The Early Reception of the Book of Isaiah [1 ed.] 3110597918, 9783110597912

Table of contents :
Table of Contents
List of Abbreviations
Introduction
An Intertextual Dialogue between the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees: On Judean Leadership
The Concept of the City in the Book of Isaiah and in the Deuterocanonical Literature
Divine and Divinely Sanctioned Violence in the Book of Isaiah and the Deuterocanonical Literature
The Messiah and the ‘End of Days’ in the Book of Isaiah and in the Deuterocanonical Literature
The Temple in the So-Called Jewish Romances in the Deuterocanonical Literature: Judith, Tobit, and Esther
Old Greek Isaiah 1:13: Early Evidence for the “Great Day” as a Name for Yom Kippur?
The Book of Isaiah, the Wisdom of Solomon and the Fathers: An Exploration of the Textual History and Concepts
List of Contributors
Indices

Citation preview

The Early Reception of the Book of Isaiah

Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Studies

Edited by Friedrich V. Reiterer, Beate Ego, Tobias Nicklas and Kristin De Troyer

Volume 37

The Early Reception of the Book of Isaiah

Edited by Kristin De Troyer and Barbara Schmitz

ISBN 978-3-11-059791-2 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-060052-0 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-059904-6 ISSN 1865-1666 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: De Troyer, Kristin, editor. Title: The Early Reception of the Book of Isaiah / edited by Kristin De Troyer, Barbara Schmitz. Description: 1 [edition]. | Boston : De Gruyter, 2018. | Series: Deuterocanonical and cognate literature studies, ; Volume 37 | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2018022382 (print) | LCCN 2018029057 (ebook) | ISBN 9783110600520 (electronic Portable Document Format (pdf) | ISBN 9783110597912 (print : alk. paper) | ISBN 9783110600520 (e-book pdf) | ISBN 9783110599046 (e-book epub) Subjects: LCSH: Bible. Isaiah--Criticism, Textual. | Bible. Maccabees, 1st--Criticism, Textual. | Intertextuality in the Bible. Classification: LCC BS1515.52 (ebook) | LCC BS1515.52 .R43 2018 (print) | DDC 224/.106--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2018022382 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2019 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com

Table of Contents List of Abbreviations

VII

Barbara Schmitz & Kristin De Troyer Introduction 1 Marvin A. Sweeney An Intertextual Dialogue between the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 5 1 Maccabees: On Judean Leadership Archibald L.H.M. van Wieringen The Concept of the City in the Book of Isaiah and in the Deuterocanonical 17 Literature J. Todd Hibbard Divine and Divinely Sanctioned Violence in the Book of Isaiah and the Deuterocanonical Literature 37 Lisbeth S. Fried & Edward J. Mills III The Messiah and the ‘End of Days’ in the Book of Isaiah and in the 51 Deuterocanonical Literature Jill Middlemas The Temple in the So-Called Jewish Romances in the Deuterocanonical Literature: Judith, Tobit, and Esther 67 J. Ross Wagner Old Greek Isaiah 1:13: Early Evidence for the “Great Day” as a Name for Yom 91 Kippur? Mark W. Elliott The Book of Isaiah, the Wisdom of Solomon and the Fathers: An Exploration 113 of the Textual History and Concepts List of Contributors Indices

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List of Abbreviations AB AGJU BeTHL BN BZ BZAW CBET CBQ CBQMS CEJL CRINT CSCO DCLS DJD ÉBib EJL EncJud FAT FOTL FRLANT GCS HCS HeyJ HThKAT HTS HTR JBL JSem JSHRZ JSJ JSJSup

Anchor Bible Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniesium Biblische Notizen Biblische Zeitschrift Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology Catholic Biblical Quarterly Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Series Discoveries in the Judaean Desert Études bibliques Early Judaism and Its Literature the Encyclopedia of Judaism Forschungen zum Alten Testament Forms of the Old Testament Literature Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten (drei) Jahrhunderte Hellenistic Culture and Society Heythrop Journal Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testaments Harvard Theological Studies Harvard Theological Review Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Semitics Jüdische Schriften aus hellenistisch-römischer Zeit Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Periods Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Periods Supplement Series JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament JSOTSup Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series LD Lectio Divina LHBOTS The Library of Hebrew Bible / Old Testament Studies NovTSup Supplements to Novum Testamentum OTE Old Testament Essays OTL Old Testament Library OTS Old Testament Studies OtSt Oudtestamentische Studiën PG Patrologia Graece PTSDSSP Princeton Theological Seminary Dead Sea Scrolls Project https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-001

VIII

REAug RevQ SBT SC SHR STDJ TBN TSAJ VT VTSup WBC WUNT WZKM ZABR ZAW

List of Abbreviations

Revue des études Augustiennes Revue de Qumran Studies in Biblical Theology Sources Chrétiennes Studies in the History of Religions Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah Themes in Biblical Narrative Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum Vetus Testamentum Supplements to Vetus Testamentum Word Biblical Commentary Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes Zeitschrift für altorientalische und biblische Rechtsgeschichte Zeitschrift für die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

Barbara Schmitz & Kristin De Troyer

Introduction

The first session of the Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Program Unit of the Society of Biblical Literature, held in 2016 in San Antonio, Texas, was devoted to the reception of the Book of Isaiah in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature. The contributors were asked to either trace the reception history of the Book of Isaiah thematically or textually with most participants choosing for a thematic investigation. As the papers were inspiring and the discussions sparkling and intense, it was decided to publish the papers as presented at the SBL and to look for a couple additional contributions dealing with topics that were deemed necessary. The result is the present volume. Marvin A. Sweeney (Claremont School of Theology and Academy for Jewish Religion, California) opens this volume with a contribution entitled: An Intertextual Dialogue Between the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees on Judean Leadership. As Sweeney discusses the reception of the Book of Isaiah in the Book of 1 Maccabees, he also gives the reader a synchronic reading of the Book of Isaiah which functions as a reminder of the structure and the contents of the Book of Isaiah. As the Book of Isaiah is one of the most quoted texts in the Hebrew Bible as well as in other Jewish and Christian literature, it is to be expected that there is a relationship between the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees. Sweeney first examines how Isaiah treats the concept of ‘kingship’ for Israel and Judah and then proceeds with an examination of how the author of 1 Maccabees treats the rise of the Hasmoneans. Sweeney demonstrates not only that the Book of Isaiah had an impact on precisely the issue of leadership, but also that one also has to turn to the Book of Numbers and the Masoretic version of the Book of Jeremiah to see the full impact of and implications on the issue of Judean leadership. The second contribution, written by Archibald L.H.M. van Wieringen (Tilburg University), is entitled The Concept of the City in the Book of Isaiah and the Deuterocanonical Literature. He engages with the concept of the city in the Book of Isaiah and the reception of this theme in Deuterocanonical literature. He starts off by reminding the reader that the concept of the ‘city’ is one of the unifying themes of the Book of Isaiah and elaborates on the general ancient Near Eastern concept as well as its Isaiah version in the Book of Isaiah. The Isaian version of the concept of the ‘city’ includes the element of self-criticism, defined as guiltwithin, a reflection on the ideal king and the role and functions of women, https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-002

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esp. the figure of Zion. These elements are traced in a variety of deuterocanonical texts. The article penned by J. Todd Hibbard (University of Detroit Mercy) focuses on divine and divinely sanctioned violence. He studies the concept of ‘striking’ in the Book of Isaiah and then turns to the Book of Judith and the Book of 2 Maccabees, where the imagery of both divine and divinely sanctioned violence re-appears. Hibbard is especially interested in the portrayal of divine-human aspects of violence. How the concepts of the coming of the ‘Messiah’ and the ‘End of Days’ are intertwined in the Book of Isaiah and in Deuterocanonical literature is studied by Lisbeth S. Fried (The University of Michigan) and Edward J. Mills III (Tusculum College) in their contribution entitled The Messiah and the ‘End of Days’ in the Book of Isaiah and the Deuterocanonical Literature. Fried and Mills demonstrate how there appear to be global wars before the coming of the Messiah, how the coming of the Messiah is followed by a global day of judgment, with not only the dead who have risen from their graves, but also the living are being judged by either the Messiah or God himself. Finally, they show how the Messianic Age starts after all the proceeding steps have been taken and how this Messianic Age looks like. In their analysis of texts, Fried and Mills point to the Book of Isaiah as the point of departure for all these concepts found in Deuterocanonical literature. The next contribution is written by Jill Middlemas (University of Zürich) and is entitled The Temple in the So-Called Jewish Romances in the Deuterocanonical Literature: Judith, Tobit, and Esther. Middlemas starts from the straightforward observation that in most Deuterocanonical books one can find a reference to the Temple. Quoting Zsengellér, she remarks that Jewish identity during the Second Temple period could only be formulated in reference to the Temple, whether the Jews were living dispersed in the Mediterranean and the Near East or in Judah and Jerusalem. In her contribution, Middlemas focuses on how the Temple appears in Jewish fictions, which are commonly regarded as romances, that is the stories of Judith, Tobit and Esther. She demonstrates how the Temple represents in the Book of Judith a presence that helps to orient the reader/hearer towards a right relationship with the deity, but that in the Book of Tobit, the Temple is, over and above being an orientation point, also part of God’s larger plan for creation. Finally, Middlemas points to the Book of Esther where the Temple seems to represent the Jewish people—a concept which is close to the one used in the Dead Sea Scrolls to describe the community at Qumran itself. A volume on the reception of the Book of Isaiah would not be complete without a contribution by J. Ross Wagner (Duke University). He takes on the very important concept of the ‘Great Day’ and wonders whether or not this day ought to

Introduction

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be identified with Yom Kippur. Wagner starts with the 1851 observation by Zacharias Fraenkel who considered the expression “(a) great day” as read in the Old Greek of the Book of Isaiah 1:13, to be a reference to Yom Kippur. Wagner sets out to find out how the translator understood his Vorlage and how he rendered his Vorlage in Greek, and how this Greek rendering fits within the literary and rhetorical structure of the Old Greek text. Wagner then considers the larger process of translation within the cultural context, how a possible audience could have understood the translation as offered, and finally, how Jewish life and practice in Jewish Hellenistic diaspora was shaped precisely by the process of translation. The last contribution is written by Mark W. Elliott (University of St Andrews). He decided to study how the Book of Isaiah and the Book of Wisdom of Solomon were read by patristic authors, who were not so much focussed on establishing a historical priority or answering the question about who influenced who, but on reading the two books “together.” Elliott demonstrates that the patristic authors regarded both books as divinely inspired, that some patristics made links between the texts of both books, but that it took until the Middle Ages before the Book of Wisdom was considered as of equal value as the Book of Isaiah. The editors of this volume would like to express their gratitude to all the authors who contributed with either a paper at the SBL and/or a contribution to this volume. A word of thanks is also due to Maximilian Häberlein who helped with making sure that the style, the bibliographical references and the footnotes were conform The SBL Handbook of Style (2nd edition). Finally, we would like to express our thanks to our colleague Prof.Dr. Renate Egger-Wenzel (University of Salzburg), the President of the International Society for the Study of Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, for supporting the meetings of the ISDCL at the SBL annual meetings. Würzburg & Salzburg, February 2, 2018

Marvin A. Sweeney

An Intertextual Dialogue between the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees: On Judean Leadership Intertextuality has opened the door to an important conversation on the interrelationships between texts that have little apparent relationship with each other.¹ Although the field of biblical studies originally understood intertextuality to entail the deliberate or authorial citation of or allusion to one text by another, intertextual theorists have expanded the discussion to point to the intertextual relationships between texts that are related by context or between texts that share no obvious interrelationship. And so intertextuality is well positioned to open an intertextual dialog between texts that have no clear authorial interrelationship, but which are placed into dialog with each by the interests of their readers. My task is to discuss the reception of the Book of Isaiah in the Book of 1 Maccabees. Isaiah is one of the most widely cited texts in the Hebrew Bible, both by other books in the Hebrew Bible and by Jewish and Christian texts from well beyond the biblical canon. In the case of the Apocryphal or Deuterocanonical books, it makes eminent sense to trace that interrelationship as Isaiah is well positioned to exert considerable influence on these books of variegated canonical status. Goldstein’s commentary on the Book of 1 Maccabees points to extensive citation of Isaiah and potential influence on the composition of the book and the thinking of its authors.²

 For recent introductions to and examples of contemporary intertextual method, see Benjamin D. Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40 – 66 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), esp. 6 – 31; Patricia K. Tull, “Rhetorical Criticism and Intertextuality,” To Each its Own Meaning: An Introduction to Biblical Criticism and their Application, eds. S. L. McKenzie and S. R. Haynes (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1999) 156 – 80; Barbara Green, Mikhail Bakhtin and Biblical Scholarship: An Introduction, SBL SemeiaSt 38 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2000); Carol A. Newsom, The Book of Job: A Contest of Moral Imaginations (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2003); Carleen R. Mandolfo, Daughter Zion Talks Back to the Prophets: A Dialogic Theology of the Book of Lamentations, SBL SemeiaSt 58 (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2007).  Jonathan A. Goldstein, 1 Maccabees, AB 41 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976) passim. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-003

