The Eye of the Beholder: The Life of Muhammad As Viewed by the Early Muslims: A Textual Analysis [1 ed.] 087850110X, 9780878501106

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STUD LES IN LATE ANTIQU ITY AND EARLY lSLAl'd 5

THE EYE OF THE BEHOLDER THE LIFE OF MUHAMMAD AS VIEWED BY THE EARLY MUSLIMS A

TEXTUAL ANALYS IS

URI RUBIN

THE DARWIN PRESS, INC. PRINCETON , NEW JERSEY

STU DI ES IN LATE ANTIQ UITY AN D EARLY ISLAM 5

THE EYE OF THE BEHOLDER THE LIFE OF MUHA I\IIMAD AS VIEWED BY THE EARLY 1\!IUSLIMS A

TEXTUAL ANALYS I S

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rubin , Uri , 1944- . Thr eye of t.hc hrholckr : the life of l\'lnh

10 ·

'Abd ai -Razzaq. Tafsir. II. 379. Ibn 'Asaklr (Mukhtasar) . XXVI . 283 ; Ibn Kathir. Bidiiya . III. 14- 15 (from Ibn 'Asaklr. who quotes Sulayman al -Taymi). Cf. Fat}! al-bari, VIII . 545 . 12 Baloohuri, Ansiib, I, 108- 109 (no. 200). JJ Yahya Ibn Sallam. fol. 395 ; Farra', III , 273 ; Zajjflj, V. 339; Tabari, Tafsir , XXX , 148 (nos. 18- l9,ofthc Believers. This applies especially to Jesus.! In Islam the universal theme of persecution was made the leacting theme of the story of Mul)ammad's emergence in Mecca. The role of the tonnenting foes, as well as of the few supporters, was assigned to members of the local Meccan tribe, Quraysh. The selection of the figures for the various roles at times reflects political tensions of medieval Islamic society which were read into the condi tions of Mui)ammad's Mecca . But the theme of persecution was adapted no t only to Meccan surrounctings, but also to Islamic textual models, i.e. to the Quran. This was quite an easy and successful task, because the Quran itself al ready contains detailed descriptions of persecution suffered by the Quranic prophet. The process of adaptation to this scripture can be followed from tradi tions in which the Quranic element is still absent, through traditions dominated by such models.

The first manifestation of persecution is embodied in the story of declaration. The Prophet is said to have appeared in public only after a period of hicting with his followers, for fear of Quraysh . In some traditions preserved by ai Baladhuri, an attempt is made to establish the chronology of Mui)ammad's hiding period. One of the traclitions is quoted from al-Waqidi (d. AH 207), with the Medinan isndd: Zuhri (d. AH l24)~'Urwa ibn al-Zubayr (d. AH94)~'A'isha, and says that Mui)ammad was preaching secretly for four years, then declared I

cr. Sellhelm, "Prophet, Chalif und Geschichte"', 54- 55 . 127

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Persecution

his mission openly.2 Another report of al-Waqidl has an isnad reaching back to one of the Companions who embraced Islam during the hiding period . This is Sa 'i d, son of the ~an if Zayd ibn 'Amr ibn Nufayl, who belonged to 'Umar's clan (' Adi ibn Ka 'b) and married 'Umar's sister. Telling his own story in the first person to Ibn 'Abbas, Sa'id says that the Muslims concealed their new religion for one year, prayin!! only In a closed hou se or an isolated ravine) An other report of al -Wftqidi, as recorded by Ibn Sa'd, says that the hiding period lasted three years. 4 In a special group of traditions the hiding stage is said to have been spent by Mul)ammad in one specific place, a fortress called "Dar ai-Arqam".S The dar was named after the Companion al-Arqam ibn Abi 1-Arqam, who was a Qurashi of the clan of Makhzum. The dar he owned in Mecca was situated at the hill of al - ~afa and is said to have been a sanctuary (bayt) .6 A comparison of the various versions of the story of MuQammad's emergence from this place reveals the non-Quranic and Quranlc levels of the narrative . On the non -Quranic level, the story revolves round the figure of 'Umar Ibn ai-Khattiib, who is said to have been the one whose early conversion to Islam added considerably to the power of the hiding Islamic party and enabled It to come out into the open . The pro -'U mar shaping of the story is self-evident. Al I:Hikim has recorded two traditions about It in his Mustadrak. Both traditions appear in the section devoted to the biographi es of the Prophet's Companions, in the chapter about our ai -Arqam. These were circulated by the descendants of this Companion, and one of the tnditions is related by his son 'Uthman .7 The tradition begins with the statement that ai-Arqam was the seventh man to embrace Islam . The Prophet stayed at his dar, and many people joined him there as Muslims. When 'U mar came to the dar and embraced Islam, the Muslims felt confldent enough to come out of the shelter and perfonn the {awdf around the Ka'ba . The tradition goes on to survey the unfolding history of the dar in later generations . The second trndition recorded by ai -IHikirn is of ai -Arqam's grandson, 'Uthman ibn 'Abdallah, and also boasts of the role of their ancestor's dar . 2 Baliidhuri ,

