzhang on July 29, 1871 (cf. Saneto, Zhong ^The text is now in Zou xiang shijie congshu. The monthly journal Xiaer guanzhen

was published in Hong Kong from 1853 to 1856. It was first established by Walter Henry Medhurst. The editor was later Charles Batten Hillier and, from 1856, James Legge (cf. Britton, Periodical Press'. 34-35; Li Jiayuan, Xianggang baoye: \). 3Zhong Shuhe {Zou xiang shijie: 120) wrongly believed this term meant telephone.

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92 1.6. The influence of Japan

Ri lianxi: 1-2; Huang Zunxian, Ribenguo zhi: 594-596). While in China, Yanagihara visited the translation department annexed to the Shanghai Arsenal and purchased some of the first western scientific texts translated at the

Arsenal, thus contributing to the diffusion in Japan of Chinese scientific terminology 4.

1.6.3. DIPLOMATS, JOURNALISTS AND TRADERS The treaty of friendship between China and Japan was the first step toward the

exchange of permanent representatives (Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 466). The first Japanese ambassador arrived in China in 1872 He Ruzhang 何如®,the first Chinese ambassador to Japan,was only appointed in 1876 and took up duties the following year

6. Upon his arrival in Japan, He Ruzhang spent a month travelling around the country and recorded his experiences in a diary entitled Shi dong shuliie 使寒述略(Short account

of the mission to the East), which is the first ofncial report on Japan written by a Chinese, apart from Luo Sen's short notes written in 1854 (Zhong Shuhe,Zou xiang shijie: 367-373; Saneto, Zhong-Ri lianxi: 3-4). He Ruzhang's text contains a Japanese neologism destined to be used in Chinese

for a certain time: dianxin Jap. pron. denshin 鬼f§. In Japanese this was a synonym of dianbao, Jap. pron. denpo 電幸g "telegram". In China dianxin developed the more general

meaning of "telecommunication", after the term dianbao had come to be accepted as indicating "telegram". In Japan both dianxin and dianbao coexisted as synonyms (one autochthonous and the other of Chinese origin) whereas in China, possibly after some hesitation, dianxin acquired the new meaning of "any system of communication utilizing

electricity". He Ruzhang also utilized dianqibao 電氣幸E (apparently as a synonym of dianxin), a neologism which however never spread either in Chinese or Japanese. In He

^In one of Xu Shou's biographies we read: "Having learned that at the department (of translations of the Arsenal of Shanghai) some hundreds of volumes of works on steam engines and chemistry had been translated, the Japanese sent Sakimitsu Yanagihara and others to visit

it. (These) purchased the translations by (Xu) Shou and brought them back with them. At the moment, most of the chemical terms translated by the Japanese are virtually the same as those

used in the works by (Xu) Shou. For this, his skill has been admired" (Beizhuan ji bu: 43, 1516上).The same information is also provided by Zhong Shuhe (Zou xiang shijie: 312) but without giving the source.

^Taneomi Soyeshima 副重臣 was ambassador to China from June 17, 1872 to June

28, 1873 (Zhongwai shiling: 67). 6Xu Qianshen 許鈴身,plenipotentiary minister in Great Britain, was appointed ambassador to Japan on September 30, 1876. He was relieved of this office on January 15, 1877, before actually taking up duties. On the same day, He Ruzhang 何如® was appointed ambassador. He took up duties on December 24, 1877 (Zhongwai shiling: 28).

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1.6.3. Diplomats, journalists and traders 93

Ruzhang's diary we also find the term zhengzhi 政治"politics", already used in the Haiguo tuzhi to translate the English "politics", and erroneously considered by some scholars to be a loan from the Japanese.

In 1877, Huang Zunxian 貲逸憲(1848-1905) was appointed diplomatic counsellor to the Chinese Embassy in Japan. Thanks to his political acumen and classical education, he managed to establish contact with the most representative Japanese intellectuals of the time and became one of the most attentive Chinese observers of Japan

in the last quarter of the XlXth century. While in Japan between the winter of 1878 and

the spring of 1879, Huang Zunxian wrote a collection of 200 poems, published by the

Zongli Yamen in 1879 with the title Riben zashi shi 日本雑事詩(Poems on various aspects of Japan). Each poem was accompanied by general remarks on the country and

comments on aspects of traditional and modern Japanese life (Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 350-351; Zhong Shuhe, Zou xiang shijie: 389-407; Kamachi, Reform in China: 47-54). Wang Tao 王箱(1828-1897),the founder of Chinese journalism in Hong Kong and an active assistant of the British sinologist James Legge, visited Japan in 1879. On his return to China, Wang Tao also wrote a travel diary, entitled Fusang youji

扶桑遊記(Travel notes in Japan). Being a poetic, scholarly text, the diary was very successful in Japan, and reprinted several times (Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 83b-839).

Another diary, Riben jiyou 臼本紀游(Travel notes in Japan), written in 1880 by Li Xiaopu 李效圃,a Shanghai merchant who went on a short tour of Japan, contained

general remarks on the countries trading potential and was later included in the first edition of the geographic collection Xiaofanghu zhai published in China in 1891 (Zhong

Shuhe,Zou xiang shijie: 373-377). A few years earlier, in 1876, Li Gui 李圭,another merchant from Ningbo, had

started a journey to Japan, the United States and Europe. His diary, Dongxing riji 乘行曰記(Diary of a journey toward the East), was also included in the Xiaofanghu zhai collection (Zhong Shuhe, Zou xiang shijie: 162-176). By the end of the 1870s, texts of this type already contained a good number of

words of Japanese origin, which were later to be part of Modern Chinese lexicon. However, Huang Zunxian certainly introduced more Japanese terms into the Chinese lexicon than any of his contemporaries. Several terms contained in his Riben zashi shi, and later monumental history of Japan, Ribenguo zhi 曰本國志(cf. sec. 1.6.5.),were to become widespread in the XXth century. In Huang Zunxian's first text we find three terms formed with the suffix xue 舉,

that are original loans from the Japanese: faxue Jap. pron. hogaku 法"law’’, dongwuxue Jap. pron. dobutsugaku 重)]物學"zoology" and dilixue Jap. pron. chirigaku

地5里學"geography". We have seen that the suffix xue was used in Chinese in the XVIIth century and in the second half of the XlXth century for terms invented to indicate

certain branches of western scientific knowledge, such as lixue カ舉"mechanics", huaxue

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94 1.6. The influence of Japan

化®* "chemistry", guangxue 光$ "optics" and zhiwuxue 植物举"botany". The terms formed in Chinese with the suffix xue were almost always disyllabic words; the trisyllabic words were mostly introduced into China from Japan. These words contributed to the diffusion of the tendency to invent trisyllabic words (two syllables plus the suffix),

which allowed Modern Chinese to generate an enormous number of neologisms.

The following are some of the Japanese loans (original or return)? used by

Huang Zunxian in his 1879 collection of poems. Yiyuan Jap. pron. giin 糞8KB "parliament" and yiyuan Jap. pron. giin g義貝"parliamentary", both used in the constitution of the Chinese parliament in 1913 (Political Organization: 127-128) and later (after 1949) only used to indicate the assemblies of capitalist countries.

The term yiyuan "parliament" is particularly interesting. We have already remarked that the word was first accredited in Chinese in 1857 when it appeared on the

journal Liuhe congtan (cf. sec. 1.4.5.). Since this periodical was reprinted in Japan in 1858, it might have arrived in Japan from China. While in China the term yiyuan for parliament disappeared for several decades, in Japan it remained in use. In the early 1870s

we find it used in Chinese mainly to indicate the Japanese parliament and not western representative assemblies. Thus a term, originally invented in China, came back into use through Japanese mediation.

The commercial terms shichang Jap. pron. ichiba 市場"market", shangye Jap. pron. sh6gyo 商策"trade". Renliche Jap. pron. jinrikisha 人力車"rickshaw", bowuguan

Jap. pron. hakubutsukan 博物能"museum" and youzhiyuan Jap. pron. ydchien 幼稚園 "kindergarten" are all trisyllabic words, composed by suffixes (che 車,guan 雜,yuan 園)

which later proved to be very fruitful in Chinese as well. Huang Zunxian also used the Japanese compound xiezhen Jap. pron. shashin IS真"photograph", a term which did not

have a lasting success in China because of the earlier autochthonous compound zhaoxiang 照栢;and tongji Jap. pron. tokei 統計"statistics".

Wang Tao and Li Xiaopu introduced fewer Japanese terms. The former used some theater terms that were to become widespread in Cmna: juchang Jap. pron. gekijo

©Ji易"theater" and yanchu Jap. pron. enshutsu 演出"to put on stage". Among the trisyllabic terms, both used bolanhui Jap. pron. hakurankai 博"exhibition", while Li Xiaopu also used meishuhui Jap. pron. bijutsukai 美術會"exhibition of fine-arts", where in Japanese meishu 美術 was a loan-translation from the English "fine-arts". Wang Tao and Li Xiaopu used some terms that had already existed in Chinese and were revived in China through their use in Japan: jiaoyu Jap. pron. kyoiku 教育"education", jiaoshou Jap. pron. kyoju 教授"professor’’, baozhang Jap. pron. hosho 保陣"to protect" and shijie Jap. pron sekai 世界"world". By the end of the XlXth century, the latter term

had managed to supplant the expressions previously used in Chinese: tianxia 天下 and wanguo S國.Wang Tao also utilized gongyuan Jap. pron. koen 公園 which, in its new ’For the definition of these categories, cf. sec. 2.2.4.

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1.6.3. Diplomats, journalists and traders 95

meaning of "public park",was an original loan from the Japanese. We also find huishe Jap. pron. kaisha 食社"company’’,but in China this term was short-lived and never supplanted the widespread Chinese compound gongsi 公HJ. In 1882, Huang Zunxian was transferred from the Chinese Embassy in Japan to

the Consulate in San Francisco. Yao Wendong 姚文棟 arrived in Japan as attach^ to the

Chinese Embassy in the same year. He also successfully established contact with the Japanese intellectual 61ite and was even referred to by Saneto KeishQ, the most authoritative scholar of Sino-Japanese relations, as "the second Huang Zunxian" (Saneto,

Zhong-Ri lianxi: 69).

In the field of classical studies, Yao Wendong helped his ambassador Li Shuchang 黎庶昌 to edit the Guyi congshu 古逸叢書,a collection of ancient Chinese texts, that had been lost in China but preserved in Japan, which was published in Tokyo

in 1882-1884 8. Yao Wendong also intended to publish a collection of texts on China written by Japanese scholars, but never managed to complete this project (cf. Saneto,

Zhong-Ri lianxi: 76-77). His interest in Japanese culture and learning was accompanied by a political stance in keeping with his position as Chinese representative in Japan. He was critical of Japan's doubtful sovereignty claims over the Ryukyu islands9 and in 1884 translated and

commented a Japanese geographic text on the islands. This work, which was the first modern Chinese translation of a Japanese text, was published in Chinese in 1884, with

the title Liuqiu dili zhi 琉球地理志 10. Yao Wendong also planned to write a history of Japanese culture, to be entitled

Ribenguo zhi 白本國志,but never completed this task. Saneto (Zhong-Ri lianxi: 87-88) believes that Yao Wendong's project might have inspired Huang Zunxian to write his work of the same name, published in 1890.

I was only able to consult the text by Yao Wendong that is contained in the section of the Liuqiu dili zhi entitled Liuqiu shuoliie 琉球S兒B§. Zhina 文那,a term used

^Li Shuchang succeeded He Ruzhang as Chinese ambassador to Japan. He was ambassador from April 5, 1881 to October 5, 1884 and from September 13,】887 to January

29,1890. Cf. Zhongwai s hi ling: 28. A biography of Li Shuchang is contained in Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 483-484.

^In 1873,the Japanese ambassador had claimed compensation from China for the death of some inhabitants of the RyQkyQ islands who had been killed on the island of Taiwan. China rejected the claim,implicitly accepting Japanese sovereignty over the archipelago.

IGcf. Sanet5, Zhong-Ri lianxi: 81-83. According to Zhongguo yi Riben shit: 730.260, the work was published in 1883. An appendix to the text, entitled Liuqiu shuoliie

琉球親略(Brief exposition on the Rytlkytl) is contained in Xiaofanghu zhai. In this latter work, Yao Wendong is indicated as the author. According to SanetC (Zhong-Ri lianxi: 81) it is the translation of a primary school manual published by the Japanese Ministry of Culture.

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96 1.6. The influence of Japan

by the Japanese to indicate China, is the only term used in that particular text that subsequently spread in Chinese under the influence of Japanese (cf. sec. 1.6.4.).

Despite the best of intentions, Yao Wendong actually contributed little to the knowledge of Japan in China at the end of the XlXth century. Unlike his predecessor, Huang Zunxian,he held no other diplomatic offices and, on his return to China, was not

particularly prominent in either political or cultural circles. Perhaps this explains why his works had nothing like the circulation of those of Huang Zunxian.

Before examining the most important of Huang Zunxian's works, the Ribenguo

zhi begun in 1880 but only published in 1890, I shall refer to the texts of two other Chinese travellers who visited Japan before the 1895 Sino-Japanese war.

1.6.4. FU YUNLONG AND HUANG QINGCHENG In 1884, the Zongli Yamen instructed the Hanlin Academy (输林院)and the Six Ministers (六咅P) to prepare a list of candidates to be sent abroad to visit foreign countries and produce documents on the geography and general situation of each area of

the globe. The first candidate, Fu Yunlong 镡耍趣,was appointed to visit Japan, the United States, Peru and Brazil. He travelled outside China from 1887 to 1889 and

collected 86 juan containing maps and tables on numerous aspects (18o; of the four countries, including their geography, industry, public administration and education. Fu Yunlong made summaries on each aspect of life in each country and later also wrote a 15

juan description of his journey. Concerning Japan, in 1890, he published the 30-juan

Youli Riben tujing 游歷曰本圖經(Maps and treatises of a journey to Japan) and the 3 juan Youli Riben tujing yuji 游歷曰本圈經辟紀(Supplement to "Maps and treatises of a journey to Japan"). I will only be referring to the second of these works, contained in

the collection Zou xiang shijie congshu (Zhong Shuhe, Zou xiang shijie: 377-382). Being schematic and neutral, Fu Yunlong's descriptions were well-received by the Zongli Yamen. The texts were considered to contain a fundamental encyclopaedic and

geographical information and published in 1890 with preface by Li Hongzhang 李鴻章.

Fu Yunlong's studies on Japan contain a good number of Japanese terms, precisely because there was no attempt at interpretation.

Fu Yunlong's text includes one of the first detailed descriptions of the Japanese

school system, wnich was used as a model for the reform of education in China at the start of the XXth century. In describing his visit to the University of Tokyo, founded in

1877, Fu Yunlong used the term daxue Jap. pron. daigaku 大^" "university", a return

loan from the Japanese, only formally adopted in China in 1912 when the Jing shi daxuetang 京師大举堂 was officially entitled Beijing daxue 北京大學(CH: 884, 928). The terms used to indicate the departments - with the exception oi fake 法料 which in

Chinese was the term used to indicate the legal department of the Chancellery of a Governor General (Political Organization: 822) - were all later used in the Chinese

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1.6.4. Fu Yunlong and Huang Qingcheng 97

university system: wenke Jap. pron. bunka 文料"literary subjects", like Jap. pron. rika

5里料"scientific subjects", yike Jap. pron. ika^n "medicine", gongke Jap. pron. koka 工科"technical studies" Again, in the area of education and study, the following return loans were also

introduced via Fu Yunlong's text: xuexiao Jap. pron. gakko 舉校"school", zhongxue Jap. pron chdgaku 中舉"middle school", boshi Jap. pr. hakushi 博士 "doctor"; jiepou Jap. pron. kaibo 解咅|) ’’dissection", in the compound jiepoushi Jap. pron. kaib6shitsu 解咅丨度"dissection room", from which the term jiepouxue Jap. pron. kaibogaku 解咅幡 "anatomy" was later derived; wuli Jap. pron. butsuri 物理"physics" then followed by the

trisyllabic original loan wulixue Jap. pron. butsurigaku 物J里举"(the study of) physic".

The following original loans are also to be found in the text: shifan Jap. pron. shihan 師 12 "teachers' training", in the compound shifanxuexiao 師範舉校"teachers' training

school"; weisheng Jap. pron. eisei 衛生 and weishengxue Jap. pron. eiseigaku 衛生舉 "hygiene" for which Fu Yunlong provided a detailed explanation; shiyansuo Jap. pron.

shikensho 軎式输所"experimental laboratory"; the trisyllabic tushuguan Jap. pron. toshokan 圖書§6 "library", formed with suffix guan 館.

The following original loans were used to refer to institutions and associations:

yinhang Jap. pron.銀行 ginko "bank", which ofncially entered Chinese lexicon in 1905

with the establishment of the Hubu yinhang 戶部銀行(Bank of the Ministry of Revenue) (Political Organization: 542); xiehui Jap. pron. kyokai 協會"association" and huiyuan Jap. pron. kaiin 會員"member of an association". Other original loans are: xinhao Jap. pron. shingo 信?虎"signal"; putong Jiap pron. futsu 普通"ordinary" and tebie Jiap pron. tokubetsu 特别"special"; jianzhu Jiap pron. kenchiku 建築"build"; zhuren Jap. pron. shunin 主人"director"; dianhuaji Jap. pron. denwaki 電話機 "telephone set". Among the return loans: jingcha Jap. pron. keisatsu 麥察"police"; kuaiji Jap. pron. kaikei 會計"accountant" and ziben Jiap, pron. shihon 富本"capital’’. Fu Yunlong also used two phonemic loans invented in Japanese on the basis of two foreign language terms: caoda Jap. pron. soda 曹達 ’’soda’’ and wasi Jap. pron. gasu 瓦斯"gas". These also spread in China and supplanted, albeit partially and only much later, similar autochthonous phonemic loans.

In 1893,Huang Qingcheng 黄慶通 accepted the invitation of the Chinese Ambassador to Japan, Wang Fengzao 汪凰荡 12, to visit Japan between May and July to 11 Note, however, that daxue, wenkey like, yike and xuexiao had already been used in

Chinese by the Italian Jesuit Giulio Aleni to refer to the western education system at the start of the XVIIth century. With very few exceptions, these terms subsequently disappeared from Chinese and later re-appeared via the mediation of Japanese. Cf. vocabulary in appendix II and sec. 1.2., note 7.

12Wang Fengzao had been appointed ambassador to Japan on July 9, 1892. His appointment terminated on August 4, 1894 (cf. Zhongwai shiling: 28-29).

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98 1.6. The influence of Japan

"study the achievements of that country in the area of government and mores so as to

help the nations' plan of pacification" Huang Qingcheng's diary of the journey, entitled Dongyou riji 乘游曰記(Diary of a journey to the East), was published in 1894

with an introduction by Sun Yirang 孫言a well-known scholar of the time, who had fought with Zeng Guofan against the Taiping (Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 677-679). Huang Qingcheng's diary shows that he was familiar with the texts on western

science available in China in the second half of the XlXth century and contains some

Japanese neologisms that had not been used by earlier travellers 14. His remarks on Japan's achievements in a variety of areas, including government, are far more profound

and to the point than those of Fu Yunlong (Zhong Shuhe, Zou xiang shijie: 382-388). The text contains the following original loans: jiaoyuan Jap. pron. kyoin 教員

"teacher"; xiaozhang Jap. pron. kdcho 校長"head master of a school", which spread to China following the general use of the term xuexiao 举校 for "school"; zhexue Jiap

pron. tetsugaku 哲举"philosophy"; shenglixue Jap. pron. seirigaku 生理舉 "physiology"; bianhushi Jap. pron. bengoshi 银播士 "lawyer", whose acceptance in Chinese was limited by the earlier use of the term liishi 標師;yihui Jap. pron. gikai S差會 ”parliament". Return loans used in the text are lunli Jap. pron. rinri 倫5里"ethics"

and panjue Jap. pron. hanketsu 判決"judement".

1.6.5. KNOWLEDGE OF JAPAN AT THE END OF THE XlXth CENTURY:

HUANG ZUNX3AN AND LIANG QICHAO Huang Zunxian's Ribenguo zhi 曰本國志(History of Japan) written between 1880 and 1887, contributed more than any other work to the knowledge of Japan in

China before the 1895 war. This text, first published between 1890 and 1895, and reprinted twice in 1898, is composed of 40 juan, divided into twelve different sections plus chronological tables and provides a systematic presentation of the most important aspects of ancient Japan and the changes underway during the first decade of the Meiji era15.

The Ribenguo zhi was essentially organized along the lines of traditional

Chinese history books and was based on several fragmentary historical texts 131895 Introduction by Sun Yirang to Huang Qingcheng Dongyou riji: 319.

^In listing the Japanese neologisms used by Huang Qingcheng, I have chosen not to take into account the expressions already used by Huang Zunxian in his Ribenguo zhi. Although chronologically speaking this latter work is earlier than the diary, I shall refer to it later in the text.

^On Huang Zunxian and his works, see Wu Tianren, Huang Gongdu; Kamachi, Reform in China; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 350-351 and Zhong Shuhe, Zou xiang shijie: 389-407.

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1.6.5. Knowledge of Japan at the end of the XlXth century 99

indicated to him by Japanese scholars during his stay in Japan 16. Not being sufficiently

skilled in the spoken language, Huang was obliged to converse by means of "written conversations" (bitan 筆联)17. In the post face to Huang Zunxian's work written by Liang Qichao in 1897 for the 】898 reprint, Huang Zunxian's contribution to the knowledge of Japan is described in these terms:

The Chinese know very little about the Japanese. After reading Huang Zunxian's History of Japan, I feel a profound admiration for its author. If today I

know Japan and why it is strong, I owe it to Huang Zunxian. But, at the same time, I resent him because only now I know China and why it is weak

Liang Qichao first met Huang Zunxian in Shanghai in the spring of 1896, when the latter appointed him editor of the Shiwubao 時按幸E,the periodical he had founded

with what remained of the Qiangxuebao 強举幸g,the paper of the Qiangxuehui 強举會 (Society for the Study of Self-strengthening) which had been closed down by imperial

decree at the beginning of 1896 (Ding Wenjiang, Liang nianpu: 31; Zeng Xubai, Xinwen shi: 199). Thus it was thanks to Huang Zunxian that Liang Qichao embarked upon the

journalist career that was to procure him such fame. In autumn 1897, again at the suggestion of Huang Zunxian, Liang Qichao was sent to direct the department of classical studies of the Shiwu xuetang 時按舉堂 the school established by Huang Zunxian in Changsha, in the framework of a vast programme of reform on trial in the

Hunan province between 1895 and 1898 In 1898, Emperor Guangxu 光緒 saw a copy of the Ribenguo zhi. Being just about to commence the 1898 reform effort (later known as the "Hundred Days Reforms"),

the Emperor summonsed Huang Zunxian and others to Peking. Fortunately, Huang Zunxian was unable to leave Shanghai for reasons of health and was thus not involved in the repression that followed the failure of the reforms and forced Liang Qichao and other ^Huang Zunxian, Ribenguo zhi, Fanli 日本國志,凡例(Guide to the use of the work Ribenguo zhi), cf. Wu Tianren, Huang Gongdu: 311-312. 1 ^The educated Japanese were sufficiently familiar with written Chinese to be able to

communicate by means of written messages. This system had been used since ancient times and is still used by the Chinese when they come into contact with foreigners who only know

written Chinese. It is even used by the Chinese themselves, when their spoken dialect is so different that verbal communication is impossible.

18Liang Qichao, Ribenguo zhi houxu 日本國志後序(Post-face to the History of Japan) in Yin bing shi, Wenji: II, 50.

19cf. Liang Qichao, Yin bing shi, Zhuanji: I, 130. On Liang Qichao's activities in Hunan, see Chang, Intellectual transition: 124 and Lewis, Hunan: 47-48.

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100 1.6. The influence of Japan

colleagues to seek refuge in Japan.

All Huang Zunxian's works, particularly the Ribenguo zhi,contributed enormously to the diffusion in China of information about Japan and its achievements in the field of political and institutional reform. Huang Zunxian was also responsible for the

diffusion, and in some cases possibly the introduction,of many of the Japanese words

used in his texts to describe Japanese inventions. The transcriptions of the "written conversations" with his erudite Japanese hosts are another precious source of information

on neologisms of Japanese origin. I have not analyzed them in detail, since they clearly never circulated in China and are very much restricted to the specific context in which they occurred 20.

The following are some of the original and return loans that I have identified in

the sections of the Ribenguo zhi analyzed. I have only listed those terms not found in earlier works.

The following three-syllabic original loans from the Japanese in the area of

education and fields of study: wulixue Jap. pron. butsurigaku 物5里举"(study of) physics"; shengwuxue Jap. pron. seibutsugaku 生物舉"biology" and zhengzhixue Jap. pron. seijigaku 政治舉"politics". The following disyllabic original loans from the Japanese: lis hi Jap. pron. rekishi 歷史"history"; zongjiao Jap. pron. shdkyo 宗教 "religion"; ticao Jap. pron. taiso fSifk "gymnastics", nongxue Jap. pron. nogaku 费举 "agronomy" and yishu Jap. pron. geijutsu 藝術"art".

The compound zhuyi Jap. pron. shugi 主费 is worthy of a special mention. In modem Japanese the compound has developed the meaning of "doctrine". During the

XXth century in China it spread first as a free word. Later, under the influence of Japanese, it came to be used as a suffix to indicate every type of doctrine or current of thought.

The following original loans from the Japanese in the area of politics, law and

trade: xianzheng Jap. pron. kensei 塞攻"constitutional government"; toupiao Jap. pron. tohyd 投票"vote"; shangfa Jap. pron. sh6hd .法"trade law"; minfa Jap. pron. minpo

民法 ”civil law"; sifa Jap. pron. shihd 司法"justice"; shangwu Jap. pron. shomu 商挖 "trade". The following return loans: baoshi Jap. pron. hoshaku 保釋"release upon bail"; fating Jap. pron. hotei 法BJ "tribunal"; guize Jap. pron. kisoku i見則"rule"; xingfa Jap. pron. keiho 刑法 ”penal law". In the area of military arts, Huang Zunxian made use of the following original

^^From the very beginning, the Chinese Embassy in Japan fostered friendly contacts between the resident Chinese community, visiting Chinese and the Japanese interested in Chinese culture. Meetings were organized for scholars of both countries to exchange views and poems, through the use of "written conversations". On these occasions Huang Zunxian met illustrious representatives of the Japanese cultural world and learned about

their country. For a detailed analysis of this aspect, see Sanet?, Zhong-Ri lianxi: 43-58.

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1.6.5. Knowledge of Japan at the end of the XlXth century 101

disyllabic loans from the Japanese: bingshi Jap. pron. heiji 兵搴"military affairs" and the three-syllabic yubeiyi Jap. pron. yobi-eki 預潘役"supporting troops", changbeibing

Jap. pron. jobi-hei 常潜兵"effective troops" and houbeibing Jap. pron. kobi-hei 後携兵 "second supporting troops". Haijun Jap. pron. kaigun 海軍"navy" and lujun Jap. pron. rikugun 睦軍"army" are both return loans. The following original loans from the Japanese in various other fields: dianxinji

Jap. pron. denshinki 電倌機"telegraphic machine" (because of the use of the root dianxin,電信 which was hardly used in Chinese, this term never became widespread); gaijin Jap. pron. kaishin 改殖"to improve"; ganshi Jap. pron. kanji 寧字事"executive secretary"; gongchang Jap. pron. kdjo エ踢"workshop"; guangchang Jap. pron. hiroba 廣塌"square"; lianluo Jap. pron. renraku 聯絡"contact"; malingshu Jap. pron. bareisho

馬鈴着"potato"; nongchang Jap. pron. nojo 费場"farm"; pochan Jap. pron. hasan 玻産 "bankrupt"; qichuan Jap. pron. kisen 汽船"motor boat"; xiaofartg Jap. pron. shobo J肖防

••fire control"; youzheng Jap. pron. ydsei 郵玫"postal system"; zhengdang Jap. pron.

が!政黨"political party"; zhengquart Jap. pron. shoken Sg券"negotiable security"; zhiwuyuart Jap. pron. shokubutsuen 植物園"botanical garden". The following return loans: chuanbo Jap. pron. denpa 傳播 ’'diffuse’•;ア伽がa Jap. pron. hoho 方法"method";

jinbu Jap. pron. shinpo 進步"progress"; yijian Jap. pron. iken 意見"opinion" and yingye Jap. pron. eigyo 營業"business". Evidently, Huang Zunxian's work was an important source of information for Liang Qichao on the Japanese terms that were later to be part of Modern Chinese lexicon. Indeed, about half the words identified as loans from Japanese in Huang Zunxian's text are

also included in Liang Qichao's texts contained in the collection entitled Bianfa tongyi

餐法爾 ‘ Some examples

law",

lishi

商業

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歷臾"history:",

shangwu

loa zong

商挖"trad

•’democratic right", lujun 睦軍 system", shifan 師範"teachers' t return loans are: shijie 世界 ”wo "school", other

first

Obviously with that

these some

same

were

by

to

Liang

notes

cannot

be

through

present

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Liang

absolu

Huang

in

influence

Hawaii,

Qich

compounds

Nonetheless

lexical

the

Japan

we

terms

time.

certain In

used

autochthonous

works

it

on

on

seem

Liang

Decemb

Qichao

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ex

102 1.6. The influence of Japan

Zunxian's style and use of Japanese words 21. We learn that Liang Qichao detested the poetic compositions of the "famous parrots" of antiquity but having little to do on board

ship had decided to write some poems. "To be considered a poem, a composition must possess three qualities: new feelings and new expressions, conveyed though in the style

of the ancients". "Only those who manage to acquire these three characteristics will become the lords of Chinese poetry of the XXth century". "The poets of the Song and Ming dynasties did manage to introduce into poetry new expressions and feelings deriving

from India", but - writes Liang Qichao - those feelings now belong to the ancient world

and "if we want to change them, we must turn to Europe. European feelings and expressions are rich and precious, and if we manage to use them, we will discover everything that has been hidden to as from antiquity. As yet nobody is capable of doing

this. Among our most eminent contemporaries nobody is as capable as Huang Zunxian of composing poems like a true poet, in the determination to build a new country". However - continues Liang Qichao • Huang Zunxian "still uses too few new expressions, since these are in contrast with the style of the ancients. And because he attributes great importance to this, he tries to avoid them".

In referring to a poem by a certain Zheng Xixiang 勘西鄉 Liang Qichao commented:

After reading it, I rejoiced. The whole poem is indeed full of expressions translated by the Japanese from western works, like: gonghe 共和 "republic", daibiao 代表"representative", ziyou 自由"freedom", pingquan 平播

"equality", tuanti 圍隨"union“, guina S帚柄"induction“ and wuji 無機 "organic". Recently I too love to use in my writings Japanese expressions and the readers have already appreciated this novelty. And Zheng Xixiang can even use them in poetry.

Thus we learn that Liang Qichao believed that Huang Zunxian made little use of the "new expressions" out of respect for the poetic style of the ancients and that he found

Zheng Xixiang.s abundant use of Japanese words more congenial to his style.

There was a substantial change in Liang Qichao's attitude toward the neologism issue in the two years between his extensive treatise on neologisms on the Shiwubao in

1897 and the above reflections of 1899. In 1897, he had mostly analyzed the issue in

terms of old and new characters. After spending a year in Japan and studying the language, Liang Qichao had developed a greater awareness of the "new expressions" (xin yuju 新3舌句)invented by the Japanese to translate western words and had discovered that

Chinese could invent neologisms, not by giving new meanings to old characters or by 21 Liang Qichao, Yin bing shi, Zhuanji: XXII, 189-191. All the following citations are taken from this text. Cit. also in Wang Xiaoping,Zhong-Ri jiaoliu: 271-272.

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J.6.5. Knowledge of Japan at the end of the XlXth century 103

inventing new ones, but by forming new compounds of characters. In Japan, Liang Qichao had captured the fundamental difference between characters and words, which had escaped him only two years earlier, due to his classical training.

Prior to 1898,Liang Qichao had used compounds of Japanese origin unconsciously,without realizing that this was the main route that the Chinese language

would have to follow to modernize its lexicon. After his first stay in Japan he became

aware of the potential of this discovery and could reflect upon the lexical innovations already present in his own texts in the following terms: "Recently I too love to use in my writings Japanese expressions and the readers have already appreciated this novelty”.

Liang Qichao had first come across some of the Japanese compounds that contributed significantly to the popularity of his political essays in Huang Zunxian's text and possibly in a few other works on Japan written prior to 1895.

In an essay written by Hu Shi 胡適 in 1922, Wushi nian lai Zhongguo zhi wenxue 五十年來中國之文舉(Chinese literature in the last fifty years), Liang Qichao's style is described thus:

Liang Qichao was the best at utilizing every type of expression and intonation to compose articles of practical utility. He did not avoid using antithetical phrases, long comparisons, Buddhist terms, poetic allusions and new

words of Japanese origin. For this reason his essays are the most charming,

even though following "the canons of ancient language" the least (Hu Shi wencun: II,206). Concerning the influence of Liang Qichao's prose on writers at the start of this century, in the same essay, Hu Shi wrote:

When Liang Qichao established the Shiwubao he was already a proficient politician and when he founded the Xinmin congbao 新民系幸E, his

influence was even greater Among the scholars of these last twenty years, almost all have been influenced by his essays (Hu Shi wencun: II,202).

^^This was the third paper founded by Liang Qichao, in addition to the Shiwubao

時挖報 and the Qingyibao It came out in Yokohama every two months between February 1902 and July 1907 (cf. Zeng Xubai, Xinwen shi: 203).

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1.6.6. THE STUDY AND TRANSLATION FROM JAPANESE

By the start of the XXth century Japanese had become a mine of neologisms

welcomed by Chinese lexicon in dire need of innovation 23. This strictly lexic

phenomenon was related also to the general political and cultural climate of the time.

the turn of the century, Japan was the second home of the Chinese reformists who ha

tried unsuccessfully to renew the Chinese political system during the 1898 "Hundr

Days Reforms". Both Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, the two leaders of the moveme took refuge in Japan,thanks to the assistance of the Japanese Embassy in Peking.

China's progressive intellectual dlite had already shown interest in Japan prior t

this period. Information on Japan reached China through the already mentioned origin

works written by Chinese travellers in Japan and the missionary journals and periodica

that contained short but increasingly frequent items on Japan. From the very first iss

the Jiaohui xinbao 教會新幸g and the Wanguo gongbao 萬國公報 both publishe

information on Japan, usually in relation to trade and economic issues. Althoug interesting in terms of the history of ideas, these news reports were not particula important in terms of language. Like all news items on foreign countries, they wer

taken from other western newspapers (mostly English) and did not serve as tools for th

diffusion of Japanese neologisms. For example, in the Wanguo gongbao the Japanes

parliament was only referred to by its original name yiyuan (Jiap. pron. giin)售费院 aft

1889 (WGGB (2): in). Prior to 1880, it was still referred to as gongyitang 公様堂 in

Jiaohui xinbao, in an article illustrating the plan to set up a representative assembly Japan.

News items taken directly from Japanese sources generally did contain Japanese

loans. In 1877, the Wanguo gongbao published a series of articles taken from one of the first Chinese papers printed in Japan, the Huazi xinbao 華字新報,in which we find the

compound gongye 工業"industry", an original loan from the Japanese (WGGB: IX, 431,

432). The journals also contributed to the diffusion of Japanese expressions by publishing travel diaries describing visits to Japan. For example, the January 4th and

11th issues (1879) of the Wanguo gongbao contained excerpts from the diary of He Ruzhang (WGGB: 1879, XI,521, 281r-283v; WGGB: 1879, 522, 295r-297r) discussed in detail in sec. 1.6.3.

We have already seen the extent to which Liang Qichao was indebted to Huang

Zunxian for his knowledge about Japan. The latter was also responsible for Kang Youwei's fervent interest in Japan 24. Kang Youwei, the main inspirer of Liang Qichao's 23On the reception of Japanese neologisms in Chinese during the first decade of this

century, when the number of Chinese students in Japan was at its peak, see in particular Saneto, Liuxue Rib en: 199-243. Cf. also sec. 2.2.4.

^^For Kang Youwei's opinion of Huang Zunxian's work, see Howard, Japan's Role:

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1.6.6. The study and translation from Japanese 105

political ideas, first came across a catalogue of Japanese works sometime between late

1870s and early 1880s As already mentioned (sec. 1.4.7.), in 1886 Kang Youwei had indicated that he was not satisfied with the translations by the Shanghai Arsenal. He was not referring to the quality of the translations as such, but to their subject matter. Almost

all of them concentrated on the technical culture of the West, whereas Kang was interested in western government and institutions, being convinced that China also needed

to learn about the political and institutional models that might serve as a example for a reform of the imperial system.

In 1897, Liang Qichao published an article on the Shiwubao advocating the study of Japanese in order to draw advantage from the immense amount of information on

the West that had become available in Japan in just a few decades. That same year Liang

Qichao and Kang Youwei founded the Datong yishu ju 大同き¥窖® (Office of the Great Unity for the translation of books) in Shanghai, with a view to fostering the translation

of Japanese works especially. This was the first private, non-missionary translation

house ever established in China. In presenting this initiative on the Shiwubao on October 16, 1897, Liang Qichao wrote: To enable all the talents of the country to study western languages and read western works would require a long, long time. I am afraid we could not wait and, even if they did study them, not necessarily would they be able to use them

immediately; moreover we cannot drive all the talents of the country to engage

themselves fully in this task. So, if we do not hasten to translate, what we are accustomed to calling the reform of laws will be nothing but empty words and the

country will not draw advantage from a single law. Although some works have

been translated at public institutions such as the Peking Tongwenguan, the Tianjin Naval Academy and the Shanghai Arsenal, in thirty years they have not translated into Chinese more than one hundred works and now they have even suspended that activity. If we rely on public institutions, in another thirty years,

there will be two hundred translations. Of all the existing works dealing with

education, agriculture, industry, trade, political strategy, constitutions and regulations, only one in ten thousand has been translated. There is no way of changing this situation: it is too late. For this reason, feeling frustrated and discouraged, I have joined those who share my same intentions and have founded this office. Japanese will be the main language and the western languages will be 299, note 82. My remarks on Kang Youwei and Japan are based mainly on Howard's study.

25|Cang Youwei indicated that at the beginning of the reign of Guangxu 光絡(1875) he had been given a catalogue of Japanese books by a merchant who had been aoing business

in Japan. Kang Youwei, Meiji bianzheng kao xu: 282. Cf. also Howard, Japan's Role: 289, note 39.

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106 1.6. The influence of Japan

secondary; (we will translate) in the first place political works and secondly technical ones

The Riben shumu zhi 日本書目志(Ding Wenjiang, Liang nianpu: 39), a 4-juan catalogue of Japanese works by Kang Youwei, listing approximately 7.750 Japanese texts on every western and Jaoanesc subject was one of the first works published by the Office (cf. Howard, Japan's role: 290, note 44). In the introduction to the work, published

in 1897, Kang underlined the importance of studying and translating Japanese works, as

Liang had already stressed on the Shiwubao: The Japanese have already translated many of the best western works on

every discipline. In utilizing what they have already done,foreigners will be the oxen, the Japanese the farm-hands and we the consumers. With an expense inferior

to ten million (tael) ^ we will be able to equip ourselves with a complete collection of these works. Intelligent people can learn their language in a few months and all these books can be translated. They can be published and circulated

so that in a few years, with a few tens of thousand (of tael) we will have at our disposal the knowledge produced by millions of people in the course of many centuries 28.

While worKing on the Riben shumu zhi, Kang Youwei was also writing an historical work on Japanese reforms during the Meiji era, the Riben Meiji bianzheng kao

曰本明治脅玫考(Investigation on the political reforms of Meiji Japan) probably completed in 1896 (cf. Howard, Japan's role: 293, note 55). Since the complete text was

never published, I have only been able to consult the introduction, Riben Meiji bianzheng kao xu 曰本明》政考序,contained in the memorial Kang sent to Emperor Guangxu 光緒 in 1898 29. 26uang Qichao, Yin bing shi, Wertji: II, 57-58. Cit. also in Huang Fuqing, Liu Ri xuesheng: 152-153 and in part in Ding Wenjiang, Liang nianpu: 39. Another English translation is in the English version of Huang Fuqing's works (p. 125). Similar arguments were

also put forward by Kang Youwei in Riben shumu zhi xuf cf. Wan Qing wenxue: 439. See also further on.

27Unit of weight whose value in silver constituted the main Chinese monetary unit in the XlXth century.

28jCang Youwei, Riben shumu zhi xu 曰本書目志序(Introduction to the "Catalogue of Japanese works"), in Wan Qing wenxue: 439. Cit. also in Howard, Japan's role: 290.

29in Jindai cankao ziliao: 280-282. The manuscript of the complete work is in the possession of Kang Youwei's second daughter, Kang Dongbi. It was microfilmed by Mary C. Wright and Franz Michael in Peking in 1947 and is now at the Hoover Library in the United

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1.6.6. The study and translation from Japanese 107

Knowledge of Japan and the translations of works on the West was a major factor of the programme of reform advocated by Kang Youwei at the end of the XlXth century. Although from the purely linguistic perspective, Liang Qichao's works had a far greater impact on an entire generation of scholars, it is noteworthy that in the three pages

of Kang Youwei's Riben Meiji bianzheng kao xu, written in 1898, there are already six words of Japanese origin 30. In response to these intellectual demands, and especially to China's defeat in the

1894-95 Sino-Japanese war, a department of Japanese was established at the Peking

Tongwenguan in 1897 and subsequently also at the Shanghai and Canton language schools (cf. Biggerstaff, Tung Wen Kuan: 339). This was indicative of a radical change of approach.

Historically, the Japanese had sought to gain knowledge about China, and not

vice versa. One hundred and twenty nine Chinese works had been translated by the Japanese between 1660 and 1895 32. Most of these (109) had been translated before 1867 and were translations of literary works (88). In the same period, China had only twelve

Japanese works. Of these, only two had been translated by the Chinese: the Liuqiu dili

zhi 琉球地J里志(Geographical treatise on the Ryxikyvl islands) published by Yao Wendong 姚文棟 in 1884 (Zhongguo yi Riben shu: no. 730.260; cf. sec. 1.6.3.) and the Ou Mei geguo zheng jiao riji 歐美各國政教曰記(Diary on the politics and education of each country in Europe and America) translated by Lin Yanyu 林延玉 and published in Shanghai in 1889 (Zhongguo yi Riben shu: no. 210.009). Prior to 1895, some works in

Chinese by Japanese authors were published in China (cf. Saneto, Liuxue Riben: 140, note 12). The year 1895 marked the start of a new era in relations between China and

Japan. Between 1896 and 1911, 958 Japanese works were translated into Chinese, of which more than one-third (366) on political and social issues. The first Chinese students were sent by the Zongli Yamen to study in Japan in

1896 and from then on an increasing number of students travelled to Japan. In 1905 1906 there were more than 8000 Chinese students in Japan States. Cf. Howard, Japan's Role: 297, note 72. 3^They are: qichuati 汽船,geming 革命,yinhang 銀行,ziben iff本,yishu 藝術 and wenming 文明.Cf. vocabulary in appendix II.

” The works I have consulted give different dates for the opening of the Japanese department at the Peking Tongwenguan. According to Huang Fuqing (Liu Ri xuesheng: 151), it

was established in 1896; according to Biggerstaff {Government Schools: 42) in 1897. ^^The data on Chinese and Japanese translations are from Zhongguo yi Riben shu: 41.

33The main sources for the history of students in Japan are SanetS, Liuxue Riben and

Huang Fuqing, Liu Ri xuesheng.

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108 1.6. The influence of Japan

At that time, the political and cultural climate in Japan was extremely stimulating for Chinese students and exiles in Japan, and was responsible for the formation of that political and intellectual Chinese さlite which was to play such an important role in the process of transformation of China in the early XXth century. In

Japan,the political debate on China's future developed among the followers of Kang Youwei 康有為,by then in decline, and the supporters of Sun Zhongshan 孫中山,the new political figure who was to make a mark on Chinese me at the start of the XXth century. In the area of culture and literature, the young Chinese writers who were to found the movement of new culture in China in the 1920s took their first steps in Japan:

Lu Xun .备•迅,Zhou Zuoren W作人,Guo Moruo 抑沫若,Yu Dafu 郁達夭,Tian Han 田漢,etc., just to mention those who are most known

The study of Japanese in China, the translation of Japanese works, the enormous flow of Chinese students to Japan and, particularly, the flight to Japan of those

involved in the failed reform of 1898 consolidated the use of the Japanese terms that had

already started to spread in the period immediately prior to 1898 and permitted the absorption of a great number of new Japanese loans (cf. sec. 2.2.4).

The chronological framework of this work does not allow me to further the discussion on the relationship between political and linguistic issues. However, before going into a detailed analysis of lexical phenomena as such, I would like to approach the issue from a somewhat wider perspective and discuss the problem of the development in China of a national standard language and the role played by Japan in influencing also the

approach to this issue.

■^4On relations between Japan and the "Movement of new culture", cf. Sanet5, Liuxue Riben: 135-137. In particular, on Lu Xun in Japan, cf. Coccia, Lu Xun e la cultura cinese.

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1.7. THE BERTH OF A NEW NATIONAL LANGUAGE

China was very late in addressing the language issue. For the whole of the XlXth century, tradition continued to count as much as it had in the past. Despite the first contacts with the West and western languages after 1840, and the creation of the first

neologisms, no in-depth study on the nature and the characteristics of the Chinese language was undertaken until the end of the century. Some of the more enlightened intellectuals were aware of the importance of studying western languages but not of analyzing their own language in the light of the latter.

It was only towards the end of the XlXth century, following linguistic contacts

with Japanese, that some scholars began to consider the shortcomings of the Chinese language and the need for change. By the turn of the century, the language issue was seen as a key question of the political reform.

Not surprisingly, Huang Zunxian was one of the first to raise the problem:

I have heard tell that, at the time of ancient Rome, only Latin was in use. Each country employed completely different languages, so much so that

they were difficult to use. When France adopted French pronunciation and England adopted English pronunciation, French literature and English literature

started to flourish. The good fortune of Christianity is linked to the Old and

New Testament; when these works were translated into the language of each country, their followers increased enormously. In fact,when language is separate

from writing, very few people know how to write, but when language and ■ writing agree, many people know the written form. That is obvious! For this reason, in Japan the alphabet (jiaming 假名 J has ensured that educated people are

the majority. Why ever should they abandon it? Westerners say that, in the five

continents, Cninese writing is the most ancient form,but it is also the most difficult to learn, precisely because the language and the writing are not united.

Chinese (...) has so often changed style of writing that it is impossible to know

whether or not our descendants will change it again so as to make it easier and

more convenient. If we want farmers and merchants, women and children all

over the country to be able to write,then we will have to insist on an easier system (Ribenguo zhi: 662).

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110 1.7. The birth of a new national language

Huang Zunxian remarks about the language situation in Japan and how the introduction of the alphabet had permitted even women and the lowest classes to become literate, and his reference to the need to simplify the Chinese writing form and reduce the

distance between the spoken and written language attracted the interest of Liang Qichao.

