The Feminist Movement 0737710500, 9780737710502

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THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT

OTHER BOOKS IN THE

AMERICAN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS SERIES:

American Environmentalism 1'he Antislavery Movement 'I'he Sexual R evolution The W hite Separatist M ovement

THE FEMINIST MOVEMENT Nick Trea no r, Book Editor

Daniel Leone, President Bonnie Szun1ski, Publislier Scott Barbo ur, Ma11agin,c.z Editor

GREENHAVEN PRESS SAN DIEGO, CALIFORNIA

THOIVISON -

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GALE Detroit • Neu• York • S011 Diego • Sa,1 Fra11cisco Boston • New !lmJC>n, Com, • \'(late11nlle. Mame Lo11don • .1!1111 icb

Every effort has been made to trace the owners of copyrighted material. The articles in this volume may have been edited for content, length, and/ or reading level. The titles have been changed to enhance the e ditorial purpose.

No part of this book n1ay be reproduced or used in any form or by any means, electrical, mechanical, or otherwise, including, but not linuted to, photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission from the publisher.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The feminist move1nent / Nick Treanor, book editor. p. cm. - (American social move1nents series) Includes bibliographical references and index. Sumn1ary: Discusses the developn1ent of the feminist movement, including world involvement and personal stories ISBN 0-7377-1050-0 (lib.: alk. paper) ISBN 0-7377-1049-7 (pbk.: alk. paper) 1. Fenunisn1-United States. 2. Women- Ufuted StatesSocial conditions. [1. Feminisn1. 2. Wornen.J I. Title. II. American social moven1ents. HQ1 426 .T775 2002 305.42'0973- dc21

2001007289

Cover photo: © Ricardo Watson/ Archive Photos Library of Congress, 22, 98, 166, 193 Cover caption: Ferninists Bella Abzug, Gloria Steinem, Dick Gregory, and Betty Friedan in ERA 1narch, Washington, D. C. Copyright© 2002 by Greenhaven Press, an u11.print of The Gale Group 10911 Technology Place, San Diego, CA 92127 Printed in the USA

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CONTENTS Foreword

10

Introduction: Feminism in America

12

Chapter 1 •

RIGHTS AND REASON: AMERICAN WOMEN WIN THE VOTE

Declaration of Sentiments by Elizabeth Cady Stanton et al.

37

Men and won1en are created equal, and the law should treat then1 equally. A111erican law and society, however, oppresses wo1nen, denying chen1 fundan1ental rights, in particular, the right co vote.

The Emergence of Women's Rights as a Political Issue by Sheila Tobias

48

T he early women's n1oven1e nt grew out of wo111en's involven1ent in other socia l justice activities. Through their involve111ent in th ese other activities, won1.en developed their poljticaJ capacities and discovered their need for po litical equality.

The Suffrage Movement's Lessons for Democracy by Luci11da Desha Robb

56

During th e long years of the suffi·age can1paign, wo1nen honed the skills necessary to participate in de111ocracy and den1onstrated their poli tical capabi lities. Th.is was true both for worr1en in favor of and opposed to suffrage.

Taking a New Look at the Woman Suffrage Movement by Robert Cooney The suffrage 111ove111ent \Vas one of tl1c great chapters in An1erican history. Although it \.Vas responsible for granting the n1ost fundan, e nral political right to one haJf of Arnerican citizens, th e 1nove-

64

111ent and its heroes are largely ignored in most history books.

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Chapter 2 • THE

PERSONAL Is POLITICAL: FEMINISM'S SECOND WAVE

The Birth Control Movement by ja,nes R eed

73

Margaret Sanger was the central figure in the American birth control movement. She ren1oved 1nuch of the stign1a from birth control and was convinced that access to birth control would improve the lives of wo1nen.

The Problem That Had No Name by Betty Friedan

84

Everywhere wo1nen in An1erica are unhappy, and doctors, psychologists, and the 1nedia are busily proposing solutions. The real source of the problem is being ignored, however, and that is a media and society that expects wo1nen to find fulfillment in taking care of the husband and children.

