The Emergence of Pan-Arabism in Egypt 0815670508, 9780815670506

Table of contents :
Contents
Preface
Introduction
One. Principal Trends in Egyptian Self-Perception
Two. The Historical, Political, and Organizational Background of the Rise of Pan-Arab Identity in Egypt, at the End of the 1930s
Three. The Idea of Arab Unity in Egyptian National Consciousness
Four. Egypt's Primacy in the Arab World
Conclusion
Notes
INTRODUCTION
CHAPTER ONE
CHAPTER TWO
CHAPTER THREE
CHAPTER FOUR
CONCLUSION
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

THE SHILOAH CENTER FOR MIDDLE EASTERN AND AFRICAN STUDIES STUDY SERIES

T H E EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM IN EGYPT

!

The Shiloah Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies Tel A viv University

The Shiloah Center is, with the Department of Middle Eastern and African History, a pat of the School of History at Tel Aviv University. Its main purpose is to contribute, by researc and documentation, to the dissemination of knowledge and understanding of the moden history and current affairs of the Middle East and Africa. Emphasis is laid onfields whet Israeli scholarship is in a position to make a special contribution and on subjects relevant the needs of society and the teaching requirements of the University.

Study Series

j The publication in this series comprise shorter works by the permanent an visiting Research Associates and Fellows of the Shiloah Center. The viev expressed in these publications are entirely those of the authors.

THE SOUTHERN SUDAN IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ROBERT 0. COLLINS ABDALLAH AND PALESTINE ARABS, 1945-1948 JOSEPH NEVO (Hebrew) THE MIDDLE EAST OIL: BLESSING AND THREAT BENJAMIN SHWADRAN (Hebrew) FALLAHIN IN THE ARAB REVOLT IN PALESTINE, 1936-1939 YUVAL ARNONOHANNA (Hebrew) THE INTERNAL STRUGGLE WITHIN THE PALESTINIAN MOVEMENT, 1929-1939 YUVAL ARNONOHANNA (Hebrew)

Editorial Board: Uriel Dann (Chairman) Michael Confino Daniel Dishon Itamar Rabinovich Gabriel Warburg

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM IN EGYPT

ISRAEL GERSHONI

Published by the Shiloah Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies Tel-Aviv University

ISBN-965-224-001-X Copyright © 1981 by The Shiloah (Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies Tel Aviv University, Israel

T o Shoshi

CONTENTS P reface

9

I ntroduction CHAPTER ONE

13 Principal Trends in Egyptian Self-Perception

29

CHAPTER TW O The Historical, Political, and Organiza­ tional Background of the Rise of Pan-Arab Identity in Egypt, a t the End of the 1930s

35

CHAPTER THREE The Idea of Arab Unity in Egyptian National Consciousness

44

I. The Approach to the Idea of Arab Unity a. The Sanctity of Arab Unity b. Arab Unity as Realized through the Vision of the Past c. The Pre-Islamic Arab Past as a Model for Arab Unity d. The Universal Meaning of Arab Unity e. The Components of Arab Unity f. Rejection of the ‘'Pharaonic” Components of Egyptian Collective Identity g. Arab Unity, Islamic Unity and Eastern Unity II. The Means of Realizing Arab Unity a. The Time of Realization: Arab Unity — A Contemporary Objective b. Cultural Unity as the Basis for Political Unity c. Additional Means for the Realization of Arab Unity d. The Struggle Against the West, National Liberation and Arab Unity

44 44 48 51 52 54 57 60 62 62 63 67

69

CHAPTER FOUR Egypt’s Primacy in the Arab World a. Egyptian Distinctiveness within Arab Unity b. Egyptian Territorial-Nationalist Attitudes Towards Leadership in the Arab World C o n c l u s io n Notes B ib l io g r a ph y I ndex

PREFACE I am deeply grateful to Professor G. Baer, Professor S. Shamir, Professor Y. Porath and Professor G. Warburg for their kindness in reading the preliminary draft. Their useful and astute comments and suggestions encouraged me to make basic changes in the original manuscript and to get it into its present shape. I owe a special debt of gratitude to my colleague Professor U. Dann for his willingness to read the final version of the manuscript several times. His wide knowledge, penetrating insight and incisive criticisms were of great help and encouraged me to make many substantive, structural and stylistic improvements. I would also like to thank Mr. D. Dishon, Mr. V. Friedman, Dr. C. Kutscher, Ms. R. Hoffman, Mr. E. Khazum and Mr. R.J.M . Dennerstein for their great help in the translation, and for the stylistic improvements they made in various parts of this study; and Ms. R. Yorman for her diligence in the preparation of the bibliography and the index; the Ben Gurion Fund for Research of the General Federation of Labor for their generous financial help which made the publication of this study possible; Professor I. Rabinovich, the head of the Shiloah Center, Ms. E. Liftman, Administrative Assistant, and to the Shiloah Center for publishing this study. Parts of this study first appeared as an essay in Hebrew which was published in two parts in Hamizrah Hehadash (the New East), Vol. X X V III, 1979, and Vol. XXIX, 1980. My thanks to Dr. A. Layish, editor of the journal, for his kindness in allowing me to incorporate the essay into this study. Above all, I have the pleasant obligation of thanking my friend Mr. Ira Hoffman, not only for translating, editing and styling the greater part of the manuscript, but for his many suggestions, his patience and diligence, without which this study would not have its present form. I, o f course, am wholly responsible for whatever errors or flaws that remain. Tel-Aviv, January 1981 I.G.

In ages of fervent devotion men sometimes abandon their religion, but they only shake one ofT in order to adopt another. Their faith changes its objects, but sufTers no decline. The old religion then excites enthusiastic attach­ ment or bitter enmity in either party; some leave it with anger, others cling to it with increased devotedness, and although persua­ sions differ, irreligión is unknown. Alexis de Tocqueville

INTRODUCTION n Ju n e 1938 after spending some time in Egypt and becoming better cquainted with its leading authors and thinkers, Fu’äd Hubaysh, ditor of the Beirut cultural weekly al-Makshäf\ put into writing his Tipressions of the place of Arabism in Egyptian life. At the beginning of he article, entitled “The Concept o f Arabism Is in Dire Need o f Propaganda in :gypt'\ Hubaysh wrote: One of the most prominent aspects of general life in Egypt is that the overwhelming majority of the population is almost entirely cut ofT from what goes on outside Egypt. At the very least they are unaware of what transpires in the Arab world. And if now and then it happens that a few feeble and muted voices rise up for once in the defense of the Palestinian cause or are raised once again in support of an independent movement in one of the Arab regions, then such voices are raised only within the restricted circle of supporters of Arabism or in the pages of a special magazine or marginally in a daily newspaper or by a special efTort on the part of a few who care within a particular circle among the authorities. Thus the overwhelming majority of the Egyptian population is almost totally ignorant of what constitutes the Arab world, where it is, and what it wants. This neglect also extends to Arab literary life. Thus most Egyptians know practically nothing about what goes on beyond al-‘Ar!sh. They have no idea of the feelings and emotions of the Arab East, nor the slightest conception of any aspects of the literary renaissance rapidly advancing on the road of progress, trying to catch up with the literary trends in the advanced nations.1 13

14

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABI8M

About a year later, early in 1939, another observer, the Syrian writand journalist Sàml al-Kayyàlï, wrote down his impressions of the piar of Arabism and the Pan-Arab ideal in the consciousness of the cducatc Egyptian public. From the latter half of the 1920s, al-Kayyàlï ha fostered close personal ties with the Egyptian cultural and intellects elite and during his frequent visits to Egypt he came to know them wcl The monthly which he owned and edited, al-Hadïth> published r Aleppo, was the regular forum throughout the 1930s for varioi Egyptian intellectuals who published articles, poetry, and prose in h pages. In February-March 1939, al-Kayyäll published a two-part cssa in al-Hadith, entitled “Egypt and Arab Unity” , in which he attem pted r assessment of the strength of Arab national identification am ong tl intellectuals in Egypt at the close of the 1930s.2 Much more alert tha* Fu’äd Hubaysh to the winds of change among the elite, and stirred lthe changes taking place in their attitude to the Arab world and Ara* nationalism, Kayyàlï arrived at conclusions almost diametricali opposed to those of Hubaysh. On the basis of personal contact with the Egyptian intellectual clr and the opinions of journalists and prominent intellectuals such ^ Mahmüd ‘Azmi,' •Ahmad Hafiz • • • ‘Awad, • ' Ismà‘ïl Mazhar, • ' and Tah • Husayn, al-Kayyàlï concluded that Arabism and the idea of Arab uni: were not foreign to the intellectual and political elite of Egyp Moreover, Egypt did not deny Arabism nor did it ignore its affini: with the Arab world, but rather, al-Kayyàlï found clear signs of at emphasis upon the Arab identity of Egypt and of its “sincere desire” ' increase its solidarity with “ the great Arab nation.’’3 To be sur al-Kayyàlï recognized the power of Egyptianism. He realized th a t it Egyptian intellectuals did not intend to give up or disavow th distinctive Egyptian components of the Egyptian national personal»1 Yet this distinctive tendency, al-Kayyàlï thought, was natural a n d no: not impair the unity of all Arabic-spcakcrs. For unlike in the rccri past, the Egyptians no longer demonstrated any aspirations towai the establishment of a separate “ pharaonic’’ national identity ycarni:. to restore the pharaonic golden age through the total rejection o f t: Arab components of the Egyptian personality. The Egyptians, Kayyàlï was convinced, now recognized the power of the A rabism •! deeply rooted in their personality. They saw that in addition to t: Egyptian components of identity and the pride in pharaonism ay

INTRODUCTION

15

«unique historical legacy, their national, cultural, and historical nature :also consisted of Arab components and that Egypt had a profound l affinity with the Arabic language and the legacy of Arab culture and lihistory. The Egyptian character of the Egyptian national collective was «.not, therefore, inconsistent with its Arab character, but, on the contrary, i^complemented it. Egypt’s distinctiveness was combined and intcrfrwoven with its tie to the all-Arab, unified, national framework.4Just as irthe Syrian in his support of Arabism was not obliged to deny his iSyrianism, and the Iraqi, the Lebanese, and the Hijäzi were not, for ('that reason, required to depart from their special regional identity, “so KEgypt’s defence of Arabism and its affiliation with the Arab collective iedo not deprive it of its Egyptianism.” 5 Al-Kay yall concluded his impressions on a decidedly optimistic note. ((He was convinced that Egypt would participate in Arab unity, and its .^leaders consent to stand at the head of the new political Pan-Arab ^movement. Färüq would follow in the footsteps of Muhammad 'All and carry out the program for uniting all the Arab countries within a single I political framework: r: 1 ...the Arab national idea has become so clear that the Egyptian need have no trepidations concerning it. And thus disposing of these preliminaries, we sec that Egypt has never \ been far from the concept of Arab unity which Arab politicians and writers are assiduously formulating. And who knows? Perchance Egypt may stand at the head of this new political movement; if not today, tomorrow. It is quite possible that the , youthful king may carry out the crucial program that his great ancestor, the founder of modern Egypt, had provisionally drawn up a century ago. This would not be at all difficult if , only because these Arab manifestations shone in the Egyptian skies not so long ago.6 ! Views closely resembling those of Sâmï al-Kayyäli were expressed at I precisely the same time (early in 1939), by another important observer, Sam i Shawkat, then Director-General of Health in Iraq. In this 7capacity he headed the delegation of Iraqi physicians to the “Arab Medical Congress” which was convened in Cairo in February 1939. . Shawkat, for whom this was the third visit to Cairo, was, like Hubaysh

16

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN ARABISM

and al-Kayyâlï, in close contact with various Egyptian intellectuals and politicians such as Taha Husayn, ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzàm, ‘Abc. al-Rahman ‘Azzäm, Zakl Mubarak, and Muhammad al-‘Ashm âwï. 1! seems that for Shawkat, too, the moods of the Egyptian elite wen! clearly discernible.7 More important, as an enthusiastic adherent o f thtj new Pan-Arab ideology and as one of its earliest, most prominen! formulators, and as the future Director-General of Education in Iraqj Shawkat’s appraisal of the place of Arabism in the consciousness o f thfl Egyptian elite had special importance. A scries of intensive meeting! with intellectuals, politicians, and especially prominent educators in Egypt, and with palace officials and members of the Egyptian government led Shawkat to conclude that the Pan-Arab mood, a t th'j heart of which lay the aspiration to increase all-Arab solidarity, wa>. assuming the dominant position within this elite group.8 To be sure, admited Shawkat, despite the strengthening o f thi> school, there were quite a few Egyptians vehemently opposed ic Arabism and Arab nationalism. These opponents scorned the idea o: Arab unity and publicly boasted of their hostility toward the Arabs They thought that Egypt must under no circumstances adopt an Arab identity and embrace the principles of Arab nationalism.9 Nonetheless. Shawkat was certain that the “Arab trend” and “ the faith in Arab! unity” were the upcoming forces within the Egyptian public, and thail these schools of thought were destined to overcome pharaonic j isolationism and destroy it.10 Hence, upon his return to Iraq, Sam;! Shawkat made the following optimistic statement in an interview fo: the Iraqi Pan-Arab newspaper al-fÀlam al-'Arabv. í

I thank God that, what with her thinkers and writers and poets, Egypt has come to think deeply and generously o f herself as Arab; and as such, chiefly responsible for the realization of our holy aim, [i.e. Arab unity] to the point that we are [now] able to obviate the dangers surrounding us all.11

I

The views and assessments of these outside observers, im portant a> they are, nonetheless leave unanswered the most important question, namely how did the Egyptians themselves perceive their collecrivr identity in the latter half of the 1930s? How did they themselves assess tÏÏë importance of Arabism in their national consciousness and whak

INTRODUCTION

17

was their attitude to the new Pan-Arab ideal and pspprially tn tlw> idea oCArab unity/ Uur pnei study will attempt to answer this question on the basis of the self-view and self-perception of Egyptians during this period. However, it would seem that any attempt to discover the place of Arabism and Pan-Arabism in the Egyptian national consciousness in the late 1930s can not ignore at least four important questions which concern the entire prc-revolutionarv era: 1. Did Pan-Arabism exist at all in Egypt in the 1920s. 1930s. and 1940s, and It so, when did it become a tangible, significant force in Egyptian national consciousness? In speaking of Egyptian Pan-Arabism, we arc referring to an Egyptian collective self-perception composed of four interwoven ideological elements: a. The view of the national, cultural, and political identity of the modern Egyptian community as an Arab identity, and the formulation o f the collective self-image in Arab nationalist terms and values. b. The view of all Arabic-spcakcrs, whoever they may be, as members of one nation and participants in the same goals and nationalist ideals. c. The view of Egyptian nationalism as an organic part of “greater A rab nationalism'* and the formulation of the national, cultural, and political goals ôf the Egyptian national movement in all-Arah terms d. ' The aspiration to establish some form of Arab unity, cultural or political, which would give visible expression to the fact that all Arabic-spcakcrs are a single nation. 2. What were the specific contents of this Egyptian Pan-Arabism? 3. Who were the creators and transmitters of this new nationalist ideology? 4. What were the historical factors which led to their rise and crystallization in pre-revolutionary Egypt? Let us say at the outset that this study makes no pretence of answering all four of these questions. Such an answer would require a much larger work beyond the bounds of the “ history of ideas’*which is the area of our work. It would require a discussion of the economic factors, the socio-political processes and changes, and the regional and international developments against the backdrop of which Pan-Arab ideas arose and developed in Egyptian society. This work docs, however, attempt a comprehensive answer to the first two questions. It

18

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

partially discusses the third, and only briefly and fragmentarily deal; with the fourth. We hope, therefore, that it will serve as an introduction to a more detailed, comprehensive study of the development oil Pan-Arabism in Egypt in the pre-revolutionary and revolutionär periods. , Lt is the main task of our study to attempt a systematic answer to the! first question. This seems to be the only one which has received mort, than partial treatment in various studies which deal, directly or indirectly, with the evolution of the Arab or Pan-Arab identity in pre-revolutionary Egypt. Modern scholarship has proposed man}! answers to the first question, some mutually contradictory. We havt1 somewhat arbitrarily divided these answers into roughly three inter­ pretations. The first holds that Pan-Arabism was a tangible ideological cultural, and political force present in pre-revolutionary Egypt. The second tends to see Pan-Arabism solely as a political force, but not yen cultural-ideological one. The third maintains that Pan-Arabism w as nc significant factor in Egypt before the revolution in 1952 and the rise oí' Näsirism. ^ — n ! The-^flrsT^chool t h e x istence of Pan-Arabism as a genuine historical, rcidttîral. and political forcc_jn pre-revolutionary Egypt, li, maintains that Pan-Arabism arose and came to constitute an importan: ideological component in Egyptian national consciousness already ir. the pre-revolutionary era and particularly in the 1930s and 1940s. In different ways, those who espouse this interpretation showed thaï during this period, schools of thought arose, literary and cultural trend; crystallized, and political organizations and bodies arose for whict| Pan-Arabism was a primary clement of their national consciousness, a vital subject in their political, cultural, and literary thought, a centra' tenet in their platform and the guide of their activities.12 Yet despite the important contribution of this school to the pinpointing and uncovering of prc-rcvolutjonary manifestations of Pan-Arabism, it has no satisfac; tory answer to the question of dating. It has difficulty in clcarh identifying the pivotal stage in history at which Pan-Arabism firs. changed lrom a set of tenuous, marginal concepts, held hv a handful « lone intellectuals, to~a very influential ideological school in Egyptian riatíüTiat CTJüscioUsness. T h t fill Itué ol thisTschool to define precisely thi>! historical turning point is the source of another weakness which characterizes at least some of its historians. The latter tend u

INTRODUCTION

19

¿exaggerate the importance and strength of Pan-Arabism in Egypt lfiduring most of the first half of the twentieth century even before it 11became a real force in the late 1930s and 1940s. In .their eagerness to ^discover its sources and create for it a “solid” historical image and “ impressive historical continuity” they find its “roots” and “clear signs” already at the turn of the twentieth century and sometimes even ®earlier.13 This yearning for “roots” seems to make them the victims of tv w h at Marc Bloch has termed “the idol of origins” . As he observes: n is The explanation of the very recent in terms of the remotest k past, ^naturally attractive to men who have made of this past m their chief subject of resesarch, has sometimes dominated our ¡k studies to the point of a hypnosis. In its most characteristic 1 aspect, this idol of the historian tribe may be called the yt obsession with origins... Moreover, history oriented toward is origins was put to the service of value judgments.14 Historians of the fécond schoolj^ interpretation, which is widely (accepted, thought thartlie sutil £é ol Pan-Arabism in pre-revolutionary (Egypt was purely political as were the factors which led to its rise and (fostering by the Egyptian elite. Although this school recognizes the lyimportant role of Pan-Arabism in pre-revolutionary Egypt, it tends to irclegate it solely to the political sphere. According to this approach, it tWas sheer political interests which impelled Egypt to deepen her (involvement in the Arab world in the late 1930s, and especially in the hi 940s. These purely political considerations led the Egyptian leaders to (.‘in itiate contacts and consultations between the Arab governments ivvhich bore fruit in the form of the Alexandria Protocol of October 1944 a n d the establishment of the Arab League in 1945, and eventuated in [E gypt’s entry into the Arab-Israeli war of 1948.15 |i T h r Pan-Arah do^rin«» ar™tvl¡»g tn. this approachT was totally ubreign to Egypt until., this tim«», and was thfn adopted by Egyptian S tatesm en as a political means which met their domestic needs and Ip a rticu larly fitted their aspirations in the Arab arena in the light of the iacw political circumstances created therejiuring World War II. t M ore important, in the view of some of the historians who adopted ith is political reductionist approach, the rise of Pan-Arabism as a political force and as an important factor shaping the foreign policy of

20

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

the Egyptian governments and the Palace, was not accompanied b\ real changes in the Egyptian national identity which remained essentially Egyptian rather than Arab. The new Egyptian positior vis-à-vis the Arab world expressed a strategic political necessity rathet than an ideological need for Arab identification. Accordingly, th( change in the political attitude to the Arab world and the use o: Pan-Arabism as a political tool do not, according to this approach, reflect any change in the ideological attitude of the Egyptian national public to the Arab world or to Arab nationalism, nor do they indica» an increase in the importance of Egypt’s Arab identity.16 Since w offered a critical investigation of thii approach elsewhere, we need not repeat ourselves here.17 Instead, we shall merely note that in this stud) we shall try to show that the political developments depended to a grea; extent on ideological developments and changes. At the heart o f th The supporters of the latter outcome totally rejected the tradition t patterns of identity because, among other things, they had no faith tb r it could be practically applied anywhere; jn consequence jthey saw t '■ territorial boundaries o£jthe Land of the.Nile~as the .sole framework within wluch the concept of a modern Egyptian nation-state could v s realized. These nation-state-oriented trends were sustained and stran;-r thened by the unique character of the Nile Valley — its distin: I geography and climate; the comparatively high homogeneity of ßa population; the autonomous Egyptian political-societal framewen < consolidated under the 19th-century rule of Muhammad ‘All and b ' descendants; the early exposure of Egyptian society to the influence 1\ Western ideas and institutions; and historical-archaeological discoy r < içs_pertaining -to-4he~ancient—Pharaonic civilization. O ut o f tho nation-state-oriented trends, then, the F-gypVarl tfrriK)r’aL-” a *;r>m 1 doctrine was born. While its origins are found in the nationali-c philosophy of Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid in the first decade of the centun'c it reached its zenith in the Egypt of the 1920s when territorio nationalism came to dominate Egyptian national thought. The Egyptian territorial-national doctrine maintained that tH boundaries carved out and defined by the Nile Valley constituted tb f outer limits of the Egyptian’s loyalty to his homeland (nal p^rtm They were guided by the urge to create neo-traditional forms j identity, and to resist any exclusive, parochial concept that proposed'! base the Egyptian national identity exclusively on the territory ] Egypt. T hey desired to establish Egypt’s collective identity on sp irits. religious, and broad cultural foundations; they were terrified o f an i(W that rested on “secular” and “materialist” foundations, a concept th4 based national identity on territory, race, mentality and the “ etemi nature” of Egypt’s Pharaonic spirit. Supporters of supra-Egyptiloyalty emphasized the traditional religious values of the L and of thj Nile and its historical obligation to the universal Islamic umma\ th'i fostered a distinctively Eastern orientation and propounded the id-.that Egypt is of the nerve and sinew of the nations of the East {al-unvf al-sharqiyya). In their writings the Arabic language was hallowed as i\ exalted national value, and they saw in Arab culture and literature th-, basis for Egypt’s cultural revival — a revival which, according to thej beliefs, was destined to be an integral part of the general renaissance I the Arabic-speaking peoples. The primary stimulus to the supporters ! the supra-Egyptian trend was provided by an anti-Western a p p roac that denied the territorial nationalists’ view that Egypt was a inseparable part of Western civilization. Egypt, they argued, mu< carve its essence, its values and its national-cultural symbols from tb East, from the Islamic legacy, and from Arab culture. ¡ The finí concrete signs of the supra-Egyptian concepts o f idem; : can already be found even in th c n a tionalist teachings of Musta. Kàmil and his successors in _the-“National Party” (al-hizb al-waUm ] Although in the course of the 1920s these concepts retreated before tb influence of territorial-national ideas on the Egyptian public, from if! beginning of the 1930s, supporters of these supra-Egyptian conccr increasingly fortified their positions. Towards the latter h alf of i decade, after an arduous ideological struggle, supra-Egyptian trer. succeeded in gaining favor over exclusivist-territorialist trends w ith the corpus of Egyptian national thought. By the end of the 1930s th' : ascendancy was evident. Within the next few years, they first secuni — and throughout the 1940s succeeded in maintaining — a domina1 position among the molders of the Egyptian national identity. Thj