The translation of an essay on a system of phonemic transcription of Chinese

written in English by Shen Xue 沈a medical student from Shanghai, entitled The Universal System prompted Liang Qichao to publish an article entitled Shenshi yinshu xu 沈氏音書序(Introduction to the book on phonetics by Mr. Shen) on the September 7, 1896 issue of the Shiwubao 時按幸g. Liang Qichao analyzed the relationship between language and writing: in the West, he said, 96-97 per cent of the people knew how to read, in Japan around 80 per cent, and in China "a country famous in the five continents for its culture, out of one hundred people those who know how to read are no more than

twenty. Even though we can say that our schools have not yet been developed, why is there such a difference?" 1. Liang Qichao then repeated what Huang Zunxian had said about the distance between the spoken and the written language and its effects on literacy.

According to Liang Qichao's political vision, a reform of China's education system was essential for political reform. Literacy in China was extremely low and Liang

Qichao was particularly interested in Huang Zunxian's reflections on Japan and the reference to the introduction of a system of phonetic transcription to bridge the distance between the spoken language and its written form.

Various other works had also been published in China proposing methods for the alphabetical transliteration of Chinese. However the first systems for transcribing Chinese with Latin letters had been developed by the Jesuits in the XVIIth century and the Protestant missionaries in the XlXth century. The aim of the Jesuits had been to help other foreign religious to learn Chinese; the aim of the Protestants, who had concentrated

on developing systems for transcribing the sounds of some southern dialects, to enable the illiterate local population to understand their religious works 2.

Thus, it was not coincidental that one of the first modern systems of

1 Liang Qichao, S hens hi yinshu xu 沈氏♦書序(Introduction to the book on phonetics by Mr. Shen), in Shiwubao: 1896, IV. Now in Liang Qichao, Yin bing shi, Wenji: II, 1-2.

^For a general history of the systems of phonemic transcription of Chinese, see Luo

Changpei, Hanyu piny in: 2-6; De Francis, Language Reform: 14-28 and Chen, Reformes de I'ecriture: 47-96. In particular, on the early systems of transcription developed by Matteo Ricci and Nicolas Trigault in the XVIth century, see Fang Hao, Ladingwen: 1-16. About the

works on this subject prepared by the Catholic missionaries from 1550 to 1800, cf.

Lexicographia missionaria. An index of the works published in Chinese dialect transliterations by the Protestant missionaries before 1867 is contained in Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 325-331.

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1.7. The birth of a new national language 111

transliteration should have been developed by Lu Ganzhang 虚蘸輋 a southerner from Xiamen 厦門,in the province of Fujian 福建,who had learned English in Singapore and,on his return to Xiamen, had worked as translator for the Protestant missionaries. In

his Zhongguo diyi kuai qieyin xinzi 中國第—快切奋新字(The first new characters for the rapid analysis of sounds) published in 1892, Lu Ganzhang introduced a system for transcribing the sounds of the Xiamen dialect utilizing 55 symbols derived from the letters of the Latin alphabet 3.

Thanks to Huang Zunxian's considerations and the work of the first Chinese involved in developing a system of transliteration of Chinese writing, Liang Qichao was able to grasp the important link between the simplification of the writing form and the problem of illiteracy. Clearly he was influenced by Japan (where an alphabet had already

been introduced) and by the Protestant effort to develop systems of transliteration. However, his classical training still prevented him from seeing that in China the contrast between the language and the writing form was only one aspect of the language issue and that this particular aspect had to be seen in the context of the overall language problem.

One of the first Chinese periodicals which declared itself to be written in baihua

or "clear language" was founded in Wuxi 無妻易 in the land of Shanghai, on May 11,

1898 4. The Wuxi baihua bao 無I易白括報(Wuxi newspaper in baihua) was founded by

Qiu Yanliang 亵延梁.The editor, his niece Qiu Yufen 丧航芬,was one of the first female Chinese journalists. In issue V-VI of June 19,1898, the official title of the periodical was changed to Zhongguo guanyin baihua bao 中國官誉白R報(Newspaper in the baihua of the Chinese official pronunciation). Issue XIX-XX (August 27, 1898)

contained an article by Qiu Yanliang entitled Lun baihua wei weixin zhi ben 論白話為維新之本(On the baihua as the basis of renewal). In true wenyan style,Qiu Yanliang wrote:

Wise are those countries which possess a writing form, foolish those

who do not possess one; wise is the population that knows the writing form, foolish the population that does not. This applies to every country of the world.

Only China possesses the writing form, but cannot be a wise country; the population knows the writing form, but cannot be wise. What is the reason for ^Cf. Li Jinxi, Guoyu yundong: 4-14: Luo Changpei, Hanyu pinyin: 7-8; De Francis,

Language Reform: 33-35. According to De Francis (op. cit.: 33), Lu Ganzhang helped the American missionary John Macgowan to compile his English and Chinese Dictionary of Amoy Dialect, published in Xiamen in 1883 (China, A.A. Marcal).

4A Ying, Baokan shuliie: 63-65, believes that the Yanyi baihua bao 演義白括報 founded in Shanghai on October 13, 1897 may be considered the first periodical published in

baihua. Cit. also in Cocci a, Suzhou: 101. Regarding the expression baihua, cf. also sec. 1.1., note 3.

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112 1.7. The birth of a new national language

this? I contend that the wenyan is to blame.

For two thousand years China has been cultivating a hope, all energy has been engaged for that purpose, for this goal months and years have been used to the extreme without respite. But today that hope is barely sufficient

to make us smile, for the country it has been virtually useless: Alas! To ensure that the country is governed by the past.

To exalt the baihua and abandon the wenyan is the only possible way to assert the intelligence and talent of we yellow men. Why should they be repressed instead of used in the study of what is useful?

(...) Among the tools available for stupefying people none surpasses the wenyan, and among the tools for rendering people intelligent, none surpasses the baihua" (Qiu Yanliang, Lun baihua wei weixin zhi ben: 39,42). In the same article Qiu Yanliang indicated that Japan's success after the Meiji restoration was in part due to the adoption of a Japanese "baihua". Again Japan proved to be a valid model for the early advocates of language reform.

As in Japan (cf. Wang Xiaoping, Zhong-Ri jiaoliu: 278-285), with the publication of the first journals written in baihua, in China the literacy issue ceased being a general issue concerning the separation between the writing form and the spoken

language and became a far more specific issue that concerned the adoption of baihua and the abandonment of wenyan. However, to really get the better of wenyan, baihua had first

to acquire a national connotation and be adopted, like wenyan, on a national scale. The change in the title of the paper from Wuxi baihua bao 無 15 白括報(Wuxi newspaper in

baihua) to Zhongguo guanyin baihua bao 中國官奋白括幸g (Newspaper in the baihua of the Chinese official pronunciation) is indicative and evidence of the first step towards the diffusion of a spoken language common to the whole country. The simplification of the writing form and the adoption of an alphabetic system

were only aspects of the far vaster issue that was to be debated by Chinese intellectuals for decades: baihua versus wenyan. In the XXth century, there were two main historiographical schools of thought

on the origins of the movement in favour of the adoption of baihua. Some claimed that the origins of baihua literature - understanding this as any vernacular literary language were to be found far back in time. The main upholders of this historic-literary perspective

were Hu Shi 胡適 and Zhou Zuoren 闽作人 In his Baihua wenxue shi 白話文舉史 (History of literature in baihua), published in 1928, Hu Shi traced the origins of this

literary genre, as far back as the Zhou age (1121-222 B.C.) and identified a definite linguistic and literary trend that ran parallel to the whole history of the Chinese language.

The scholars of the People's Republic of China instead claimed that the movement in favour of baihua originated at the end of the XlXth century with the first demands to abandon the wenyan. They considered this trend as an integral part of the general process

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1.7. The birth of a new national language 113

of "self-awareness’,that developed in China in the transition from a feudal to a "semi

colonial and semi-feudal" society and eventually led to a "bourgeois awareness" 5. Evidently this whole issue is part of a political, historic and linguistic context still to be clarified.

Without going into the details of this debate, it may be useful to discuss what wenyan and baihua were like at the end of the XlXth century when both were fighting for

linguistic primacy. Edicts, documents and official texts were still written in wenyan, for the whole

of the XlXth century. Although undoubtedly there were subtle differences in style, presumably all belonged to a genre that was very similar to that of equivalent works

written in previous centuries. Wenyan was also the language used for works on geography, science and technology, and translations and texts on the West and on Japan, though the actual subject matter limited the use of classical metaphors and often required

the use of words alien to the lexical heritage of wenyan. Phonemic loans from western

languages (for example, expressions commonly used in the commercial environment),

loans and neologisms invented by the missionaries and Japanese compounds were all incorporated into the official classical language through these texts. A closer study would

probably also reveal minor changes in syntax deriving from the western works upon which these texts were based

During the XlXth century, the lexical heritage of wenyan was thus unconsciously enriched by hundreds of new words. This is possibly the most dramatic example of linguistic renewal during the XlXth century. At the turn of the century, some scholars decided to follow this particular trend and contributed to the modernization of the

lexicon by translating western texts in pure wenyan style adding every possible type of neologism, wherever the subject matter warranted it. This was especially the case of Yan

Fu's 嚴復 many translations 7.

^See in particular Tan Bi'an, Baihuawert yundong. 6丁0 my knowledge, no study has been undertaken on the impact of western languages

on Chinese syntax before the XXth century. Regarding the so-called "europeanization" of

modern Chinese after 1911, see Wang Li, Xiandai yufa: 299-383; Kubler, Europeanized Grammar and Xie Yaoji, Ouhua yufa.

^Yan Fu's name is normally associated with that of another great translator, Lin Shu

林条予(1852-1924). However, unlike Yan Fu, the latter knew no foreign language and worked alongside other Chinese who were familiar with several foreign languages. Lin Shu translated more than 180 western literary works into Chinese using the ancient system of writing on the basis of an oral rendering of the text. His translations had an enormous circulation and through

them many western literary works became known in China. I shall not take his translations into consideration here, given that the only text published before the end of the XlXth century

• Bali chahua nii yishi 巴黎茶花女填事,the translation of La Dame aux camelias by Alexandre

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114 1.7. The birth of a new national language

Yan Fu, who came from the southern province of Fujian, was probably the first

Chinese writer endowed with all the qualities that Liang Qichao believed essential for a translator: traditional Chinese culture, knowledge of foreign languages and of the subject

to be translated (cf. sec. 1.4.7.) He had graduated from the Arsenal of Fuzhou in 1871 and was one of the first

Chinese students to study abroad. In 1877 he travelled to Great Britain and spent approximately two years there learning the language and coming into direct contact with British culture 8. After his return to China in 1879, Yan Fu's translations and critiques of

European works, were enormously popular among his contemporaries. In 1898, he published Tianyan lun 天演输,his first translation-critique of T.H.Huxley's Evolution and Ethics (1893) 9. Liang Qichao was particularly struck by this work (cf. sec. 1.4.7.,

Note 18),which had considerable impact on China's cultural 6\itt in the early XXth century.

Although Yan Fu believed that a good translation should be "adherent" {xin 信),

"comprehensible" {da 達)and "elegant" (ya 雅)10, his own prose was recherch6 and in the style of the classics of the pre-Qin era (before 221 B.C.). Its meaning was obscure for

anyone lacking a profound understanding of the classical language, to the point that critics often claim his prose to be an extreme attempt to combine modern content and

classical language. Yet, a careful study of some of Yan Fu's translations 11 shows that his lexicon

Dumas fils begun in 1897 and published in Fuzhou in 1899 - contains no neologism that did not already exist in earlier works. For Hu Shi's opinion on Lin Shu's prose, see Hu Shi wencun: II, 197-201. Cf. also Lee, Lin Shu.

^On Yan Fu see Hu Shi wencurt: II, 194-201 and Schwartz's monograph, Yen Fu. Unfortunately Schwartz devotes only a few pages to a linguistic analysis of Yan Fu's translations (92 • 98). ^ln addition to Evolution and Ethics,Yan Fu's main translations were: Yuanfu 庚富,

1901-1902: Adam Smith's, An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations

(London 1776); Qunxue yiyan 群料苜, 1903: Herbert Spencer's A Study of Sociology (New York 1883); Qun jiquan jielun 群己播界输 1903: John Stuart Mill's Essay on Liberty (London

1859); Shehui tongquan 1904: Edward Jenks' A History of Politics (London 1900); Fayi 法兔 1904-1909: Charles-Louis Montesquieu's De Visprit des lois (Geneva 1748); Mule mingxue 樣勒名舉 1905: incomplete translation of John Stuart Mill's Logic (London 1896); Mingxue qianshuo 名举激免 1909: William Stanley Jevons' Logic (New York 1879). Cf. Yan Fu,Tianyan lurt: 1581. ⑴Yan Fu illustrated these three criteria in his 1898 introduction to Tianyan lun (cf.

Yan Fu, Tianyan lun: 1321-1323). The English translation by C.Y.Hsu is contained in Renditions: I, Autumn 1973, 4-6.

1 ^For chronological reasons, I have only examined the lexicon used by Yan Fu in

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7.7. The birth of a new national language 115

was in fact far more diversified and complex. The long-standing cliche that he was essentially a staunch advocate of traditional, classical language was probably based on

considerations of a political rather than literary nature Where possible,Yan Fu preferred to find ancient expressions for western concepts and revive obsolete synonyms

rather than adopt terms of common use However, he did use some of the neologisms invented in the XlXth century works on science and geography. For example: huaxue

化摩"chemistry", minzhu 民主"democracy", ziyou 自由"freedom", wenxue 文举 ”literature", yiyuan 嫌院"parliament", guozhai 國ft "national debt" and baoxian 保險 "insurance".

Yan Fu also tried to defend Chinese lexicon from the influx of Japanese loans

and preferred to coin his own new terms rather than use those that existed in contemporary works. For example, he avoided the already known ziben 資本"capital" and invented mucai 母貝才,which he used also for every economic expression linked to capital

(floating capital, fixed capital, etc.); he used chaodian 妙店,chaos hang fj;商 or banke 版克 to indicate "bank" rather than use the already known Japanese loan yinhang 銀行. However, this "lexical nationalism" did not prevent him from using some original loans

from the Japanese,such as shichang 市塌"market" (1901).

Interestingly, the same does not apply to the western terms "economy" and

"sociology" translated by Yan Fu in 1898 as jixue 針举 and qunxue 群學.I have found no trace of the Japanese loan jingji 經濟"economy" (later to become widespread in China) in earlier texts. Presumably when he invented jixue he did not know about the other term and continued to use it even after his discovery of the Japanese loan jingji. I

believe the same applies to qunxue. Yan Fu used the term in the Tianyan lun of 】898, but only stated his intention to retain his own neologism rather than use the Japanese shehuixue 社會舉(later widespread in Chinese) in 1903 in the introduction to Qunxue

yiyan 群挪言 14. Thus Yan Fu should be considered first and foremost an innovator and not only an opponent of Japanese loans.

Yan Fu also made extensive use of phonemic loans, using this system for the names of people and places,and for western institutions. For example "university" is rendered as youniweishidi 係尼•锥赏地:a phonemic loan from the English "university" the translations Tianyan lun and Yuan fu.

^Jhis cliche was only disproved quite recently in the aforementioned text by Schwartz.

^The following are some examples of Yan Fu's use of ancient terms to indicate western products: bread (cf. Yan Fu, Yuanfu: 67),butter (cf. Yan Fu, Yuanfu: 205) and cheese

(Ibidem). In some cases he even had to add notes explaining the meaning of the obsolete terms.

I4Cf. Yan Fu, Qunxue yiyan: XI. The preference for quanxue rather than shehuixue is the only example cited by Schwartz, Yen Fu: 259, note 8.

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116 1.7. The birth of a new national language

(cf. Yan Fu, Yuanfu: 113). Although Yan Fu's works were widely read, the terms he coined appear to have been short-lived. Only few have survived: for example, wutuobang 為托李P "utopia" and,

for a certain time, zhengcun 爭存"struggle for existence" (cf. Chow, May Fourth: 64, note t).

According to a study by Hu Shi lj, the prose of Yan Fu and Lin Shu constituted one of the four stylistic trends of the XlXth century "Movement for renewal

in the framework of ancient language" (op.cit.: 181). The others were the polemical articles by Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao, the philological essays by Zhang Binglin 箪炳麟(1868-1936) and the political works by Zhang Shizhao 章士别(1881-1973). Hu Shi considers Zhang Binglin's prose the most successful in classical terms, constituting the peak of development of classical language, and Zhang Shizhao's works a link between

Yan Fu and Zhang Binglin.

In terms of lexicon, Yan Fu, Lin Shu, Tan Sitong and Liang Qichao were the only authors to represent an innovative trend. Stylistically, Yan Fu's translations were so

classical as to be virtually incomprehensible to the average reader; Lin Shu's were more agile and in some ways more similar to the literary tradition of northern baihua novels,

but had nothing like the impact of Liang Qichao's polemical articles 16. Tan Sitong's prose was innovative insofar as it successfully absorbed many technical and scientific neologisms from the translations of western texts, possibly using them for the first time

in a philosophical and theoretical context. Liang Qichao made extensive use of terms of Japanese origin very early, and, wherever possible, avoided phonemic loans. Indeed, it was thanks to Liang Qichao's prose that some of the lexicon of the wenyan managed to survive, when a kind of baihua gradually started to prevail as the national language.

In sec. 1.1. we mentioned that with the Tang and Song dynasties various kinds of northern baihua started to be used to compose narrative works: short stories and then

novels. The most famous works of the Ming era, for example the Sanguozhi yanyi

じHu Shi, Wushi nian lai Zhongguo zhi wenxue (Chinese literature in the last fifty years) in Hu Shi wencun: II, 180-261. 16 In his autobiography written at the age of forty, Hu Shi wrote: "A few years after

its publication, Evolution and Ethics (by T.H. Huxley n.o.t.) had become famous throughout the country, becoming a classic for high-school students" (Hu Shi wencurt: 46; cit. also by Schwartz, Yan Fu: 259, note 14). But further on he added: "In the year and a half (1905-1906 n.o.t.) I spent at the school of Chengzhong 法衣,I read other works in addition to the set books. For example at the time I read Yan Fu's translation of the Essays on Liberty (by John Stuart Mill, n.o.t.). But Yan Fu's style was too classical and refined, and the impact he had on the students was in no way comparable to that of Liang Qichao. In Liang Qichao's articles in addition to clarity and skill, we also find sentiments so profound as to drive one to follow him and his thought" (Hu Shi wencun: 47).

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1.7. The birth of a new national language 117

三國志演義(Romance of the three kingdoms), the Shuihu zhuan 水滸傳(Water margin), the Jin Ping Mei 金瓶梅 and the Xiyou ji 西遊記(Journey to the West) were followed by three other famous novels also written between the first centuries of the

Qing dynasty and the Opium War of 1840: Honglou meng 紅播事(Dream of the red chamber), Rulin waishi 係林外灾(Unofficial history of the literati) and the Jinghua yuan 镇花系!: (Predestined union of the mirror and the flowers). Although the style was still relatively literary, none of these Ming and Qing novels were written in wenyan and the authors mainly used forms of expression of their own native dialect. For example, the

Honglou meng is considered to be representative of the northern dialects (cf. sec. 1.1., note 2), although it does contain some expressions from other dialects. The Jin Ping Mei and the Shuihu zhuan were written mainly in the Shandong 山東 dialect, but also contain

expressions from other dialects ^. During the second half of the XlXth century many other novels were written in

northern baihua. The most famous are Er nii yingxiong zhuan 兒女英傳(Heroic biographies of young men and women) by Wenkang 文康 and Qixia wuyi 七(夾五!! (Seven heroes and five knights) by Shi Yukun 石玉度,both written in the Peking dialect.

A number of works were also written in various southern baihua. Again, as in the popular literature of the northern regions, the works (mostly in the Wu 吳 dialects)

were based on songs and oral narratives in prose or verse. Among these works we can

cite: Hai shang hua liezhuan 海上花歹1j傳(Sing-song girls of Shanghai) by Han Bangqing 韓邦慶 written in Suzhou 蘇州 dialect and Fei tuozi zhuan 飛SE子傳 by Zou Bixian SP必顯 in Yangzhou 揚州 dialect. More to the south we find the collection Suyu

qing tan 俗言吾tf談(Conversation in popular language) by Shao Binru 召P彬儒, containing expressions in Canton 膺州 dialect and Liuhua meng 溜花夢(The story of the pomegranate dream) by Li Guiyu 李桂玉 containing some parts in Fuzhou 福州 dialect

17Cf. Zhou Zhenhe, Fangyart: 182-189. On the presence of various styles and linguistic forms in the major Qing novels, cf. Hanan, Vernacular Story: 15, cit. also in Dolezelov^, Novel: 12. 1 ^The main study on popular literature, particularly that of southern China, is Zheng

Zhenduo's, Suwenxue. Concerning the works written in the Wu dialect, see Hu Shi's work Hai

shang hua lie xu 海上花歹1J序(Introduction to Hai shang hua lie) in Hu Shi wencun: III, 473 496. The first thirteen chapters of the novel Hai shang hua liezhuan have been translated into Italian by G. Casacchia (cf. Casacchia, Hai shang hua liezhuan). On southern literature, cf. Van

Der Loon, Regional languages of Southeast China. Concerning the literature written in the Canton dialect, cf. also F. Masini, "Una .Divina Commedia' cantonese" (A Cantonese Divine

Comedy) in Mondo Cinese,XIX, 1, marzo 1991, 27-48. Remarks on the literature in the southern dialects can also be found in Zhou Zhenhe, Fangyan: 182-189.

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118 1.7. The birth of a new national language

This vast literary genre, which was strongly rooted in the north and later spread,

though less extensively, in the south, was what we might call light entertainment literature: stories of noble and heroic deeds, ancient lineage, love and prostitution. Although profoundly different in terms of style and narrative quality’ they can be regarded as literature for entertainment and evasion.

Thus, until the end of the XlXth century, serious, important works were written

in wenyan and the lighter, more frivolous stories describing everyday life or mores were

written in the various kinds of baihua. If a language other than the wenyan was used, there was never any intention of challenging the primacy of wenyan and its literature. Hu Shi wrote thus:

For thousands of years, literature in baihua has been a constant uninterrupted trend from beginning to end However, in the Tang poems, in the

Song lyrics, in the Yuan plays and in the stories of the Ming and Qing age, never has f baihua) been invoked intentionally, never has there been the explicit intention of attacking the classical literature, never has literature in baihua been

openly advocated (Hu Shi wencun: II, 183). Although the first critical comments on the use of wenyan started to emerge at the end of the XlXth century in the first periodicals written in baihua,criticism of the

wenyan did not really develop until the early 1920s. At the start of the century, a new literary genre, referred to as the "late Qing novel" (Wan Qing xiaoshuo 晚滑小故),half

way between the traditional and the new form, emerged in southern China. Its development as a literary genre coincided with the establishment of the first wholly literary journals. The first literary journal,the Xin xiaoshuo 新,J\SS (Journal of new short-stories) (cf. Ding Wenjiang, Liang nianpu: 148) was founded by Liang Qichao in

1903. The Xiuxiang xiaoshuo 铺像小説(Illustrated short-stories) was founded in Shanghai by Li Baojia 李管嘉 and Wu Woyao 吳沃|S| immediately afterwards, in May 1903. The first thirteen chapters of Liu E.s 劉翔(1857-1909) novel Laocan youji 老残遊記(The travels of Laocan) were published in this latter journal between 1903 and

1904. In 1906, Wu Woyao founded the Yueyue xiaoshuo 月月小拔(Monthly short stories) in Shanghai (cf. A Ying, Baokan shuliie). Wu Woyao, Li Baojia, Liu E and Zeng Pu 普卞荑 all published stories in episode form on these literary journals. Later, Chinese critics were to refer to these works in general as "social satire", without referring to the

more innovative aspects that linked them to the birth of Modern Chinese literature 19.

^Lu Xun suggested that this genre should be referred to as qianze xiaoshuo 謎貴小說(novel of exposure). This was subsequently the term used by Chinese critics. Cf. Lu Xun, Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue 中國小設史略(Brief history of Chinese Fiction), ch. XXVIII in Lu Xun quanji: IX,282-292; A Ying, Wan Qing xiaoshuo shi. More recently these works

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1.7. The birth of a new national language 119

For the first time southern baihua was used in these short stories as a vehicle of explicit

social criticism 加. Of the many new features introduced by this literary genre at the start of the

XXth century one was particularly important as far as lexicon is concerned: the events described were set in the present (cf. Dolezelov谷,Novel: 14). Hence, for the first time,

the neologisms used in the spoken language could also be used in literature. These new terms and expressions were generally related to the new ideas, phenomena and areas of knowledge that had been gradually introduced in the geographical, scientific, technical and,later, political works written in wenyan during the XlXth century.

Thus the "late Qing novels" constituted a fundamental step in that complex process of transformation of different baihua from vernacular literary languages, very

much linked to a specific regional context, to a literary language that could aspire to

national status. During the XXth century, this process eventually culminated in the establishment of a new national language that gradually supplanted the former wenyan.

None of the literary baihua could simply be adopted tout court as the official

language, as they were still not equipped to convey all society's needs of expression. First there had to be a transformation from language of "entertainment" to "serious" language. The baihua of the old short story genre was really too simple. In using it for practical purposes, it soon became evident that it had to be transformed 2ゾ.

The works written in wenyan on western subjects during the second half of the XlXth century, the short stories written at the start of the XXth century, and the many

political texts written by Chinese students in Japan all contributed to the formation of what can be called the "new national baihua". While in lexical terms the "new national baihua" utilized the transformations undergone by wenyan during the XlXth century, in terms of syntax and sentence structure

it was mostly modelled on the earlier works written in northern baihua. This might explain why critics have failed to grasp the extent to which the wenyan lexicon influenced the development of a new national language. have been analyzed in the framework of Modern Chinese literature by western critics. Cf. Dolezelov^, Chinese Novel, Dolezelov^, Novel: 13-20. ^^Between 1897 and 1899, Liang Qichao, Yan Fu and Xia Suiqing 夏德卿 wrote the first articles acknowledging the social and political role of the short stories. Cf. A Ying, Wan

Qing xiaoshuo shi: 2. 21hu Shi, Xin wenxue jianshe lilun 新文舉建投理論(Theory for the creation of the

new literature) in中國新文举大系導論集Z/wn狀如 xin wenxue daxi, daolun ji (Great series of new Chinese literature, theoretical essays): 42-43, cit. in Xie Yaoji, Ouhua yufa: J1.

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120 1.7. The birth of a new national language

The history of the origins of Modern Chinese lexicon suggests a possible parallel between the non-recognition of the role played by the "late Qing novels" in the history of modern literature and the lack of interest shown by language historians in the XlXth century scientific, technical and political essays.

Western scholars have recently stressed the extent to which the literary movement of new culture (which first developed in 1919) was in fact indebted to the "late

Qing novels", and how those upholding the new literature had been guided by purely political considerations in dissociating themselves from the Chinese scholars of the late

Qing period 22. The upholders of the "new baihua" probably did not acknowledge the extent to which the new language had been influenced by the texts on western subjects written in the second half of the XlXth century for the same reason.

Although the extent to which the "new national baihua" was indebted to the

"late Qing novels" has recently been highlighted, in my view too little stress is still placed on the extent to which this new idiom was linked to what we can call "XlXth century wenyan" and the neologisms invented in that context 23. By placing the origins

of the "new baihua" in a wider perspective, I believe it is possible to show how Modern Chinese was not simply the revolutionary outcome of the May Fourth Movement, but in fact the point of convergence of several stylistic registers (baihua,wenyan, etc.) and local linguistic realities.

The development of Modern Chinese lexicon is not the natural outcome of the northern literary tradition, simply supplemented with the modern ideas of the reformers of

the May Fourth Movement, but is the result of a far more complex process which began in the XlXth century. The literary works written in various dialects, the Ming and Qing

novels, the late Qing literature, the Japanese technical literature and, last but not least, the XlXth century essays and translations of western subjects are all, with no exception, essentia) parts of that process.

^^For an overview of the most recent western literary studies cf. Dolezelovi,Novel: 11-20.

23八5 far as I know, the only study that has taken this aspect into consideration is

Dolezelovd's work, Modern Chinese Literature. The author writes "To my knowledge, no extensive analytical studies about the rise of modern standard Chinese have yet been undertaken. The picture of the language situation in ninctccnth-ccntury China as discussed in

this article is therefore a hypothetical one" (op. cit.: 410, Note 4).

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2. SOME LEXICAL PHENOMENA

2.1. FROM MONOSYLLABIC TO POLYSYLLABIC LANGUAGE

In the first section of this work I discussed the origin and diffusion

approximately five hundred words characteristic of XlXth century Chinese, within

historical context in which they first developed and then spread. In this more specific

linguistic section, I shall show how these terms contributed to the developmen

Chinese lexicon in general, and in relation to earlier or later lexicon. As my comme

can obviously only be based on written texts, I will be analyzing only trends of wri Chinese lexicon during the XlXth century.

It may be useful to start with an examination of the phonemic length

Chinese words and its transformation under the influence of XlXth century Chin

lexicon. Sinologists have long been debating whether Chinese can be considered

monosyllabic language 1. On the basis of the traditional superimposition of characters

字)and words (ci 詞)operated by Chinese lexicographers, many western scholars h

tended to exaggerate the monosyllabic nature of Chinese and consider the polysylla words that existed in ancient Chinese as mere exceptions confirming the general rule

Chinese was essentially a monosyllabic language.

It is important to stress that polysyllabic words were already used even prior t

the XlXth century, especially in baihua literature. In the Shuihu zhuan (approximat

1649), in the Honglou meng (1765) and in the Er nii yingxiong zhuan (1840),the r

between polysyllables and monosyllables was approximately 1:1. This ratio rema more or less the same in Lao She's 老舍 novel Luotuo xiangzi 路5挤羊子(1935),

increased dramatically in the literary works written after 1949, where the percentage

monosyllables and polysyllables was 14.2 and 85.8 per cent respectively (73,7 per c of the latter being disyllables) z.

)Cf. in particular Karlgren, Sound and Symbol',De Francis, Language Reform: 1 165; Zhou Fagao, Monosyllabism and Korotkov, Modern Literary Chinese.

^-Shuihu zhuan: polysyllables 54.5%, monosyllables 45.5%; Honglou meng

polysyllables 50.7%, monosyllables 49.3%; Er nii yingxiong zhuan: polysyllables 50.0 monosyllables 49.04%. I have developed these data and those relative to Lao She's novel

the basis of the sample contained in Chen Wenbin, Duoyinci and Wenbin, Tongji. Accor

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122 2. Some lexical phenomena

Unfortunately we have no similar studies (even generic ones) for political texts.

Generally speaking, the language used in official documents was kept as concise as possible and repetitions and disyllabic words avoided. However, there were exceptions: for

example,in the official language of the Qing dynasty two virtually synonymous monosyllabic words were usually transformed into one word of two syllables and single

monosyllabic words were coupled with various semantically neutral characters. Thus in the Qing era, it would seem that the official language preferred terms composed of two syllables rather then one 3.

Undeniably, Chinese lexicon was gradually moving towards polysyllabism. According to Wang Li, this was essentially in response to the progressive phonemic simplification of the language. Where this process of simplification was more gradual -

for example, in the Yue ® dialects - the tendency was less marked. Wang Li {Hanyu shigao: 342-346) also believed that the trend toward polysyllabism was a response to the impact of foreign languages and cited some words of foreign origin that had been part of

Chinese lexicon from ancient times (fflrd century A. D.)4.

On the basis of the neologisms I have identified, I believe that loans from western languages further encouraged this move toward polysyllabism.

The autochthonous neologisms that originated in the XlXth century were all polysyllables, except for the terms used for chemical elements (cf. sec. 1.4.6.),characters

of Japanese origin (cf. sec. 2.2.4.),phonemic loans used to indicate units of weight and

measure (cf. sec. 2.2.2.) and some characters of dialectal origin (cf. also Wu-Wang, Cihui: 396). Apart from the above exceptions, I have only been able to find two morpheme words that acquired a new meaning autonomously in this period: quan 播"right" and dian

to another sample, the Xiyou ji (XVIth century) contains 26% polysyllables and 74% monsyllables; the Honglou meng,69% monosyllables and 31% polysyllables (Sheng-Zhang, Shuangyinjiehua: 60). Regarding the overall situation of the literary texts produced after

1949, cf. Pinlii cidian: 1489. All the investigations were conducted on very small samples (approximately 500 words) with the exception of the post-1949 one. Therefore the results could change substantially on the basis of a larger sample.

^These remarks are taken from Metzger, Ch'ing Bureaucracy: 113-114, 117.

^On the influence of these two factors on polysyllabism, Wang Li wrote: "If phonology had not been simplified and foreign terms not absorbed, the Chinese language

would still have progressed slowly along the road of polysyllabism, since it was a law inherent to the development of the Chinese language. However, thanks to these two important

factors, the process was more rapid" (Wang Li, Hanyu shigao: 343, note 2).

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2.1. From monosyllabic to polysyllabic language 123

W "electricity" 5. Both are bound morphemes and hence, could only be used in conjunction with other morphemes 6.

In considering polysyllabic neologisms, I shall distinguish between disyllabic and polysyllabic terms. Historically speaking, the most common morphological structure

of disyllables was the associative structure: the two monosyllabic elements composing the word had no dependent relationship, in terms of syntax; being considered synonyms

they were joined together to form one disyllabic compound. This appears to have been the morphological structure of 70-80 per cent of all the disyllabic compounds up until

the XlXth century (Wang Li, Xiandai yufa: II,304). We have seen that in the XlXth century and even before 7 disyllabic neologisms of foreign origin generally assumed a determining-determined structure (cf. Wang Li, Hanyu shigao: 343; Wang Li, Yufa shi: 166) 8. In fact, this is the structure of more than half the approximately 300 disyllabic neologisms contained in the vocabulary in the appendix; only one-tenth is built according to the associative morphological structure.

The system of affixation (prefixes and suffixes) was used to compose approximately 60 neologisms; morphologically, the relation can be considered a sub-category of the more general determining-determined relationship. One of the two elements is degraded to the role of affix, and the syntactic relationship within the

word remains that of determining-determined. What changes is the semantic relationship of the word with the whole class of words sharing either the same suffix or prefix 9. In

^Other monosyllables contained in the dictionary in the appendix are dun 舊"ton", a phonological loan from the English, yang 洋"foreigner" (in use at least from the XVIIIth

century) and zhan 站"station", a phonological loan from Mongolian that had spread earlier. ^For the definition of free and bound morphemes cf. Zhao Yuanren, Mandarin Primer:

33-34; Zhao Yuanren, Grammar of Spoken Chinese: 143-146 and Lii Shuxiang, Ziyou he nianzhuo.

'd. for example, the neologisms invented by the Jesuits in the XVII century. They all have a determining-determined morphological structure. Cf. sec. 1.2. Note 3.

^There are nine structures of morphological composition of Chinese words: 1) subject-predicate (e.g. nianqing 年資);2) Predicate-complement (e.g. xiahuai 時树S); 3) Predicate-object (e.g. xiezi 裔字;4) Determining-determined (e.g. yangrou 羊肉} ; 5)

Associative (e.g. xiongdi 兄弟);6) Polysyllabic morphemes (e.g. boli 玻璃);7) Reduplication (e.g. gege 哥哥);8) Prefixation (e.g. laohuang 老黄);9) Suffixation (e.g. zhuozi 桌子).Cf. Lu Zhiwei, Goucifa: 11; see also F. Masini, "Relazioni fra le unit各 dell'analisi sintattica e dell'analisi lessicale in cinese moderno: premessa per uno studio dell'evoluzione lessicale del Putonghua”,in Cina,XXII, 1990, 201-220. ^Regarding affixes in modern Chinese, cf. Hermanov焱-Novotn焱 Affix-like Word formation and Zhao Yuanren, Grammar of Spoken Chinese: 211-256; Lu Zhiwei, Goucifa: 126 133.

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124 2. Some lexical phenomena

Chinese, affixes are word-morphemes that were originally free, but subsequently degraded

and turned into a sort of semantic mark repeated in a given class of words. If placed in front of the base, they are prefixes; if placed after, they are suffixes.

The prefixes and suffixes that already existed in Chinese prior to the XlXth century belonged essentially to two closed, highly restricted classes: the prefixes, chu 初,lao 老,xiao /J、etc., the de-lexicalized suffixes: zi 子,tou SB, non-syllabic units er 兒 and few others. In the course of the development of the language, other not even partially de-lexicalized affixes were added but, unlike other affixes, were open classes. There are still divergent views on the function of these affixes: some consider their relationship with the base element as a simple determining-determined relationship; others consider them to be affixes proper In order to make a clear distinction between affixes proper in the strict sense and lexical affixes, Hcrmanovd-Novotnd considers the

latter as "prefix-like formatives" and "suffix-like formatives" (cf. Affix-like Word formation). This scholar has made a careful classification of the lexical affixes which still constitute one of the main sources of lexical innovation of the Chinese language.

In the framework of this study, it seems important to try to go beyond Hermanovd's rigorous synchronic analysis and place this particular phenomenon in a diachronic perspective 11 •

Before the XlXth century affixes proper, in the narrow sense, already existed in the Chinese language. Affix-like word-formatives, though not completely absent, had not

yet fully developed their potential of lexical innovation. Prior to this, it had been relatively common to prefix terms indicating objects of foreign origin with certain adjectives, having the meaning of "barbarian" or "foreign". Once these became prefix-like formatives, they were used as morphological material for the creation of neologisms: hu

^Apart from the "prefixes proper", the "noun suffixes", the "verbal suffixes" and

the "subordinative suffixes", Zhao Yuanren (Grammar of Spoken Chinese: 211-256) analyzed all other prefixes as •’versatile first morphemes in compounds" and "modern prefixes" and all

other suffixes as "versatile end morphemes in compounds" and "modern suffixes". Lu Zhiwei

(Goucifa: 126-133) only considers those belonging to closed classes as affixes, and treats some "affix-like formatives" in the context of the determining-determined morphological relationship. Zhu Dexi shares the same approach, cf. Yufa jiangyi: 28-32. A half-way solution is presented by Li and Thomson (Mandarin Chinese: 36-45). In fact they analyze prefixes and suffixes without making a further distinction between the various subclasses. For a more

detailed discussion of the different positions of Chinese and non-Chinese linguists, cf. Hermanov^-Novotnd, Affix-like Word -formation: 17-27.

11 More recently, the morphological formation of polysyllabic compounds, especially those formed by means of affixation, has been analyzed by the Russian sinologist Frolova, who classified 70 affixes (35 prefixes and 35 suffixes) in a monograph published in 1981. Cf. Slovoobrazovanie: 86-93.

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2.1. From monosyllabic to polysyllabic language 125

40. fan S, yang 洋 and xi 西.Yang and xi were particularly common in the XlXth century: yangyan 洋理"opium" (foreigner-smoke), yangbu 洋布"calico" (foreigner material) (cf. Ding Zhenglin, Wailaici: 108-109). In this case, yang can no longer be considered simply as an adjective, since the overall meaning of the word to which it gave origin was not the sum of the various meanings of the elements composing it. During the XlXth century the suffix-like formatives revealed their full potential

in terms of innovation. In the list of neologisms contained in the appendix we see that xue 举"study" and ji 機"machine" were the most frequently used suffix-like formatives.

Both already existed, but were used far more extensively in the course of the XlXth century. At least seventeen disyllabic terms were composed with the suffix xue: for example, huaxue 化舉,guangxue 光學,etc. and around ten with ji: for example, dianji

電機,huoji火機,etc. The development of affix-like formatives is closely linked to their association

with disyllabic bases. From a morphological point of view, this will be a major source of neologisms during the XXth century.

The trisyllabic neologisms constituted a far greater innovation in the history of

Chinese lexicon. Again, some trisyllabic words existed prior to the XlXth century. The statistical study referred to earlier indicated that about 1 per cent of words were trisyllables

in the Xiyou ji and the Honglou meng (cf. Sheng-Zhang, Shuangyinjiehua: 60). This percentage increased to 6.2 per cent in literary Chinese lexicon after 1949 (cf. Pinlii cidian: 1489),and I believe that a more detailed examination of the lexicon of this latter period would show an even more dramatic increase This increase can be attributed to the diffusion first of the "base > suffix-like"

structure and later of the •’prefix-like > base" structure. We have seen that the relationship

between the base and the suffix-like formative can be considered a simple determining determined relationship. This is confirmed in an historical perspective by the case of the suffix-like formative xue. Prior to the XlXth century, the Chinese language already had

some disyllables composed of a monosyllabic base, plus xue. For example, suanxue 算學.Since the language had already envisaged the possibility of creating disyllable compounds, the determining-determined relationship existing between suan and xue did

not need to be further specified by means of the particle zhi 之 which can also be used for this purpose.

The situation was quite different if xue was used to suffix a disyllabic base and the word was therefore composed of three syllables. In this case,the base was generally

linked to xue by the particle zhi thus making xue a monosyllabic word and not a suffix

like formative: for example,jihe zhi xue 钱何之举"study of geometry". During the XlXth century xue was also directly linked to disyllabic roots thus becoming a suffix-like l^The statistics contained in the Pinlii cidian refer to the 1950 - 1987 period but do not reveal the extent to which this proportion has changed over the years.

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126 2. Some lexical phenomena

formative and creating trisyllabic compounds. The first compound of this type I have managed to identify is zhiwuxue 植物® "botany" (1859). I have identified fifteen such compounds created between 1859 and the end of the century. Of these,ten were original

loans from the Japanese. Of the remaining five autochthonous neologisms, only two are

still in use: zhiwuxue and dizhixue 地質® "geology". Uncertainty regarding the use of xue as a suffix-like formative of disyllabic roots

or as a monosyllabic word persisted right up until the end of the XlXth century and

possibly beyond. In 1872, (Zhigang, Chishi Taixi ji: 315) we find tianwen zhi xue 天文之舉"study of astronomy", later to become tianwenxue 天文舉.In 1898 Yan Fu (Tianyan lun: 1369) chose dongwu zhi xue 動物之®1 "study of animals" rather than dongwuxue 重))物举"zoology", an original loan from the Japanese already in use (cf. sec. 2.2.4.). Partly under the influence of Japanese, which contributed to the rapid creation of

numerous such trisyllabic compounds, the suffix-nke formative xue proved to be extremely productive and used for the creation of Chinese equivalents for the names of certain sciences

The other most frequent suffix-like formative, ji 機"machine", developed in a similar manner in the XlXth century. About half the words formed with a base plus ji

were authocthonous disyllabic neologisms. The remaining words were trisyllabic words composed on a disyllable base. One of the first examples of this type of trisyllable was

falangji 法郎機 used in the Ming dynasty to indicate both the "Francs" and a type of

harquebus said to have been introduced by the Francs into China Although a trisyllable formed with the suffix-like formative ji, in this case the base is a phonemic loan of "Franc". In lexical terms, the trisyllables of this type found in the Haiguo tuzhi

(3022) • for example huolunji 火拳禽機"steam engine" - were different. Following the construction and use of all types of machinery of foreign origin, trisyllables formed with

ji had started to spread as early as the XlXth century. They were a relatively minor phenomenon compared to the extensive development in the XXth century of trisyllabic formations, composed by a disyllabic base with the addition of an affix-like formative. At the beginning of this century, the Japanese language further stimulated the introduction of many other affix-like formatives (especially suffix-like) which significantly enriched

the lexicon of Modern Chinese, however, in my view it is important to stress that this process had already begun in the XlXth century.

I would like to make one final point, before concluding this discussion on trisyllables. Just as the Chinese language has tended increasingly to substitute 13 in the Niyin cidian: 1083-1089, reference is made to 200 trisyllables with the suffix-like formative xue. For a synchronic analysis of the suffix-like formative xuet see HeFmanov^-Novotna, Affix-like Word-formation: 69-74. 14Already used by Giulio Aleni in his Zhifang waiji written in 1623 (juan 2, f. 14v). Cf. Dai Yixuan, Falangji zhuan: I, 21. Chen, Lin Tse-hsu: 15-16.

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2.7. From monosyllabic to polysyllabic language 127

monosyllables with disyllables, so also has it tended to contract trisyllables into disyllables, dropping the initial, the middle or the end syllable.

Omission of the middle syllable is the system of contraction used the most in

the neologisms I have collected On the basis of the initial syllable, we can divide the words into two classes: huo 火"fire" or dian 電"electricity". In the following examples, the date of attestation is indicated in brackets. For the source the reader is referred to the

vocabulary in appendix.

huolunche 火幸禽車(1838) > huoche 火車(1838); huolunchuan 火格船(1838) > huochuan 火船(1838);

dianqibao 電菊海(1877) > dianbao 電報(1868); dianqideng 電氣搜(1866) > diandeng 電燈(1868) > qideng 籤® (1872); dianqiguang 罨氣光(1872) > dianguang 電光(?);

dianqiji 職機(1866) > dianji 職(1866); dianqiling 電氣鈐(1869), dianxianling 電線室令(1866) > dianling 電室$ (?);

dianqixian 電氣線(1866) > dianxian 電線(1868); dianqixin 電氣倍(1866) > dianxin 電信(1875); dianqi xingche 電氣行車(1892) > dianche 電車(1891). As the above attestations cannot be said to have absolute value, we cannot be certain whether we are dealing with a phenomenon of contraction of trisyllables into

disyllables or of expansion of disyllables. If, however, we look at the subsequent development of each word, it seems more likely to have been a contraction than an expansion. In each case, after a more or less extended period of coexistence, the disyllabic

word seems to have prevailed

For what concerns the phonemic length of Chinese words, there seem to have

been various trends during the XlXth century. The general tendency was toward polysyllabism, and, within that framework, toward disyllabism, either by the expansion

of monosyllables or the contraction of trisyllables. However, this general trend also fostered the creation of trisyllables and quadrisyllables.

^ ^Interestingly, elision was already used when Chinese was essentially monosyllabic. The contraction was made on disyllabic compounds. Certain phonemic loans of

Buddhist origin, which originally were disyllabic, later became monosyllabic. For example channa 禅那"the sect of Chan or Zen" (a phonemic loan from the Sanskrit dhySna) which contracted to chart す畢(cf. Feng Youlan, Philosophy: II, 387).

^This phenomenon was highlighted by Fryer in the XlXth century (cf. sec. 1.4.6.). It was also analyzed by Zhen Dian [Cihui shi (4), 436-437] who, however, decided not to make

an overall analysis because in his view the sources available were insufficient. More recently

the question of the contraction of trisyllables and quadrisyllables into disyllables has been addressed by Frolova, Slovoobrazovanie: 69-76, but only in a synchronic perspective.

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2. 2. LOANS AND NEOLOGISMS

2.2.1. CLASSIFICATION AND ANALYSIS OF LOANS AND NEOLOGISMS

Chinese lexicon consists of three basic components: traditional or class

lexicon, loans and new formations or neologisms proper. Since the scope of this wo

to highlight elements of transformation, particular emphasis will be placed on loan

neologisms. I shall only comment on traditional lexicon in cases where terms belon

to that category have undergone changes as a result of events linked to loans neologisms. Loans and neologisms are that part of the lexicon which develops or changes following contacts (of society or language) with other cultures, or as a consequence of spontaneous transformations within the language system: In theory, in responding to external influences and assuming the linguistic features of the languages with which it

comes into contact, the lexicon can either simply adopt a feature of another language without transformation or adapt it to its own system. In practice, whenever a language absorbs a foreign expression, one or more aspects of it undergoes some change.