Won1en's Liberation Aims to Free Men Too by Gloria Steinen1

95

Ainerica society is plagued not only by sexism, but by racisn1, elitism, and violence. By emphasizing the need to question traditional stereotypes and n1ythologies, fen1inisn1 can help everyone take a fresh look at social problen1S. Fenunism is therefore good for everyone, not merely wo1nen.

Lesbianism and the Women's Liberation Movement by Martha Shelley Lesbianisn1, like fen1inism, reject~ male donlination and fen1a le dependence on n1en. Most men, contrary to what they say, actually hate won1en, and fe1ninisn1 requires that won1enjoin together in loving and supporting relations in o rder to resist this.

103

Blame It on Feminism by Susan Fal11di

113

Fenunisrn is being blan1ed for a lot of th.ings, but the real root of blan1e is continuing inequality between n1en and won1en. The aggression tov.;ard ferninisn1 is a backJash, driven by a fear of fen1inisn1 that arose as soon as the lives of women started to in1prove because of feminist successes.

Chapter 3 •

THE THIRD WAVE AND THE F UTURE OF FEMINISM

Keeping the Movement Moving

125

by Betty Frieda11 Ferninisn1 is in trouble because its leaders have been ignoring the rea l concerns of ordi nary won1en. Feminists need to sec aside their personal issues and private agendas and concentrate o n the core econo nuc issues that lie at th e heart of fenunisn1.

White Women's Feminism

136

by Vero11ica Cha111bers M ainstrean1 fe1ninis111 ignores specific issues that black \,V0111en face, and n1any white feminists are in face racists. Many black wornen, consequently, fee l that they do not have a lot co gain from participating in n1ainstrea111 fe1ninisn1.

Ec ofeminism

146

by Carol J. A dams The oppression of won1en is connected to the oppression of the natural world, and ferniniscs therefore sho uld be drawn to"vard the animal rights n1oven1enc. Furthennore, the world would be better for everyone if anin1als ,vere not exploited.

The Class Ceiling by Barbara Ehrenreiclt AJthough in the 1960s n1ost ,.von1en ,,vere united in having the role of house"vife, a lot of "vornen no,v have successful, financially rewarding careers of their o"vn. This has led to greater class inequality a111ong

152

worn.e n, and 1nany traditional feminist issues are being neglected. Feminism should return to its egalitarian roots.

Chapter 4 •

F EMINIST FRONTIERS: AMERICAN WOMEN AND THE WORLD

War Against Women

163

by Ginny Ni Carthy In every country in the world, women are beaten, attacked and murdered simply because they are won1en. The roots of this violence lie in women's subordination to men, and if the violence is to end, the subordination n1ust also come to an end.

One World Woman's Movement?

172

by Chi/la Bu/beck Although all women in the world are discriminated against, the prospect of international feminism is threatened by the legacy of colonialism and by continuing racism and imperialism. The global feminist project that has the best chance is one that has a variety of aims.

Chapter 5 •

'

PERSONAL NARRATIVES: VOICES FROM THE VANGUARD

An Opening in History

179

by Phyllis Chesler It was great to be a fenunist in the early days of fenunism, experiencing the thrill of possible success. The heady optinus1n of the early days gave out to long years of struggles and setbacks. Young feminists have to be prepared to face difficult challenges.

What Feminism Means to Me by Vivian Gornick In the early days of feminism, solidarity with other feminists was rewarding enough. As the moven1ent beca1ne 1nore fragn1ented, however, it becai.11e hard to endure the absence of rewarding ro111ance. Although

189

fe1ninis1n could never co1npletely fill that need, it gave the strength to face the hard truths of the world.

Confessions of a Former Man Hater

197

by Kay Leigh Hagan When a wo1nan notices that she is oppressed, it is easy to think that this n1ust n1ea n that n1en are bad and willing oppressors. But she 111ay co1ne to notice that she herself has benefited from injustices, particularly from race or class injustices, without being aware of them. T his can lead her to re- think her attitudes toward 1nen.

Gender Blender by Jennifer R eid Maxcy Myhre

207

Society den1ands that people dress in such a ,vay that everyone can instantly tell whether they are 111en or won1en. People who dress androgynously are rejecting a syste111 in which people are judged based on their gender.