PRINCIPAL TRENDS

33

deological evolution culminated during the revolutionary regime. . T h e supra-Egyptian concept, in all its variations, did not reject Egypt’s right to distinguish itself as a nation bearing unique charactersties derived from its territory. Yet it did deny the exclusive and definitive claim of the Nile Valley to be the sole basis of Egyptian jationalism . It maintained that Egypt’s collective image must be conceived within a broad, unified, extra-territorial framework of •dentity. The unique Egyptian entity, as espoused by the adherents of yUpra-Egyptianism, would define itself as such only within a broad .upra-Egyptian framework. . T his non-territorial concept did not obviate completely the Western .dea of embodying the nation-state within the territory of Egypt. It Remanded, however, that the traditional pattern of identity — ‘nanifested in a broad, all-embracing, supra-territorial framework — be mposed on the Egyptian nation-g»atp Rejecting the doctrine of pure ^erritorialism, the supporters of the supra-Egyptian trend saw no contradiction between loyalty expressed within an exclusively Egyptian t'ramewörk and that expressed within an extra-Egyptian one. On the contrary, they argued that the individual Egyptian’s national identity, ^y its very nature, required of him a loyalty to two convergent identity ¿roups: a localized Egyptian one woven within a supra-territorial ^dentity group. An exclusive and independent Egyptian territorial Ioyalty per se is untenable. Its significance is derived as a consequence of $ts being part of a larger and wider loyalty, extending from it, over and >eyond it. c In the first and second decades of this century the supra-Egyptian l'ramework, for the most part, was embodied within the Ottoman;slamic Empire. After the Ottoman collaps«» anH with t h ihnlitU nW Che Caliphate, new Pan-Eastern8 and Pan-Islamjr9 ™nr*»ptc h*»pan to :rvstallize among the supporters of thr supra-Egyptian trend. These x>st^Dttoman ideas replaced the old supra-Egyptian Ottoman con­ cepts embraced by the nationalist trend centered on the “National Ç’arty.” Like those which preceded them, these new ideas were based on he assumption that the Egyptian nation is not a separate territorial entity, but rather an indivisible part of a vast, extra-territorial, ?an-Islamic or Pan-Eastern framework of identity. These extraerritorial concepts of identity appeared to influence many circles in the Egyptian national camp during the second half of the 1920s, and

34

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

especially during the 1930s. At the end of the 1930s, and partícula: during the 1940s, the unified, supra-Egyptian framework was stripp of its Islamic-Eastern content and infused more and m ore with Pan-Arab content and character.10 Supporters of the supra-Egypt trend began to see the Arabic-speaking world as the theater in wh: modern Egypt could express its "‘true” national identity. It is on t: beginnings of this process of ideological reorientation, in which Pan-Arab identity first achieved an important position in the Egypti. national consciousness, that this study chiefly focuses.

CHAPTER TW O

THE HISTORICAL, POLITICAL, AND ORGANIZATIONAL BACKGROUND OF THE RISE OF PAN-ARAB IDENTITY IN EGYPT AT THE END OF THE 1930s In August 1936 the signing of the Anglo-Eyvptiap figYr* an a dded measure of independence in domestic and foreign affairs. M any Egyptian politicians and intellectuals were hopeful that Egypt was entering a new age which would, for the first time, enable it to develop an active political role in the Arab world.11 This atmosphere was exploited, especially, by the Egyptian Royal Palace which, from 1937, was headed by KingfFâ7uq>. Despite his youth, Färöq was shrewd enough to overcome partisan opposition within the Palace and to dismiss, at the end of 1937, the Mustafa al-Nahhäs-led government of the Wafd. Färöq and his entourage rapidly became the dominant factor in the Egyptian political arena during the years 1937-1939. fie vigorously renewed the Egyptian F^ya| P*!*™»*« H^radps-nlH Haim to the crown of the Islamic Caliphate.12 He fostered — openly and secretly — pan-Islamic and pan-Arab trends; he saw Egypt as the chosen leader o f all Muslims and all Arabs; and he drew to his court politicians who supported these ideas. The luminary among them was ’All Mähir who, by vigorously supporting and strengthening Färöq, became the King’s confidant and, consequently, the strong man of Egyptian politics.13 For the greater portion of this period, Mähir served as Chief of the Royal Cabinet — a position that enabled him to consolidate great power and to broaden considerably his political influence.14 O f greater im portance, for our purposes, are his two terms of office as the head of the Egyptian government: one at the beginning of the period under 35

36

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

discussion, and the second at its close.15 tyàhir was the first E gyptian Pp™* .Minicfrr «iupport an Egyptian Pan-Arah policy.16 It is ik wonder, then, that he appointed as government ministers m en known for some time as enthusiastic supporters of Arab national ideas: ‘Abe! al-Rahman ‘Azzäm, Muhammad ‘All ‘Allüba, Muhammad S älih Hark and Ahmad Muhammad Khashaba.17 During the period of his first government, Mähir, in his foreign policy, drew n earjo Sajjdi—Arabia At his initiative, a Friendship Treaty was signed between that countn and Egypt — the first Egypt had ever signed with any Arab country.ir The Pan-Arab and Pan-Islamic activities of the Egyptian K in g and the group of politicians close to the Royal Palace were dependent u some extent on the support of extra-parliamentary organizations led b\ the Pan-Islam-oriented “Young Men’s Muslim Association’’ {jam'iyyc al-shubbän al-muslimin), and the “ Muslim Brothers’’ (al-ikhwän almuslimün), on the one hand, and the radical nationalist “ PanEgyptian” , semi-fascist “Young Egypt Party” (hizb misr al-fatäh)y on th- j other. The Islamic-fundamentalist Salafite resurgence, which took] place in Egypt at the close of the 1920s and the beginning of the 1930s ! reached its full development on the eve of the outbreak of the Seconc| World War. The militant Salafite organizations, with their dynamkj Pan-Islamic doctrines, enjoyed growing popularity among the Egyp­ tian public and established roots in various strata of the Egyptian; masses, 19 By means of the power they had consolidated w ithin thf the national mission. It follows, then, that the Egyptien«8* lr>yaltY tn \ r a b nation and to the idea of Arab unity arises directly from their being speakers of the Arabic language.**1As stated by Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qädir jd-Màzinï, a prominent Egyptian writer and journalist, in his article Arab Vationalism ( and Islamic elements in it. These : elements, which are deeply ingrained in the Egyptian personality, prevent it entirely from negating its Arab and Islamic identity. They make the Egyptian nation an integral part of a larger supra-Egyptian framework.182 Indeed, Ghälf did not consider the Egyptian personality a totally pure, non-Arab and non-Islamic reality. He did not share the exclusively territorialist ideas developed by Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid at j the turn of the century and in particular his successors in the 1920s. ¡ Tawfïq al-Hakïm, Saläma Müsä, Muhammad Husayn Haykal and the | rest of the “ Pharaonic school” which formed around the weekly, j al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya.183 In the late i Qq° c phñrarm"* , a decline in popularityr. 1A4 Its principal spokesmen at the time were ¡ Saläma Músa and Husayn FawzI. Like their predecessors, Músa and Fawzï assumed that there was an unbridgeable gap between Egyptian ■ territorial nationalism, which had a dominant Pharaonic nature, and. Arabism and Islam. They rejected the Arabic and Islamic nature of the Egyptian nation and vehemently opposed any national, cultural or political tie between it and the Arabic-speaking and Islamic commu­ nities.185 They also sought to replace Egypt’s Oriental orientation with . a solely Occidental one, or in Ghäll’s words: “They are inclined j towards Western civilization and believe that Egypt-should cut herseli off from the Orient and adopt the intellectual outlook and methods o',

EGYPT’S PRIMACY IN THE ARAB WORLD

81

the W est.” 186 Ghâlï did not regard himself as a member of the :Pharaonic school, which was alienated from and oblivious to the Arab and Islam ic characteristics of Egyptian nationalism. His territorial nation a l concept, like that of T aha Husayn (though Ghâlï did not approve of Husayn’s Mediterranean theory), and some other Egyptian te rrito ria l n a t i o n a l i s t s 187 n n longer preached tö the Egyptian people ¡the severence of Egypt from the Arab and Islamic world; purgation from the “alien” Arab and TsIaTnic" Hemerits ^which’ ^rmpiosed’’ themselves on Egyptians against their will; or their “liberation” from their commitments to the “primitive” , “reactionary” , “anachronistic” Islamic legacy and Arab culture. Ghàlï’s nationalist theory did not seek to overlook or to deface the Arab and Islamic identity of Egyptian nationalism. As he states unequivocally: “ Egypt is in fact a part of the Islamic community (al-mujtama‘ al-islämt) ... [Egypt is also] marked by many of its Oriental characteristics, which were conferred on us by the Arabic language and Arab culture.” 188 These Egyptian characteristics are p art of “ the distinguishing features which should govern our national consciousness.” 189 G hâlï did not even disavow the fact that among his Egyptian contemporaries there exist Pan-Islamic and Pan-Arab schools and forces of great significance. He recognized the existence of an Egyptian national Islamic current which holds that, “religion is the substantial clement of the national legacy of Egypt. Therefore, they are so much inclined to picture Egypt as a member in the greater Islamic community that the purely national characteristics of Egypt are drowned by religious characteristics shared with many other nsitions • Alongside this trend, there are highly influential Pan-Arab currents which are defined by GhäG as “attached to the purely Arab charac­ teristics and are desirous of impressing the future with a purely Arab pattern. ” 191 Ghâlï’s nationalist approach endeavors to create a synthesis between :he various components which make up the Egyptian national consciousness. This synthesis seeks to give meaning to each national component and to bring about a harmony and equilibrium between the listinctive, particularist inclinations of the Egyptian nation and its jnifying extra-territorial inclinations.192 Above all, Ghâlï greatly emphasizes Egypt’s central position as the

82

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

“ unquestionable political leader'* of the Eastern world (i.e., Arab and Islamic) and stresses the unique role it has been assigned there. No doubt» Ghàlï’s nationalist thought clearly reflects the late 1930s ideological development in which the Egyptian territorialists adopted some ideas from the Egyptian Pan-Arabists. In particular,'THev accepted the idea that the Egyptian nation, by its very nature, has been entrusted with a unique Arab and Islamic mission. Equally, like Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyät, Zald Mubarak and other Egyptian PanArabists, Ghäll was convinced that the capacity of Egypt for all-Arab and all-Islamic leadership was a feature deeply rooted in the Egyptian collective self-image. The Egyptian nation cannot turn its back on or betray its “historical“ and “eternal" self-image, an image which forces it to break out of the “ narrow scope" of the Nile Valley and to express itself in the Arab world and through it in the Islamic world. The Egyptian nation is captured by its self-image and must faithfully fulfill the duties imposed by it.193 Nevertheless, like Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Allüba. Ghäll, too, believed that accomplishing Egypt’s historical responsibility towards the Arab world and sharing in all-Arab solidarity do not have to infringe on the independence and distinctiveness of any of the Arab nations. In Ghâlï's vision there is no room for the establishment of a single Arab state which assimilates all the regional entities:

We shall now take a further step and move to a more important aspect in the definition of Egyptian patriotism. Let us define the position of Egypt vis-à-vis the Orient, of which she is a part, though a distinguishable part. Today, Egypt commands a leading position among Oriental countries of the same language and religion. This political leadership (al-za‘äma al-siyäsiyya) is the result of its population; its unity; and its political, social, scientific and cultural advance over the countries of the Near East and North Africa. From the religious point of view, Egypt has been, ever since World War I, the leading Islamic state and the actual world center of Islam. Cairo has replaced Istanbul in many respects, especially since state and religion have been segregated in Turkey. This religious and political superiority is a matter for all Egyptians to take pride in, but it should not be forgotten

EGYPT'S PRIMACY IN THE ARAB WORLD

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that it is also a source of many necessary tasks and duties. First, there are the duties of conveying the mission (al-risâla) of Egypt to the neighboring, Arabic-speaking, Islamic countries; o f bringing to them the spirit of science and culture; of cooperating with them as neighboring and brethren countries. Should we succeed in all this, Egypt will then become a center of Oriental culture and a connecting factor between the neighboring nations without any one of those nations losing its own prsonality and independence.194 Indeed, to summarize, it can also be said that the distinctive territorial national doctrine, which during the years surveyed suffered a severe decline, paradoxically achicvcH a great accomplishment behind the^scenes: the exclusive Egyptian identity framework retreated somewhat from its claim to exclusivity, but simultaneously did demonstrate its uniqueness within the framework of Arab unity. In other words, Egypt endowed its unique qualifications for leadership to the A rab world because only in this arena was there a guarantee for their preservation, cultivation and prominence.

[

L

V

CONCLUSION Perceiving Egypt's Arab identity and desiring to integrate it within a cohesive all-Arab body became an ideal of great importance in the collective self-image of a major part of the Egyptian national public as early as the late 1930s. Egypt was conceived of as a framework of loyalty which, by its very nature, constituted an organic p a rt of a broader, extra-territorial, Pan-Arab framework of loyalty. Moreover, the idea of Arab unity was acquiring a central position in the visionary image of the longed-for national future: spokesmen for Arabism in this early period all felt that they were the prophets and designers of a gloriouiTand ancient ideal which carried with it the promise of a future redemption ol Arab society from its current decadence, which would restore it to its pristine splendor, and renew its days of glory and power so as to fuse its actual present condition with its eternal self-image. The Arab community, of which Egypt was considered a member, was called on to shape the future in the image of the Pan-Arab ideal and to struggle towards its political, social, cultural and economic realization. The expectation for the renaissance (al-nahda) of the Arab nation within a single unified framework was also guided by the assumption th at the implementation of the Pan-Arab ideal expressed the will of history and was, therefore, an historical inevitability imposed on all Arabie speakers. The three decades that followed this formative period — the 1940s and more so during the revolutionary regime in the 1950s and early 1960s — strenghtened and further confirmed the Arab compo­ nents of identity in the Egyptian national consciousness. The Pan-Arab ideal, which was then embodied in a powerful, messianic, revolutionär drive for the realization of Arab unity and the actualization of the vision of Arab national grandeur, had become a determining factor w'hich shaped and guided this consciousness. One cannot say, however, that we have before us the evolution of a 84

CONCLUSION

85

pure, secular, Arab national consciousness like the type that crystal­ lized among intellectuals and politicians in the Fertile Crescent. One of the prominent characteristics of Egyptian Pan-Arabism — and this characteristic was especially dominant in the period under discussion — was its declared affinity to Islam. In the writings and teachings of the Egyptian Pan-Arabists, Islam carried the value of primary self-identification and served as a central and vital component in the consciousness of affiliation with the framework of Arab identity. In this respect, Islam was secondary in significance only to the Arabic language and culture. According to this view, then, the Egyptian was an A rab primarily through his Arabic language and — of only slightly lesser importance — by the medium of Islam. Egypt’s Arab identity was based on the foundation of cultural linguistic as well as Islamic self-identification. In the eyes of a decisive majority of the adherents of Pan-Arabism whose views have been discussed in this study, there was no legitimacy for a secular framework of Arab identity which stood outside and beyond Islam, but rather one which recognized Islam and incorporated it as an organic element. T w o central roles as components of national identity were assigned to Islam by these Egyptian Pan-Arabists: a) a national-societal role: Islam was called on to serve as an effective instrument for the consolidation of inter-Arab solidarity and for the crystallization of speakers of the Arabic language within a single, firm, national framework; and b) a national-historical role: Islam was presented as the historical nursery for the rebirth and consolidation of the Arabs into one nation. Islam granted the Arabs an historical, social and political framework for the realization of their national worth and cultural values. It moulded the unique image of the Arab national collective, fostered the spiritual skills of the Arab genius and, through it, the classical Arab civilization — which had been known to embody and symbolize the longed-for and eternal “Golden Age” of the Arabs — had been revived. In Islam the universal humanitarian qualities of *the Arabs had been revealed and through its power these virtues were carried to all mankind. Conse­ quently, these Egyptian Pan-Arabists linked by an inseparable attachment the historical fate of the Arab nation to that of Islam. In the Arab collective self-image, a central place was reserved for Islam as the historical molder of the Arab nation; through Islam the Arab nation ascended to the apex of its power and glory.

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THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

Regarding Islam as an historical instrument — a conception the widespread dissemination of which was confirmed by the writings and sayings of these Egyptian Pan-Arabists — reinforced the conclusion that at the base of Pan-Arab ideology, at least as it had developed in Egypt, stood the desire to historicize, nationalize and Arabize Islam. Islam was discussed by these Egyptians from a conspicuously national, historical point of view, being viewed as an historical instrument destined to establish, raise, foster and glorify the Arab nation. The culmination of this ideological process is that the Arab nation itself becomes the supreme and exalted value. Modern Pan-Arab ideology dissociates Islam from its original divine, revelational, transcendental, meta-historical values, and mobilizes it for the national-historical needs of the Arab nation. On the programmatic-operational plane, the proponents o f PanArabism still gave priority in the late 1930s to the concept th at an economic-cultural course was preferable for the realization o f Arab unity to a political one. Unity of the Arab culture and economy through the creation of all-Arab cultural and economic frameworks are presented as primary objectives in the Egyptian program for the unification of the Arabic-speaking world. Simultaneously, it should be emphasized, the majority of Egyptian Pan-Arabists considered cultural and economic unity as preliminary operational stages for the realization of the ultimate and supreme goal embodied in Arab political unity. On the programmatic level there can be discerned a dear preference for the unified concept which advocated the establishment of a non* centralized, unitary, Arab federal structure, as opposed to that which supported totally centralized and all-encompassing Arab unity. There can be hardly any doubt that the explicit demand for the establishment of a non-centralized Arab federation was based on exclusively Egyptian considerations: Egypt did not intend to assimilate its unique personal­ ity within a complete and absolute Arab unity but, rather, regarded Arab unity as an arena for the projection of Egyptian distinctiveness and as a means for utilizing the Egyptians aptitude for leadership in the Arab world. Thus, we have further confirmation of the same Egyptocentric conception of Arab unity which was so typical of Egyptian national thought in this period. Indeed, from the moment the Egyptians began to recognize the Arab nature of Egypt, they demonstrated, almost instinctively, a strong tendency to interpret their

CONCLUSION

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A rab identity as embracing within it a primal and natural Egyptian ; right to all-Arab leadership. Finally, the outlooks and conceptions of Egyptian Pan-Arabists in ■'the period under discussion helped to refute the version, accepted in scholarly research, that holds that a consciousness of Arab national : identity as a prevalent and influential phenomenon emerged in Egypt only after the Free Officers’ revolution in 1952 and, particularly, during Näsir’s regime.195 It seems, however, that the Pan-Arab, Näsirist ideology can no longer be regarded as an «*priffpV nn¥ Hwtvgknl phenomenon in Egypt but, rather, as ° a further stage in the process of the evolution and crystallization of Arab national consciousness in Egypt — a process which- originated irPtfie lïttùs. In this respèCt the Nasirist Pan-Arabism acquires its full historical significance only if we see in it an additional manifestation — though ^distinguished and of great importance — of the expansion and strengthening of the Arab national consciousness in Egypt. The - substantial part of its ideological roots — it should be reiterated — was t inherent already in the pre-revolutionary period. ★

★

★

> From the point of view of the late 1970s and early 1980s, who would •deny that the great pretensions of the Pan-Arab ideal to dominate £political reality, to take complete possession of it, and to shape it in its : own image have been proved hollow? Who would deny that reality has »constantly given the lie to these great illusions of a “ pure” and “ noble” ' transcendental reality? But, nevertheless, howjypuld the „Egyptian Ï national community have developed had it not been so enthusiastically >tcaptivated by the Pan-Arab vision: had not Egypt’s leaders from ‘Abd ^al-Rahman ‘Azzäm and Mustafa al-Nahhäs to Jam äl ‘Abd al-Näsir i gone such a long way with its messianic appeal;and if it were not for kCtheir revolutionary desire to realize the Pap-Arab ideal — a desire it which was manifested by their incessantly' stubborn and aggressive sefforts? The Egyptians tenaciously clung to their hopes of achieving this :i unity; indeed, only after more than three decades of intensive, constant, i Herculean efforts to realize this ideal did they begin to comprehend that : Arab unity was a utopian, meta-historical dream that was incompatible i:with their reality. That the Egyptians eventually realized the falsity of

88

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

Pan-Arabism did not mean that it was without historical impact during the period when its validity was unquestioned; on the contrary, during these years the drive for Arab unity had an undeniable influence on Egypt’s political and cultural life. Moreover, in the course of its erosion and destruction, the Pan-Arab ideal compelled Egyptian society to transform itself to cope with new national values and ideals with which it had not been familiar before. Even the eventual recovery from the addiction to Pan-Arabism has not eliminated the Arab ingredient in the composition of thé Egyptian national self-image. Thus, the defeat of the ideal by reality has been achieved only after the ideal has bequeathed a legacy which itself becomes part of the neu ; reality. The long struggle between the ideal, the agent of a new meta-historical reality, and existing historical reality which inhibits, ! stultifies and erodes the pretence of the ideal, created a new reality, i.e., j a synthesis between the residue of the impaired ideal and the remnants < of the original reality. Indeed, the attitudes of man and his national collective to ideals, desires, aspirations and dreams (which are woven in the imagination), the ways in which the hearts’ desires are outwardly demonstrated, and the resources that are utilized in order to realize these dreams, in large part determine historical character and mold fates. In many historical instances, such determining influences are as significant as the nation's concrete interests, societal circumstances, j pragmatic political considerations, and economic constraints that may be in conflict with these utopian ideals. Ideals, then, are not destined to create a completely new historical reality but, instead, to be influential in its ongoing process of evolution. | “ For the history of civilization,” as Johan Huizinga teaches us, “ the perennial dream of a sublime life has the value of a very important reality. And even political history itself, under penalty of neglecting actual facts, is bound to take illusions, vanities, follies, into account. j There is not a more dangerous tendency in history than that of , representing the past as if it were a rational whole and dictated by \ clearly defined interests.” 196 With our tendency to lack respect for the power of ideals, illusions, dreams and beliefs in the shaping of history we should be reminded of the striking phrase of Emil Staiger: “ ...die Wirklichkeit wird mitbesimmt von dem Bilde, das sich der Mensch von ¡ ihr macht,” 197 which roughly translates as: “ ...the image m an has of j reality fe itself one of the determinants of reality.”