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1 Different Genres and Different Historical Settings The Books of Isaiah and 1 Maccabees are of entirely different genres and were written in entirely different historical settings. The Book of Isaiah is a prophetic book, composed over the course of some four hundred years from the late-eight through the late-fifth or early-fourth centuries B.C.E.³ It functions as a vision that presents YHWH’s plans for the revelation of world sovereignty from the time of the prophet through a time beyond the Babylonian Exile. The Book of 1 Maccabees is a narrative, historical work, likely composed during the reign of the Hasmonean High Priest, John Hyrcanus, which chronicles the rise of the Hasmonean priestly house from the time of Alexander’s conquest through the inauguration of John Hyrcanus’s reign.⁴ And yet the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees share similar agendas, viz, to point to a new model of leadership for Israel or Judah following a time of cataclysmic change. Isaiah ben Amoz is an adherent of the Davidic-Zion tradition as a prophet, whereas as a prophetic book, Isaiah points to the rise of the Persian monarch, Cyrus the Great, as YHWH’s Messiah and Temple builder while Israel is designated as the recipient of the Davidic promise.⁵ The Book of 1 Maccabees points to the transition in the priestly leadership of Judah in the aftermath of Alexander’s conquest of the Near East. Although the Hasmonean priestly family was originally a marginal family in the Zadokite priestly line living outside of Jerusalem in Modein, beginning with the leadership of Mattathias and his five sons, the Hasmonean family rose to leadership in Judah, ultimately to claim the high priesthood of the Jerusalem Temple. As readers of Jewish history well know, the Hasmonean family ultimately claimed the kingship of Judah as well during the brief reign of Hyrcanus’s son, Aristobulus I (104– 103 B.C.E.).⁶ Such an interrelationship in literary-political agendas demands examination. This paper proceeds first with an examination of Isaiah’s treatment of kingship for Israel and Judah and second with an examination of 1 Maccabee’s treat-

 Marvin A. Sweeney, Isaiah 1 – 39, with an Introduction to Prophetic Literature, FOTL 16 (Grand Rapids, MI, and Cambridge, UK: Eerdmans, 1996) 31– 62; idem, Isaiah 40 – 66; FOTL (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2016) 1– 40.  Goldstein, 1 Maccabees, 4– 27; cf. John R. Bartlett, 1 Maccabees, Guides to Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998) 21– 53.  See esp. Isa 44:28; 45:1; and 55:1– 13.  Menahem Stern, “The Period of the Second Temple,” in A History of the Jewish People, ed. Hayim H. Ben-Sasson (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976) 217– 239, esp. 229 – 30.

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ment of the rise of the Hasmoneans from an important priestly family self-exiled to Modein to the high priesthood of the Temple. The paper concludes that the Book of Isaiah has some impact on the issue of leadership in the Book of 1 Maccabees, but one must turn to the Book of Numbers and the Masoretic Version of the Book of Jeremiah to see the full impact of intertextual dialog on the issue of Judean leadership.

2 A Synchronic Reading of the Book of Isaiah Most interpreters read the Book of Isaiah according to its diachronic compositional structure, including the works of Isaiah ben Amoz or First Isaiah in Isaiah 1– 39, Second Isaiah in Isaiah 40 – 55, and Third Isaiah in Isaiah 56 – 66 or some variation thereof. But research throughout the late-twentieth and early twentyfirst centuries demonstrates that Isaiah appears as a coherent literary work, even though it is the result of a complex compositional process that shaped the diachronic elements of the book into its present synchronic form. Analysis of the synchronic literary form of the book points to a very different formal structure for Isaiah.⁷ My own analysis of the present, synchronic, literary form of the Book of Isaiah points to its character as the Vision of Isaiah ben Amoz, which functions as a prophetic exhortation to Jerusalem and Judah to adhere to YHWH. The Vision of Isaiah ben Amoz comprises two major segments. The first appears in Isaiah 1– 33 and concerns YHWH’s plans for the revelation of world-wide sovereignty at Zion, and the second appears in Isaiah 34– 66 and concerns the realization of YHWH’s plans for the revelation of world-wide sovereignty at Zion. Key to understanding this structure is the portrayal of future judgment against Assyria and Babylon as the oppressors of Jerusalem and Judah in Isaiah 1– 33 and the realization of the downfall of Babylon (and Assyria) and the call for the exiles of Jerusalem and Judah to return home in Isaiah 34– 66. A second key issue is the contrasting introductions for each section, including the paraenesis concerning YHWH’s plans to purify Jerusalem in Isaiah 1 and the instruction concerning YHWH’s power to return the redeemed exiles to Jerusalem in Isaiah 34– 35. A third key issue is the contrasting portrayals of Isaiah’s encounter with King Ahaz in Isaiah 7– 9, which results in the Assyrian invasion of Judah

 Marvin A. Sweeney, “The Book of Isaiah in Recent Research,” in Recent Research on the Major Prophets, ed. Alan J. Hauser (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2008) 78 – 92; idem, Isaiah 1 – 39, 31– 60; idem, Isaiah 40 – 66, 1– 40.

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and Isaiah’s encounter with King Hezekiah in Isaiah 36 – 39. Isaiah 36 – 39 demonstrates YHWH’s capacity to deliver Jerusalem but projects the Babylonian exile at the conclusion of the narrative as a means to introduce the call to return to Jerusalem from Babylonian Exile beginning in Isaiah 40. Throughout the first portion of the Book in Isaiah 1– 33 it is clear that Isaiah and his tradents adhere to the Davidic-Zion tradition, which posits YHWH’s commitment to defend Jerusalem and the House of David forever. Much of this portrayal is derived from the diachronic or historical dimensions of the book. First are the oracles of the eighth century prophet, Isaiah ben Amoz, who viewed YHWH’s protection of Jerusalem as central to his world-view and posited that ultimately a righteous Davidic monarch would ascend to the throne in Jerusalem. Second is the seventh-century redaction of the book, which posited that King Josiah ben Amon of Judah was the ideal monarch that Isaiah had anticipated. Several key texts exemplify Isaiah’s commitment to the Davidic-Zion tradition in Isaiah 1– 33: The first is Isaiah 2– 4, which begins with a portrayal of the nations streaming to Zion to learn YHWH’s Torah so that the nations would no longer learn war and would turn their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks to bring about world peace.⁸ Following the invitation to Jacob to join in the procession, the passage portrays world-wide judgment against the arrogant on the Day of YHWH and judgment against the men and the women of Jerusalem and Judah that would ultimately result in a purified Jerusalem with its holy Temple at the center of creation. The second is a portrayal of judgment and restoration for Israel and Judah that will ultimately lead to the emergence of an ideal Davidic King in Isaiah 5 – 12.⁹ This passage portrays Isaiah’s encounter with King Ahaz of Judah, who is portrayed in the narrative as refusing to believe in YHWH’s promises and power to protect Jerusalem and the House of David in a time of crisis. Following the scenario of judgment that will follow Ahaz’s refusal to trust in YHWH, the passage portrays a scenario of restoration. The royal oracle in Isaiah 9:1– 6 portrays the future ideal Davidic monarch who will presumably replace the unbelieving Ahaz; the oracles in Isaiah 9:7– 10:34 portray YHWH’s judgment against the Assyrian empire; and Isaiah 11– 12 portrays once again the wise and ideal Davidic King who will reunite Israel and Judah and lead them against their enemies in an ultimately successful bid to protect Jerusalem and the House of David much as YHWH delivered Israel during the Exodus from Egypt.

 Sweeney, Isaiah 1 – 39, 87– 112.  Sweeney, Isaiah 1 – 39, 112– 211.

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The third is a portrayal of judgment against the nations, beginning with Babylon, which culminates in a banquet on Mt. Zion that will celebrate the impending recognition of YHWH’s world rule.¹⁰ The fourth is the announcement of YHWH’s plans to deliver Jerusalem in Isaiah 28 – 33 that culminates in the appearance of a royal figure who will serve as YHWH’s agent for saving the nation from its oppressors.¹¹ Commitment to the Davidic/Zion tradition appears throughout Isaiah 1– 33, including commitment to the city of Jerusalem and the royal House of David. Turning to Isaiah 34– 66, commitment to the David/Zion tradition continues, albeit with a major change.¹² Whereas commitment to Jerusalem continues throughout these chapters, commitment to the Davidic King does not. Instead, Isaiah 34– 66 maintains that YHWH’s chosen Messiah and Temple builder is King Cyrus of Persia, and that the people of Israel—not the Davidic King—are the recipients of YHWH’s fidelity originally promised to the Davidic King (see esp. Isaiah 55). There is good historical reason for such a shift. In the aftermath of the Babylonian Exile, Jerusalem and the Temple were restored and rebuilt as the exiles returned to Jerusalem under Persian patronage. But no Davidic monarch ever regained the throne in Jerusalem following the Babylonian Exile, even though there was a potential attempt by Zerubbabel ben Shealtiel, the grandson of King Jehoiachin of Judah, at the time of the building of the Second Temple in 522– 517 B.C.E.; cf. Haggai). Indeed, no Davidic monarch has ever sat upon the royal throne of David since the onset of the Babylonian exile. Following the above-noted instruction concerning YHWH’s power to return the redeemed exiles to Jerusalem in Isaiah 34– 35, the royal narratives concerning YHWH’s deliverance of Jerusalem and King Hezekiah appear in Isaiah 36 – 39.¹³ These narratives deliberately contrast the faithless King Ahaz of Isaiah 7– 9 with the faithful King Hezekiah, who turns to YHWH to ask deliverance for Jerusalem. Hezekiah’s efforts are successful, but the narrative concludes with an account of Hezekiah’s reception of a Babylonian embassy from his ally, Merodach Baladan. Isaiah condemns Hezekiah for receiving the Babylonian embassy and states that Hezekiah’s sons will serve as eunuchs in the palace of the Babylonian king, thereby signaling the onset of the Babylonian Exile. A lengthy segment of prophetic instruction follows in which the prophet asserts that YHWH is maintaining the covenant and restoring Zion then follows

   

Sweeney, Sweeney, Sweeney, Sweeney,

Isaiah Isaiah Isaiah Isaiah

1 – 39, 211– 353. 1 – 39, 353 – 433. 1 – 39, 434– 511; idem, Isaiah 40 – 66. 1 – 39, 460 – 511.

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in Isaiah 40 – 54.¹⁴ Several key points are made, viz., YHWH is the master of creation in Isa 40:12– 31; YHWH is the master of human events in Isaiah 41:1– 42:13; YHWH is the redeemer of Israel in Isaiah 42:14– 44:23; YHWH will use Cyrus as Messiah and Temple builder for the restoration of Zion in Isaiah 44:24– 48:22; and YHWH is restoring Zion in Isaiah 49:1– 54:17. Isaiah 55 – 66 then follows with a prophetic exhortation to adhere to YHWH’s covenant.¹⁵ The key text here is Isaiah 55, which was likely written as a conclusion to Second Isaiah but in its present literary context serves as an introduction to Isaiah 56 – 66. Isaiah 55 redefines the Davidic covenant. Instead of arguing that YHWH’s fidelity to the Davidic covenant will be realized by the restoration of a Davidic monarch to the throne, Isaiah 55 argues that the Davidic covenant actually applies not to the Davidic monarch but to the people of Israel instead. In doing so, it takes account of the political realities of post-exilic Judah under Persian rule and provides a basis for asserting YHWH’s fidelity to the Davidic covenant even though no Davidic king sits upon the throne. Isaiah 56 – 66 then follows with material that substantiates the exhortation to adhere to YHWH’s covenant in Isaiah 55.¹⁶ By the end of Isaiah 56 – 66, Isaiah 66 asserts that YHWH is the true King, thereby removing the problem of identifying the King of Israel once Cyrus leaves the scene.

3 A Synchronic Reading of the Book of 1 Maccabees The Book of 1 Maccabees is a very different work from the Book of Isaiah. Whereas the Book of Isaiah is formulated as a prophetic vision concerning Jerusalem and Judah, the Book of 1 Maccabees is formulated as a historical narrative that relates the history of Judah, particularly the rise of the Hasmonean priestly family to power, from the reign of Alexander the Great of Macedon (336 – 323 B.C.E.) through the ascension of John Hyrcanus, the son of Shimon and grandson of Mattathias, to the office of High Priest in the Jerusalem Temple.¹⁷ The historical character and chronological form of the Book of 1 Maccabees might lead some to suppose that the book was composed to serve as a continuation of

 Sweeney, Isaiah 40 – 66, 41– 231.  Sweeney, Isaiah 40 – 66, 231– 385.  See now, Ulrich Berges, Jesaja 49 – 54, HThKAT (Freiburg: Herder, 2015), who has come to similar conclusions concerning the role of Isaiah 55 in relation to Isaiah 56 – 66.  See note 4 above.