Chronology For Further Research Index

213 225 229

FOREWORD istorians Gary T. Marx and Douglas M cAdan1 defi ne a sociaJ 111ove1nent as "organized efforts to promote or resist change in society that rely, at least in part, on noninsti tu tionalized forn1s of political action." Examining American social 111ovements broadens and vitalizes the study of history by allowing students to observe the efforts of ordinary individuals and groups to oppose the established values of their era, often in unconventional ways. The civil rights 111oven1ent of the twentieth century, for example, began as an effort to challenge legalized racial segregation and garner sociaJ and political rights for African Arn er icans. Several grassroots orga nizationsgroups of ordinary citizens committed to social activisn1can1e together to organize boycotts, sit-ins, voter registration drives, and demonstrations to counteract racial discrimination. [nitially, the movement faced ,nassive opposition from white citizens, who had long been accustomed to the social standards that required the separation of the races in aln1ost all areas of life. But the n1ovement's consistent use of an tcnnovative form of protest-nonviolent direct action-eventually aroused the public conscience, which in turn paved the ,,vay for major legislative victories such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and th e Voting Rights Act of 1965. Examining the civil rights n1ovement reveals how ordinary people can use nonstandard political strategies to change society. Investigatin g the style, tactics, personalities, and ideologies of America n social moven1ents also encourages students to learn about aspects of history and culture chat 111ay receive scant atten tio n in textbooks. As scholar Eric Fone r notes, American history " has been constructed not only in congressional debates and political treatises, but also on plantations and picket lines, in parlors and bedroo1ns. Frederick Douglass, Eugene V D ebs, and M argaret Sanger ... are its architects as well as Thomas J efferson and Abraham Lincoln." While not all

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10 • T H E FE MIN I S T MOVE ME N T

Arnerican social moven1ents garner popular suppo rt o r lead to epoch-changing legislation , they each offer their own unique insight into a young democracy's political dialogue. Each boo k in Greenhaven's An1e rica n Social M oven1ents series allows readers to follow the general progression of a particular social n1ove1nent-exan1ining its histo rical roots and beginnings in earlier chapters and relati vely rece nt and co nten1porary information (or even the n1ove1nent's demise) in later chapters. With the in co rpo ratio n of bo th pri,nary and secondary sources, as well as writings by both suppo rters and critics of the 111oven1ent, each anthology provides an engaging panoranuc view of its subject. Selectio ns in cl ude a vari ety of readings, such as book excerpts, newspaper articles, speeches, manifestos, literary essays, in terviews, and personal narratives. The e dito rs of eac h volun1 e ain1 co in c lude th e vo ices of n1oven1ent leaders and participants as weU as the opinio ns of historians, social analysts, and individu als vvho have been affected by the 1novem en t. T his comprehensive approach gives stud ents th e opportunity to view these 1novem e nts bo th as participants have experienced th en, and as historians and critics have interpreted them . Every volun1e in the An1erican Social Moven1encs series includes an introductory essay that presents a broad historical overview of th e n1oven1ent in question . Th e anno tated table of contents and con1prehensive index help readers quickl y locate material of interest. Each selection is preceded by an introductory paragraph that sun1111arizes the article's content and provides historical co ntext when necessary. Several o ther resea rc h aids are also present, includin g brief excerpts o f supplen1entary material, a chro nology of maj o r events pertaining to the n1oven1ent, and an accessible bibliog raphy. The Greenhave n Press A1n eri ca n Social M oven1ents seri es offers readers an inforn1ative in troduction to so n1e of the 1nosc fascinating gro ups and ideas in An1erican history. T he contents of each anthology provide a valuable resource fo r general readers as welJ as fo r enthusiasts of An1erican political science, histo ry, and culture. FOREWO RD • I I