NOTES INTRODUCTION Fu'äd Hubaysh, “ Fikrat al-‘Urüba bi-Häja Shadlda ilä Di'äya fï Misr” , al-Makshüf, No. 153, 20 June 1938, p.’ 2. SämT al-Kayyäli, “Misr wa’l-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hadïth, part I, February 1939, pp. 143-146; part II, March 1939, pp. 221-227. The full essay later appeared, with minor changes, in Sâmï al-Kayyâlî, al-Fikr al-'Arabi (Cairo, 1943), pp. 57-74. Al-Kayyâlî, part II. Ibid., pp. 223-226. Ibid., p. 225. Ibid., pp. 226-227. Sâmï Shawkat, Hädhihi Ahdäfunä (Baghdad, 1939), pp. 89-97, 104-110. Ibid., pp. 94-110. Ibid., p. 106. Ibid., pp. 105-107. Ibid., p. 109. This approach was expressed in various ways in the following works: Anis Sä’igh, al-Fikra al-'Arabiyya ß Misr (Beirut, 1959), pp. 138-261; Nabih Bayyümï ‘Abdallah, Tatawwur Fikrat al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabiyya ß Misr (Cairo, 1975), pp. 68-192; ‘Abd al-‘Azim Ramadan, Tatawwur al-Haraka al-Wataniyyaß Misr 1937-1948, Vol. II (Beirut, n.d.), pp. 325-376; Ahmad Tarabayn, al-Wahda al-'Arabiyya, 1916-1945, Vol. I (Cairo, 1963), pp. 83-85, 159-170, 177-183, 204-218, 228-229, 235-239; A.M. Gomaa, The Foundation o f the League of Arab States — Wartime Diplomacy and Inter-Arab Politics 1941 to 1945 (London, 1977), pp. 30-56, 153-234; M. Colombe, “ L’Egypt et les

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Origines du Nationalisme Arabe,” L'Afrique et L'Asie, No. 14 (1951), pp. 19-33; M. Colombe, L'Evolution de V Egypt, 1924-1950 (Paris, 1951), pp. 167-182; A. Hourani, Arabie Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (London. 1970), p. 335; R.P. Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (London. 1969), pp. 267-269; J.P. Jankowski, Egypt's Young Rebels — "Young Egypt ":I 1933-1952 (Stanford, 1975), pp. 52-55. j 13. See, for example, some expressions of this approach in the following works: Dhùqân Qarqüt, Tatawwur al-Fikra al-'Arabiyya f i Misr, 1805-1936 (Beirut. 1972); A. Sa’igh, al-Fikra, p. 17-138; Muhammad M. Husayn, al-Ittij¿h¿t al-Wataniyya ß ’l-Adab al-Mu'àsir, Vol. II (Cairo, n.d.), pp. 88-176; Muhammad Rifat, al-Tawjth al-Siyàsî lil-Fikra al-'Arabiyya al-Haduk (Cairo, 1964), pp. 337-356. One extreme version of this approach can be •' found in Muhammad ‘Izzat Darwaza, 'Uriibat Misrß'1-Qadim wa’l-Hadith, aw qabla’l-Isläm wa-ba'dahu (Sidon, 1963). 14. Marc Bloch, The Historian's Craft (New York, 1953), p. 29, 31.

j

15. Various expressions of this approach can be found in the following works j A.I. Dawisha, Egypt in the Arab World (London, 1976), pp. 4-5; L. Binder. ! “ Ideological Foundation of Egyptian-Arab Nationalism”, in D.E. Apter (ed.), Ideology and Discontent (The Free Press of Glencoe, New York 1964). p 138; L. Binder, The Ideological Revolution in the Middle East (New York, 1964 pp. 89-91; E. Kedourie, The Chatham House Version and other Middle Eastn Studies (London, 1970), pp. 203-206,215-219, 228; G. Silberman, “ Nations Identity in Nasserist Ideology, 1952-1970,” Asian and African Studies, Y ol V III (November, 1972), pp. 51-53; M. Khadduri, Republican Iraq (London 1969) , p. 12; P. Seale, The Struggle for Syria (London, 1965), pp. 16-23 16. See, for example, Dawisha, pp. 4-5; Binder, The Ideological Revolution, p. 93 Khadduri, p. 12; Silberman, p. 52. 17. See my “Arabization of Islam: The Egyptian Salafiyya and the Rise of Arabism in Pre-Revolutionary Egypt”, Asian and African Studies, Vol. X I I I (1979), pp. 22-57. 18. E. Be’eri, Army Officers in Arab Politics and Society (London and New York

1970) , pp. 375-384; C.P. Harris, Nationalism and Revolution in Egypt — the R o ­ of the Muslim Brotherhood (The Hague, 1964), pp. 164-165; S.G. Haim (ed Arab Nationalism — An Anthology (Los Angeles, 1974), pp. 49-55; A G Chejne, “Egyptian Attitudes toward Pan-Arabism,” The Middle Ec Journal, Vol. XI (1957), pp. 253-260; N. Rejwan, Nasserist Ideology — /. Exponents and Critics (New York, 1974), pp. 50-59; R. Hrair Dekmejiar Egypt Under Nasir — /I Study in Political Dynamics (New York, 1971). pf

NOTES

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50-51, 92-%; Y. Orón, “The Nationalist Myth in Contemporary Egypt,” Hamizrah Hehadash (The New East), Vol. X (1%0), pp. 166-177 (Hebrew). E. Be’eri, pp. 375-376. Ibid., p. 379. Ibid., p. 383. Harris, p. 165. Chejne, pp. 253-254. Haim, pp. 49-55. Haim, pp. 51-52. A.E. Simon, “The Significance of Leopold von Ranke for the Development of Historiography,” in Historians and Historical Schools — Lectures Delivered at the Seventh Convention of the Historical Society of Israel, December 1962 (Jerusalem, 1962), p. 64 (Hebrew). Nathan Rotenstreich, Between Past and Present — An Essay on History (New Haven; Yale University Press, 1958), p. 311. Seale, p. 19. See my Egyptian Salafiyya. Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia — An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge (London, 1976), p. 45.

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THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

CH A PTER ONE 1. See, for example: Ahmad Lutfï al-Sayyid, Ta ’ammulät f i al-Falsaß wa-al-Adab wa-al-Siyäsa wa-al-ljtimä' (Cairo, 1946), pp. 61-71; Ahmai Lutfï al-Sayyid, al-Muntakhabât, vol. 1 (Cairo, 1937), pp. 313-316; Ahmai Lutfi al-Sayyid, Safahät Matwiyya (Cairo, 1946), pp. 43-44; ‘Abd al-Lati Hamza, Adah al-Maqäla al-Suhufyya ß Misr, vol. 6 (Cairo, 1955), pp. 19-31: see also: Charles Wendell, The Evolution of the Egyptian National Image Jm its Origins to Ahmad Lutfi al-Sayyid (Los Angeles, 1972), pp. 222-223 256-293. 2. See, for example, a concrete expression of this conception in the textbook of the period: 'Abd al-‘Azïz al-Bishri, al-Tarbiyya al-Wataniyya (Cairo 1928), pp. 4-12; Ahmad Amin and 'Abd al-'Azïz ai-Bishri, KitA al-Tarbiyya al-Wataniyya lil-Madäris al-Thänawiyya (Cairo, 1934), pp. U Tawfiq al-Mar'ashll, al-Tarbiyya al-Wataniyya lil-Madäris al-Thänaum wa-al-Mu'allimin (Cairo, 1929), pp. 5-6, 22-25, 125-127. 3. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, "Misr al-Hadltha wa-Misr al-Qadinu. al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 27 November, 1926, pp. 10-11; Shuhdï ‘Attiui al-Sháfí'i, “Fï al-Adab al-Fir‘awnï,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 31 AuguM 1929, p. 22; Ahmad Husayn, "Misr Fir'awniyya,” al-Muqattam. I September, 1930, p. 7; Muhammad Zakï Sälih, "Ihyä* al-Kh.iii al-Qawml,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 15January, 1927, p. 31; 'Abd al-Hamii Sälim, "al-‘Unsur al-Misri,” al-'Usür, February 1928, pp. 636-642; Tawl:i al-Hakim, "Ilä al-Duktür Taha Husayn,” al-Risäla, 1June, 1933, pp. 54 Tawfïq al-Hakïm, ‘Awdat al-Rüh, vol. II (Cairo, 1933), pp. 48-56. 4. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, "Ta’rïkh al-Haraka al-Qawmiyya," ji Siyäsa al-UsbüHyya, 12 January, 1929, pp. 3-4; Muhammad Husavi Haykal, Taräjim Misriyya wa-Gharbiyya (Cairo, 1929), pp. 9-10; Nash« Sayfin, "Misr Fir'awniyya,” al-Muqattam, 19 August, 1930, p. 3; Salàm Müsä, Misr Asl al-Hadära (Cairo, n.d.), pp. 4-10; Ahmad Zakï Abù-Shii Akhanätän Fir‘awn Misr (Cairo, 1927), pp. 4-17; Ahmad Sabñ, Kähin .4*i — Masrahiyya Fir'awniyya (Cairo, n.d.), introduction. 5. Muhammad Khashaba, "Thaqäfatunä Misriyya,” al-Majalla al-Jadtda. August, 1930, pp. 1231-1237; Muhammad Sädiq Yünis, "al-Adi al-Misri,” al-'Usür, April 1929, pp. *45^-460; Niqülä Yüsuf, "al-Aca al-Misri,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 2 February, 1929, p. 13; Hasan Subhï. I al-Adab al-Misri,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 23 June, 1928, p. 10; Mulu? mad Ghaläb, “al-Adab al-Misri,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 21 Decembri 1929, p. 20; Saläma Músa, "al-Adab al-Misri wa-al-Adab al-'Arabi

NOTES

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Mulhaq al-Siyäsa, 14 October, 1932, p. 25; Muhammad Zaki ‘Abd al-Qädir, “Da‘wat al-Adab al-Qawm!—Bayän,” al-Siyäsa al-UsbüHyya, 12 July, 1930, p. 14; see also: David Semah, Four Egyptian Literary Critics (Leiden, 1974), pp. 75-95. Saläma Músa, al-Yawm wa-al-Ghad (Cairo, 1927), pp. 7-31, 229-257; Saläma Müsá, Mukhtärät Saläma Müsä (Cairo, 1929), pp. 48-54, 261-264; Saläma Müsä, “QatTat al-Mäd!,” al-Hadtth, January 1928, pp. 32-34; Husayn Fawzï, Sindibäd ‘Asti (Cairo, 1938), pp. 170-179; Husayn Fawn, Sindibäd Ilä al-Gharb (Cairo, n.d.), pp. 128-135, 214-215, 281-294; Saläma Müsä, “al-Misriyyün Umma Gharbiyya,” al-Hiläl, 1 December, 1928, pp. 177-181; Muhammad Sharaf, “al-Misriyyün Umma Ghayr Sharqiyya,” al-Majalla al-Jadtda, 1 July, 1930, pp. %2-964. See, for example: Mustafa Kämil, “Räbitat al-DTn wa-Räbitat al-Watan,” Majallat al-Liwä\ 15 Ramadan, 1317, appearing in: 'AG Fahim Kämil, Mustafi Kämil Bäshä Ft 34 RabVän, vol. 9 (Cairo, 1911), pp. 249-255; Mustafa Kämil, “al-Isläm,” Majallat al-Liwä\ October-NovemberDecember 1903, pp. 30-45; Mustafa Kämil, “al-Dawla al-‘Ulyä waMisr,” appearing in: ‘Al! Fahrn! Kämil, vol. VI, pp. 185-193; Mustafa Kämil, “al-Dawla wa-al-Isläm,” Majallat al-Liwä\ January-FebruaryMarch 1902, pp. 1-4; See also: Fritz Steppat, Nationalismus und Islam bei Mustaja Kämil (Leiden, 1956), pp. 266-283; ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Räfi‘!, Mustaja Kämil — BäHth al-Haraka al-Wataniyya (Cairo, 1950), pp. 145-147, 422-444. For the main expressions of the unified Pan-Eastern trend of identity in Egypt, see, for example: ‘Al! ‘Abd al-Räziq, “al-Fikra al-Sharqiyya,” Mulhaq al-Siyäsa, 14 October, 1932, p. 17; Fath! Radwän, “Mu’tamar al-Talaba al-Sharqiyyin,” ibid., pp. 6-7; ‘Abd al-Hamid al-Bakñ, “alSharq wa-al-Gharb,” Majallat al-Räbita al-Sharqiyya, 15 February, 1929, pp. 1-11; ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm, “Wäjib al-Sharqiyyïn al-Yawm,” Mulhaq al-Siyäsa, 14 October, 1932, p. 5; Mansür Fahmï, “Jamâ‘at al-Räbita al-Sharqiyya,” al-Majalla al-Jadtda, 1 March, 1930, pp. 529-531; ‘Abd al-Razzâq al-Sanhürï, “al-Islam wa-al-Sharq,” Mulhaq al-Siyäsa, 14 October, 1932, p. 16. Also see: Muhammad Lutfî Jum‘a’s book, Hayät al-Sharq (Cairo, 1932). The most important organizational manifestation of the Pan-Eastern trends was the “Eastern Bond Association” (JamHyyat al-Räbita alSharqiyya). The Association was active in Egypt during 1922-1931. On the Association, see: al-Hiläl, 1 March, 1922, pp. 569-570; Ahmad Shafiq, “Jam‘iyyat al-Räbita al-Sharqiyya — Mädihä, Hädiruhä, Mustaqbaluhä,” Majallat al-RäbiUt al-Sharqiyya, 15 October, 1928, pp. 3-11; “Jam'iyyat al-Räbita al-Sharqiyya—Kayfa wa-Limädhä Mätat?,” al-

94

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

Fatfi, 2 Rajab, 1350, pp. 408-409; 'AIT ‘Abd al-Räziq, “Majallat al-Rabiti al-Sharqiyya,” al-‘Usür, October- 1928, pp. 314-318; Ahmad Shaliq, Mudhakkirätx f i Nisf Qam, vol. Ill (Cairo, 1938), pp. 317-345; and, especially, in Ahmad Shafiq’s book, A ,mäli Ba‘d Mudhakkiräti (Cairo. 1941), the introduction written by Mansür Fahmî, and also pp. 32-34, 65-83, 102-119, 130-135, 154-158, 291-321. 9. For a study of Pan-Islamic trends of identity in Egypt at the end of the 1920s and during the 1930s, see, I. Gershoni, “Religion and Nationalisa in the Teachings of the Egyptian Salafíte Movements," (Hebrew), Hamizrah Hehadash, vol. XXVI (1976), pp. 181-202. 10. First signs of the Arab national trend of identity in Egypt are dearly evident even in the first half of the 1930s. See, for example: Muhammad ‘AIT 'Allùba, “FT-Sabll al-Wahda al-'Arabiyya," al-Siyäsa al-Usbü‘iyya. Il October, 1930, pp. 7, 25; “Tanzïm al-Rawäbit bayna Misr wa-al-Aqtâr al-'Arabiyya," al-Fath, 2 Safar, 1350, p. 8; Àhmad Hasan al-Zayyát, “Fir'awniyyün wa-'Arab,” al-Risäla, 1 October, 1933, pp. 1-2; ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzinl, “al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabiyya," al-Risäla, 26 August. 1935, pp. 1363-1365; Mahmüd 'Azml, “al-Räbita al-Sharqiyya, aa al-Islämiyya, am al-'Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, 1 November, 1933, pp. 53-58: Muhibb al-DTry al-Khatlb, “al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabiyya wa-Makänat Mist Minhä," al-Fath, 24 jumädä al-Ülâ, 1352, pp. 6-7; Muhibb al-D» al-Khatlb, “Misr al-'Arabiyya," al-Fath, 22 Shawwäl, 1349, pp. 1-2; Al Afandl al-Jundl, “Misr 'Arabiyya,” al-Fath, 15 Jumädä al-Äkhira, 135: pp. 4-5, 13; ‘Abd al-Qädir Hamza, “Makän Misr min al-‘Arab wa-al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabiyya," al-Balägh, 13 September, 1933, p '■ Mustafa FahmT, “Mawqif Misr min al-Sharq wa-al-SharqiyyTn," al-Siyäsa, 29 September, 1933, pp. 14-15. See, especially, ‘Abd al-Rahma ‘Azzäm’s essays, viz.: “al-‘Arab Ummat al-Mustaqbal," which appetß simultaneously in al-‘Arab, 27 August, 1932, pp. 6, 16, and in al-Fd Jumädä al-Ülä, 1351, pp. 9-10; “al-Wahda al-'Arabiyya — lil-'Arab wa-Sa‘äda lil-Bashar," al-‘Arab, 15 October, 1932, pp“A-Laysat Misr ‘Arabiyya?,’’ a response to Taha Husayn, al-fr * al-Islämiyya, 31 August, 1933, p. 1; “al-Imbirätüriyya al-'Arabiyya wa-H¿ An an Tatahaqqaq?,” al-Hiläl, 1 February, 1934, pp. 385-389.