Ansah. I. I 16 (no. 229). The isnad: Waqldif-' AbdaJHih ibn Mu~ammad Ibn Abi Yahya (Mcdlnan d. AH 174)f-hls fathcrf- Ibn ' Ahbasf-Sa 'id lhn Zayd. See Baladhuri, An.rdh. f. I I 6 (no. 229) . 4 1bn Sa 'd, I. 216. ~ For th e traditions :~bout Mu~ammad's hiding In this place, cf. Miklos Muranyl, "Die erstcn Mu sllme von Mckka-sozlalc Bnsls elner neuen Religion?'', Jerusalem Studies in Arahir and fsfam 8 (1986), 25-36. ~ SN: Am14i. 4 24. It Is perhaps s l~tnlfl ca nt that In rhc trndl!lons the house of Zayd Ibn 'Amr lhn Nufayl . Mu~ammad 's mentor. Is al so located near the ~afa. See Ibn Hlsh~m. I, 246. 7 Mu sradrak . Ill . 502. The isndd: Yai:Jyii lhn ' Imrfm Ibn 'Uthman Ibn al-Arqamf- 'Uthman lhn nl -Arqam . 3

7. Declaration

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It states that the Prophet found shelter in that dar till he was joined by 40 people who embraced Islam. The last of them was 'Umar. As soon as he arrived, the Muslims left the dar and confronted the polytheists (mushrikr~ n ) .B Of all the compilers of the mu$annaf collections, al-I:Iakim is perhaps the only one to have recorded these trad itions, stressing that their isniids are "sound". The same traditions survived only in the biographical sources , and appear in al Arqam 's biography as recorded in some books about the Compani ons,9 and also in the earlier biography of MuJ:lammad by Ibn Sa 'd. to l11e biographical sources have other similar traclitions in which the conversion of 'Umar marks the crucial turning point in the tran sition from secret to public action . The focus of the story is shifted from al -Arqam, whose fortress is only mentioned vaguely as al-diir, without giving his name, to ' Umar himself. One of these traclitions is Ba~ran , circulated under the name of the Companion Anas ibn Malik, and contains the detailed story of the conversion of 'Umar. In the part relevant to our immediate context of declaration , it is stated that as soon as ' Umar embraced Islam, he induced Mu!:Jammad to come out of hi s hidin g place. II The story of 'Umar's conversion was al so recorded in the biography of Ibn lsJ:liiq . Here, MuJ:lammad's hiding place is vaguel y referred to as a "sanctuary" (bayt) at al-~ara . Ibn IsJ:laq says that when 'Um ar embraced Islam, the Muslims left their hiding place and dispersed with increa sed sel fconftdence.1 2 In later sources which still preserve the non -Quranic layer of th e story, th ere is a tradition of 'A'i sha in which the role of encouraging the Prophet to appear in public is assigned to Abu Bakr, her father.l3 Here the virtues of Abu Bakr are certainly promoted at the expense of those of 'Umar. The Quranic level of the same story of declarati on is revealed in another group of traditions in which the hiding period of Muhammad is ended neither Bfbid., 1Il, 504 . The isniid: 'Uthman Ibn 'Abdallah Ibn ai -Arqmn f- ai -Anpm. Ibn ' Abd al-Barr, lsli ' iib , I, 132; Ibn J:Iajar./saba, I, 44 .