INTRODUCTION

Fetninistn in Atnerica he Boston Tea Party, as most schoolchildren in America know, marked the early stirrings of the American Revo1u ti on. On a cold D ecemb e r night in 1773 , a group of colonists protesting British rule crept aboard tea ships moored in Boston H arbor and tossed 342 crates of tea into the sea. King George III was not amused, but the American colonists, n1oved by the political ideals of liberty and democracy, had not been afraid of upsetting him. Indeed,just three years later Thomas Jefferso n would pen the D eclaration of Independence, formally setting in motion the American !~evolution, by which the colonists threw off English rule. Although ,nost schoolchildren are familiar with the Boston Tea Party, fewer have heard about another tea party, this one a little n1ore traditional but no less revolutionary, which took place in upstate New York on July 13, 1848. At the home of Jane and Richard H unt, wealthy Quakers living in Waterloo, N ew York, five female friends sat down for an afternoon of tea and conversation. Io addition to Hunt, in attendance were Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Mary Ann M cClintock, Lucretia M ott, and her sister, Martha Coffin Wright. Although none knew it at the tin1e, it would prove to be a historic occasion. ln tin1e the conversatio n on that July afternoon turned to the situation of wo1nen in the republic, and the women let their grievances be known. Th e A111 erican R evolution had been fou ght on the principles of liberty and democracy, but in 1848 the republic, in its seventieth year of existence, was still a long way 6:-0111 ensuring liberty and justice for all. Just as American colonists seventy years earlier had resented being ruled by

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1 2 • T H E FEM IN I ST MOVEMENT

a foreign king, the women gathered there considered ch en1selves subj ect to injustice at the hands of a governn1ent in whi ch they had no say. Indeed , th e colonists' fan1ou s raUying cry "No taxation without representation" could well have issued from the won1en gathered at the tea party, who, like all American women, were forbidden from voting. The concerns voiced that afternoon were not limited to vvon1en's inability to vote, however. An1ong other things, in 1848 n1arried won1en in n1ost states could not own property or control th eir own n1oney, husband,; had considerable legal power over their wives, divorce and custody laws favored ,nen, and most occupations, especially well- rewarded ones, and aln1ost all universities and coll eges were closed to won1en. It was not th e fir st tin1 e wo1nen in Am.e rica had discussed this then1e. Thjs group, however, decided to do s01nething about it.

A

HISTORIC CONVENTION Within two days, a sn1aJl advertise111ent appea red in the Se11eca County Courier, drawing attention to "a convention to discuss th e soc ial, c ivil and re li gious condition an d the rights of won1en." The two-day 111eeting opened on July 19, 1848-just six days after the tea party-at the Wesleyan Chapel in Seneca Fills. Although the n1eeting n1arked a rustoric turn for won1en in America and is often taken as the foundjng motnent in the An1erican won1e n 's n1oven1 ent, it had been centuries in the n1iling. The social and political situation that sparked the 1848 convention was nothing new, nor was it linuted to the Arnerican republic. Early R on1an lavv, for instance, had described women as children and consequently afforded th e n1 fewer rig hts and protectio ns. Although the European cultures fro1n which w hite Arnericans descended \.Vere not vvithout pro n1inent and powerful won1en- Queen Elizabeth of England and Catherine the Great of l~ussia are notable exan1ples-n1uch of European and An1erican society vie\.ved wo n1en as naturally inferior to n1en in intellectuaJ and political sph eres. Indeed, during the thirteenth century, Th o,nas Aquinas, o ne o f th e 1110 t en1jnent Christian theologians, had said that ,.vomen's " unique INTRODUCTION • 13

role is in conception ... since for other purposes men would be better assisted by ocher n1en." It is hard to say whether those in attendance at that fuse won1en's rights convention knew the long history that preceded the social conditions of life in America in 1848. What is clear, however, is that they found those conditions unjust and were determined to change them. Just as Thon1as Jefferson had listed American co1nplaints against the British king in the Declaration of Independence, the won1en and men gathered in Wesleyan Chapel discussed and endorsed the Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions. This docun1ent, written largely by Stanton and deliberately echoing Jefferson's treatise, outlines the grievances those gathered felt toward the prevailing legal and social arrangement concerning wo111en. All but one of the resolutions were debated and discussed and, with a few amendments, unanimously endorsed. The controversial resolution called for extending the franchise to won1en, a proposal that was shocking to n1any gathered there, as progressively minded as they were. The discussion over whether to include a den1and for vvomen's suffrage was intense. Even Stanton, who was noted for her powerful oratory skills, was unable to convince a majority to endorse the resolution. At last Frederick Dougfass, a black abolitionist and a noted orator hin1self, rose to speak. "Suffrage is the power to choose rulers and make laws," he reminded the assembly, "and the right by which all others are secured." The resolution passed, but barely. As exciting and pro1nising as that two-day convention was for those in attendance, few harbored illusions about the road ahead: In entering upon the great work before us, we anticipate no small an1ount of 111isconcepcion, 1nisrepresentation and ridicule, but we shall use every instrumentality within our power to effect our object. We shaJI employ agents, circulate tracts, petition the state and national legislatures, and endeavor to enlist the pulpit and the press in our behalf. We hope this convent-ion will be followed by a series of conventions, e1nbracing every part of the country. 14 • T H E FEM I N I ST M OVEMENT