95

NOTES

CHAPTER TW O 1. See, for example, an expression of this by Ahmad Amîn, “Fursa Nadira,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 24 March, 1937, pp. 776-777; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Mudhakkirät FT alSiyäsa al-Misriyya, vol. 1 (Cairo, 1951), p. 443; Taha Husayn, Mustaqbal al-Thaqàfa f i Misr (Cairo, 1938), vol. I, the introduction; vol. II, pp. 519-528; Muhibb al-DTn al-Khatlb, “Misr wa-Siyäsatuhä al-Islämiyya ba‘d al-Istiqläl,” al-Fath, 20 Safar, 1357, pp. 3-4; “Misr wa-al-Buldän al-‘Arabiyya — ‘Ahd Jadîd wa-Siyâsa Jaclïda,” al-Räbita at-‘Arabiyya, 9 December, 1936, pp. 104-105; ‘Abd al-Wahhàb ‘Azzäm, “Misr wa-al-Biläd al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Risäla, 21 September, 1936, pp. 1521-1522. The article appeared later in a collection of articles by ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm, al-Awäbid — Maqälät wa-Man^ümät (Cairo, 1942), pp. 68-72. 2. On the King’s aspirations to the Caliphate as well as to Arab leadership, see: “ ‘al-Khiläfa al-Islämiyya am al-Ittihäd al-‘ArabI wa-Ayyuhumä Afdal li-Misr wa-lil-'Arab,” al-Räbita al-(Arabiyya, 2 February, 1938, pp. 18-19; “Misr wa-al-Khiläfa — al-Ittihäd al-*Arab! Àwwalân,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 8 February, 1939, pp. 14-15, “Haqîqat Mawqif Misr min Qadiyyat al-Khiläfa al-Islämiyya,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 18 May, 1938, p. 9; Haykal, Mudhakkirät, vol. II, p. 319; and concerning this, see, also: J. Heyworth-Dunne, Religious and Political Trends in Modem Egypt (Washing­ ton, 1950), pp. 23-27; Elie Kedourie, The Chatham House Version and Other Middle Eastern Studies (London, 1970), pp. 198-207, 215-218. 3. Heyworth Dunne, pp. 22-28, 36-37; Kedourie, pp. 215-219. 4. Heyworth-Dunne, p. 24. 5. The first government of ‘Ali Mähir served from 30 January, 1936 to 9 May, 1936, and the second, from 18 August, 1939 to 22 June, 1940. 6. Haykal, Mudhakkirät, vol. II, pp. 155-156; Heyworth-Dunne, pp. 23-26; Kedourie, pp. 198-207, 215-218. As head of the first government, ‘All Mähir appointed Muhammad ‘All ‘Allüba to the position of Minister of Education, and Ahmad Muhammad Khashaba to the post of Minister of Justice. In his second government Mähir appointed ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm Minister of the Awqäf. During this period, the Ministry of Social Affairs was established with ‘Azzäm at its head. ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm was a confidant of Mähir and the person who did more than anyone to draw him to the subject of Pan-Arabism (see: Heyworth-Dunne, p. 26). Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Allubä, in

96

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

this government, was appointed Minister of State for Parliamentary AfTairs and Muhammad Sälih Harb was appointed Minister of National Defense. 18. On the background to the signing of this treaty, see: Mahmüd ‘Azmi, al-Ayyäm al-Mi'a: Wizärat *Alt Mähir Bäshä, 30January, 9 May, 1936 (Cairo, 1936), pp. 101-103. For the full text of the treaty, see Ibid., pp. 103-106. The treaty was signed on 8 May, 1936. Egypt’s rapprochement with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was widely and positively reported in the Egyptian press. See: the editorial in al-Ahräm, “Misr wa-Shaqîqatuhâ,” al-Ahräm, 25 April, 1936, p. 1; “Misr wa-Shaqîqatuhâ — Tawthiq al-Rawäbit bayna al-Umam al-‘Arabiyya,” an editorial written by Ibrahim ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzinl, al-Balägh, 11 March, 1936, p. 1; similarly, see the following issue oí al-Balägh: 4 April, 1936, p. 1; 18 April, 1936, p. 2; 9 April, 1936, p. 1; and al-Rábita al-Arabiyya, 2 December, 1936, pp 95-97. 19. I. Gershoni, pp. 182-191; Heyworth-Dunne, pp. 8-36, 49-52. 20. Ibid., pp. 23-28; R.P. Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (London. 1969), pp. 12-25. 21. J.P. Jankowski, Egypt’s Young Rebels, “Young Egypt”: 1933-1952 (Stanford. California, 1975), pp. 26-43. 22. Ibid., pp. 32-39. 23. Regarding the Pan-Islamic and Pan-Arab platforms of “The Young Men’s Muslim Association,” see, for example: al-Mu'tamar al-Awival li-Majälis Idärat JamHyyät al-Shubbän al-Muslimtn (Cairo, 1930); Mustafa Ahmad al-Rifa‘i al-Labbän, “Wäjib al-Muslim Nahwa Watanihi alKhäss wa-Watanihi al-‘Ämm,” Majallat al-Hidäya al-lslämiyya, Shawwil 1349, pp. 253-259; Muhibb al-DIn al-Khatib, “al-Isläm wa-al-Watan al-‘ArabI,” al-Fath, 24 Shawwäl, 1355, pp. 3-4. Regarding the platform of the “Muslim Brothers,” see, for example, the following tracts (Rasä’ii) Da‘watunä (Cairo, 1937); Risälat al-Mu’tamar al-Khämis (Cairo, 1939); lie Ayy Shqy’än Mad‘ü al-Näs (Cairo, 1936); Nahwa al-Nür (Cairo, n.d.); and. also: Muhammad al-Ghazäli, “al-Ikhwän al-Muslimün — Haqîqat al-Wataniyya bayna Hadârat al-Gharb,” al-Nadhïr, 3 Rabí* al-Thàni. 1358, pp. 7-8; also see: Mitchell, pp. 263-271. Regarding the platform of Misr al-Fatäh, see: Bamämaj Hizb Misr al-Fatäh (Cairo, 1938), pp. 1*2: , Ahmad Husayn, “al-Wahda al-lslämiyya Walldat al-Ittihäd al-’Aratn." : al-Fath, 2 Dhü al-Hijjah, 1358, pp. 7-8. At the end of the period under, discussion, Misr al-Fatäh underwent a change: the party wanted to project j

NOTES

97

a new image and call itself “the Islamic Nationalist Party” (al-Hizb al- Watani al-Islàmî). At the center of its new platform, national Pan-Arab and Pan-Islamic objectives were set forth and the party closely approached the world views of the Egyptian Salfite organizations, headed by the “Muslim Brothers.” See the following issues ofJaridat Misr al-Fatäh, 18 March, 1940, pp. 1-8; 4 March, 1940, p. 10; 14 March, 1940, p. 5; al-TalVa, March 1965, pp. 155-158; Jankowski, pp. 44-55. 24. On this intricate web of relationships, see: al-Fath, 18 Dhü al-Qa'da, 1356, pp. 1-2; al-Fath, 13 Shawwàl, 1356, pp. 12-13; al-Fath, 12 Jumädä al-Äkhira, 1356, p. 5; al-Nadhïr, 10 Ramadan, 1358, pp. 8, 10; Hasan al-Bannâ, Mudhakkirät al-Da'wa wa-al-Dâ‘iyya (Cairo, n.d.), pp. 251-257; Jankowski, pp. 32-36; Mitchell, pp. 14-24; Heyworth-Dunne, pp. 22-28, 36-37; Kedourie, pp. 216-217. ‘Abd al-Hamïd Sa‘Id publicly supported the re-establishment of the Caliphate and bestowed the crown of the Caliphate on the King of Egypt, Fârûq; see the view of ‘Abd al-Hamld Sa‘id in the special issue of al-Hiläl: al-‘Arab wa-al-Islämf i al-‘Asr al-Hadith, April 1939, pp. 14-15. 25. See, for example: al-Fath, 14 Rabí* al-Awwal, 1355, pp. 5-7; al-Fath, 25 Jumada al-Ola, 1355, p. 4; al-Fath, 18 Rajab, 1356, pp. 21-22; al-Rábita al-‘Arabiyya, 11 August, 1937, p. 7; also, see: Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Màzinî’s series of articles which appeared in al-Risäla, viz.: 24 August, 1936, pp. 1363-1365; 16 August, 1937, pp. 1321-1323; 23 August, 1937, pp. 1361-1362; 11 October, 1937, pp. 1641-1642; 10 October, 1938, pp. 1643-1644; 21 August, 1939, pp. 1623-1625; see also: Täriq al-Bishn, al-Haraka al-Siyäsiyya f i Misr, 1945-1952 (Cairo, 1972), pp. 243-251. 26. Heyworth-Dunne, pp. 8-35, 49-52. Regarding the support and sympathy of “The Young Men’s Muslim Association” for the Palestinian Arabs’ struggle during the period of the Arab Revolt, there is an abundance of evidence in al-Fath, the organ of this organization. See, for example, the following issues: 12 Jumädä al-Olä, 1356, pp. 3-4; 14 Jumädä al-Ülä, 1356, pp. 3-4, 16-17; 5 Sha‘bän, 1357, pp. 6-8; 14 Rabî‘ al-Awwal, 1358, pp. 3-4; 14 Rabi‘ al-Awwal, 1355, pp. 3-7; 20 Sha‘bän, 1355, pp. 6-7; 28 Rabf al-Awwal, 1355, pp. 3-5; 20 Safar, 1357, pp. 18-19; and see especially: “ ‘Adad Khäss bi-Dhikrä Wa‘d Balfùr,” al-Fath, 13 Rajab, 1352, pp. 1-8. Under the initiative of “The Young Men’s Muslim Association” there was established in May 1936 — about a month after the outbreak of the Arab Revolt —- “The High Committee for the Aid of Palestinian Casualties” (al-Lajna al-‘Ulya li-Ighâshat MankübïFilastin). The President of “The Young Men’s Muslim Association,” ‘Abd al-Hamld Sa'id, headed the Committee, which established ties with the leaders of

98

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

the Arab Revolt; composed petitions of protest against Zionist activities in Palestine; distributed manifestoes supporting the Arabs’ struggle in Palestine, in Egypt and throughout the Arab and Muslim world; and principally worked to raise funds from the Egyptian public for the Arabs in Palestine. Representatives of the “Muslim Brothers,” headed by Hasan al-Bannä, were members of the Committee and took part in its activities. On the activity of the Committee, see the following issues of al-Fath: 14 RabP al-Awwal, 1355, pp. 5*7; 23 Jumädä al-Ülä, 1357, pp. 3-4, 9; 11 Rajab, 1356, pp. 20-21; 21 Rabf al-Awwal, 1355, p. 23; 25 Jumädä al-Ülä. 1355, pp. 16-17; 22 Rajab, 1355, p. 19; 15 Rajab, 1355, pp. 6-7; see also issues of al-Ahräm: 13 June, 1936; 26 June, 1936; 10 June, 1937, p. 4. See also: Jaridat al-lkhwän al-Muslimin, 11 August, 1936, pp. 9-11. On the activity of Misr al-Fatäh for the struggle of the Palestinian Arabs in this period, see: Ahmad Husayn, NisJQam Ata'a al-'Umba wa-Qadiyyat Filastin (Beirut, 1971), pp. 55-70. 27. On the extensive activity of the “Muslim Brothers” in Egypt on behalf of the Arab struggle in Palestine, see the following issues of Jaridat al-lkhuà al-Muslimin: 19 November, 1937, pp. 18-19; 8 September, 1936, pp. 1-3; 25 August, 1936, pp. 1-15; 28July, 1936, pp. 14-15; 23 June, 1936, pp. 1-3: 16June, 1936, pp. 14-17; 26 May, 1936, pp. 1-3; 19 May, 1936, pp. 19-20: see, especially, the special issue (5 November, 1937) devoted entirely to the subject of Palestine ( ‘Adad Filastin). Likewise, see the following issues of al-Nadhir. 10 Ramadän, 1358, pp. 8-9; 10 Rabf al-Thänl, 1358, pp. 3-4. 10, 14-15; 10 Rajab, 1357, pp. 3-5; 26 Jumädä al-Thänl, 1357, pp. 3-8: l-1 Jumädä al-Thäni, 1357, pp. 21-24; 13 Shawwäl, 1357, pp. 3-6; Hasan al-Bannä, “Filastln-Qit’a min Wataninä,” al-Nadhir, 8 Ramadän, 133* pp. 3-4; see especially the special issue of al-Nadhir ( ‘Adad Filastin al-Khass 2 Sha'bän, 1357. In May 1936 the “Muslim Brothers” established a special body of their own which functioned on behalf of Palestinian Arabs This body was called “The Central Committee for the Aid of Palestine (al-Lajna al-Markaziyya li-Musä‘adat Filastin). On the activity of this bod' see: Jaridat al-lkhwän al-Muslimin, 6 July, 1936, pp. 13-19; 30 June, 193b-. pp. 20-21; 16 June, 1936, pp. 21-22; 26 May, 1936, pp. 14-15; also, see: j al-Nadhir, 15 al-Muharram, 1358, pp. 15-16; 8 al-Muharram, 1358, p 23 j This organization also worked, essentially, in raising funds on behalf ot the Palestinian Arabs. It is worthwhile to point out that Hasan al-Bannl in opposition to the opinion of several of his colleagues, decided to use these funds for the expansion of the “Muslim Brothers” activity in Eg'": itself. The leadership of the “Muslim Brothers” worked in close accord with the Palestinian “Higher Arab Committee.” See, for example, ‘A"*1' ‘Abd al-Hädi’s (Secretary of the Committee) letter to Hasan al Bantu

NOTES

99

Jañdat al-Ikhwàn al-Muslimïn, 2 June, 1936, p. 3. Special ties were formed between Hasan al-Bannä and the Mufti, Häjj Amin al-Husaynl. See: ibid., pp. 4-5; Heyworth-Dunne, pp. 22-23. On the subject of the “Muslim Brothers” ’s support in the struggle of the Palestinian Arabs, see also: Hasan al-Bannä, Mudhakkirät, pp. 223-230. 28.

For details of the Congress, see: Taqrir al-Wafd al-Niyàbï al-Süñ ‘an al-Mu ’tomar al-Barlamànï al-(Àlami lil-Difi‘ ‘an Filastïn (Damascus, 1938); al-Mu’tamar al-Barlamànï al-‘Àlâmi lil-Bilàd al-‘Arabiyya wa-al-lslàmiyya Iil-Dijâ‘ ‘an Filastïn— Qarärät al-Mu ’tomar wa-A ‘dà’al- Wufüd (Cairo, 1938). At the Congress, the following central resolutions were adopted: (1) a decisive rejection of the Balfour Declaration; (2) an obligation to work for the prevention of Jewish immigration to Palestine; and (3) a rejection of the plan for the partition of Palestine and “adherence to the principle of its remaining an Arab country in its entirety.” Ibid., in the resolutions section, pp. 126-141, and, especially, pp. 139-141. For additional details on the Congress and the background of its convening, see: Muhammad ‘All ’Allüba, “Nidâ’ lia al-Shuyûkh wa-al-Nuwwäb al-Misriyyïn,” al-Fath, 12 Sha‘bän, 1357, pp. 15-16; al-Fath, 13 Dhù al-Hijja 1357, p. 17; 4 Ramadän, 1357, pp. 14-17; 16 Jumädä al-Ülä, 1357, p. 22; 19 Sha’bän, 1357, pp. 3-19; Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyät, “al-Mu’tamar al-Barlamänl lil-Umam al-’Arabiyya al-Islämiyya,” al-Risäla, 10 October, 1938, pp. 1642-1643; al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 17 August, 1938, pp. 14-16; al-Ahräm, 18 October, 1938; al-Ahräm, 6, 7, 8 October, 1938. See, also: E. Rossi, “Il Congresso Interparlamentare Arabo E Musulmano Pro Palestina Al Cairo (7-11, Ottobre),” OM, XVIII (November 1938), pp. 587-601.

29.

About 80 Egyptian representatives, members of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, took part in the Congress. See a detailed list in al-Mu’tamar al-Barlamànï al-‘Âlamï, pp. 146-148.

. 30.

On the support of the “Muslim Brothers” for the Congress, see: “al-Ikhwân al-Muslimûn Yu’ayyidûna al-Mu’tamar al-Barlamänl,” alNadhïr, 2 Sha'bän, 1357, p. 10, and also: Ibid.', pp. 6-9; al-Nadhtr, 20 Jumädä al-Ülä, 1357, pp. 15-16. On the support of “The Young Men’s Muslim Association”: “Mu’tamar al-Qähira al-Barlamänl lil-Biläd al‘Arabiyya wa-al-Islämiyya lil-Difa* ’an Filastïn,” al-Fath, 19 Sha’bän, 1357, pp. 3-15. The President of “The Young Men’s Muslim Associa­ tion,” ‘Abd al-Hamld Sa’Id, was chosen to serve as a member of the Permanent Committee of the Congress (lajna dä’ima), which was chaired by Muhammad ’AG ‘Alluba. Two other important individuals from “The Young Men’s Muslim Association,” the Shaykh ’Abd al-Wahhäb al-Najjär, and Dr. Ahmad Yahyä al-Dardîrï, participated on the

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THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

organizational committee of the Congress (lajnat al-tançïm). 31. For details of this Congress, on the composition of its representation, on speeches delivered to it, and on the resolutions adopted at it, see the official publication put out by the Congress: al-Mu'tomar al-Nisä'i al-Sharqi lil-DiJa‘ ‘an Filastin (Cairo, 1938). 32. See the British Foreign Office Files: F.O. 371/23223; F.O. 371/23224: F.O. 371/23225; F.O. 371/23232; F.O. 371/23233; F.O. 371/23234. For details on Egypt’s participation in the Conference, see also the official document: Mu'tamar Filastin al-‘Arabi al-Baritäni (Mekka, 1940). This is a direct translation (from English into Arabic) of the British-Arab negotiations conducted at the Conference. The departure of ‘Alî Máhir and ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm for the Conference was contrary to the wishes of the Prime Minister, Muhammad Mahmûd. Mahmüd wanted to go to the Conference himself and serve as head of the Egyptian delegation. Through the intervention of King Fârûq, however, he was prevented from doing so, and the King dispatched to London his confidants, ’Azzäm and Mähir. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, at that time Minister of Education in Mahmüd’s government, expresses in his Memoirs great wonder at the meaning of this step, which openly bypassed the authority of the Prime Minister. See: Haykal, Mudhakkirät, vol. II, p. 155. There is, apparently, additional evidence of the intimate connection between the King, Mähir and ’Azzäm, and of Färüq’s vigorous insistence that matters touching on Egypt’s policy in the Arab would be entrusted to those who would do his bidding. See: al-Ahrâm, 22 January, 1939, p. 9; 24 January, 1939, p. 9: al-Fath, 18 al-Muharram, 1358, pp. 10-11. Mahdi ‘Abd al-Hädi. al-Mas'ala al-Filastiniyya wa-Mashäri‘ al-Huläl al-Siyäsiyya (Beirut, 1975). pp. 62-73; Kedourie, pp. 216-217; on the convening of the Arab delegations in Cairo on the eve of their departure for London, set: “Mu’tamar al-Duwal al-’Arabiyya bi-al-Qähira,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyve. 25 January, 1939, pp. 7-10, 43. The ’’Muslim Brothers” publicly expressed their support for Egypt’s active participation in the Conference in London. They even applauded the appointment of Mähir and ‘Azzäm as members of the delegation. See: al-Nadhir, 8 al-Muharram, 1358, pp 5-6; 3 Dhü al-Hijja, 1357, pp. 3-4; Hasan al-Bannä, Mudhakkirät, pp 286-287; Heyworth-Dunne, p. 23; Mitchell, p. 17. 33. N. Safran, Egypt in Search of Political Community (Cambridge, Mass., 1961 pp. 165-224; A .G . Chejne, “The Use of History by Modern Arab Writers,” MEJ, XIV (1960), pp. 387-388; M. Colombe, L'Evolution dt l'Egypte 1924-1950 (Paris, 1951), pp. 121-154; Charles D. Smith, “The ‘Crisis of Orientation’: The Shift of Egyptian Intellectuals to Islamic

NOTES

101

Subjects in the 1930s,” IJMES, IV (October 1973), pp. 382-410. Smith, who criticizes Safran’s thesis, still does not deny Islam’s momentous rise during this period and the expression that this resurgence found in the writings of the Egyptian intellectuals. See also, in his doctorate: Charles D. Smith, Muhammad Husayn Haykal: An Intellectual and Political Biography (Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation — The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan, 1968), pp. 229-294. With regard to the views of Muhammad Husayn Haykal, see also: D. Semah, pp. 96-100. 34. See, for example: N. Safran, pp. 141-180; Charles D. Smith, “The Crisis of Orientation,” pp. 382-407; D. Semah, pp. 69-100; M. Colombe, pp. 122-184. 35. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “Hal al-Adab al-‘Arabi Qadlmuhu waHadithuhu Yakfi li-Takwïn al-Adlb?,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 21 April, 1928, pp. 10-11; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Ft Awqät al-Farägh, 2nd ed. (Cairo, 1968), pp. 98-112, 344-367; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “Misr al-Sähira,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü‘iyya, 28 September, 1929, pp. 3-4. The article was subsequently published in an expanded version and given the new title, “al-Adab al-Qawml,” in Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Thawrat al-Adab, 3rd ed. (Cairo, 1965), pp. 105-120; also see: ibid., pp. 132-210; D. Sémah, pp. 75-95. 36. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “al-Fann al-Misri,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 17 December, 1927, p. 23; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “al-Fann al-Misri”, al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 24 December, 1927, p. 14; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “Hal min Khatwa J adida (T Sabil al-Fann al-Misri,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 7 January, 1928, p. 10. 37. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “Ta’rikh Misr wa-Ädäbuhä,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 22 December, 1928, pp. 5-6; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Taräjim Misriyya wa-Gharbiyya (Cairo, 1929), pp. 9-29; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “Ta’rikh al-Haraka al-Qawmiyya — lia Ayy ‘Ahd Yaiji‘u ÍÍ Misr?,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 12 January, 1929, pp. 3-4; Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Ft Awqät al-Farägh, pp. 246-301. 38. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “Misr al-Haditha wa-Misr al-Qadima,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 27 November, 1926, p. 10. 39. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “al-Fir‘awniyya wa-al-‘Arabiyya — Hädir la Mädi lahu lä Mustaqbal lahu,” Mulhaq al-Siyäsa (supplement to al-Siyäsa), 29 September, 1933, pp. 25, 27-28. 40. Haykal, Thawrat al-Adab, pp. 5-15, 211-219; a glaring example of this reorientation is evident in a studious comparison of the revisions which

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THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

Haykal introduced in his article, “Misr al-Haditha wa-Misr al-Qadima." (which originally appeared in al-Siyäsa al-UsbüHyya, 27 November, 1926, pp. 10-11), when he republished it with alterations in Thawrat al-Adab (pp. 121-131), under the new title, “Al-Ta’rikh wa’l-Adab al-Qawmï.” As D. Semah (pp. 96-100) convincingly demonstrates, the purpose of Haykal's alterations was to emphasize his belief in Islamic civilization as a prime source of the Egyptian national identity. Moreover, the article was revised in such a way as to conform with the introduction and concluding chapter of Thawrat al-Adab, which marked Haykal’s shift of interest from Pharaonic to Islamic subjects. 41. Muhammad Husayn. Haykal, Ft Manzil al-Wahy (Cairo, 1937), p. 23. 42. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “Ta’rikh al-Haraka al-Qawmiyya...,” al-Siyàsa al-UsbûHyya, 12 January, 1929, p. 3. See also: Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “Dhikrayàt Qadima,” al-Siyäsa al-UsbûHyya, 3 April. 1927, p. 10. 43. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “al-Ittihâd al-Thaqâfï bayna al-Umam al-‘Árabiyya,” al-Hiläl, April 1939, pp. 12-13. 44. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, al-Siddïq Abü-Bakr (Cairo, 1942), p. 10. 45. For further details on, and a more comprehensive analysis of this reorientation, see: I. Gershoni, Egypt between Distinctiveness and Unity: Tht Search for National Identity, 1919-1948 (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv, 1980). 46. On the Association and on its principles, see: “Talä’i‘ J adida fi Sabil al-Wahda al-Thaqäfiyya lil-Umam al-'Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya. 2 January, 1937, pp. 278-279. 47. Al-Räbita al-(Arabiyya, 26 May, 1937, p. 7. 48. On the two medical conferences and the part of the Egyptians in their organization, see: 5. See, for example, the special ceremonial issue of al-Hiläl: al-'Arab wa-al-Isläm f i al-'Asr al-Hadïth (April 1939). [Hereafter: al-Hiläl — the Arabs].