The most frequent form of adaptation concerns the phonemic shape of the foreign term. We talk of phonemic loans when the language takes on the meaning (usually one of the meanings) and the phonemic shape of a foreign word and adapts it to

its own phonemic system. Later we shall see that the essential impermeability of the Chinese phonemic system forced phonemic loans from western languages to undergo such a strong process of adaptation as to greatly discourage their diffusion.

The association of a phonemic loan with an autochthonous element produces what is known as an hybrid.

We talk of graphic loans when the language adopts both the meaning and the writing form of the foreign term. The phonemic shape of the word is determined by its

own phonemic system, regardless of the phonemic shape of the words in the borrowing

language. Graphic loans are only possible if the languages share the same ideographic writing system and the relationship between the semantic and the graphic shape of the words is direct and not mediated by the phonemic shape. Graphic loans from Japanese can be classified as original or return loans. Original loans are autochthonous Japanese words;

words that existed in earlier Chinese works but whose meaning subsequently changed in Japan; or words invented by the Japanese as loans from western words. Return loans are

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2.2.1. Classification and analysis of loans and neologisms 129

terms that already existed in earlier Chinese texts and still have the same meaning. Through their use in Japanese,they later came back into use in Chinese.

Chinese has also absorbed loans on the basis of the semantic or syntactic shape of foreign words. By semantic loans we mean those terms which existed in the traditional

lexicon, but assumed a new meaning on the basis of a foreign model. By syntactic loan or loan-translation we mean a word or a phrase invented in Chinese on the basis of the morphological or syntactic structure of the foreign model. The elements constituting the model and its replica correspond to each other in varying degrees.

Autochthonous neologisms, i.e. new formations possibly stimulated by a foreign word but not based on any foreign model, have also contributed to the modernization of Chinese lexicon.

This very brief outline of Chinese loans and neologisms is mainly based on the

work by Zdenka Hermanovd-Novotnd (Novotnd, Loan-words: 613-615). In Russia Ivanov (Zaimstvovanija) has also more or less followed this same approach. It is remarkable that no Chinese scholars working in the field of loans have produced a satisfactory description

that includes all the various types of new formations either inspired by or modelled on

foreign words. This may only be due to a question of terminology. The most common Chinese term for loan is wailaici 外來言■ 1 or "words of foreign origin”,a term invented in Japan to indicate phonemic loans from foreign languages (Shibatani, Japan: 142-147). At the start of the century, some foreigners in Shanghai had already published

collections of terms and bilingual dictionaries, but very few Chinese scholars paid any attention to foreign loans 2. Prior to 1949, the first dictionaries of neologisms,published earlier in the century only as aids for reading the many translations from Japanese and other languages, were not considered linguistic studies as such 3.

^ Also wailaiyu now obsolete in the People's Republic but still in use in Taiwan. Prior to this, the terms used most frequently were jiezi 借字(Zhou Fagao, Jiezi: 99)

and jieyu 借き吾(Zhao Yuanren, Yuyan wenti: 131-132). For a summary of the various terms used by Chinese scholars to indicate loans, see Zhu Xiaoyun, Gairaigo: 10. ^Morgan, New Terms & Expressions, Shanghai 1913; Mateer, New Terms for New

Ideas, Shanghai 1924; Morgan, New New Terms, Shanghai 1926; Morgan, New Terms, Revised and Enlarged,Shanghai 1932; Wieger, Neologie, Shanghai 1935. 3The first,the Xin Erya 新爾雅(The new Erya) edited by Wang Rongbao 王榮蕾 and

Ye Lan 葉聞 was printed in Tokyo in 1903. The Xinming cixun zuan 新名飼®I® edited by Zhou Shangfu 150商夭 was published in Shanghai in 1918. This was a collection of around 500 words considered of Japanese origin which the author committed himself to finding attestation

for in earlier Chinese works. Later, the most widely diffused dictionaries were the Xin shuyu

cidian 新術詩薛典(Dictionary of new technicalities) edited by Wu Nianci 吳念慈,Ke Bonian 柯柏年 and Wang Shenming 王'Bl名,Shanghai 1929 and the Xin mingci cidian 新名病飼辭典 (Dictionary of neologisms) edited by Xing Moqing 那墨卿,Shanghai 1934.

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130 2.2.Loans and neologisms

The first dictionary entirely dedicated to foreign loans, the Wailaiyu cidian

外來詩詢典(Dictionary of words of foreign origin), was edited by Hu Xingzhi 胡行之 and published in Shanghai in 1930. In the introduction the author indicated that the

wailaiyu 外來S吾 could be divided into five groups: a) phonemic loans (quanyiyin 全揮奩;b) semantic loans (quanyiyi 全S軍義;c) Japanese words (quanshuru 全输入);d)

hybrids (banyinbanyi e) phonemic and semantic loans (yinyijiangu 音!!兼IS) 4- Basically, the author considered every type of loan to belong to the category of wailaici (Hu Xingzhi, Wailaiyu cidian: 2- 3). Apart from this short introductory note, other earlier articles had also dealt with individual aspects: for example,

a text by Chen Duxiu P来}5秀(1916) on the rendering in Chinese of proper western nouns and two articles on graphic loans from the Japanese by Yu Yousun 余又孫 in 1935 and 1936 5.

In an article published in 1945, Luo Changpei 雜常进(Jiezi) identified six categories of loans. These included the various types of phonemic loans and hybrids, but

not semantic loans, loan-translations or grapnic loans. Ten years later in Taiwan, phonemic loans, semantic loans and loan-translations were all included in this category

by Zhou Fagao (Jiezi), who used the term jiezi 借字(loan) instead of wailaici. Scholars from mainland China only really started to pay attention to loans and neologisms at the

end of the 1950s. Phonemic and semantic loans (yiyici 睪言!)were both considered as wailaici in the early manuals and articles on Chinese lexicology, thus following the same approach as Hu Xingzhi in his dictionary

In the political climate of the time, elements with no evident foreign connotation (semantic loans and loans-translations) were unlikely to be indicated as "words of foreign origin" 1. This explain why the early studies on the wailaici 4The latter are words that look like phonemic loans but the characters used to render

the foreign sound provide an indication of the overall meaning of the word. I would like to thank Professor Yao Rongsong 姚榮松 of Taiwan Normal University for having introduced me to this book.

5All the articles and essays cited in the text are contained in the bibliography in the appendix. For other works not expressly cited, the reader is referred to the bibliographic works

cited in the bibliography: Yuyanxue lunwen, Yuyan wenzi,Chinese Lexicology and Linguistique Chinoise.

^This view was shared by Zheng Dian (Cihui guifan: 76), Zhou Zumo [Cihui jianghua: (12)], Zhang Shilu (Cihui: 41) and Zhou Dingyi {Yinyici he yiyici). Zhang Qingyuan (Wailaiyu: 150, note 1) was in an intermediate position: he did not consider the

semantic loans as wailaici, nor he did place them on the same level as other neologisms, preferring to refer to them as jieci (loans).

フWang Li (Hanyu shigao: 516), Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 8), Gao-Zhang (Wailaici), Liu Xiyin (Yiyi) and Chen Zhong (Jieci) criticized the classification of semantic

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2.2.1. Classification and analysis of loans and neologisms 131

concentrated first on phonemic loans and second on graphic loans from the Japanese, with

semantic loans only being considered in the context of neologisms, and loan-translations being completely ignored. The first Chinese monographs on foreign loans were published at the end of the

1950s. The first overall analysis of phonemic and graphic loans, Xiandai Hanyu wailaici

yanjiu現代漢緒外來润硏究by Gao Mingkai萵名飢and Liu Zhengtan劉正联was published in 1958. Only phonemic and graphic loans were considered as wailaici, thus excluding the semantic loans The authors analyzed the earliest examples of phonemic loans attested in Chinese from the Later Han dynasty and studied the phonemic rendering

in Chinese of western, particularly English, phonemes (op. cit.: 145-158). Graphic loans

from Japanese are divided into three classes: a) Pure loans, i.e. of autochthonous Japanese words; b) loans of words invented by the Japanese by imposing new meanings

of foreign origin on words that were used in classical Chinese, i.e. words invented in Japan as semantic loans of western terms; c) loans of words invented by the Japanese as

phonemic loans, loan-translations or neologisms based on a western model (op. cit. : 82 98).

In terms of phonemic loans, Gao Mingkai and Liu Zhengtan's work was an absolute novelty. In terms of graphic loans, their work was essentially based on a far more elaborate classification presented by Wang Lida in 1957, in which graphic loans were divided into eight classes: 1) words which in Japanese were phonemic loans but written with Chinese characters (kanji 漢字);2) autochthonous Japanese words written with kanji but read with Japanese pronunciation (kun-yomi 言Jlfe裔);3) words which in Japanese were loans from western languages read with the Si no-Japanese pronunciation

(on-yomi 音請)rather than the Japanese pronunciation (kun-yomi); 4) Japanese words which had acquired a new meaning in Chinese; 5) words attested in earlier Chinese texts,

but used for the first time by the Japanese to express a new modern meaning; 6) new

graphemes invented by the Japanese; 7) words invented by the Chinese to translate Japanese expressions; 8) now obsolete early-XXth-century Japanese loans [Wang Lida: (I)]. Gao Mingkai and Liu Zhengtan placed class (1) of Japanese phonemic loans with

loans as wailaici. Despite this, Wang Li did not seem one hundred per cent convinced during the discussion. For example,he wrote: "In contemporary Chinese (Jindai Hanyu 近代3K®

some phonemic loans (jieci 借and semantic loans (yici き軍含!)from western languages have also appeared" (op. cit.\ 523); and that tielu was a caique (mojieci 華借特)from the French chemin de fer (op. cit.\ 527). For a different interpretation of the origin of the word tielu, cf.

the vocabulary in appendix II.

8In the same period, Wang Li published Hanyu shigao in which he gave the same interpretation of the category of loans from Japanese and considered the semantic loans as neologisms, along the lines of the study by Gao Mingkai and Liu Zhengtan and the articles by Wang Lida (see further on).

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132 2.2.Loans and neologisms

the original loans (c), and omitted the classes relative to changed meaning (4), new graphemes (6), Chinese neologisms invented to translate Japanese expressions (7) and now obsolete early-XXth-century Japanese loans (8). The many articles and reviews published on the works by Gao-Liu and Wang Lida agreed that autochthonous Japanese words should be classified as wailaici (Wang Lida's categories 1 and 2 and Gao-Liu a), but not with the treatment of other classes.

Only one author categorically denied the existence of any other type of loan from Japanese 9; most tried to reduce the weight and the range of the class of words that had

existed in earlier Chinese texts, been given new meanings in Japanese and subsequently

returned to China with a new meaning (classes 5. or b.)The most authoritative critique was published in 1959 on one of the very few monographs printed in China on

the history of Modern Chinese language: Wusi yilai Hanyu shumian yuyan de bianqian he fazhan 五四以來漢詩書面SS言的爱遷fc發展.Loans from Japanese were divided into

I) original, II) return (Wang Lida's class 5. or Gao-Liu's class b.) and III) Japanese phonemic loans from foreign languages (Gao-Liu class c.) and new graphemes (Wang Lida's classes 1. and 6.) (Wusi yilai: 78-83). The words that had already existed in Chinese and had been reintroduced into China by the Japanese (class 5. or b. or II.) were indicated as ci qiao gui guo 詞 1 塞JS國"words which had returned home after a stay abroad" (Wusi yilai: 78).

Clearly what was only apparently a purely linguistic discussion involved sentiments of national pride. Wang Lida's statement that "In the dictionaries of neologisms almost half the words are loans from the Japanese" was absolutely unacceptable [Wang Lida: (1)]. Of course Japanese loans did exist in Modern Chinese, but, at least in theory, this phenomenon had to be limited as far as possible, though in ^Zhang Yingde (Riyu jieci) recognized only phonemic loans, purely Japanese words and new graphemes as loans from the Japanese. He considered as autochthonous Chinese words all Japanese words whose morphological structure was the same as that of Chinese words, and were read in Japanese with the Sino-Japanese pronunciation (on-yomi). He therefore excluded

the compounds invented in Japanese as loan-translations of western words and the words to

which the Japanese had given new meanings (classes 3. and 5. of Wang Lida's classification).

He accused Wang Lida of nihilism (xuwuzhuyi de qingxiang 虚無主義的食5向)in overestimating Japan's lexical influence on China. Wang Lida reacted [Wang Lida: (2)] by stating that the only valid criterion for establishing whether a word was or was not of Japanese

origin was to ascertain who had used it first. Consequently he did not accept either the morphological or the phonemic criterion. Some years later, Chen Zhong (Jieci) revived Zhang

Yingde.s critique to Wang Lida and applied it also to Gao Mingkai and Liu Zhengtan's work,

stressing the importance of using morphological and phonemic criteria in establishing whether a term was a wailaici.

lOzheng Dian (Riyu cihui) and Shao Rongfen (Ping wailaici yanjiu) criticized the treatment of this class.

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2.2.1. Classification and analysis of loans and neologisms 133

practice the words had spread enormously. This explains why in the Hanyu wailaici cidian 漢8香外來言写言?#,the dictionary of foreign words, started by Gao Mingkai and Liu

Zhengtan and published by the latter in 1984, and in the many other studies on loans published in China, every effort was made to limit the categories of original loans from the Japanese and look for evidence of the existence of these terms prior to their diffusion

in Japan in earlier Chinese works 11. In mainland China and in Taiwan, if their graphic aspect existed in earlier times,

words are still not considered as return loans from the Japanese, even if the ancient meaning is different from that of the word returned from Japan. Since a linguistic sign is

always a combination of form and meaning, if one of the two undergoes change, this

means that a new sign has been created. On the basis of this assumption, I have only considered as return loans from the Japanese words which have the same combination of graphic form and meaning in both the earlier and modern attestations 12.

^ ^One of the first collections created for this purpose was the Xinming cixun zuan 新名詞®丨I® edited by Zhou Shangfu 同商夭 in 1918. The one authoritative exception is Wang Li's work,Hanyu shigao 漢§吾史稿 of which, however, the third section on lexicon had already

appeared in 1958.

^With the exception of Gao-Liu's dictionary of wailaici, the only references in recent decades in mainland China to loans from the Japanese are contained in general texts (for

example Wu-Wang, Cihui and Zhou Zhenhe, Fangyan) or popular articles. New works on the

wailaici have only started to appear in the last few years: a dictionary by Cen Qixiang (Wailaiyu cidiah), a monograph by Shi Youwei {Yi wenhua de shizhe) and an article by Zhou

Youguang (Wenhua chuanbo). A work edited by Chen Yuan was published in Hong Kong in 1979. Here semantic loans were also considered in the context of loans, indicated as jieci or

wailaiyu (Yuyan yu shehui: 64-71). In Hong Kong, Chan and Kwok have published two excellent texts on the lexical relationship between English and Hong Kong Chinese (Chan Kwok, Lexical borrowing from Chinese and Lexical borrowing from English). In Taiwan in addition to the already cited article by Zhou Fagao (1955) (Jiezi), a typewritten monograph by

Zhang Xizeng (Wailaiyu de yanjiu) was prepared in the 1970s. Here only phonemic loans, hybrids and original loans from the Japanese (return loans were excluded from this class) were

considered as wailaici. I would like to thank Professor Yao Rongsong 姚榮松 of Taiwan Normal University for having introduced me to this book. A dictionary of wailaici (Guoyu

ribao wailaiyu cidian) was published in 1981, containing only phonemic loans and hybrids. The editors felt that loans from the Japanese should not be considered wailaici. Only recently in a short article written in 1974 (Huang Xuanfan, Wailaiyu) and an unpublished MA thesis of

1986 (Zhu Xiaoyun, Gairaigo) have semantic loans and loans-translations from the Japanese been included among the wailaici. On the basis of the studies on Chinese loans published in Japan, Zhu Xiaoyun has acknowledged that the return loans from Japanese are in fact Japanese

words lent to the Chinese, and not words that were originally Chinese and had returned to China after Japanese mediation.

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134 2.2.Loans and neologisms

A consequence of the narrowing of the field of the wailaici to phonemic loans, hybrids and graphic loans from the Japanese (limiting as much as possible the number of

words of Chinese origin that had returned to China with a new meaning), studies on semantic loans and loans-translations were confined to the little-studied field of

neologisms More recently some diachronic studies based at least in part on textual findings have been undertaken on Chinese lexicon outside China. China boasts one of the most

ancient lexicographic traditions in the world, yet, while the attestation of ancient words

has been addressed in lexical works, for the moment there is no complete etymological dictionary containing sufficient data on the initial attestation of the terms introduced in the XlXth and XXth centuries 14.

Concerning graphic loans from the Japanese, Saneto Keishu has commented on

the influence of Japanese on Chinese lexicon between 1896 and 1918 through Chinese students in Japan, in the framework of his studies on the cultural relations between China

and Japan in the XlXth and XXth centuries. Saneto provides the most complete list

available of Japanese loans in Chinese (Saneto, Liuxue Riben: 198-243) A study entitled Entstehung und Funktion einiger chinesischer marxistischer Termini has been published in the West by Wolfgang Lippert, who has conducted a textual investigation on Chinese and Japanese sources and analyzed the origin of some tens of Japanese loans in Chinese.

My analysis of the linguistic events in China in the XlXth century has allowed

me to put together a corpus of Chinese lexicon which I presume can be considered representative of XlXth century lexicon (cf. vocabulary in appendix II). I shall now try to

place this lexicon in the categories indicated earlier: phonemic loans, hybrids, semantic loans, loan-translations, graphic loans and new formations. My objective is to show how

each category developed during the period and the interrelations between the various categories.

13Very few historical studies were conducted on neologisms in the 1950s, for example Zhen Dian, Cihui shi: (4) and Xiang Chao, Xinci. More recently, particularly after the

appeal of the well-known linguist, Lii Shuxiang (Guanxin xinci xinyi), further studies on neologisms and dictionaries of neologisms have been emerging. However, these only concern the new formations of the 1980s.

14 The 33-volume ZWDCD rarely indicates the first attestation of the words originating in the XlXth century. The HYDCD currently being published in Shanghai is much better from this point of view.

15Other Japanese studies on Japanese loans in Chinese are: Kumano-Sawamura, Nihongo., Saneto, Chugokugo\ Iida, Kindai yakugo•,Sane, Shakuy6go\ Lin Liuyan, Zhong-Ri cihui•,Zhu Xiaoyun, Gairaigo\ Matsui, Yakusho no kango.

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2.2.2. PHONEMIC LOANS AND HYBRIDS

The earliest phonemic loans of foreign words adopted in Chinese during th

Later Han dynasty were terms relative to plants and animals from Central Asia. La

with the diffusion of the Buddhist faith, a good number of Indian words also sprea China and were adopted as phonemic loans, semantic loans or loan-translations. Th

were followed by phonemic loans from Arabic, Persian and Mongolian words. Europ

terms only arrived in China with the Jesuit missionaries in the XVIIth century, w some hundreds of works on western subjects, especially cartography, mathema sciences and astronomy were translated or written directly in Chinese

During the XDCth century, trading in the coastal areas of southern China foster

the gradual diffusion of a number of phonemic loans,especially from English. At fir

these were terms indicating units of weight (for example,dun If "ton", bang "pound"), products hitherto unknown in China (for example, kafei 咖非 or jiafei 架 "coffee") or words used to define the particular class to which an individual belon (such as mazhan 馬占"merchant" or shawen 沙文"servant").

The Protestant missionaries were later responsible for the diffusion in the

earlier works of phonemic loans indicating western institutions or offices (for examp

baliman 巴IM滿"parliament", ganwert haosi 甘文好司"House of Commons", bolixi 伯理喜镇 or bolixitiande 僅5里靈天德."president"). Phonemic loans were also used to translate the western products the fir Chinese travellers encountered on their journeys outside China (for example, sanb

三鞭"champagne”,sheli 舍利"sherry",chaokoulai 炒扣來"chocolate”,gaoqiu 黑 "caoutchouc", etc.).

There is very little evidence of phonemic loans in texts written in the peri

immediately after 1840, with the exception of the proper nouns used to indicate peop

places. Most of these had been introduced in the XVIIth century by the Jes

missionaries and had spread considerably by the XlXth century Contrary to what

^ ^Regarding the first phonemic loans from Central Asia see, among others, Lu Changpei (Jiezi),Zhou Fagao (Jiezi), Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 517-519), Chmielewski

t'ao) and {Two early loan-words), Pan Yunzhong {Jieci). Regarding the Buddhist loans, se

already cited work by Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 519-523), Liang Xiaohong (Fojing fan Liang Xiaohong (Yuanyu Fojiao de shijianci). On Mongolian loans, cf. Zhang Qingch

(Mengyu jieci); on Arabic loans, cf. Dai Yixuan (Alabo mingcheng). WHh the exceptio some very general remarks (Gao Mingkai, Wailaici yanjiu: 102; Pan Yunzhong, Jieci: 11

the lexical contribution of the Jesuit missionaries in China has been virtually ignored. In t vocabulary in appendix II, I have therefore listed a number of terms usually considered to modern, but, which in fact, existed in XVIIth century missionary works.

1 ^For a list of name of places introduced into Chinese through Europe

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136 2.2.Loans and neologisms

generally believed, the use of phonemic loans continued to be limited until the end of the

century. In addressing the issue of phonemic loans, Chinese scholars have all implied a sort of logical sequence in the process of adaptation of foreign terms, claiming that foreign terms had been accepted in Chinese first as phonemic loans and only later had

been substituted by semantic loans 18. A careful study of the sources and the first attestation of these loans (phonemic and semantic) reveals that this was not always the

case: Some phonemic loans • for example, baliman 巴厘滿 or balimen 巴力門 "parliament" or delifeng 得利風"telephone" - were indeed substituted by new formations

such as yiyuan 議院 and guohui 國| or by graphic loans such as dianhua 電括.But in many cases the phonemic loan was introduced long after the semantic loan. For example,

demo Ice laxi 德き菓克抆西"democracy", wrongly believed to have been introduced before

the loan-translation minzhu 民主 19.

Some of the earliest phonemic loans even survived and prevailed over the duplicates invented either as semantic loans or new formations. For example, the phonemic loan yapian 旗片"opium" which existed as early as the XVIth century (ZWDCD,47689.6) was not substituted by the new XlXth century formation yangyan 洋煙(HYDCD, V,1185).

The alleged logical sequence between phonemic and semantic loans was attributed to a lack of linguistic competence on the part of the speaker, who was not familiar with the exact meaning of the original word and therefore reproduced the model

on the basis of its phonemic shape rather than semantic content. However,with the exception of geographical terms or terms used to indicate products new to China, it is

hardly likely that phonemic loans were used because the speakers did not know the original meaning of the foreign term.

Interestingly, the diaries of Guo Songtao 郭當翥,the first permanent Chinese

ambassador in the West, generally considered a pioneer of knowledge on the West (cf. sec. 1.4.4.),contained more phonemic loans than any of the various texts analyzed. Yan Fu, the first translator to translate from English without the assistance of a Westerner (cf.

sec. 1.7.) also made ample use of phonemic loans. In both cases familiarity with foreign

culture or language seem to have stimulated rather than curbed the use of phonemic loans.

cartography, see D'Elia, Mappamondo. i ^For example, most recently Wu-Wang, Cihui: 370.

l^This example is given by all scholars analyzing the relationship between phonemic and semantic loans. Clearly they were not aware that demokelaxi was introduced long after its duplicate minzhu. We find this same approach in an article written in 1989, cf. Li Leyi, Wailaici. I mention this also with a view to making a partial correction to what I wrote

in "Trasformazioni nella lingua e mutamenti politici", in E. Collotti Pischcl (edited by), Cina

Oggi,Laterza, Bari 1991, 150-160.

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2.2.2. Phonemic loans and hybrids 137

Guo Songtao used phonemic loans for geographical terms and western concepts,

even when he was familiar with other loans or new formations already in use. For example, in 1877, he used the existing Chinese terms for European sciences (in some cases, XlXth century new formations) and then transcribed the foreign sound with a chain

of Chinese characters in brackets (Guo Songtao, Lundun yu Bali riji: 149). To refer to the British Parliament he used the phonemic loan balimen, adding that it corresponded to

the yiyuan, a neologism already used in Chinese (op. cit.: 213). During the first decades of the XXth century, phonemic loans and western words

in their original form (i.e. in the Latin alphabet) were used by major representatives of

the Movement for literary renewal, such as Liang Qichao, Guo Moruo and Lu Xun (cf. Zhang Qingyuan, Wailaiyu: 150, note 2). Thus it seems that phonemic loans were often utilized for purposes that extended

beyond the simple need of indicating a given term or concept. For example, phonemic loans could be used if there was no satisfactory autochthonous equivalent, or as a means

of access to a foreign world (for example, Guo Songtao). There being no graphic contiguity with western languages, phonemic loans were the only way of giving the reader an indication of the sound of a foreign word (especially in the XlXth century when

the western alphabet was virtually unknown in China).

Phonemic loans were also used, as they are sometimes in Italian "(...) to induce a stylistic aura that would not been attainable using the possible non exotic equivalent

(...)"20. Possibly this explains why Chinese writers, at the start of this century, sometimes liked to transcribe foreign sounds with the original characters of the Latin

alphabet, in order to introduce their readers to a situation that was totally new in conceptual terms.

The use of phonemic loans for stylistic purposes virtually ceased after 1949. There is a recent example of the difference in the semantic weight of a loan with respect

to an autochthonous formation or a semantic loan: during the June 1989 events in Peking students preferred to use the terms tanke 怕苗"tanks" and wasi 玩斯"gas" 21, and not the autochthonous terms or loan-translation zhuangjiache 装甲卑"armed car" and

cuileiji 催淚濟"tear gas" preferred by the authorities. This is exactly what happened in

1919, when the students took to the streets demanding demokelaxi 德誤克拉西 ”democracy" and saiyinsi 塞因斯"science" rather than minzhu 民主 and kexue 料举 22 •

如"G-.) a suscitare risonanze stilistiche estranee all'eventuale equivalente non esotico (•")" (De Mauro, Storia: 214). The latter is only apparently a phonemic loan. In fact it is a graphic loan from the

Japanese phonemic loan.

ニConcerning the use of phonemic loans for stylistic purposes, it is worth observing that in mainland China the trend has been to discourage the association of phonemic loans with characters able to provide a certain semantic relationship with the

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138 2.2.Loans and neologisms

All foreign terms, introduced into Chinese as phonemic loans, must undergo two different processes of adaptation to the borrowing lexical system. When the loan first

occurs, there is an initial process of phonemic adaptation. There are some similarities

between Chinese and English phonemes, but the former have a limited associative capacity. The Chinese phonemic system is therefore impermeable and not prepared to incorporate associations of phonemes foreign to those envisaged by the system. Because of the specular relationship between the phonemic and the graphic level, the phonemic

aspect of loans must be identical to that of autochthonous words, if assimilation is to occur. From the point of view of the speaker, there is a specular relationship between the

phonemic level and the graphic rendering of a term. Thus, there can be various graphic renderings of the same foreign phonemic chains, depending on the phonemic differences

between the various dialects. For example, "chocolate" has been graphically rendered in Chinese in at least twelve different ways (cf. Gao Mingkai, Wailaici cidian: 286). Since there is no contiguity between the phono-ideographic system of Chinese

writing and that of western languages,phonemic loans must also undergo a process of

graphic adaptation. In the Chinese writing system there is always a strong semantic

relationship between phonemes and graphemes. Thus, within the framework of the limitations imposed at the phonemic level, speakers have always tended to choose graphemes that provide some indication also of the semantic value of the compound, when deciding how to render foreign phonemes. Graphic radicals were added when the compound was used for its phonemic rather

than semantic value (for example,the radical Icou ロ "mouth" 23), or other radicals were used to indicate the semantic category with which the compound was to be associated 24. In other cases, an effort was made to utilize compounds of graphemes which, in addition original meaning of the foreign word. In Taiwan, Hong Kong and Chinese communities abroad

this does not appear to have been a problem. For example, the term usually used to refer to AIDS in mainland China and abroad is a hybrid composed of the phonemes ai and zi plus the suffix bing 病"illness". In the People's Republic,however, for the phonemic loan part they prefer to use two characters whose meaning does not develop any semantic relationship with the meaning of the foreign word; in Taiwan and Hong Kong they use two characters which have

respectively the meaning of "love" (ai 愛)and "develop0 (zi 滋).These are linked to the suffix bing 病"illness", thus permitting the reader to analyze the compound in semantic terms

as "illness developed by love"愛滋病. 2^For example, the radical kou ロ was imposed on the graphemes jia 加 and fei ^ to indicate that it was a phonemic loan:咖啡 2^The radical cao 箪"grass" was imposed on the graphemes pu 匍 and tao 泡 of the

compound putao "grape" to indicate that it was a plant; or the radical quart 犬"dog" on the word shi 挪"lion" to indicate that it was an animal (Pan Yunzhong, Jieci). More recent examples are the terms used to indicate chemical substances upon which were imposed the radicals jin 金"metal",shi 石"stone" (metalloid) and later qi 氣"gas"; cf. sec. 1.4.6.

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2.2.2. Phonemic loans and hybrids 139

to suggesting the sound of the foreign phonemic chain, also indicated its meaning, thus completely disguising the fact that they were phonemic loans 25.

The assimilation problems encountered by phonemic loans were also due to the

difference in the average length of morphemes in Chinese and in western languages. Modern Chinese tends to prefer words of an average length of two phonemes, western

languages prefer longer polysyllabic words. In fact phonemic loan assimilation in Chinese is also directly related to phonemic length 加. The introduction of phonemic loans has increased the trend toward disyllables in

Chinese, while in Italian, for example, loans have had an opposite effect. It has been remarked that "Exoticisms are the most evident sign, both cause and effect, of a significant transformation of the rules for using Italian phonemes, tending toward a more

economic use of existing phonemes by an increasing number of possible combinations, involving also the possibility of shorter words" 27.

Finally phonemic loans also had to overcome the difficulty of adapting to Chinese grammatical categories. Not being able to perform the predicative function (verbs or adjectives), in Cmnese phonemic loans are almost always nouns. There are some adjectives but they are incapable of acting as predicates without the copula 28. Hybrids were created to compensate at least in part for the difficult assimilation

of loans by the Chinese language. Hybrids are composed of a loan plus an autochthonous element, usually used to indicate the semantic category of the phonemic loan. In this case the function of the autochthonous element is the same as that of the "semantic" radicals

25Chinese scholars prefer to refer to them as "phonemic and at the same time semantic loans" {yinyijianyiyici "Sfl?兼意4?詞).For example, the compound jihe 接何 "geometry", which in addition to reproducing the Latin sound geo also has the meaning of "how much". However, it is often a sort of "folk etymology" at the level of graphic rendering.

For example wutuobang (phonemic loans from the English "Utopia") has been written as wuyoubang 烏有絮,which means "without association" (Hu Xingzhi, Wailaiyu cidiart: 3, 203).

^^Novotn^ has calculated that the average length of assimilated phonemic loans is

2.52 syllables, and of non-assimilated loans 3.27 syllables (Novotni, Low Adaptability of Loan-words: 113). esotismi sono infatti il segno piu evidente, a un tempo un effetto ed una causa,di una notevole trasformazione delle norme di utilizzazione dei fonemi italiani,una

trasformazione tendente ad un impiego piu economico dei fonemi esistenti attraverso un accresciuto numero di possibility combinatorie e comportante la possibility di parole piu brevi" (De Mauro, Storia: 214).

^^For this part I have relied mainly on Novotn^'s works, Loan-words and Low Adaptability of Loan-words, which are still the best and the most detailed studies on the subject.

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140 2.2.Loans and neologisn

added to graphemes in phonemic loans.

The autochthonous element is usually added after the phonemic loan. The function of the autochthonous element resembles that of the suffix-like formative added

to disyllabic compounds (cf. sec. 2.1.). Such hybrids were invented in Chinese long before the XlXth century, particularly the term jiao 教 used as an autochthonous element

meaning "religion", in connection with the name of foreign creeds (for example, Jidu

基督"Jesus" + jiao 教"religion" >"Christianity"). The foreign religions listed in the Haiguo tuzhi 海國圖志 are all rendered with the autochthonous element jiao, used as a suffix, plus the name of the religion rendered as a phonemic loan.

Generally speaking, hybrids of this type must be distinguished from autochthonous new formations, obtained by means of suffix-like formatives. However, the diffusion of hybrids does seem to be linked to the growth of a system of suffix-like

formatives in Chinese under the influence of Japanese. In the XlXth century, very few hybrids were invented other than those obtained with the autochthonous elements jiao 教,

guo 國 and ren 人 used respectively to indicate religion, country and place of origin of a person 29. The link between the diffusion of the process of hybridization and the more general development of the procedure of suffixation only occurred once closer contacts

were established with the Japanese language (early XXth century), it is no coincidence that, at the end of the XlXth century, graphic loans from Japanese included no compound words composed of suffix-like formatives not already used in Chinese

Hybrids seem to have performed an intermediate function between phonemic loans and loan-translations, compensating for some of the limitations hindering the assimilation of phonemic loans. For example, their freedom of morphemic association was far greater than that of phonemic loans

We have no absolute figures on the number of phonemic loans and hybrids that

exist in Chinese. Considering only loans from the English (the majority of the loans from western languages) current dictionaries list a maximum of approximately 3500

Although this may seem a lot, compared to the around 850 graphic loans from the Although the data has no statistical relevance, it is interesting to note that I only

found four hybrid formations in the texts I examined: baliman yamen 巴®滿衙Pi bierjiu

必耳洒,bingjiling辦番凌and laifudapao來夫大炮 30in particular the suffixes hua 化 and xing 性 of Japanese origin (later to be so highly productive in Chinese) only spread after the start of the XXth century (cf. sec. 2.2.4).

31 For a detailed synchronic discussion of hybrids, see Novotnも Loan-words: 48-75.

ジAccording to Zhu Xiaoyun's calculations (Gairaigo: 104-113), Hu Xingzhi's dictionary published in 1936 (Wailaiyu cidian) contains 2210 lemmas of English origin. Gao Mingkai and Liu Zhengtan (Wailaici yanjiu) analyze 547, whereas their dictionary (Wailaici cidian) indicates 3433. In her article Loan-words (p. 622), Novotnd has counted a total of 650, of which approximately 69,85% from English (p. 642).

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2.2.2. Phonemic loans and hybrids 141

Japanese (cf. sec. 2.2.4.), if we place these figures in relation to frequency of use of these

two types of words, we observe that among the 8000 high frequency words in Modern

Chinese, the most frequent phonemic loans (common nouns) arc suwei'ai 蠢来維埃 "soviet" in the 4193th position and luoji 通申焉 ”logic" in the 4438th (PinlU cidian: 572, 577), while among the first 3817 words of high frequency in Modern Chinese, 143 are graphic loans from the Japanese (Sane, Shakuyogo: 27).

2.2.3 LOAN-TRANSLATIONS AND SEMANTIC LOANS Terms created as loan-translations or semantic loans only rarely betray their

foreign origin: in phonemic loans and, to some extent, hybrids, the foreign element provides the meaning and acts as a phonemic model; in loan-translations and semantic loans, both the meaning and the morpho-syntactic structure of the foreign element are taken as a model 幻.

As I have already indicated, Chinese uses the same phonemes for phonemic loans and for autochthonous words. In phonemic loans, the association of the phonemic units betrays the existence of a foreign model, although the phonemic units are the same

as those in the rest of the language. In addition to sharing the same phonemic units as the rest of the language, semantic loans and loan-translations have two other distinctive features in common with Chinese autochthonous words: there is a semantic link between the phonemic and the graphic shape of the word, and the association of semantic units is

determined according to the rules of morphological composition. This explains why Chinese has always tended to invent new words by means of semantic loans or loan translations.

Very little is known about the semantic loans and loan-translations that existed in ancient times. As many of the Central Asian languages with which Chinese came into

contact over the centuries have disappeared, it is hard to establish the exact origin of

^•^Hermanovd-Novotnd (Morphemic Reproduction) and Frolova (Slovoobrazovanie) are the only scholars to have conducted a systematic study of loan-translations in modern Chinese. Hermanov^-Novotnd classifies loan-translations or loan-creations (as she prefer to call them) as exact, partial and approximate, "according to the degree of exactness of the reproduction". Frolova analyzes in particular the reproductive structures of loan-translations

in the lexicon of biology. Ivanov (Zaimstovovanija: 95-117) discusses both semantic loans and loan-translations. General remarks on semantic loans and loan-translations, under the

common heading yiyici 善軍意HI or among neologisms (xinci 新言!)are to be found also in

Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 535-528), Zhou Dingyi (Yinyici he yiyici), Xiang Chao (Xinci)y Ding Zhenglin (Wailaici) and Zhou Zumo [Cihui jianghua: (12)], Zhao Yibo {V/ailaici), Liu Zhengtan (Bianzuan wailaici cidian), Zhou Fagao (Jiezi), Huang Xuanfan (Wailaiyu), Ehara (Gairai chQgokugo),Zhu Xiaoyun (Gairaigo).

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142 2.2. Loans and neologisms

many of the older phonemic loans and even harder to ascertain whether any semantic loans or loan-translations derive from those languages. We know enough about Indian

languages to trace the origin of some terms that entered into Chinese following the diffusion of Buddhism. Because of the difference between phonemic and semantic loans or

loan-translations, the phonemic loans of Buddhist origin have remained within the religious context, whereas the others have spread in the language and eventually become part of the basic lexicon

Some semantic loans or loan-translations, (this time from the Latin) were invented in Chinese during the XVDth century, when the Jesuit missionaries translated or

composed works on the West 35. Like those of Buddhist origin, they have survived centuries of linguistic history and native speakers would see no difference between these terms and the rest of the traditional lexicon

Just as phonemic loans show signs of uncertainty in terms of the choice of

phonemes to reproduce the foreign phonemic chain, so also semantic loans and loan translations are uncertain in terms of morphology. In the case of phonemic loans, one of

the variations of the same loan usually prevails over time; similarly, one of the variations of the same semantic loan or loan-translation tends to consolidate and gradually prevail over the others which eventually disappear.

The difference between a semantic loan and a loan-translation is the following:

in semantic loans, the model provides a hitherto unknown meaning which is imposed upon a word that already exists; in loan-translations, the model provides the meaning and

the morphological structure (in the case of a word) or the meaning and the syntactic structure (in the case of a phrase). The two are closely linked. Semantic loans often provide the material for new compounds modelled on the morphological structure of the

foreign words. The semantic loan is preferably obtained using autochthonous words, whose original meaning can in some way be associated to the newly-acquired meaning.

Modern Chinese lexicon is generally considered to prefer loan-translations to semantic loans ” - this is certainly true for the lexicon of the XXth century - however, a

^Examples of phonemic loans are Fo 佛"Buddha", seng f费"monk" (contraction of the compound sengjia a phonemic loan from the Sanskrit sang ha "the community of religious"); Pusa "bodhisattva", etc. Semantic loans or loan-translations were xianzai 現在"present", guoqu 過去"past", jianglai 將來"future", and shijie 世界"cosmos" (cf. Wang Li, Hanyu shigao: 519-523; Pan Yunzhong, Jieci: 103-111). Shijie was re-introduced into Chinese at the end of the XlXth century via Japanese mediation, cf. sec. 2.2.4.

35cf. sec. 1.2. note 7 and vocabulary in appendix II.

^^The same also applies to other languages. For example, in Italian, cf. De Mauro, Storia: 208, 362.

37cf. Novotnd, Loan-words: 618-619 and Hermanov^ - Novotn益,Morphemic Reproduction: 147: "(•••) the importance of transfers of meanings of European words upon

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2.2.3. Loan-translations and semantic loans 143

diachronic observation shows that this has not always been the case. The use of semantic loans is based on a knowledge of the classical lexical heritage. By the XXth century, only a very small 61ite was familiar with the classical works that contained the terms suited to act as vehicles for new foreign meanings. Conversely, anyone creating neologisms in the XlXth century would have been familiar with the Chinese literary heritage. In translating

Buddhist or Latin works, translators had always tended to look for existing Chinese words, whose meaning was close to that of the foreign word to be translated. Hence, in

the past semantic loan operations were generally performed for terms of Buddhist and Latin origin (with the exception of proper and geographical nouns). During the XlXth century interest in loan-translations increased. Of course this

trend was also related to the needs of the highly complex scientific lexicon that was developing in the period and especially to the diffusion in China of graphic loans from

Japanese. We shall see that through Japanese, Chinese lexicon (already well on the way

to polysyllabism) became aware of the immense lexical potential of the affixation techniques also with regard to the creation of loan-translations.

Thus, while it is true that during the XXth century Modern Chinese lexicon did strongly tend toward the creation of loan-translations, these, nonetheless, were created on

the basis of the autochthonous semantic loans or graphic loans from Japanese that had come into being in the XlXth century 38.

Xinwen 新聞 is one of the first autochthonous semantic loans to be found in

XlXth century texts. This had been used to refer to "a recently heard facts" or an "unofficial dispatch" and later acquired the English meaning of "news". In this case, there

is an obvious semantic continuity between the new and the old meaning. The semantic loan xinwen was later to provide the basis for the loan-translation xinwenzhi 新間紙 on

the English "newspaper". An example of loan-translation created using two autochthonous elements not themselves semantic loans is tielu 趙路,a loan-translation on the German Eisenbahn.

The role of semantic loans on monosyllabic words is particularly important. With their newly-acquired meaning, these loans were highly productive in the context of

loan-translations. For example dian 電,was chosen to render the new meaning "electricity" on the basis of its original meaning, "lightening", and was subsequently used for a whole array of loan-translations and new formations: dianchi 電池"electric battery", dianche 電車"tramcar", diandeng 罨燈"electric lamp", etc. Quart 播 retained its original meaning, "power", but also acquired the new meaning "right", which was used to words existing in Chinese (semantic loans) is negligible,both as regards the amount of these units and their influence upon the lexical system of Modern Chinese".

38We shall see in more detail in sec. 2.2.4, that many semantic loans created on the

basis of the traditional Chinese lexicon arrived in China as graphic loans from the Japanese.

For example, jingji 經濟"economy", shehui 社會"society",geming 革命"revolution", etc.

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144 2.2. Loans and neologisms

generate a whole series of others loan-translations.

The semantic loan can also act on compounds of words existing in morphological combinations which resemble the foreign model to be imitated. For example, the compound minzhu 民主 seems both a loan-translation from /demo/ and たracy/ (/mini and /zhuf) and a semantic loan on the English "democracy". As a semantic

loan, minzhu acts on an existing Chinese compound, but the morphological link is transformed. Previously min and zhu were understood to have the determining-determined

relationship, meaning "the chief of the people". With the loan-translation, the relationship becomes that of subject-predicate: "the people are the chief'.

Because of the similarity in Chinese between the morphological and syntactical relationship,k is possible that the link is severed becoming a syntactic relationship, in the period of consolidation of the moiphological relationship between the elements used

to compose the compound word. Not long after its appearance, the compound minzhu

was interpreted in the same text both as a compound word and as a syntactic union between free words (a phrase): thus, we find minzhu "democracy" or "democratic" and the

syntactic construction min zhu shi bang 民主是邦 ”the people rule this country". Or,

again,zhuquan 主播"sovereignty" and zizhu zhi quart 自主之播"the right to self government" (cf. vocabulary in appendix II under lemmas minzhu and zhuquan).

The continuity between the morphological and the syntactic relationship would

explain the morphological instability of some words in the process of consolidation. This applies even more to trisyllabic compounds. In the same text, we find tongxianxin

通線fS "letter by wire" and xintongxian 佰通線"wire that conveys a letter" both meaning "telegram".

However, as time goes by, the compounds invented as semantic loans or loan translations consolidate and sometimes even act as models for new formations.

Compounds such as xinwenzhi 新W]紙 and tielu 戴路 soon asserted themselves, became stable and were used for new formations, which seemed directly based on foreign

models, but were in fact neologisms based on models that meanwhile had become autochthonous. For example xinwenzhi, loan-translation on the English "newspaper", is

responsible for the subsequent invention (by analogy) of baozhi and tielu is responsible for tiedao 敏道. In semantic loans, the uncertainty is not related to the same compound but to

the several possible autochthonous words that could be used to render the foreign meaning. Wang Tao's 王箱 text Fusang youji 扶桑遊記 contains zongtong 總统 and zongling $@領 which were both semantic loans used to indicate the President of the United States. In the same period there were at least three other semantic loans for the

same meaning (zongli 總J里,zontongling 總统領 and shouling 首領). In some cases,semantic loans and, to a lesser degree, loan-translations competed

with the phonemic loans invented to indicate the same foreign meaning. For example, there are five semantic loans and at least two phonemic loans for the President of the

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2.2.3. Loan-translations and semantic loans 145

United States (bolixiduti 伯理喜镇 and bolixitiande イ0i里喜天潘)39. of these seven neologisms,only two semantic loans survived. One indicating the President of the Republic (zongtong 總統)and the other the chief of the executive in parliamentary republics (zongli 總5f). The introduction of Japanese graphic loans proved to be very useful for solving at least some of the problems raised by the coexistence of several semantic loans for the

same term. The terms used to indicate "exhibition" and "museum" are an interesting example. During the XlXth century at least three compounds were invented to indicate

exhibitions of products in which China participated or which were visited by Chinese

travellers: xuanqihui 弦奇會(1866), bowuhui 博物會(1873) and saiqihui 赛奇會 (1880). The compound of Japanese origin, bolanhui 傅1K會,appeared for the first time in 1879 and eventually prevailed over the others. The term first used for "museum" was bowuyuan 博物院 used by Bridgman in 1838 with reference to an American museum. By

1880 bolanyuan 博賢院 had made its appearance and by 1889 bowuchang 傅物場.The graphic loan from the Japanese bowuguan 博物种 first appeared in 1879, and eventually got the better of the other terms used for ”museum".

Although semantic loans and loan-translations are invented on the basis of a foreign model, their phonemic and syntactic aspect is identical to that of autochthonous new formations. This explains why their real semantic or semantic/syntactic*origin can

remain completely hidden and thus not provoke the negative reaction - in China or elsewhere - of those advocating linguistic "purity". Being endowed with such remarkable

powers of morphological composition, Chinese has always been able to renew its lexicon also through semantic loans and loan-translations.

2.2.4. JAPANESE GRAPHIC LOANS BEFORE 1900

Before examining autochthonous neologisms, which differ from semantic loan

and loan-translations only insofar as they do not have a foreign model, I would like

remark upon the impact of the Japanese language, particularly graphic loans, on Chine

lexicon. Although in purely numerical terms such loans were limited, they in f

constitute the main, and certainly the most pervasive, source of loans used by Mode Chinese.

As far as we know, the Japanese never developed their own autochthonous writing system. They had come into contact with the Chinese writing form through the

Koreans several centuries after Christ and adapted it to their own language (Miller, 39 in his dictionary (Wailaici cidian: 54),Gao Mingkai gives five phonemic loans on the English "president" including the graphic variations that exist in the writing form (different characters used to represent the same phonemes).

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146 2.2. Loans and neologisms

Japanese Language: 91-92). Over the centuries, the Japanese used the Chinese writing form in a variety of ways: maintaining the Chinese graphemes for their semantic value,

using them as phonetic symbols to transcribe Japanese phones, or using Chinese graphemes as the basis for developing a system of phonemic writing.

Japanese scholars had always studied the Chinese classics and by the middle of

the XlXth century 60 per cent of Japanese lexicon was composed of so-called Sino Japanese words {kango 漢き香),or of words pronounced in Japanese with the Chinese pronunciation (on-yomi #t|)- Some of these words already existed in Chinese, but others were invented in Japan (Shibatani, Japan: 142).