-..

So e nds the D eclaration of Sentiments. The won1en's movement in An1erica had begun.

THE LONG ROAD TO SUFFRAGE By the tin1e the vote was won in 1920, Stanton and the four other wo111e11 at that original tea party were dead. In fac t, of all those who had signed the 1848 declaration, only Charlotte Woodward, who attended the conference as a nin eteen-yearold, was alive to cast a ball o t in the fir st electio n in which women could vote. In the years following that first convention , Stanton, along w ith he r good fri end Susan B. Anthony an d o th e rs such as Lucy Stone and Sojourner Truth , crisscrossed the country lec turing, organizing, and rallyin g supporters to the cause. ln tin1e, universal suffrage e111erged as the central issue, but in 1869 th e vvo1nen's move n1e nt fractured into tvvo co n1peting national organizations over the issue of whether to suppo rt ratification of the Fifteen th A1nend1nent, which called for extending the vote to black n1en. Although rnost of those fighting fo r women's suffrage believed black people deserved the ri ght to vote, so n1e fe lt chat admittin g black n1e n while leavi ng out all won1en wou ld furth er en trench the attitude that n1en alo ne deserved th e right to vote. Frederick Douglass, the black abolitionist vvhose eloquence at the 1848 conven tion had helped sway the assembly to include the de1nand for won1en 's suffrage, believed that black 1nen needed the vote more than white won1en. This ci1ne, he en1ployed his eloqu ence to argue that the Fifteenth An1end1nent deserved support: When vvo1nen, because they are ,,vomen, are hunted dovvn through the cities of N ew York and New Orleans; when they are dragged fro1n th eir houses and hung upon lamp posts; when their children are torn fron1 their arn1s, and their brains are dashed upon the paven1ent; when they are objects of insult and outrage at every turn; when they are in danger of having their homes burnt down over th eir heads; when their children are not allowed to enter schools; then they ,vill have an urgency to obtain the ballot equal to our o,vn. l NTR ODUCTJON • 15

Against this, Stanton and Anthony argued that supporting the Fifteenth An1e ndn1ent amo unted to a constitutional acknowledgement of the superiority of men. As they saw it, "Every argument for the N egro is an argument for wo1nan and no logician can escape it." Furthennore, they feared that if women 111issed out on being included in the Fifteenth An1endn1ent, they would not get another chance for years. As Stanton wrote many years later: " The few who had the presc ience to see the long years of apathy that always follow a great conflict, strained every nerve to settle the broad question of suffrage on its true basis while the people were still awake to its in1portance." Some black won1en agreed with Stanton, including Sojourner Truth, a former slave. In an 1867 speech, she argued, There is a great stir about colored n1en getting their rights, but not a word about the colored women; and if colored m.e n get their rights and not colored won1en theirs, the colored n1en will be masters over the women, and it vvill be just as bad as it was before. So I an1 for keeping the thing going while things are stirring; because if we wait till it is still, it will take a great while to get it going again. t,