9 See

IO Ibn

Sa'd, HI , 242--43 . .fa-aslama wa-qala : ukhruj yii rasa/a 1/ah. See Ibn Shabhu. II . 659; Ba yhaqi, Da/(i'i l. II, 220. The isnad: Isryaq Ibn Yusuf ai -Azraq (Wasl!i, d. AH 195)f-a l-Qaslm Ibn ' Uthman aiB~rif-Anas Ibn Mati.k (d. AH 91 - 95). 12 fa -tafarraqa asbab ras /1 /i llah ( s) min makdni him wo-qad ·azzaw fl anfu sihim /:!ina aslanw 'Umaru ma 'a islam l:famza. See Ibn Hisham, l, 370- 71 . Sec al so ll aladburl , · Sha ykhan, 139 (W:lqldi). In other traditions, Abu Bak.--r as well as ' Umar urge Mul:Jamrnnd to leave the dar. See Ibn Kathlr, Bidiiya, III, 29- 31 (quoted from Khaythama ibn Sulnyman) . See also Shami , II , 428- 29 (quoted here from "Sulaym[m Ibn Khaythama"). The tradition Is of Muhammad Ibn 'lmranf-al-Qastm Ibn Mu~nrnmnd lhn Abi Rakr (Mcdlnan d. A H 106)f- 'A'Isha. 13 Ibn 'Asatdr (Mukhtasar) , XIII, 45. II ••

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by the instigation of 'Umar, nor by that of Abu Baler, but rather by the command of God. TI1is is the case in the following passage recorded by Ibn Isbaq: Then people started to embmce Islam. men and women In groups, and Islam became renowned In Mecca. and people talked about II. Thereupon God commanded His messenger to declare openly (an ya$da 'a) what [came to him from God). and to disclose his affair (amrahu) to the people, and to call them to believe In Him. I have been Informed that three years elapsed durtng which the apostle of God concealed (akhfii) his affair and hid It (istatara bihi) till God Instructed him to reveal his religion . Then God sald : fa-'sda' bi-nui tu ' maru . ... And God said : wa -andhir 'ashirataka l-aqrabin .. .. 14

The two Quranic extracts embedded in this passage are 15:94, to which we shaJI refer as the i~da' verse, and 26:214, which we may call the 'ashira verse. As for the i~da' verse, it reads : fa -' sda' bi-nui fl(maru wa-a 'ri(i 'ani 1-mushrikin : " Declare15 what you have been

Of"dered to . and turn away from the polytheists."

This verse was employed not only in Ibn Isl)aq's Sira, but also ln a tradition preserved by Ibn Sa'd stating that after three years of hiding (mustakhfiyan), Mu~ammad was commanded (by God) to declare( . . . an ya~da ' a) his mission openly . 16 The verse is not quoted verbatim, but the form an ya~da'a clearly draws on it. Traditions with the i~da' verse marking the end of the hiding stage were also used by the exegetes as material for the occasions of revelations (asbab a/-nuzlll) of this verse. Such traditions (mostly Iraqi) may be found In the taf~ir compilations.17 14