Especially after the Meiji restoration, when it had become essential to invent neologisms to translate foreign (mostly English) terms, the Japanese consulted the early

Chinese classics. Wherever possible, new meanings were given to terms that already

existed in Chinese. Otherwise, compound words were invented according to the moiphological system of Chinese lexicon using the determining-determined structure, the associative structure,the predicate-object structure and various combinations of the three systems. These new formations were identical to those of basic traditional Chinese

lexicon, but did not always resemble those that were invented according to the Japanese

morphological system. For example, Japanese syntax requires the verb to follow its object, whereas Chinese places the verb before the ooject (Sanet5, Liuxue Riben: 200).

During the Meiji era, many western works were studied and translated by Japanese scholars. Japanese proved to be more receptive than Chinese, and Japanese lexicon evolved more rapidly than Chinese lexicon. Thousands of neologisms were invented in the first few years of the Meiji era 40, whereas in China the translation activity of the Shangnai Arsenal and the Peking Tortgwenguan was only just beginning (cf. sec. 1.6.). Because Japanese lexicon evolved more rapidly in the XlXth century, the many

neologisms constituted an important lexical legacy which the Chinese language subsequently used to enrich its own lexicon. Historians of modern Sino-Iapanese relations have all stressed how the many Chinese students who moved to Japan after the

Si no-Japanese War of 1894-95 introduced hundreds of Japanese neologisms into Chinese

(cf. in particular Saneto, Liuxue Riben: 199-243; Huang Fuqing, Liu Ri xuesheng: 147

209). 40in



the

Japanese

introductio

Dictionary

had added which had "purely

of

(T

at least 10 appeared f

technical term these words are of

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2.2.4. Japanese graphic loans before 1900 147

In this work I have tried to show that around one-fifth of the Chinese words

considered to be graphic loans from the Japanese actually existed in the earlier works

written by the first Chinese travellers to Japan who left a written record of their experience (cf. sec. 1.6. and the vocabulary in appendix II).

As there was no incompatibility between the polysyllabic compounds invented

in Japan and the rest of the Chinese lexicon, this particular type of loan was easily incorporated into Modern Chinese lexicon. To all intents and purposes, the graphic loans

appeared to be identical to the autochthonous Chinese terms. However a linguistic analysis reveals differences between the original loans (non-existent in Chinese) and return loans (existing in earlier Chinese works). In the case of the latter, we have to see whether the original Chinese meaning has remained the same or has changed in Japanese.

If there is no difference between the original Chinese meaning and the more recent Japanese one, then these loans are return loans. Otherwise, they must be considered as

original loans パ. Although there were more original loans than return loans, the latter were assimilated more rapidly precisely because they had already existed in Cmnese. They were

compounds that had originally been used in Chinese in a certain, very specific context, had later spread extensively in Japan and then been revived in China. Had this process

developed spontaneously in the Chinese language, the compounds would simply be considered to have extended from that specific context to general lexicon. For example,

some Chinese terms, that had originally been of Buddhist origin, extended beyond the initial context and became part of the basic lexicon thanks to the mediation of Japanese. Shijie 世界,a Chinese Buddhist term (a loan from the Sanskrit Loka) was used in China

to indicate the cosmos understood as time (shi 世)and space (jie 界)(Wang Li, Hanyu

shigao: 521),and later used also to convey the modern meaning of "world". It only became widespread in China after its return from Japan as a return loan at the end of the

XlXth century. As a return loan,shijie, gradually substituted all the other Chinese terms

used to indicate the same concept (tianxia 夭下,wanguo 萬®, etc.). By the start of the XXth century, it was the term most commonly used to indicate the "world" and the previous words were forgotten. Another group of terms that extended beyond the initial limited context, thanks

to the mediation of Japanese, was the terms referring to education, first found in the

41 According to a simplification of the system already developed in 1958 by Wang

Lida. depending on their function in Japanese lexicon, Japanese loans in Chinese can be classified as follows: 1) Japanese phonemic loans written with Chinese characters (kanji 漢^); 2) Autochthonous Japanese terms, written with kanji but pronounced with the Japanese

pronunciation (kun-yomi 加6番);3) Japanese loans from western languages pronounced with

the Sino-Japanese (on-yomi rather than the Japanese pronunciation (kun-yomi)\ 4) New Japanese graphemes [Wang Lida: (1)]. Cf. also sec. 2.2.1.

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148 2.2.Loans and neologisms

XVIIth century Jesuit translations. For example, the compound daxue 大举"university"

which existed in Chinese but with a different meaning. Daxue was used to indicate "university" for the first time in the Jesuit Giulio Aleni's Zhifang waiji 職方外紀, written in Chinese in 1623. Daxue (or daigaku in the Japanese pronunciation) was used in Japan to indicate the modern university of Tokyo at least as early as 1877 {Toky6 daigaku 累京大举)(Saneto, Liuxue Riben: 5). Through Japanese, the term returned to China in the XXth century and eventually prevailed over all the other synonyms used to indicate this institution of western origin (cf. vocabulary in appendix II under daxue)

With the exception of the above groups of terms, it is extremely difficult to establish with any precision the particular context and period of the terms originally part

of Chinese lexicon that were revived as return loans. Generally speaking there is little evidence of return loans of Chinese words invented during the Ming or Qing periods.

Most Japanese graphic loans are original loans. They are terms utilized in the following areas (in order of importance): philosophy, economy, politics, education and military affairs 43.

A diachronic analysis of the texts conducted in the framework of this study has

shown that initially these loans were restricted to education, military and political terminology 44 and that only later, when Japanese translations of western works were retranslated into Chinese, they extended to economic and philosophical terminology.

Overall, around 850 Japanese graphic loans currently exist in Chinese 45• In

^Between the XVIIth century and the early XXth century, daxue was probably only

used to convey the meaning "university" in Chinese texts describing westerns habits and

customs. For example, in the chapter on Italy in the encyclopaedia Qingchao wenxian

tongkao 清朝;based almost entirely on the information contained in missionary works. Cf. F. Masini "L'ltalia descritta nel Qing Chao Wen Xian Tong Kao" in Rivista di Studi Orientals LXIII, 4, 1989, 285-298.

Based on the classification of loans by semantic contexts, presented by Gao Mingkai and Liu Zhengtan in Wailaici yanjiu (114-138), further developed by Zhu Xiaoyun

(Gairaigo: 104-115) who analyzed the works by Gao Mingkai and Liu Zhengtan {Wailaici yanjiu and Wailaici cidian) as well as Hu Xingzhi.s dictionary (Wailaici cidian). However, it is

only a very general classification, given that the criteria for identifying loans from the Japanese adopted in these works are not uniform.

^See, for example, the description of the Japanese education system in Fu Yunlong,

1889 (Youli Riben: 211), Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Riben guozhi: 650) and Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Clearly it is difficult to give an exact figure. Just for information purposes, I am indicating some of the estimates made in various studies or extrapolated from them by Zhu

Xiaoyun (Gairaigo): Hu Xingzhi (Wailaiyu cidian): 59 words; Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu): 459; Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 862; according to Sane, Shakuy谷go, there are 891);

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2.2.4. Japanese graphic loans before 1900 149

this study, I have been able to establish that about 170 of these loans already existed in

XlXth century works. This means that one-fifth of all the graphic loans existing in Modern Chinese already existed in Chinese texts written in the last decades of the XlXth century.

Let us now look at the general impact of the Japanese loans on Modern Chinese

lexicon,particularly in the XlXth century. When the graphic loans clashed with recent but consolidated autochthonous inventions, they disappeared completely or were restricted

to a more limited context. For example, the loan huishe Jap. pr. kaisha 會社 was introduced into China to indicate "company" when the Chinese neologism gongsi 公司 was already widely used. After a brief period of co-existence huishe disappeared. When

the loan dianxin 電信"telegram" First arrived in China, dianbao 電報,a term exported

from China to Japan in an earlier period, was already used to refer to "telegram". Gradually, the term dianbao prevailed as "telegram" and dianxin came to mean any form of telecommunication.

When the graphic loans clashed with much older Chinese terms, they usually prevailed. For example, shijie,occupied the semantic area of much older words (tianxia

天下 and wanguo 萬國)and thus it was easier for it to get the better of the autochthonous versions.

In some cases, the meaning of some Japanese loans changed en route from Japan

to China. For example, zhigong Jap. pr. shokko 愤エ originally meaning "workers", later came to be used to refer to "clerks and workers" in Chinese ^.

The Chinese language was particularly receptive to Japanese loans created by analogy with autochthonous neologisms that had previously been borrowed by Japan from China. Some compounds using dian 電"electricity" as a prefix-like formative were accepted in Chinese due to the fact that this use of dian had already passed from China to

Japan. An example of this is the term dianhua 尾話 which prevailed over the phonemic

loan delufeng 德標風 It is particularly interesting to study the Japanese loans composed with the suffix-like formative xue Some disyllabic compounds (for example huaxue 化舉 "chemistry") travelled from China to Japan, but many more trisyllabic compounds arrived

in China from Japan (at least fourteen in the XlXth century). Although at first these

latter compounds had trouble spreading in China, they later paved the way for the acceptance of other trisyllabic compounds, first those of Japanese origin and then the Sancto (Liuxue Riben,in the Chinese translation reviewed by the author, 243, note 11): 844.

46For example, Liang Qichao seemed to prefer huishe at the end of the XlXth century.

^Gao Guangyu (Wailayu) claimed that the Chinese had rejected the loan tiedao 戴道 "railway" because of the existing autochthonous term tielu 戴路.In fact, they are both Chinese terms later adopted in Japanese. In China the older term tielu prevailed, in Japan tiedao.

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150 2.2.Loans and neologisms

autochthonous inventions created by analogy with the imported version (cf. sees. 2.1. and

2.2.5.). The morphological structure of the Japanese loans was varied. One in particular seems to have been more widespread in Japan than in China: the system of sufflxation, a

procedure not entirely absent in Chinese, but which proved to be particularly useful for

creating loan-translations from western languages in Japan in the first decades of the Meiji era (cf. Shinbun no ydgo\ 274-287). In the second half of the XlXth century, most trisyllabic Japanese loans had the suffix-like formative xue. Later, other such formatives proved to be very productive, and contributed to rendering Modern Chinese more receptive to trisyllabic terms than it had

been 48. Of the various types of loan absorbed by Modern Chinese lexicon, the Japanese

graphic loans were certainly the most productive and had the greatest impact on the general morphological structure of the language. Indeed, there was very little criticism from language purists on the use of phonemic loans. At the turn of the century, there was however much criticism (also from foreigners) on the intolerable or unjustified use of Japanese graphic loans.

One of the first scholars to openly criticize Japanese loans was the Dutch sinologist, Gustaf Schlegel, one of the founders of the prestigious journal T'oung P'ao. In 1892 he wrote:

I must decidedly recuse the capability of the Japanese to coin good Chinese terms for foreign ideas. It is, in most cases, almost unnecessary, because the Chinese language possesses excellent equivalents for most of those newfangled ideas, and / have been at great pains to collect them and pick them up out of the ocean of Chinese literature, and have embodied them in my great

Dutch-Chinese Dictionary, where students can find them at a moments notice and will find oi/r that they are trustworthy and generally intelligible. The terms

coined by the Japanese sinologues are unintelligible for genuine Chinese (Schlegel, New Chinese Terms: 184). One of the first texts criticizing the use of graphic loans from Japanese to be

written by a Chinese was probably Peng Wenzu's 彭Mangren xiama zhi xin mingci 盲人目5馬之新名言!) (Neologisms invented by blind men riding masked horses) published

^^Particularly hua 化 a suffix-like formative used to form adjectives and nouns,and

xing to form attributes and nouns (cf. Lii-Zhu, Yufa xiuci: 34-36; Hermanovd-Novotnd, Affix-like Word-formation: 98-114; Xie Yaoji, Ouhua yufa: 40-41). During the XXth century,

the trisyllabic loans with suffix-like formatives also encouraged the diffusion of autochthonous suffix-like formatives, such as jia 家 and zhe 者.

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2.2.4. Japanese graphic loans before 1900 151

in Tokyo in 1915. Peng Wenzu was against the indiscriminate use of Japanese words when there existed other far more appropriate autochthonous inventions. In particular, he

accused Liang Qichao of encouraging this tendency among the younger generations. His appeal had no effect and the fifty-nine terms he so criticized arc almost all still in use

Many western scholars also expressed some doubt and concern as to the long term impact of Japanese loans on the Chinese language. In the introduction to the first

edition of his dictionary of neologisms, published in Shanghai in 1913, Evan Morgan writes:

The Japanese have been pre-eminently busy in coining new terms for

China. She has been delving industriously into the mines of the language and has revived many an obsolete phrases and brought them forth to the light of new

days and further service. Geographical position and identity of thought have accounted for the predominance of the Japanese element in the new Phraseology.

But though it is admitted that their labours have been abundant and most praiseworthy, still it is very doubtful whether much of their work will be

lasting. The apathy of the Chinese is accountable for much of the Japanese predominance. But there are signs that the Chinese themselves are taking the work of terminology in hand, and once they undertake the matter seriously there

will be no room for outside inventors (Morgan, New Terms & Expressions: v vi). By the start of the XXth century, the Japanese terms had been completely absorbed by Modern Chinese lexicon and news of the extent of their diffusion even reached Italy. In 1929, Giuseppe Domenico Musso wrote: At that point, the Japanese and the students who had gone to study in

Japan intervened to save the language from an invasion of baroque, if not absurd, monsters (...) The Chinese had no alternative but to accept that language en bloc and pronounce it with Chinese sounds, if they wanted to have a Chinese technical language. This prevailed over all the other amorphous efforts.

49()n Peng Wenzu and his work which I was not able to consult, cf. Sanet5 (Liuxue Riben: 213-216). Concerning the first articles in favour or against the use of Japanese loans at

the start of this century, see Wang Xiaoping (Zhong-Ri jiaoliu: 267- 272).

50"a salvare la lingua da una invasione di mostri barocchi, se non assurdi, giunsero

in quel punto i Giapponesi e gli studenti andati a studiare in Giappone. (...) (Ai cinesi) non rimase dunque che a prendere in blocco questa lingua, leggendola con i suoni cinesi, per avere

una lingua tecnica cinese: ed b quello che prevalse su tutti gli altri informi tentativi antecedent!" (Musso, Cina: II, 231-232).

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2.2.5. NEOLOGISMS

Neologisms are newly-coined terms that a language invents spontaneou

without reproducing or being directly influenced by foreign models. This doe

necessarily imply that there is no interaction with the various kinds of loans tha directly influenced by other languages.

In some cases, the terms coined in China in the XlXth century responded to th

need to invent appropriate terms to convey the meaning of foreign words. Howeve

there is no direct linguistic link between the foreign word and the new formatio cannot be considered a loan.

The traditional method of renewal of Chinese lexicon was the attribution of a

new meaning to an existing linguistic sign (the writing form of which was composed of

characters or combinations of characters). In this case, the newly-coined term is a semantic neologism. If new combinations of characters are used to invent new words, then the neologism is a combinatory neologism. In semantic neologisms there is simply

a change in the semantic aspect of the word or in its function. In combinatory neologisms, a new formation, with a new meaning associated to the new function, is invented.

As for Japanese graphic loans, it was generally considered preferable to invent completely new compositions of existing morphemes rather than change the meaning of

existing words. Semantic neologisms implied knowledge of, and access to, the whole heritage of the language in order to be able to select the terms best suited to conveying the new meanings for reasons of semantic or ideal contiguity. Thus semantic neologisms

can be considered a more erudite form of lexical innovation than the combinatory neologisms. In fact they were more widely used in more educated, academic circles than

the less complex and easier to use combinatory neologisms. Unlike semantic

neologisms, combinatory neologisms also allowed new formations to develop associations with other groups of words, including loans. Thus combinatory neologisms

were certainly more widely used in the more specific areas of lexicon where it was necessary to create a standard terminology. Semantic neologisms were more frequent when it was necessary to develop ideal associations with the past.

Prior to the XlXth century, Chinese seems to have favoured semantic neologisms. Combinatory neologisms only started to become more popular in the last century. In translating some technical expressions used in western texts - for example

fangcheng 方程"equation", daishu 代數"algebra", weifen 微分 and jifen 年#分 "differential and integral calculus" - the mathematician Li Shanlan 李#阛 resorted to traditional mathematics and chose the Chinese terms whose meaning seemed closest to that of the modern term to be translated. Electricity was indicated with the Chinese word

for "lightening" dian 電.The act of importing or exporting goods was indicated with the

nouns "entry" and "exit" transformed into verbs (jinkou 進ロ and chukou 出口). By

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2.2.5. Neologisms 153

analogy with other disyllabic terms formed with the suffix-like formative xue the compound yixue 監舉 previously used for "medical school", was used by Jesuit missionaries in the XVII century to indicate "medicine" as a branch of knowledge.

Thanks to the combinatory neologisms it was possible to exploit the morphological capacities that either already existed in the language or had been transferred

via the Japanese graphic loans. Being descriptive, the function of these neologisms was

to render new more complex meanings by combining various already-known semantic

elements. For example, words such as ”chemistry•“ (huaxue 化•$•) or "the study of changes"; "bicycle" (zixingche 自行車)or the "cart that goes by itself'; "aeroplane" (feiji 飛機)or "the flying machine", etc., are all combinatory neologisms.

Following the introduction of Japanese graphical loans, the combinatory neologisms increased their potential, exploiting the systems of suffixation introduced by

these loans. The interaction between combinatory neologisms, graphic Japanese loans and loan-translations from foreign languages, gradually became so intricate that it is often difficult to distinguish between purely autochthonous formations and loans.

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APP.I COMPARATIVE TABLE OF CHINESE NAMES OF CHEMICAL ELEMENTS

1.

2.

Aluminium A1

Antimony Sb Arsenic As Barium Ba Bismuth Bi Boron B Bromine Be Cadmium Cd

Calcium Ca Carbon C Cerium Ce Cesium Cs

Chlorine CI Cobalt Co

Copper Cu Chromium Cr

Dysprosium Dy Erbium Er Fluorine F

Glucinum G Gold

Indium In Iodine I Iridium Ir Iron

Fe

Lanthanum La Lead

mmtl

Au



Hydrogen H

Pb

Lithium Li

Magnesium Mg

3.炭蛵鉛

4.礬信硼石炭壅銅黄淡海截黒锖石 锖 氣金 藍鉛 6•鋁銻勒銷鉍辦溴镝鈣炭錯錢■鈷銅鉻镝铒-豁金fig碘銥邀锒鉛鋰錢 7.鋁銻掛鋇鉍辦溴镝鈣炭錯鏟綠鈷銅鉻鏑铒弗豁金!i 碘銥鐵IR鉛锂钱

g銘銻砷鋇i':硼溴镧鈣硪irl鉬氣鈷銅鉻鏑铒氰铍金氫is碘銥鐵_鉛鋰钱

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APP.

o/

£>/

Manganese Mercury

Molybdenum Nickel Niobium

^ 淡赛 氣氣

Nitrogen Osmium

Oxygen

Phosphorus Palladium

Platinum

Potassium Rhodium

Rubidium Ruthenium

Selenium

Silicon Silver Sodium

Tin

Stronzium Sulfur

Thallium Tantalum Tellurium Terbium

Titanium Thorium

Tungsten Uranium

Vanadium

Yttrium Zinc

Zirconium

2.MnHgMONlbospdtKRhbUseiAgNasnrTlaeTbihWUVYznr

も索水硝#光白次玻白鹼石I銀硫氣白金檳锖銀 磺鉛

&錳求錯鎘钶淡雜春燐鉑鋏I鑪铑硒玻銀il磺鏹钽碲鈦$73镇筠19 鏵紐

6.锰汞Ili 鈮i^燐鈀鉑鉀錢珈釕硒矽銀鈉謁錯硫飴钽褅铽錯釭镍鈾釩钛鋅锆 7.銥汞鉬I鈮|鏵燐鈀鉑鉀|_7硒矽銀鈉錫錯硫鏟钽碲弑錯|1£!鈾釩钛鋅誥 8.锰汞鉬is鈮気锇氧璘IE鉑tfi€DT硒硅錕ift s硫鉈fi碲铽lig鈾釩钇鋅is

Notes

1. Name of the elements.

2. Chemical symbols. 3. Hobson, Bowu xinbian,1854, jwan 1, f, 2r-v.

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5 5

156 App. I. Comparative table of Chinese names of chemical elements

4. Martin, Gewu rumen, 1868, ノMan 6, ff. 9v-10r.

5. J.Kerr and He Liaoran 何味然,化誓初腔(Huaxue chujie, First Steps to

Chemistry),博現®^ Boji yiyuan, Canton 1871-75. Cit. in Reardon, Chemistry, 377-380.

6. J.Fryer and Xu Shou Huaxue jianyuan, lS72fjuan 1,ff. 22r-24r. 7. J.Fryer, Vocabulary of Names of Chemical Substances. Introduction 1885. In Translator's Vade-Mecum, 1888.

8. Present Chinese terminology. From 元棄埋斯表(Yuansu zhouqi biao)、in

現代漢85言司典 Xiandai Hanyu cidian,商按印書M Shangwu yinshuguan, Beijing 1987. i) At that time only 64 chemical elements were known.

ii) Glucinium (G) is now known as Beryllium (B). iii) Niobium (Nb) was originally called Columbium.

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APP. II. VOCABULARY OF NEOLOGISMS IN XlXth CENTURY TEXTS

The vocabulary includes neologisms found in books and magazines p China in the XlXth century. I have also included some older or later lexical their history was in some way related to other XlXth century words.

The pronunciation in Hanyu Pinyin (漢耗拼奋)of each entry is follow

the Chinese characters; 2. the English equivalent; 3. the pronunciation in Ja

if the word is considered a loan from that language) according to the Hepburn

romanization; 4. indication of phonemic length (monosyllable, disyllable, t

etc.); 5. indication of morphological structure (subject-predicate, predicate-co

predicate-object, determining-determined, associative, polysyllabic morphe

suffix); 6. indication of origin: a) autochthon (words existing in Chinese

XlXth century often wrongly considered as much later inventions; b) auto

neologism (real neologisms invented during the XlXth century); c) phonem

semantic loan; e) loan-translation; f) original graphic loan from Japanes

graphic loan from Japanese. And 7. indication of part of speech (noun, adjecti adverb).

These indications are followed by notes explaining the sources and, where they existed,other views on the lexical item. In compiling these notes I have used all possible original sources, in order to determine the origin and the first attestation of the word. For

bibliographical references, as in all the book, I have used an abbreviated title, through which the entry can be found in the bibliography.

Being only a limited sample (approximately 500 items found in approximately 50 works), it cannot be considered absolute but only representative of some innovations found in the texts I have examined.

The vocabulary is then followed by an index of English and Japanese words (in italics), giving the Chinese equivalent included in the vocabulary (Appendix III). an xiaoxi 唷请,§、,secret informer, trisyllable, determining • determined structure, loan

translation, noun. In Binchun, 1866 {Chengcha biji: 107) indicates an interphone. Cf. chuanshengtong 傳聲筒,xiaoxi ?肖,S、.

anhuolunchuan 瞭火稅船,wheel steamship, quadrisyllable, determining-determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 291). The character an 唷"secret" indicates that in this kind of boat the screws are hidden,

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158 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

thus distinguishing it from other wheel steamships.

baihuodian 白霣店,department store, hyakkaten, trisyllable, suff. dian,original graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. In Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: 106v) dazahuodian 大雜貰店.According to Wang Lida (1),it was an original graphic loan from Japanese. Cf. dahuopu 大

baji 拔機,extractor (?), disyllable, suff. ji、loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 261). baliman 巴厘滿,parliament, trisyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun.

In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2944. Also in Lin Zexu (Si zhou zhi: f. 30v). Cf. also baliman yamen

baliman yamen 巴厘滿衙尸13,parliament, polysyllable, determining - determined structure, hybrid, noun. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 1809. Also in Lin Zexu (Si zhou zhi: f. 30v). balimen 巴力P3,parliament, polysyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. It is present in an article by Alexander Williamson published in JHXB: 1874 (VI, 295, 311), then reprinted in WGGB: 1876 (VHI, 375, 344-346), in which Japan

is used as a possible model for the reform of the political system. According to Williamson, the Japanese parliament (yiyuan 嫌院)was based on the 巴力門(also quoted in Wang Shuhuai, Wairen: 14, Note 13; the date of publication on the JHXB

is wrongly indicated as 1871-72, vol. IV). In 1877 Guo Songtao wrote in his diary:

balimen ji yiyuan 巴力門食即铺院(Lundun yu Bali riji: 213). Cf. also yiyuan mm. bang 换,pound, monosyllable, phonemic loan, noun. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 1874. A

phonemic loan from English, based on the Cantonese pronunciation bong. It is indicated as equivalent to more than 12 兩:447 gr.

banquan 板播,copyright, hanken, disyllabic, suff. quan, original graohic loan from Japanese, noun. Used in 1878 by Huang Zunxian during a "written conversation" (み//fl/z 筆談)with the Japanese scholar Ishikawa Hideru 石川英(都子瑜,

富藤惠秀綸校:黄3塞與日本友人筆談:®摘戊賨筆話,26卷,170話,quoted in Wu Tianren,Huang Gongdu: 316) along with mianxu 免許,Jiap. pr. menkyoy also

an original graphic loan from Japanese, now obsolete. It is present in Hepburn, 1886. According to Mateer,New Terms and Morgan, New Terms, it is a neologism.

banzhu 半主,semi-sovereign, disyllable, pref., autochthon noun. Used in 1864 in Wan guo gongfa (juan 1,f. 26r) in the expression banzhu zhi guo 半主之因,to translate the English "semi-sovereign", #34. The word later disappeared from Modern

しriinese lexicon; however the prefix ban 半 proved to be useful for rendering the foreign prefix "semi-".

baoshi 保学事,release upon bail, hoshaku, disyllable, determining - determined structure,

return graphic loan from Japanese, verb. According to the HYDCD (I, 1395), it was

used in a text prior to 1825. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 633). According

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 159

to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 91),it is an original loan from Japanese. In Japanese it is noun. Because the current meaning is the same as the original meaning, it cannot be considered an original loan. It is a return loan,because the word spread again in China, thanks to Japanese mediation. baoxian 保險,insurance, disyllable, predicate - object structure, semantic loan, noun. The

original meaning was "to safeguard strategic posts" (HYDCD, I,1395). In the middle

of the XlXth century it was used by Wang Tao 王IS to translate the idea of "insurance “ in the expression baoxian gongsi 保險公司(HYDCD, I,1395). This phrase is present also in JHXB: 1868 (I, 6, 4r). In 1869, Y.J. Allen published an article on the JHXB (I, 26, 113v) explaining the meaning of 保險.It is also present

in Fu Yunlong,1889 (Youli Riben: 273) and in Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 103). Wang Lida (1),Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 84) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 531) consider it a return loan from Japanese. According to the Duogongneng cidian,it was

an original loan from Japanese.

baoxianquan ^58®, life-belt, trisyllable, suff” loan-translation, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 447). Cf. baoxian 保險. baozhang 保障’ protect, hoshd,disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from

Japanese, verb. Original meaning: "to protect" (HYDCD, I,1394). Used with this

meaning in 1838 by Bridgman (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 3v). Used by Wang Tao in 1879 (Fusang youji: 444). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 85; Wailaici cidian: 37),it is a return loan from Japanese. The Duogongneng cidian considers it

an original loan. As the current meaning is the same as the original, k cannot be considered an original loan. It is a return loan, because the word spread again in China, thanks to Japanese mediation. baozhi 幸E紙,newspaper, disyllaole, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. It only appeared at the end of the XlXth century. Liang Qichao,1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 6). Wu Woyao 吳沃ft, 1909, 二十年目睹之怪硯狀,Ershi nian mudu zhi guai xianxiang,ch. 8, cf. HYDCD, II,1157. The word does not exist in Japanese. It was invented in Chinese by analogy with xinwenzhi 新RflJR,a loan translation from English, and with ribao 日幸g . Mateer, New Terms considers it a neologism. beiji ;J匕極,North Pole, disyllable, determining • determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. Originally used for "polar star" or "celestial north pole" (ZWDCD,2615.301).

Ricci,1602 (D'Elia, Mappamondo: tav. III-V) and Aleni,1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1312) used the word with its present meaning. Present in 1844, Haiguo tuzhi (2668, 2676)

in the section reproducing Ricci and Aleni's texts on the globe. The word beijijuan

北極0B "North polar circle", invented by Ricci (cf. D'Elia, Mappamondo: 160), is obviously a derivation.

bianhushi 辯辑士,lawyer, bengoshi,trisyllable,suff. shi,original graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Term used by Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 365) who

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160 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

explained that its meaning was the same as liishi 標師.Originally a Buddhist term meaning a "master of the law of Buddha". During the XlXth century it was used to render the meaning of English "lawyer". Therefore the diffusion of the Japanese word

bengoshi 辯Jf 士 was limited by the earlier acceptance of the semantic loan liishi 往師.The Japanese version stimulated the creation of the Chinese variant bianhuren

辩播人 According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 45), it was an original loan from Japanese. Cf. liishi 往師• bierjiu '必耳油,beer, trisyllable, determining • determined structure, hybrid, noun. Zhang

Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 568). The current term of pijiu 啤洒,compound of the bound morpheme pi 啤 plus the suffix jiu 洒,only appeared later.

bingjiao 冰客,refrigerator, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 458). bingjiling 辦亩凌,ice-cream, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, hybrid,

noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 466). bingshi 兵事,military affairs, heiji,disyllable, determining - determined structure,

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 643). bolanhui 博贊會, exhibition,hakurankaiy trisyllable, suff. hui, original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. In 1872 in the JHXB (IV, 193, 215r-v) bowuhui 博物會 is used to indicate an exhibition held in Austria. Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 394).

Li Xiaopu, 1880 {Riben jiyou: 175, 273) also used the compounds meishu bolanhui

美術博賢會(177) and jiaoyu bolanhui 教育博賢會(177) to indicate "art exhibition" and "educational exhibition" (museum). According to Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 770), the first trade exhibition was organized in Japan in 1871.

According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai {Wailaici yanjiu: 94), k was an original loan from Japanese. Cf. bowuhui 博物會. bolanyuan 博賢院,museum, trisyllable, suff. yuan (院),autochthonous neologism, noun. Li Xiaopu, 1880 (Riben jiyou: 164). By analogy with the Japanese hakurankai 博置會.Cf. bowuguan博物费6 and bowuyuan博物院• bolixidun 佶J里甚頓,president (US), polysyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 269). In a note the author indicates that it is a phonemic loan for zongtongling 總統領.Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 556) wrote it as bolixitiande 倍5里塑天德.In Zhang Deyi (570) also used bo 伯,the first character of the transcription, as opposed to wang 王 ’’king", to distinguish the

countries governed by a king from those governed by a president, i.e., the United States.

bolixitiande 倍5里®天德,president (US), polysyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: 99r). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 242). Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 586). In 1879 in WGGB (XI, 546, 585-v) it is written as bolitiande 佶德.

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 161

boshi 博士,doctor, hakushiy disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. The ancient meaning was "erudite" (Hucker: no. 4746).

Used by Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 211) in the compound wenxue boshi 文•博士,with reference to the University of Kyoto. Yan Fu 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 113) in a note explains its meaning as follows:“博士西名達格持兒(doctor)其

&第視中國*士,凡■例稱逮格持兒,標家格致家亦用鎌,"Boshi corresponds to the western Doctor, the rank is similar to the Chinese ’Passed Scholar' (Hucker:

no. 3474). Every physician is called Doctor: jurists and scientists also use this name". According to Wusi yilai: 81, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 84) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233), it was a return loan from Japanese. bowu 博物,natural science, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. Original meaning: "great learning" or "all things". During the XlXth century it developed the new meaning of "natural science" (HYDCD, I,910). It is used in the

title of Hobson's work 博物新幼クxinbian, 1854. Not included in Morrison's Dictionary, 1815-1822 or in Lobscheid's Dictionary, 1871. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin

bing shi, Wenji: I,37). It moved to Japan from China, but it is not present in Hepburn, 1886. Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 55) wrongly considers it a loan from Japanese. In China or in Japan it developed the following compounds: bowuyuan

博物院bowuchang博物塌》bowuhui博物會,bowuguan博物88. bowuchang 博物場,museum,trisyllable, suff. change autochthonous neologism, noun.

Fu Yunlong,1889 (Youli Riben: 241). The word never spread. Cf. bowuyuan

博物院bowuguan博物能,bowuhui傅物會. bowuguan 傅物S良 museum, hakubutsukan, trisyllable, suff. guany original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. In JHXB: 1871 (IV, 167, 84v-85) there is a report on the inauguration of a museum, named juzhenyuan IRJj'PJg in Hong Kong. Huang Zunxian,1879 (Riben zashi shi: 639, 789). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 273). The new Chinese education plan, approved on January 13,1904, envisaged the establishment of a jiaoyu bowuguan 教育博物SS "Pedagogic Museum" (cf. Political

Organization: 618b). Cf. bowuyuan 博物院,bowuhui 博物會,bowuchang 博物塌. bowuhui 博物會,exhibition, trisyllable, suff. huiy autochthonous neologism, noun. ZXWJL: 1873, XVII,in an article about Great Britain. In GZHB: 1881, XI,it is used in an article by Xu Jianyin 徐建資• Liang Qichao, 1896 (Du Xixueshu fa: f. 15v) uses bowu dahui 博物大會 to refer to the Universal Exhibition of Philadelphia. Cf. bowuyuan 博物院,bowuguan 博物能,bowuchang 傅物場. bowuyuan 博物院,museum, trisyllable, suff. yuan (院),autochthonous neologism, noun. Used by Bridgman in 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 7r). ZXWJL: 1874, XXI

contains an article entitled Shanghai jinshi, yishe bowuyuan 上海近事, 議設博物院 Again in ZXWJL: 1874, XXVII. In 1875 in relation to the proposal to establish a museum in Peking and Shanghai (cf. WGGB, 1875, V1H, 362,159v

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162 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

160). Li Xiaopu, 1880 (Riben jiyou: 164) uses it by analogy with the Japanese

bowuguan Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 13). Cf. bowuguan 博物技bowuchang博物場,bowuhui博物會. budongchan 不動産,real property, fudさsan,trisyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 90), in Japanese it was a loan translation on English. Cf. zhiwu 植物,dongchan動産. caoda 蕾達,soda, soda, disyllable,phonemic loan, original graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 {Youli Riben: 242). According to Wusi yilai: 90, it is an original loan from Japanese. In Japanese it is a phonemic loan from the Dutch "soda", cf. Gao Mingkai {Wailaici cidian: 62), Vos {Dutch Influences: no. 288). In Chinese it has been substituted by the phonemic loan suda 蘇達,in which the second character has been preserved, perhaps by analogy with its Japanese equivalent.

changbeibing 常簡兵,effective troops, jobi-hei,trisyllable, suff.,original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 630). Huang Qingcheng,

1894 (Dongyou riji: 342). According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 64), it was an original loan from Japanese.

chaokoulai J少才ロ來,chocolate, disyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun.

Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 456). chepiao 車票,train ticket, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 485). Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: 98r). chidao 赤道’ equator, disyllable, determining - determined structure,semantic loan, noun.

Originally used for "celestial equator" (HYDCD, IX,1169; ZWDCD, 37843.274). Ricci, 1602 (D'Elia, Mappamondo: tav. DI-V) and Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1312) used the word with its present meaning. Present in 1844, Haiguo tuzhi (2667, 2676) in the section reproducing Ricci and Aleni's texts on the globe. Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 524) wrongly considers it a neologism introduced in the Haiguo tuzhi.

chongxue 虫举,entomology, disyllable, suff. xuey autochthonous neologism, noun. The

British counsellor, Sir John Walsham 華約粉,published four articles entitled Chongxue liielun 虫學S各論 on the GZHB: 1890,1 -1890, HI and 1891,1. chuanbo 傳播,diffuse, denpa,disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from

Japanese, verb. Has existed in Chinese since the Tang dynasty (HYDCD, I, 1627), but it spread again in China under the influence of Japan. In Japanese it is noun.

Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 111). According to Wusi yilai: 82, it was a return loan; according to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 89), it was an original loan from Japanese.

chuanranbing 傳染病,infectious disease, densenbyd, trisyllable, suff. bing, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Chinese used ranting 染病"to get a disease" (HYDCD, IV,937) and chuanran 傳染"to transmit a disease" (HYDCD, I, 1621). 傳染 was used in LHCT: 1857 (13, 12v) with reference to a cholera epidemic and in

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 163

1866 by Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi: 585). According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 89),傳染病 was an original loan from Japanese. Most probably the trisyllabic compound 傳染病 was invented in Japan. It is present in Hepburn, 1866. The compound chuanranzheng 傅染症(suffix 症)was used in WGGB in 1874 (VII,312, 164v - 165v). chuanshengqi 傳@器,microphone (?), trisyllable, suff. qi,autochthonous neologism,

noun. In GZHB: 1878: XII, it is used in an article entitled 上海初用傅®器 Shanghai chuyong chuanshengqi.

chuanshengtong 偽蟹銜,interphone, trisyllable, determining • determined structure,

autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 480). Cf. anxiaoxi 描消息.

chuanzhen zhi qi 之(?), polysyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhigang,1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 321). Probably some kind of appliance for transmitting information.

chuban 出版,publish,shuppan,disyllable, predicate • object structure, original graphic

loan from Japanese, verb. Used by Huang Zunxian in 1879 in a "written conversation" (bitan 筆S炎)with the Japanese scholar Kameya Shosuke 谷省幸千

(鄞子瑜,宮藤惠秀鐮校:黄通基與日本友人筆談道搞己卯筆話,15卷,88話, quoted in Wu Tianren, Huang Gongdu: 317). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Wang Lida (1),Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yartjiu: 96),Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 532) and Duogongneng cidian,it was an original loan from Japanese.

chukou 出口,export, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi (2939) already used in the sense of "export". According to the HYDCD (II, 476) the first text to use the term was 讪頭海關歌 Shantou haiguan ge by Qiu Fengjia 邱逢甲(1864-1912). According to Wang Lida (1),it was an original loan from Japanese.

dahuopu 大資I角,department store, trisyllable, suff., autochthonous neologism,noun.

Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 530). Not present in any dictionary. The first department stores in China were referred to by the original loan from Japanese

baihuodian 百貨店.Cf. baihuodicui 百貨店. daibiao 代表,delegate, daihyo, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used in 1899 by Liang Qichao as an example of original loan from Japanese (Yin bing shi, Zhuanji: XXII, 190). Present in Hepburn,

1886. According to Wusi yilai: 79, Wang Lida (1),Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 89) and Wang Li {Hanyu shigao: 532), it was an original loan from Japanese.

daishu 代數,algebra, disyllable,determining - determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. In 1859 in Shanghai Alexander Wylie and Li Shanlan 李香蘭

published Daishuxue, 14 juan, a translation of Elements of Algebra by Augustus de Morgan, and 代微精拾級 wei ji shiji,juan, a translation of Elements of Analytical Geometry and of Differential and Integral Calculus by Elias

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164 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

Loomis (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries'. 174; Wylie, Literature: 129; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479; Beizhuan ji bu: 43, 1514). In 1873, John Fryer and Hua Hengfang 苹衡芳,translated the entry "Algebra" by William Wallace contained in the Vlllth edition of the Encyclopaedia Britannica as Daishuxue 代數學(cf. Bennet,

Fryer: 84). Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxut: 97). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 57). According to Mateer, New Terms, it is a neologism. Gao Mingkai {Wailaici yanjiu: 89) wrongly considers it an original loan from Japanese. However, it is not present in his Wailaici cidian. Cf. weifen 做分 and jifen 猜分. danao 大月& brain, disyliable, determining • determined structure, loan-translation, noun.

Used by Hobson in 1851 {Quanti xinlun: juan 3, f. 4v) to indicate the brain as opposed to the cerebellum (ズ/flonao 小脳).Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 46) indicated in a note that the word was used by western physiologists

(quantixuezhe 每者).Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxue: 107). Hepburn, 1886. Cf. quantixiie 全flS學,xiaonao 小腦• danbagu 旦才巴?It, tobacco, trisyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 267). Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 719) wrote it as 淡巴贫,explaining its meaning as yan 煙"smoke". Saneto (Liuxue Riben: 229) considers that the term was first used in Chinese in Huang Zunxian's text and therefore that the word was an original loan from Japanese.

dangji ironer (?), disyllable, suff. jiy loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 261). dapenpao air rifle (?), trisyllable, suff., loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 355). daxue 大學,university, daigaku,disyllable, determining - determined structure, return

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. From the Han to the Song dynasty, taixue 太舉 was used to indicate the main educational institution of the empire.大舉 was used for the first time in relation to western schools by Aleni in 1623 (Zhifartg waiji: 136). The word virtually disappeared until the end of the XlXth century. There were

some rare exceptions,such as the text by Fan Shouyi,1720 ca. (Shenjianlu: 857),

the 1834 text 英吉利國夷情各 Yingjiliguo yiqing jiliie, by Ye Zhongjin 葉|重造 included in the Haiguo tuzhi (p. 1872). It later spread again in China, thanks to Japanese mediation, and therefore must be considered a return loan from Japanese. In

1838 Bridgman (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 8r) used ゴaj/iMyMan 大書院 to refer to Columbia University; in other texts he used the terms daxue gongtang 大^*公堂(f.

9r) or daxueguan 大舉贿(f. 14v) referring to London University. Daxueyuan was used by Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi: 523) to refer to a university outside London. Daxueguan 大學能 was used by Zhigang in 1869 (Chushi Taixi ji: 319) to refer to the University of Paris. In 1896 in JHXB (I, 26,114v) Italian universities are indicated as shuyuan 書院.Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: 104v) referred to American

universities as dashuyuan 大書院.The establishment of the Tongwenguan in

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 165

Beijing, Shanghai and Canton in the early 1860s, was followed by the establishment of a number of modern schools at the end of the century: in 1895 the Beiyang xixue

北洋西in 1897 the Nanyang gongxue 南洋公举,in 1898 the Jingshi daxuetang 京師大4^室(cf. Peake, Education: 31-35; WGGB (2): 1898, CXVII). The Jingshi daxuetang 京師大举堂 was the first Chinese school to be named daxuetang 大•堂. In 1912 its name was officially changed to Beijing daxue 北京大(CH: 884, 928). Daxue 大^• was already used in the new education plan approved on January 13th, 1904, however in relation to a university department, rather than to school itself (cf.

Political Organization: 584-591). Daxuetang 大舉堂,xiaoxuetang 小举堂 and zhongxuetang 中舉堂 are used in some proposals of reform of the Chinese education

system published by Protestant missionaries on the WGGB (2),starting from 1895

(Wang Shuhuai,Wairen: 30, 71). Daxue 大举 is only used in the texts of the travellers to Japan, when describing the Japanese school system. Fu Yunlong 1889

(Youli Riben: 209),used it to indicate a university professor 大授.Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341) explains that the Japanese school system is divided in daxue 大■!gs zhongxue 中舉 and xiaoxue 小举.Liang Qichao,1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,20, 34). delifeng 得利風,telephone, trisyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun.

The WGGB: 1877 (X,468) contained a news item on Great Britain: Zhongguo qinchai shikan delifeng 中國 15!差試5■得利風(Chinese Ambassador saw the telephone). On September 12, 1877, Guo Songtao 郭當蠹 wrote on his diary that he

had seen a new machine, he called shengbao S幸& invented by the Scot A.G.Bell (Lundun yu Bali riji: 299). In 1880 the WGGB (XH, 586, 322r) published an article on the diffusion of the telephone in Japan, and called it delifeng 得力風.In 1882 the

WGGB (XIV, 678, 250v) published an article on the establishment in Shanghai of a telephone company, and called it deliifeng 德律風.This latter writing form was to be

the most used: cf. WGGB (2): 1891,XXVI; 1891,XXVin; 1892, XXXIX; 1892, XLV; 1895, LXXV. GZHB: 1891, I, published an article entitled Gongyong deliifeng 公用德律風(Public telephones). dian 龟,electricity,monosyllable, semantic loan, noun. The word has been used in different compounds at least since 1854. We find dianliji 里5里機 in 1854 in Luo Sen's travel diary on Japan. Attempts at constructing the first electric lines started in

China in 1865 (cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 467). The first work on electricity

translated by the Shanghai Arsenal was entitled Dianxue 電舉,1879. Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 526, note 1) claimed that all the compounds with the prefix dian were of Japanese origin. Cf. dianxue 電举,dianqi 電氣. dianbao 電拿g,telegraph or telegram, disyllable,pref. dian, loan-translation, noun. In LHCT (1857),the telegraph is always indicated as dianqi tongbiao 電氣通標(4,15r;

5,lOv; 10, 12r). In 1866 Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi: 488) used the expression dianbaofang ?|幸E房 and described a telegram as a dianqixin 電氣信.In 1868 Martin

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16t) App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

(Gewu rumen: juan 4, f. 41r) gave the following explanation:問:濕電之用何為

最大.答:通齑信也,故名千里信,又名法通放,又名電報.In JHXB: 1868 (I, 5, 19) the telegram is indicated as dianxianbao 粟桃報;elsewhere (JHXB: 1868,1, 8, 32r-v) as dianbao 罨報.The word become widespread from the end of the 1860s. ZXWJL: 1873, VII. In Japan in 1877 He Ruzhang (Shi dong shuliie: 125) used the compound dianqibao 電氣賴 for telegram. Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici

yanjiu: 89) wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese (cf. also Zhu Xiaoyun, Gairaigo: 270). In Japanese dianbao 電報 and dianxin 電倌 both mean "telegram"; in Chinese the autochthonous neologism dianbao 電報 maintained the original meaning of "telegram", while dianxin 尾信,the original loan from Japanese,

is now used to indicate any kind of communication system using electricity (ZWDCD,43195.73). In China the Shanghai - Suzhou line was eventually only finished in 1881 (Cf. Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 467; WGGB: 1881,XIV, 658, 71r). In Japan the electric line between Nagasaki and Yokohama was completed in

the early 1870s (Jones, Live Machines: 170, Note 59). dianbaoju 電幸g房,telegram office, trisyllable, suff.,loan-translation, noun. Zhang Deyi,

1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 577). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 324). Cf. dianbao 電幸g. dianche 電車,tramcar, densha,disyliable, pref. dian, loan-translation, noun. Abbreviation

of ゴ/伽が jc/nf/ie 罨氣行車 found in WGGB (2): 1892, XLVII.電車 is used in GZHB: 1891,II,in the article Dianche tielu 電車路 and in WGGB (2): 1893, LHI, in a news item on Switzerland. According to Gao Mingkai {Wailaici yanjiu: 89),it is an original loan from Japanese. It is not present in Hepburn, 1866. According to

Mateer, New Terms and Morgan, New Terms it is a neologism. It is difficult to determine whether k is a graphic loan from Japanese or an autochthonous neologism. dicuichi 電池,electric battery, disyllable,pref. dian, loan-translation, noun. Martin, 1868

(Gewu rumen: juan 4, f. lr) explains that it was invented by the Italian Alessandro Volta. Martin translated it as "galvanic battery" in the compilation of scientific

words published in Doolittle's Vocabulary, 1872 (III,309). Wusi yilai: 83, Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 89) wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese.

diandeng 尾燈,electric lamp, disyllable, pref. dian, loan-translation, noun. Used in an

article published on the JHXB: 1871 (III, 138, 189v) and based on Martin's Gewu rumen, 1868. According to a Shanghai guide-book printed in 1934-35: "The first public display of electric light was made on July 26 of that year (1882)" {Shanghai:

30). A similar announcement was made on the WGGB in 1879 (XIII,566, 142r). diandui 電堆,electric pile, disyllable, pref. dian, loan-translation, noun. Martin, 1868 (Gewu rumen: juan 4, f. 23r).

dianhua 電話,telephone, denwa, disyllable, pref. dian, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. It rapidly substituted all previously used phonemic loans. Used in

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 167

the Xin mingci (1934) to explain deliifeng 德稞風.I have not found it in any XlXth century texts. According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 89),it

was an original loan from Japanese. It is present in Hepburn, 1886. Cf. Zhu Xiaoyun, Gairaigo: 270. Cf. deliifeng 得力風. dianhuqji 電括禅,telephone set, denwaki,trisyllable, suff. ノ7, original graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 265). Cf. dianhua 電括. dianji electric machine, disyllable, suff.ゾ7, loan-translation, noun. Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 111). WGGB (2): 1898, CXIX. dianjixin 兩锩估,telegram, trisyllable, determining • determined structure, loan translation, noun. Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 111). Cf. dianbao 電幸g.

dianlan 賴, electric cable, disyllable, pref. dian,loan-translation, noun. Martin, 1868

(Gewu rumen: juan 4,目鋒).

dianliji telegraph, trisyllable,suff. ノ7, loan-translation, noun. Luo Sen, 1854 (Riben riji: 38) used it to indicate one of the gifts presented by Perry to the Japanese.