In the end, the Fifteenth Amendn1ent was ratified, and black men got the vote. The National Won1an Suffrage Association, which had fought the ratification, and the An1erican Woman Suffrage Association, which had supported it, worked largely independently of each other until 1890, when they were reconciled into a new o rganization. The N ational American Woman Suffrage Association adopted a n ew strategy that turned away from the traditional en1.phasis on connecting the righ ts of women with the rights of blacks. Instead, it focused almost exclusively o n won1en's issues and tried to enlarge its n1en1bership by shedding its radical i1nage. Finally, in June 1920, Congress approved the Nineteenth An1endment, which would give women the vote, and sent it to the states for ratification. Thi rty-six states needed to ratify the am endment before it becan1e law, and by the sun1n1er of 1920 everything turned on 16 • THE FEMI N IST MOVEMENT

a single state, Tennessee. Fron1 around the country, people for and against the ainendn1ent converged on Nashville, and in the end the state ratified it by a single vote: H arry Burn, a twentyfour-year-old 1nen1ber of the state assen1bly who had been advised by his mother in a telegrain to " be a good boy,'' switched his vote at th e last nunute fron1 no to yes. Explaining hin1self later, he said, " I know that a mother's advice is ah,vays safest fo r her boy to follow, and my mother wanted n1e co vote for ratificatio n." The Nineteenth An1endment, affirn1jng that the right of citizens to vote shall not be denied on account of sex, was officially added to the U.S. Constitution on August 26, 1920.

AFTER THE SUFFRAGE VICTORY When th e vote was won in 1920, n1uch of the n1oven1ent's n1on1entun1 was lost. Althou gh there had been s0111e progress on the o ther issues discussed in the 1848 declaration, they had fallen into the backg round vvhen the issue of suffrage can1e to the fore and, consequently, were easily forgotten ,vhen the suffrage battl e vvas won. This is not to say, hovvever, that nothing more was being done by fen1jnjst activists. In 1923 Alice Paul, th e leade r of th e N atio nal Won1an 's Party, drafted an Equal flights An1endrne nt to the U.S. Co nsti tutio n, ,vhi ch was to ensure that " men and won1en shall have equal rights clu·ougho ut the United States and every place subj ect to its jurisdj ction." Although Paul's effo rts to get the an1e ndn1e nt passed we re unsuccessful , An1erican feminists would continu e her ca use, reintroducing the proposed constitution al change in every session of Cong ress up to 1972, w hen it vvas finally passed. (It ultin1ately failed vvhen not enough states ratified it.) ln addition, as the fi ght for suffrage was d r.1w ing to a close, an issue not anticipated in the original declaration bega11 to surface. Margaret Sanger, a nurse in N ew York C ity, led the call for reproductive freedon1 for women. Sanger, n1otivated by her experiences with poor fanulies in N e,v York's Lower East Side, believed th at women's progress depended on the ir abi lity to con tro l w hether and when they had children. Too often, in Sanger's view, pronusing young won1en had their lives changed I NTRODU CT ION • 17

for the worse by unwanted pregnancies, and she sought to distribute birth control inforn1ation , at the ti1ne considered obscene by U.S. law. Although several key legal battles were won during the 1930s, making it sornewhat easier to get birth control, Sanger would have to wait until 1965 for the Suprem e Court's decision in Griswold v. Connecticut, which made birth control legal for married couples in all states. (In 1972 in Eisenstadt v. Baird, the Supreme Court ru led that the right to p rivacy at the heart of the 1965 decision extended to unmarried couples as well.) Althou gh Sanger's n1ain concern was with birth control, she foreshadowed later feminists ,vho would explicitly argue that full freedom for women included responsibility for their own sexuality.

IMPORTANT DECADES O F SOCIAL CHANGE Althou gh Paul, Sanger, and others were exceptions, for the most part the years between 1920, when suffrage was won, and the early 1960s, w he n the so-ca lled Feminist Second Wave broke, were quiet years for the feminist moven1ent. Women 's organized political activity during these years was at a relative lull yet the political and social changes taking place had a huge effect on the nation's won1en and men. B el:IWeen 1920 an d 1960 can1e the !~oaring Twenties, the Great D epression, World War II, and the postwar fifties. Each helped set in place the social conditions from which second-wave fenunisn1 later burst. The R oaring Twenties took their name from the mood of exciten1ent that accompanied the years follo,ving World War I- known then as "the War to End All Wars." As An1ericans n1oved to the citi es in huge numbers, more won1en worked outside the home in industry, and, kindled by trends in n1usic, fashion, and entertai n111ent, a new attitude of openness settled over n1u ch of urban An1erica. This period of prospe rity and ease was abruptly shattered by the stock market crash of 1929 and the ensuing Great Depression, in which nullions of Americans lost their jobs. In these destitute times , won1en often found th en1.Selves head of the fanuly, thru st into trying situations that forced them to find and tap deep wells of strength, 1 8 • THE FEMIN I S T M O VE ME NT