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CHAPTER THREE 56. On the activities of ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Muhammad Khaläf in “The Young Men’s Muslim Association,” see: al-Fath, 27 Rabl‘ al-Awwal, 1352, p. 79: and also in his book, Ma*a al-Qawmiyya al-*Arabiyya f i Rub* Qam (Cairo. 1958), p. 69. On his stay in Iraq, see: pp. 61*80; and his article, “Min al-NIl ilä al-Räfidayn,” al-Risäla, 9 November, 1936, pp. 1836-1837. 57. Ibid.; during the 1930s, a permanent Egyptian delegation composed of lecturers, teachers, writers and poets, was posted in Iraq on behalf of the Egyptian Ministry of Education. For various periods throughout this decade, it included prominent Egyptian intellectuals such as: Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyät, ZakI Mubarak, Muhammad al-‘Ashmàwï, Mahmud ‘Azmi, ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzâm and ‘Abd al-Razzâq al-Sanhùrï. More details about the delegation can be found in Zakî Mubàrak’s book, Wain Baghdàd (Cairo, 1938). Also see: Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyät, “Bayna Misr wa-al-‘Iräq,” al-Risäla, 4 July, 1938, pp. 1081-1082. 58. See the reviews of Taha Husayn’s book, Mustaqbal àl-Thaqâfa f i Misr (Cairo, 1938) by the aforementioned figures and their criticisms of his objections to political Arab unity; for example: ZakI Mubarak in his open letters to Taha Husayn, al-Risäla, 23January, 1939, pp. 147-152; al-Risàla. 25 December, 1939, pp. 2329-2331; ‘Abd al-Saläm al-Kurdänl, “Musta­ qbal al-Thaqäfa fi Misr,” al-Thaqäfa, 14 February, 1939, pp. 9-14; Muhammad Lutfl Jum‘a, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Rábita al-‘Arabiyya, 25 January, 1939, pp. 11-13; Hasan al-Bannä, “ Mustaqba! al-Thaqäfa fi Misr,” al-Nadhir, 6 Safar, 1358, pp. 3-7. The strongest criticism of Taha Husayn’s book in this period was voiced by Sa»id Qutb, “Naqd Kitäb Mustaqbal al-Thaqäfa fi Misr,” Sahifat Där al-*l'lüm. April 1939, pp. 28-79. On Taha Husayn and his afbrementioned book, see below. 59. Khaläf, Ma*a al-Qawmiyya al-*Arabiyya, pp. 67-68, 71; according to his article that had been published, for the first time, in the Iraqi daih al-Akhbär, 18 December, 1938. Khaläf refers to the preparations made b\ Arab states, including Egypt, for the “St. James’s Conference,” which took place in London about two months after the publication of the article 60. Ibid., p. 68; also see: pp. 67-71. 61. Ibid., p. 68. 62. ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzâm, “Darürat al-YVahda al-‘Arabiyya lil-Salâm al-‘ÄlamI,” al-Räbila al-*Arabiyya, 24 March, 1937, pp. 784-786; Mahmud

NOTES

105

Muntasir, “al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 28 July, 1937, pp. 20-22; Mansür FahmT, “Nahwa Thaqäfa Sharqiyya Khâlisa,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 21 July, 1937, pp. 16-17; Ahmad Husayn, “alWahda al-Islámiyya Walídat al-Ittihäd al-‘ArabF’, al-Fath, 2 Dhü al-Hijja, 1358, pp. 6-8. Also see the views of Mustafa ‘Abd al-Ráziq, Ahmad Muhammad Khashaba and Ibrâhîm Dasüqï Abäza in interviews to the Syrian journalist Muhammad Shâkir al-Khardajï, al-(Arab f i Tartq al-Ittihäd (Damascus, 1947), pp. 80-88, 96. During 1937-1938, al-Khardajï had interviews with 177 prominent Egyptian figures (ministers, members ofthe Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, religious leaders, intellectuals, mayors, senior government officials, physicians and leaders of extraparliamentary political organizations). Al-Khardajï sought to examine the Egyptian position towards the idea of Arab unity. The interviews with the Egyptians were part of a more encompassing set of meetings that al-Khardajï held during this period with individuals from all parts of the Arab world. Several of the important interviews, which al-Khardajï arranged in Egypt, were already published in the Egyptian press in 1938. See, for example: al-Räbita al-(Arabiyya, 27 April, 1938, pp. 6-7 (the views of Muhammad Mahmùd, then Prime Minister, and the Cabinet Ministers, Hilmï ‘¡sä, Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Ahmad Muhammad Khashaba, Ahmad Kamil, Murad Wahaba, and Husayn Sirrï); al-Räbita al-‘Arabijrya, Il May, 1938, pp. 14-15 (the view of Bahâ al-Dïn Barakât — President of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies); al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 18 May, 1938, pp. 14-15 (the views of Taha Husayn and Mansûr Fahmï); al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 25 May, 1938, pp. 16-17 (the views of Tawfiq al-Hakïm, Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qâdir al-Màzinï, and ‘Abbas Mahmùd al-‘Aqqäd); al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 24 May, 1939, p. 13 (the view o f‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm); see, also: al-Misri, 30 May, 1938, p. 7. All the interviews were compiled later in al-Khardajl’s abovementioned book, pp. 76-203 (hereafter: al-Khardajï). One of the most exceptional interviews arranged by al-Khardajï in Egypt at this time was that with Shaykh al-Azhar Muhammad Mustafa al-Marâghï. Al-Marâghï failed to accept Arab unity in principle. He explicitly rejected the idea of Arab unity for orthodox Islamic reasons: Arab unity is a secular national idea that is not compatible with Islam. The Islamic umma purports to be the exclusive collective framework, demanding of a believer total loyalty. It does not recognize any form of non-religious collective loyalty based on attachment to a territorial entity, to race, or to a language group. The Arab enjoys no superiority over the non-Arab except through faith in and devotion to the precepts of the religion. The unity of all believers is the sacred, exalted goal which denies

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THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

the unity of the Arabs — a unity, which, according to al-MaräghTs view, is merely the manifestation of “a tribal race-chauvinism” (al-‘asabim al-jinsiyya). See the view of Shaykh Muhammad Mustafa al-Maràghï, al-Khardaji, pp. 78-80. The extent to which this expression represented an exceptional point of view within the Egyptian public during this period can be ascertained from the fact that this response of al-Maräghl provoked great indignation in the Egyptian press. See: al-Misri, 29 May, 1938, p. 1., The following day (al-Misñ, 30 May, 1938, p. 7) al-Misri expressed its wonder at the meaning of Shaykh al-Azhar's “strange response.” Moreover, because of its complete identification with the position of al-Khardaji, the newspaper strongly condemned the anti-Arab view of al-Maräghl and even nicknamed him “the enemy of Arab unity.” The newspaper called on Egypt to continue with and to cleave to Arab unity, for thus “Egypt and: its inhabitants stand at the head of the believers in Arab unity and at the head of those who work to realize it” {Ibid.). See, also: al-Misri, 3 June, 1938, pp. 1, 2. These reactions compelled al-Maräghi to react to the accusations against him. In a letter of response, of a clearly apologetic nature, to al-Misri, al-Maräghl reviewed and explained anew his position. He maintained that “I have no opinion regarding Arab unity” and therefore “I am numbered neither with its supporters nor its enemies," see: al-Misri, 31 May, 1938, p. 7. The text of the response also appeared in its entirety in al-Khardaji, pp. 79-80. On this afTair, see also: Enrico Nunè. “LTdea dell’Unita Araba in Recenti Debattiti della Stampa del Vicino Oriente,” OM, XVIII (August 1938), p. 411. In our opinion there is no* foundation to Nunè’s contention that al-Maräghl’s position expresses “the view of the Muslim and Pan-Islamic circles [in Egypt] with regard to the idea of Arab unity” {ibid). 63. Ahmad Husayn, “Ayyuhä al-‘Arab fi Anhä’ al-Dunyä Ittahidü,” al-Räbita al-lArabiyya, 5 October, 1938, pp. 8, 47-48; ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm. “Wäjib al-‘Arab fi I‘lä’ Sha’nihim wa-TanzTm Hayätihim,” al-Räbitß al-(Arabiyya, 6 October, 1937, pp. 28-29; Muhammad Subayh, “Nahwa Adab Jadld —Adab al-Qawmiyya wa-al-Qüwa,” al-Räbita al-(Arabiyya. May, 1936, pp. 43-44; Rafiq al-Labäbldl, “al-Räbita al-Thaqäfiyya bayna Misr wa-al-Sharq al-‘Arabï,” al-Risäla, 1 February, 1936, pp. 222-221 64.

Makram ‘Ubayd, “al-Misriyyün ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 32

65. Ibid., pp. 32-33. 66. ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm, “W’äjib al-‘Arab fi I‘lä’ Sha’nihim wa-Tanzin

Hayätihim,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, op. cit.; Muhammad ‘All ‘Allüha. “Ahammiyyat al-Mu’tamarät al-‘Arabiyya fi Nahdat al-Muslimln wa-al-

1

NOTES

107

‘Arab,” al-HÜäl — the Arabs, pp. 50-52; Mahmüd Muntasir, “alQawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. ci/.;Mansür Fahml in an interview to al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 18 May, 1938, p. 14; Ahmad Husayn, “al-Wahda al-Islämiyya Walïdat al-Ittihäd al-‘ArabT,” al-Fath, op. dt.; Ahmad Muhammad Khashaba in an interview to al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 27 April, 1938, p. 7. • 7. *Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm, “al-Imbirätüriyya al-‘Arabiyya wa- Hai Än an Tatahaqqaq?,” al-Hiläl, 1 February, 1934, pp. 385-389; Mahmüd Muntasir, “al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. dt.; see also the views of Sälih ‘Inän, Sâlih Lamlüm, ‘Abdallah Lamlüm and ‘Abdallah ‘AGG in* al-Khardajl, pp. 100, 109, 191-192. B. For the answer of Ahmad Muhammad Khashaba in a poll that had been carried out by the journal al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya regarding the issue of “al-Imbirátüriyya al-‘Arabiyya aliad Nubashar bihà” (hereafter: the Arab Empire Poll), see: al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 29 July, 1936, pp. 5-9; Muhammad 'AG ‘Allüba, “Ahammiyat al-Mu’tamarät al-'Arabiyya G Nahdat al-Muslimîn wa-al-‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 52; ‘Abd al-Khäliq Tharawat al-Ghamrâwï, “al-Ittihäd al-‘Arab!,” al-Balägh, 24 June, 1937; Mahmüd Muntasir, ‘‘Mu’tamar al-Talaba al-‘ArabI,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 3 November, 1937, pp. 35-37; the views of Muhibb al-Dln al-Khatib, Mahmüd Basyünï and Ahmad ShaGq in al-Khardajl, pp. 195-196, Í06, 173. 9. ‘Abd al-Razzâq al-Sanhürî, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 12 August, 1936, pp. 5, 35. 9. ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm, *‘al-Imbirätüriyya al-‘Arabiyya wa- Hal Än an Tatahaqqaq?,” al-Hiläl, 1 February, 1934, p. 389; also see: pp. 385-388. 1. ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm, “Darürat al-Wahda al-*Arabiyya lil-Saläm al-‘Àlamï,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 24 March, 1937, pp. 784-786; Ahmad Husayn, ‘‘al-Wahda al-Islämiyya Walïdat al-Ittihäd al-‘Arab!,” al-Fath, op. dt.; the views of Sulaymän Ghannäm, ‘Aziz MIrham and Muhammad Subhl in al-Khardajl, pp. 121, 114, 174; ‘Abd aI-Mun‘im Muhammad Khaläf, “Mazâmïr lil-Nafs al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Risäla, 1 April, 1940, pp. 565-568. 2. Muhammad Lutf! Jum‘a, ‘‘Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 25 January, 1939, pp. 11-13; Zak! Mubarak, “Mustaqbal al-Adab al-‘ArabI,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 129-131; the views o f‘Abd al-Rahman Fahml, Hasan Ibrâhîm Hasan and ‘Abdalläh ‘AGG in al-Khardajl* pp. 123,’ 177-178, 191-192.

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73. Ahmad Husayn, “Ayyuhä al-‘Arab fi Anhä’ al-Dunyä Ittahidù,” ai-Räbi al-'Arabiyya, op. cit.; Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Allüba, “Ahammiyat a Mu’tamarät al-‘Arabiyya...,” ai-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 50-52; Ral al-Labäbldl, “al-Räbita al-Thaqáfiyya bayna Misr wa-al-Sharq a ‘Arab!,*’ al-Risäla, op. cit.; Zakî Mubarak, Wahy Baghdad, pp. 256-258; d views of Qalïnï Fahml, Zuhayr Sabrï, Sulaymàn ‘Azmï and Mahmt 4Abd al-Rahman in al-Khardaji, pp. 108, 126-127, 171, 190; ‘AJ al-Mun*im Muhammad Khaláf, “Mazämir lil-Nafs al-'Arabiyya,” t Risäla, op. cit. 74. “Al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya bayna al-Ams wa-al-Yawm,” al-Thaqäfa, Í May, 1938, pp. 9-11. The article was written by the politics correspondent of al-Thaqäfa (anonymous). 75. Ibid. 76. On the approach to the national past of the contemporaneous Pan-Aral ideologists in the Fertile Crescent see: Edmond Rabbâth, Unité Syriern t Devenir Arabe (Paris, 1937), pp. 43-58; see also: S.G. Haim (ed.), Aral Nationalism — An Anthology (Los Angeles, 1962), pp. 36-38, 43-4Í 103-119. 77. Makram ‘Ubayd, “al-Misriyyûn ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 32-33. 78. Ahmad Husayn, “al-Wahda al-Islämiyya Walldat al-Ittihäd al-'Arabi.’* al-Fath, 2 Dhü al-Hijja 1358, pp. 6-7. 79. See, for example: ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm, “al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya.'’ al-Hiläl, 1 October, 1943, pp. 462-466; Ahmad Sabri, Qinä‘ al-Fir'aunw (Cairo, 1943), pp. 109-112; ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Muhammad Khaläf, Mc'i al-Qawmiyya al-Arabiyya, p. 35. 80. ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzâm, ‘‘Darûrat al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya lil-Salâm al-‘ÄlamI,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 24 March, 1937, pp. 784-786; Muham­ mad ‘AH ‘Allüba, “Ahamiyyat al-Mu’tamarät al-‘Arabiyya 6 Nahdai al-Muslimln wa-al-‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 52; the views of Ahmad Kämil, ‘Abd al-Saläm Fahml Jum‘a and Mansûr Fahmi in al-Khardaji, pp. 87-88, 91, 157-158; ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm’s speech in Baghdad, al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 26 August, 1936, p. 39. 81. ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm, “Wäjib al-‘Arab fî l ‘lä* Sha’nihim wa-Tanzim Hayätihim,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 6 October, 1937, p. 29. 82. ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Muhammad Khaläf, “Mazämir lil-Nafs al-‘Arabiy>a. al-Risäla, 1 April, 1940, pp. 565-568; see also the second part of th»

NOTES

109

article in ibid., 22 April, 1940, pp. 687-689; ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Khaläf, Ma'a al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabiyya, pp. 2-12. ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Muhammad Khaläf, “Mazâmlr...,” al-Risâla, op. rit.; Ahmad Husayn, ‘‘al-Wahda al-Islàmiyya Walïdat al-Ittihäd al-‘Arabí,” al-Fath, op. rit., p. 8; see also the view of'Abd al-Saläm Fahmijum'a in al-Khardaji, p. 92. The view of Kamil al-Bandârï in al-Khardaji, p. 87; 'Abd al-Rahman 'Azzäm, “Darùrat al-Wahda al-*Arabiyya lil-Salàm al-'Àlamî,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. rit.; ‘Abd al-Mun'im Muhammad Khaläf, "Mazâmlr...,” al-Risäla, op. rit. The outlook of Fahml Wisä in al-Khardaji, p. 201. Already in the early 1930s this "national philosophy” had been broadly developed in the writings of ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm; see: "al-‘Arab Ummat al-Mustaqbal,” al-Fath, 7 Jumädä al-Ulä, 1351, pp. 9-10; "al-Wahda al-*Arabiyya Darüra lil-'Arab wa-Sa‘äda lil-Bashar,” alArab, 15 October, 1932, pp. 2-3. See, for example: 'Abd al-Rahman 'Azzäm, al-Risäla al-Khälida (Cairo, 1946); ‘Abd al-Rahman 'Azzäm, al-Jämi'a al-'Arabiyya' wa-al-Wahda al-‘Âlamiyya (Cairo, 1946). ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm, “Darûrat al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya lil-Saläm al-'Àlami,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 24 March, 1937, p. 785; see also: pp. 784-786. At the time of the publication of this article ‘Azzäm served as Egypt’s diplomatic representative in Iran, Iraq and the Hijäz. Muhammad LutfIJum'a, "al-Hadära al-‘Arabiyya wa-Ahamm Muqawwimatihä — al-Lugha al-'Arabiyya wa-al-DIn al-Isläml,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 10 November, 1937, pp. 11-13; Zaki Mubärak, "Mustaqbal al-Adab al-‘Arabl,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 130-131; Mustafa Sädiq al-Räfi‘l, "al-Lugha wa-al-D!n wa-al-‘Ädät,” al-Risäla, 13 April, 1936, pp. 561-563; Zaki Mubärak, "al-‘Urùba fi Misr,” al-Räbita al-fArabiyya, 26 January 1938, pp. 30-33; Muhammad Subayh, “Nahwa Adab Jadid — Adab al-Qawmiyya wa-al-Qüwa,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 27 May, 1936, pp. 43-44; the view of Mahjüb Thäbit, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 4 November, 1936, p. 23; the view of Tantäwi Jawhari in the poll arranged by the journal al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya on the subject: "Kayfa Nunazzim Silätunä al-Thaqäfiyya ma'a Biläd al-‘Arab” (hereafter: Cultural Ties Poll), al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 27 January, 1937, p. 424; ‘Abbäs Mahmúd al-‘Aqqäd, "al-Räbita al-Thaqäfiyya bayna

no

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

al-Aqtär al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hilâl, 1 April, 1936, pp. 733-735; Muhammu al-‘Ashmäwi’s view in a symposium, “Tawhld al-Thaqäfa bayiu al-Aqtär al-‘Arabiyya” (hereafter: Symposium on Cultural Unity) al-Hilàl, I January, 1939, pp. 250-252; for the view of Bahä al-Dii Barakät, at that time the president of the Egyptian Chamber o f Deputies in a symposium arranged by al-Hiläl on the subject, “Jabhah min Shu'Ol al-‘Arabiyya” (hereafter: Symposium of the Arab Peoples* Front), see al-Hiläl, 1 December, 1938, p. 121. 90. Ibrahim ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzinl, in an interview in al-Räbita al ‘Arabiyya, 25 May, 1938, p. 17; ZakI Mubärak, “Mustaqbal al-Adal al-‘ArabI,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 129-131; Muhammad ‘All ‘Allúba “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 15 February 1939, pp. 7-8, 10; Mahmùd ‘Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu‘üb al-‘Arabiyya,’ al-Hiläl, 1 November, 1938, pp. 1-7; Rafîq al-Labäbldl, “al-Räbifi al-Thaqàfiyya bayna Misr wa-al-Sharq al-‘Arab¡,” al-Risäla, 1 February 1936, pp. 222-223. 91. Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzinl, “al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” d Risäla, 26 August, 1935, p. 1363. 92. Makram ‘Ubayd, “al-Misriyyun ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 32-33 Muhammad ‘All ‘Allüba, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbik al-Arabiyya, 15 February, 1939, pp. 7-8; ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Räfi‘I, “Mia wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 8 March, 1939, p. 7 the view of ‘Abd al-Hamîd al-‘Abâdï, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbtk al-Arabiyya, 16 September, 1936, p. 8; Muhammad al-‘Ashmäwfs view. Symposium on Cultural Unity, al-Hiläl, op. cit. 93. ‘Abd al-Hamld Sa‘Id, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 5 April, 1939, p. 8; Mustafä Sädiq al-Räfi‘I, “al-Luchj wa-al-Ädät,” al-Risäla, op. cit., pp. 563-564; Muhammad Lutfi Jum‘a, “al-Hadära al-‘Arabiyya...,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, op. cit., pp 13-15; Mahmud Muntasir, “Mu‘tamar al-Talaba al-‘Arabî,” al-Balàsk, 19 September, 1937; the view of Yahyä Ahmad al-Dardlrl, Cultural Ties Poll, al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 17 February, 1937, p. 584. 94. Makram ‘Ubayd, “al-Misriyyun ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, op. ctti Mahmud ‘Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu‘ub al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl. I November, 1938, pp. 2-7. 95. Ibid., p. 3. 96.

Ibid., pp. 1-7; see also the view of ‘Abd al-Hamîd Sulaymàn al-Khardajl, p. 86. •

NOTES

111

97. Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyät, “Misr wa-al-Umam al-Sharqiyya,” al-Risäla, 2

>

’

September, 1935, pp. 1401-1402; Muhammad ‘A|I ‘Allüba, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 15 February, 1939, pp. 7-8, 10; the view of Ahmad Amin, Symposium on Cultural Unity, al-Hiläl, 1 January, 1939, pp. 253-254; Muhammad Tal'at Harb, “al-Ta‘äwun al-Iqtisädi bayna al-Umam al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 34-35.