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the Books of Chronicles and Ezra-Nehemiah. The Book of 1 Maccabees does display a chronology throughout the book, but the chronology is based in the years of Greek rule of Judah.¹⁸ Furthermore, it does not account for the period from the time of Ezra-Nehemiah through Alexander. Although the present text of the Book of 1 Maccabees is written in Greek, it is a translation from a Semitic original, most likely Hebrew. Unfortunately, no Hebrew text of the Book of 1 Maccabees survives, although there are scattered references to an original Hebrew text. The Book of 1 Maccabees is aware of the Book of Isaiah and of prophecy in general, although there is no clear evidence that Isaiah played a constitutive role in the composition or conceptualization of the book. The Book of 1 Maccabees views past prophecy as completed, which is the same view held by Rabbinic Judaism which considers Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi as the last of the prophets. Nevertheless, the Book of 1 Maccabees holds out the possibility and even the likelihood that another prophet might arise, as indicated for example in its notice in 1 Macc 4:46 that Judah the Maccabee ordered the stones of the profaned Temple altar stored until such time as a prophet might arise to tell the nation what to do with them.¹⁹ The main purpose of the Book of 1 Maccabees appears to be that the book serves as a chronicle of the rise of the Hasmonean family to the High Priesthood of Jerusalem. The literary structure of the book appears to be based in its chronology of Greek rule over Judah. It appears in nine major segments, each of which is defined by its chronological notice concerning the year of Greek rule as a means to introduce the events recounted in the segment.²⁰

 For discussion of the chronological character of 1 Maccabees, see Bartlett, 1 Maccabees, 36 – 45; Thomas Fischer, “Maccabees, Books of,” ABD 4: 439 – 59, esp. 440 – 1.  Goldstein, 1 Maccabees, 285.  Most interpreters posit a thematic structure of 1 Maccabees based largely on the figures of Mattathias, Judah the Maccabee, Jonathan, Shimon, and John Hyrcanus. In addition to Goldstein, see also Sidney Tedesche and Solomon Zeitlin, The First Book of Maccabees, Jewish Apocryphal Literature (New York: Harper, 1950); Robert Doran, “The First Book of Maccabees,” The New Interpreters Bible, eds. Leander E. Keck et al (Nashville: Abingdon, 1996) 4:1– 178; David S. Williams, The Structure of 1 Maccabees, CBQMS 31 (Washington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1999); Lawrence H. Schiffman, “1 Maccabees,” The Harper Collins Bible Commentary, ed. James L. Mays (San Francisco: HarperCollins, rev. ed., 2000) 800 – 19; Michael S. Moore, “1 Maccabees,” The Old Testament and Apocrypha: Fortress Commentary on the Bible, ed. Gale Yee et al (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2014) 1055 – 63. Moore completely misjudges the book by identifying Jewish landowners as the culprits of the book while failing to recognize Alexander’s invasion as a colonial conquest of the land of Israel.

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The first segment of the history appears in 1 Macc 1:1– 4:51. It begins in 1 Macc 1:1– 7 with a notice of Alexander the Great’s rise to power, first as King of Greece and then as King of the earth (sic), although his rule extended over the Near East from Greece and Egypt in the west through Afghanistan up to the borders of India (modern Pakistan) in the east. Following a reign of twelve years, Alexander died, leaving his empire to his officers who warred against each other. The initial narrative concerning the reign and death of Alexander the Great serves as the introduction to the first major segment of the book in 1 Macc 1:1– 4:51, which focuses on the oppressive rule of Antiochus IV (176 – 163) and Jewish resistance against him led by the Hasmonean priest, Mattathias son of John son of Shimon, and his five sons, John Gaddi, Shimon Thassi, Judah Maccabeus, Eleazar Avaran, and Jonathan Apphus. The family is identified as part of the clan of Joarib, which had moved from Jerusalem to settle in Modein, seventeen miles northwest of Jerusalem in the Ephraimite/Benjaminite hill country overlooking the coastal plain. The Jehoiarib clan is a distinguished family of priests, descended from Aaron, and granted the first lot in the priestly courses according to 1 Chr 24:7. Goldstein surmises that the reason for the move is due to the persecutions of Antiochus IV, who interfered repeatedly with the Jerusalemite High Priesthood for financial gain.²¹ Such interference would likely be seen as a desecration. The Book of 1 Maccabees 1:1– 4:51 would focus on the early stages of the Maccabean revolt up to the capture and purification of the Jerusalem Temple. The second segment of the history appears in 1 Macc 4:52– 9:53, which begins with the 148th year of Greek rule in Judah and recounts the later victories against the Seleucid forces, Judah’s own death in battle, and the rise of his brother Jonathan to power, culminating in Bacchides’s defeat of Jonathan, Jonathan’s escape across the Jordan, and Bacchides’s fortification of Jerusalem and other sites in Judah and Israel. The third segment of the history appears in 1 Macc 9:54– 73, which begins with the 153rd year of Greek rule in which Alcimus gave orders to tear down the wall of the inner court of the Temple, thereby desecrating the area once again. It continues with Jonathan’s defeat of the forces of Bacchides, the conclusion of a truce with Bacchides and his subsequent withdrawal from the land, and Jonathan’s settlement in Michmash where he began to “judge” the people.

 Goldstein, 1 Maccabees, 236.

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The fourth segment of the history appears in 1 Macc 10:1– 66, beginning in the 160th year of Greek rule in which Alexander Balas arrived in Jerusalem to begin his rule with the appointment of Jonathan as High Priest. The fifth segment of the history appears in 1 Macc 10:67– 13:40, which begins in the 165th year of Greek rule, and recounts the rise of Demetrius to power over Judah, the murder of Jonathan by Trypho, an opponent of Demetrius, Shimon’s rise to power in place of Jonathan, and the granting of independence by Demetrius to Judah under Shimon’s rule. The sixth segment of the history appears in 1 Macc 13:41– 53, beginning in the 170th year with Judean independence. The segment recounts Shimon’s consolidation of power and the cleansing of the Jerusalem citadel in the 171st year. The seventh segment of the history appears in 1 Macc 14:1– 15:9, which begins in the 172nd year, and recounts the rule of Shimon as High Priest. The eighth segment of the history appears in 1 Macc 15:10 – 16:10, which begins in the 174th year, and recounts the invasion of Judah by Antiochus VII and the victories won by Shimon’s son, John Hyrcanus. The ninth and final segment of the book appears in 1 Macc 16:11– 24, which recounts the events of the 177th year, including the assassination of Shimon by his son-in-law, Ptolemy son of Abubus, and the rise to power of Shimon’s son, John Hyrcanus, to the office of High Priest following his defeat of Judah’s enemies. The book concludes in 1 Macc 16:23 – 24 with a concluding regnal formula that relates the acts of John Hyrcanus and refers the reader to the annals of the high priesthood.

4 The Dialogical Relationship Between the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees Throughout the narrative of the Book of 1 Maccabees, the leading Hasmonean family members wage war on behalf of Judah against its enemies, but they never claim the title of King. They only claim the title of High Priest. This raises some interesting questions concerning the dialogical relationship between the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees. First, both the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees posit a period of crisis in which Jewish leadership is the ideal means to resolve the threat to Israel and/or Judah. In Isaiah’s case, the crisis is the Assyrian invasions of Israel and Judah, and the leadership is ideally a righteous Davidic King. But with the crisis posed by the Babylonian Exile and its resolution with the inauguration of Persian rule, Isaiah redefines its expectations. The Davidic covenant is redefined in

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Isaiah 55 to refer to the people of Israel in general as YHWH selects King Cyrus of Persia as Messiah and Temple Builder. By the end of the book in Isaiah 66, YHWH self-identifies in Isa 66:1 as the true ruler of Israel and creation at large. The Book of 1 Maccabees has a similar, but different agenda. Like the Book of Isaiah, the Book of 1 Maccabees considers the question of leadership in a time of crisis, in this case, the crisis posed by the rise of Greek rule in the land of Israel/Judah as indicated by the chronological references that define the structure of the book in relation to the chronology of Greek rule from Alexander to John Hyrcanus. The Book of 1 Maccabees posits righteous rule for Israel/Judah, but accepts neither gentile rule nor Davidic rule. Although Alexander the Great is lauded in Rabbinic literature as a ruler who did not attack Judah and who acknowledged G-d by offering sacrifices at the Jerusalem Temple,²² the Book of 1 Maccabees portrays him in a rather pedestrian manner and views subsequent Greek rulers as a source of tension and threat in the land. In the case of native Jewish rule, the Book of 1 Maccabees never considers an ideal of Davidic kingship, but turns to the Hasmonean priesthood instead, as noted especially by the role that the purification of the Temple and the Jerusalem citadel play in the chronology of John Hyrcanus’s rise to power. Indeed, the Book of 1 Maccabees never refers to any of the Hasmonean priests as kings. Contemporary scholars only know of Hasmonean claims to the monarchy from other sources, such as Josephus²³ and the coins that identify John Hyrcanus’s son, Alexander (Yehonatan) Jannai, as ha-Melek or Basileus, King, as well as High Priest. It would seem then that scholars can establish an intertextual dialog between the Book of Isaiah and the Book of 1 Maccabees at least on a limited basis, not in terms of the question of kingship, but on the question of leadership. Something more than Isaiah is needed in the intertextual dialog with the Book of 1 Maccabees to engage the question of the leadership of the nation by the priesthood. The Book of Isaiah cannot fill that role on its own. Instead, readers must turn first to the account of Phineas ben Eleazar ben Aaron who killed the apostate Israelite Zimri ben Salu and the Midianite woman Cozbe bat Zur in Num 25:6 – 15 and thereby provided a role model for Mattathias in 1 Macc 2:23 – 26.²⁴ In addition, readers must turn to the Masoretic Version of the Book of Jeremiah in Jer 33:14– 26, which redefines the Davidic promise in relation to both the city of Jerusalem and the Levitical priesthood that serves in the Jerusa-

 See “Alexander the Great,” EncJud 2:577– 80, although most scholars consider it unlikely that Alexander offered sacrifices in the Jerusalem Temple.  Josephus, Ant. 13.11.1.  Goldstein, 1 Maccabees, 232– 3.

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lem Temple.²⁵ Although Isaiah’s reconceptualization of the Davidic covenant in Isaiah 55 to include all of the people of Israel would likely play some role in justifying the Hasmonean claim to the throne of Judah, MTJeremiah’s statements in MTJer 33:14– 26 declaring the city of Jerusalem and the Levitical Priesthood to be the heirs of the Davidic covenant would play the more determinative role.

Bibliography “Alexander the Great.” Cols. 577 – 580 in Encyclopedia Judaica, volume 2. Edited by Cecil Roth. Jerusalem: Keter, 1971. Bartlett, John R. 1 Maccabees. Guides to Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998. Berges, Ulrich. Jesaja 49 – 54. HThKAT. Freiburg: Herder, 2015. Doran, Robert. “The First Book of Maccabees.” Pages 1 – 178 in The New Interpreters Bible, volume 4. Edited by Leander E. Keck et al. Nashville: Abingdon, 1996. Fischer, Thomas. “Maccabees, Books of.” Pages 439 – 59 in The Anchor Bible Dictionary, volume 4. Edited by David N. Freedman et al. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1992. Green, Barbara. Mikhail Bakhtin and Biblical Scholarship: An Introduction. SemeiaSt 38. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2000. Goldstein, Jonathan A. 1 Maccabees. AB 41. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976. Newsom, Carol A. The Book of Job: A Contest of Moral Imaginations. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2003. Mandolfo. Carleen R. Daughter Zion Talks Back to the Prophets: A Dialogic Theology of the Book of Lamentations. SemeiaSt 58. Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2007. Moore, Michael S. “1 Maccabees.” Pages 1055 – 63 in The Old Testament and Apocrypha: Fortress Commentary on the Bible. Edited by Gale Yee et al. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2014. Schiffman, Lawrence H. “1 Maccabees.” Pages. 800 – 19 in The Harper Collins Bible Commentary. Edited by James L. Mays et al. San Francisco: HarperCollins, rev. ed., 2000. Sommer, Benjamin D. A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40 – 66. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998. Stern, Menahem “The Period of the Second Temple.” Pages 217 – 39 in A History of the Jewish People. Edited by Hayim H. Ben-Sasson. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976. Sweeney, Marvin A. Isaiah 1 – 39, with an Introduction to Prophetic Literature. FOTL 16. Grand Rapids, MI, and Cambridge, UK: Eerdmans, 1996. Idem. “The Book of Isaiah in Recent Research.” Pages 78 – 92 in Recent Research on the Major Prophets. Edited by Alan J. Hauser. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2008.

 Marvin A. Sweeney, “The Reconceptualization of the Davidic Covenant in the Books of Jeremiah,” Reading Prophetic Books: Form, Intertextuality, and Reception in Prophetic and Post-Biblical Literature, FAT 89 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014) 167– 81. N.b., only the MT version of Jeremiah declares Jerusalem and the Levitical priesthood to be the heirs of the Davidic covenant. The passage does not appear in the shorter text of LXXJeremiah 33.

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Idem. “The Reconceptualization of the Davidic Covenant in the Books of Jeremiah.” Pages 167 – 81 in Reading Prophetic Books: Form, Intertextuality, and Reception in Prophetic and Post-Biblical Literature. FAT 89. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014. Idem. Isaiah 40 – 66. FOTL. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2016. Tedesche, Sidney and Solomon Zeitlin, The First Book of Maccabees. Jewish Apocryphal Literature. New York: Harper, 1950. Tull, Patricia K. “Rhetorical Criticism and Intertextuality,” Pp. 156 – 80 in To Each its Own Meaning: An Introduction to Biblical Criticism and their Application. Edited by Steven L. McKenzie and Sean R. Haynes. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1999. Williams, David S. The Structure of 1 Maccabees. CBQMS 31. Washington, DC: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1999.