...

independence, and g rit in order to survive. As well, the original American story- of ne\V p eopl e in a new place facing new risks and opportun ities- repeated itself durin g th e vast n1igrations of the 1930s. As millions of Am e rican fan1ili es n1oved around the country looking for work, particularly into the cities and toward the west, the traditional extended fanuly becan1e strained and 1nore distant, and ties to traditional con1munities and their stabilizing patterns vvere weakened o r lost. Many American families found then1selves starting anew in unfanliliar places, an experience that, wl1ile difficu lt, ulti1nately helped then1 grow 1nore con1fortable with and adept at n1odifying or reinventing con1munitics, social patterns, and \vays of life. World War IT , which bro ke over Europe in 1939 and drevv A1nerica in two years later, also brough t g reat ch ange co An1eri can li fe. During the vvar, vvith huge nu1nbers of An1crican servicen1 en posted overseas, the en1ployn1en t of won1en boon1ed. N ot o nly were th ere fewer n1en to fill the jobs, the massive ,var effort required increased industrial production and nlillions of won1en stepped in to help. Many, for the fu-st tin1e, go t a taste of what it is like to ear n th ei r o,vn money a nd found then1Selves a1nply capable in roles traditio nally reserved for 1n e n . The end of the war, however, brou ght all this to a quick end. By 1948 n1ost of the ,von1en had lost thei r j obs, often having been expressly fired in o rder to hire a n1an. By and la rge, society still exp ec te d 111 en to ea rn th e n1 oney and women to n1anage th e hou se, and in th e 19.S0s, A111eri can fanu lies, eager to leave the tragic years behind th en1, en1braced these roles with enthusiasn1. A postvvar econo ntic 600111 led to greater affluence, especially amo ng ,,vllite An1e ricans, vvho respo nded by co nce ntrating o n ho n1 e and fan1ily. M agaz in es pron1oted th eir ideal of An1erican fami ly li fe: a new ho1ne in the suburbs, a fine auton1obiJe, a gainfully en1ployed husband accon1panied by his pretty vvife, the caring n1other. For n1any Am ericans, for a fevv years at least, this was enough. As the 1960s began, the sunny in1age of the 1950s prevailed. A handson1e president and llis beautiful \.vife took up residence in the White House in 196 1, and there was a general n1ood of INTRODUCT ION • 19

optimism about An1erica's prospects. The decade would prove a fitful one, however: President John F I{ennedy, his brother Robert, and Martin Luther King Jr. were all assassinated; race riots broke out in the cities; a bloody war and counter de1nonstrations engulfed the nation; and-less violent but no less mon1entous- the 111odern won1en's movement emerged.

THE FEMINIST SECOND WAVE The year 1963 is usually taken to mark the beginning of the second wave of U.S. feminism. During this year Betty Friedan published The Fen1inine Mystique, a book uncovering and exploring a 111alaise affiicting 111iddle-class, ed ucated white women in America. According to Friedan, the average homemaker, far from being a happy wife and a contented 111other, felt herself intellectually and en1otionally oppressed, stunted by the limited options society left open to her. Friedan also charged that the advertising industry and the leading women's magazines were responsible fo r inculcating and sustaining the myth of the happy housewife: It is their milbons which blanket the land with persuasive i1nages, flattering the American housewife, diverting her guilt and disguising her grovving emptiness. They have done this so sL1ccessfuJ1y, e1nploying the techniquet and concepts of 111odern social science, and transposing then1 into those deceptively simple, clever, outrageous ads and cornn1ercials, that an observer of the American scene today accepts as fact that the great n1ajority of A111erican women have no ambition other than co be housewives. If they are not responsible for sending women home, they are surely responsible for keeping then1 there. The book beca1ne an instant best-seller and inspired thousands of women to look beyond home and family for fulfilln1ent. During the fiftee n years that followed the publication of Friedan's book, tren1endous social and legal changes concerning women occurred in America. Although The Feminine Mystique is credited with boosting the feminist n1ovement, its publication was as much a sign of the tin1es as it was a catalyst. The san1e year that The Feminine lvfystique hit bookstores, 20 • THE FEM I NIST M OVE MENT