Cf. dianbao 電幸

dianlu 電路,electric circuit, disyllable, pref. dian, loan-translation, noun. Martin, 1868

(Gewu rumen: juan 4, f. 2^v). dianqi 電氣,electricity,disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. William Muirhead's 地理全志ひ”quanzhi,Shanghai, 1853-1854, contained the first reference to the electricity phenomenon (cf. Matsui,Yakoshu no kango:

43).The fifth chapter of Hobson's 博物新.输L Bowu xinbian, 1854, was entitled Dianqi lun 電氣論 and contained a detailed description of electricity. Cf. also the vocabulary taken from Hobson's text and included in Doolittle's Vocabulary (EH, 315

318). In LHCT: 1857 (2, 9v) we find the expression dianqi miji 電氣機 translated as "Atlantic submarine telegraph". In 1868 Martin (Gewu rumen: juan 4, f. lr) provided detailed information on electricity. In 1866, Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi:

451) describing the phenomena (488-489) referred to Martin's Gewu rumen; elsewhere (513) Zhang Deyi also used the term to indicate "compressed air". Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 320). He Ruzhang, 1877 (Shi dong shuliie: 125). Huang Zunxian, 1879 {Riben zashi shi: 755). Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxue: 107). The Shanghai Electric Co.,probably the first such company in China, was established in

1882 (Shanghai: 30). Cf. dian 爾 and all the compounds in which it is used as prefix.

dianqibao telegram, trisyllable, suff., loan-translation, noun. He Ruzhang,1877 (Shi dong shilue: 125). Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 765). dianqideng 電氣澄,electric lamp, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, loan

translation, noun. Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 136). Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai

shuqi: 580). WGGB: 1878 (XI,513, 177r). Cf. diandeng 電澄. dianqiguang 電氣光,electric light, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, loan

translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 276).

dianqiguang shixian weijing 罨氣光視顔微铁,electric microscope, polysyllable,

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168 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

determining - determined structure, loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi

Taixi ji: 276). Cf. xianweijing 教微狭. dianqiji 電菊•級,electric engine,trisyllable, suff. ji,loan-translation, noun. Zhang Deyi,

1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 458). dianqiju 電氣麻,Post Office, trisyllable, suff., loan-translation, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 497).

diatiqiling 電氣|$,electric bell, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. An article published on the JHXB: 1869 (I, 49, 229r-v) reports that electric bells were extensively used in foreign companies in Shanghai (Shanghai

waiguo yanghang nei 上海外國洋行内).Cf. dianxianling 電線 dianqixian WMM* electric line, trisyllable, determining - determined, loan-translation,

noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 488). dianqixin 電氣fS,telegram, trisyllable, suff” loan-translation, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 488). Cf. dianbao 尾幸R dianxian 電線,electric line, disyllable, pref. diart,loan-translation, noun. Martin, 1868

(Gewu rumen: juan 4, f. lr). Huang Zunxian, 1879 {Riben zashi shi: 640). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Rib en: 265). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 6). Cf. dianxianling 電線 dianxianling 電線室$’ electric bell, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, loan

translation, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 486). Cf. dianqiling 罨氣|$. dianxin 電信,telegram, denshin, disyllable, pref. dian,original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used in an article by Martin on Russia entitled 電信總會 Dianxin

zonghui and published in ZXWJL: 1875, XXXVI. According to Zheng Dian (Cihui shi: IV,437) it was present in the 申幸g Shenbao as early as 1874. He Ruzhang, 1877 (Shi dong shuliie: 100). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 589). WGGB

(2): 1891,XXXI. According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 89), it was an original loan from Japanese. The word never became widespread in China because of the use of the autochthonous neologism dianbao 粟幸g at least since 1866 . Cf. dianbao 電幸 dianxinji 電倍機,telegraphic machine, denshinki、trisyllable, suff. ji,original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 {Ribenguo zhi: 589). Cf. dianbao

.報 and dianxin 電信. dianxue 電舉,electricity (the study of), disyllable, suff. xue,autochthonous neologism, noun. The title of the fourth chapter of Martin's text Gewu rumen, 1868. The word appeared in 電學 Dianxue, the title of a translation by John Fryer of The Student's

Textbook of Electricity by Henry M. Noad, published at the Shanghai Arsenal in

1879 (Bennet, Fryer. 82). GZHB: 1890, X. Wang Tao, 1887 {Man you suilu: 116). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 265). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 68). Cf. dian 電. diguo 帝國,empire, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 169

neologism, noun. HYDCD, III, 712. Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 567) translated the English word ’’empire" with the phonemic loan yingpai'er 英拜兒 adding in a

note jinren yi diguo 人I have not been able to determine whether it was a loan from Japanese.

dilixue 地5里举,geography (the study of), chirigaku,trisyllable, suff. xue, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. The original meaning of the compound was "geomantic technique" (HYDCD, II, 1028). In the current meaning it is an original loan from Japanese. Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 645). GZHB: 1891,II,

contains an article entitled 地5里货舉敢索 Dili zhixue qimeng. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,37) uses dili 地理. dinei huolutiche 地内火幸S車,underground, polysyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation, noun. Used by Zhang Deyi,1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 510) to indicate the London Underground. In 1872 it was referred to in an article of the JHXB

(IV,183,164v) as dixia huolun chelu 地下火稅車路. diqiu 地i求,globe, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation, noun.

ZWDCD, 4996.228. HYDCD, II,1028. Loan invented by Ricci, 1602 (D'Elia, Mappamondo: tav. III-V). Present in 1844, Haiguo tuzhi (2688) in the section reproducing Ricci and Aleni's texts on the globe. Probably travelled to Japan from

China. Liang Qichao (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,53). Tan Sitong,1896 (Renxue: 109). Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 524) wrongly considers it a neologism introduced by the Haiguo tuzhi. dixue 地举,geology, disyllable, suff. xue, autochthonous neologism,noun. Used in 1873 in 地举淺釋 ズwe qianshi,the title of a translation of Charles Lyell's Geology published by John Macgowan and Hua Hengfang 華衡劳(cf. Bennet, Fryer:

107). dizhi 地背,geology, chishitsu, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthon,

noun. HYDCD,II,1034. In 1896,Liang Qichao (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,53) explained the meaning of the term thus:萬言地中金石各事(It specially discusses everv matter related to metals and stones in the earth). According to Wusi yilai: 83,

Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 80),it was an original loan from Japanese. Cf. dizhixue 地笛舉.

dizhixue 地窗舉,geology, trisyllable, suff. xue, autochthonous neologism, noun. According to Nakayama (Modern Scientific Terms: 304; ChQ-Nichi taishaku), it was

used by William Muirhead in the 地i里全志 Dili quanzhi, published in Shanghai in 1853-54 (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 168). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 646). The GZHB: 1891, II,published an article entitled Dili zhixue qimeng

地5里背學敢荣.Huang Qingchcng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Liang Qichao (Du Xixue fa: f. 5r). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 80),it was an original loan from Japanese. The Japanese language most probably contributed to its modern

diffusion in Chinese. Cf. dizhi 地質.

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170 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

dongchan 産,personal property, dさsan, disyllable, pref. dong,original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 90), in Japanese it was a loan translation on English. Cf. zhiwu 植物,budongchan 不動産. dongwu 動物,personal property, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic

loan, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juari 2, f. 17r) to translate the English "personal property", #77. Later, probably because of its similarity to dongwu 重))物 "animal" and under the influence of Japanese, the meaning of "property" was rendered

with chart 産"good" rather than with wu 物"thing". "Real property" and "personal

property" were then translated with the Japanese loans dongchan 動産 and budongchan 不動産. dongwuchang 動物場,zoological garden, d6butzuj6, trisyllable, suff. change original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong; 1889 (Youli Riben: 241). dongwuxue 動物®,zoology, d石butsugaku, trisyllable, suff. xue, original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 645). Used in an article in GZHB: 1891, II,entitled 重})物樂做来 Dongwi/xi/e qimeng. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,37) to describe the Japanese school system. In 1898 Yan Fu (Tianyan lun:

1369) still used dongwu zhi xue (zhe)動物之華"(者).Cf. dongwu 動物. dongwuyuan 重|j物院,zoological garden, trisyllable, suff. yuan (院),loan-translation,

noun. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 344). Created by analogy with the Japanese dobutzuen 動物園• dongzhongxue 重MS*®,dynamic mechanics, trisyllable, suff. xuet autochthonous neologism, noun. Present in Li Shanlan's introduction to the text 重每 Zhongxue, 12 juan, 1858,a translation done in conjunction with Joseph Edkins of An

Elementary Treatise on Mechanics by W. Whewell (cf. Wylie,Protestant Missionaries: 188; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479). Cit. in Beizhuan ji bu: juan 43, 1514. Later zhongxue 重舉 was substituted by lixue カ举,and dongzhongxue 重)!重學 by dong lixue 動力學.Cf. lixue カ舉,zhongxue 重舉 and jingzhongxue

節重®. dun ton, monosyllable, phonemic loan, noun. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 3005. A phonemic loan from English, based on the Cantonese pronunciation den. A note

explains that it was equivalent to 1680 jin 斤,approximately 840 kg. It may refer to the short ton,approximately 907 kg. dunchuan 要船,tonnage, disyllable, determining - determined structure, hybrid, noun. In

1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2947,phonemic and semantic loan from the English "tonnage".

falii 法標,law, disyllable, associative structure, autochthon, noun. Already used in

Chinese (HYDCD,V,1041). Used by Aleni,1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1370); Bridgman, 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 12v); 1844, Haiguo tuzhi: 3034; Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 620); Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341);

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App. //. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 171

Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wetiji: I, 66). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 85) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233),it was a return loan from Japanese. It is hardly likely to be a loan from Japanese, since it existed in ancient texts and was used by Bridgman in 1838. Indeed, it is an autochthonous word, whose usage in Japanese contributed to its diffusion also in Modern Chinese.

fangcheng 方程,equation, disyllable, determining - determined structure., autochthon,

noun. Already used in a mathematical text of the 1st century B.C. Jiuzhang suanshu (HYDCD, VI, 1567). Mei Wending's 梅文旗方程徐六卷 Fangcheng lun liujuan, 1723-173o, was dedicated to the study of equations (cf. Zhortgguo congshu zongmu: II, 881; Wylie, Literature: 112). Used in the first texts on algebra translated

by Li Shanlan 李蕃閹 and the Protestant missionaries in Shanghai. Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxue: 97) used fangchengshi 方程式.According to Wusi yilai: 80, it was a

return loan from Japanese. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 92), an original loan from Japanese. Cf. daishu 代數.

fangfa 方法^ method, hoho, disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Already used during the Tang with the curr€nt meaning of "method",

"means" (HYDCD, VI, 1560). Later used again in China through the influence of Japanese. According to Huang Zunxian, 1890 {Ribenguo zhi: 779) and Wusi yilai: 82, it was a return loan from Japanese. According to Wang Lida (1) and Huang Xuanfan (Wailaiyu: 199),an original loan from Japanese. fating 法EI, tribunal, hotei, disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic loan from Japanese,noun. Originally used to indicate the "main hall of a Confucian

temple,,(HYDCD, V,1041). Huang Zunxian,1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 633). With its current meaning it was an original loan from Japanese. According to Wusi yilai: 80,

it was a return loan from Japanese. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 92; Wailaici cidian: 96),an original loan from Japanese.

fatongxian 法通線,French communication wire,telegraph, trisyllable, determining -

determined structure, loan-translation, noun. Zhang Deyi,1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 488). Cf. dianbao 電報. faxue 法學,law (the study of), h6gakuy disyllable, suff. xue, return graphic loan from

Japanese,noun. Originally used for "the study of punishments and of governing

according to the law" (HYDCD, V,1048). Aleni, 1637 (Xifang da wen: juan 1,f.

12v) used it for western law. Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 645). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 91),it was an original loan from Japanese. Because the current meaning is the same as the original meaning,it cannot

be considered an original loan. Japanese probably contributed to its diffusion in Chinese at the end of the XlXth century.

fayuan 法院,tribunal, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. In 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. 35v) used to translate the English "Court”,#101.

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172 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

feiche 飛氧 airplane, disyliable,suff. eke,autochthonous neologism, noun. Used in

ZXWJL: 1872, IV in a news item entitled Feiche yiwert and in WGGB (2): 1893, LI, in an item on Great Britain entitled 飛車將成 Feiche jiangcheng. feiji 播I,airplane, disyllable, suff. ji,autochthonous neologism, noun. Used in WGGB (2): 1893, LIV, in a news item on Great Britain entitled 飛機試新 Feiji shixin.

fengjing 風|#,wind glasses (?), disyllable, determining • determined structure, loan translation, noun. Zhang Deyi,1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 483).

fuguoce 直國策,ci.jingji 經現 gaijin 改進,improve, kaishin,disyllabic, predicate - complement structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, verb. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 590), Huang

Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 349) in the compound gaijindang 改進富. gailiang 改良,improve, kairyd, disyllable, predicate - complement structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, verb. Used in Kang Youwei's 大同窖 Da tong shu (HYDCD, V, 398). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 92) e Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 533), it was an original loan from Japanese. gangbi 鋼華,fountain pen, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. In ZXWJL: 1874, XVIII, W.A.P. Martin published an article entitled 制逸鋼筆 Zhizao gangbi. According to Mateer, New Terms and Morgan, New Terms it was a neologism. ganshi 申字事,executive secretary, kanji,disyllable, determining - determined structure,

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Originally used in Chinese as "to manage

affairs" (HYDCD, II, 948). As a noun it was an original loan from Japanese. Used by Huang Zunxian, 1890 {Ribenguo zhi: 590). According to Wang Lida (1),it was an original loan from Japanese.

ganwen haosi 甘文好司,House of Commons, quadrisyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Used in 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2958 and in a description of

England (1803). Phonemic loan from English according to the Cantonese pronunciation gemmen housi. The phonemic loan haosi (Cantonese pr. housi)好 "house" is widely used to indicate other English institutions,for example,Lii haosi

律好司 ”House of Lords" (Haiguo tuzhi: 1801). gaoqiu 黑ネ,caoutchouc or India rubber, disyllable,polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 530). geming 革命*,revolution, kakumei,disyllable, predicate • object structure, return graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. According to Cheng Shaobai _少白,when Sun Zhongshan 孫中山 arrived in Kobe 神户 at the end of 1895, he noticed that local newspapers referred to him as Zhina gemingdang shouling 文那革命富首領(Head of the Chinese Revolutionary Party), cf. Liu Zhengtan, Bianzuan wailaici cidian: 116.

Kang Youwei, 1898 (Meiji bianzheng kao xu: 281). Sun Zhongshan, 1904 (Sun xuanji: 51). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 85), Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 529) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233), it was a return loan from Japanese.

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 173

Miller (Japanese Language: 260) considered it an original loan.

gezhi 格致,science, disyllable, predicate - complement structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. Abbreviation of gewu zhizhi 格物致知(HYDCD,IV, 995). During the XVIIIth century, it was used to refer to scientific subjects in a broad

sense. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,37). Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxue: 98). Yan Fu, 1898 (Tianyan lun: 1397). Gezhijia 格致家"scientist" derives from gezhi. gongchang 工場,workshop, kdjdy disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian,1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 628) used it with its Japanese meaning of "factory". In Chinese it will be used only to refer to a

"workshop", while gongchang エ施 will be used to refer to a "factory". Cf. gongchang 工廠• gongchang 工廠,factory, koshd, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese,noun, Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 213). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 628). In Japanese, it was used to refer to "arsenal". Cf. gongchang 工場. gongfa 公法,public law or international law, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation, noun, Original meaning: "the law of a country" (HYDCD, II,66). In 1864 used in the title of the Wanguo gongfa to render "international (public) law". Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,28). In the title of Kang Youwei's 1886 text 窝J里公法全塞 Shili gongfa quanshu (Principles of truth and universal laws), used to indicate ”universal law" (cf. Howard, K'ang Yu wei: 307).

gongfa zhi sitiao 公法之私]i茶,international private law, polysyllable, determining determined structure, semantic loan, noun. Used in the Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. 17v) to translate the English "private (international) law”,#77. Later, private law will be translated as sifa 私法.

gonghe 共和,republic, kyowa, disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. According to the HYDCD (II,85), it was used with the

meaning of "republic" in 1903 by Zhang Binglin 章炳解.In fact it was used by Huang Zunxian in 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 590) in the compound gonghedang 共fcJE.

Used in 1899 by Liang Qichao as an example of original loan from Japanese (Yin

bing shi, Zhuanji: XXII, 190). Hepburn, 1866. According to Wang Lida (1), Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 87) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233), it was a return loan from Japanese. Because there is no direct relationship between the original and the

modern meaning, it should be considered an original loan. Liang Qichao shared this

opinion. gonghui 公會,parliament, disyllable, associative structure, semantic loan, noun. Original

meaning: "to gather or to meet for official reasons" (HYDCD, II,75). In 1850 Xu

Jiyu (Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 7,f. 44r) used gonghuisuo ぷン§戶斤 to refer to

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174 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

"parliament". LHCT: 1857 (2, lOr). In 1872 Zhigang (Chushi Taixi ji: 271) still used it to indicate a "public assembly". As "parliament" it developed the compound

gonghuitang 公會室,employed by Lu Xun (HYDCD, II,75). However both gonghui 公舍 and gonghuitang 公會堂 lost the meaning of "parliament", and the former gonghui 公會 was free to assume its new meaning of "professional association". In JHXB: 1868 (I, 2. 8) it is used in the meaning of gong si 公司 "company". gongke 工科,technical studies, k6kay disyliable, suff. ke、original graphic loan from

Japanese,noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 211). Huang Qingcheng, 1895 (Dongyou riji: 341). Officially used in the new education plan approved on 13th January, 1904 (Political Organization: 591). gongs hi 公台币,jurist, disyllabic, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 4, f. 68v) to translate the English "public jurist", #540.

gongshihui 公使會,congress, trisyllable, suff. hui,autochthonous neologism, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1, f. 26r) in the expression Weiyena gongshihui Q隹也柄公使會"Congress of Vienna", #34. The suffix hui 舍"meeting", already present in Chinese, was used to create a whole class of neologisms. gongsi 公 Hj,company, disy liable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Its original etymology was "general business", it was coined as a loan translation solely to refer to the United East India Company (HYDCD, II, 60). Used

by Bridgman in 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 2r) to refer to the United East India Company; also in 1844, in Haiguo tuzhi: 147, 1875. Hunter (Fan Kwae: 30). Later the term was used to indicate any foreign company, and then any company in general. In his Chinese-English Dictionary published in 1815 Morrison explained the meaning of the word thus: "term by which Chinese designate European Companies"

(Dictionary: II, 1, 651). Used by Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 140) to indicate a French company. Used by Wang Tao in the expression baoxian gongsi 傲舍公茂)

"insurance company". Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 452). Zhigang, 1872

(Chushi Taixi ji: 322). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 31). Hermanovd-Novotnd (Economic terms: 59) considers it an autochthonous neologism "coined most probably in the period 1899 - 1910". gongye 工業,industry, kogydt disyllable, suff. ye, original graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. Used in the title of the article 输エ業制逸之利 Lun gongye zhizao zhi li, published in Japan and then recut in 1877 by the WGGB (IX,431,432). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi,Wenji: I,13). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 121) and Wang Lida (1), it was an original loan from Japanese.

gongyitang 公g费堂,parliament, trisyllable, suff., autochthonous neologism, noun. Used by Bridgman to indicate the American Congress in his new 1862 edition of Lianbang

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 175

zhiliie 聯邦志略,of which excerpts were published in the JHXB: 1868 (I, 4, 15r). A detailed explanation of the meaning of the word is to be found in WGGB: 1875 (VII,

340, 555r-v). For a short time it co-existed with yiyuan 維院:in WGGB: 1880, XII,

598, 43 lr, and 1882, XIV, 695, 405r the Japanese parliament is referred to as

客抓客y/ton客公搞堂 and the British as yiyuan 嫌陕.In 1889 in WGGB (2) gongyitang 公維堂 was no longer used and was substituted by yiyuan g#院.Cf. yiyuan mm. gongyiting 公8籌睡,parliament, trisyllable, suff” autochthonous neologism, noun. Used by Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 114) to refer to the American Congress. gongyuan 公園,public park, kden,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: ”garden of an official" (HYDCD, II,44; ZWDCD, 1480.613). Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 435) and Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 215) used it with its Japanese meaning of "public park". Hepburn, 1886. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 601) reported that public gardens were opened in Japan in 1873. Wang Tao, 1887 (Manyou suilu: 110). gongzi エ賨, wage, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism,noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Ribert: 213). Probably invented by analogy with gonglin 工运,Jiap. pr. kochin.

guan shui huo qiju zhe 管水火:器具者,machine-operator, polysyllable, suff. zhe, autochthonous neologism, noun. Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 95). guangchang 膺塌,square, hiroba,disyllable, determining • determined structure, original

grapnic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 751). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 126), Wang Lida (1) and Duogongneng cidian,it was an original loan from Japanese.

guangxue 光^*,optics,disyllable, suff. xuey autochthonous neologism, noun. Although the second half of the tmrd chapter of Martin's Gewu rumen, published in 1868, was

devoted to optics, there is no trace of the compound guangxue. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 321). Used for the first time in the title of the book 光舉 Guangxue, 1879, a translation by Carl Kreyer and Chao Yuanyi 超元益 of John Tyndall's Light (cf. Jiangnan ji: juan 2, f. 21v; Bennet, Fryer. 105). Wang Tao, 1887 (Manyou suilu:】16). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 124). guanli 管J里,manage,kanri,disyllable, associative structure, autochthon, verb. Used during the Ming and Qing dynasties to indicate an official position (Hucker: no. 3315). During the Qing already used as "to supervise and administer certain specific

matters•’ (Sun, Ch'ing Terms: 69). As "to administer” used by Bridgman, 1838

(Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 13v). Lin Zexu (Si zhou zhi: f. 30v). Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 418) and Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 336) used it to indicate the administrative competence of Japanese ministers. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 93),it was an original loan from Japanese.

guannian ffl念,idea, kannen,disyllable, determining • determined structure, original

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176 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Tan Sitong,1896 (Renxue: 107). According to

Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 93) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 532), it was an original loan from Japanese.

guding ziben 画定資本,fixed capital, kotei shihon,quadrisyllable, determining determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Yan Fu, 1901-1902

(Yuanfu: 231) used changzhu mucai 常住母財.According to Wang Lida (1), it was an original loan from Japanese. guina ■帚柄,intuition, kinoy disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Used in 1899 by Liang Qichao as an example of original loan from

Japanese {Yin bing shi, Zhuanji: XXII, 190). Not present in Hepburn, 1866. According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 93; Wailaici cidian: 126), k was an original loan from Japanese.

guize 親貝1J, rule, kisoku, disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from Japanese,noun. Used since the Tang dynasty (ZWDCD, 35643.34). The word came back in use in Chinese through Japanese. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 620,

634). According to Wusi yilai: 80 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 86), it was a return loan from Japanese.

guofa 國法,constitution, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 4, f. 67r) to translate the English "Constitution", #538.

guohui O曾,Congress or parliament, disyllable, determining - determined structure,

semantic loan, noun. Used in 1844 by Lin Zexu (Si zhou zhi: f. 30v) to refer to Great Britain. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa to translate the English "Parliament"

(juan 1, f. 16r, #17) and the US "Congress" (juan 4, f. 67v, #538). Probably the term spread to Japan through these works. In Chinese now only used to indicate the

parliament of certain foreign states, especially the Japanese National Diet. Cf. zonghui 總會. guowen 過間,interference, disyllable, predicate - object structure, semantic loan, verb.

Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. 44r) to translate the English "interference", #110.

guozhai 貴,national debt, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. LHCT: 1857 (3, lOr). In JHXB: 1873 (V, 245, 314) it is used in an article on the debt of western nations. Also used in ZXWJL: 1873, XVIII. WGGB

(2): 1891, XXIV, in an article on Russia. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 273). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 336). Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 754). Hepburn, J886. According to Morgan, New Terms,it was a neologism. Cf. gongzhai 公債. haijurt 海軍,navy, kaigun,disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. The original meaning was "sea forces" (ZWDCD, 17933,

171; HYDCD, V,1225). Came back into use in Chinese, through Japanese, to

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App. If. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 177

indicate the "navy". In JHXB: 1874 (VI, 300, 35lr) and WGGB (2), 1892, XLIII shuijun 水軍 was still used. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 617). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 9). WGGB (2): 1897, XCVffl. hamapao 紛播炮,frog cannon (?), trisyllable, suff., autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 355). /wws/mWflひ寒I表,thermometer, trisyllable, suff., autochthonous neologism, noun.

Martin, 1868 (Gewu rumen: juan 3 目錄)• Present in the vocabulary of scientific terms prepared by Martin in 1872 for Doolittle's vocabulary (Vocabulary: HE, 315).

Cf. hanshuzhen 寒*St. hanshuzhen 寒thermometer, kanshohari,trisyllable, suff., original graphic loan from Japanese (?), noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 111). The term never

became widespread in Chinese, because the autochthonous neologism hanshubiao 寒基•表 was already in use. Cf. hanshubiao 寒暑表. houbeibing 後播兵,second supporting troops, kobi-hei, trisyllable, suff. bing,original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 630). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 342). huabao 畫報,illustrated magazine, disyllable,determining - determined structure, loan

translation, noun. The 癒窘畫報 Yinghuan huabao, founded in Shanghai in 1877 by

the British Ernest Major, editor of the 申報 was one of the first Chinese illustrated magazines and the first to contain the term in the title, cf. A Ying,Baokan shuliie: 90-91.

huashi 化石,fossil, kaseki,disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous

neologism,noun. According to Wusi yilai: 83, it was an original loan from Japanese. On June 10th,1866 Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi: 545) used the expression

hua wei shi 化為石 in his diary to refer to the fossils he had seen in a Swedish Museum. The term huashi 化石 is not present in Hepburn, 1886. Presumably it is an autochthonous neologism.

huaxue 化舉,chemistry, disyllable,suff. xue, autochthonous neologism, noun. "Professor Billequin is the father of Chinese Chemistry, but Dr. Martin claims the honor of having christened the science by the name which it now bears, in a book on

Natural Philosophy published prior to Mr. Billequin's work" (W.A.P. Martin, "The Tung wen College", in Morse, International Relations: III, App. F,475). The book on natural philosophy referred to by Martin is his 格物入門 GewM rumen, published

in 1868, in which a chapter is dedicated to chemistry (Gewu rumen: juan 6, f. lr 84v). In 1879 the French A.A.Billequin started to give classes in chemistry at the

Beijing Tongwenguan and, in 1882, he published the work Huaxue chanyuan 化举圍庚,in conjunction with Cheng Lin 承森 and Wang Zhongxiang 王■奮祥. 化举初B6 Huaxue chujie,published in 1870 was the fist work to use the term in the

title. The term huaxue was used by Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi: 521) on May 31,

1866. Wang Tao, 1887 (Manyou suilu: 116). In 1871, the Shanghai Arsenal

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178 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

published Huaxue jianyuan 化®®康,the translation by John Fryer and Xu Shou 衡Jp of D.A.Wells' Principles and Applications of Chemistry, New York, 1858. This translation contains a detailed discussion on the Chinese rendering of chemical

terminology (juan 1, f. 21v • 24v). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi,Wenji: I, 68).

Yan Fu, 1898 (Tianyan lun: 1328). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 92) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 531), huaxue was an original loan from Japanese. In the first modern Japanese work of chemistry, Seimi kaiso 含密問宗,translated by Udagawa Y5an 宇田川格養(1798-1846) and published in 1839, the term "chemistry" was rendered with the phonemic loan seimi from the Dutch "chemie" (cf. Ncedham: V, 3, 255; Goodman, Dutch Impact: 134; Vos, Dutch Influences: no. 276). The term huaxue 化$ went from China to Japan and was used to indicate the subject chemistry taught at T6ky5 University (Huang Zunxian, 1879,

Riben zashi shi: 645). Cf. sec. 1.4.3., note 28. huazhuang 化妝,makeup, keshoy disyllable, predicate - object structure, original graphic

loan from Japanese,verb. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 253). huazhuangpin 化)fecSi,cosmetic, keshdhin, trisyllable, suff. pin,original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 82) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 234), it was an original loan from Japanese. Mateer, New Terms, considered it a neologism.

huihua 會話,converse, kaiwa, disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, verb. Used in Chinese since the Tang dynasty (HYDCD, V,790). According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 144), it was

an original loan from Japanese. Since the Japanese meaning is the same as the original Chinese meaning, it cannot be considered an original loan.

huishe 曾社,company, kaisha,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 480). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 242). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 144),it was an original loan from Japanese. It never spread in China because its semantic field was already occupied by the autochthonous neologism gongsi 公 5].

(HYDCD, V,785). Cf. gongsi 公司• huitang 會堂,congress (US) or parliament (GB), disyllable, determining - determined

structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 270, 302). huiyi 義,assembly, kaigi,disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthon,

noun. Originally a Chinese verb, meaning "to gather, to discuss" (HYDCD, V, 792).

Used by Bridgman as a noun in 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 13v). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 590). Cf. baliman 巴厘滿,baliman yamen 巴厘滿衝門. huiyuan 會員,member of an association, kaiin,disyllable, suff. yuan (員),original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 212). hunningtu ミ昆另泛ニヒ,cement, konkurlto, trisyllable, determining-determined structure,

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 179

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 145), it was an original loan from Japanese. Cf. shuini 水泥. huoche 火氧 train, disyllable, suff. che,autochthonous neologism, noun. Bridgman (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 5r) explained it as 惟以火力施•禽 in 1838. Used in 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 3021. In 1854 Luo Sen (Riben riji: 38) used it to indicate one of the gifts presented by Perry to the Japanese. JHXB, 1896 (I, 19, 77r). Zhigang,1872

(Chushi Taixi ji: 262). ZXWJL: 1872,1. In 1877 used in Japan by He Ruzhang (Shi dong shuliie: 100). Cf. huolunche 火摩禽車.

huochuan 火船,wheel steamship, disyllable,suff. chuan, autochthonous neologism, noun. Abbreviation of huolunchuan 火搞船.Bridgman, 1838 {Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 9r). Luo Sen, 1854 (Riben riji: 31). huoji 火機,machine (steam), disyllable, suff. ji, loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 262). Cf. huolunji 火幸禽機.

huolun 火输,machine (steam), disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. Binchun,1866 (Chengcha biji: 108). huolun qushui qiju 火幸ft取水器具,mill, polysyllable, determining • determined structure,

autochthonous neologism, noun. Steam machine used to pump water. Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 122) used to indicate a mill. huolunche 火辜ft隼,stream-train, trisyllable, suff. che, autochthonous neologism, noun.

In 1838 Bridgman (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 6v) explained this term and huolunchuan

火梡船,thus:在車則云火梂車,在船則曰火_禽船.此皆賴水蒸之力施W而行• Later used in 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 3021. Xu Jiyu, 1850 {Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 7,

f. 49r). Luo Sen, 1854 {Riben riji: 38). LHCT: 1857 (2, lOr). Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 472). Martin, 1868 (Gewu rumen: juan 2, f. 41r). JHXB,1869 (I, 21,89r). huolunchuan 火摩w船,wheel steamship, trisyllable,suff. zhou,autochthonous neologism,

noun. Also huolunzhou 火牵禽舟.In 1838 Bridgman (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 6v)

explained this term and huolunche火辜侖車thus:在車則云火格阜,在船則 曰火拎船,此1&賴水蒸之力施W而行.Later used in 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 3020. Xu Jiyu, 1850 (Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 7, f. 48r). Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 446). Martin, 1868 (Gewu rumen: juan 2 目鋒). huolunji 火辜禽tS,steam engine, trisyllable, suff. ji,autochthonous neologism, noun. In

1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 3022. Xu Jiyu, 1850 (Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 7, f. 49r). Luo Sen, 1854 (Riben riji: 38). Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 449). Cf. huolun 火幸禽.

huolunjiqi 火幸禽機器 machine (steam), quadrisyllable, determining • determined structure,

loan-translation,noun. JHXB: 1869 (I, 21, 89v).

huolunqiju machine (steam), quadrisyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation, noun. Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 104).

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180 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

huoqiang 火播,rifle, disyllable, determining • determined structure’ autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 482).

huoxing 火性,heat, disyllable, suff. xing,loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 321). huoxue 火®,study of fire, disyllable, suff. xue,autochthonous neologism, noun. Martin,1868 (Gewu rumen: juan 3). huoyanzhou 火埋舟,wheel steamship, trisyllable, suff. zhout autochthonous neologism,

noun. Lin Zhen,1849 (Xi hai ji: 36). jiancha 格査,inspect, kensa,disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan from

Japanese, verb. Huang Zunxian,1898 (Riben zashi shi: 626). In Japanese it is noun. Hepburn, 1886. jianzhu 建築,to build, kenchiku, disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, verb. The HYDCD (II, 910) indicated that it first appeared in a text

by Chen Kangqi _康ネ其 composed around 1880. Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxirtg riji: 93r). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 212). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 640). WGGB (2): 1890, XXII, in a report about the US. According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 93), Wang Lida (1) and Duogongneng cidian、it was an original loan from Japanese. Hepburn, 1886. According to Mateer, New Terms and Morgan, New Terms it is a neologism. jiaoji 文除,relationship or relations, disyllable, associative structure, semantic loan,

noun. Already used by Mencius (V,2, 4) with the meaning of "friendship" (HYDCD, II, 340). Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 3, f. lr) to translate the English "political relations", # 206. Mateer, New Terms, considered it a neologism. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 87), it was a return loan from Japanese. It now means "social relations".

jiaoshou UtS, professor, kyoju, disyllable, determining - determined structure,original graphic loan from Japanese,noun. Used since the Song dynasty with the meaning of

"instructor" or "to teach" (HYDCD, V,449; Hucker: no. 740). Li Xiaopu, 1880 (Riben jiyou: 174). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 209). Hepburn, 1886. Liang

Qichao,1896 (Yin bing shi,Wenji: I,43) used in the original meaning of "instructor". According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 87) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233),it was a return loan from Japanese.

jiaotache 腳播車,bicycle, trisyllable,suff. che,autochthonous neologism, noun. GZHB:

1876, IV. The HYDCD, VIH, 1312, indicated it as the popular version of zixingche

自行車.Cf. zixingche自行車.

jiaotong 文通,communication, kdtsU, disyllable, determining - determined structure,

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Liang Qichao, 1896 {Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,85) used it as noun, followed by a list of different forms of communication

(chetong 車通,diantong 電通 youtong 郵通 etc.) in which tong 通 was used as a verb. According to Wusi yilai: 80, it was a return loan. According to Gao Mingkai

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App. IL Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 181

(Wailaici yanjiu: 82) and Duogongneng cidian,it was an original loan from Japanese. Matecr, New Terms、considered it a neologism. Hepburn, 1886. jiaoyi 文為,trade, disyllable, associative structure, autochthon, verb. Already used in the

芬控,Yijing (HYDCD,II,332). Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1439) and 1637 (Xifang da wen: juan 1,f. 17r). 1844, Haiguo tuzhi: 3005. Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 11) explained the term as 補相為以物者.Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 93) claimed it was an original loan from Japanese. Shao Rongfen (Ping wailaici yanjiu: 347) disagreed with Gao Mingkai. jiaoyu 教育,education,kydiku, disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Already used by Mencius (VII, 20, 4, cf. HYDCD, V, 447), but came back into use in Cninese through its usage in Japanese. The compounds

jiaoyuyuan 教育院 and jiaoyu bolanhui 教育傅賢會(both used to indicate a museum) were used by Li Xiaopu, 1880 (Riben jiyou: 172, 177). Jiaoyuhui 教育會

was used by Fu Yunlong, 1889 {Youli Riben: 256). We find the compound jiaoyu xinbu 教育新部"the new ministry of education" used in the paper 新爭八章, Xinxue bazhang, written by the American missionary Timothy Richard in 1887 and

published on the WGGB (2): I, f. 14-18 in March 1889. Since Richard had just returned from Japan, he might have learned the new term there (cf. Wang Shuhuai,

Wairen: 30). In describing the Japanese education system, Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,37, 40, 43) explained the meaning of the word in a note:言教授

及荣赛之法.The word seems not to have become widespread in China before the start of the XXth century. The Educational Society of China was referred to as Zhongguo xueshu hui 中國舉&會 in 1901 and only changed its name to Zhongguo

jiaoyu hui 中國教育會 in 1905 (cf. Wang Shuhuai, Wairert: 65, Note 1). Hepburn, J886. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 87) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 529), it was a return loan from Japanese.

jiaoyuan 教員,teacher, kyoin, disyllable,suff. yuan (員),original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). jiaoyuxue 教育學,pedagogy, kyoikugaku, trisyllable, suff. xue,original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,40). Cf. jiaoyu

教育. jiepou 解fiij,surgery or dissection, kaibo, disyllable, associative structure, return graphic

loan from Japanese,noun. Used for the first time in Lingshu jing, a medical text-book of the Tang dynasty (CY, 2867). In 1869, Zhigang {Chushi Taixi ji: 319 320) used the term dakaipou 大聞剖 and not jiepou 解剖 to describe a dissection. The term was originally invented in China, later forgotten and then reintroduced from

Japan during the XXth century, along with the term jiepouxue Jiap. pr. kaibdgaku

解咅峰"anatomy". Used in 1889 by Fu Yunlong (Youli Riben: 206) in the compound jiepoushi Jiap.pr. kaiboshitsu 解咅1 度 ’’dissection room". Huang Zunxian,

1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 648). According to Wang Lida (1), Gao Mingkai (Wailaici

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182 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

cidian: 161) and Duogongneng cidian,it was an original loan from Japanese. jifen 讀分,integral, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan, noun.

According to Needham (III, 143): "It is an interesting coincidence that modern mathematicians adopted the expression weifen 微分 for differentiation in the calculus, and jifen ネ鬌分 for integration, perhaps not knowing that these words had been used for essentially the same ideas by a Chinese thinker in the +11th century". Alexander

Wylie and Li Shanlan's 李番聞 works 代微猜拾級!wei ji shi ji, 18 juan, a translation of Elements of Analytical Geometry and of Differential and Integral Calculus by Elias Loomis was published in Shanghai in 1859 (cf. Wylie, Protestant

Missionaries: 174; Wylie, Literature: 129; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479; Beizhuan ji bu: juan 43, 1514). In the introduction to the text, Li Shanlan explained

that he had chosen the term. Following Wylie and Li Shanlan's example, in 1896 Liang Qichao (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 56) used the expression dai wei ji 代微積. Wrongly considered by Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 89) to be an original loan from Japanese; the word is not present in ms Wailaici cidian. According to Wusi yilai: 80, it was a return loan from Japanese. Cf. daishu 代數,weifen 微分. jiguan 機閲,office, organ, kikan,disyliable, associative structure, original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Original meaning of the word: "device" (HYDCD, IV, 1334). Only used to indicate a body responsible for a specific function at the start of this century. This latter meaning seems to have been unknown in Japanese at the end of

the last century, cf. Hepburn, ]88o. Since the current meaning is not the same as

the original meaning, it should be considered an original loan from Japanese. According to Wusi yilai: 80, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 86) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233), it was a return loan from Japanese. jihe 14何,geometry, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,noun.

The first six books of Euclid's Elements of Geometry were translated by Matteo Ricci and Xu Guangqi 徐光政 in 1607 as 接何庚本,Jihe yuanben, thus naming this science jihe 接何.In 1857, Li Shanlan and Alexander Wylie translated the other nine

books of Euclid's work with the title 緒錢何庚本,Xu jihe yuanben (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 173; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479). The first complete

edition of the work appeared in 1865: 何康本十五卷ムTie yuanben shiwu juan. Jihe 线何 was also known in Japan. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,

76). Tan Sitong,1896 (Renxue: 98) also used jihexue 14何聲•. Used by Yan Fu, 1898 {Tianyan lun: 1329) in the expression jihe ゾ/j/m 钱何级數"geometrical growth", with reference to Malthus' theory.

jihui 機會,opportunity, kikai,disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 14). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 86) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 530), it was a return loan from Japanese.

jiji 搞機,press, disyllable, suff. jit loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 183

ji: 261). jinbu 進步,progress,shirtpo, disyllable, predicate - object structure, return graphic loan

from Japanese, verb. Original meaning: "to advance’’,"to progress". It came back

into use in Chinese, through Japanese. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 599). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 87),it was a return loan from Japanese.

jingcha 警察,police, keisatsu,disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Found for the first time in the history of the Jin dynasty (ZWDCD,

36872.51). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 217). In 1890 Huang Zunxian {Ribenguo zhi: 634) indicated that the regulations of the Administrative Police were

issued in Japan in 1875. Used by Huang Qingcheng in 1895 (Dongyou riji: 324) in

the compound jingchashu 警察署 "police station". Hepburn,J886. Wusi yilai: 79 claimed it was a return loan. According to Wang Lida (1),Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 93) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 532),it was an original loan from Japanese. jingji 系空濟,economy, keizai,disyllable,associative structure, original graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Originally used in Chinese in the Vlth century in the compound jingshi jimin 經世濟民,meaning "to develop the land and save the people",therefore

"to rule" (ZWDCD, 28103.252; Wang Li, Hanyu shigao: 530). Still used with this meaning in an article published in the WGGB on August 18th,1878 (cf. Wang Shuhuai, Wairen: 15). Also used by Liang Qichao,1896 (Yin bing shi,Wenji: I, 65) with the meaning of "to rule". He was also familiar with the Japanese meaning of the word:富國學之書日本名為®濟書(Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,71). In a note he cited the titles of the first economic texts translated in Chinese:富國策 Fuguoce ("Political economy", translated by Martin, before 1894; cf. Fryer, Catalogue: 32); 富國赛民策 Fuguo yangmin ce ("Political economy", translated by Edkins,before

1894; cf. Fryer, Catalogue: 32);保富述¥ Baofu shuyao, 1896 ("Money", translated by Fryer and Xu Jiabao 徐家曹,cf. Jiangnan ji: juan 2,15r; Bennet, Fryer: 101). Thus Martin was the first to use fuguoce $國策 to translate the term "economy" in

Chinese (cf. also HYDCD, IE, 1568). The 經濟舉會 Jingji xuehui "Society for the Study of Economy" was established in Peking by Kang Youwei in 1898. The 萬國通商灾 Wanguo tongshang shi "World trade history", Shanghai 1895, was the first Chinese translations of a Japanese version of an English text of economy (cf.

Zhongguo yi Riben shu: no. 550.218). The first economic text containing the term

jingji 經濟 in the title was probably Jingjixue shi, published on the magazine 譯書■系無}huibian in 1901 (cf. Saneto, Liuxue Riben: 148). The first book containing the term jingji 輕濟 in the title was probably 經濟教科書

Jingji jiaokeshu、Shanghai 1902 (cf. Zhongguo yi Riben shu: no. 550.241). According to Wang Lida (1),Miller (Japanese Language: 260-261), Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 86),Duogongneng cidian,Wang Li {Hanyu shigao: 530),Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyart: 233),ZWDCD (28103.252) and Lippert (Chinesischer Termini: 187-192), it was an original loan from Japanese. Mateer,New Terms, considered it a

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184 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

neologism. jingjixue 系空濟®s economy, keizaigaku,trisyllable, suff. xuef original graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. The translations from Japanese Shehui jingjixue, Shanghai 1905 (Zhongguo yi Riben shu: no. 550.115) and 法制經濟學 Faz/i/ jingjixue,Hubei 1905 (ibidem: no. 550.121) were the first books to contain jingjixue 經濟举 in the title. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 93), it was an original loan from Japanese. In Hepburn, 1886, translated as "political economy". Cf. jingji $5濟. jingxian $5線,meridian, disyllable,determining • determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. (ZWDCD, 28103.233). Neologism introduced by Ricci in his world map, 1602 (cf. D'Elia, Mappamondo: tav. III-V). Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1313). Present in 1844, Haiguo tuzhi (2672, 2677) in the section reproducing Ricci and Aleni's texts on the globe. D'Elia (Mappamondo: 160) already considered jingxian 經線 and weixian 系韋線"parallel" neologisms introduced by Ricci. Cf. weixian jingyan 系5S9, experience, keiken,disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. JHXB: 1868 (I, 2, 8r-v). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 82) and Duogongneng cidian,it was an original loan from Japanese.

jingzhongxue 舒M;舉,static mechanics, trisyllable, suff. xuet autochthonous neologism,

noun. Present in Li Shanlan's introduction to the text Zhongxuet 12 juant 1858, his translation in conjunction with Joseph Edkins of An Elementary Treatise on Mechanics by W. Whewell (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 188; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479). Cit. in Beizhuan ji bu: juan 43, 1514. When zhongxue 重學 was substituted by lixue カ每,jingzhongxue 靜重举 was substituted by jinglixue If カ學.Cf. zhongxue 重举,lixue カ举 and dongzhongxue 動重举. jinkou ■ロ,import, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2940. jishi 技師,technician, gishi,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 213). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 90),it was an original loan from Japanese.

jiumingquan 救命圈,life-belt, trisyllable, suff., loan-translation,noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 447).

jizhe afi#, journalist, disyllable, suff. zhe, autochthonous neologism, noun. Present with its current meaning in Morrison's periodical 察世俗毎月統紀傳,Cha shisu meiyue tongji zftuan,no. 2, founded in Malacca in 1815 (cf. Ge Gongzhen, Baoxue shi: 66). Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 374), claimed that the compound xinwen jizhe 新間者 was an original loan from Japanese. However, since the word jizhe 言己者 is attested in Chinese in the first decades of the XlXth century, I presume it is

an autochthonous neologism. The compound xinwenguan jizhe 新間88S己者* was

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A pp. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in X/Xth century texts 185

used by Huang Zunxian,1890 {Ribenguo zhi: 698). juchang 度供易,theater, gekijo, disyllable, suff. chang,return graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 412). According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 90),it was an original loan from Japanese. Although the word was used by Gong Zizhen 握自珍 in a poem composed before 1841 (HYDCD, II,748),it only spread in Chinese at the beginning of the XXth century. I,therefore, presume it is a return loan from Japanese.

juefang 爵房,House of Lords, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. Xu Jiyu, 1850 (Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 7, f. 44r).

junshi 軍事,military affairs, gunji, disyllable, determining - determined structure,

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,16). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 90),it was an original loan from Japanese. Shao Rongfen (Ping wailaici yanjiu: 348) disagreed and considered it an autochthonous word.

kafei 咖ロ非,coffee, disyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan,noun. Already present in Morrison's Dictionary of 1815 {Dictionary: II, 1,504). The term jiafei 茱菲 was used by Bridgman in 1838 (JMeiligeguo zhiliie: f. 15v). The writing form

茱非 can be found in 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2941. Xu Jiyu, 1850 (Yinghuan zhiliie:

juan 7, f. 51v), Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 456) and Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 469) used 加非.According to Shao Rongfen (Ping wailaici yanjiu: 347), the current writing form kafei 咖啡 has only been attested since 1879. kecheng 各學程,course, katei,disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. The original Chinese meaning was "progress in studies"

(ZWDCD, 36468.26). Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: 104v). Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 646). WGGB: 1881 (XIV, 666, 136r) in the title of an article by Allen. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 86), it was a return loan from Japanese.

kexue 科®", science, kagaku、disyllable, suff. xuey original graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. Still used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,9) with the original meaning of "education system". Hepburn, 1886. According to Wusi yilai: 83, Wang

Lida (1), Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 92) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 531), it was an original loan from Japanese.

kongqi 空氣,air, disyllable, determining • determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. (ZWDCD, 25994.176). According to Nakayama (Modern Scientific Terms: 304),the term was used for the first time in 1857 in LHCT. In a

later work (Chu-Nichi taishaku) he indicated that the term had been first used in Japanese between 1823-28. kuaiji 會針,accountant, kaikei, disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. HYDCD, V, 787. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 213). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 85), it was a return loan from Japanese.