Archibald L.H.M. van Wieringen

The Concept of the City in the Book of Isaiah and in the Deuterocanonical Literature In this contribution, I would like to reflect upon the relation between the Book of Isaiah and the deuterocanonical books from the perspective of the concept of the ‘city’.¹ In 2011, the Dutch research group de Jesaja Werkplaats, the Isaiah Workshop, published a volume on the city as being a unifying theme in the Book of Isaiah,² in which this synchronic concept appears to have several notable features in the Book of Isaiah. To start with, the main aspects of the appearance of a city in the Ancient Near East are used for the Isaian ‘city’ as well. 1. To the exclusion of every other temple, the Isaian city has one temple: the temple of the Lord God. Liturgy is celebrated in this temple. If the temple is absent in the text (which means that the temple has been destroyed, implying exile), it should be built.³ Confer: 2:2– 5; 6:1; 36 – 38; 66:1– 2. 2. The city has walls. A breach in the wall stands for exile; the building of walls stands for return. Confer: 26:1; 30:13; 36 – 37. 3. A city has a water supply. Without drinking water, a city cannot survive. Checking the water supply in the case of an impending siege is therefore

 The relation between the Book of Isaiah and the deuterocanonical books can be studied from various perspectives. One can, for example, focus on the quotations from / allusions to texts of the Book of Isaiah in deuterocanonical texts. Mostly this results in a detailed study concerning the character of the Isaian text used in the new text and its diachronic transformations. If, however, the position of the text-immanent author and text-immanent reader of both the Isaian text and the new text are taken into account, a broader perspective arises. For an example of the latter, see Archibald van Wieringen, “Sirach 48:17– 25 and the Isaiah-Book: Hezekiah and Isaiah in the Book of Sirach and the Reader-Oriented Perspective of the Isaiah-Book,” in Rewritten Biblical History: Essays on Chronicles and Ben Sira in Honor of Pancratius C. Beentjes, ed. Jeremy Corley and Harm W.M. Grol, DCLS 7 (Berlin: de Gruyter), 191– 210.  Archibald van Wieringen and Annemarieke van der Woude, eds., Enlarge the Site of Your Tent’: The City as Unifying Theme in Isaiah: The Isaiah Workshop: De Jesaja Werkplaats, OtSt 58 (Leiden: Brill, 2011).  The Hebrew verb ‫ בנה‬means to build. It remains to be seen whether this verb can mean to rebuild as well. Probably, the verb ‫ בנה‬is used to indicate an ongoing process that is still open to be completed. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-004

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a logical act. However, one should not forget that the real well is the Lord God himself. Confer: Isa 7:4; 12; 22:9; 36:2. Besides these aspects, the Isaian city has its own characteristics. 1. The Isaian ‘city’ is an expression of the ideal community. An ideal leader is considered to be at its head. The Book of Isaiah avoids using the word ‫ֶמֶלְך‬ king for this ideal leader. On the one hand, this word had become too contaminated in view of the bad kings who reigned during the period of the monarchy; on the other hand, the title ‫ ֶמֶלְך‬king is especially used for the Lord God. In Isa 6 the Lord God is depicted as a king, seated on his high throne, wearing his ceremonial robe, surrounded by his entourage of seraphs who are proclaiming his holiness. In Isa 7 King Ahaz appears on the scene, refusing to ask for a sign from the Lord God. As an antitype to King Ahaz, the prophet Isaiah formulates the sign of the Immanu-El, elaborated upon in chapter 9 with the image of the child that is born and in chapter 11 with the image of the shoot sprouting from the stump of Jesse. In chapter 9, various titles are given to this antitype to King Ahaz, except the title ‫ֶמֶלְך‬ king. 2. The city is a threatened city. Various enemies advanced against the city: first Aram and the Northern Kingdom of Israel, next Assur and finally Babel, with increasing success. However, these so-called enemies are just instruments in the hand of the Lord God. The real enemy is not situated outside of the city, but inside the city itself. This Isaian criticism is meant as self-criticism, and is not meant to blame the external enemies. However, as soon as these enemies forget that they are only instrumental, they meet their own downfall. Confer: Isa 10:5 – 19. 3. The city and its anti-cities play several different female roles, depending on the either positive or negative attitude of the city. a. The role of the ‫ ְבּתוָּלה‬virgin indicates an attitude dedicated to the Lord God, untouched by idolatry. See 37:22; 47:1. b. The role of the wife indicates a strong and lasting relation to the Lord God. However, there is no word indicating ‘wife’ used in the text. See 50:1; 54:1. c. The role of the ‫ ָז ָנה‬whore expresses the city’s unfaithfulness and idolatry. See 1:21; 23:15 – 18. d. The role of the ‫ ַאְלָמ ָנה‬widow stands for being left behind defencelessly, which implies being deprived of her children, i. e. her inhabitants, as well. It indicates exile (Jerusalem) or destruction (Babel). See 47:8; 54:4. e. Finally, the role of the ‫ ֵאם‬mother stands for the city inhabited by her children. It indicates the return from exile. See 49:14– 15; 50:1; 66:13.

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The final realisation of the Isaian ideal city does not have a concrete antitype. In Isa 2:2– 5, this idea is expressed by the mountain of the Lord’s temple being higher than every other mountain, without mentioning any of these mountains by name. In the process of implementing this ideal, the Book of Isaiah always mentions a concrete antitype. Edom is mentioned mostly (see 34:5.6.9; 63:1), but Moab (confer: 25:10) and Babel (see 13 – 14; 47:1) are named as well.

From a synchronic perspective, the deuterocanonical books not only adopt these five features in their own texts, but also elaborate upon them. In this contribution, I will first focus on the reception of the three characteristics of the Isaian city: guilt-within (self-criticism), the ideal King and the female roles. I will conclude with an analysis of the parallel staging of Isa 7:1– 17, a core text in the Book of Isaiah, and Jdt 7.

1 The Isaian Characteristic of the Guilt-within in the Deuterocanonical Literature I would like to start with the guilt-within, which I have mentioned in the enumeration of the Isaian characteristics as the second feature of the Isaian city. It is explicitly present in the deuterocanonical books as well. I would like to mention a couple of examples. In the Book of Judith, this feature is expressed twice: the first time in Achior’s speech to Holofernes,⁴ from the perspective of the external enemies; the second time in Judith’s speech to the leaders of Bethulia, from the perspective of the faithful.⁵ Achior describes the invincibility of the Jews. Only when they do not follow the divine commandments, are they defeated and sent into exile (Jdt 5:18).⁶ Because of this, Achior advises Holofernes to wait for the Jews to commit a sin and not to attack the city in vain (Jdt 5:20). In Jdt 8:19 – 20, Judith ex-

 From a Jungian psycho-analytic perspective, Helen Efthimiadis-Keith concludes that the character Achior is the personification of ‘the enemy within’; Achior is rather the personification of how someone should become the ideal believer. Isaian theology would not interpret Achior as being an enemy within. See Helen Efthimiadis-Keith, “The Role of Achior in Judith: An Autobiographical Response to The Enemy is Within,” OTE 26 (2013): 642– 62.  See Mercedes Navarro Puerto, “Reinterpreting the Past: Judith 5,” in History and Identity: How Israel’s Later Authors Viewed Its Earlier History, ed. Nuria Calduch-Benages and Jan Liesen, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2006 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006), 115 – 40, 125.  See Barbara Schmitz and Helmut Engel, Judit, HThKAT (Freiburg: Herder, 2014), 191.

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presses the same idea to the city’s leaders: because, in the past, the forefathers worshipped other gods, they suffered a great catastrophe at the hand of their enemies, but now God will not forget his people for nobody practices idolatry.⁷ The position given to this theme in the Book of Judith confirms both the book consisting of two main parts, namely the chapters 1– 7 and 8 – 16, and the figures Achior and Judith as being the two main characters. In the Book of Baruch, 2:5b – 10 is part of the prayer of the deportees from Jerusalem. Part of this prayer is a confession of their sins and, therefore, an explanation of the reason for the calamities that have befallen them. The reason for the deportation is thus the guilt-within, and not the enemies outside of the city. In line with this, the first chapter of the Book of Baruch mentions sinfulness only in the admonition to pray for the own group (verse 13), and not regarding the prayers for Nebuchadnezzar or Balthasar (verse 11). The prayer for them is that they may live a long life and that their days may be like the days of heaven. This is a prayer that would be out of question in the Book of Isaiah.⁸ However, besides this theology of the guilt-within, Bar 1:11 contains a sense of ironic humour as well, because at the time the text was written, Nebuchadnezzar and Balthasar had been dead for centuries. This irony might hint at the pure instrumental status of the enemies and the enemies’ refusal to accept this. I will discuss this later on.⁹ A last example of the guilt-within that I would like to give can be found in the deuterocanonical additions to the Book of Daniel. The three men in the fiery furnace start their prayer by confessing the sinfulness of their own group as being the justified reasons for all the judgements that have come down upon Jerusalem (3:29 – 30). Possibly, Dan 3:29 can be considered as an allusion to Isa 59:12. Both texts are prayers, formulated in the first person plural. The first word of Isa 59:12 lxx is the emphatically placed πολλὴ much, which can be seen in Dan 3:29 in the phrase ἐν πᾶσι(ν) in everything, which, according to the Symmachus, is used

 D. Levine Gera, Judith, Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2014), 213 – 14.274.  See Jesús M. Asurmendi, “Baruch: Causes, Effects and Remedies for a Disaster,” in History and Identity: How Israel’s Later Authors Viewed Its Earlier History, ed. Nuria Calduch-Benages and Jan Liesen, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2006 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006), 187– 200, 188.  Although political quietism is not foreign to prophetic literature, I believe that this quietism is not sufficient to explain the presence of the remarkably positive prayer regarding Nebuchadnezzar and Balthasar in Bar 1:11; pace: Marko Marttila “Political Power and Ideology in the Book of Baruch,” BN 161 (2014): 99 – 114, 109.

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even twice. The nouns ἀνομία iniquity and ἁμαρτίαι sins in Isa 59:12 are present as the verbs ἀνομέω to act iniquitously and ἐξαμαρτάνω to sin in Dan 3:29. Following along this line of the guilt-within, the Isaian idea of the external enemies being only an instrument in the Lord’s hand –although the enemy may think otherwise– is present in the deuterocanonical books as well. In Jdt 6:2 – 3, Holofernes’ reaction to Achior’s speech reflects the unawareness of the position of the instrumental enemy: he believes that Nebuchadnezzar as a god is mightier than the God of Israel and will destroy the city due to his own power. The Book of Judith proves the opposite. Concerning the 2 Book of Maccabees, against this Isaian background, the verses 17 and 19 in 2 Macc 5 are interesting as well. Verse 17 says: Antiochus did not perceive that the Lord was angered for a little while because of the sins of those who lived in the city, and that this was the reason he was disregarding the holy place. The sack of the city of Jerusalem, therefore, was not the result of Antiochus’ military strategy, but was the consequence of the Lord’s wrath against its inhabitants. The text also makes clear as well that Antiochus is not aware of this, which actually implies that he does not consider himself as being an instrument in the Lord’s hand. Verse 19 contains the proverb: The Lord did not choose the people for the sake of the holy place, but the place for the sake of the people. It explains why the temple has to be destroyed as well, although the temple, being the dwelling place of the Lord, is not ‘guilty’. The temple is, as it were, the victim of the people’s misbehaviour.¹⁰ Therefore, verse 17 can be considered to be a preparation for 2 Macc 9, which reports Antiochus’ dramatic death, while verse 19 prepares for 2 Macc 10:1– 9 which deals with the temple and its cleansing.¹¹

 See Barbara Schmitz, “Antiochus Epiphanes und der epiphane Gott: Gefühle, Emotionen und Affekte im Zweiten Makkabäerbuch,” in Emotions from Ben Sira to Paul, ed. Renate Egger-Wenzel and Jeremy Corley, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2011 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012), 253 – 79, 255.  See J. Zsengellér, “Maccabees and Temple Propaganda,” in The Books of the Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology: Papers of the Second International Conference on the Deuterocanonical Books, Pápa, Hungary, 9 – 11 June, 2005, ed. Géza G. Xeravits and József Zsengellér, JSJSup 118 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 181– 95, 185, who mentions 2 Macc 5:19, although without making a connection to 10:1– 9. For a diachronic text analysis advocating the intertwining of Antiochus’ death and the purification of the temple, see Robert Doran, Temple Propaganda: The Purpose and Character of 2 Maccabees, CBQ MS 12 (Washington: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1981), 61– 2.

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2 Macc 9 demands further attention.¹² It is Antiochus himself who conceives the idea of turning upon the Jews the cause of the injury done to him (verse 4), which means that here he is operating not as an instrument in the hand of the Lord, but doing something on his own initiative. However, the Lord, the God of Israel, strikes him with an incurable illness (verse 5). The Lord does this in vain, because Antiochus sticks to his plan and becomes even more arrogant (verse 7a). He, literally, falls down (verse 7b). Verse 8 describes Antiochus as a man who believed that he was able to weigh the high mountains on a scale, but who is now lying down, unable to stand and walk. Dominion is given, not grasped. Kings who grasp dominion themselves will flung down. The Isaian example par excellence is Babel, as expressed in the satirical song in Isa 14:3 – 21. The semantic allusions are obvious.¹³ The attitude of both Babel and Antiochus is described by using the word θυμός rage (2 Macc 9:4.7 and Isa 14:6) and expressions about the height of the ὄρος mountain (2 Macc 9:9 and Isa 14:13; confer also: Isa 40:12¹⁴) and the ἄστρα τῶν οὐρανίων stars of heaven (2 Macc 9:10 and Isa 14:13)¹⁵. Antiochus threatens the Jews that he will turn the city into a πολυάνδριον graveyard (2 Macc 9:4.14), but he himself becomes that with which he threatens. This is comparable to Babel’s final destination: the netherworld. Both Antiochus and Babel are riddled with σκώληκες worms (2 Macc 9:9 and Isa 14:11).¹⁶ Finally, the verb πατάσσω to stick (2 Macc 9:5) evokes Isa 37:38, which describes the regicide of Assur after his futile attempt to conquer the city of Jerusalem, while the combination of the verb πατάσσω to stick and the adjective ἀνίατος incurable, besides 2 Macc 9:5, only occurs in Isa 14:6.¹⁷

 A relation between the chapters 7 and 9 exists as well: King Antiochus dies in 9:28 as announced by the youngest brother in 7:36 – 37; see e. g. Barbara Schmitz, “Geschaffen aus dem Nichts? Die Funktion der Rede von der Schöpfung im Zweiten Makkabäerbuch,” in Theologies of Creation in Early Judaism and Ancient Christianity. ed. Tobias Nicklas and Korinna Zamfir, DCLS 6 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2010), 61– 80, 69.  On the relation between 2 Macc 9 and Isa 14, see Bradley C. Gregory, “Isaiah 14 (LXX) as Narrative Template for Antiochus IV in 2 Maccabees 9,” Journal of Septuagint and Cognate Studies 48 (2015): 86 – 103, 89 – 100; see also Ronald L. Troxel, LXX-Isaiah as Translation and Interpretation: The Strategies of the Translator of the Septuagint of Isaiah, JSJSup 124 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 211– 23.  Gregory, Isaiah 14, 93 – 4.  Gregory, Isaiah 14, 95. See also Félix-Marie Abel, Les Livres des Maccabées, ÉBib (Paris: Gabalda), 1949, 400.  Gregory, Isaiah 14, 95 – 6.  Troxel, LXX-Isaiah, 2007, 213. The Septuagint renders ἀνίατος incurable for ‫ בלתי סרה‬unceasing.