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the Comnussion o n the Status of Wo n1en, convened by President Kennedy in 1961, released the results of its con1prehensive study. In what is con1n1only refer red to as the Peterso n R eport, the com mission cata logued discr imination agains t won1en in rn any corners of American life. The document 1nade several recon1111endatio ns, including that affordable child care be available for people of all incon1es, that hiring practices promote e qual opportunity for vvo1nen, and that n1aternity leave be i1npl e1nented . The chief effect of the report, however, may have been the numerous state conmussions on the status of won1en that followed, through whjch wo1nen aro und the country turned their attentio n co women's issues. Also in 1963, the Equal Pay Act was passed into fed eral law, barring uneq ual pay fo r equal or substantially equal work perforn1ed by n1en and women within o ne con1pany or orgaruzation.

THE M OVEMENT GAINS SPEED Women's groups got a fi.1rth er boost the follovving year, w hen the Civil Rights Act was passed. This bill prohibited e1nployn1ent discrinunatio n o n the basis of race, reJjgion, natio nal o rigin, or sex. The category of sex ,,vas added as a last- n1inute am endment by Congressn1an Howard S111ith of Virginia; he opposed civil rights legislation and thought Congress would reject a bill chat provided for equal rights for vvo1nen. Although the m ain target of the bill was racial discrinunation, the Equal En1ployn1ent Opporcunjcy Con1nussion, established to investigate discrinunation co1nplain t~, received tens of thousands of sex discrinunation complaints within its fi rst fevv years. The 1nain focus of the con1n1-ission ren1ained, hovvever, investigating race-based con1plaints, and in 1966, annoyed at what was seen as a slow response by the governn1ent to sex discrinunation, Friedan, along with other fenunists active at state levels in the Con1n'lission 011 th e Status of Wo1nen, founded the National Organization of Women (NOW) . Frieda n bccan1c the first president of chis lobby group, w hich was modeled 011 the National Association for the Advance1nent of Colored People (NAAC P). M any early seco11d-vvave fe111i11ists had been active I NT R ODUCTION • 2 1

in the civil rights n1oven1ents of the 1950s and 1960s, in which the focus was fighting racial segregation an d discrinunation. Indeed, n1any second-wave feminists felt that their involven1ent in civil rights issues first alerted then1 to the discrimination they faced as wornen. For sorne, this was because they believed that involve1nent in the civil rights movements developed in then1 a heightened awareness to the role prejudice and stereotyping play in social organization. For others, though, the move to fe nunisn1 was something they felt forced upon them by what they saw as sexism within civil rights organizations. Indeed, w hen won1en complained in 1964 about being kept out of leadership positions in the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Con1J11.ittee, a civil rights activist group, they did not get quite the reaction for which they had been hoping. Stokely Carn1ichaeJ, one of the group's leaders, famously remarked, "The only position for wo1nen in the SNCC is prone."

111 the late 11.ineteenrh ce11tury the women's liberation movement was created, beginning 111i1h the fight fi>r wome11's H!ffrage.

T he NAACP, after which NOW was modeled , had historically included both black and white people. Similarly, NOW was to in clude men and v,ras, according to its founding state22 • THE FE MI N IST M OVE MENT

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n1ent of purpose, to work "tovvard a fully equal partnership of the sexes." Although NOW was the largest and rnost visible fenunist organization in the United States, equally in1portant to the n1 ove1nent were the hundreds of sn1aU grassroots organizations that sprang up around the country. While the national organization vvas capturing headlines and ,.vinning court battles, sn1aJJ groups of won1en n1eeting on ca n1puses and in cafes, bookstores, and living rooms were discussing the changes they envisioned unfolding in society. They founded fenunist newspapers, opened vvon1en's shelters and rape crisis cen ters, pioneered vvo1nen-specific health services, and provided a n1ore familiar, local face to fenunisn1.

RUNNING INTO RESISTANCE By the late 1960s few An1ericans had not noticed that- for better or for worse, as opinions var-ied-a lot vva