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186 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

Since the original Chinese meaning was the same as the current meaning, k should be considered a return loan.

laifu 來fS* rifle, disyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 342). From the English "rifle". laifudapao 來夭大嫩 big rifle, quadrisyllable, determining - determined structure, hybrid,

noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 355). Cf. laifu 來夭. lanpishu IS皮書,blue book, trisyllable, determining • determined structure, loan

translation, noun. Liang Qichao, 1896 {Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,70) wrote:

害. lengdai

noun. used

(2670,



Neologism

by

free, Li



冷带,cold

Aleni,

while

in

2677)

(Hanyu

in

zone,

1623 Aleni the

shigao:

disyl

introduced

(Zhifan it

is

cJ

section

524)

tuzhi.

liangtianchi 量天尺,sextant, trisyllable, associative structure, autochthon, noun. 1844, Haiguo tuzhi: 3411,in the text 海JR逸志//fliV/如 yizhi, 1791,by the Chinese Wang

Dahai 王大}who had sailed to Batavia during the reign of Qianlong 乾P隻(1736 1796). The text was also included in the collection Xiaofanghu zhai, zhi 10, ff. 479r 489v (cf. Wylie,Literature: 65). Thus the term has been in use at least since the

XVIIIth century. Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 524) wrongly considered it a neologism introduced by the Haiguo tuzhi.

lianluo 聯絡,contact, renrakut disyllable,associative structure, original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 590). According to Wang Lida (1), it was an original loan from Japanese.

lihun 猫]{昏,divorce, disyllable, predicate - object structure, autochthonous neologism,

verb. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. 59v) to translate the English "to divorce", #151. Aleni, 1623 (Xifang da wen: juan 1,f. 22v) rendered the meaning as

xiangxiuli 栢休猫. like 理料,scientific subjects, rikay disyllable, suff. ket return graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. Already used with its current meaning by Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1360). Came back into use in Chinese through Japanese. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben:

211). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 43) explained the meaning in a note as wei gezhi 格致.Cf. wenke 文科. I is hi 歷史,history, rekishi, disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original Chinese meaning: "to register facts of the past" (HYDCD, V,362). Later in Japanese it was used to indicate the "historical facts" themselves

(ZWDCD, 16702.15). Used by Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 650) and

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r

wron

App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 187

Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 352) with its latter meaning to refer to the subject taught in Japanese schools. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,43).

According to Wusi yilai: 83, Wang Lida (1),Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 94), Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 532) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233),it was an original loan from Japanese.

liuxuesheng 留^•生,student studying abroad, ryUgakusei, trisyllable, determining determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian,

1879 (Riben zashi ski: 646) explained the meaning of the word thus:舉校 卒業者,貝魄往各國,曰海外留举•生.According to Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 649), the first Japanese students went to Holland in 1863. By 1868 there were more then 50 Japanese students abroad and by 1869, 150. The compound substituted

the earlier compounds yangxue yeshengtong 洋安•業生重(JHXB, 1873: VI, 262, 82r) and chuyang xuesheng 出洋學生(Liang Qichao,1896,Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,

27). lixue カ^!s mechanics, disyllable, suff. xuet autochthonous neologism, noun. Martin, 1868 (Gewu rumen: juan 5). The word reached Japan from China probably through Martin's Gewu rumen. The Japanese language most probably contributed to its modern diffusion in Chinese, and, under Japanese influence zhongxue 重举 was later

completely substituted by lixue 力舉.Cf. zhongxue 重举.

longkou SBロ, "dragon mouth", disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Used for "drain-pipe" by Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 454). longzui SS嘴,"dragon mouth", disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Used for "tap" by Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 454). The word longtou 龍頭"dragon head", that was to became the present word for "tap", aDpcared in the same period. Longzui SEW was probably never used

in a metaphorical sense, while longtou 頭 had been used to indicate head-shaped

objects (CY,3616). lujun 睦軍,army, rikugun, disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic

loan from Japanese,noun. Used in Chinese from the Ilird century (ZWDCD, 42620.151). It came back into use in Chinese through Japanese. Huang Zunxian,

1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 617). WGGB (2): 1892, XLIV. Huang Qingcheng,1894 (Dongyou riji: 336). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,11). lunchuan 章禽船,wheel-boat,disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation,noun. Fryer (Scientific Terminology: 11) identified it as an abbreviation

of huolunchuan 火論船.Binchun, 1866 {Chengcha biji: 106). Zhang Deyi, 1868 (Hcmghai shuqi: 446). lunji •食機,engine, disyllable, suff. ノ7, autochthonous neologism, noun. Luo Sen, 1854

(Riben riji: 34). lunli 倫理,ethics,rinri,disyllable, predicate - object structure, return graphic loan from

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188 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

Japanese, noun. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 351). According to Wusi yilai: 81,it was a return loan from Japanese. Wang Lida (1) considered it an original

loan. Since the original Chinese meaning was the same as the current meaning (cf. HYDCD, I,1510),it should be considered a return loan.

I Us hi 標士,lawyer, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2962. Not present in the HYDCD. The term never spread in Chinese, as the Buddhist term liishi 標師"master of law" was already in use to convey the meaning of "lawyer".

mali '场力,horsepower, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 119). Fu Yunlong, 1889 {Youli Riben: 206). malingshu 馬|$塞,potato {Solanum tuberosum),bareisho, trisyllable,determining -

determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. (ZWDCD, 45550.674). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 111). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 88) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233),it was an original loan from Japanese. maoyi 質為,trade, disyllable,determining - determined structure, autochthon, noun. Used

in the 臾記 Shiji (ZWDCD, 37577.5; HYDCD, V, 1041). Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1398),then 1637 (Xifang da wen: juan 1, f. 17r). Bridgman, 1838 {Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 8v). 1844, Haiguo tuzhi: 2935. Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 302). Miller (Japanese Language: 261) wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese.

mazhan '苟占,merchant, disyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Phonemic loan from the English "merchant",according to the Cantonese pronunciation majim. In Haiguo tuzhi: 2804, in 1844 the meaning of the term was

explained as "someone who understand the language of the barbarians" (馬占通夷特者也).Cf. also Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 221). meiqideng 煤氣燈,gas lamp, trisyllable, suff. deng,loan-translation, noun. The Shanghai Gas Co., was the first gas company to be established in China in 1862. Gas for lighting was first produced in Shanghai on November 1,1865 (Shanghai: 29). Gas street lights were introduced in Hong Kong on January 1,1865 (Endacott,

Hong Kong: 120). Zhigang, 1872 (Chu shi Taixi ji: 305). Meiqi 煤氣 was used in JHXB: 1872 (V,221, 74r-v) with reference to the construction of a gas pipeline in

Shanghai. He Ruzhang, 1877 (Shi dong shuliie: 89) also used the word with reference to Shanghai. The GZHB 1877: VII contained an article entitled 論煤氣® Lun meiqideng. Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 440). meishu 美術,fine-arts, bijutsu,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used to refer to art exhibitions in the compounds

meishuhui 美術會 and meishu bolanhui 美術傅1K會 by Li Xiaopu, 1880 (Riben jiyou: 174, 177). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 212). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 88) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233),it was an

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 189

original loan from Japanese. meishuhui 美術#“,fine-arts exhibition, bljutsukai,trisyllable, suff. hui,original graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. Li Xiaopu, 1880 (Riben jiyou: 174). Used to indicate an exhibition of paintings he had visited in TSkyo.

meiyou 煤油,kerosene,disyliable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 351). mianbao 麵包 bread, disyllable, determining • determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhang Deyi,1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 456). minfa 民法,civil law, minpo, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. The original meaning was "people's law". Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 632). According to Wusi yilai: 79 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 241),it was a return loan from Japanese. Since the current meaning

is not the same as the original meaning, it should be considered an original loan. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,69) used minlii 民律.

minjian dahui 民間大會,people's assembly, quadrisyllable, determining - determined

structure, autochthon, noun. In 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1,f. 16r) used to translate the English "corporation", #17.

minquan 民褶,democratic right, minken, disyllable, suff. quany original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 586). Since the Japanese first became familiar with the word quart 權•’right" through the Wanguo

gongfa of 1864, minquan 民tfi may also have been first used in China. As I have only found the term used in Huang Zunxian's text, I consider it an original loan from

Japanese. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 128) used it in opposition to junquan 君tB. Cf. quart 權. minzhu 民主,democracy, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation, noun. Original meaning ”the ruler of the people", therefore referred to an emperor or

a monarch (HYDCD, 6, 1422). First used to mean "the rule of the people" in 1864

in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1,f. 17v). Countries are divided in junzhu zhi guo S主之國(monarchic government) and minzhu zhi guo 民主之國(republican government), #19. When Zhang Deyi {Hanghai shuqi: 540) described his journey to

Hamburg,he described the country as a min zhu xiao bang 民主,J、李P ”a small democratic country" or,’a small country ruled by the people". Elsewhere (556) he

used the Wanguo gongfa expression minzhu zhi guo indicating that America was the only democratic country in the world, and the expression minzhu

shi bang 民主是邦(570) "the people rule this country", using minzhu 民主 not as a

word, but as a phrase. The word was later used by travellers to Japan: Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 582) and Huang Qingcheng,1894 (Dongyou riji: 350). Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 94, 110, note 7) wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese. Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 318, 328). Like many other expressions used in the Wanguo gongfa、minzhu 民主

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190 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

probably arrived in Japan from Chin汪.In 1879 Huang Zunxian (Riben zashi shi: 619) still used the expression junzhu zhi guo 君主之因 to indicate the Japanese political system. By 1890 minzhu 氏主 seems to have been widespread and was used to indicate the democratic transformation of Brazil (WGGB (2): 1890, XID). It was

used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 69) to indicate a category of western books that Ma Jianzhong 馬^[忠 had proposed for translation: minzhu yu

junzhu jingguo zhi jing 民主®■君主之經,(Classics on how to govern a country through democracy or monarchy). In the WGGB (2) the word was also used to indicate the ruler of a democratic country, as opposed to junzhu 君"主,the ruler of a monarchy.

nanji 南性,South Pole, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. Originally used for the "star of Canopus" or the "celestial south pole"

(ZWDCD, 2798.594). Ricci, 1602 (D'Elia, Mappamondo: tav. ni-V) and Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1312) used the word with its present meaning. Present in 1844,

Haiguo tuzhi (2668, 2676) in the section reproducing Ricci and Aleni's texts on the

globe. The word nanjijuan 南"South polar circle", invented by Ricci (cf. D'Elia, Mappamondo: 160) is obviously a derivation. neirong 内容,content, naiydt disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used by Sun Zhongshan, 1897 (Sun Xuanji: 21). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 82) and Duogongneng cidian,it was an original loan from Japanese. niuhou 牛喉,"ox throat", disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. Used to indicate a "hydrant", Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 305).

nongchang 農よ§,farm, disyllable, suff. chang, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 629). nongmin 賡民,farmer, nomin, disyllable, determining - determined structure, return

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Already used in the 史記(ZWDCD, 39554.14). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 777). Wusi yilai: 81 considered it a return loan; according to Wang Lida (1),it was an original loan.

nongxue 羼學, agronomy, nogaku, disyllable, suff. xue, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 775). In WGGB in 1874 (VII, 316, 220b-221b) the compound nongzheng 農政 was also used. WGGB (2): 1893,

LII. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,34) also used gongxue エ举 and shangxue 商學. nongxuejia 農^•次,agronomist, trisyllable, suff. jia,autochthonous neologism, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 778). nuanfang 战毋,hothouse, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 524). Elsewhere he called it da boli fang 大玻璃房"big glass room" (567). Cf. wenshi 温室.

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 191

ouxinpao 炮,machine-gun (?), trisyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhigang,1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 312).

paimai 拍音,sell by auction, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, verb. WGGB (2): 1889, IV. panduan 判斷,judge, disyllable, associative structure, autochthonous neologism, verb.

Original meaning: "to analyze and decide" (HYDCD, II,647). In 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (Juan 2, f. 35r) used to translate the English "judgement", #101. Zhang Deyi,

1866, (Hanghai shuqi: 529) used the compound panduanchu 判斷處 to refer to a British law-court. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 91),it was an original loan from Japanese. panjue 夢 決,judgment or judge, hanketsu,disyllable, associative structure,return graphic

loan from Japanese, noun or verb. Original meaning: "to judge" (HYDCD,II,645).

Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 324). According to Wusi yilai: 80, it was a

return loan from Japanese; Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 91) considered it an original loan. Mateer, New Terms,a neologism. Since the original meaning was the same as the new Japanese meaning, it should be considered a return loan.

pingquan 平權,equality, heiken, disyllable, suff. quart, original graphic loan from Japanese (?), noun. Used by Liang Qichao in 1899 as an example of original loan

from Japanese (Liang Qichao, Yin bing shi, Zhuanji: XXII, 190). Not present in Hepburn, 1886 or in ZWDCD. The HYDCD indicated a much later source. pochan 玻産,go bankrupt, hasan,disyllable, predicate • object structure, original graphic

loan from Japanese, verb. Original meaning: "to dissipate the family property" (ZWDCD, 24673.88). The new meaning was developed in Japanese. Huang Zunxian,

1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 767). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 91), it was an original loan from Japanese. According to Shao Rongfen (Ping wailaici yartjiw.

347),the original meaning was the same as the current meaning. Therefore he claimed that it should not be considered an original loan from Japanese.

putong 普通,ordinary,disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, adjective. Fu Yunlong,1889 (Youli Rib en: 236). According to the HYDCD (V,777),it was used in the XlXth century novel 兒女英?£傳 Er nii yingxiong zhuan in the meaning of pubian 普遍 ”general". With the meaning of "ordinary" or "common", putong 普通 should be considered an original loan from Japanese.

qianju 錢局,mint, disyllable, suff. ju, loan-translation, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 496). qiche 汽車,locomotive,disyllable, suff. che,loan-translation, noun. Martin, 1868 (Gewu

rumen: juart 2, f. 15r). GZHB: 1877, X. Cf. xuhuoji S火機. qichuan 汽船,motor boat, kisen, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 613). Kang

Youwei, 1898 (Meiji bianzheng kao xu: 280). According to HYDCD (V,972),it

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192 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

only appeared at the beginning of the XXth century. According to Wusi yilai: 83 and

Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 285), it was an original loan from Japanese. qideng 氣燈,electric lamp (?), disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan

translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 366). Abbreviation of dianqideng

取1燈? qiji ?气機,steam engine,disyllable,suff. ji,loan-translation, noun. Used in the title of

the text 汽機發抓 Qiji faren,1871,4 juan, a translation by A. Wylie and Xu Shou 徐壽 of John Thomas Main's Manual of the Steam Engine (cf. Bennet, Fryer: 106).

Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,47). qiqiufeiche 氣链飛皐,aerostat, quadrisyllable, suff. che,autochthonous neologism, noun.

JHXB: 1873 (V, 231,217v). qixue 氣學,study of air, disyllable, suff. xuey autochthonous neologism, noun. Martin,

1868 {Gewu rumen: juan 2).

quart 播,right, monosyllable, semantic loan, noun. Original meaning: "power"

(HYDCD, IV, 1360). Still used with this meaning by Bridgman in 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 13r). In 1864 it was used in Wanguo gongfa,(juan 1, f. 16r) to translate the English "right", #17. Thus a "right" came from "power". The term was highly productive in terms of compounds. In the Wanguo gongfa: guoquan 國播

"national right", siquan 私播"private right", zizhu zhi quart 自主之播"the right of self-government", zhuanquan 萬播"special right".

quanguo nation, zengoku、disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, adjective. Original meaning: "to make the enemies surrender without fighting" or "to save the country" (HYDCD, I, 1163). With the current meaning of "whole country", it was an original loan from Japanese. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 630). quanli 播利,right, disyllable, associative structure, semantic loan, noun. Original meaning: "power and money" (HYDCD, IV, 1361). Used with the current meaning

in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1, f. 17r), #60. Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 86) wrongly considered it a return loan from Japanese. The Chinese

origin of the word had already been noted by Zheng Dian (Riyu cihui). Used in Japanese in 1866 in the translation of a work by J.S.Mill (Dore, Education: 304).

Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 12) who cited a work by T. Richard. Cf. quan 播. quanquan 全播,plenipotentiary, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, adjective. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 3, f. 5r) to translate the

English "full power", #218. Cf. quan 播.

quanti physiology, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan, noun. Original meaning: "whole body" (HYDCD, I,116). It was used first for

"physiology" and later also for "anatomy". The work entitled 全體新論 Quanti xinlun was published in Canton in 1851 by the British missionary Benjamin

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 193

Hobson (cf. Wylie, Protestant missionaries: 126). It was enlarged by H.T.Whitney and republished by the Shanghai Arsenal in 1894 under the title 全教IB做 Quanti

chanwei, 4 juan. Fryer's 全體須知 Quanti xuzhi was published the same year (cf. Fryer, Catalogue: 5-6). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 28) also used the autochthonous neologism quantixue 全Sffij!1. Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxue: 98). Quanti and quantixue were both later substituted by the Japanese loans shenglixue

生理举"physiology" and jiepouxue 解咅峰"anatomy", but quanti is still used with its original meaning of "whole body". Cf. shenglixue 生理® and jiepouxue 解剖举. redai 熱禅,torrid zone, disyliable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. (ZWDCD, 19793.47). Neologism introduced by Ricci,1602 (D'Elia, Mappamondo: tav. III-V), and later used by Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1313) who also provided a detailed explanation in 1637 (Xifang da wen: juan 2, f. 4v). In Ricci the compound appears to still be free, while in Aleni it is clearly a bound compound.

Present in 1844, Haiguo tuzhi (2669, 2677) in the section reproducing Ricci and Aleni's texts on the globe. Wang Li {Hanyu shigao: 524) wrongly considered it a neologism introduced by the Haiguo tuzhi. According to Wang Li da (1),it was an original loan from Japanese. ren zhi quanli 人之權利,personal right, polysyllable, determining - determined structure,

autochthonous neologism, phrase. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. 33r) to translate the English "personal right", #140. Elsewhere (juan 2, f. 23v) renmin zhi

quanli 人民之權利 is used to translate the "personal rights of the citizens", #84.

retiliche 人力窣,rickshaw, jinrikisha, disyllabic, suff. che,original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. It substituted the autochthon dongyangche 累洋車.The meaning of

the term renliche 人力車 was explained in a news report published on the WGGB:

1875 (VII,330, 412r):人力車即施上華人所推之累洋車.Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 773). Li Xiaopu, 1880 (Riben jiyou: 163). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 219). In 1893 Huang Qingcheng (Dongyou riji: 369) wrote that dongyangche 罙洋車 was another term with the same meaning. According to Wang

Lida (!), (2) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 82), it was an original loan from Japanese. In 1887 the word was first used in English spelt "ricksha" or "richshaw"

{Webster. 1014). ribao 日幸艮 daily newspaper, disyllable,determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. Original meaning "to judge and convict every day" or "to report

every day" (HYDCD, V, 549). The 華字曰報 Huazi ribao, founded in Hong Kong in 】864 was probably the first paper to use the word in the title (cf. Li Jiayuan,

Xianggang baoye: 8-9). Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 424). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,13). Mateer, New Terms,considered it a neologism. It was later borrowed by the Japanese (Jiap. pr. nippo).

riyingxiang 日影像,photographic camera or photograph, trisyllable,determining determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Luo Sen, 1854 {Riben riji:

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194 App. 11. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

38) used it to indicate one of the gifts presented by Perry to the Japanese, elsewhere

(43) he used it to indicate a "photograph". Cf. yingxiang 彩像.

rukou 入口,entrance, disyllable, determining • determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 3006, with the meaning of "import". According to Wang Lida (1),it was an original loan from Japanese.

saiqihui 罾奇會, exhibition, trisyllable, suff. hui,autochthonous neologism, noun. Literally "contest exhibition of oddities". In 1880 Li Xiaopu {Riben jiyou: 173) used the term to indicate the trade exhibitions in which China participated in America and France.

sanbian 三?®, champagne, disyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Zhang Deyi,1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 544). shanfengji 麻風機,fan, senpWci, trisyllable, suff. j7, original graphic loan from Japanese,

noun, Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 253). shangdian 商店’ store, shSten’ disyllable, suff. dian,original graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. In 1866, Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi: 481) referred to Parisian stores as puhu 拥戶 or pudian 鋪店.Hepburn, 1886. shangfa 商法,trade law, shoho, disyllable,determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 767). In 1896, Liang Qichao (Yin bing shi,Wenji: I,69) used shanglii 商標.According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 309), it was an original loan from Japanese. Cf. minfa民法. shangfang 上房,Upper House, disyllable, determining • determined structure, loan translation, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1, f. 34r) to refer to the

American Congress. It was a loan-translation of the English "Upper House", #53. Cf. xiafang 下房.It was later substituted by shangyiyuan 上維院.Cf. yiyuan 搞院. s hang hui 商會,chamber of commerce, shokai, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. It only arrived in Chinese at the end of the XlXth century (HYDCD, II,375) as an original loan from Japanese. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 767). In Japanese it indicated a "trading company". As

the word changed meaning in China, it should not be considered a loan from Japanese. shanghuitang 上會堂,Upper House, trisyllable, determining - determined structure,loan

translation, noun. Used in 1872 by Zhigang (Chushi Taixi ji: 313) to refer to the British Parliament.

shangtang Upper House, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. Used in 1872 by Zhigang {Chushi Taixi ji: 270) to refer to the American Congress. shangwu 商挖,trade, shomu, disyllabic, suff. wu, original graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. (HYDCD, II, 373). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 628). WGGB (2): 1892, XLVn. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,3).

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XfXth century texts 195

shangye 商業,trade, shogy6, disyllable, suff. ye, original graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 766). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 227, 246). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 629). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 5). Wu Woyao 賊A, 1907, 二十年目睹之佟银J伏,Ershi nian mudu zhi guai xianxiang, ch. 55, cf. HYDCD, II,375. According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yartjiu: 95), it was an original loan from Japanese.

shangyiyuan 上Upper House, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. In referring to the British Parliament, in 1875 on

the WGGB (VII,346, 636r), shangyiyuan 上_義院 was used to indicate the "Upper House" and xiayiyuan 下維院 for the "Lower House". Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,127). Cf. yiyuan JUPJg and xiayiyuan 下維院.

shawen 沙文,servant, disyllable,polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Phonemic loan from the English "servant", according to the Cantonese pronunciation

samen. In Haiguo tuzhi: 2804, in 1844 the meaning of the term was explained as "a

person employed by the barbarians"(沙文者fll于夷).HYDCD, V,951. shehui 社會,society, shakai, disyllabic, associative structure, original graphic loan from

Japanese,noun. Original meaning: "meetings on the occasion of two season festivals, in honor of local deities" or ”the association of a group of people who share the same interests" (HYDCD, VII,833; ZWDCD,25190.52). At the beginning of the Meiji era in Japan, the latter meaning was extended to "society". It

only arrived in China in the early XXth century (cf. Lippert, Chinesischer Termini:

100-112). Used by Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 766) and 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 590, 650) to refer to "associations" of traders. Wusi yilai: 81 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 87) considered it a return loan from Japanese. According to Wang

Lida (1), Miller (Japanese Language: 260), Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 531) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233), it was an original loan from Japanese.

shehuixue 社會®•,sociology, shakaigaku,trisyllable, suff. xue, original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Tan Sitong,1896 (Renxue: 98) also used qunxue 群举(91). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 95) and Miller (Japanese Language: 261), it was an original loan from Japanese. Cf. shehui 社食. sheli 含利,sherry, disyllable,polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 544). shengchanli 生産力,productive forces, seisanryokuy trisyllable, suff. li, original graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. In 1901-1902 Yan Fu (Yuanfu: 81) coined the neologism

sheng caineng shi 生財能事.According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 95), shengchanli was an original loan from Japanese.

shengli 生理,physiology, seiri,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. An article, entitled 生5里敗栄,Shengli qimeng,

was published in GZHB: 1891, II. According to Wang Lida (1), it was an original loan from Japanese.

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196 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

shenglixue 生5里与!•,physiology, seirigaku,trisyllable, suff. jcue,original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 313), it was an original loan from Japanese.

shengwuxue 生物舉,biology, seibutsugaku, trisyllable, suff. xuet original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian,1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 646). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 95), it was an original loan from Japanese.

shengxue ®举,acoustics, disyllable, suff. xue, autochthonous neologism, noun. The term first appeared in 聲警 Shengxue, 1874, a translation by Fryer and Xu Jianyin

徐建贸 of John Tyndall's Sound, 2nd ed. London 1869 (cf. Bcnnet, Fryer. 82). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shit Wenji: I, 124). shenjing ネ啦實,"magic mirror", disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. Used by Lin Zhen, 1849 (Xi hai ji: 38) to indicate a photographic camera.

shenshi 神士,parliamentarian, disyllable, determining - determined structur

loan, noun. Original meaning "the gentry". Used in LHCT: 1857 (3, lOr) t American congressmen and, in 5, 8r, to British members of Parliame substituted by yiyuan 搞貝.Cf. yiyuan 維風.

shichang 市戈暮 market, ichiba,disyllable, determining - determined structu

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi

Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 1,14). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Wang Lid

Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 83), it was an original loan from Japanese. shifan 師_£,teachers' training (school), shihan,disyllable, determining - d

structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: "

study" (HYDCD, m, 722; ZWDCD, 9129.178). The current meaning of " training (school)" developed first in Japan, and then arrived in Chi

expression shifan 師举校.In JHXB: 1874 (VI, 288, 267r) German teachers' training schools were referred to as shidaoyuan 師道院.Fu Yunlong, 1889

{Youli Riben: 206). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 653). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). According to Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 14, 34) the first teachers' training schools {shifan xuexiao 師藤g举校)were established in Japan in 1872. WGGB (2): 1897, C. According to Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 653), the first female teachers' training schools {niizi shifan xuexiao 女子師範举校)were established in Japan in 1876. shiji 世紀,century, seiki, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: "texts containing the genealogy of emperors" (HYDCD, I,499). The new meaning of "century" developed in Japan. Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 70) in the expression ^(/7m

shiji 十九世紀.In a note he explained the meaning thus:“西人以耶鮮纪年 自一千八百年至九百之十九世紀.He added that T. Richard's book Taixi xin shi lanyao 太西新史攢旻,published on the WGGB (2) in 1895, LXXV-LXXVI, was

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 197

the best treatise available in Chinese on this period (the XlXth century). Yan Fu, 1898 (Tianyan lun: 1345) used the more generic qi 期"period” meaning "century"; for example shiba qi 十八期 ”the XVIIIth century". Hepburn, 1886. Wusi yilai: 80

considered it a return loan from Japanese. According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 317), it was an original loan from Japanese.

shijie 世界,world, sekai, disyllable, associative structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Originally a Buddhist term meaning "the cosmos", described as shi 世"time" (past, present and future) and jie 界"space" (east, west, south, north, south-east, south-west, north-east, north-west, up and down),cf. HYDCD, I,498; ZWDCD, 33.138; Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 521). The word was later used to indicate the "human world" or "any specific area of human activity". It came back into use in Chinese to indicate "any place in the world", in the second half of the XlXth century.

Used in 1866 by Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi: 571) to indicate a glass building in Belgium (boli shijie 玻璃世界).Used with the current meaning by Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 462) and Huang Zunxian,1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 591). Between the end of the XlXth and the beginning of the XXth century, shijie 世界 substituted all other

synonyms, such as tianxia 天下 and wanguo 萬ffl. WGGB (2), 1890 (cf. Wang Shuhuai, Wairen: 86). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 74). Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxue: 91) in the compound suopo shijie 姿婆世界"the world of suffering", elsewhere (107) in the general meaning of ”world". shiyan JSCSft, experiment, disyllable, associative structure, autochthon, noun. Used during

the Song dynasty (ZWDCD, 36258.66). Martin, 1868 (Gewu rumen: juan 4, f. lr). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 206) used it in the compound shiyanchang 試输場.

Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 111). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 32). Hepburn, 1886. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 95), it was an original loan from Japanese. Gao's mistake was noted by Shao Rongfen (Ping wailaici yanjiu: 348). shiyansuo oS输所,experimental laboratory,shikensho, trisyllable,suff. suo, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 215). Hepburn, 1886. Cf. shiyan 群Clft. shiyou 石油,petroleum, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthon,noun.

Used since the Song dynasty (HYDCD, 7, 989). Used in 1866 by Zhang Deyi (Hanghai shuqi: 449) to refer to an oil lamp. Wang Lida (1) wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese.

shouling 首領,president (US), disyllable, determining - determined structure,semantic

loan, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 4, f. 67v) to translate the English

"president", #538. Also in LHCT: 1857 (3, lOr) to indicate the President of the United States.

shouqiang 手搶,pistol,disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 572). Zhigang,1872 (Chushi Taixi ji:

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198 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

323). shouxiang 手箱,handbag, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 483). shuilong 水)®,hydrant, disyllable, determining • determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. Originally used to indicate a "fighting boat" (HYDCD, V,887). Used in JHXB, 1868 (I, 11,43r) to refer to the hydrants used by the fire-brigade.

GZHB: 1891, II, contained an article entitled ^KBI?p^8L shuilong zhi min luan (hydrants used to control riots).

shuini cement, disyllable, determining • determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Original meaning: "mud" (ZWDCD, V, 865). It is now the most common term for "cement", though it coexists with the Japanese loan hunningtu

混凝土. WGGB: 1883 (XV, 723, 207v). Cf. hunningtu 港凝土. shuixue 水举,hydraulics, disyllable, suff. xuey autochthonous neologism, noun. Martin,

1868 (Gewu rumen: juan 1). shuoshi 通士,master (degree), disyllable, determining • determined structure, semantic

loan, noun. Originally used to refer to a highly-educated person (ZWDCD, 24887.2). Used by Yan Fu,1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 40) in the expression gezhi shuoshi 格致研士 "great scientist". According to Wusi yilai: 81,it was a return loan from Japanese.

shuxue 術®“,art (?), technology (?), disyllable, suff. xuef autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 521). shuxue 數學,mathematics, disyllable, suff. xuet autochthon, noun. Used at least since the XVI century: in the title of Ke Shangqian's W尚環 work,數举通軌 Shuxue tonggui,1578, and in that of Du Zhigeng 社知耕,叙^^ Shuixue yuet 1681 (cf. Needham: III, 714; Siku quanshu zongmu: 908). Used by Johann Schreck and Wang Zheng 王徼 in their translation 奇器圏親 Qiqi tushuo, 1634 (juan 1,f. 8r). Used in the XlXth century by Wylie and Li Shanlan 孕驀闈 in the title of the work Shuxue qimeng,published in Shanghai in 1853 (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 173). Huang Zunxian,1879 (Riben zashi shi: 645). Huang

Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,37) in a description of the Japanese school system. Yan Fu, 1898 (Tianyan

lun: 1397). Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 96) wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese. Its usage in Japan certainly contributed to its diffusion in Modern Chinese.

si huo shi zhe 司)^/^者,stoker, polysyllable, suff. zhe, autochthonous neologism, noun. Binchun,1866 (Chengcha biji: 95). sifa H]法,(administrate) justice, shihd,disyllable, associative structure, original graphic

loan from Japanese, verb. During the Tang dynasty it was "a prefix commonly attached to the titles of Administrators and lesser personnel of Law Sections in units

of territorial administration" (Hucker: no. 5615; HYDCD, III,62). In the current meaning it was an original loan from Japanese. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 199

zhi: 617). Used by Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 336) in the Japanese compound sifasheng、Jiap. pr. Shihosho 司法雀"Ministry of Justice".

客炭性,carbon, disyllable, suff. xing,loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 354). tebie 特别,special, tokubetsu, disyllable, determining • determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, adjective. Used by Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 212) to refer to the various members of an artistic association. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 83), it was an original loan from Japanese.

tequan 持播,privilege, disyllable, determining • determined structure, autochthonous

neologism, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. lr), where Martin translated the English expression "conditional or hypothetical right" as ouyou zhi

tequan 偶有之特權,as opposed to "primitive or absolute right", ziyou zhi tequan 自有之康權,# 60. According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 97),it was an original loan from Japanese.

tianchuan 天船,montgolfier, disyllabic, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 324) stated that to refer to it as a "boat" constituted a loan: SS之船者,借fft也r tiaowu 跳舞, dance, disvllable,predicate - object structure, autochthonous neologism,

verb. ZWDCD, 38383.28. Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 774) and 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 698). ticao 9Sネ杂,gymnastics, taiso, disyllable,determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese,noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 650). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 352). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 37, 41). Hepburn, 1886. According to Mateer, New Terms,it was a neologism. According to Wusi yilai: 83, Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 97),it was an original loan from Japanese.

tiedao 敏道,railway, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Most probably invented by analogy with its synonym tielu 教路.In 1868 Martin (Gewu rumen: juan 2, f. 41r) used tiedao not tielu 截路.In Wailaici yartjiu: 97, but not in Wailaici cidian、Gao Mingkai considered it an original loan from Japanese. Although the word is used both in China and Japan, tielu 敏路 is more

used in China and tiedao 截道 in Japan (cf. Pinglii cidian). This can only be explained by assuming that the later tiedao 逮道 also reached Japan from China,

perhaps through Martin's Gewu rumen. Shao Rongfen (Ping wailaici cidian: 348) also considered it an autochthonous neologism. In 1877 He Ruzhang used the term tiedao 敏道 to refer to the railway between Osaka and Kobe (Shi dong shuliie: 95)

and between Yokohama and Tokyo (Shi dong shuliie: 100). The first railway was

built in Japan in 1872 linking Tokyo and Yokohama (Huang Zunxian, 1890, Ribenguo zhi: 601). China first started to build a railway linking Shanghai and Wusong in 1876. The project was abandoned the following year and other railways

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200 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

were only built during the 1880s. Cf. tielu 教路. tielu 戴路’ railway, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation, noun.

In the HYDCD, XI, 1412 a late XlXth century source is indicated. Found in the work 買為通志,Maoyi tongzhi,by the missionary K.F.A. Giitzlaff published in 1840 (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries'. 61). Present in 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 3022, in the section reproducing an excerpt from Giitzlaff s work. Wang Li (Hanyu

shigao: 527) claimed that it was a loan from the English "rail-way" or the French "chemin-de-fer". Since Giitzlaff was Prussian, most probably it is a loan-translation

from the German "Eisenbahn". Fairbank (China's Response: 116) presumed that the

term only appeared in 1864. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 262). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi,Wenji: I, 6). Cf. tiedao 雄道. tiezhe 簾撤,track, disyllable, determining • determined structure, loan-translation, noun.

1844, Haiguo tuzhi: 3021. tongfengji fan, tsufQki, trisyllable, suff. ji,original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 {Youli Riben: 208). tongji 条链十,statistic, tokei, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese,noun. Original meaning: "overall calculation" (HYDCD,

IX, 848). Used as a verb in LHCT: 1857 (3, lOr). Used in the compound tongjibiao 統計表 in JHXB: 1868 (I, 1,4r-v). Later the word seems to have been substituted by

qingdan 滑單.Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 626). According to Huang Zunxian (Ribenguo zhi: 640), the Japanese Statistical Bureau, tongjiyuan 統計院》 was established in 1881. Hepburn, 1886. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 345), it was an original loan from Japanese. tongling J充領,president (US), disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic

loan, noun. Original meaning: "Commander-general" (Hucker: no. 7494). Used by Bridgman in 1838 {Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 12r) to indicate the American President; the

Vice President is referred to as futongling 則統領.Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 556). Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 472). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 598). tongxianxin 倍,telegram, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, loan

translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 320). Comparison of tongxianxin and xintongxian shows that the former was created by the suffixation of xin fg "letter" to the compound tongxian 通維"by wire". The overall meaning of the word is therefore "letter by wire". Cf. xintongxian 信通線,dianbao



tongxinxianji 通fS線機,information machine (?), quadrisyll translation, noun. Described by Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Ta instrument to control the operations of textile machinery.

toupiao 投票,vote, tohyd, disyllable, predicate - object structure

from Japanese, verb. Huang Zunxian,1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 767

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XiXth century texts 201

Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 97), it was a return loan from Japanese.

tuanti 脚, organization, dantai,disyllable, predicate • object structure, original graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. Used in 1899 by Liang Qichao as an example of original loan from Japanese (Yin bing shi, Zhuanji: XXII, 190). It is not present in Hepburn,

1886. The HYDCD (in, 664) gives as first attestation of the word the novel 老51 游紀,Laocan youji,1903, by Liu E 劉親,ch. 1. tushuguan 圖軎食8, library, toshokan、trisyllable, determining - determined structure,

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. In 1872 Zhigang (Chushi Taixi ji: 268) still referred to the New York Library as dashuyuan 大書院^ The latter was also used

on the WGGB (X, 460, 135r-137v) in 1877 to refer to another American library. The

missionary T. Richard used tushuguan 圖書摊 in his article 新母•八* Xinxue bazhang, written in 1887 and published on the WGGB (2): II, f. 14-18, in 1889. Since Richard had just returned to China from Japan, he may have learned the word

in Japan (cf. Wang Shuhuai, Wairen: 30). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 253). According to Wang Lida (1), it was an original loan from Japanese. Hepburn, 1886.

Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,37) in a description of the Japanese school system.

waibu 外咅P,Department of Foreign Affairs (US), disyllable, determining • determined structure, loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 271). wanbao 晚幸g,evening newspaper, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan

translation, noun. Zhang Deyi,1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 504). wanguo 萬國,international, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthon,

noun. Literal meaning: "ten thousand countries". Lao Sen, 1854 (Riben riji: 36). Used to translate the English "international", in the title of the J#®公法 Wanぎmo

gongfa,a translation by Martin published in 1864. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 308). Later substituted by guoji 國際,an original loan from Japanese.

wanshouyuan ?SEfSI, zoological garden, trisyllable, suff. yuan, autochthonous

neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 293). Guo Songtao, 1877 (Lundun yu Bali riji: 112) used wanshengyuan 萬生園. wasi 讨,斯,gas, gasu, disyllable, phonemic loan, original graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 270) explained the meaning of the word as meiyou 煤油 ”kerosene". According to Wusi yilai: 90 and Gao Mingkai {Wailaici cidian: 89),it was an original loan from Japanese. In Japanese it is a phonemic loan

from the Dutch "gas•’,attested since 1822 (cf. Vos, Dutch Influences: no. 72). According to Lu Xun, 1934 (Lu Xun quanji: V, 523; HYDCD, V, 284) in Japanese it was a loan from German. Although the phonemic loan from English jiasi 力U斯 was also invented in Chinese, it never substituted the Japanese loan. weifen 微分,differential, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. According to Needham (III, 143): "It is an interesting coincidence that modern mathematicians adopted the expression weifen 傲分 for differentiation in the calculus,

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202 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

and jifen ネ糞分 for integration,perhaps not knowing that these words had been used for essentially the same ideas by a Chinese thinker in the +11th century". In 1859 in

Shanghai Alexander Wylie and Li Shanlan 李WISB published their work 代欲|春拾级 Dai wei ji shi ji,18 juan, a translation of Elements of Analytical Geometry and of

Differential and Integral Calculus by Elias Loomis (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 174; Wylie, Literature: 129; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479; Beizhuan ji bu: juan 43, 1514). In the introduction to the text, Li Shanlan explained

that he had chosen the term. Following Wylie and Li Shanlan's example, in 1896 Liang Qichao (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 56) used the expression dai wei ji 代锨ネ鬌.In

Wailaici yanjiu: 89 Gao Mingkai wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese, but the word is not present in his Wailaici cidian. Cf. daishu 代數,力yen

精分• weisheng 衛生,hygiene, eisei,disyllable, predicate - object structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: "to nourish the body" or "to protect

life" (HYDCD, III,1094). In 1872 Zhigang (Chushi Taixi ji: 325) used the term with the original meaning, when describing the western custom of sea-bathing (xi hai zao 洗海探).During a visit to the Hygiene Department of the Japanese Ministry

of Internal Affairs (Neiwusheng zhi weishengju 肉按省之銜生筒),Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Rib en: 215) received the following explanation on the origins of the study of hygiene in Japan (weishengxue 術生$): "In 1876 the department of drugs (siyao 司菜)and of medicine (yixue 發聲•)were still separate; in 1883 they were joined in the department of hygiene experiments (weisheng shiyansuo 衛生®所). Thus, analyzing the different effects of various foods and employing chemistry, mathematics,medicine and physics, the study of hygiene was founded (weishengxue

衛生举)".The words weisheng 衛生 and weishengxue 衛生舉 were invented in Japan and imported to China at the end of the XlXth century. Between n, 1878, and

XII, 1882, the GZHB published twenty-four articles entitled 化举衛生输//如ズ狀 weisheng lun,about hygiene obtained through chemical processes. Between I and IV,

1890,the GZHB also published two articles entitled 居宅衛生输 weishengluny on domestic hygiene. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribertguo zhi: 634). Used

by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 53), referring to Fryer's translation

幼重衛生細5 Youtong weishengbian,1894 (cf. Bennet, Fryer: 94). Wusi yilai: 81 considered it a return loan from Japanese. According to Wang Lida (1), Miller (Japanese Language: 261) and Duogongneng cidian, it was an original loan from Japanese. Mateer,New Terms、considered it a neologism. Since the meaning that the word acquired in Japan is different from the original meaning, it should be considered

an original loan from Japanese.

weishengwu 做生物,microbe, biscibutsu, trisyllabic, prcf. wei (做),original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. In GZHB: 1892, I, it is used in an article entitled 人與微生物爭翠g論 Ren yu weishengwu zhanzheng lun (On the war between men

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 203

and microbes). Liang QicKao, 1896 (Yin bing shi,Wenji: I,53). Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxue: 107). Mateer, New Terms, considered it a neologism.

weishengxue 術生®,hygiene (study of),eiseigaku,trisyllable, suff. xuet original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 215). Cf. weisheng 術生. weixian 緯線,parallel,disyllable, determining • determined structure,semantic loan,

noun. (ZWDCD, 28268.32). Neologism introduced by Ricci in his world map, 1602 (cf. D'Elia,Mappamondo: tav. III-V). Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1313). Present in 1844, Haiguo tuzhi (2672, 2677) in the section reproducing Ricci and Aleni's texts on the globe. Already D'Elia (Mappamondo: 160) considered weixian 系章Ml and jingxian 經線"meridian" neologisms introduced by Ricci. Cf. jingxian 輕維. weiyuan 委員,member, iin, disyllable, suff. yuan (貝),semantic loan, noun. During the

Qing dynasty it was used to designate a "special delegate" (Hucker: no. 7688). In the late Qing administration the term also referred to certain positions of "deputies" (cf.

Political Organization: passim). Zhigang,1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 357) used it in relation to an Italian delegate who had met the Chinese delegation on the Italian border in the Alps. Much later it will assume the modern meaning of member of a commission {weiyuanhui 委霣耆).Used in the modern meaning by Li Baojia 李替爲 in his 文明小史 Wenming xiaoshi (A Brief History of Enlightenment) in 1903.

wendai 温带,temperate zone, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan

translation, noun. (ZWDCD, 18417.156). Neologism introduced by Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1313). Ricci, 1602 (D'Elia, Mappamondo: tav. III-V), used zhengdai 正禅.Present in 1844, Haiguo tuzhi: 2677, in the section reproducing Ricci and Aleni's texts on the globe. Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 524) wrongly considers it a neologism introduced by the Haiguo tuzhi.

wenfa 文法,grammar, bunpd, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used in the 史軎己 Shiji to refer to the ”legal system". Later it was used to convey the expression "the way of composing an essay" (HYDCD, VI, 1524). It was used, although with the latter meaning, in the

book of logic 名i里探 Mingli tan, translated in Chinese by the Portuguese Jesuit Francisco Furtado and Li Zhizao 李之S5 in 1631, in the sentence:業©有ニ。

一•制言時。一制雑用。制言き番者有ニ。一設妹言。ー設文法ひ似n 1, f. 9r); cf. also Zheng Dian (Riyu cihui). Used with the modern meaning oi "grammar" by Huang Zunxian in 1878 during a "written conversation" (bitati 筆联)with the

Japanese scholar Ishikawa Hideru石川英(BP子瑜,霄藤惠秀DS校貲19塞與曰本 友人筆g炎,遠搞戊 1?牽括,26卷,170話,quoted in Wu Tianren, Huang Gongdu: 315). Liang Qichao,1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,48, 50) used the word in the meaning of "grammar" and wrote: "All over the world, China is renowned for its refined language, yet not a single work for studying its grammar has been handed

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204 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

down" (52). According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 83) it was a return loan from Japanese.

wenke 文科,literary subjects, bunka,disyllable, stiff, ke,return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used with the current meaning by Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1360)

ana in lo37 (Xifang dawen: juan 1,f. 12v). However it came back into use in

Chinese through Japanese. Fu Yunlong,1889 {Youli Riben: 211). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dortgyou riji: 341). The organization of middle schools in two

sections, one "classical" (wenke 文科)and the other "scientific" (shike 科),was officially approved in 1909 (cf. Political Organization: no. 581). Cf. like 理科. wenming 文明,culture, bunmei,disyllable, subject - predicate structure, return graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. HYDCD, VI, 1522. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shif Wenji: I, 60). Kang Youwei, 1898 {Meiji bianzheng kao xu: 281). Matecr, New

Terms,considered it a neologism. According to Wusi yilai: 81,Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 83) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 530), it was a return loan from Japanese. Duogongneng cidian considered it an original loan from Japanese.

wenping 文想,diploma, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: a certificate granted to a Provincial functionary by the Board of Civil Appointments to be presented by the latter to the governor-general and governor for examination upon arrival m the province (cf. Sun,

Ch'ing Terms: no. 394; HYDCD, VI,1544; ZWDCD, 13766. 808). Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 645). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wertji: I, 12). Cf. also SanetS, Liuxue Riben: 215. wenshi 通室,hothouse, onshitsu, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: "heated room" (HYDCD, V, 1468). Used only at the end of the XlXth century with the meaning of "hothouse"

(HYDCD, V,1468). Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 524) preferred the autochthonous neologism nuanfang 暖房.Both terms coexist in Chinese, but nuanfang Bf[房 is considered of local usage and wenshi 通室 is the standard. According to Wang Lida (1),it was an original loan from Japanese. Cf. nuanfang

賴.

wenxue 文舉,literature, disyllable, suff. xuey semantic loan, noun.