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Just as Isa 37 reports the death of Assur as an elaboration of the irony of Assur’s withdrawal, 2 Macc 9 elaborates upon the sarcasm used in the description of Antiochus’ pointless repentance and request for forgiveness, expressed in a letter to the Jews.¹⁸ He dies a painful death. Just as, at the end of the Isaian story, Sennacherib’s sons have to flee to a foreign country far away (Isa 37:38), Philip eventually has to do the same and flees to Egypt (2 Macc 9:29).

2 The Isaian Characteristic of the Ideal King in the Deuterocanonical Literature The Book of Isaiah has images of the ideal leader that contrast with the failing king in Jerusalem. Such positive images do not occur in the deuterocanonical books. In the Book of Wisdom, however, the idea of royal power as something given instead of being grasped –an idea that is part of the ideal images in the Book of Isaiah–, is attributed to the ideal king in Jerusalem in 9:7. Solomon confesses that it is God who made him king, and not over Solomon’s people, but over God’s people. Because the divine act is described by using the verb προαιρεῖν to choose, which is a hapax in the Book of Isaiah, only occurring in 7:15, to describe the right choice of the Immanu-El between good and evil, an allusion to the sign of the Immanu-El arises. Solomon, the climax of wisdom, therefore, could be understood in Wis 9:7 as an implementation of the Immanu-El as well. It seems to me that in the Book of Ben Sira the idea of the ideal king is re‐interpreted as meaningful for every human being. The negative description of Babel, using the word σκώληξ worm in Isa 14:11 lxx,¹⁹ is alluded to in Sir 10:11 in the description of the mortality of every human being. The positive description of the Shoot of Jesse, expressed by the phrase πνεῦμα συνέσεως the spirit of understanding (Isa 11:2 lxx), is re-used in Sir 39:6. God’s spirit is

 See Tobias Nicklas, “Irony in 2 Maccabees?” in The Books of the Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology: Papers of the Second International Conference on the Deuterocanonical Books, Pápa, Hungary, 9 – 11 June, 2005, ed. Géza G. Xeravits and József Zsengellér, JSJSup 118 (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 101– 11, 107. See for the contrast between 2 Macc 9 and 2 Macc 7, Schmitz, Antiochus Epiphanes, 2012, 259 – 60.  Further, the word σκώληξ worm is used in the Book of Isaiah only in the closing verse 66:24.

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not exclusively meant for the ideal leader, but can be given by the Lord to every human being.²⁰

3 The Isaian Characteristic of the Female Role for Zion/Jerusalem in the Deuterocanonical Literature Just as the city and the anti-city take on female roles in the Book of Isaiah, female roles are also played by the city in the deuterocanonical books. Especially in Bar 4:9b-29, which is the direct speech spoken by Jerusalem, the city plays a female role. In this direct speech, the city calls herself χήρα widow. The Book of Isaiah, however, never uses the indication ‫ ַאְלָמ ָנה‬widow for Jerusalem, however often this city is abandoned. Isaiah only uses ‫ַאְלָמ ָנה‬ widow for Babel in describing her final destruction (47:8).²¹ Although the word μήτηρ mother is not used, the city of Jerusalem is indirectly portrayed as a mother in Bar 4:9b-29.²² From the start of her direct speech, the city speaks about my sons and daughters (verse 10). All her children are taken away from her. She had to see how God allowed her sons and daughters to be taken captive (verse 10).²³ No-one is left. However, in the second part of her direct speech she appears not to be childless, because God will give them back to her, forever (4:23).²⁴ This change in the female role in her direct speech is important. Firstly, this change is marked by a direction-shift in verse 21: the city continues her direct

 For the idea of a concept of wisdom that is broader than in the chokmatic literature of the Hebrew Bible see J. Cornelis de Vos, “ ‘You Have Forsaken the Fountain of Wisdom’: The Function of Law in Baruch 3:9 – 4:4,” ZABR 13 (2007): 176 – 86, 182.  See for general remarks also Nuria Calduch-Benages, “Jerusalem as a Widow (Baruch 4– 5:9),” in Biblical Figures in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, ed. Hermann Lichtenberger and Ulrike Mittmann-Richert, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2008; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2009), 147– 64, 151– 2; also: Corley, Emotional Transformation, 2012, 241.  See Calduch-Benages, Widow, 2009, 156 – 7.  In contrast to the return from the exile, it is not God himself who takes captive (as e. g. Common English Bible, 2011, incorrectly suggests with the translation I have watched my sons and daughters taken captive, the action of the eternal one), but, as a punishment for the people, God lets the exile be implemented by some else, which means that he makes use of an instrument.  See for the contrast between the exile and the return as mentioned in Bar 4:5 – 5:9 Asurmeni, Baruch, 2006, 190.

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speech by now addressing the children with the vocative τέκνα, without using a possessive pronoun. Furthermore, after having spoken about the return, the city’s direct speech is interrupted by the prophet-figure in verse 24 to confirm the change in the mother-role.²⁵ In addressing the city, the prophet-figure emphasises her role, in casu her mother-role. The city’s neighbours, αἱ πάροικοι Σιὼν, present in verse 9 as a vocative, but absent in the second part of the city’s direct speech, are mentioned by the prophet-figure: just as they saw the exiling of the children of Zion, they will now see their return to her. The prophet-figure is using Isaian semantics to describe the σωτηρία salvation, which is a word very characteristic for the Book of Isaiah (also in the Septuagint).²⁶ Moreover, the combination with the activity of seeing, ὁράω, is mentioned especially in Isa 52:10 lxx: all corners of the earth will see this salvation.²⁷ In Bar 4:24, the salvation that can be seen by Zion’s neighbours, is described with the word δόξα glory and λαμπρότης brightness. In Isa 40:5 lxx, all people will see the δόξα glory of the Lord. Isa 60:3 lxx describes the δόξα glory of Zion, which, according to verse 1, is the δόξα glory of the Lord himself.²⁸ The word λαμπρότης brightness is rarely used in the Septuagint. In the prophetic books, it appears in Isa 60:3 lxx only, describing the relation between the light of Zion and the reaction of the nations.²⁹ In Bar 4:25, the city resumes her direct speech, marked by a repetition of the vocative τέκνα children. The direct speech of the prophet-figure is continued in Bar 4:30 – 5:9, which consists of four parts, all marked by the vocative Ἱερουσαλὴμ Jerusalem (4:30.36; 5:1.5).³⁰ Although Jerusalem is not indicated by any female role, Jerusalem is clearly personified by performing human activities. Furthermore, all four parts are highly characterised by Isaian semantics.³¹ I would like to mention the most important ones. At the beginning of the first

 Although André Kabasele Mukenge, L’unité littéraire du livre de Baruch, ÉBib 38 (Paris: Gabalda, 1998), especially 310, does not notice the special status of verse 24, like many exegetical studies on 4:9b-29, the observations on structure and semantic lines are very valuable.  See 12:1.2; 25:9; 26:18; 33:2.6; 38:20; 45:17; 46:13(2×);47:15; 49:6.8; 52:7.10; 59:11; 63:1.8.  See 49:7; 52:8.  See also 12:2; 26:10.  Symmachus and Theodotion use the word λαμπρότης in Isa 58:11 as well.  Odil Hannes Steck, Das apokryphe Baruchbuch: Studien zu Rezeption und Konzentration “kanonischer” Überlieferung, FRLANT 160 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993), 186; see also Nuria Calduch-Benages, “The Name of the Beloved City in Baruch 4:5 – 5:9,” BN 164 (2015): 51– 64, 53.  For the many allusions to Isaian texts, see Géza G. Xeravits, “The Biblical Background of the Psalms in Baruch 4:5 – 5:9,” in Studies on Baruch, ed. Sean A. Adams, DCLS 23 (Berlin: de Gruyter,

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subunit (4:30 – 35), the verb παρακαλέω to comfort is used, a word characteristic especially for Isa 40 – 66,³² but in the Book of Baruch used only here. The first subunit further mentions that the act of comforting will be done by the One who gave Sion a name.³³ Zion is given new names in Isa 61:3.6; 62:2.12.³⁴ In both Bar 4:30 and Isa 62:2, the verb ὀνομάζω to give a name is used, without mentioning the name itself; the act of giving a name is in focus. Using the ἀνατολή east and the δυσμή west as the regions from which the Lord brings back Zion’s children, the second subunit (4:36 – 37) alludes to Isa 43:5. The call for Zion to look around her in Bar 4:36 (περιβλέπω to look around) is similar to Isa 49:18 (αἱρέω to lift up, sc. the eyes), although a different verb is used.³⁵ However, the description of the sons who can be seen, has the important verb συνάγω to gather in common. At the end of the third subunit (5:1– 4), the theme of giving a name is used again. The word δικαιοσύνη righteousness in the first name is used in the first new name for Zion in Isa 61:3 as well. The word δόξα glory in the second name is also used in the second new name for Zion in the same Isaian text. Moreover, the relation between the third subunit and Isa 61:3 is strengthened by using the image of vestments, although different words are used.³⁶ The word εἰρήνη peace demands special attention. This first element of the two names for Zion in the Book of Baruch is not used for the new names for Zion anywhere in the Book of Isaiah, but it is rather used for the ideal leader in 9:6. Instead of only using it for the leader, the Book of Baruch re-uses this name for all the inhabitants of Zion. This is in line with what I have mentioned

2016), 97– 133, 119 – 29. See also Kabasele Mukenge, Baruch, 1998, especially 313 – 29; Georg Fischer, “Baruch, Jeremiah’s ‘Secretary’? The Relationships between the Book of Jeremiah and the Book of Baruch,” in Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the Scriptures, ed. Eibert Tigchelaar, BEThL 270 (Leuven: Peeters, 2014), 137– 55, 139.151. See however the critical remarks of Sean A. Adams, “Jerusalem’s Lament and Consolation: Baruch 4:5 – 5:9 and Its Relationships with Jewish Scripture,” in Studies on Baruch, ed. Sean A. Adams, DCLS 23 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2016), 61– 77, 63.67.70 – 71. Confer also: Ivo Meyer, “Das Buch Baruch und der Brief des Jeremia,” in Einleitung in das Alte Testament, ed. Christoph Frevel; 9th ed (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2016), 592– 8, 596.  See 40:1.2.11; 41:27; 49:10.13; 51:3.12.18.19; 54:11; 57:5.18; 61:2; 66:12.13.  For the importance of the expression of the name-giver as an indication for God, see Calduch-Benages, Name, 2015, 54– 5.  See also the foreigners who join Israel are given a name in 56:5 and the Servants receive a new name in 65:15.  See Kabasele Mukenge, Baruch, 1998, 318.320.  Also Calduch-Benages, Name, 2015, 58. For the word μίτρα diadem in Bar 5:2, see the expression in Isa 61:10; Marttila, Political Power, 2014, 111.

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above about applying the Isaian idea of the ideal leader to every human being in the deuterocanonical chokmatic literature. The fourth subunit (5:5 – 9) is a collage of Isaian texts. The opening ἀνάστηθι Ἱερουσαλὴμ arise, oh Jerusalem is a re-use of Isa 51:17, whereas the expression στῆθι ἐπὶ τοῦ ὑψηλοῦ stand on high re-uses ἐπ’ ὄρος ὑψηλὸν ἀνάβηθι go up on a high mountain in Isa 40:9. The connection with the prologue of Isa 40 – 66 is continued in the image of levelling out: the hills and mountains should be flattened (ταπεινόω in Bar 5:7 and Isa 40:4) and the valleys (φάραγξ in Bar 5:7 and Isa 40:4) should be filled up (πληρόω in Bar 5:7 and Isa 40:4).³⁷ Further, the ἀνατολή east and the δυσμή west are used again. Although the similarity to the Book of Isaiah is striking, the role of Zion is slightly different in the Book of Baruch. Not only does Zion play some female roles in Baruch, but she also becomes more and more personified. In Baruch, a sharp distinction between the city and the children is made, marked by the city addressing her children, which is not the case in the Book of Isaiah. The children deserted their God, but she did not desert him; the children are to blame for the disasters, she is not. This guilt is within the city, but the city herself is not guilty.³⁸ This position of the city can be compared to 2 Macc 5:19 which I have discussed above. This distinction also becomes visible semantically. In verse 26, which belongs to the second part of the city’s direct speech, the city describes her children as τρυφερός. Some translations interpret this adjective as beloved children.³⁹ This translation might be based on Deut 28:54 lxx, which uses this adjective meaning delicate. However, the parallel with Isa 47:1.8 is striking. In this text, Babel is described as spoilt and sybaritic. In my view, the text of Bar 4:27 is ambiguous: on the one hand, it shows that Zion’s children could face the same fate as Babel, because they are negatively τρυφερός delicate, i. e. spoilt, on the other hand, they could be delivered from the evil that came upon them, because they are positively τρυφερός delicate.