98. Ibid.; Makram ‘Ubayd, “al-Misriyyön ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl— the Arabs, p. 33; the view of ‘Abd al-Razzäq al-Sanhürï, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 12 August, 1936, p. 95. 99. 'Abbas Mahmud al-‘Aqqäd, “al-Räbita al-Thaqäfiyya bayna al-Aqtär

al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, 1 April, 1936, p. 734; the views of Hafiz ‘Afifi, Kämil al-Bandäri, Tawfîq Dûs and Nabawiyya Músa in al-Khardaji, pp. 83, 86, 91, 201. 100. Mahmüd ‘Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu'üb al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, op. at., pp. 2-4, 7; Zaki Mubarak, Waky Baghdäd, pp. 54-65; Ibrahim ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzini, “al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabiyya,” al-Risäla, op. at., pp. 13631364; ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm expresses his view on Arab unity, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 24 May, 1939, p. 13; ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm, “Wäjib al-‘Arab fi I‘lä* Sha’nihim wa-Tanzim Hayätihim,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 6 October, 1937, p. 29; Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Allúba, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. at., p. 8; 'Abd al-Hamid Sa'id, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-'Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al'Arabiyya, 5 April, 1939, p. 8; Muhammad Lutfi Jum‘a, “al-Hadära al-'Arabiyya wa-Ahamm Muqawwimätihä — al-Lugha al-‘Arabiyya wa-al-Din al-Islämi,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 10 November, 1937, pp. 11-15. 101. Ibid., p. 11. 102. Ibid., pp. 11-15. 103. Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Allüba, “Fi Sabil al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Siyäsa al-Úsbü'iyya, 18 October, 1930, pp. 7, 25. 104. Muhammad Lutfi Jum‘a, “Misr bayna al-‘Urüba wa-al-Fir‘awniyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 13 October, 1937, p. 13. 105. Ibrähim ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzini, “al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” alRisäla, op. at., p. 1363. 106. ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm, “Wäjib al-‘Arab fi I'lä* Sha’nihim wa-Tanzim Hayätihim,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. dt., p. 29.

112

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

107. Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mâzinï, “al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” alRisäla, op. cit., pp. 1363-1364. 108. Muhammad Lutfï Jum‘a, “Misr bayna al-‘Urüba wa-al-Fir‘awniyya,’’ al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. cit., pp. 12-14. 109. Ibid.,pp. 13-14. A more favorable approach to Pharaonism, which maintains that “although Egypt does not cease to boast of its ancient glory at the times of the Pharaohs, it takes pride in its Islamism and Arabism in its present and future,” can be found in Hudâ Hànum ShaTäwI, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 1 March, 1939, p. 8. See also: ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Räfi*I, “Misr wa-al Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-*Arabiyya, 8 March, 1939, p. 7. Al-Räfi‘I claims that there is no contradiction between “ [Egypt's] ancient Pharaonic past and its modern Arab present.” 110. ‘Abd al-Hamld Sa‘Id, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-(Arabiyya, 5 April, 1939, p. 8; Muhammad Lutfi Jum‘a, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 25 January, 1939, p. 12; Zakl Mubarak, Wahy Baghdäd, pp. 56-58; Zakl Mubarak, “al-*Urúba fl Misr,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 26 January, 1939, pp. 30-33. 111. See the view of Muhammad Mahmud in al-Khardajl, p. 77. Mahmud served as Prime Minister of three Egyptian governments during the period under discussion: first, during the period 30 December, 1937 • 5 April, 1938; second, from 27 April, 1938 to 24June, 1938; and third, from 24 June, 1938 to 12 August, 1939. 112. ‘Abd al-Wahhâb ‘Azzâm, “Wâjib al-‘Arab fi I‘la’ Sha’nihim wa-Tanzim Hayätihim,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, op. cit., pp. 28-29; Zakl Mubarak. “Mustaqbal al-Adab al-‘ArabI,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 129-130; the view of Ahmad Yahyä al-Dardlrl, Cultural Ties Poll, al-Räbita al(Arabiyya, 17 February, 1937, p. 584; Ahmad Husayn, “al-Wahda al-Islämiyya Walldat al-Ittihäd al-‘ArabI,” al-Fath, op. cit., pp. 6-8; Zaki Mubarak, Wahy Baghdäd, pp. 147-148; the views of Ibrâhîm Dasûqi Abäza, ‘Abd al-Hamld Amin ‘Izb, Ahmad al-Jundl and ‘Abdallah ‘AfitI in ai-Khardajl, pp. 95-96, 119-120,* 129, 191-192. 113. ‘Abd al-Hamîd Sa‘ïd, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Ribii¿ al-'Arabiyya, 5 April, 1939, p. 8. 114. See the views of Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Hâdî, Qalînï Fahml, Muhammad Mahmud and ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Räfi‘I in al-Khardajl, pp. 77, 97, IOS 192; see also al-Khardajl’s personal impressions of this blurring ol boundaries on p. 203. ;

NOTES

113

115. The view of Ahmad Husayn, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya,

5 August, 1936, p. 5; Mahmüd ‘Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu‘üb al‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, 1 November, 1938, pp. 1-7; Ahmad Husayn, “Ayyuhâ al-‘Arab fi Anhà’ al-Dunyà Ittahidü,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 5 October, 1938, pp. 8, 47-48; Makram ‘Ubayd, “al Misriyyön ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 33; ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzàm, “Wàjib al‘Arab...,” al-Räbita al-(Arabiyya, op. cit.; Ibrahim ‘Abd al-Qädir alMäzinl, “al-Qawmiyya al-*Arabiyya,” al-Risäla, op. cit., p. 1364. 116. ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm’s view on Arab unity, al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 24 May, 1939, p. 13. 117. ‘Abd al-Wahhàb ‘Azzàm, “Wäjib al-‘Arab...,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 6

October, 1937, p. 28. 118. Ahmad Husayn, “al-Wahda al-Islämiyya Waltdat al-Ittihàd al-‘ArabI,” al-Fath, 2 Dhü al-Hijja, 1338, p. 6. 119. Ibrahim ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzinl in an interview in al-Räbita al-

*Arabiyya, 25 May, 1938, p. 17. 120. Muhammad ‘AG ‘Allùba, “Ahamiyyat al-Mu’tamarät al-*Arabiyya G

Nahdat al-Muslimln wa-al-‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 50-52; Zaki Mubärak, “Mustaqbal al-Adab al-‘ArabI,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 130-131; Mahmüd ‘Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu‘üb al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, 1 November, 1938, pp. 1-7; the view of Mahjüb Thäbit, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-fArabiyya, 4 November, 1936, p. 23; the view of ‘Abd al-Hamîd al-‘Abàdï, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-(Arabiyya, 16 September, 1936, p. 8; the view o f‘Abd al-Razzàq al-Sanhürî, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 12 August, 1936, p. 5; ‘Abbàs Mahmüd al-'Aqqäd, “al-Räbita al-Thaqäfiyya bayna al-Aqtär al‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, 1 April, 1936, pp. 733-735; the view of Muhammad al-'Ashmäwi, Symposium on Cultural Unity, al-Hiläl, 1January, 1939, pp. 250-252. 121. Muhammad Husayn Haykal, “al-Ittihäd al-ThaqäG bayna al-Umam

al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 12. Haykal held the office of Minister of Education in the two governments of Muhammad Mahmüd: from 27 April, 1938 until 12 August, 1939. On Haykal’s support while Minister of Education for the strengthening of cultural ties between Egypt and the Arab world, see, for example: al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 27 April, 1938, pp. 6-7. 22. Muhammad -‘All ‘Allüba, “Ahamiyyat al-Mu’tamarät al-‘Arabiyya G

Nahdat...,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 50-52; Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qädir

114

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

al-Mäzinl in an interview in al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 25 May, 1938, p. 17 Mahmud ‘Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu‘üb al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, op. cit., p 5; Muhammad Lutfl Jum‘a, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” alRäbita al-'Arabiyya, 25 January, 1939, p. 12; the view of Ibrâhîm Ramzi. Cultural Ties Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 20 January, 1937, p. 373; tht view of Ahmad Amin, Symposium on Cultural Unity, al-Hiläl, 1 January, 1939, pp. 253-254. 123. The view of Muhammad ‘Abdallah al-‘Arabï, Cultural Ties Poll al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 20 January, 1937, p. 373. 124. Muhammad 'All ‘Allüba, “Ahamiyyat al-Mu’tamarat al-'Arabiyya fi Nahdat...,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs,. pp. 50-52; ZakI Mubarak, “Mustaqba al-Adab al-'Arabl,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 130-131; Mahmud ‘Azmi “Jabhah min Shu'üb al-'Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, op. at., p. 7; “Mu’tamai al-Talaba al-'Arabl,” the congress platform, al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, 2! October, 1937, p. 20; the view of 'Abd al-Razzâq al-Sanhùrï, the Aral Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. cit. pp. 5, 35. 125. Muhammad Husayn Haykal in an interview in al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 27 April, 1938, pp. 6-7; 'Abbâs Mahmûd al-'Aqqäd in an interview il al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 25 May, 1938, p. 17; the views of Bahä al-Dii Barakät and Khalil Mutran, Symposium of the Arab Peoples’ Front, al-Hiläl, 1 December, 1938, p. 122, 124. 126. The view of Muhammad ‘All 'Allüba, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 22 July, 1936, p. 5; Muhammad 'All 'Allüba, “Mist wa-al-Wahda al-'Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 15 February, 1939. p. 7. 127. Muhammad 'All 'Allüba, “Ahamiyyat al-Mu’tamarat al-'Arabiyya fi Nahdat al-Muslimln wa-al-'Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 51; see also: pp. 50-52. 128. Ahmad Lutfl al-Sayyid to Rom Landau, see: Rom Landau, Tomorrow (London, 1938), p. 25.

Search jtr

129. The view of Ahmad Lutfl al-Sayyid as expressed in a symposium arranged by al-Hiläl on the subject: “Jabhah min Shu'üb al-'Arabiyya.'’ al-Hiläl, 1 December, 1938, p. 123. 130. Ibid. 131. Taha Husayn in al-Makshüf (a weekly published in Beirut). -41 December, 1938, p. 3. A similar view was also expressed by Tahi Husayn in an earlier interview in al-Makshüf entitled: “al-Fir‘awni>'*

NOTES

115

Mutâssila fî Nufüs Akthar al-Misriyyïn — Misr lan Tadkhul fï Imbirâtûriyya ‘Arabiyya,” al-Makshüf, 21 November, 1938, p. 2. In this interview, Taha Husayn expressed a decisive Egyptian nationalterritorial approach. 132. In the course of 1937-1939 Taha Husayn several times demonstrated his sympathy and support for the idea of Egypt’s integration within the framework of Arab cultural unity; see: Taha Husayn’s view in a symposium sponsored by ed-Hüäl on the subject: “Tawhld al-Thaqäfa bayna al-Aqtär al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, 1 January, 1939, pp. 252-254; Taha Husayn in an interview with al-Khardajl, pp. 152-153. The text of this interview appeared also in al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 18 May, 1938, p. 14; Taha Husayn (in reaction to the impudent criticism by Sati* al-Husri), “Misr wa-al-‘Urüba,” al-Risäla, 26 December, 1938, pp. 2085-2087; see also: Taha Husayn, “Fï al-’Aql al-‘Arabï al-Hadïth,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 45-49; also in his famous book, Mustaqbal al-ThaqäfafiM isr, published in Cairo at the close of 1938, Taha Husayn rejects any attachment of Egypt to the Far East and views it as an integral part of the Arab Near East; this same area which, from a cultural viewpoint, he affiliates to the civilization of the Mediterranean Basin (which is itself directly associated with Western Civilization). See: Ibid., vol. I, pp. 10-14. In one place in his book (p. 16) Taha Husayn maintains . that “unity of religion and unity of language are not suitable to constitute a basis for political unity.” Against this statement, however, there are many manifestations of support for the development and strengthening of national-cultural ties between Egypt and the other Arab countries. See: Ibid., vol. I, pp. 62-64, and, especially: Ibid., vol. II, pp. 519-528. In another interview that Taha Husayn granted to al-Makshüf during this period, he took pains to emphasize that “the Mediterranean civilization includes within it Lebanon, Palestine, Syria, Iraq, and Egypt.” “The Civilization of these countries,” he declares, “is indistinguishable from that of Europe.... A single future for the civilization of the Near East and the civilization of Europe, and it is not possible but that there be a single [future],” al-Makshüf, 27 June, 1938, pp. 1, 4. In this interview, nevertheless, Taha Husayn also expresses an opinion that the Arab national trend prevailing in Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, and Palestine can block their road to European Civilization (Ibid., p. 4). Here, it appears that Taha Husayn opposed a) the radical idea that Arab unity must be all-encompassing, and b) the Islamic content of Pan-Arabism as it was occasionally expressed in these countries and in Egypt, too. The utterances of Taha Husayn in this period, and especially his above-cited book, provoked sharp criticism in Egypt, even those portions of the book

116

133. 134. 135. 136.

137.

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARAB1SM

which, as mentioned above, expressed sympathy for the idea of Egypt's integration into an all-Arab cultural framework. See, for example: Ahmad ‘Abd al-Saläm al-Kurdäni, “Mustaqbal al-Thaqàfa fi Misr,*’ al-Thaqäfa, 14 February, 1939, pp. 9-14; ZakI Mubarak in an open letter to Taha Husayn, at-Risäla, 23 January, 1939, pp. 147-152; “Mustaqbal al-Thaqàfa fï Misr,” an official reaction of the “Muslim Brothers,” to Taha Husayn’s book, al-Nadhtr, 6 Safar, 1358, pp. 3-7; “Misr wa-alWahda al-‘Arabiyya,” a letter from Muhammad LutiT Jum‘a to Taha Husayn, al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 25 January, 1939, pp. 11-13; and see especially the comprehensive criticism of Sayyid Qutb, “Mustaqbal al-Thaqäfa fï Misr,” Sahïfat Dàr al-'Ulüm, vol. 5 (April 1939), pp. 28-79. This appeared recently as a book: Sayyid Qutb, Naqd Kitäb Mustaqbal al-Thaqàfa f i Misr (Jadda, 1969). See, also: Zaki Mubärak, “ Mustaqbal al-Adab al-‘ArabI,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 129-131. Taha Husayn, Mustaqbal al-Thaqäfa, II, p. 519, 522. Ibid., p. 519. Ibid., pp. 519-528. Ibid., p. 524. Conceptions resembling those of Ahmad Lutfï al-Sayyid and Taha Husayn can be found, in this period, also in ‘Abbäs Mahmud al-‘Aqqad’s interview with al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 25 May, 1938, p. 17. Makram ‘Ubayd, “al-Misriyyün ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 33: Muhammad Tal‘at Harb, “al-Ta‘äwun al-Iqtisàdï bayna al-Umam al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 34-35; ‘Abd al-Khäliq Tharwat al-Ghamrâwï, “al-Ittihäd al-‘Arabï,” al-Balägh, 24 June, 1937; the view of Mahjüb Thäbit, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 4 November, 1936, p. 23; the view o f‘Abd al-Hamïd al-‘Abâdï, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-fArabiyya, 16 September, 1936, pp. 8-9.

138. Muhammad ‘All ‘Allüba, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya, al-Räbita al-Àrabiyya, 15 February, 1939, p. 10; ‘Abd al-Khäliq Tharwat al-Ghamräwi, “al-Ittihäd al-‘Arabï,” al-Balägh, op. cit.; Makram ‘Ubayd. “al-Misriyyün ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 33. See also the views of Hafiz ‘Afïfï, Wahïb Düs, Mahmüd Basyünï, Ahmad Shafîq and Yúnis Ahmad Salïm in al-Khardajï, pp. 84, 104, 106, 116, 138. 139. Mahmüd ‘Azmï, “Jabhah min Shu‘üb al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl. I November, 1938, p. 7; ‘Abd al-Khäliq Tharwat al-Ghamrâwï, “al-Ittihád al-‘Arabï,” al-Balägh, op. cit.\ Mu’tamar al-Talaba al-‘Arabï, the Congress’s platform, al-Siyäsa al-Usbü‘iyya, 23 October, 1937, p. 20: the view of Muhammad *Alï ‘Allüba, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-(Arabiyya, 22 July, 1936, p. 5; the view of Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qádir I

NOTES

117

al-Mâzinî, Cultural Ties Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 13January, 1937, p. 326; Muhammad al-‘AshmäwT, “al-Tarika al-Muthlä li-Tawhid Barämij al-Ta‘lIm fî al-Bilàd al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hadith, January, 1938, pp. 9-12; Muhammad al-‘Ashmâwï in an interview in al-Makshüf, 10 July, 1939, p. 6. 140. Muhammad ‘AIT ‘Allüba, “Ahamiyyat al-Mu’tamarät al-‘Arabiyya fi Nahdat al-Muslimln wa-al-‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 50-52; Makram ‘Ubayd, “al-Misriyyün ‘Arab,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, op. cit.; the view of Mahjüb Thäbit, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. cit.; the view of ‘Abd al-Qädir Hamza, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 18 November, 1936, pp. 19, 26; the view of Muhammad Farid Abü Hadid, Cultural Ties Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 13 January, 1937, p. 328; Muhammad al-‘Ashmâwî in an interview in al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 16 March, 1938, pp. 4-5; the view of Khalil Muträn, Symposium of the Arab Peoples’ Front, al-Hiläl, 1 December, 1938, p. 124. 141. Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Allüba, “Ahamiyyat al-Mu’tamarät...,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, op. cit.; Zaki Mubarak, “Mustaqbal al-Adab al-‘ArabI,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, pp. 130-131; “Mu’tamar al-Talaba al-‘Arabi,” the Congress’s platform, al-Siyäsa al-Usbü'iyya, op. cit.; the view of ‘Abd al-Razzäq al-Sanhúri, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 12 August, 1936, p. 5, 35; ‘Abbas Mahmüd al-‘Aqqäd, “al-Räbita al-Thaqäfiyya bayna al-Aqtär al-*Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, op. cit.; Mansür Fahmi in an interview in al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 18 May, 1938, pp. 14-15. 142. ‘Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm expresses his view on Arab unity, al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 24 May, 1939, p. 13; Mahmüd Muntasir, “Nufudh Misr fi al-Buldän al-‘Arabiyya fi Häja ilä ‘Inäya wa-Ri‘äya,” al-Räbita al'Arabiyya, 4 August, 1937, pp. 23-24; ‘Abd al-Mun*im Muhammad Khaläf, Ma‘a al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabiyya, pp. 67-71; Ahmad Husayn, “al-Wahda al-Islämiyya Walidat al-Ittihäd al-‘Arabi,” al-Fath, 2 Dhü al-Hijja, 1358, pp. 6-8; see also the views ofTawfíq Düs, ‘Abd al-Wähid al-Wakil, ‘Abd al-Rahman Fahmi and Fathi Radwän in al-Khardaji, pp. 91, 97, 123, 188-190. 143. Taha Husayn in an interview in al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 18 May, 1938, p. 14; see also: Taha Husayn, “Fi al-‘Aql al-‘Arabi al-Hadith,” al-Hiläl — the Arabs, p. 49. 144. ‘Abbäs Mahmüd al-‘Aqqäd in an interview in al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 25 May, 1938, p. 17; the view of Ahmad Amin, Symposium on Cultural Unity, al-Hiläl, op. cit., p. 254; the views of ‘Ali Mähir, Husayn Sirri,

T H E EM ERGENCE O F PAN-ARABISM

118

Muhammad Husayn Haykal, "Abdallah Fikri Abäza and *Abd alRahman al-Râfi‘ï in al-Khardaji, pp. 78, 90, 120-121, 162. 145. ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Râfi"ï, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 8 March, 1939, p. 7. 146. ibid. 147. Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyát, “Ummat al-Tawhid Tattahid,” al-Risäla, 11 November, 1940, pp. 1673-1674; Ibrâhîm "Abd al-Qâdir al-Mâzinî, “al-Hilf al-‘Arabî,” al-Risâla, 21 August, 1939, pp. 1623-1625; ‘Abd al-Rahman "Azzäm”, Darürat al-Wahda al-*Arabiyya lil-Saläm al"Älaml,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 24 March, 1937, pp. 784-786; Mahmùd Muntasir, “al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 28 July, 1937, pp. 20-22; the view of Muhammad Fand Abü Hadid, Cultural Ties Poll, al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 13 January, 1937, p. 27. 148. The view of "Abd al-Rahman Fahmi in al-Khardaji, p. 123. 149. Ibrâhîm "Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzini, “al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” alRisála, op. cit.y p. 1364; "Abd al-Rahman ‘Azzäm, “Darürat al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya...,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, op. tit.; Mahmüd "Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu'üb al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, 1 November, 1938, pp. 5-7; ‘Abd al-Khäliq Tharwat al-Ghamrâwî, “al-Ittihàd al-'Arabï,” al-Balagh, 24 June, 1937; Mahmùd Muntasir, “al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, op. cit.; Muhammad Subayh, “Nahwa Adab Jadîd — Adab al-Qawmiyya wa-al-Qüwa,” al-Räbita al-fArabiyya, 27 May, 1936, pp. 43-44; Ahmad Husayn, “al-Wahda al-Islàmiyya Walîdat al-Ittihàd al-‘Arabï,’’ al-Fath, op. cit.; the views of Sabrî Abü al-‘Alam, Ahmad Najîb al-Hilâlï, Tawfîq Dûs, Mahmüd Basyünî, Ahmad Rushdî and Nabawiyya Müsà in al-Khardajï, pp. 90-91, 94, 106, Í28-129, 201; ‘Abd al-Mun"im Muhammad Khalâf, “Wahy al-Damm al-Muttahid,” alRisâla, 5 October, 1936, pp. 1623-1624. 150. Ahmad Husayn, “Ayyuhâ al-"Arab fï Anhâ’ al-Dunyâ Ittahidü,” al-Rabila al-'Arabiyya, 5 October, 1938, p. 48; also see: pp. 8, 47-48. These words by Ahmad Husayn, which reflected the position of Hizb Misr al-Fatäh, were said in the context of the convention of the “Inter-Parliamentary Congress of the Arab and Islamic Countries” and the “Eastern Women’s Congress" in Cairo in October 1938. Ahmad Husayn and his party presented these as sterile conventions which did not support the Palestinian cause and “the ideal of Arab Unity.” A stand close to that of Husayn was taken at this time also by "Abd al-Mun‘im Muhammad Khalâf, “al-Thawra al-Filastiniyya,” al-Risäla, 19 September, 1938, pp. 1536-1538.