Confucian Analects (XI, 2) to refer to one of the qualities of the Master

Translated by Legge as "literary acquirements". Used by Aleni, 1623 (Zh

1360): K3I巴S者國尚文® (All western countries highly esteem literature

modern meaning of "literature" (which modern lexicographers distinguish

earlier meaning). Also used by Bridgman in 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 5

latter meaning. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2934 reference is made to the

statement by Morrison: 馬»迓自官只略瞅中國之宇,若深8«其文举

Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 521) used wenzhang 文章,seeminglv

"literature". The article Xila wei Xiguo wenxue zhi zu 希敝為西

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App. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 205

(Greece is the ancestor of the literatures of western countries) was published in

LHCT: 1857 (1,lv). Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 402). Huang Zunxian,1879 (Riben zashi shi: 645). The word was used by Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 211) in a description of Tokyo University. WGGB (2): 1891,XXV used the term in

a report on Germany. Huang Qingcheng,1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Liang Qichao,

1896 (Du xixueshu fa: f. 9r). Kang Youwei, 1898 (Meiji bianzheng kao xu: 281). Yan Fu, 1898 (Tianyan lun: 1385). Hepburn, 1886. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 83) it was a return loan. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 83),it was a return loan from Japanese. According to Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 529) and Saneto (Liuxue Riben: 199-200) it was an original loan from Japanese. According to Saneto in Japan it was invented as an abbreviation of the

expression wenzhang boxue 文章傅舉.Since it was used with the meaning of "literature" during the XlXth century, k should not be considered a Japanese loan;

however, between the end of the XlXth and the beginning of the XXth century, Japan certainly contributed greatly to its diffusion in Chinese.

wenxueguan ;•食6, university, trisyllable, suff. guany autochthonous neologism, noun. In 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2979. wuji 無機,inorganic, muki,disyllable,predicate - object structure, original graphic loan

from Japanese, adjective. Used in 1899 by Liang Qichao as an example of original

loan from Japanese (Liang Qichao, Yin bing shi, Zhuanji: XXII, 190). Present in Hepburn, 1886. According to Wusi yilai: 83, it was an original loan from Japanese. wuli 物5里,physics, butsuri,disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic

loan from Japanese, noun. The term was used by Johann Schreck and Wang Zheng

王徴 in their translation 奇3圖拔 Qiqi tushuo, 1634 (juan 1, f. 3v), cf. Nakayama, Modern Scientific Terms: 302 and Chu-Nichi taishaku. Used by Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 236) to refer to courses taught in Japanese schools. An article entitled

Wuli tuiyuan 物理推庚 was published in GZ冊:1892, III. Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 37) in a description of the Japanese school system. Elsewhere (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,53) used by Liang with its etymological meaning of "the principles of things", a subject including: yuanzhi 康苗"chemical elements",

dongwu 動物"animals",zhiwu 植物"plants" and weishengwu 微生物"microbes". Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 627) used wuxing zhi xue 物性之Hepburn, 1886. Wang Lida (1) considered it an original loan from Japanese. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 84) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 531, note 2),it was a return loan from Japanese. Wang Li claimed that the term wuli 物理,but not wulixue 物5里舉 was already used in classical Chinese.

wulixue 物5里學,physics (the study of), butsurigaku, trisyllable, suff. xuet original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 646). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Hepburn, J886. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 364) and Wang Li (Hanyu shi gao: 531),it was an original

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206 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in X/Xth century texts

loan from Japanese.

wutuobang 為托邦,Utopia,trisyllable, determining • determined structure, phonemic

loan, noun. Yan Fu,1898 (Tianyan lun: 1338). Considered by some to be a descriptive neologism. For example, in the letter published on March 15, 1918 (IV,

3, 267) on 新資年 Xi>i Qingnian Qian Xuantong IS玄同 explained the term scmantically as wu you jituo 為有寄"without placing hopes". In response to this letter, Liu Fu 劉復 claimed the term was a pure phonemic loan (281-282). Also

written wuyoubang 為cf. Hu Xingzhi (Wailaiyu cidian: 3, 203). wuxing 性,comprehension, gosei,disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used in Chinese since the Song dynasty

(ZWDCD, 10887.10; HYDCD, VII, 540). Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing

shi, Wenji: I, 46) in opposition to jixing 記性"memory". Hepburn, J886. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 364), it was an original loan from Japanese. Since it already existed in Chinese with the same meaning, it could only be a return loan.

wuzhi 物質,matter, substance, busshitsu, disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: "the shape of a body" (HYDCD, VI, 256). It is attested in Japanese in 1784 (Nakayama, Modern Scientific Terms: 303 and ChQ-Nichi taishaku). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 87). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 89) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 532), it was an original loan from Japanese. Hepburn, 1886. Mateer, New Terms、considered it a neologism. Since the original meaning was different from the Japanese meaning, it should be considered an original loan.

xiafang 下房,Lower House, disyliable,determining • determined structure, loan translation, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1,f. 34r) to refer to the American Congress. It is a loan-translation of the English "Lower House", #53. Cf. shangfang 上房.Later substituted by xiayiyuan 下8義院.Cf. yiyuan S義院. xianfa 塞法’ constitution, kenpo, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: "to promulgate laws" or "laws"

(HYDCD, VII,728). The modern meaning developed in Japan. In 1838 Bridgman (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 12v) called the American Constitution guoli 國例.Liang Qichao, 1896 {Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,69). Hepburn, 1886. According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 371), it was an original loan from Japanese.

xiangshenfang 鄉神房,House of Commons, disyllable, determining - determined structure, loan-translation, noun. Xu Jiyu, 1850 (Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 7, f. 44r), with reference to the British Parliament.

xianweijing 顔微iS,magnifying glass (microscope), trisyllable, suff.,loan-translation, noun. Used by Zhang Dcyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 545) to refer to the magnifying

glass of an overhead projector. Used in the modern meaning of "microscope" in JHXB: 1868 (I, 9, 35r-v). An article entitled 媒微读辨血 X/fl/ivveむbian xue (the

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XJXth century texts 207

blood analysed by a microscope) was published in GZHB: 1876, IV. xianzheng 憲政,constitutional government, kensei,disyllable, determining • determined

structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used by Huang Zunxian, 1890

(Ribenguo zhi: 587) in the compound xianzhengti 憙政體• xiaofang 消P方,fire control, shobo, disyllable, associative structure, original graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 {Ribenguo zhi: 635). According to Gao Mingkai (Waiiaici yanjiu: 95),it was an original loan from Japanese. xiaohua ?肖化 digestion, disyllable, suff. hua,autochthon, noun. Already used with this

meaning during the Jin dynasty (III-IV sec. AD) (HYDCD, V, 1200). According to Nakayama it was attested in Japanese in 1784 (ChQ-Nichi taishaku). Used by Hobson

{Quanti xinlun: juan 3, f. 5r) in 1851. Gao Mingkai (Waiiaici yanjiu: 95) wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese. Shao Rongfen (Ping Waiiaici yanjiu: 348) noted Gao's mistake. xiaonao イ、腦,cerebellum, disyllable, determining • determined structure, loan-translation,

noun. Hobson, 1851 (Quanti xinlun: juan 3, f. 4v). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi,Wenji: I,46) noted that the word was used by western quantixuezhe 全體®•者

"physiologists". Tan Sitong,1896 (Renxue: 107). Hepburn, J886. Cf. quantixue

^M^danao±m.

xiaoxi 乏角,§、,signal or information, disyllable, determining - determined struc

semantic loan,noun. Used by Binchun, 1866 {Chengcha biji: 107) to refer to a

bell. Used by Zhang Deyi,1868 (Hanghai shuqi: 480) to refer to the push-butto

an elevator. Used with the meaning "information" in JHXB: 1868 (I, 2, 8r-v). anxiaoxi 消息

xiaozhang head master, kocho, disyllable, determining - determined structur

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou ri 325). The term spread in China as a consequence of the usage of the original loan

from Japanese xuexiao 舉校.Cf. xuexiao 學校. xiatang 下堂,Upper House, disyllable, determining - determined structure, l

translation, noun. Zhigang,1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 270) used with reference to th American Congress.

xiayiyuan 下Lower House, trisyllable, determining • determined structu autochthonous neologism, noun. In 1875 on the WGGB (VII,346,636r) shangyiyuan 上SH(突"Upper House" and xiayiyuan 下8斯完"Lower House" were used to refer to the British Parliament. Cf. yiyuart 維院 and shangyiyuan 上搞院.

xibao 細胞,cell, disyllable, determining • determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. According to M6tailli6 {Botanique: 66; Riforme et modernisation: 201) the term was first used in Chinese in the text 植物$ Zhiwuxue, prepared by Li

Shanlan 李蕃蘭 and Alexander Williamson and published in Shanghai in 1858. A fac-simile edition of the work was published in Japan in 1867 (M6taili6, Botanique au Japon: 27). According to Nakayama (Modern Scientific Terms: 304 and ChU

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208 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

Nichi taishaku), the term was first used by Udagawa Yさan 宇田川格菴 in his 植母啦康 Shokugaku Keigen,published in Edo in 1834. According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Wang Lida (1), it was an original loan from Japanese.

xiehui 協會,association, kyokai,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 212). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 342). According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 373), it was an original loan from Japanese.

xiezhen SSJL photograph, shashin, disyllable, predicate - object structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: "image", "portrait" or "to paint

a realistic reproduction" (HYDCD, in, 1625). Used by Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 446) to refer to "photograph", explained as SSJIBP西法影博.Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 765) used jing xiezhen 狭寫翼.At the beginning of the XXth

century we find the word used in some compounds of Japanese origin,such as

xiexhengjing U真铁 and xiezhengqi 1B5IHS "photographic camera" (HYDCD, HI,

1626). However the term never became widespread in Chinese, since the autochthonous neologism zhaoxiang 照博 had been used since 1866. After a short period of co-existence with yingxiang 影博,zhaoxiang 照博 became the standard term for "photograph". Cf. zhaoxiangfa 照像法,yingxiang 影博.

xingfa 刑法,penal law, keihd, disyllable,determining - determined structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Already used in the Confucian Analects (HYDCD,

II, 604). Bridgman, 1838 {Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 12v). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 632) wrote that Penal Law had been promulgated in Japan in 1881.

Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 4). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 93), it was an original loan from Japanese. Shao Rongfcn (Ping Wailaici yanjiu: 348) pointed out that it should not be considered an original loan since it already existed in Chinese with the same meaning. The Japanese language contributed to its modern diffusion in Chinese. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 69) used xinglii 刑银 Cf. minfa 民法,shangfa 商法. xingzheng 打攻,administration,gy石sei,disyllaole, determining • determined structure,

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning "to exert political power and administrate the state" (HYDCD, ID, 900; ZWDCD, 34850.177). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 634). According to Wusi yilai: 79, it was return loan from Japanese. Wang Lida (1) considered it an original loan. In Chinese it was originally mainly used as a verb, while in Japanese as a noun only. As a noun in Modern Chinese, it is an original loan from Japanese.

xinhao 信號,signal, shingd,disyliable, determining • determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese,noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 254). According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yartjiu: 95),it was an original loan from Japanese.

xinju fg兒,post office, disyllable, suff. ju, loan-translation,noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 209

(Hanghai shuqi: 496). Probably a loan-translation of the English "post office". The term was later substituted by youju 郵筒,composed of you , "a post house where couriers on government service changed horses" and ju 房,"government office". The modern postal system was established in Japan in 1872 and post offices were named

yQbinkyoku 郵便肩,cf. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 601). Cf. youju 郵用. xinlingxue 心®psychology, shinreigaku,trisyllable, suff. xue, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Du Xixueshufa: f. 5v). Later substituted by xinlixue 心玉里举,an original graphic loan from Japanese. According to Wang Lida

(1) only xinli 心f里 was an original loan from Japanese. Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 373) considered xinlixue 心5里® an original loan. Xinlixue Jiap. pr.

shinrigaku 心理摩”,but not xinlingxue 心®®, is present in Hepburn, 1886. Morgan, New Terms and Matecr, New Terms,considered both xinlixue 心5里举 and

xinlingxue 心ffi舉 neologisms. xinping fS憑,letter of credence, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic

loan,noun. Original meaning: "to believe" or "to trust". Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 3, f. 5r) to translate the English "letter of credence", #217.

xintongxian telegraph,trisyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 362). Cf. tongxianxin 通 and dianbao 電報.

xinwen news or information, disyllabic, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,noun. Used since the Tang dynasty to indicate "recently heard facts". During the Song dynasty it was used to refer to a certain kind of unofficial dispatch

published privately (HYDCD, VI, 1078). It is then used in the title of one of the

first magazines published in Chinese by Westerners,天下新閱 Tianxia xinwen, printed in Malacca in 1828 (cf. Ge Gongzhen, Baoxue shi: 67). 1844, Haiguo tuzhi: 2921. Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 519). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 95), it was an original loan from Japanese. Most probably the term passed from China to Japan. Between the end of the XlXth century and the beginning of the

XXth century, it was substituted by the neologism baozhi 報紙.

xinwenzhi 新newspaper,trisyllable, determining - determined structure, loan translation, noun. A loan-translation of the English "newspaper" used by Ye Zhongjin 葉il造 in the text entitled 英吉利國夷锖記略 Yingjiliguo yiqing jiliie, 1834, included in the Haiguo tuzhi (p. 1893) in which it is said that newspapers were

first founded in Italy. Also in Haiguo tuzhi: 2899. The word remained in use until

the end of the XlXth century. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 452). Zhigang,

1872 {Chushi Taixi ji: 367). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 324). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 588). Most probably the term passed from China to Japan. Cf. xinwen 新聞.

xuanju 選 18, elect, senkyo, disyliable,associative structure,semantic loan,verb.

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210 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

Original meaning: "to select the best and recommend them for promotion" (ZWDCD, 39991.94). Used by Bridgman in 1838 (Meiligeguo zhilUe: f. 2v) with the meaning of "to elect" representatives in America. He also used gongju 公取 an

autochthonous neologism. Gongju 公摩 was also used by Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 114),Zhang Dcyi, 1868 (Hanghai shuqi: 521) and Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 307). The Japanese language most probably contributed to its modern diffusion in

Chinese, and, under Japanese influence gongju 公明 was later completely substituted

by xuanju 選取 Hepburn, 1886. According to Wusi yilai: 79, it was a return loan from Japanese.

xuanqihui 弦奇會,exhibition, trisyllable, suff. hui, autochthonous neologism, noun. Used by Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 492) to refer to the Universal Exhibition held in Paris in 1867. ZXWJL: 1873, XL

xuehui 舉會,study association, gakkai, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Qingchcng, 1894 (Dongyou riji:

342). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 31). Perhaps the first association referred to as xuehui 举會 was the 廣举會 Guang xuehui or Society for the Diffusion

of Christian and General Knowledge among the Chinese, founded in 1887. The first

Chinese association to have this name may have been the 強举會 Qiangxuehui, founded in 1895. At least 76 study associations were then created in a few years (cf.

Chang, Intellectual change: 278, 332). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 376), it was an original loan from Japanese.

xuexiao 舉校,school, gakk石,disyllable, determining - determined structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Already used by Mencius with the meaning of

"school" (HYDCD, IV, 246). Used by Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1360) and Fan Shouyi, 1720 ca. (Shenjianlu: 857) to refer to the European school system. Bridgman, 1838 {Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. lv) used the term to refer to the first schools

founded in America by British settlers. Although the term was known in China, it seems not to have spread extensively prior to the end of the XlXth century. Under

the influence of Japanese, it completely substituted xuetang 舉堂,shuyuan 書院 and

xueshu ®益.For example, Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: 104v) used shuyuan 書院 to describe the American school system. Xuexiao $•校 should therefore be considered

a return loan from Japanese. The work 德画举校输■各/)印i/o xuexiao lunliie, published in 1873 by the German missionary Ernest Faber, strongly contributed to the diffusion of the word. The introduction to Faber's work,德60举校输略序 Deguo

xuexiao lunliie xuy by Li Shanlan 李蕃閣 was republished on ZXWJL: 1874, XXI. The book was reviewed on JHXB: 1874,VI, 271, 145v-147r. With the title 西國舉校 Xiguo xuexiao, the book was included by Liang Qichao in the collection Xizheng congshu, 1897 (Juan 2, f. 1 v-22v). Xuexiao 學抆 was used in WGGB: 1879

(XI,546, 592v) in an article on the number of public schools in Tokyo. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Rib en: 206). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 629).

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 211

Prior to 1891 the WGGB (2) used xuetang ®堂 and xueshu 摩必;after 1891, XXXIV, used xuexiao 举校 in a report on Japan. From 1893 onward, xuexiao 举校 was used to refer to European schools, although xuetang 舉室 was still preferred for

Chinese schools. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 325). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 3). Liang Qichao used xuexiao 举校 for modern schools reformed according to Japanese and European models, and xuetang 勞堂,xueshe 举舍,etc” to refer to traditional Chinese schools. Yan Fu,1898 (Tianyan lun: 1339) always used xuexiao 舉校 to translate the English "school".

xuhuoji S火機,locomotive, trisyllable, suff. yi, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhans

Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 485). Cf. qiche 氣取 yanchu 演出,put on stage, enshutsu, disyllable, predicate - complement structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, verb. Original meaning: "to transform" or "secretly set out" (HYDCD, VI, 104). Used by Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 441) with the modern meaning of "to put on stage". According to Wang Lida (1) and Gao

Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 382), it was an original loan from Japanese.

yang 洋,foreign, monosyllable, autochthonous neologism, adjective. It developed the function of adjective to indicate "foreign things" from its main meaning of "ocean".

Used with this meaning in the Honglou meng (HYDCD, V, 1182). During the XlXth century it was often used as a prefix to create autochthonous neologisms

for western objects, such as yanghuo 洋火"matches". During the last century yang 洋 gradually substituted the older adjective fan 番.More recently yang 洋 and fan 番 have both lost their lexical productivity and their compounds have disappeared, with

the exception of those words whose global meaning has nothing to do with the foreign origin of the word, for examplefanqie 番切"tomato".

yangfengyuan 赛lunatic asylum, trisyllable, suff. yuan, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 268). Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: 11 Or) used fengrenyuan 撤人院.

yangqin 洋琴,piano, disyllable,prcf. yang, autochthonous neologism,noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 451). yangtan 洋较,carpet (?),disyllable, pref. yang, autochthonous neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 261). yangyayuan 春OSPfe institute for the dumb, trisyllable, suff. yuan (院),autochthonous

neologism, noun. Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 531). yangyu 洋自丢,foreign language, disyllable, pref. yang, loan-translation, noun. Zhigang,

1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 269). yihui IS#, parliament, gikai,disyllable,determining - determined structure,original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 {Dongyou riji: 350). According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 90),it was an original loan from Japanese. yijian 意見,opinion, iken,disyllable,determining - determined structure, return graphic

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212 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning the same as the current meaning of

"opinion" or "disagreement about somebody or something" (HYDCD, VII, 639; ZWDCD, 11107.30). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 620). Hepburn, 1886. The word probably spread again in Chinese under Japanese influence.

yike medical science, ika, disyliable, suff. ket return graphic loan from Japanese,

noun. HYDCD, IX, 1439; ZWDCD, 40906.25. Already used by Aleni, 1623 {Zhifang waiji: 1361) to refer to European medical schools. Under Japanese influence, the word came back into use in Chinese. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben:

211). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). The term appeared officially in

the new Chinese education plan, approved on January 13th, 1904 (cf. Political Organization: nos. 574, 588). yinguan 銀费8,bank, disyllabic, determining • determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. 1844, Haiguo tuzhi: 3026.

yingxiang m photograph, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan, noun. Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji: 446). Cf. xiezhen S5H, zhaoxiang 照像 yingye 】&業,business, eigyd, disyllable,determining - determined structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Already existed in Chinese with the meaning of

"to do business" or "work, profession" (HYDCD, VII, 273; ZWDCD, 19936.115). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 626). Hepburn, 1886. The word probably spread again in Chinese under Japanese influence.

yinhang |R行,bank,ginkる,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. The first banks were established in Japan in 1872

(Huang Zunxian, 1890, Ribenguo zhi: 601). The Zhongguo yinhang, Bank of China, was established in Hong Kong in 1876 (cf. WGGB, 1876, VIII, 383,

456). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 270). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 343). Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 9, 84) to refer to Japanese and western banks. Kang Youwci, 1898 (Meiji bianzheng kao xu: 281). Although the term seems to have been widespread in the 1880s, the first Chinese

institution to be officially called yinhang 銀行 was the 户部銀行 Hubu yinhang, Bank of the Ministry of Revenue, which opened to business in Peking on September

27th, 1905 (cf. Political Organization: no. 542). In order to avoid using the Japanese

loan, Yan Fu in 1901-1902 (Yuanfu) used the following terms: chaodian 妙店(p. 37), chaos hang 紗商(243),banke 版克(246, 249, 259, 262). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 391), it was an original loan from Japanese. パ/ivvefiノ•!•印文機,printer (?), trisyllable, suff. jiy loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872

(Chushi Taixi ji: 262). yinxing 住,silvering (?), disyllable, suff. xingy loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872

(Chushi Taixi ji: 322). yishiting S義蓽JS, parliament, trisyllable, suff. ting, autochthonous neologism, noun.

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 213

Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 521). yishu @術,art, geijutsu,disyllable,associative structure, original graphic loan from

Japanese,noun. Original meaning: "skill" (HYDCD, IX, 601-602; ZWDCD, 33103.34). Used to indicate "art", under Japanese influence. Huang Zunxian,1890

(Ribenguo zhi: 599). Kang Youwei, 1898 (Meiji bianzheng kao xu: 281). According

to Wusi yilai: 81,Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 84) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233), it was a return loan from Japanese. Duogongneng cidian considered it an original loan from Japanese.

yitai 以太,ether,disyllable, phonemic loan, English, noun. Tan Sitong, 1896 (Renxue: 106). According to Shek (Tan Ssu-t'ung: 202), Tan Sitong might have come across the concept of ether in Henry Wood's Ideal Suggestion through Mental Photography,

translated by John Fryer with the title 治心免寐法 Zhi xin mian bing fa, 1896.

yiwu 15按,duty, gimuy disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa. It probably arrived in Japan through this

work. Has been in use in Japan since 1869 (cf. Saneto, Liuxue Rib en: 199). Hepburn, J886. According to Wusi yilai: 83, Wang Lida (1),Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 90) and Duogongneng cidian, it was an original loan from Japanese.

yixue technology, disyllable, suff. xuey autochthonous neologism, noun, WGGB (2): 1893, LI. yixue 整舉, medicine, igafcu,disyllable,suff. xue, semantic loan, noun. Used since the

Song dynasty to refer to "medical school" (Hucker: no. 2958; HYDCD, IX,1440). Used by Furtado and Li Zhizao 李之菜,1631 (Mingli tan: jtian 1,f. 9v),by Schreck and Wang Zheng 王徼,1634 (Qiqi tushuo: juan 1,f. 2r) and by Aleni, 1637 {Xifang

da wen: juan 1, f. 12r) to indicate "the study of medicine". Bridgman, 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 14v) referred to western medical universities as yizhi daxueguati 監治大學§8. Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 521) used yidao S道.In 1876 the GZHB (1876, III) published an article entitled 醫學論 Yixue lun (On the study of medicine). In 1876 the Shanghai Arsenal published the text 儒門整舉 Rumen yixue, Fryer and Chao Yuanyi's 趙元益 translation of A Medical Handbook

by Frederick W. Headland (London 1861) (cf. Jiangnan ji: juan 2,17v; Bennet, Fryer: 94). Fu Yunlong,1889 (Youli Riben: 206) used the compound yixuexiao 醫學校.Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 638). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,42). Hepburn, 1886. Wusi yilai: 81, considered it a return loan from Japanese. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 92), it was an original loan. Although the term might appear to be a return loan from Japanese, it was probably revived by the translators of the Shanghai Arsenal to render the English "medicine".

yiyuan g院,hospital, disyllable, suff. yuan (院),semantic loan, noun. Throughout Chinese history, the "Imperial Academy of Medicine" was called Taiyiyuan 太整院

(Huckcr: no. 6184; HYDCD, IX, 1439; ZWDCD, 40906.30). First used with the modern meaning at the beginning of the XlXth century to refer to the first western

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214 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

hospital established in China (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 282). JHXB: 1868

(I,10,38r-v). In the article Yiyuan laili BBEiKBI (A history of hospitals), published on the JHXB on September 18th, 1869 (II, 53,12r-v), F. Porter Smith said that the first hospital to bear this name had been established in Macao by R. Morrison in 1819. Actually Morrison and John Livingstone, a surgeon of the East

India Company, established a hospital in Macao in 1820 (cf. Coates, Macao: 148

149). Used by Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 638) with its Japanese meaning of "doctor's surgery". Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,

67) to refer to western missionary society hospitals, Xiguo jiaohui yiyuan

綱教會B院•

yiyuan 糞義員,parliamentarian,giin,disyllable, suff. yuan (貝),original graphic loan from

Japanese,noun. Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 619). WGGB (2): 1894, LXIV. Hepburn, 1886. According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 90; Wailaici cidian: 389) it was an original loan from Japanese. yiyuan 糞鑫院,parliament, giin,disyllable, determining • determined structure, return

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used in LHCT: 1857 (2, 12r) to refer to the American Congress and elsewhere (5, 8r) to the British Parliament. Since the LHCT

was reprinted in Japan in 1858, the term probably arrived in Japan through the LHCT and later came back into use in China, thanks to its widespread usage in Japan. Used in 1873 in the 西國近事織 X/ぎjinshi huibian (I, llv), a magazine published by the Shanghai Arsenal (cf. Howard, K'ang Yu-wei: 314, note 73). Also used in an article by Alexander Williamson on Japan as a model for Chinese reforms

published on the JHXB: 1874 (VI, 295, 311) and republished in four parts in WGGB: 1876 (VII, 374-375-376-377). Williamson explained that the yiyuan 自籌院 is like the balimen 巴力門(cf. also Wang Shuhuai, Wairen: 14, note 13, who wrongly indicated the date of publication as 1871-72, vol. IV). Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben

zashi shi: 619) and 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 588). Yuan Fu, 1898 (Tianyan lun: 1353). Hepburn, 1886. According to Gao Mingkai {Wailaici cidian: 389), it was an original loan from Japanese. Cf. balimen 巴力門,shangyiyuan 上g義院 and xiayiyuan 下纖.

yizhengyuan 自義j^(%,Congress, trisyllable, suff. yuan (1), autochthonous neolo

noun. Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: lOOv) used to refer to the American Congre youju 郵局,post office, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochth

neologism, noun. Huang Zunxian,1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 641). WGGB (2): 189

XXVI. Abbreviation of youzhengju cf. youzheng IIPK, youzhengju 郵政周.

youpiao 垂P票,postage-stamp, disyllable, determining • determined structure, loan translation, noun. The first Chinese stamps were issued in Hong Kong on December 8th, 1862. They were then used in all Chinese open ports (Endacott, Hong Kong: 112; Crow, China: 55). The first stamps were issued by the Chinese authorities in

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App. //. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 215

1878 (Morse,International Relations: III,62). Since the stamps had a portrait of a dragon,they were called longtou 随踊"dragon's head". Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: lOlr) referred to them as xiaopiao 小票.The term youpiao 郵票,is not a loan from Japanese, since the term used in Japan was youjuan, Jiap. pr. yQken #5#. It was probably a loan-translation of the English "postage-stamp".

youzheng SP政,postal system, yQsei、disyllable, determining - determined structure,

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. ZWDCD, 40365.16. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 641). Liang Qichao,1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,6). The modern postal system was established in Japan in 1871 (cf. Huang Zunxian, 1890, Ribenguo zhi: 641). In China, the earlier military system was supplemented in 1874

with "Post Offices, working on the lines of those of European countries". These were known as youzheng 郵攻(cf. Political Organization: no. 273). In WGGB: 1877 (X,454, 48r) gongxinju 公fS简 was used to indicate the postal system. The

national postal system was only authorized in China in 1896 (cf. Morse, International Relations: III, 57-71).The present term for "post office", youju 郵闻,is

a later abbreviation of the autochthonous neologism youzhengju 郵玫兒.Cf. youju

郵房,youzhengju郵政見 youzhengju fPKS. post office, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. ZWDCD, 40365.17. Li Gui, 1876 (Dongxing riji: lOlr) provided a detailed description of the American postal system. Cf. youzheng

郵玫,youju郵局. youzhiyuan kindergarten, yochieny trisyllable, suff. yuan, original graphic loan from Japanese,noun. The WGGB: 1877 (IX,431,431) contained a report, taken from a Chinese newspaper printed in Japan,on the establishment of a youzhi xueshu

幼稚舉in Japan. Huang Zunxian, 1879 {Riben zashi shi: 655). Later substituted by you'eryuan 幼兒園.

yuanzhi chemical element, disyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. The first part of the sixth chapter of Martin's Gewu

rumen, published in 1868, is entitled 論物之康货 Lun wu zhi yuanzhi. In the book the term yuanzhi Mm iS used to refer to chemical elements. Nakayama wrongly claimed that the word was first used in the book of chemistry 化學|£庚 Huaxue

jianyuan, translated by Fryer and Xu Shou 徐舂 and published by the Shanghai Arsenal in 1871 (Nakayama, Modern Scientific Terms; Nakayama,ChQ-Nichi

taishaku). It was used until the beginning of the XXth century,when it was substituted by the original loan from Japanese yuansu 兀棄.Cf. huaxue 化®•. yubeiyi 預補役,supporting troops, yobi-eki, trisyllable,suff., original graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 630). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 342) used the compound yubeibing 預播兵.According to Wang

Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 397),it was an original loan from Japanese.

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216 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

zazhi magazine, disyllable, determining • determined structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. The first Chinese periodical to use this name was probably the 中外雑链烈伽客 Wai zazhi, published by John Macgowan in Shanghai in 1862 (cf. Britton, Periodical Press: 52). The 西洋雑Seiyd zasshi was published in Japan in 1867 (cf. Sanet5, Liuxue Riben: 4). Hepburn, 1886. According to Wang Lida (1), it was a return loan from Japanese. Liang Qichao also seemed to consider it a Japanese

loan (cf. Sanetさ,Liuxue Riben: 201). The word was probably an autochthonous neologism invented in China in the 1860s, which later disappeared and was brought back to China from Japan.

zhaiqian 債欠,debt, disyllable,associative structure, autochthonous neologism, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa {juan 4, f. 8v) to translate the English "debt", #305.

zhaji 札撖,driller (?), disyllable, suff. ji,loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi

Taixi ji: 261). zhan 站,station, monosyllable, semantic loan, noun. Originally the word was a phonemic loan from the Mongolian jam,meaning a military post station. Introduced

in Chinese during the Northern Song dynasty, abolished by imperial decree in 1368

and then reintroduced in 1630 (cf. Zhang Qingchang, Mengyu jieci). Used by Zhang Deyi,1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 486) to refer to a railway station.

zhangwu zhi quart 掌物之播,right of property, disyllable, predicate - object structure,

autochthonous neologism, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. 66r) to translate the English "right of property", #161.

zhaoxiangfa 照像法,photography, trisyllable, suff. fa, autochthonous neologism, noun.

Binchun, 1866 (Chengcha biji: 113). The term zhaoxiang 照相 was used in JHXB: 1870 (II,82, 160). Both writing forms were used, but the latter eventually became more common. GZHB: 1878, XI, published an article entitled fiJSSSt# Zuisu zhaoxiang (Instant photography). In 1878 the WGGB (IX, 512, 164r-v) published an article entitled 照栢法 Zhaoxiangfa (photography), in which the technique of photography was explained in detail. Cf. xiezhen 裔真• zhaoxiangjing 一照博室S,photographic camera, trisyllable, suff. jing, autochthonous

neologism, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 321). Cf. zhaoxiangfa 照像法. zhaoxiangqi P届#^ photographic camera, trisyllable, suff. qi,loan-translation, noun. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Du Xixueshu fa: f. 14r). Cf. zhaoxiangfa 照博法. zhengce 政策,political strategy, seisaku,disyllable, determining - determined structure,

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used in WGGB (2): 1896, LXXXVII in an article by Timothy Richard entitled 新政策 Xin zhengce (New policy). Used by

Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 592). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yartjiu: 95; Wailaici cidian: 405), Duogongneng cidian and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 532), it was an original loan from Japanese. Not present in Hepburn, 1886. Mateer, New Terms, and Morgan, New Terms, considered it a neologism.

zhengdang 政黨,political party, seitd,disyllable, determining - determined structure,

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 217

original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian,1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 590). According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 95; Wailaici cidian:405) and Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 532), it was an original loan from Japanese. zhengfu 政府,government, seifu,disyllable,associative structure, return graphic loan

from Japanese, noun. Bridgman 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 12r). It was used "throughout history (as) a vague unofficial reference to the whole governmental establishment or, occasionally, to some particular office or agency" (Hucker: no. 410). However, probably through Japanese mediation, the term has been used in Chinese since the end of the XlXth century, to refer officially to the government of

any country. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 331). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin

bing shi, Wenji: I,12). Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 591). Wusi yilai: 79 considered it a return loan from Japanese. According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 9•力,it was an original loan from Japanese.

zhengquan 揺券,negotiable security, shaken, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese,noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 625). Hepburn, 1886. According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 405),it was an original loan from Japanese.

zhengtongling 正S充領,governor (US),trisyllable, associative structure, autochthon,

noun. Xu Jiyu, 1850 (Yinghuan zhiliie, juan 9,f. 15v). In 1838 Bridgman (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 13r) referred to an American governor as shouling 苜現

zhengzhi 政ネ台,politics, disyllable, associative structure, autochthon, noun. Original

meaning: "measures employed to govern a country" (HYDCD, V,424). Used in 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 2952 to translate the English "politics". He Ruzhang, 1877

(Shi dong shuliie: 87). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 620). Huang Qingcheng,1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I, 29). Wusi yilai: 79 and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233) considered it a return loan from Japanese.

zhengzhixue 政治舉,politics (the study of), seijigaku,trisyllable, suff. xuey original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 646). Cf. zhengzhi 政治. zhexue 哲舉,philosophy, tetsugaku, disyllable, suff. xue, original graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Hepburn, 1886. According to Wusi yilai: 83, Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 97),Miller (Japanese Language: 260) and Wang Li {Hanyu shigao: 531),it was an original loan from Japanese.

zhigong 職工,workers, shokkd, disyllable, determining • determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 246). Since in

Japanese the word has the meaning of "workers", it initially assumed the same meaning also in Chinese. Later it was used in Chinese as zhi 職 to refer to "clerks" and gong エ to "workers".

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218 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

zhiji織機, textile machine, disyllable, suff•力-,loan-translation, noun. Zhigang, 1872

(Chushi Taixi ji: 261). zhiliehu 文列胡,giraffe, trisyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, phonemic loan, noun. Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 293) gave a description of the London Zoo, in which descriptive neologisms, rather than phonemic loans, were mainly used for

animals unknown in China. For example, daishou 袋獸"kangaroo".

zhina 文SP,China, disyllable, polysyllabic morpheme, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used since the Tang dynasty to indicate the name by which some

foreign countries referred to China (HYDCD, IV, 1376). Yao Wendong, 1884 (Liuqiu shuoliie: 219v). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 371-372). Under Japanese influence, the term then spread once more in China, and between the end of

the XlXth and the beginning of the XXth century was popular among Chinese students in Japan, cf. SanetS, Liuxue Riben: 121-133. zhiwu 楦物,real property, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. 17r) to translate the English "real property" as opposed to "personal property" (mobilia),#77. A note was added by the

translator explaining that the term referred to houses and land. This was necessary

because the original meaning of the word was "plant". For this reason, later, under

the influence of Japanese, the meaning of "property" was rendered with chart 産 "good" instead of wu 物"thing". "Real property" and "personal property" were then

translated with the Japanese loans dongchan 動産 and budongchan 不動産.Cf. dongchan 重(j産 and budongchan 不重!)産.

zhiwuchang 植物場,botanical garden, trisyllable, suff. chang、loan-translation, noun. Fu

Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 241). zhiwuxue 植物举,botany, trisyllable, suff. xue, autochthonous neologism, noun. The first modern botanical texts published in Japanese were by Udagawa Yoan

宇田川榕菴:蓥多尼W經ル伽/^z ky5、1822 and植雑原Shokugaku keigen, 1834. In the former the term ”botany" was translated with the phonemic loan botanika 菩多尼食可,in the latter, with the neologism shokugaku 植举.The term zhiwuxue 植物舉 was introduced by Alexander Williamson and Li Shanlan 李驀闇 in the title of their botanical text Zhiwuxue 植物举,published in Shanghai in 1858.

The work was reprinted in Japan in 1867. The term zhiwuxue, Jiap. pron. shokubutsugaku 植物举 was thus introduced into Japan, substituting the other

previous terms (cf. Goodman, Dutch Impact: 134, Botanique au Japon and other studies by Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 239; Beizhuan ji bu: juan 43, 1515). Huang Zunxian, 1879 (Riben zashi shi: 645). Zhiwuxuejia 植物#家 "botanist" was used in GZHB: 1880, VII. An article entitled 植物$敢采 Zhiwuxue

qimeng (Introduction to botany) was published in GZHB: 1891,II. Huang Qingcheng,1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,37) in a description of the Japanese school system. Cf. zhiwu 植物.

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 219

zhiwuyuan 植物面,botanical garden, shokubutsuen, trisyllable,suff. yuan, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 775). zhongbaozhe 中保者,mediator, trisyllable, suff. zhe,autochthon, noun. Attested with the

meaning of "mediator" since the XVIIth century (HYDCD,I, 597). Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juari 3, f. 26v) to translate the English "mediating power", #288.

zhongxue 重举,mechanics, disyllable, suff. xuet neologism, noun. The term was used by

Johann Schreck and Wang Zheng 王徴 in their translation 奇:器圖故 Qiqi tushuo,

1634 (juan 1,f. lv), cf. Nakayama, Modern Scientific Terms: 302 and ChU-Nichi taishaku. The first modern works to contain the term in the title were

Zhongxue qianshuo, 1858, translated by Alexander Wylie (cf. Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 173) and 重舉 Zhongxue, 1859, a translation by Joseph Edkins and Li Shanlan 李驀闈 of W. Whewell's text An Elementary Treatise on Mechanics (cf.

Wylie, Protestant Missionaries: 188; Hummel, Eminent Chinese: 479). In the introduction to this work Li Shanlan wrote: "In 1852 I was in Shanghai (...) when

the Westerner Edkins (艾約瑟 Ai Yuese) asked me 'Do you know mechanics?’ I answered 'What is mechanics?'. He then replied 'Geometry is the study of measure;

mechanics is the study of weight' (cf. Beizhuan ji bu: juan 43, 1514). Other works on mechanics were published by the Shanghai Arsenal in the following years (cf.

Bennet, Fryer. 82-83). Wang Tao, 1887 {Manyou suilu: 116). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,124). Hepburn, 1886. The word was probably used for a certain period also in Japan, and then substituted by lixue カ举.Zhongxue 重举 is now obsolete also in China and it has been substituted by the autochthonous

neologism lixue 力*5芒.Cf. lixue ブコ马?•,dongzhongxue SMI1®, jingzhongxue

靜重舉. zhongxue 中舉,middle school, chQgaku, disyllable, suff. xue, return graphic loan from

Japanese, noun. Used by Aleni, 1623 (Zhifang waiji: 1360) and by Fan Shouyi, 1720 ca. (Shenjianlu: 857) to indicate the "middle school" that comes after primary

school and before university in the European system. Used with this meaning in

1834 by Ye Zhongjin 葉级進 in the text 英吉利國夷情86■各 Yingjiliguo yiqing jiliie,reprinted in 1844 in the Haiguo tuzhi: 1872. Zhongxueguan 中舉88 was used by Bridgman, 1838 (Meiligeguo zhiliie: f. 14v) to refer to American middle schools.

Fu Yunlong,1889 {Youli Riben: 206). Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 650). Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 341). Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wertji: I, 20, 34). Like daxue 大學,it should be considered a return loan from Japanese. Cf. daxue 大举. zhongzu ftM, race, shuzoku,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. With the meaning of "human race",it is an original loan from Japanese. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,41). Not present in Hepburn, 1886. Mateer, New Terms, considered it a neologism.

zhuanzhi ®$!),autocracy or despotism, sensei,disyllable, determining - determined

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220 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used by the philosopher Hanfeizi

舶ヨ子 with the meaning of "to act arbitrarily" (HYDCD, II, 1272). Huang Zunxian,

1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 582). Sun Zhongshan, 1897 (Sun xuanji: 23).Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 530-531) considered it a return loan from Japanese. zhuquan 主播,sovereignty, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan,

noun. Original meaning: "the power of a lord"(君主的HYDCD I, 706. Used with the current meaning in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1, f. 17r), #20. The term

was used in Japanese by Tsuda Masamichi 律田31 逋 in the text 泰西國法输 Taisei kokuhdron (Public law in the West), published in 1868, on his return from Holland

where he had studied law under Professor Simon Visscring (cf. Pittau, Meiji: 15, note 21). Since the Wanguo gongfa was reprinted in Japan in 1865, Tsuda Masamichi may have come across the term in this book. Hepburn, 1886. Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 96) wrongly considered it a loan from Japanese.

zhuren 主任,director, shunin, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 216). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 96), it was an original loan from Japanese. zhuyi 主!!,doctrine, shugi,disyllable, determining - determined structure, original graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Original meaning: "to comply with the virtue" or

"proposal" (HYDCD, I,704). The present meaning developed in Japan in the early

1870s (cf. Lippert, Chinesischer Termini: 114). Huang Zunxian, 1890 {Ribenguo zhi: 590). Wusi yilai: 79 considered it a return loan from Japanese. According to Wang Li {Hanyu shigao: 532) and Gao Mingkai {Wailaici yanjiu: 96),it was an original loan from Japanese. Since the current meaning of Japanese origin is different

from the original meaning, it should be considered an original loan. Under Japanese influence, in Chinese the term later developed the function of suffix and was used to create terms used for every type of doctrine and to translate the foreign suffix "-ism".

ziben U本,capital, shihon, disyllable,determining - determined structure, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Used to refer to "financial capital" since the Yuan dynasty

(CY, 2960). Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 273), Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 344). Kang Youwei, 1898 (Meiji bianzheng kao xu: 281). Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 231) used mucai 母財.According to Wusi yilai: 79 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici cidian: 409), it was a return loan from Japanese. Wang Lida (1) considered it an original loan.

zihu 自播,self-preservation, disyllable, pref. zi,autochthon, noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. lr) to translate the English "self-preservation", #60.

zilaihuo 自來火,automatic mortar or matches or gas-lamp, trisyllable, associative structure, loan-translation,noun. The term zilaihuotong 自來火统,"automatic mortar" was used in 1844 in Haiguo tuzhi: 3299. Used by Xu Jiyu, 1850 {Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 7, f. 48r) with the first meaning and by Wang Tao, 1879 (Fusang youji:

468) with the meaning of "matches". When Wang Tao visited a match factory in

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A pp. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 221

Japan, he indicated that in Chinese they were called zilaihuo 自來火 and in Cantonese huochai 火柴.Originally the term zilai 來火 had both meanings "mortar" and "matches" - in Mandarin. Later, possibly in Cantonese, the term huochai 火柴 was invented for "matches" and slowly spread to northern dialects substituting zilaihuo 自來火.According to Wang Li (Hanyu shigao: 524) zilaihuo 自來火,meaning "matches", was first used in the Haiguo tuzhi,but he does not indicate the exact reference. Later the word was also used to indicate the gas-lamp.

The following remark is contained in JHXB (V,211,74r) in 1872:煤ft® 又名自來火. zilaishui 自來水,running water, trisyllable, determining - determined structure, autochthonous neologism,noun. Zhang Deyi,1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 455). He also wrote zilai leng re huoshui 自來冷熱活水(454). ziran 自然,nature, disyliable, pref. zi, autochthon, noun. Used in Laozi 老子(HYDCD,

8, 1328; ZWDCD, 30767.341). The expression ziran zhi quart 自然之tfl was used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 2, f. lr) to translate the English "natural right", # 60.

Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,86). Yan Fa, 1898 (Tianyan lun: 1388) wrote:凡自然者SS之性 According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 88), it was a return loan from Japanese.

zixingche 自行車,bicycle, trisyllable, suff. che,autochthonous neologism, noun. Used

by Schreck and Wang Zheng 王徴,1634 (Qiqi tushuo: juan 2, f.ll-l2r) with its etymological meaning of "automatic mechanism" (not with the actual meaning as

stated by Zheng Dian, Riyu cihui). Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 542) also used the term to refer to an "automatic machine•’ he had seen in a Swedish

amusement park. An article published in the JHXB: 1868 (I, 12, 48v) contains a detailed description of how bicycles worked and were used by foreign armies, recommending them also for China. Another article in JHXB: 1870 (II,92, 210v) reported that in Shanghai there were already many bicycles, and that the first

qixingche 氣行車"gas-run vehicles" (perhaps "motorcycles") were starting to appear.

Cf. jiaotache _踏車. zixingren 自行人,automaton, trisyllable,suff. ren,autochthonous neologism, noun. Used by Zhang Deyi, 1866 (Hanghai shuqi: 542) to refer to the automatons he had seen in a Swedish amusement park.

zixingwu 自行屋,self-moving room, trisyllable, suff. wuy autochthonous neologism, noun. Used by Zhang Deyi, 1866 {Hanghai shuqi: 480) to refer to an ”elevator’’.

ziyou 自由,freedom, jiyUt disy liable, pref. zi, return graphic loan from Japanese, noun.

Used in the addenda to the Chinese-American treaty, signed in Washington in 1868

(cf. Zhigang,1872, Chushi Taixi ji: 273). Huang Zunxian, 1879 {Riben zashi shi:

586). Used by Huang Qingcheng, 1894 (Dongyou riji: 349) in the compound ziyoudang 自由赏(Liberal party), accompanied by a note indicating that the concept

of dang 黨"party" was a western not a Chinese concept. Huang Zunxian, 1890

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222 App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts

(Ribenguo zhi: 590) explained the term thus:不為人所拘束之義也,其人 各有身,身各自由,為上肴不能®抑之束缚之也.In 1899 Liang Qichao gave it as ail example of an original loan from Japanese (Yin bing shi, Zhuanji: XXII, 190).

Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 54) used the expression ziyou shengye 自由生業 (freedom of trade). According to Wusi yilai: 79, Li Chi (Grammatical usage: 11), Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 85) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 233),it was a return loan from Japanese. Although the term was already used during the XlXth century with the legal meaning, it probably became widespread in China,thanks to its usage in Japanese.

zizhi 自治,self-government, disyllable, pref. zi,autochthon, noun. Already used in

Chinese with the present meaning (ZWDCD, 30767.155; HYDCD, VIII, 1318 1319). Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1, f. 16r) to translate the English "self

government", #17. According to Wusi yilai: 83 and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 92), it was an original loan from Japanese.

zizhu 自主,independence, disyllable, pref. zi, autochthonous neologism,noun. Used in 1864 in Wanguo gongfa (juan 1,f. 16r) to translate the English "sovereign", #17; later it was used with the meaning of "independence". Zhigang, 1872 (Chushi Taixi

ji: 303) used the expression zizhu zhi quan 自主之權 to translate the English word "independence" contained in a message sent by the British Foreign Office to the

Chinese delegation headed by Burlingame on January 1st,1869 (cf. Morse,

International Relations: II,197). The prefix zi 自 was used extensively in neologisms to translate the English prefix "self'.

zonghui f®會,Congress, disyllable, suff. hui,autochthonous neologism, noun. Used in 1864 in the Wanguo gongfa (juan 1,f. 34r) to translate the English term "Congress"

(US), #53. Elsewhere in the Wanguo gongfa (juan 4, f. 67v) the US "Congress" was translated as guohui 國會,#538. This latter term eventually substituted the former.

Cf. guohui 國會. zongjiao 宗教,religion, shWcyo, disyllable, determining - determined structure, original

graphic loan from Japanese, noun. Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribenguo zhi: 643) wrote that there were 26 religious periodicals in Japan. Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi,

Wenji: 129). Yan Fu, 1901-1902 (Yuanfu: 649) preferred to use the Buddhist term jiaozong 教宗(ZWDCD, 13546.39). According to Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 83),Wusi yilai: 83, Wang Lida (1) and Zhou Zhenhe (Fangyan: 234),it was an original loan from Japanese. zongli 系gi里,premier, disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic loan, noun.

Used in the Qing dynasty to refer to the office of "Superintendent" assigned to the

Grand Ministers (dachen 大臣)of the Imperial Household Department (neiwu fu 内挖府)(Huckcr; no. 7121). Used by Binchun,1866 (Chengcha biji: 122) to indicate the Dutch Premier. Used by Fu Yunlong, 1889 (Youli Riben: 216) to indicate the Japanese Prime Minister. Since in Japanese the term meant both "prime minister"

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App. II. Vocabulary of neologisms in XlXth century texts 223

(Sori daijin 總J里大苗)and "president", Huang Zunxian, 1890 (Ribertguo zhi: 590) used the term to indicate the leader of a political party. In Chinese it had only the

first meaning. Wang Lida (1) and Gao Mingkai (Wailaici yanjiu: 96) wrongly considered it an original loan from Japanese. Since in Chinese it was used to indicate

the "Prime Minister" of a foreign country at least as early as the 1866, it should be considered a semantic loan, although its usage in Japanese contributed to its diffusion in Chinese.

zongtong 系思充,president (US), disyllable, determining - determined structure, semantic

loan, noun. Used during the Qing dynasty to refer to the office of "commander

general" (Hucker: no. 7163). Wang Tao, 1879 {Fusang youji: 486). Elsewhere Wang

Tao (490) also used dazongtong 大總統.In 1890 Xue Fucheng 薛福成 considered it a common version (sucheng 俗播)of the phonemic loan (bolixitiande 佰i里靈夭德), cf. Zhou Dingyi, Yinyici he yiyici: 462, note 4. Used by Liang Qichao, 1896 (Yin bing shi, Wenji: I,59) to indicate the US President. zongtongling 表®•令充領,president (US),trisyllable, determining - determined structure,

semantic loan, noun. Xu Jiyu, 1850 (Yinghuan zhiliie: juan 9, f. 15v). Zhigang,

1872 (Chushi Taixi ji: 269). Possibly created by joining zongtong 總統 and tongling 統領.

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APP. Ill INDEX OF THE ENGLISH AND JAPANESE WORDS INCLUDED IN THE VOCABULARY

accountant kuaiji acoustics shengxue (administrate) justice sifa administration xingzheng aerostat qiqiufeiche agronomist nongxuejia agronomy

nongxue

air kongqi air rifle (?) dapenpao airplane feiche airplane feiji algebra daishu army lujun art

yishu

art (?), technology (?) shuxue assembly huiyi association

xiehui

autocracy

zhuanzhi

automatic mortar

zilaihuo

automaton

zixingren

bank

yinguan

bank

yinhang

bankrupt bareisho

pochan

beer

bierjiu

bengoshi

bianhushi

bicycle

jiaotache zixingche

bicycle

malingshu

big rifle

laifiuiapao

bijutsu

meishu

bijutsukai

meishuhui

biology

shengwuxue

車炮

飛家炮火人«a士醵車对會$

會《司行氣费颶空カ飛 代哇«術會施協萬俄自隨映銀拽鈹统玻喊馬必讲辯■3龙自!來笑S峒美嗶生湔搰s來行W 産鈐眾S踏行夫術 物

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App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words

biseibutsu

blue book

weishengwu lanpishu

botanical garden

zhiwuchang

botanical garden

zhiwuyuan zhiwuxue

botany brain

danao

bread

mianbao

build (to)

jianzhu

bunka

wenke

bunmei

wenming

bunpo

wenfa

business

yingye wuzhi

busshitsu



butsuri

wuli

butsurigaku

wulixue

caoutchouc

gaoqiu

capital

ziben

carbon

tanxing

caipet (?) cell

yangtan xibao

cement

hunningtu

cement

shuini

century

shiji

chamber of commerce

shanghui

champagne

sanbian

chemical element

yuanzhi

chemistry

huaxue

China

zhina

chirigaku

dilixue

chishitsu

dizhi

chocolate

chaokoulai

chugaku

zhongxue

civil law

minfa

coffee

kafei

cold zone

lengdai

communication

jiaotong

company

gongsi

company

huishe

comprehension

wuxing

congress

gongshihui

勿軎易1!«セ*3^#

徼藍植 大》建文 £物 羔賨炭洋細混水世商三康化文性胞波地炒I物中民咖腦冷包文公築會科牾明法藥ilI求本性毯胞凝泥纪會鞭苗舉那遽苗机爭法啡帶通司社性使

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226 App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included

congress

guohui

congress

yizhengyuan

congress

zonghui

congress (US)

huitang

constitution

guofa

constitution

xianfa

constitutional government

xianzheng

contact

lianluo

content

neirong

converse

huihua

copyright

banquan

cosmetic

huazhuangpin

course

kecheng

culture

wenming

daigaku

daxue

daihyo

daibiao

daily newspaper

ribao

dance

tiaowu

dantai

tuanti

debt

zhaiqian

delegate

daibiao

democracy

minzhu

democratic right

minquan

denpa

chuanbo

densenbyd

chuanranbing

densha

dianche

denshin

dianxin

denshinki

dianxinji

denwa

dianhua

denwaki

dianhuaji

國嫌趙會國迪内«板化捸文大代曰跳圓債代搰民隞傳獪霣電腿罨睬瞅皦馆菔湘1陲溯凍诤银舞脚欠表主播 染阜信傲括臓

Department of

Foreign Affairs (US) department store

waibu baihuodian

department store

dahuopu

despotism

zhuanzhi

differential

weifen

diffuse

chuanbo

digestion

xiaohua

diploma

wenping

director

zhuren

外百大萬微傳涓文主部前说制分播化!I任

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App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included

divorce

lihun

dobutsugaku dongwuxue dobutzujo dosan

dongchan

doctor

boshi

doctrine

zhuyi

"dragon mouth"

longlcou

••dragon mouth"

longzui

driller (?)

zhaji

duty

yiwu

dynamic mechanics

dongzhongxue

economy

economy

jingji jingjixue

education

jiaoyu

effective troops

changbeibing

eigyo

yingye

eisei

weisheng

eiseigaku

weishengxue

elect

xuanju

electric batteiy

dianchi

electric bell

dianqiling

electric bell

dianxianling

electric cable

dumlan

electric circuit

dianlu

electric engine

electric lamp

diandeng

electric lamp

dianqideng

electric lamp ?

qideng

electric light

dianqiguang

electric line

dianxian

electric machine

diartji

electric microscope dianqiguang shixian weijing electric pile diandui

electricity dian electricity dianqi electricity (the study of) dianxue empire diguo engine lunji enshutsu yanchu

entomology chongxue

I単埸«-學兵 鈐内換燈光視

farv微 2角

lev鄺1«動博主隨睫軋義觔經V常OC_物趣喱電i±费罨ロ嗶捵按帝璽濟柃育演播業虫生舉他氣線甬路氣澄 氣線楗光堆至-^啁囀咄§

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228 App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included in the

entrance

rukou

equality

pingquan

equation

fangcheng

equator

chidao

ether

yitai

ethics

lunli

evening newspaper

wanbao

executive secretary

ganshi

exhibition

bolanhui

exhibition

bowuhui

exhibition

saiqihui

exhibition

xuanqihui

experience

jingyan

experiment

shiyan

experimental laboratory shiyansuo export

chukou

extractor (?)

baji

factory

gongchang

fan

shanfengji

fan

tongfengji

farm

nongchang

farmer

nongmin

fine-arts

meishu

fine-arts exhibition

meishuhui

fire control

xiaofang

fixed capital

guding ziben

foreign

yang

foreign language

yangyu

fossil

huashi

fountain pen

gangbi

freedom

ziyou

French communication wire fatongxian frog cannon? hamapao fudosan budongchan futsu putong gakkai xuehui gakko xuexiao gas

wasi

gas lamp meiqideng gas-lamp zilaihuo

一Aan_s g=l纖Isltba^srlL^slJrg s漏嫩

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App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included in the vocabulary 229

gasu

wasi

geijutsu

yishu

gekijd

juchang

geography (the study of) dilixue dixue geology

geology

dizhi

geology

dizhixue

geometry

jihe

giin

yiyuan

giin

yiyuan

gikai

yihui

gimu

yiwu

ginko giraffe

yinhang zhiliehu

gishi

jishi

globe gokkai gosei

diqiu

government

zhengfu

guohui wuxing

瓦斯 搬

mm 地舉 地苗 地苗學 终何 謙貝

嫌1 nm 銀行 文列胡 技師 地球 國會 傅性 政府

governor (US)

zhengtongling

正統領

grammar

wenfa

gunji

junshi

hakubutsukan

bowuguan

文法 軍事 撤4 行玫 博物館

hakurankai

bolanhui

博覽舍

hakushi

boshi

博士

handbag

shouxiang

手箱

hankert

banquan

hanketsu

panjue pochan xiaozhang huoxing

gymnastics

ticao

gyosei

xingzheng

hiroba

guangchang

history

lis hi

板甩 判決 破産 校長 火性 兵事 平椹 廣塌 歷史

hasan head master heat

heiji

bingshi

heiken

pingquan

hogaku

faxue

法學

hoho

fangfa

方法

hotei

fating

法12

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230 App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included

horsepower

mail

hoshaku

baoshi

hosho

baozhang

hospital

yiyuan

hothouse

nuanfang

hothouse

wenshi

House of Commons

ganwen haosi

House of Commons

xiangshenfang

House of Lords

juefang

hyakkaten

baihuodian

hydrant

shuilong

hygiene

weisheng

hygiene (study of)

weishengxue

ice-cream

bingjiling

ichiba

shichang

idea

guannian

igaku

yixue

iin

weiyuan

ika

yike

iken

yijian

illustrated magazine

huabao

immovable

budongchan

import

jinkou

import

trukou

improve

gaijin

improve independence

gailiang zizhu

industry

gongye

infectious disease

chuanranbing

information

xiaoxi

information

xinwen

information machine (?) inorganic

tongxinxianji wuji

inspect

jiancha

institute for the dumb

yangyayuan

insurance

baoxian

integral

jifen

interference

guowen

international

wanguo

international law

gongfa

In I

J馬通甘鄉暫水?人»I改s雰

1Bcfls慨! 度挪卿房航! 生挪辦場念^貝科見報髓口 進^主業棘^»纖£辦險分^59法

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23

m APP. III Index of the English and Japanese words included

international priv interphone intuition

ate law gongfa zhi sitiao chuanshengtong

guina dangji renliche

ziyou changbeibing

jizhe panduan

?)-§ /ist-?o)nt

one.syf w-urdgdgdgris

r'5:/e/dG les

iro加舟joju juJUte)tfl

panjue panjue gongshi kexue

huiyuan

kaibo

jiepou

kaigi kaigun kaikei

kairyo kaisha

-Cれた 0 uAg M flu

kaishin

gaijin

kaiwa

huihua

kakumei 00 00

どfl

kannen kanri

kanstiohari kaseki

I lrl •!

katei

之箇#兵It舉

keiho keiken keisatsu

keizai

keizaigaku kenchiku

kenpd kensa

kensei kerosene

kesho

三SS52I

meiyou

huazhuang

公傳拂蕩人自常記判 公料會解海改會 革?®管寒法化聲!枘刑機經ヵ鳘由«者建斷塞檢決憙煤師化學員剖銪軍計良社雔話命事念理|石程法瀚察谓翔築,媒!$鍁湖§

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232 App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included in the

keshohin

huazhuangpin

kikai

jihui jiguan

kikan

kindergarten

youzhiyuan

kino

guina

kisen

qichuan

kisoku

guize

kobi-hei

houbeibing

kocho

xiaozhang

koen

gongyuan

kogyo

gongye

kojo

gongchang

koka

gongke

kosho

gongchang

kotsQ

jiaotong

konkurito

hunningtu

kotei shihon

guding ziben

kyoiku

jiaoyu

kyoikugaku

jiaoyuxue

kyoin

jiaoyuan

kyoju kyowa

jiaoshou

kyokai

xiehui

*

gonghe

law

falii

law (the study of)

faxue

lawyer

bianhushi

lawyer

liishi

letter of credence

xinping

library

tushuguan

life-belt

baoxianquan

life-belt

jiumingquan

literary subjects

wenke

literature

wenxue

locomotive

qiche

locomotive

xuhuoji

Lower House

xiafang

Lower House

xiayiyuan

lunatic asylum machine (steam)

yangfengyuan

machine (steam)

huolun

huoji

们機幼铺汽規後校公エ 文混固教 共i憤協法烟搿往酬倍園i保枚亂文掁汽S下pl春i火s熥,M±定瀆碑“®授Lgs±士憑勒綱 科^*辦房纖脆機核

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App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words

machine (steam)

huolunji

machine (steam)

huolunjiqi

machine (steam)

huolunqiju

machine-gun (?)

ouxinpao

machine-operator

guan shui huo qiju zazhi

magazine "magic mirror"

shenjing

magnifying glass (microscope)

xianweijing

makeup

huazhucuig

manage

guanli

market

shichang

master (degree)

shuoshi

matches

zilaihuo

mathematics

shuxue

matter

wuzhi

mechanics

lixue

mechanics

zhongxue

mediator

zlwngbaozhe

medical science

yike

medicine

yixue

member

weiyuan

member of an association

huiyuan

merchant

mazhan

meridian

jingxian

method

fangfa

crobe

weishengwu

crophone (?)

chuanshengqi

ddle school

zhongxue

litary affairs

bingshi

litary affairs

junshi

11

huolun qushui qiju

nken

minquan minfa

minpo

qianju

nt

montgolfier

tianchuan

motor boat

qichuan

muki

wuji

museum

bolanyuan

museum

bowuchang

museum

bowuguan

火 藕营雜神顴化管市碩自數物カ璽中翳委會馬經方微傳中兵軍火民錢天汽無博

嫩Is炮火谀火者物取„|聰埸_

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234 App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included

museum

bowuyuan

naiyo

neirong

nation

quanguo

national debt

guozhai

natural science

bowu

nature

ziran

navy

haijun

negotiable security

zhengquan

news

xinwen

newspaper

baozhi

newspaper

xinwenzhi

nogaku

nongxue

nojo

nongchang

nomin

nongmin

North Pole

beiji jiguan

office, organ onshitsu

wenshi

opinion

yijian

opportunity

jihui

optics

guangxue

ordinary

putong

organization

tuanti

"ox throat"

rtiuhou

parallel

weixicm

parliament

baliman

parliament

baliman yamen

parliament

balimen

parliament

gonghui

parliament

gongyitang

parliament

gongyiting

parliament

guohui

parliament

yihui

parliament

yishiting

parliament

yiyuan

parliament (GB)

huitang

parliamentarian

shenshi

parliamentarian

yiyuan

pedagogy

jiaoyuxue

penal law

xingfa

people's assembly

minjian dahui

.5

f 博内全國博自洱I 铷瞪容新因報債物然軍券闓紙 細卿棚

«北機溫意機光*民径閟室見會举通

圖牛縑巴巴巴公公公

公 公國搞 铺會紳铺数刑民.— 誊會事院室士員育法間

商«-大

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App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words m

personal property

dongchan

personal Droperty

dongwu

personal right

ren zhi quanli

petroleum

shiyou

philosophy

zhexue

photograph

riyingxiang

photograph

xiezhen

photograph

yingxiang

photographic camera

riyingxiang

photographic camera

zhaoxiangjing

photographic camera

zhaoxiangqi

photography

zhaoxiangfa

physics

wuli

physics (the study of)

wulixue

physiology

quanti

physiology

shengli

physiology

shenglixue

piano

yangqin

pistol

shouqiang

plenipotentiary

quanquan

police

jingcha

political party

zhengdang zhengce

political strategy

politics

zhengzhi

politics (the study of) post office

zhengzhixue dianqiju

post office

xinju

post office

youju

post office

youzhengju

postage-stamp

youpiao

postal system

youzheng

potato (solanum tuberosum)

malingshu

pound

bang

premier

zongli

president (US)

bolixidun

president (US)

bolixitiande

president (US)

s houling

president (US)

tongling

president (US)

zongtong

president (US)

zong tongling

1

23

m

I利頓天rv德

TOCa睦g之油^影真侏影惮鮮博Ili fl賴琴lits察富策治あm«政票 i$

ev觔動人石哲曰裒影照 物±«生洋手全¥攻玫政甩信郵 馬磅理理理領領統統 緦佰苜統總

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236 App, III Index of the English and Japanese words included

press

jiji

printer (?) yinwenji privilege tequan productive forces shengchanli professor jiaoshou progress jinbu protect baozhang psychology xinlingxue public law gongfa public park gongyuan publish chuban put on stage yanchu race zhongzu railway tiedao railway tielu real property zhiwu refrigerator bingjiao rekishi

lishi

real property budongchan relations jiaoji

release upon bail baoshi religion

zongjiao

renraku

lianluo

republic gonghe revolution geming rickshaw

renliche

rifle huoqiang rifle laifii right quart right quanli right of property zhangwu zhi quart rika

like

rikugun rinri

rule

lujun

lunli

guize

running water zilaishui ryUgakusei liuxuesheng school

xuexiao

science

gezhi

science

kexue

機カ举産車之水生 搞印特生教進保七公出浓甩籯盡植冰歷不文保雠宗坟迪视共速革挪人火£#來獮播嚅掌%理嗰哇谳倫咄規自拔留瞇學潞格瞅科噃汶1)|诹獮铭啪命ヵ搶福刹物科軍理則來爭校致學

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App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included

scientific subjects

like

second supporting troops

houbeibing

secret informer

an xiaoxi

seibutsugaku

shengwuxue

seifu

zhengfu

seijigaku

zhengzhixue

seiki

shiji

seiri

shengli

seirigaku

shenglixue

seisaku

zhengce

seisanryoku

shengchanli

seito

zhengdang

sekai

shijie

self-government

zizhi

self-moving room

zixingwu

self-preservation

zihu

sell by auction

paimai

semi-sovereign

banzhu

senpuki

shanfengji

senkyo

xuanju

sensei

zhuanzhi

servant

shawen

sextant

liangtianchi

shakai

shehui

shakaigaku

shehuixue

/a ry

m

shashin

sherry

shihan shiho shihon

shiken s hi kensho

shingo

沾砟&.|如.啊"I

shinpo

jinbu

shinreigaku

xinlingxue

shobo

xiaofang

shogyo

shangye

shoho

shangfa

shokai

shanghui

shoketi

zhengquan

I兵&舉學カ星堞尺學所舉 ev1後瞄生政世生政 世自 拍半勗選專沙量社寫o舍c師a科司貸埔轼浼信物莛府'1治涓商纪理證策産黨界治行辑脅主風舉制文天會 真利範法本號ポ囉防策懷憤链

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23

English and Japanese words included i

shangwu shangdian

zhigong zhiwuyuan xiaonao

zongjiao zhuyi zhuren

^ =y:l:r._3;

235/I-s /I-s5/lJ/IiA/Ii/!i/I

chuban

zhongzu

signal

xiaoxi

signal

xinhao

silvering (?)

yinxing

society

shehui

sociology

shehuixue

soda

caoda

soda

caoda

South Pole

nanji

sovereignty

zhuquan

special

tebie

square

guangchang

static mechanics

jingzhongxue

station

zhan

statistic

tongji

steam engine



stoker

si huo shi zhe

store

shangdian

student studying abroad

liuxuesheng

study association

xuehui

华-ほ

substance

supporting troops surgery, dissection taiso

teacher

teachers' training (school) technical studies technician

technology telegram telegram

Iy"加,I7W.I1f ゲル,I I §oyt l,"l:5 ^ .

脔商紀主出as社s ngs捞l店エi物葡腦教纒S任g版族息l就性會撤達1逮径取播别_頃璽針機火苦举舍:剖揀貝1g科师举報機

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A pp. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included in the vocabulary 239

職章g 電氣倍 電信

telegram

dianqibao dianqixin

telegram

dianxin

telegram

tongxianxin

通贿 職局 電報

telegram

telegram office

dianbaoju

telegraph

dianbao

telegraph

dianliji

telegraph

fatongxian

telegraph

xintongxian

telegraphic machine

dianxinji

telephone

delifeng

telephone

dianhua

telephone set

dianhuaji

電賴 法觀 信難 電信機 得利風 電話 電話機

temperate zone

wended

溫帶

tetsugaku textile machine

zhexue

哲舉

zhiji

織機

theater

juchang

跳易

thermometer

hanshubiao

thermometer

hanshuzhen

寒暑表 寒暑針

tohyd

toupiao

tokei

tongji

tobacco

danbagu

旦把孤

tokubetsu

tebie

特别

dun

投票 統計

tonnage

dunchuan

¥ 11船

torrid zone

reded

熱带

ton

toshokan

tushuguan

圖書能

(rack

tiezfie

trade (to)

jiaoyi

trade

maoyi

遨轍 文易 貿易 商接 商業

trade

shangwu

trade

shangye

商法 火車

trade law

shangfa

train

huoche

train

huolunche

火玲聿

train ticket

chepiao

車票 罨車 法IS 法院

tramcar

dianche

tribunal

fating

tribunal

fayuan

tsufuki

tongfengji

通風機

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240 App. Ill Index of the English and Japanese words included

underground

dinei huolunche

university

daxue

university

wenxueguan

Upper House

shangfang

Upper House

shanghuitang

Upper House

shangfang

Upper House

shangyiyuan

Upper House

xiatang

Utopia

wutuobang

vote

toupiao

wage

gongzi

wheel steamsnip

anhuolunchuan

wheel steamship

huochuan

whee】 steamship

huolunzhou

wheel steamship

huoyanzhou

wheel-boat

lunchuan

wind glasses (?)

fengjing

workers

zhigong

workshop

gongchang

world

shijie

yochien

yobi-eki

youzhiyuan yubeiyi

yusei

youzheng

zengoku

quanguo

zoological garden

dongwuchang

zoological garden

dongwuyuan

zoological garden zoology

dongwuxue

wanshouyuan

禽船 ^地大文上 上下為投工瞄火 栈風職工世幼預郵全動觔1

火《坌g邦ft舟 個役埸院園举

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Zhou Dingyi 定一,‘眘譯詞•和••意輝詞’的捎畏'Yinyici' he 'yiyici' de xiaozhang (Increase and decrease of phonemic and semantic loans), in ZGYW, 1962’ 10, 459 - 466, 476.

Zhou Fagao, Jiezi

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INDEX

Abeel D.,31,48

balimen huit 56

aerrebala, 58

Bamford A.J” 71

affixation (prefixes and suffixes), 123, 140, 143

bang (播),28, 135 Bank of China, 212

Aleni G.: Chinese works by 5, 38, 48; Zhifang waiji 24, 148, 159, 162, 164, 169, 170, 171, 181, 184, 186,

Bank of the Ministry of Revenue, 212 bankey 115

Bankoku koho, 87

190, 193, 203, 204, 210, 212, 213,

banners, 1, 42

219

baoshi, 100

Allen Y.J., 71- 72, 75, 159 alphabet, 109,110 American: Congress, 174,175,194, 207,

214; congressmen, 196; middle schools, 219; postal system, 215;

baoxian, 115

baozhang, 87, 94 baozhi, 85, 144 bareisho, 101 bashi, 14

President, 200; school system,210;

Batavia, 186

Vice President, 200; universities,

Beijing daxue,96, 165 beishu, 69

164

An Elementary Treatise of Mechanics, 59 An encyclopaedia of geographyy 21

Anglo-Chinese College, 12,18 Anqing Arsenal, 61

Beiyang xixue, 165 Belgium, 55, 197 Bell Scot A.G., 165

anxiriy 40

bengoshi, 98 Bianfa tongyi, 75, 76, 77, 101

A omen xinwenlu, 25

bianhushi, 98

Aomen yuebao, 25

Bible: the first translations of the, 12

Aomen zalu, 25

bijutsukai, 94

Arabic words, 135

bilingual dictionaries, 129

Austria, 160

Billequin A.A” 44, 50-51, 177

autochthonous neologisms,129

bimentUy 67

baguwen: eight-legged essay, 1 baihua, 3,112, 116,118, 119; novels, 116

Baihua wenxue shi, 112

Binchun: mission in Europe 54; diary 157, 167, 174-175, 179, 187, 198, 207, 210, 216, 222

bingshit 101 bolanhui, 94

baji,55 baliman, 28, 32, 135,136

bolanyuan, 145

balimen, 136, 137

bolixitiande,135, 145

bolixidun, 55, 135, 145

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Index 281

bong (孫),28 Bowu tongshu, 49 Bowu xinbian, 37, 49, 50, 52, 65

changbewing, 101 Changsha, 99 Chao Yuanyi, 67, 175, 213 chaodian, 115

bowuguariy 94,145

chaokoulai, 135

boshi, 97

bowuhui, 145

chaoshang, 115

bowuyuan, 145

Chen Duxiu, 130

Brazil, 16, 96

Chen Kangqi, 180 Cheng Lin, 51, 177

Bridgman E.C.: and Liang Jinde 20; Meilige heshengguo zhiliie 24, 27, 35, 86, 159, 161, 164, 170, 171, 174, 175, 178, 179, 185, 188, 192, 200, 204, 206, 208, 210, 213, 217, 219

British law-court, 191

British Parliament, 32, 175, 194, 195, 207, 214; members of the, 196 British trade, 10 Buddhism, 142

Cheng Shaobai, 172 chengshu, 69 Chinese-American treaty, 221

Chinese: administration, 1 ; civil

examinations system, 2, 4 education, 212; language, 5 ordination of Chinese priests, 6-7 postal system, 215; traditional education system, 72,76; railway, 199; traditional schools, 211;

Buddhist terms, 143,147

Chinese Ministry of Finance, 11

budongchan, 48

Chinese Monthly Magazine (Cha shisu

bunka, 97

mei yue tongji zhuan), 12

Burdon J.S., 44

Chinese Polytechnic Institution and

Burlingame A. Chinese delegation, 55,

Reading Room, 68 Chinese Repository, 21, 25, 28

222

butsuri, 97

Chinese Scientific Book Depot, 68

butsurigaku, 97,100

Chinese students in Japan, 107, 119 chirigaku, 93

Canton: first European Ambassador in 8;

chou (奥〉,65

foreigners in 9; naval defence strategy in 17; Yuan Dehui in 19; periodicals in 21, 29, 85; 33-35; "linguists" 41, 43; Xiyao liieshi published in 78; Tongwenguan of 165; Quanti xinlun published in 192 Canton dialect, 14, 117 Canton Press, 21

Canton Register, 21

Cantonese pronunciation, 158, 170,172, 188, 195

Chou hai pian,84

chum. 124 chQgaku, 97 chuanbo, 101

chukou, 30, 152 Chusai jiliie, 15 Chushi Taixi ji,55 Ci (詞),70, 121

Collegio de' Cinesi, 7 Collegio Romano, 6 Columbia University, 164

caoda, 97

combinatory neologisms, 152

Catholic missionaries, 9

Connecticut, 19

Central Asian languages, 141

cuileiji, 137

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282 Index

dianqi xingche, 127 Da Yinguo shi,87

dianqibao, 92, 127

Dai wei ji shiji,59

dianqideng, 55, 56, 127

daigaku, 96 daishu, 73, 76, 152

dianqiguangt 127

daishuxue, 58

dianqilingt 127

Dana J.D., 66

dianqixian, 55, 127 dianqixin,55, 127 dianxian,127

danao, 37

danbagu, 55

dianqiji, 55, 127

dangji, 55

dianxianling,127

danqi, 52

dianxin,,101

Daoguang Emperor, 17 daoU,30, 47

dianxin, 92, 127, 149

Date Munenari, 91

dianxinji, 101 dianxuef 49, 76

Datong yishu ju,105 daxue, 16, 96, 148

Dili quanzhi,49 dilixue, 93

de Morgan A., 163

dingxiang, 67

de Siqueira E. (Zheng Manuo), 6

Diqiu tushuOy 24

delifeng, 136 deliifeng, 149 demokelaxi, 136, 137

dixue,81

den (赛),28

dizhixue, 126 dobutsugaku, 93 Dominicans, 7, 8

Denmark, 55

Dong Xun, 46, 48

denpa, 101 denpd, 92

dongchart, 48 dongwut 48

denshitt, 92

dongwuxue, 93, 101, 126

denshinki, 101

Dongxing riji、93

denwaki, 97

Dongyou riji, 98 dongzhongxue, 59

Department of Foreign Affairs, 201 Deshima, 89

Doolittle J. 166, 167, 177

diany 49, 54, 122, 127, 143, 149, 152

doxi,14

dianbao, 55, 60, 92, 127, 149

Du xixueshu fa,75, 76

dianchet 127,143 dianchi, 50,143

Du Zhigeng, 198 dun OS), 28, 135

diandeng, 127, 143

Dutch: Premier, 222

dianguang, 127 dianhua, 136, 149

East India Company, 8, 11, 25, 29, 36,

dianhuaji, 97

54, 85, 174, 214

dianji, 125, 127 dianliji, 49, 91

Edo, 208

dianling,127

education: first neologisms in, 5;

dianqi, 49, 56 dianqi tortgbiao, 60

Educational Society of China, 181 eigyo, 101

Edkins J” 57, 59, 170, 183, 219

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Index 283

eisei, 97

Franciscans, 7, 8

eiseigaku, 97 electric light, 166

French literature, 109

French company, 174

Elements of Algebra,58

French: translations of Chinese works, 77

Elements of Analytical Geometry and of

Fresenius K.R., 51

Differential and Integral Calculus, 59 Elements of Geometry, 57 Elements of International Law, 46, 87

Eluosi wenguan, 21

Fryer J., and the Shanghai Arsenal 53, sec

.1.4.6” 73, 75, 77, 78, 80, 168, 183, 187, 202, 213, 215

Fu Yunlong: sec . 1.6.4” 159, 160, 161,

semantic loans, 131

162, 165, 167, 168, 170, 173, 174,

English translations of Chinese works,

175, 176, 178, 180, 181, 183, 184,

185, 186, 188, 193, 194, 195, 196,

77

English language, 17 English literature, 109

Entstehung und Funktion einiger

197, 199, 200, 201, 202, 203, 204, 205, 208, 210, 212, 213, 217, 218, 219, 220, 222

chinesischer marxistischer Termini,

fugoce, 76

134

Fujian,4, 8, 31,48,111; dialect, 13 Furtado F., 203, 213

び(兒),124

Er nii yingxiong zhuan,117, 121 Euclid, 57, 182

Euclidean geometry, 74

European: medical schools, 212; schools, 211 Faber E., 7J, 210

fake,96

falangji, 126

Fusang youji,93, 144 futsu, 97

fuyinshu, 40 Fuzhou, 8, 34; dialect, 117 Fuzhou Arsenal, 114 gaijin,101

gakkot 86, 97 Gan dialects, 2

falii, 25, 30 fan (番),125

ganshi,101

Fan し(Fan Shouyi), 15, 164, 210, 219

Gao Mingkai, 131, 133 gaoqiu, 135

fang (D, 80 Fang Hao, 16 fangcheng, 73,152 fangfa,101

ganwen haosi,28, 13D

gasut 97

geijutsu, 100 gekijd,94

fating, 100

gemmen housi,28

faxuc, 93 Fei tuozi zhuan, 117

genshu, 69

feiji, 153

geography: first neologisms in, 5 Gerbillon J.F., 21

Feng Guifen, 43

geo, 58

Fengs hi Eluosi riji% 15

German: teachers' training schools, 196

fenshu、 69

Germany, 205 Gewu rumen, 48, 49, 50, 52, 54, 55, 60

foreign languages, 43 France, 35, 55, 109

Gezhi huibian, 68, 72, 75

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284 Index

Gezhi shuyuan, 68

Guo Songtao, 55-56, 136-137,158, 165,

g'in (挪知,60, 94, 104 giin (雄貝).94

guohui,29, 47, 60, 85, 136

gikai,60, 98

guozhai,60, 115

ginkoy 97

Gfltzlaff K.F.A., 24, 26, 35, 39, 40, 85,

Gong Prince, 41,43

Gong Zizhen, 185

201

200

Guyi congshu,95

gongchang, 101

gongfa,76, 87

Hai shang hua !iezhuan,117

gonghui, 32

Haiguo tuzhi,22, 25, 36, 54, 60, 73, 84, 85, 86, 87, 93, 126, 140, 158, 163, 164, 170, 172, 174, 179, 181, 184, 185, 186, 188, 190, 194, 195, 200, 203, 205, 209, 212

gongke, 97

gongsi,25, 28, 54, 85, 95, 149 gongyet 104 gongyitangy 104 gongyuany 94 grammar: the study of, 77

graphic loans from Japanese, 115, 131, 134, 128, 143, sec • 2.2.4. Great Britain: consular offices 13,35;

haijun,101 Hailu, 16 Hakka. 40

hakubutsukan, 94 hakurankai,94

Tianjin treaty 42; Chinese Ambassador in 53; Burlingame mission in 55; Yan Fu in 114; 161,

hakushi, 97

165, 172, 176 Greece, 205

Hanghai shuqi,54 Hangzhou, 37

Greek literature, 60

hanketsu,98

Han Bangqing, 117 Han dinasty, 164

Gribble H., 13

Hanlin Academy, 96

Guartg fangyan guan, 45

Hanyu wailaici cidian,133 haosi, 32

Lruang xuehuiy 210

guangchang, 101

Hart R., 53

Guangdong, 4, 17, 18, 23, 29, 31, 40 Guangxi, 23, 40 Guangxu Emperor, 53, 73, 99, 106

hasan, 101 Hawaii, 101

guangxue,67, 76, 81, 94, 125

Hcrmanov^-Novotnd Z., 129

uuangxuehui, (or Society for the

He Ruzhang, 92, 104, 166, 167,179,

Diffusion of Christian and General

He Liaoran, 51, 65

188, 217

Knowledge Among the Chinese), 72,

Headland F.W., 67, 213

73, 210

guo (®, 140

heiji, 101 Hepburn J.C., 161, 163, 164, 166, 167, 173, 175, 176, 180, 181, 182, 184, 191, 194, 197, 199, 200, 201, 205, 206, 207, 209, 210, 212, 213, 214, 216, 217, 219, 220

Guo Moruo, 108, 137

hiroba, 101

guanhua, 2, 3, 6, 13, 14 Guiliang, 41 guina,102 guize, 100

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Index 285

hogaku, 93

Htdtang,55

hoh6y 101

Huitong siyi guan,19

hotei, 100

Hunan: programme of reform on trial, 99

Hobson B.,37, 50, 64-65, 87, 161, 164,

Hundred Days Reforms, 99, 104

167, 193, 207

Hunter W.C., 18

Holland, 55, 187

huo CJO, 69, 127

Hong Kong, 35, 73, 93, 161, 193, 212,

Huo Rongsheng, 31 huoche, 25, 30,127

214

Hong Renkun, 39

huochuan, 127

Hong Xiuquan, 39

huoji,55, 125

Honglou meng, 117, 121, 125

huolun, 54

hoshaku, 100

huolunche, 25, 30, 32, 54, 91, 127

hoshot 87, 94

huolunchuan, 25, 30, 32, 54, 69, 127

houbeibing, 101

huolunji,30, 32, 54, 126

h"狐 124

huolunzhou,30

Hu Shi, 103, 112, 116, 118

huoxue, 49

Hu Xingzhi, 130

Huxley T.H.,114

Hua Hengfang, 61, 66, 169

hybrids, 128,130, 134, sec . 2.2.2.

Huang Qingcheng, sec . 1.6.4.,159,162, 165, 166, 169, 170, 172, 174, 175,

ichiba,94

176, 177, 181,183,187, 188, 189,

ika, 97

191, 193, 196, 198, 199, 204, 205,

iken, 101

207, 208, 209, 210, 211, 212, 215,

In G. E.,7

217, 218, 219, 220, 221

Huang Zunxian: and Liang Qichao 82, 109,110; counsellor in Japan, 93, 95, 96, sec . 1.6.5.; 158, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 167, 168, 169, 170,

17 し 172, 173, 175, 176, 177, 178,

India, 10

Indian languages, 142 Ishikawa Hideru, 158, 203 Kalian universities, 164 Italy,丨 6, 55; news-papers, 209 Ivanov V.V.,129

180, 181,183, 185, 186, 187, 188,

189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203,

Japan: 27, modern legal political lexicon, 47; railways system, 90,199; sec •

204, 205, 207, 208, 209, 210, 212,

1.6., parliament, 158; 160, 163,

213, 214, 215, 217, 218, 219, 220,

165, 169, 174-176, 187, 202; first

221, 222, 223

electric line,166; penal law, 208;

huaxue. 49, 50,56, 64, 76, 81,93,115,

125, 149, 153 Huaxue chanyuan, 51

postal system, 209 Japanese Embassy in Peking, 104 Japanese language, 82-83, 88

Huaxue chujie, 51,64-65

Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs, 202

Huaxue jianyuan, 65 Huazi xinbao, 104

Jesuits: in Peking 6, ; missionary activity

Hubu yinhang,97 huishe, 95, 149

in China, 5, 8,45,50, 135; translations, 148; works written in Chinese, 5, 40

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286 Index

ji («b, 125

kaiiriy 97

jiafei, 135

kaibot 97

Jiang Dunfu,87

kaibogakuf 97

Jiangrum jiqi zhizao ju, 44 jianmisideliy 56

kaigurty 101

jianzhu,97

kaiboshitsUy 97

kaikei,97

jiao (教),140

kaisha,95,149

Jiaohui xinbao (or Church News), 72, 104

kaishin,101

jiaoshou,94 jiaoyi,30

Kampati Rikugo Sddan,86

jiaoyuy 94

Kanagawa treaty, 49, 84

jiaoyuan, 98 Jiaqing Emperor, 17

jiepou,97

jiepoushi,97 jiepouxue,97 jifen, 59, 152 jihe, 58, 76, 125 Jihe yuanben, 58, 82

jiji,55 jin (金),65, 80 Jin Ping Mei,117

Kameya Shosuke, 163

Kang Youwei: sec . 1.4.7.; and Japan 104-108; 172, 173, 183, 19】,204, 205, 212, 213, 220 kango, 146 Kangxi Emperor, 16 kanjiy 101

Ke Shangqian, 198 keiho% 87, 100 keisatsu, 97

Kejia dialects,3 ken, 87

jinbu, 101

kenchiku,97

Jing shi daxuetang, 96

kenri, 87

jingcha,97

kensei, 100

Jinghua yuan, 117

Kerr J.G., 51, 65

jingji, 115 Jingshi daxuetang, 165 jingzhongxuet 59 jinkouy 30,152

jinrikisha,94

Kew Agang, 38 kexue, 137

King C.W., 20 kisoku, 100

Jinshi shibie, 67

Kobe, 172, 199 kobi-heit 101

jinubutiyoumo, 67 jishu,87

kden, 94

kochot 98

jisi,14

kohd, 87

jixue,115

kojot 101

jobi-hei,101

koka, 97

juchang, 94

kokkaiy 29, 60

Jue fang, 32

kongqi,60 Korea, 145

June 1989 events, 137

kou (O), 69, 138

kafei, 135

Kreyer C.,67, 175

kagakuy 52

Ku G.B., 7

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Index 287

kuaiji,97 Kunyu tushuo% 24

Kunyu wanguo quantuy 24

kyoiku, 94

System by Shen Xue 110; and Yan Fu

114; his style 116; use of phonemic i accused by Peng Wenzu 151; 159, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165,

loans;137;

kyoiriy 98

168,

169,

170,

171,

173,

174,

kyoju, 94

176,

177,

178,

180,

181,

182,

183,

Kyoto university, 161

185,

186,

187,

189,

190,

191t

192,

kyokai, 97

175,

193,

194,

195,

196,

197,

198,

199,

201,

202,

203,

204,

205,

206,

207,

language issue, sec . 1.2., 109

208,

209,

210,

211,

212,

213, 214,

lanpishu, 78 /如(老),124

215,

216,

217,

218,

219, 221,

Lao She, 121

lianluo, 101

Laocan youji, 118

Liberal party, 221

Laozi, 221

Lifan yuany 19

Late Qing novels, 118-120 Latin: alphabet, 137; interpreters, 8, 18; knowledge of, 6; translations of

like,97

Chinese works, 77; semantic loans and loan-translations from,142

Lavoisier A.し,52

Lin Ashi, 19 Lin Shu, 116

Lin Yanyu, 107 Lin Zexu, sec . 1.3” 41, 47, 72, 85, 158, 175;

Le droit des gens, 22, 26, 30, 47

Lin Zhen, 54, 180, 196

Legge J., 44, 93 U (例),47

Lippert W” 134

Li Baojia, 118, 203 Li Gui, 93, 158, 160, 162, 180,185, 210, 211, 214, 215 Li Guiyu, 117

Lindley J., 59 lishi,100, 101

literacy in China, 110-112 literature: for entertainment and evasion, 118

Li Hongzhang, 44, 91, 96

Liu E, 118, 201

Li Madou ditu, 24

Liu Fu, 206

Li Shanlan, 44, 57, 59, 87, 152, 163,

Liu Zhengtan, 131, 133

171,182, 198, 202, 207, 210,,

Liuhe congtan,60, 86, 94

218, 219

Liuhiia mengt 117

Li Shuchang, 95

Liuqiu dili zhi, 95, 107

Li Xiaopu, 93, 94, 160, 162, 180, 181,

Liuqiu shuoliie,95

188, 189, 193, 194 Li Zhizao, 203, 213

lian (蓮),67 Lian Zizhen, 51

Liang Afa, 20, 38, 39

222,

223

Livingstone JM 36, 214 lixue,49, 50, 81, 93

Lo or Lopez Gregorio (Luo Wenzao), 7 loan-translations, 129, 131, 134,135, 140, sec . 2.2.3., 150,153

Liang Jinde, 19, 20, 21

Lobscheid: Dictionary, 161

Liang Qichao, 70, sec . 1.4.7., sec .

London Missionary Society, 11,57, 59,

1.6.5.; opinion about The Universal

61

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288 Index

London: underground, 169; university, Materia Medica and Therapeutics,67 164; zoo, 218 Loomis E., 164, 182, 202

May Fourth Movement, 120 mazhan, 135

Lu Ganzhang, 111

Medhurst W.E., 35, 36

Lu Xun, 108, 137, 174, 201

medicine, 36

lujun,101 Lun baihua wei weixin zhi ben, 111

Mei Wending, 171

Lun yishu,77 lunchuan, 69

lunlir 98

Meiji era; reform in the, 47, 83, 84, 86, 87, 91, 98, 106, 146, 195;

parliament, 158; first electric line, 166; Penal Law, 208

Meilige heshengguo zhiliie, 24, 25, 27,

Luo Changpei, 130 Luo Sen, 49, sec . 1.6.2., 165, 167, 179, 187, 193, 201

meishuf 94

luoji, 141

meishuhuiy 94

Luotuo xiangzi, 121

Memorials of Protestant Missionaries,

liishi,98

32

35, 86

lutuosi, 67

Mencius, 210

Lyell, 169

Mill J.S., 192

Ma Jianzhong, 77, 190

Min dialects,3

Macao, 8, 9, 15, 21, 29, 85; hospital,

minfa, 100,101

Milne W., 12, 35

214

Macgowan D.J., 49, 66, 70, 169, 216

Ming dynasty, 3, 45,116,148, 175 minpo, 100 minquan, 76, 101

Main J.T., 192

minshu, 87

Major E., 177 Malacca, 12, 18, 29, 209

minzhu, 47, 54, 76, 115, 136, 137, 144

Macartney G.,8

Malaguti F.,51

Malaysia, 10 malirtgshu, 101 Malthus, 182 Manchu dynasty, 1-2, 41

Mongolian: language, 1-2; loans in Chinese, 135, 216

monosyllabism, sec . 2.1. Morgan A. de, 58 Morgan E., 151 Morrison R.: activity in Canton, 11,12;

Mandarin: pronunciation, 69

activity in Malacca 18; baptized

Mangren xiama zhi xin mingci, 150

Liang Jinde 20; Chinese works 24,

maoyiy 25, 30

36; his Dictionary, 161; 185, 174,

Maoyi tongzhi,26, 85

204, 214

Martin W.A.P.: professor at the Tongwenguan 44; his translations 47-51, 60, 64, 70; 165, 166, 167,

Morrison Education Society, 91 mw(木),80 mu liu er kuang,67

168, 172, 175, 177, 179, 180, 183,

mucai, 115

187, 191, 192, 197, 198, 199, 215

Muirhead W.: Dili quanzhi 49; Liuhe

Mashi wentong, 77 Mateer C.W., 70

congtan 59; translation activity 70; Da Yingguo zhi 87; 167, 169

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Index 289

mulibicdienaituo, 67 Murata Fumio, 87

Murray H., 21

phonemic: length of Chinese words, 12】;

loans, 16, 97,113, 128, 129,130, 131,132, 134,sec . 2.2.2., 142,

Musso G.D., 151

144, 150; system, 2; transcription,

My Life in China and America, 53

110

Nanking, 6,39

Pidgin English, 9,11- 15, 43 pingquan, 102 Pir^s T., 8

Nanking treaty, 13, 34

Pittau J., 86

Nanyang gongxue, 165 Naples, 7, 8,16

Playfair G.M.H., 71 pochan, 101 polysyliabism, sec . 2.1., 143

Nagasaki, 89, 90

New York: Library, 201

niao (S), 80

Porter Smith F” 214

Ningbo, 8, 34

Portugal, 8, 16

ttogaku, 100

Portuguese traders, 10

nojo, 101

Principles and Applications of

Noad H. M.,168

nongchang, 101 nongxue, 100, 101 northern dialects, 3

Chemistry,64

Protestant missionaries, sec . 1.4.1” 71, 73, 85, 86 Provana F„ 15

Prussia, 55 Osaka, 199

punctuation marks, 40

on-yomi, 146

putongy 97

Opium War, 13, 16, 30, 35, 44, 117 Ou Mei geguo zheng jiao nji, 107