 See Kabasele Mukenge, Baruch, 1998, 328.  Horacio Simian-Yofre, “Jerusalem as Mother in Baruch 4:5 – 5:9,” in Family and Kinship in the Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, ed. Anna Passaro, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2012/2013 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2013), 363 – 76, 373 – 5 points out the distinction between Jerusalem and Zion in Bar 4:5 – 5:9, which implies that Zion as a theological concept should be considered as the text-immanent speaker in this pericope. Also Calduch-Benages, Widow, 2009, 159 – 60.  E. g. Revised Standard Version Catholic Edition, 1999.

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It is because of this distinction between the city and her children that the innocent Jerusalem can become an intercessor for her sinful children to the Lord God.⁴⁰ It seems to me that the Book of Judith does not contain female roles for cities, because the character Judith plays these roles. Judith is introduced in 8:1– 8 as a faithful woman, who has become a widow. In her prayers,⁴¹ Judith presents herself to God as χήρα a widow: her status as a widow is what the city’s status is in danger of becoming (9:4.9). Judith appears to be childless. Therefore, she is not called a mother in the Book of Judith. Nevertheless, she plays, as it were, a mother-role as being the mother of the city of Bethulia by delivering it from Holofernes.⁴² The name Bethulia (in Hebrew ‫ )בתוליה‬is a symbolic one, meaning virgin; the image virgin is also used for Jerusalem in Isa 37:22 lxx.

4 The Parallel Staging of Isa 7:1 – 17 and Jdt 7 This brings me to the last issue I would like to discuss: the parallel staging of Jdt 7 and Isa 7:1– 17.⁴³ What happens regarding Jerusalem in Isa 7:1– 17, happens to Bethulia in the Book of Judith. Jerusalem and Bethulia are very closely related in the Book of Judith. Bethulia’s role in the defence of the land is organized by Jerusalem (Jdt 4:6) and during the final battle Jerusalem joins in with the Bethulian troops (15:5). Judith’s prayer, said before she takes action, takes place at the moment the evening incense is being offered in the temple of Jerusalem (9:1).⁴⁴

 Calduch-Benages, Widow, 2009, 161.163.  Concerning prayers in the Book of Judith, see Pancratius C. Beentjes, “Bethulia Crying, Judith Praying: Context and Content of Prayers in the Book of Judith,” in Prayer from Tobit to Qumran: Inaugural conference of the ISDCL at Salzburg, Austria, 5 – 9 July 2003, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2004 (Berlin: de Gruyter 2004), 231– 354.  In this way, the (female) character Judith contrasts with the many failing (male) characters Nebuchadnezzar, Manasseh, Achior and Uzziah; see Nicolae Roddy, “The Way It Wasn’t: The Book of Judith as Anti-Hasmonean Propaganda,” Studia Hebraica 8 (2008): 269 – 77, 270.  Pace József Zsengellér, “A Bible’s Digest: The Book of Judith as a Hermeneutical Composition,” in Weisheit als Lebensgrundlage, eds. Renate Egger-Wenzel, Karin Schöpflin and Johannes Friedrich Diehl, DCLS 15 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2013), 451– 86, especially 455 – 6, who does not mention Isa 7:1– 17 as an intertext for Jdt 7, although he mentions Isa 7:14 as an intertext for Jdt 13:11.  Levine Gera, Judith, 2014, 302– 3. See also Géza G. Xeravits, “The Supplication of Judith (Judith 9:2– 14),” in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith, ed. Géza G. Xeravits, DCLS 14 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012), 161– 78, 163 – 4.

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After the deliverance from Holofernes, Jerusalem is the first to congratulate Judith (15:8), whereas the concluding festivities of the victory take place in Jerusalem itself (16:18 – 20).⁴⁵ Because of the close relation between Bethulia and Jerusalem, the staging of the siege of Bethulia evokes the narrative of Isa 7:1– 17 about the siege of Jerusalem, which is sometimes re-used in a reverse way. Bethulia, situated in Samaria, the gateway to Jerusalem (Jdt 4:6 – 7), is situated in the area that was occupied by the enemies in Isa 7:2. To survive a siege, the water supply is crucial. According to Isa 7:3, the meeting between the prophet Isaiah and King Ahaz takes place at the water system, outside of the city.⁴⁶ In Jdt 7:7, it is the enemy Holofernes who inspects the water supply of Bethulia, in order to ensure himself of a short and successful siege. The Moabites confirm Holofernes’ strategy in 7:12– 13. The main magistrate of Bethulia is named Ὀζίας Uzziah,⁴⁷ which is the same name as one of the Kings of Jerusalem in the Septuagint’s version of the Book of Isaiah. Within the corpus of the Book of Isaiah, King Uzziah is only mentioned in 6:1, as a king who has passed away, and in 7:1, as the grandfather of King Ahaz. Ahaz is the failing King: he is not willing to accept a sign from the Lord, although he puts his refusal into words of piety, saying he does not want to πειράζω test the Lord (7:12). Judith confronts the magistrates, because they, especially Uzziah, have made a wrong decision (Jdt 7:30; 8:9). She blames them for testing, πειράζω, the Lord (8:12).⁴⁸ Against this background, it is striking that the Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar is called the βασιλεὺς ᾿Aσσυρίων King of the Assyrians (Jdt 1:7.11; 2:1.4; 4:1), ironically alluding to the βασιλεὺς τῶν ᾿Aσσυρίων King of the Assyrians, who is  See also Renate Egger-Wenzel, “Judith’s Path from Grief to Joy: From Sackcloth to Festive Attire,” in Emotions from Ben Sira to Paul, eds. Renate Egger-Wenzel and Jeremy Corley, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2011 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012), 189 – 223, 218.  This location plays a role in Isa 36:2 as well. Concerning water supplies of a city, see also Isa 22:9.  See also Zsengellér, Judith, 2013, 458. For the contrast between Uzziah and Judith, see Robin Gallaher Branch, “Joakin, Uzziah, and Bagoas: A Literary Analysis of Selected Secondary Characters in the Book of Judith,” OTE 25 (2012): 57– 83, 69 – 70. Concerning the difference between the genealogy of Judith and the one of Uzziah, see Helen Efthimiadis-Keith, “Genealogy, Retribution and Identity: Re-Interpreting the Cause of Suffering in the Book of Judith,” OTE 27 (2014): 860 – 78, 869.  Levine Gera, Judith, 2014, 277. See Erich Zenger, Das Buch Judit, JSHRZ 1/6 (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1981), 488. See also André LaCocque, The Feminine Unconventional: Four Subversive Figures in Israel’s Tradition (Overtures to Biblical Theology; Minneapolis: Fortress Press), 1990, 41– 2. Unfortunately, Renate Egger-Wenzel, “Judits weise Klugheit zur Rettung Betulias,” in Weisheit als Lebensgrundlage, ed. Renate Egger-Wenzel, K. Schöpflin and Johannes Friedrich Diehl, DCLS 15 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2013), 65 – 94, 66, does not examine Jdt 8:12 in more detail.

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the great threat behind the siege of Jerusalem, in Isa 7:17 lxx.⁴⁹ This Assyrian threat appears on the scene in Isa 36 – 37, in the person of Sennacherib. The Assyrian King, however, is not able to conquer Jerusalem despite the siege of the city. The rhetoric question posed to Achior by Holofernes who is God except Nebuchadnezzar? in Jdt 6:2 alludes to the confession in Isa 37:20 by the King of Jerusalem Hezekiah that the Lord alone is God.⁵⁰ For the character Holofernes, this rhetoric question is meant to be answered affirmatively, but for the text-immanent author negatively. At the level of the characters, the final answer is given by Judith in 13:11 μεθ’ ἡμῶν ὁ Θεὸς ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν with us is God, our God, alluding to the name ‫ ִע ָמּנוּ־ֵאל‬/ Ἐμμανουήλ with us: God of the ideal leader in Isa 7:14. The inversion in the name ‫ ִע ָמּנוּ־ֵאל‬is re-used in Jdt 13:11, also stressing the we-group having faith in the Lord God. Just as the Lord God is the ‘hidden’ main character in Isa 7:1– 17, because he is the one who sends the prophet-character Isaiah and it is he whom the failing character King Ahaz resists, the Lord God is the leading character in the Book of Judith as well, expressed not only in the fact that Judith prays before and after the city’s deliverance, but also in the confession made in her prayers that he is the one who crushes wars and restores peace to his chosen people (Jdt 16:2.25).⁵¹ In the Book of Isaiah, on the way to the ideal Jerusalem as mentioned in 2:2– 5, Jerusalem often has an anti-type. In the Book of Judith, Moab and Edom (the sons of Esau) can be seen as such anti-types in chapter 7. They join Holofernes and confirm his strategy against the Jewish city of Bethulia. At the end of the Book of Judith, such an anti-type can no longer be found. After having reached the final deliverance from the enemies, there is no place for any hostile anti-type. However, the character Achior, an Amorite, becomes the

 See Roddy, Judith, 2008, 40.  Levine Gera, Judith, 2014, 221. See also Zenger, Judit, 1981, 476. See Friedrich V. Reiterer, “ ‘Meines Bruders Licht’: Untersuchungen zur Rolle des Achior,” in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith, ed. Géza G. Xeravits, DCLS 14 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012), 111– 60, 153 – 6. On the parallel between Holofernes and Sennacherib, see Jeremy Corley, “Imitation of Septuagintal Narrative and Greek Historiography in the Portrait of Holofernes,” in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith, ed. Géza G. Xeravits, DCLS 14 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012), 22– 54, 33 – 4. For the contrast between the Lord God and Nebuchadnezzar, see Risimati S. Hobyane, “Actantial model of Judith: A Key to Unlocking its Possible Purpose: A Greimassian Contribution,” OTE 28 (2015): 371– 94, 393.  See Jeremy Corley, “Judith: An Unconventional Heroine,” Scripture Bulletin 31 (2001): 70 – 85, 85.

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personification of the hostile world outside of the city that converts to the Lord, the God of Israel, by being circumcised (14:10).⁵² The parallelism with Isa 7:1– 17 is not made randomly. Isa 7:1– 17 is the start of the process of teaching the text-immanent reader to have confidence in the Lord God. This pericope, therefore, appears to be the motor of the Book of Isaiah.⁵³ By drawing a parallel between Isa 7:1– 17 and Jdt 7, the text-immanent reader’s attitude of having trust in God is also transmitted to the Book of Judith. This parallelism regarding the entire Book of Isaiah can be seen in the concluding verse of Judith’s song of praise at the end of the Book of Judith. In Jdt 16:17, the concluding verse of the Book of Isaiah concerning fire and worms, 66:24, is quoted, which is actually a surprising conclusion of Judith’s hymn.⁵⁴ However, in this way, the Book of Judith presents itself as a reception of the entire Book of Isaiah. Just as the Book of Isaiah ends with a warning, while the realisation of the ideal community is beyond the text of the book itself, the Book of Judith concludes with the same tension. As long as Judith is alive, no-one will threaten the people of Israel; but the realisation of this ideal situation after Judith’s life is also beyond the Book of Judith, and will not automatically be realised.⁵⁵

 See also Adolfo D. Roitman, “Achior in the Book of Judith: His Role and Significance,” in No One Spoke Ill of Her: Essays on Judith, ed. James C. Vanderkam, EJL 2 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), 31– 46, 40; Pieter M. Venter, “The function of the Ammonite Achior in the book of Judith,” HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 67 (2011): 1– 9, especially 8, who emphasises the non-particularism of the Book of Judith; Reiterer, Meines Bruders Licht, 2012, 156. For Achior as the ‘exception from the rule’ in the Torah about non-believers, see Thomas Hieke, “Torah in Judith: Dietary Laws, Purity and Other Torah Issues in the Book of Judith,” in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith, ed. Géza G. Xeravits, DCLS 14 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012), 97– 110, 108. For the antithesis between Jewish religion and Assyrian cult in the Book of Judith, see, although without discussing the role of Achior: Risimati S. Hobyane, “Clashing deities in the book of Judith: A Greimassian perspective,” HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 71 (2015): 1– 8, especially 4– 8.  Archibald L.H.M. van Wieringen, “Assur and Babel against Jerusalem: The Reader-Oriented Position of Babel and Assur within the Framework of Isaiah 1– 39,” in ‘Enlarge the Site of Your Tent’: The City as Unifying Theme in Isaiah: The Isaiah Workshop: De Jesaja Werkplaats, eds. Archibald van Wieringen and Adam S. van der Woude, OtSt 58 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 49 –62, 53 – 8.  See Judith Gärtner and B. Schmitz, “‘…indem er Feuer und Würmer in ihr Fleisch gibt’ (Jdt 16,17): Die Metaphern in Jdt 16,17 vor dem Hintergrund von Jes 66,24,” in The Metaphorical Use of Language in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature, eds. Markus Witte and Sven Behnke, Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2014/2015 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2015), 107– 24, 111.  See Gärtner / Schmitz, Feuer und Würmer, 121.