Ihn Hlsh:'\m, I. 280-81. See also Ibn Bulcayr, 145; Tabarl. Tiirlkh , l, 1169 (II, 318). See Ahii Nu'aym. Dnlti'il. 265 ('Urwn. Zuhri, Ibn Is~iiq) . 1 ~ The root s.d .' . basically means to break. or to cut open; figuratively, It means to cry out. Accordingly. the Quranlc isda' was sometimes perceived In a liturgical sense, I.e. to recite the Qur:m loudly during pmyer (ijhar bi -1-Qur'iin fll-sahit) . Sec Mujahld, J, 344 . See also 'Abd aJ-RaZ?.aq, Tafsir, l, 351 ; Tabari, Tafsir, XIV, 47; Zajjaj, Ill, 186; Ibn 'Atlyya, X, 153; Ibn · ai-Jaw?.i, liid a/-masir. IV. 420: Ibn Kathir. Tafsir, II. 559. 16 Ibn Sa'd. I, 199. Cf. Baladhuri, Ansdb, l, 116 (no. 229); Tabari, Tiirikh, I, 1174 (II, 322). The isniid: 'Abd a!- Ra~mii.n Ibn ai-Qaslm Ibn Mu~ammad Ibn Abi Bakr (Medin an d. AH 126)~hls father. 17 One with the isndd: Abu Usama (Kufan d. AH 201)~Musa Ibn 'Ubayda (Medlnan d. AH I 52)~ his brother 'Abdallah Ibn 'Ubayda. See Tabari, Tafsir, XIV, 47; also Baghawi, Ma'dlim, Ill. 413; Ibn ai -Jawzi. Ziid a/-masir, IV, 420. Another tradition Is of ai-Kalbi (Mu~ammad Ibn al -Sa'lb. Kufan d. AH 146). See Huwwari, II, 358; also Suyii(i, Durr, IV, 106 (from Abu Nu 'aym) . TI!erc Is also a tradition of Abu 'Ubayda from Ibn Mas'iid(Medlnan /Kufan AH d. 32) . See lhn Kathir. Tafsir. II, 559; Suyiiti. Durr, IV. 106; also Muqatll, I. fol. 199a. :-~lso

7. Declaration

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The 'ashira verse is alluded to in a greater number of traditions, some of which appear in the mu~annaf compilations, as well as in the biographical sources . This verse reads: wa-andhir 'ashfrataka 1-aqrabfn ... : "And warn your nearest relations .. .. "

The 'ashira verse belongs to the Quranic eschatological stratum in which the Quranic prophet acts as nadhir, "warner", I.e. about an imminent disaster awaiting those who cling to disbelief. The Quran labels this calamity as the "Hour" (al-sa'a); lts portents are already manifest in this world.ts In the 'as hfra verse the Quranic prophet is ordered to warn only his nearest fellow tribesmen, for which reason this divine command was quite app licable to the story of the very first stages of MuDammad's public preaching, when he was supposed to have been acting only among his own clan.

II The traditions with the 'a shfra verse marking the beginning of Mu~ammad ' s public preaching are focussed on the contents of his actual address, as well as on the reaction of his audience to it. The theme of persecution is reflected in this reaction, and the various versions of the address itself shed light on the image of Mui:Jammad as a prophet making his first public attempts to draw attention to himself. But some of them also reflect various dogmatic as well as political no tions which are not an Intrinsic part of the topic of persecution . They rather il lustrate the function of the story of MuDammad's life as a medium for various kinds of propaganda. At this stage of our survey only the address will be dis cussed, saving the Qurashi reaction for the ensuing chapters. In many of the versions of the 'ashfra scene, the Prophet's address is dedi cated to Doomsday . This accords with the immediate Quranic context of the 'ashira verse. Muryammad makes a desperate attempt to alert his people to the Hour, which Is described with battlefield imagery . Some of the traditions ap pear in the mu~annaf compilations. In Muslim and Abu · Awana they are recorded In the section on iman (belief), which implies that only belief in God could save the people from their disastrous apocalyptic fate. One of the tradi tions is Ba~ran, with the Companions Qabi~a ibn al-Mukhariq and Zuhayr ibn 'Amr al-Hilali quoted by the Successor Abu 'Uthman al-Nahdi (d . AH 100). They relate that following the revelation of the 'ashira verse, Muhammad

18

See Uri Rubin, s.v. "Sa'a" (part 3), El 2

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climbed a mountain and addressed his own clan (' Atxl Manaf) with the followIng warning: Al:1s for the sons of · Atxl Man :if! I :1m n w:~mcr. I am a man who has seen the enemy and hnstens to warn his people. before the enemy gets ahead of him. and exclaims: "Ala.~. you nrc hclng