NOTES

119

CHAPTER FOUR 151. Sec footnote No. 142 above. 152. Mahmüd ‘Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu'üb al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, op.cit., p. 6. ‘Azmi claims that he prefers the decentralized approach which preserves the “self-spirit” of each of the Arab countries rather than the “idea of an all-embracing Arab Unity {fikrat al-wahda al-‘arabiyya al-shämila)” which seeks to forge from them all “a single political entity”; *Abd al-Khäliq Tharwat al-Ghamrâwî, “al-Ittihäd al-‘Arabî,” al-Balägh, 24 June, 1937; Muhammad Lutfi Jum‘a, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 25 January, 1939, pp. 11, 13; the view of Taha Husayn, Symposium on Cultural Unity, al-Hiläl, 1January, 1939, p. 253; the views of Tarràf ‘AG, Ibrâhîm Madkúr, Sulaymän Hafiz, Sulaymân ‘Azmi ; and Mustafa ‘Ammär in al-Khardajl, pp. 101, 113, 135, 171, 176-177. 153. ZakI Mubarak, “al-*Urûba fi Misr,” al-Räbita al-Arabxyya, 26 January 1938, p. 31. This article (pp. 30-33) is the complete text of a speech delivered by ZakI Mubärak in the Pan-Arab nationalist club, Nadi al-Muthannä, in Baghdad. It also appeared in ZakI Mubärak, Wahy Baghdäd, pp. 54-65. 154. Makram ‘Ubayd, “al-Misriyyùn ‘Arab,” al-Hilal — the Arabs, p. 33. 155. It is worth mentioning that in the attitudes of supporters of Pan-Arabism in Egypt during this period a clear-cut conceptual distinction between affiliation to the exclusive Egyptian homeland, on the al-Wataniyya level, and the affiliation to the unified Arab nation, on the al-Qawmiyya level, cannot be found. Terms such as al-Watan, al-WaUiniyya, al-Umma, al-Qpwm and al-Qawmiyya referred to both the Egyptian loyalty framework as well as to the Arab loyalty framework. Against this confusion, however, there is in the attitudes of the Egyptian Pan-Arabists a clear value distinction between these two loyalty frameworks. The Egyptians distinguish between the affiliation to a distinct Egyptian loyalty framework (framed, as mentioned above, in terms of identification with the Egyptian homeland on the one hand, and the Egyptian nation and Egyptian nationalism on the other) and the affiliation to a unified Arab loyalty framework (also framed in terms of identification with “the great Arab homeland,” on the one hand, and the Arab nation and Arab nationalism, on the other). 156. Mahmúd ‘Azmi, “Jabhah min Shu'üb al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläl, op.cit., pp. 1-7; ‘Abd al-Khäliq Tharwat al-GhamräwI, “al-Ittihäd al-‘Arabî,” al-Balägh, op. cit.; the view of Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qädir al-Mäzinl, Cultural

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120

Ties Poll, al-RäbiUt al-Arabiyya, 13January, 1937, p. 326; the views of‘AK Kamäl Hubaysha, Sayyid BahansI, Fikri Abäza, ‘All Ibrâhîm and ‘Abd al-Hamïd Sulaymân in al-Khardajl, pp. 110, 122, 165, 170-171. 157. ‘Abd al-Khäliq Tharwat al-GhamräwI, “al-Ittihäd al-‘ArabI,” al-Balägh, op.cit.; the view of Mahjüb Thäbit, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 4 November, 1936, p. 23; the view o f‘Abd al-Qâdir Hamza, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 18 November, 1936, p. 19. 158. Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Allüba, “Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-Àrabiyya, 15 February, 1939, pp. 7-8. 159. Ibid., p. 8. 160. Ibid. 161. Ibid. 162. ‘Abd al-Wahhäb ‘Azzäm, “Misr wa-al-Biläd al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Risäla, 8 August, 1938, pp. 1306-1308; ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Ráfí‘I, “Misr wa-alWahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 8 March, 1939, p. 7; Hudà Hänum Sha*räwi, “Misr wa-al-wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita alArabiyya, 1 March, 1939, p. 8; Muhammad al-‘Ashmâwî, “al-Tariqa al-Muthlä li-Tawhld Barämij al-Ta‘Um fl al-Biläd al-‘Arabiyya,” alHadith, January 1938, pp. 9-12; Zakl Mubarak, Wahy Baghdad, pp. 409-417; the statement by Muhammad Husayn Haykal, the Egyptian Minister of Education, al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 15 June, 1938, p. 19; Rafiq al-Labäbldl, “al-Räbita al-Thaqâfîyya bayna Misr wa-al-Sharq al‘Arabi,” al-Risäla, 1 February, 1936, pp. 222-223; Muhammad ‘Ali ‘Allüba, the Arab Empire Poll, al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 22 July, 1936, p. 5: Tantäwl Jawhari, Cultural Ties Poll, al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 27 Januarv. 1937, p. 424. 163. Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyät, “Misr wa-al-Sharq al-Isläml,“ al-Risäla, 12 August, Í935, pp. 1281-1282; “al-Jämi‘a al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Thaqäfa, 31 January, 1939, pp. 1-4; the article was written by the political correspondent of the weekly (anonymous); Muhammad ‘AU ‘Allüba in an interview in al-Räbita al-Arabiyya, 7 July, 1936, pp. 3-4. 164. Ahmad Hasan al-Zayyàt, “Misr wa-al-Umam al-Sharqiyya,” al-Risäla, 2 September, 1935, p. 1402. 165. Ibid. 166.

To his stay in Baghdad, Mubárak devoted his book: Zakl Mubarak, IIViAv Baghdäd (Cairo, 1938). In this book were compiled speeches, articles and

NOTES

121

essays that he had written while residing in Baghdad and after returning to Egypt. Here we find the first prominent signs of his Pan-Arab approach. See also: ZakI Mubarak, *Abqariyyat al-Sharif al-Ridä (Cairo, 1939). Vol. II, pp. 303-308; al-Misri, 28 June, 1938; Zald Mubarak, Lailä al-Marida f i al-‘Iräq (Cairo, 1939), Vol. II, pp. 268-269. In this lengthy book (three volumes, which comprise toegether nearly 900 pages) are found some important details of Mubarak’s stay in Iraq in the above-mentioned years. For his Pan-Arab national approach see especial­ ly volume III. Parts of this book were first published in al-Risäla in the first half of 1938. 167. Mubarak, Wahy Baghdad, p. 62. 168. Ibid., pp. 54-65. 169. Ibid., pp. 56-57. 170. Ibid., p. 61. 171. ZakI Mubarak, “Misr wa-al-Biläd al-‘Arabiyya,” Wahy Baghdad, p. 412. 172. Ibid., pp. 409-417. 173. Ibid., pp. 413-414. 174. Mirrît Butrus Ghäll, Siyäsat al-Ghad — Bamämaj Siyâsï wa-Iqtisädi wa-IjtimäT (Cairo, 1938), pp. 143-166. The following quotations originally appeared in Mirrit Boutros Ghali, The Policy of Tomorrow as translated by Isma’il el-Faruqi (American Council of Learned Societies, Washington, 1953). In some places, however, I have taken the liberty of translating directly from the Arabic original. 175. See above, chap, two, II. Also see: Taha Husayn, Mustaqbalal-Thaqäfa, II, pp. 519-533. 176. Ghäll, Siyäsat al-Ghad, pp. 151-153. 177. Ibid., p. 151. 178. Ibid., p. 152. 179. Ibid. 180. Ibid., pp. 152-153. 181. Ibid., pp. 159-160. 182. Ibid., pp. 148-160. 183. See above, Introduction.

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184. It seems that only within the intellectual circle which congregated around the periodical al-Majalla al-Jadida, were clear Egyptian national-territorial and Pharaonic concepts preserved and fostered during this period. The owner and editor of the periodical was Saläma Músa. This intellectual circle also enthusiastically defended the views of Taha Husayn, emphasiz­ ing for their own purposes, the exclusive Egyptian aspects that appeared in his writings. See, for example: “Qawmiyyatunä al-Fir‘awniyya,” al-Majalla al-Jadida, June 1937, pp. 82-83; “Misr al-Fir‘awniyya wa-alDuktúr Taha Husayn,” Ibid., December 1938, pp. 75-77; ‘Azmi alDuwayri, “Mustaqbal al-Thaqäfa fl Misr,” ¡bid., March 1939, pp. 65-77; Halim Matri, “al-‘Aqliyya al-Misriyya wa-al-Thaqâfa al-Yünäniyya,” ibid., April 1939, pp. 59-74; Ismä‘il Adham, “Fir‘awniyyat Misr al-Haditha,” ibid., May 1939, pp. 17-21. See also, the historical novel of Najlb Mahfuz, 'Abath al-Aqdär, which filled the entire issue of al-Majalla al-Jadida, September 1939; Husayn Fawzi, “Kayfa Na‘mal ‘alä Ihya al-Thaqäfa al-‘Arabiyya,” ibid., February 1938, pp. 87-93. It is worth­ while to note that even Tawfiq al-Hakim, who at the close of the 1920s was one of the most radical proponents of and spokesman for Egyptian Pharaonic territorial nationalism, tended, during this period, to reveal sympathy for trends that urged Egypt’s integration into a Pan-Arab and Pan-Eastern unified cultural framework. See: Tawfiq al-Hakim in an interview to al-Khardajl, pp. 154-155; Tawfiq al-Hakim, “Kayfa Nunashau’ Thaqäfa Sharqiyya Mustaqilla,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya. 8 September, 1938, pp. 6-7; Tawfiq al-Hakim, Takt Shams al-Fikr (Cairo. 1941), pp. 129-140; Tawfiq al-Hakim in an interview in al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 25 May, 1938, p. 16. 185. See, for example: Saläma Müsä, Misr Asi al-Hadära (Cairo, 1936?); Saläma Müsä, “Tatawwur al-Wataniyya,” al-Majalla al-Jadida, May 1937, PP 61-69; Saläma Müsä, “al-Sharq wa-al-Gharb,” al-Majalla al-Jadida, April 1938, pp. 9-14; Saläma Müsä, “al-Lugha wa-al-Adab al-‘Arabiyyän." al-Majalla al-Jadida, September 1935, pp. 9-13; Husayn Fawzi, Sindibad ‘Asri (Cairo, 1938); Husayn Fawzi, “Kayfa Na‘mal ‘ala Ihyä’ al-Thaqätä al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Majalla al-Jadida, February 1938, pp. 87-93. 186. Ghäli, Siyäsat al-Ghad, p. 150. 187. Attitudes similar to those of Ghäli at this time can also be found in the writings of the following: Tawfiq al-Hakim (see above, note no. 184): Saläh al-Din Dhihni, Misr bayna al-Ihtiläl wa-al-Thawra (Cairo, 1939). pp 67-77, 129-164; Husayn Mu’anas, “Bayna al-4Urüba wa-al-Fir‘awniyya.‘ al-Hadith, January 1939, pp. 39-44; Husayn Mu’anas, “Misr wa-

NOTES

123

Mädlhä,” in Dar al-Muqtataf, Turäth Misr al-Qadïma (Cairo, September 1936), pp. 1-8. 188. GhälT, Siyäsat al-Ghad, p. 159.

189. Ibid. 190. Ibid., p. 149. 191. Ibid., pp. 149-150.

192. Ibid., pp. 150-151, 153-160. 191 Ibid., pp. 156-160.

¡94. Ibid., pp. 156-157.

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C O N C L U SIO 195. See, for example: A.I. Dawisha, Egypt in the Arab World (London, 1976 pp. 4-5; N. Rejwan, Nasserist Ideology — Its Exponents and Critics (Jerusaler 1974), pp. 50-52; E. Be’eri, Army Officers in Arab Politics and Society (Ne York, 1970), pp. 375-377. See, also: Anwar G. Chejne, “ Egypth Attitudes Toward Pan-Arabism,” MEJ, XI (1957), pp. 253-258. appears that Egyptian historians have recently begun to recognize tl importance of the Arab national idenity in Egypt’s political and cultur life in the pre-revolutionary period. See, for example: ‘Abd al-Ham: al-Kâtib, Akhbär al-Yawm, 6 August, 1977; ‘Abd al-‘Az!m Ramadän, R al-Yusuf,31 January, 1977, pp. 16-17; Nablh Bayyümï ‘Abdallä Tatawwur Fikrat al-Qawmiyya al-ArabiyyafiMisr (Cairo, 1975), pp. 67-19* 196. J. Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages, Trans. F. Hopman (Pengui Books, 1968), p. 91. 197. Emil Staiger, Goethe, Vol. I (Zürich, 1964), p. 363.

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II. A R A B IC PER IO D ICA LS A N D NEW SPAPERS

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TH E EMERGENCE O F PAN-ARABISM

Al-JämVa al-lslàmiyya (Jerusalem) Jarîdat al-lkhwän al-Muslimin (Cairo) Jarîdat Aiisr al-Fatäh (Cairo) Majallat al-Hidäya al-Islämiyya (Cairo) Al-Majalla al-Jadida (Cairo) Majallat al-Liwä’ (Cairo) Majallat al-Räbita al-Sharqiyya (Cairo) Al-Makshúf (Beirut) Al-Misri (Cairo) Mulhaq al-Siyäsa (Cairo) Al-Muqattam (Cairo) Al-Nadhir (Cairo) Al-Räbita al-Arabiyya (Cairo) Al-Risäla (Cairo) Rüz al-Yûsuf (Cairo) Sahifat Där al-'Ulüm (Cairo) Al-Siyäsa al-UsbûHyya (Cairo) Al-TalVa (Cairo) Al-Thaqäja (Cairo) Al-'Usür (Cairo)

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issue on “ al-*Arab wa-al-Isläm fi al-‘Asr al-Hadith” (Arabs and Islam in the Modern Age). 'Allùba, M uhammad ‘All. “ Fi Sabll al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbü(iyya, 18 October, 1930. Allùba, M uhammad ‘All. “ Misr wa-al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Räbita al-‘Arabiyya, 15 February, 1939. Allùba, Muhammad ‘All. “ Nidä’ ilä al-Shuyükh wa-al-Nuwwäb al-Misriyyïn,” al-Fathy 12 Sha‘bän, 1357. Amin, Ahmad. “ Fursa Nädira,” al-Räbita al-fArabiyyay 24 March, 1937. APAqqäd, ‘Abbäs Mahmud. “Al-Räbita al-Thaqäfiyya bayna alA qtär al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläly 1 April, 1936. AI-‘AshmäwI, Muhammad. “ Al-Tariqa al-Muthlä li-Tawhld Barämij al-T a‘lïm fi al-Biläd al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hadith, January 1938. Azmi, Mahmùd. “Jabhah min Shu‘ùb al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläly 1 November, 1938. Azmï, Mahmùd. “Al-Räbita al-Sharqiyya, am al-Islämiyya, am al-‘Arabiyya,’’ al-Hiläly 1 November, 1933. Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Rahman. “Al-‘Arab Ummat al-Mustaqbal,” al-(Araby 27 August, 1932. Azzäm, ‘Abd al>Rahman. “ Darürat al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya lil-Saläm al-‘Àlamï,” al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 24 March, 1937. 'Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Rahman. “Al-Imbiräturiyya al-‘Arabiyya wa-Hal Än t ■ an Tatahaqqaq?’’, al-Hiläly 1 February, 1934. 'Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Rahman. “A-Laysat Misr ‘Arabiyya?” , al-JämVa al-Islämiyya, 31 August, 1933. 'Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Rahman. “ al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hiläly 1 i October, 1943. Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Rahman. “Al-Wahda al-‘Arabiyya — Darüra lil‘ ‘Arab wa-Sa‘äda lil-Bashar,” al-(Araby 15 October, 1932. ‘Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Wahhäb. “ Misr wa-al-Biläd al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Risälay * 21 September, 1936. ‘Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Wahhäb. “ Wäjib al-‘Arab ß I‘lä’ Sha’nihim waTanzim Hayätihim,” al-Räbita al-(Arabiyyay 6 October, 1937. ‘Azzäm ‘Ábd al-Wahhäb. “ Wäjib al-Sharqiyyln al-Yawm,“ Mulhaq al-Siyäsa, 14 October, 1932. Al-Bakrî, ‘Abd al-Hamld. “Al-Sharq wa-al-Gharb,” Majallat al-Räbita al-Sharqiyyay 15 February, 1929. Al-Bannä, Hasan. “ Filastln-Qit‘a min W ataninä,” al-Nadhir, 8 Rama-

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dan, 1357. Al-Bannä, Hasan. “ Mustaqbal al-Thaqâfa fi Misr,” al-Nadhtr, 6 Safar, 1358. Al-Duwayri, ‘Azmi. “ Mustaqbal al-Thaqâfa fi Misr/* al-Majalla al-Jadida, March 1939. Fahmï, Mansür. “Jam ä‘at al-Räbita al-Sharqiyya,” al-Majalla al-Jadida, 1 March, 1930. Fahmi, Mansür. “ Nahwa Thaqäfa Sharqiyya Khälisa,” al-Räbita al-*Arabiyya, 21 July, 1937. Fahmi, Mustafa. “ Mawqif Misr min al-Sharq wa-al-Sharqiyyîn/ Mulhaq al-Siyâsa, 29 September, 1933. Fawzï, Husayn. “ Kayfa Na'mal ‘alâ Ihyà’ al-Thaqâfa al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Majalla al-Jadida, February 1938. Ghaläb, Muhammad. “Al-Adab al-Misri,” al-Siyäsa al-Usbä'iyya, 21 December, 1929. Al-Ghamräwi, Tharawat ‘Abd al-Khäliq. “Al-Ittihäd al-‘Arabi," al-Balâgh, 24 June, 1937. Al-Ghazäli, Muhammad. “Al-Ikhwän al-Muslimün — H aqïqat alWataniyya bayna H adärat al-Gharb,” al-Nadhtr, 3 Rabi‘ alThânï, 1358. Al-Hakïm, Tawfïq. “ Ilä al-Duktür Taha Husayn,” al-Risäla, 1 June, 1933. Al-Hakim, Tawfïq. “ Kayfa Nunashau’ Thaqäfa Sharqiyya Mustaqil* l a / ’ al-Räbita al-'Arabiyya, 8 September, 1937. Hamza, ‘Abd al-Qâdir. “ Makân Misr min al-‘Arab wa-al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Balâgh, 13 September, 1933. Harb, Muhammad T al‘at. “Al-Ta‘âwun al-Iqtisâdi bayna al-Umam al-‘Arabiyya,” al-Hilâl, April 1939. Special issue on “ al-‘Arab wa-al-Islâm fi al-‘Asr al-Hadïth.” Haykal, M uhammad Husayn. “ Dhikrayât Qadïm a,” al-Siyâsa alUsbüHyya, 3 April, 1927. Haykal, M uhammad Husayn. “ Al-Fann al-Misrî,” al-Siyâsa alUsbüHyya, 17 December, 1927. Haykal, M uhammad Husayn. “ Al-Fann al-Misrï,” al-Siyâsa alUsbüHyya, 24 December, 1927. Haykal, Muhammad Husayn. “Al-Fir‘awniyya wa-al-‘Arabiyya — Hâdir là Mâdï lahu là Mustaqbal lahu,” Mulhaq al-Siyâsa, 29 September, 1933. •

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2. BOOKS *Abd al-Hâdï, Mahdi. Al-Mas'ala al-Filaslïniyya wa-Mashäri‘ al-Hulú al-Siyäsiyya. Beirut: 1975. ‘Abdallah, Nablh Bayyüml. Tatawwur Fikrat al-Qawmiyya al-'Arabiyya J Misr. Cairo: 1975. Abü Shädl, Ahmad Zakl. Akhanätün Fir'awn Misr. Cairo: 1927. Amin, Ahmad and ‘Abd al-‘Az!z al-Bishri. Kiläb al-Tarbiyya al Wataniyya lil-Madäris al-Thänawiyya. Cairo: 1934. ‘Azmi, Mahmùd. Al-Ayyäm al-MVa: Wizärat *Alt Mähir Bäshä, 30January 9 May 1936. Cairo: 1936. ‘Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Rahman. Al-JämVa al-'Arabiyya wa-al-Wahda al ‘Älamiyya. Cairo: 1946. ‘Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Wahhäb. Al-Awäbid — Maqäläl wa-Manim ât. Cairo 1942. Al-Bannä, Hasan. Mudhakkirät al-Da ‘wa wa-al-Dä‘iyya. Cairo: n.d. Al-Bishri, ‘Abd al-‘Azïz. Al-Tarbiyya al-Wataniyya. Cairo: 1928. Al-Bishri, Täriq. Al-Haraka al-Siyäsiyya ß Misr, 1945-1952. Cairo: 1972.' Däghir, As‘ad. Mudhakkirätf (alä Hämish al-Qadiyya al-*Arabiyya. Cairo;; 1959. * " i Darwaza, ‘Izzat, (Urübal Misr ß ’l-Qadm wa'1-Hadïlh aw qabla'l-lsläih\ wa-ba‘dahu. Sidon: 1963. i Dhihnl, Saläh al-Din. Misr bayna al-Ihtiläl wa-al-Thawra. Cairo: 1939 Fawzî, Husayn. Sindibäd (Asri. Cairo: 1938. j Fawzl, Husayn. Sindibäd ilä al-Gharb. Cairo: n.d. Ghäli, Butrus Mirrit. Siyäsat al-Ghad. Cairo: 1938. Al-Hakim, Tawfiq. ‘Awdal al-Rüh. Vol. II. Cairo: 1933. Al-Haklm, Tawfiq. Taht Shams al-Fikr. Cairo: 1941. j Hamza, ‘Abd al-Latif. Adab al-Maqäla al-Suhufiyyaß Misr. Vol. 6. Cairo: 1955. * . . . . ^ Haykal, Muhammad Husayn. Ft Awqät al-Farägh. 2nd cd. Cairo: 1968^ Haykal, Muhammad Husayn. Fi Manzil al-Wahy. Cairo: 1937. j

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Haykal, Muhammad Husayn. Mudhakkirät f i al-Siyäsa al-Misriyya. Cairo: *1951. 2 V¿ls. Haykal, Muhammad Husayn. Al-Siddiq Abü Bakr. Cairo: 1942. Haykal, Muhammad Husayn. Taräjim Misriyya wa-Gharbiyya. Cairo: 1929. Haykal, Muhammad Husayn. Thawrat al-Adab. 3rd cd. Cairo: 1965. Husayn, Ahmad. NisJ Qam M a‘a al-'Urüba wa-Qadiyyat Filastin. Beirut: 1971.’ Husayn, Muhammad M. Al-Ittijähät al-Watanvyya ß ’l-Adab al-Mu'äsir. Vol. II. Cairo: n.d. Husayn, Taha. Mustaqbal al-Thaqàfa f i Misr. Cairo: 1938. 2 Vols. Jum‘a, Muhammad Lutfí. Hayal al-Sharq. Cairo: 1932. Al-Kayyâlï, Sàmï. Al-Fikr al-Arabî. Cairo: 1943. Khaläf, Muhammad ‘Abd al-M un‘im. Ma‘a al-Qawmiyya al-‘Arabiyyaß Rub‘ Qam. Cairo: 1958. Lutfî al-Sayyid, Ahmad. Al-Muntakhabät. Vol. I. Cairo: 1937. Lutfî al-Sayyid, Ahmad. Safahat Matwiyya. Cairo: 1946. Lutfî al-Sayyid, Ahmad. Ta 'ammulälß al-Falsafa wa-al-Adab wa-al Siyäsa wa-al-ljtimät. Cairo: 1946. Al-Mar‘ashll, Tawfîq. Al-Tarbiyya al- Wataniyya lil-Madäris al-Thänawiyya wa-al-Mu'allimïn. Cairo: 1929. Mubärak, Zakl. Abqariyyat al-Sharif al-Ridä. Vol. II. Cairo: 1939. Mubàrak, Zaki. Lailä al-Marida ß al-Träq. Cairo: 1939. 3 Vols. Mubärak, Zakl. Waky Baghdäd. Cairo: 1938. Müsä, Saläma, Misr Asl al-Hadära. Cairo: n.d. Müsä, Saläma. Mukhlärät Saläma Müsä. Cairo: 1929. Müsä, Saläma. Al-Yawm wa-al-Ghad. Cairo: 1927. Qarqüt, Dhüqän. Tatawwur al-Fikra al-fArabivya ß Misr, 1805-1936. Beirut: 1972. Al-Räfi‘I, ‘Abd al-Rahman. Mustaß Kämil — Bä‘ilh al-Haraka alWataniyya. Cairo: 1950. Ramadän, ‘Abd al-‘Az!m. Tatawwur al-Haraka al-Wätaniyya ß Misr 1937-1948. Vol. II. Beirut: n.d. RiPat, Muhammad. Al-Tawßh al-Siyäst lil-fikra al-Wrabiyya al-Hadilha. Cairo: 1964. SabrI, Ahmad. Kähin Amün — Masrahiyya fir'awniyya. Cairo: n.d. Sabri, Ahmad. Qinä1 al-Fir(awniyya. Cairo: 1943. Sà’igh, Anis. Al-Fikra al-Arabiyya ß Misr. Beirut: 1959.