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5 Conclusions In sum, we can conclude that the main aspects of the concept of the city as can be seen in the Book of Isaiah are re-used in the deuterocanonical literature, albeit in various ways and in various intensities. However, the focus is the same: to emphasise the city of Jerusalem as the ideal faithful community.⁵⁶

Bibliography Abel, Félix-Marie, Les Livres des Maccabées. Études Bibliques. Paris: Gabalda, 1949. Adams, Sean A., “Jerusalem’s Lament and Consolation: Baruch 4:5 – 5:9 and Its Relationships with Jewish Scripture.” Pages 61 – 77 in Studies on Baruch. Edited by S.A. Adams. DCLS 23. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2016. Asurmendi, Jesús M., “Baruch: Causes, Effects and Remedies for a Disaster.” Pages 187 – 200 in History and Identity: How Israel’s Later Authors Viewed Its Earlier History. Edited by Nuria Calduch-Benages and Jan Liesen. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2006. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006. Beentjes, Pancratius C., “Bethulia Crying, Judith Praying: Context and Content of Prayers in the Book of Judith.” Pages 231 – 354 in Prayer from Tobit to Qumran: Inaugural conference of the ISDCL at Salzburg, Austria, 5 – 9 July 2003. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2004. Berlin: de Gruyter 2004. Branch, Robin Gallaher, “Joakin, Uzziah, and Bagoas: A Literary Analysis of Selected Secondary Characters in the Book of Judith,” OTE 25 (2012): 57 – 83. Calduch-Benages, Nuria, “Jerusalem as a Widow (Baruch 4 – 5:9).” Pages 147 – 64 in Biblical Figures in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature. Edited by Hermann Lichtenberger and Ulricke Mittmann-Richert. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2008. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2009. Calduch-Benages, Nuria, “The Name of the Beloved City in Baruch 4:5 – 5:9,” BN 164 (2015): 51 – 64. Corley, Jeremy, “Judith: An Unconventional Heroine,” Scripture Bulletin 31 (2001): 70 – 85. Corley, Jeremy, “Imitation of Septuagintal Narrative and Greek Historiography in the Portrait of Holofernes.” Pages 22 – 54 in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits. DCLS 14. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012. Corley, Jeremy, “Emotional Transformation in the Book of Baruch.” Pages 225 – 51 in Emotions from Ben Sira to Paul Edited by Renate Egger-Wenzel and Jeremy Corley. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2011. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012. Doran, Robert, Temple Propaganda: The Purpose and Character of 2 Maccabees. CBQMS 12. Washington: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1981.

 I am greatly indebted to Drs. Maurits J. Sinninghe Damsté (Gorredijk, The Netherlands) for his correction of the English translation of this article.

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Efthimiadis-Keith, Helen, “The Role of Achior in Judith: An Autobiographical Response to The Enemy is Within,” OTE 26 (2013): 642 – 62. Efthimiadis-Keith, Helen, “Genealogy, Retribution and Identity: Re-Interpreting the Cause of Suffering in the Book of Judith,” OTE 27 (2014): 860 – 78. Egger-Wenzel, Renate, “Judith’s Path from Grief to Joy: From Sackcloth to Festive Attire.” Pages 189 – 223 in Emotions from Ben Sira to Paul. Edited by Renate Egger-Wenzel and Jeremy Corley. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2011. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012. Egger-Wenzel, Renate, “Judits weise Klugheit zur Rettung Betulias.” Pages 65 – 94 in Weisheit als Lebensgrundlage. Edited by Renate Egger-Wenzel, Karin Schöpflin and Johannes Friedrich Diehl. DCLS 15. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2013. Fischer, Georg, “Baruch, Jeremiah’s ‘Secretary’? The Relationships between the Book of Jeremiah and the Book of Baruch.” Pages 137 – 55 in Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the Scriptures. Edited by Eibert Tigchelaar. BEThL 270. Leuven: Peeters, 2014. Gärtner, Judith, and Schmitz, Barbara, “‘…indem er Feuer und Würmer in ihr Fleisch gibt’ (Jdt 16,17): Die Metaphern in Jdt 16,17 vor dem Hintergrund von Jes 66,24.” Pages 107 – 24 in The Metaphorical Use of Language in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature. Edited by Markus Witte and Sven Behnke. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2014/2015. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2015. Gregory, Bradley C., “Isaiah 14 (LXX) as Narrative Template for Antiochus IV in 2 Maccabees 9,” Journal of Septuagint and Cognate Studies 48 (2015): 86 – 103. Hieke, Thomas, “Torah in Judith: Dietary Laws, Purity and Other Torah Issues in the Book of Judith.” Pages 97 – 110 in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits. DCLS 14. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012. Hobyane, Risimati S, “Actantial model of Judith: A Key to Unlocking its Possible Purpose: A Greimassian Contribution,” OTE 28 (2015): 371 – 94. Hobyane, Risimati S., “Clashing deities in the book of Judith: A Greimassian perspective,” HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 71 (2015): 1 – 8. Kabasele Mukenge, André, L’unité littéraire du livre de Baruch. ÉBib 38. Paris: Gabalda, 1998. LaCocque, André, The Feminine Unconventional: Four Subversive Figures in Israel’s Tradition. Overtures to Biblical Theology. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990. Levine Gera, D., Judith. Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2014. Marttila, Marko, “Political Power and Ideology in the Book of Baruch,” BN 161 (2014): 99 – 114. Meyer, Ivo, “Das Buch Baruch und der Brief des Jeremia.” Pages 592 – 8 in Einleitung in das Alte Testament. Edited by Christoph Frevel. 9th ed. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer 2016. Navarro Puerto, Mercedes, “Reinterpreting the Past: Judith 5.” Pages 115 – 140 in History and Identity: How Israel’s Later Authors Viewed Its Earlier History. Edited by Nuria Calduch-Benages and Jan Liesen. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2006. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006. Nicklas, Tobias, “Irony in 2 Maccabees?” Pages 101 – 111 in The Books of the Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology: Papers of the Second International Conference on the Deuterocanonical Books, Pápa, Hungary, 9 – 11 June, 2005. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits and József Zsengellér. JSJSup 118. Leiden: Brill, 2007.

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Reiterer, Friedrich V., “ ‘Meines Bruders Licht’: Untersuchungen zur Rolle des Achior.” Pages 111 – 60 in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits. DCLS 14. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012. Roddy, Nicolae, “The Way It Wasn’t: The Book of Judith as Anti-Hasmonean Propaganda,” Studia Hebraica 8 (2008): 269 – 77. Roitman, Adolfo D., “Achior in the Book of Judith: His Role and Significance.” Pages 31 – 46 in No One Spoke Ill of Her: Essays on Judith. Edited by James C. Vanderkam. EJL 2. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992. Schmitz, Barbara, “Geschaffen aus dem Nichts? Die Funktion der Rede von der Schöpfung im Zweiten Makkabäerbuch.” Pages 61 – 80 in Theologies of Creation in Early Judaism and Ancient Christianity. Edited by Tobias Nicklas and Korinna Zamfir. DCLS 6. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2010. Schmitz, Barbara, “Antiochus Epiphanes und der epiphane Gott: Gefühle, Emotionen und Affekte im Zweiten Makkabäerbuch.” Pages 253 – 79 in Emotions from Ben Sira to Paul. Edited by Renate Egger-Wenzel and Jeremy Corley. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2011. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012. Schmitz, Barbara and Engel, Helmut, Judit. HThKAT. Freiburg: Herder, 2014. Simian-Yofre, H., “Jerusalem as Mother in Baruch 4:5 – 5:9.” Pages 363 – 76 in Family and Kinship in the Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature. Edited by Anna Passaro. Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2012/2013. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2013. Steck, Odil Hannes, Das apokryphe Baruchbuch: Studien zu Rezeption und Konzentration ′ kanonischer′ Überlieferung. FRLANT 160. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993. Troxel, Ronald L., LXX-Isaiah as Translation and Interpretation: The Strategies of the Translator of the Septuagint of Isaiah. JSJSup 124. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Venter, Pieter M., “The function of the Ammonite Achior in the book of Judith,” HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 67 (2011): 1 – 9. de Vos, J. Cornelis, “ ‘You Have Forsaken the Fountain of Wisdom’: The Function of Law in Baruch 3:9 – 4:4,” ZABR 13 (2007): 176 – 86. Xeravits, Géza G., “The Supplication of Judith (Judith 9:2 – 14).” Pages 161 – 78 in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits. DCLS 14. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012. Xeravits, Géza G., “The Biblical Background of the Psalms in Baruch 4:5 – 5:9.” Pages 97 – 133 in Studies on Baruch. Edited by Sean A. Adams. DCLS 23. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2016. van Wieringen, Archibald L.H.M., “Assur and Babel against Jerusalem: The Reader-Oriented Position of Babel and Assur within the Framework of Isaiah 1 – 39.” Pages 49 – 62 in ‘Enlarge the Site of Your Tent’: The City as Unifying Theme in Isaiah: The Isaiah Workshop: De Jesaja Werkplaats. Edited by Archibald L.H.M. van Wieringen and Annemarieke van der Woude. OtSt58. Leiden: Brill, 2011. van Wieringen, Archibald L.H.M., and van der Woude, Annemarieke, eds. ‘Enlarge the Site of Your Tent’: The City as Unifying Theme in Isaiah: The Isaiah Workshop: De Jesaja Werkplaats. OtSt58. Leiden: Brill, 2011. van Wieringen, Archibald L.H.M., “Sirach 48:17 – 25 and the Isaiah-Book: Hezekiah and Isaiah in the Book of Sirach and the Reader-Oriented Perspective of the Isaiah-Book.” Pages 191 – 210 in Rewritten Biblical History: Essays on Chronicles and Ben Sira in Honor of Pancratius C. Beentjes. Edited by Jeremy Corley and Harm W.M. Grol. DCLS 7. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2011.

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Zenger, Erich, Das Buch Judit. JSHRZ 1/6. Gütersloh: Mohn, 1981. Zsengellér, József, “Maccabees and Temple Propaganda.” Pages 181 – 95 in The Books of the Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology: Papers of the Second International Conference on the Deuterocanonical Books, Pápa, Hungary, 9 – 11 June, 2005. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits and József Zsengellér. JSJSup 118. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Zsengellér, József, “A Bible’s Digest: The Book of Judith as a Hermeneutical Composition.” Pages 451 – 486 in Weisheit als Lebensgrundlage. Edited by Renate Egger-Wenzel, Karin Schöpflin and Johannes Friedrich Diehl. DCLS 15. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2013.

J. Todd Hibbard

Divine and Divinely Sanctioned Violence in the Book of Isaiah and the Deuterocanonical Literature I Introduction

Violent language and indeed violence itself are unfortunate but undeniable aspects of the Hebrew Bible. Stories abound featuring violence between humans. These include the expected accounts of warfare between nations and ethnic groups up to and including genocide as well as narratives of murder and other violent acts. Additionally, passages from the prophetic literature threaten or lay the groundwork for violence between peoples. While such accounts are distressing and tiresome from a modern perspective, what is arguably more problematic are the numerous passages in the narrative and lyric literature implicating YHWH in this violent behavior. In such passages God not only condones but occasionally mandates and participates in violent, murderous actions against human beings.¹ This study examines selections from two textual corpora that present texts of divine or divinely sanctioned violence: the Book of Isaiah and the Deuterocanonical literature. To be more specific, in this study I will examine the language and imagery of ‘striking’ (‫ )נכה‬in the Book of Isaiah. Where is this trope present in the book? What does it signify? How and why is its used? After an examination of this material, I will turn my attention to the Deuterocanonical literature. There I will examine two case studies—the Book of Judith and the Book of 2 Maccabees—where the imagery of divine or divinely sanctioned violence appears. My goals are: first, to understand more fully the language and imagery by which that violence is presented in the Book of Isaiah; second, to inquire about

 Numerous studies have sought to deal with the theological and ethical difficulties such texts create for Jewish and Christian readers. Among other studies, see Thomas Römer, Dark God: Cruelty, Sex, and Violence in the Old Testament (New York: Paulist, 2013); Julia O’Brien, Challenging Prophetic Metaphor: Theology and Ideology in the Prophets (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2009); Eric Siebert, Disturbing Divine Behavior: Troubling Old Testament Images of God (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2009); Walter Brueggemann, Divine Presence and Violence: Contextualizing the Book of Joshua (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2009); John J. Collins, Does the Bible Justify Violence? (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2004); and Susan Niditch, War in the Hebrew Bible: A Study in the Ethics of Violence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995). https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-005

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what, if any, influence Isaiah’s language and thought has had on the presentation of similarly themed passages in the Deuterocanonical literature; and third, to see if I can detect the development of the idea(s) about divine or divinely sanctioned violence in the three case studies. In particular, I am interested in the portrayal of divine-human aspects of this violence. Given the limitations of space in this article, I note at the outset that more could be said than is possible here.

‘Striking’ in the Book of Isaiah In 2005 I published an article on the topic of violence in the Book of Isaiah that examined the language about ‘striking’ in the book.² I was intrigued by the number of texts in the book using the root ‫ נכה‬in both its verb (hiphil and hophal) and noun forms and argued that an intertextual “discourse” around this term exists in Fist and Third Isaiah.³ I analyzed these texts as falling into three basic categories: texts depicting YHWH’s striking of Israel; texts featuring Assyria; and restoration texts that recall God’s striking of Israel as a past action. Further, I noted the Assyria texts contain passages in which Assyria strikes Israel and passages in which Assyria is struck by God. In these Isaiah texts the imagery evoked by the term ‫ נכה‬is stark and brutal. Indeed, in a few places it conjures up not just physical conflict but abuse (e. g., Isa 1:5).⁴ Isaiah interprets military aggression and national loss through the lens of YHWH striking Israel. The violence of this imagery shapes the reader’s engagement with the book as a whole, since the first occurrence of this language meets the reader in the book’s first oracle. Why do you seek further beatings (‫?)תכו‬ Why do you continue rebelling? The entire head is sick, and the whole heart is faint. From the sole of the foot even to the head— there is no soundness in him,

 The study was focused on the place and function of Isa 27:7 among these “striking” texts; J. Todd Hibbard, “Intertextual Language about ‘Striking’ in the Book of Isaiah,” VT 55 (2005): 461– 76.  The relevant texts are: 1:5; 5:25; 9:12; 10:20, 24; 11:4, 15; 14:6, 29; 27:7; 30:31; 37:36, 38; 49:10; 50:6; 53:4; 57:17; 58:4; 60:20; 66:3 (verb); 1:5; 10:26; 14:6; 27:7; 30:26 (noun). The three occurrences in Second Isaiah concern either the servant or are otherwise unrelated.  Patricia Tull, Isaiah 1 – 39, Smyth and Helwys Bible Commentary (Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2010), 56 – 7.