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Shafiq, Ahmad. A ‘mâlï Ba*d Mudhakkiràtï. Cairo: 1941. Shafiq, Ahmad. Mudhakkiràtïß N isf Qam. Vol. III. Cairo: 1938. Shawkat, Sämi. Hadhihi Ahdäfunä. Baghdad: 1939. Tarabayn, Ahmad. Al-Wahda al-Arabiyya, 1916-1945. Vol. I. C airo: 1963.

IV. WORKS IN WESTERN L A N G U A G E S

Be’eri, Eliezer. Army Officers in Arab Politics and Society. New York: 1970. Binder, L. “ Ideological Foundation of Egyptian-Arab Nationalism/* in D.E. Apter, ed., Ideology and Discontent. New York: 1964. Bloch, Marc. The Historian's Craft. New York: 1953. Chejne, G. Anwar. “ Egyptian Attitudes Toward Pan-Arabism,” M E Jy XI (1957), pp. 253-268. Chejne, G. Anwar. “The Use of History by Modern Arab W riters,” MEJy XIV (1960), pp. 387-398. Colombe, Marcel. “ L’Egypt et les Origines du Nationalisme A rab e,” L'Afrique et L'Asie. No. 14 (1951), pp. 19-33. Colombe, Marcel. L'Évolution de L'Égypte 1924-1950. Paris: 1951. Dekmejian, Hrair R. Egypt Under Nasir — A Study in Political Dynamics. New York: 1971. Dawisha, A.I. Egypt in the Arab World. London: 1976. Gershoni, Israel. “Arabization of Islam: The Egyptian Salafíyya an d the Rise of Arabism in Pre-Revolutionary Egypt,” Asian and African Studies, X III (1979), pp. 22-57. Gershoni, Israel. Egypt between Distinctiveness and Unity — The Search fo r National Identity, 1919-1948. Tel Aviv: 1980 (Hebrew). Gomaa, A.M. The Foundation o f the League of Arab States — Wartime Diplomacy and Inter-Arab Politics 1941 to 1945. London: 1977. Haim, S.G., ed. Arab Nationalism — An Anthology. Los Angeles: 1962. Harris, C.P. Nationalism and Revolution in Egypt — the Role o f the Muslim Brotherhood. The Hague: 1964. Heyworth-Dunne, J. Religious and Political Trends in Modem Egvpt. Washington: 1950. Hourani, A. Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939. London: 1970. Jankowski, J.P. Egypt's Young Rebels, “Young Egypt": 1933-1952. Califor­ nia: Stanford, 1975.

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cdourie, Elie. The Chatham House Version and Other Middle Eastern Studies. London: 1970. hadduri, M. Republican Iraq. London: 1969. andau, Rom. Search for Tomorrow. London: 1938. lannheim, Karl. Ideology and Utopia — An Introduction to the Sociology o f Knowledge. London: 1976. (¡tchell, R.P. The Society o f the Muslim Brothers. London: 1969. iunè, Enrico. “ L’ldea dell4Uni ta Araba in Recenti Debattiti della Stampa del Vicino Oriente,” Oriente Moderno, X V III (August 1938), pp. 401-412. bn, Y. “The Nationalist Myth in Contemporary Egypt,” Hamizrah Hehadash (The New East), Vol. X (1960), pp. 166-177 (Hebrew), abbäth, Edmond. Unité Syrienne et Devenir Arabe. Paris: 1937. rjwan, Nissim. Nasserist Ideology — Its Exponents and Critics. Jerualem: 1974. ossi, Ettore. “ II Congresso Interparlamentare Arabo E Musulmano Pro Palestina Al Cairo. (7-11 Ottobre),” Oriente Moderno, X V III (November 1938), pp. 587-601. otenstreich, Nathan. Between Past and Present — An Essay on History. New Haven: 1958. iafran, Nadav. Egypt in Search o f Political Community. Massachusetts: Cambridge, 1961. ble, P. The Struggle for Syria. London: 1965. ttnah, David. Four Egyptian Literary Critics. Leiden: 1974. ïlberman, G. “ National Identity in Nasserist Ideology, 1952-1970,” Asian and African Studies, V III (November 1972), pp. 49-85. Smon, A.E. “The Significance of Leopold von Ranke for the Development of Historiography,” in Historians and Historical Schools — Lectures Delivered at the Seventh Convenion o f the Historical Society o f Israel, December 1962. Jerusalem: 1962 (Hebrew). . Smith, Charles D. “The ‘Crisis of Orientation’: The Shift of Egyptian Intellectuals to Islamic Subjects in the 1930s,” IJM ES, IV (October 1973), pp. 382-410. ¡mith, Charles D. Muhammad Husayn Haykal: An Intellectual and Political Biography. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Michigan: 1968. Stcppat, Fritz. Nationalismus und Islam bei Mustafa Kämil. Leiden: 1956. Wendell, Charles. The Evolution o f the Egyptian National Image from its Origins to Ahmad Lutß al-Sayyid. Los Angeles: 1972.

INDES Arab-Israeli War (1948), 19 The Arab League (a l-jâ m i'a a l-'a ra b iyya 19, 23, 42, 45, 53, 73 Arab Medical Congress (a l-m u 'ta m a r a. tib b i a l- ‘ara b i ), 15, 42 The Arab nation (al-um m a a l-'a ra b iyya ' 14, 22, 24, 40, 45, 46, 50-55, 60, 63, 6* 72-76, 85-86 Arab nationalism (a l - q a w m i y y a at 'a ra b iyya ), 14, 16, 20, 22, 24, 26, 51, 5 The Arab nationalist movement, 25, 3 Arab nationality, 45 The Arab political unity (a l-w a h d a at 'arabiyya a l-siya siyy a ), 66 The Arab race (al-'unsur a l-'a ra b i ), 54 i The Arab Revolt (1936-1939), 37 i The Arab Union (a l-rä b ita a l-'a ra b iy y a i 73, 74 The Arab Unity (a l-w a h d a a l-'a ra b iyya / 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22, 26, 44-71, 72-74,84. 86-87 The Arab world, 13, 14, 20, 21, 23, 35. 31 42, 43, 45,63,64,66,67,68, 74, 76-77,81, 82, 83 al-'Arabi, Muhammad ‘Abdalláh, 64 Arabian Peninsula, 51, 73 Arabic language, 15, 41, 54-57, 64, 76-77 81, 85 The Arabic-speaking world. 32, 34, 54 56, 64, 78, 80, 83, 84, 86 t Arabism (a t-'u m b a ), 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. 22: 23. 24, 25, 46, 47, 52, 57. 58, 59. 72. 74 75, 76, 80, 84 , Arabs, 22, 40, 46-61, 63-65. 68. 70-73. 79, 85 , al-'Ashmäwi, Muhammad, 16 . i

‘Abbäsid Caliphs, 48, 76 ‘Abd al-Mun‘im, Muhammad, 38 4Abd al-Näsir, Jamal, 22, 24, 45 ‘Abd al-Räziq, Mustafa, 42 Abu Bakr (Caliph), 38 Africa, 41 Akhmes, 38 Akhnaton, 38 Alexandria Protocol (1944), 19 Algeria, 41 'Ali (Caliph), 38 A lla h , 67 ‘Allüba, Muhammad ‘Ali, 36, 37, 41, 42, 57, 65, 73-74, 82 Amin, Ahmad, 42 a l-'a n is ir a l-q a u m iy y a , 80 Anglo-Egyptian treaty (1936), 35 The Arab Alliance ( a l- h ilf a l-'a ra b i ), 73 The Arab Bloc (a l-k u tla a l-'a ra b iyya ), 73 Arab civilization, 47, 49, 51, 85 Arab Congress of Students (m u'tam ar a ltala b a a l-'a ra b i ), 43 Arab conquest of Egypt, 40, 56 The Arab Club ( a l- n id i a l-'a ra b i), 62 Arab cultural and economic unity (a ltv a h d a

a l-'a r a b iy y a

a l - th a q â f iy y a

a l-

iq iisá d iyv a ),

66 Arab cultural and national identity. 66 Arab culture. 15, 40, 56. 64, 66, 75, 81 The Arab East, 13, 55, 60, 66 The Arab Empire (al-im birätü riyya a l'arabiyya). 46, 48-49 Arab Federation, 74 The Arab Front (al-jabhah a l-'a ra b iyya ), 56 Arab identity. 16. 17, 22, 40. 56, 57, 80, 85

138

INDEX Asia, 41, 51 The Association of the Arab Bond v,am‘iy y a t a l-rä b ita a l - ‘a rabiyya ), 42, 43 The Association of Arab Studies for the Inification of Arab Culture (jam ‘iyya t ¿■diräsät

a l- ‘arabiyya

li-ta w h id al-th aqäfa

42 The Association of Arab Unity (jam ‘iyya t ¡1-wahda a l - ‘a ra b iyya ), 42 The Association for the Unification of Arab Culture (ja m ‘iyya t ta w h id al-th aqäfa ¿■‘a r a b iy y a ), 41 Assyrians, 52 Awad, Hafiz, • Ahmad • • • 14 il-Azhar, 74 fAzmî, Mahmüd, 14, 25, 41, 56-57 'Azzäm, ‘Abd al-Rahman, 16, 36, 38, 42, «. 53, 57, 62, 72 * Azzäm, ‘Ábd al-Wahhàb, 16, 25, 42, 52, 57, 58, 62 ¿-‘a r a b iy y a ),

¡Babylonians, 52 Baghdad, 42, 45, 75, 76 ai-Bannä, Hasan, 37, 45 il-Bäsil, ‘Abd al-Sattär, 42 al-Bäsil, Hamad, 42 Basyünl, Mahmùd, 42 Be’eri, E., 21-23 |Bloch, Marc, 19 ¡British, 22, 69, 70 ¡Cairo, 15, 37, 38, 42, 51, 64, 76, 82 ¡Chejne, G. Anwar, 23 ¡Christian Arabs,7 56 IThe Congress of Eastern Women (a l|mu’ta m a r a l-n isà 'ï al-sh a rq i), 37 !Copts, 56 ► Dàghir, As*ad, 42 (Damascus, 62 i The Egyptian genius ( a l- ‘abqariyya a lm isriy ya ), 31 The Egyptian mentality ( a l- ‘aqliyya a lm isriyya), 31 i

139

The Eastern world, 82 The Egyptian nation, 31, 33, 38, 41, 80, 81, 82 Egyptian nation-state, 30, 33 Egyptian national identity, 20, 29-33, 54 Egyptian national movement, 17, 31, 42, 69 Egyptian nationalism, 33, 41, 70, 78, 79, 81 Egyptian Pan-Arabism, 23, 24, 26-27, 52, 59, 66, 76, 78, 85 Egyptian Pan-Islamism, 77 Egyptian patriotism, 82 The Egyptian personality (al-shakhsiyya a l-m isriy ya ), 31, 72, 80 The Egyptian spirit (a l-r ih a l-m is ii ), 31 Egyptian territorial identity, 20 Egyptian University (Cairo), 41, 43, 52, 75 Egyptian Young Students’ Congress (1938), 46 Egyptianism, 15 England, 71 Europe, 41 Fahml, ‘Abd al-Rahman, 70 Fahim, Mansür, 42 King Färüq, 15, 35, 36, 37, 42 Fawzi, Husayn, 80 The Fertile Crescent, 23-24, 26,43,51,85 First Four Caliphs (a l-k h u la ja ’ al-räshidün), 38,48 Free Officers’ revolution (1952), 20, 23, 24, 25 Front of the Arabic-speaking peoples (jabhah min sh u ‘üb a l - ‘a ra b iyya ), 66 al-fu sh ä, 64 “The Future of Culture in Egypt” (m ustaq b a l al-th a q ä fa f i m isr), 66 Germany, 73 Ghali, Mirrit Butrus, 78-82 Great Britain, 38 Greeks, 40, 79

140

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM

Haim, S.G., 23 al-Hakim, Tawfiq, 80 Harb, Muhammad Salih. 36 Harris, C.P., 23 Haykal, Muhammad Husavn, 38-41, 63, 80 Hubaysh, Fu'ád, 13, 14, 13 Huizinga, Johan, 88 Husayn, Ahmad, 37, 41, 51. 63, 71, 72 Husavn, T¿ha, 14, 16. 41-42, 45, 66-67, 69, 78, 81 al-Husrî, Säti‘, 51, 76 The Inter-Parliamentary Congress of Arabic and Islamic Countries for the Defence of Palestine (al-m u 'tam ar a lb a r la m â n ï l i l - b i l ä d a l-'a r a b ix y a w a - a l isläm iyya l i l- d if i' 'an fUastin). 37 Iran, 60 Iraq, 41, 42, 45, 52. 71, 77 Islamic Caliphate, 35 The Islamic community (a l-m u jtam a' alislà m ï ), 81 Islamic Empire, 40-41 Islamic identity, 80-81 Islamic nation, 75 Islamic religion, 50. 56-58. 60, 63. 75. 80, 85 Islamic Salafitc movement, 27, 51 Islamic umma, 29-30. 32. 60-61 Islamic unity, 60 The Islamic world. 74-75, 77, 80. 81, 82 Ismâ'îl, 53 a l-jà h iliy y a .

53 al-Jamâlî. Fâdil. 76 Jâmâtî, Habib. 42 a l-jà m i'a al-thaqâfixxa.

Kämil, Mustafa, 32 al-Kayyäll, Sâmï, 14-16 Khalâf, ‘Abd al-Mun'im Muhammad 25, 44-46, 72 Khashaba, Ahmad Muhammad, 36, 42 al-Kurdânl, Ahmad *Abd al-Salâm, 45 Land of the Nile, 30, 31, 32,40,45, 56, 57 58, 66 The League of Arab Nations (‘u s b a t a l umam a l-'a ra b iv y a ) , 73 Libya, 41 London, 45 London Conference (1939), 38 Lutfi al-Sayyid, Ahmad, 30, 65. 66, 80 48 Maghrib, 57, 77 Mâhir, ‘Ali, 35-36, 38 Mahmud, Muhammad. 38, 59 Mamluks, 40 Mannheim, Karl, 28 a l-m a rk a z al-khäss. 75 Mashriq, 57 Mazhar, Ismâ'îl, 14 al-Mäzinl, Ibrâhîm ‘Abd al-Qädir, 25, 41, 51, 55, 57, 58, 63 Mediterranean Basin, 66 Morocco, 41, 77 Mubarak, Zakï, 16, 25, 42, 45. 57, 72. 75, 82 Muhammad (the Prophet), 38, 48. 53 Muhammad ‘Alï, 15, 30 Müsà, Saläma, 76, 80 Muslim Brothers (al-ik h w â n a l-m u slim û n ), 36, 37 Muslim India, 60 al-m a d t a l-m a jîd ,

63

73 al-Jarrâm. ‘Ali. 42 al-Jawharï. Tantawï. 42 Jewish-Arab conflict. 37 Jum'a, Ibrâhîm. 25 Jum'a. Muhammad Lutfî, 41. 42. 45. 57-59 jârni'a u a tan iyya u â h id a .

52, 84 61 al-Xahhâs, Mustafa, 35 al-Naijâr, ‘Abd al-Wahhäb. 42 Xash'at, Hasan, 38 Nâsirism, 18, 20, 21, 25 Nàsirist Pan-Arabism, 21, 23, 25

al-nahda al-'a ra b iyya . nahdat a l-sh a rq .

INDEX The National Literature (a l-a d a b a lviw m i), 38 The National Party (a l-h izb a l-w a ta n i ), 32, 33, 69 Nationalism (a l-q a w m iy y a ), 51, 55 The nations of the East (al-um am a ltkarqiyya), 32 The Near East, 66-67, 82 The Nile Valley, 29,30, 31, 33,40,54,57, 58, 69, 70, 79, 82 North Africa, 82 The Orientation towards the East (a l¡iarqiyya), 31 The Ottoman Islamic Empire, 33 Palestine, 37, 38, 41, 45, 46, 71, 77 Pharaohs, 59, 60 Pharaonic civilization, 30, 31, 58 Pharaonic Egyptians, 51-52 Pharaonic movement (haraka fir'a w n iy y a ), 58 Pharaonic school, 80-81 Pharaonism (ol-fir'aw n iyya ), 14, 39-40, 45, 57-59, 73-74 Pharaonites, 52 The Philosophy of the Revolution", 22 Phoenicians, 52 «l-qaw m , 73 û -qaw m iyya ,

73, 79 Qutb, Sayyid, 45 Rabbäth, Edmond, 51 54 al-Râfi‘I, ‘Abd al-Rahman, 69 Von Ranke, Leopold, 24 Revolutionary Egypt, 24 !Revolutionary regime, 21 ■al-Rïhânï, Amin, 51 tl-risä la a l - ‘arabiyya, 53 d -risä la al-in sän iyya , 52 d -risä la a l-ja d id a , 53 risälat a l-th a q ä fa a l - ‘arabiyya, 75 Romans, 40, 79 libitat a l-lu gh a,

141

Sabri, Ahmad, 41 • • Safawät, Muhammad, 42 al-sa h ä b a , 48 Sa‘ïd, ‘Abd al-Hamid, 37, 42, 57, 60 a l- s a la f (forefathers) , 38, 48 al-Sanhùrï, ‘Abd al-Razzäq, 42 Saudi Arabia, 36 Saudi Arabia-Egypt Treaty, 36 Scale, Patrick, 27-28 ShaTäwi, Hudä Hänum, 37 Shawkat, Sämi, 15-16, 51, 76 a l-siy ä d a a l - ‘a q liyya , 77 al-Siyäsa al-Usbü‘iyya (weekly), 80 Spengler, Oswald, 52 Staiger, Emil, 88 Suez Canal, 78 Supra-Egyptian concept, 32-34, 61 Switzerland, 73 Syria, 41, 42, 52, 77 Thäbit, Mahjùb, 42 Tunisia, 41 Turkey, 60, 82 Turks, 22 Tut-Ankh-Amon, 38 ‘Ubayd, Makram,- 41, 47, 51, 73 ‘Umar (Caliph), 38 Umayyads, 48 United Arab Republic, 24 United States, 73 ‘Uthmän (Caliph), 38 Wafd Party, 35, 36, 47, 78 w a h d a iq itm iyya , 46 a l-w a h d a a l-jin siyya , 57 a l-w a h d a al-jughräfiyya, 57 w a h d a t a l-in sän iyya, 52 w a h d a t a l-lu gh a, 54 w a h d a t a l-th a q ä fa a l-'a ra b iyya , a U w a la n ,

63

73

45 30, 73, 79 Western civilization, 80 Western imperialism (a l- is ti‘m ä r ), 70-71

a l-w a ta n a l - ‘arabt a l-a k b a r, a l-w a ta n iy y a ,

142

THE EMERGENCE OF PAN-ARABISM Young Men’s Muslim Association

Wisä. Fahmi, 53 World War I, 82 World War II, 19. 23, .36. 43 Young Egypt Party 37, 51. 71, 72

{k iz b m ist al-Jatäh ),

{ ja m 'in a t al-shubbàn a l-m u slim ïn ),

36

37, 45, 51, 60 36,

al'Zayyàt, Ahmad Hasan, 25, 75, 82