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bruises, sores and bleeding wounds (‫;)מכה טריה‬ they have not been drained, bound up, or softened with oil. (1:5 – 6)

The brutalized victim here is Israel but the attacker is unclear.⁵ Such violent imagery, rightfully offensive to our modern sensibilities, likely serves as a way of speaking about the exercise of divine judgment on Israel. This judgment occurs because Israel is said to have forsaken YHWH through its sin and rebellion (1:4). In this sense, the beating from YHWH is penal and meant to be corrective (though it apparently is not, as these things rarely are). Other texts of this sort appear in 5:25 and 9:12 [13].⁶ As I noted earlier, the texts in the Book of Isaiah using the language of “striking” that deal with Assyria are of two sorts. First, one finds texts in which Assyria strikes Israel, which is clearly a metaphor for military attack (or possible attack). As I noted in the original study, most of these texts belong to a relatively confined section of the book, Isa 10:20 – 27, and present a series of editorial comments on the preceding material (esp. the imagery of Assyria as a rod in 10:5).⁷ The section constitutes reflection on encouragement for those who feared Assyrian aggression would wipe out Judah.⁸ The imagery of striking in this section constitutes reflection on Israel’s experience—both immediately with Assyria and historically with Egypt during the exodus. This gives way to a second group of texts that depict, in a reversal of sorts, God striking Assyria. Assyria is on the receiving end of the beatings, not Israel. In one example from this category of texts, YHWH strikes with his rod, which is a reversal of the imagery of Assyria as rod in ch. 10. Isaiah 30:31 reads, “The As-

 Sweeney argues that it is likely Assyria, in light of the fact that ‫סרה‬, “to rebel”, typically implies political revolt or rebellion. Alternatively, Williamson sees the the rebellion here as a turning away from YHWH and, therefore, the beating as ultimately coming from the deity (even if by means of the Assyrians). See Marvin A. Sweeney, Isaiah 1 – 39, FOTL XVI (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996), 77– 8 and Hugh G. M. Williamson, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 1 – 27, vol. 1, ICC (London: T&T Clark, 2006), 61– 2.  On the language and imagery, see Wim A. M. Beuken, Jesaja 1 – 12, HThKAT (Freiburg: Herder, 2003), 134 and 256.  Hibbard, “Striking,” 464; see also Joseph Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1 – 39, AB 19 (New York: Doubleday, 2000), 256 – 9.  Roberts offers an alternative view by claiming that 10:20 – 23 does not have any connection with Assyria; see Jimmy Jack M. Roberts, First Isaiah, Hermeneia (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2015), 170.

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syrian will be terror-stricken at the voice of YHWH, when he strikes with his rod” (‫)בשבט יכה‬.⁹ Even more memorably, in Isa 37:36 – 38, one reads of the angel of YHWH striking 185,000 Assyrian soldiers to rescue Jerusalem from their planned assault and, some twenty years later, of Sennacherib’s assassination by one of his sons. While the origin of Isa 36 – 39 should not be attributed to Isaian tradents,¹⁰ it is nevertheless now part of the book and contributes to our theme. It should be noted that the imagery in Isa 30 and 37 functions differently, however: in the first case YHWH’s striking is a future hope while in the second it is a reflection on Sennacherib’s military demise. The theme is pliable. Finally, I noted that there is a series of restoration-oriented texts that are united in their presentation of Judah’s historical downfall as a moment in which YHWH struck Judah or inflicted blows.¹¹ These texts occur either in Third Isaiah or as part of a late expansion of material in chs. 1– 39. Altogether, this includes Isa 27:7, 30:26, 57:17 and 60:10. Let us briefly examine two of these. Isaiah 30:26 appears to be a reflection on, among other texts, Isa 1 in that it speaks of YHWH binding up the wound he has inflicted:¹² Moreover, the light of the moon will be like the light of the sun, and the light of the sun will be sevenfold, like the light of seven days, on the day when YHWH binds up the in-juries of his people, and heals the wounds inflicted by his blow.

The inclusion of the motif of striking, which is here combined with a reflection on the cosmic effect of YHWH’s actions, likely recalls an earlier time of disaster such as the Babylonian destruction.¹³ This text asserts, however, that YHWH’s restorative healing reverses the ill effects of his earlier discipline. This note of restoration and healing from YHWH’s striking appears in Isa 60:10b as well: “In my wrath I struck you (‫)הכיתיך‬, but in my favor I have shown you mercy.” As

 Berges thinks this text is part of a Seleucid-era proto-apocalyptic revision in Isaiah 28 – 33 and that Assyria is a symbol of all of Israel’s enemies; see Ulrich Berges, The Book of Isaiah: Its Composition and Final Form, trans. Millard C. Lind, Hebrew Bible Monographs 46 (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, 2012), 219 – 20.  Joseph Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1 – 39, 458 – 61; for an alternative view, see Christopher Seitz, Zion’s Final Destiny: The Development of the Book of Isaiah (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1991).  Hibbard, “Striking,” 472– 3; see also Paul A. Smith, Rhetoric and Redaction in Trito-Isaiah: The Structure, Growth, and Authorship of Isaiah 56 – 66, VTSup 145 (Leiden: Brill, 1995), 181– 206.  The verse concludes a section (vv. 19 – 26) that Blenkinsopp calls a “prose comment on v 18;” Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1 – 39, 420.  Sweeney doubts that the section is postexilic and locates it, rather, in the Josianic period; see Sweeney, Isaiah 1 – 39, 396 – 7.

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in Isa 30:26, the reflection is on the Babylonian exile, which is here again interpreted as YHWH hitting his people. In these cases, national political and military disaster is depicted as the violent act against a people by its God, a truly disturbing notion.¹⁴ This brief review of striking in Isaiah, then, allows us to see the various ways in which the motif functions in the book. We have highlighted it especially as a visually potent way of depicting military and political disaster, either in the imagined future or the memorialized past.

II Divine or Divinely Sanctioned Violence in the Deuterocanonicals When we turn our attention to the Deuterocanonical literature, does the same imagery and ideation appear? Is Isaiah’s language re-appropriated by the authors of these texts? On a broader level, we should ask how God’s violent behavior is depicted in these texts. What role do such depictions play in the books? To answer these questions, I have chosen to focus on two case studies from this corpus: the Book of Judith and the Book of 2 Maccabees. While both reside in this corpus, they exhibit clear and important differences. The Book of Judith is a fictional novella featuring a heroine who protects and delivers her people from Assyrian aggression. Second Maccabees presents an abridged narrative of events surrounding the crisis brought on by Antiochus IV and the reaction it provoked in the Maccabean revolt.¹⁵ Both have come down to us only in Greek (though the Book of Judith was probably originally written in Hebrew) and rely on a mix of Hellenism and Judaism for their ideological coordinates. These are but two indicators of the distance between these texts and the world of Isaiah. Nevertheless, each one’s indebtedness to the Jewish scriptures means that they never stray entirely from their scriptural roots. Both works include portraits or musings on divine or divinely sanctioned violence as well. Whether they owe a direct debt to their scriptural forebears—especially Isaiah—on this subject is, however, an open question. To an analysis of these texts we now turn.

 This corresponds, in certain respects, to the well-known way in which the “Day of the Lord” theme (‫ )יום יהוה‬is transformed in the prophetic materials from a day on which YHWH fights on behalf of his people into a day in which YHWH fights against his people; see Amos 5:18 – 20.  For an overview and brief critical introduction to both, see Jan Christian Gertz et al., T&T Clark Handbook to the Old Testament (London: T&T Clark, 2012), 697– 702 and 754– 63.

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The Book of Judith The Book of Judith presents a tale not unlike the Book of Esther, one in which a heroine bravely and courageously intervenes to save her people from destruction.¹⁶ Unlike Esther, Judith acts directly to deliver her people by murdering their nemesis, Holofernes. Indeed, since Holofernes’ death is central to the story, one scholar has described it as “a beheading with a long introduction.”¹⁷ Warfare and conflict are central elements of the story.¹⁸ Additionally, Judith’s story draws heavily on aspects of the Jewish scriptures, including Jael’s assassination of Sisera in the Deborah story of Judges 4– 5, the story of Simeon and Levi’s revenge on Shechem in Gen 34 and Isaiah’s depiction of Assyria and Babylon as exceedingly arrogant (10:5 – 19; 37:22– 29), among others.¹⁹ The vast majority of the scriptural parallels depict violence.²⁰ As a story of conflict between peoples, the book contains a fair amount of language depicting violence and the causes of that violence. Given that this text is a narrative and Isaiah is predom-

 The book displays similarities with Ruth as well. As Toni Craven notes, all three books highlight the ability of a woman to navigate successfully through a man’s world; see Toni Craven, “Tradition and Convention in the Book of Judith,” Semeia 28 (1983): 49 – 61, esp. 50 – 52. Unlike Ruth and Esther, Judith appears never to have been a candidate for inclusion in the Jewish canon of scripture; see Carey A. Moore, “Why Wasn’t the Book of Judith Included in the Hebrew Bible,” in “No One Spoke Ill of Her”: Essays on Judith, ed. James C. VanderKam (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992), 61– 71 and D. Gera Levine, “The Jewish Textual Traditions,” in The Sword of Judith: Judith Studies Across the Disciplines, ed. Kevin R. Brine, Elena Ciletti, and Henrike Lähnemann (Cambridge: OpenBook, 2010), 23 – 36.  Lawrence Wills, “The Book of Judith,” in New Interpreter’s Bible Commentary (vol. III; Nashville: Abingdon, 1999), 1088.  Barbara Schmitz, “War, Violence and Tyrannicide in the Book of Judith,” in Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2010, eds. Friedrich V. Reiterer et al. (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2010), 103 – 20.  Biblical parallels are most thoroughly examined in André M. Dubarle, Judith: Formes et sens des diverse traditions, 2 vols. (Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1966), 1:137– 64.  Most scholars think the book was originally composed in Hebrew, though no Hebrew version has survived. A minority of scholars, however, think the book was composed in a Hebraized Greek version that has been preserved in the Septuagint. The issue is potentially relevant for this study in determining which version of Isaiah the author of Judith was reading—Hebrew or Greek. On Judith’s language of composition, see Carey A. Moore, Judith, AB 40 (New York: Doubleday, 1995), 66 – 7, 91– 4; Claudia Rakel, Judit – Über Schönheit, Macht, und Widerstand im Krieg, BZAW 334 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2003), 33 – 40; Jan Joosten, “The Original Language and Historical Milieu of Judith,” in Meghillot v-vi: A Festschrift for Devorah Dimant, eds. Mishe Bar-Asher and Emmanuel Tov (Jerusalem and Haifa: Bialak Institute and University of Haifa, 2007), 159 – 76 (Hebrew); and Barbara Schmitz, “Holofernes’s Canopy in the Septuagint,” Sword of Judith, 71– 80.

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inately prophetic oracles, one might conclude that little connection between the two exists. Certain connections do emerge, however, though the differences are more in evidence than the similarities. In both Isaiah and Judith, the foreign aggressor, Nebuchadnezzar (mislabeled as the Assyrian king in Judith), is depicted as exceedingly and inappropriately arrogant (Judith 2:5 – 13; 3:8; 6:2– 4, 5 – 9; cf. Isa 10:5 – 19; 14:4– 21). Additionally, as in Isaiah, so in Judith, Israel (or its designee) prays as part of their preparation for warfare (Judith 4:9 – 15; 6:18 – 20; 9:7– 10; Isa 37:15, 21; 38:2). These elements are not so unique to Isaiah and/or Judith, however, as to imply that Judith is dependent on Isaiah for these formulations. Of more interest, perhaps, is the Ammonite Achior’s theology of warfare success as stated in 5:20 – 21: “So now, my master and lord, if there is any oversight in this people and they sin against their God and we find out their offense, then we can go up and defeat them. But if they are not a guilty nation, then let my lord pass them by; for their Lord and God will defend them, and we shall become the laughingstock of the whole world.”

Achior claims that Assyria’s success will depend on whether the Judeans have sinned against God and thereby forfeited his protection of them.²¹ Later, Judith affirms the same message (11:9 – 15). In many respects, this is standard Deuteronomic thought, where moral guilt presages military defeat (e. g., Judges 2:11– 15). However, it is also notable in Isaiah (e. g., 5:1– 7, 8 – 30). What of God’s violent actions, though? In a story where deliverance turns so directly on the actions of a brave woman’s act, do God’s actions even matter that much? Yes, but in an indirect way. The depictions of divine violence fit into two broad categories in the book. First, most of God’s violent actions appear in the book as part of recitals of past acts, either in speeches or prayers. In these speeches or prayers God is usually remembered as acting on behalf of Israel. Examples include the deliverance from Egypt (5:12– 16) or Simeon’s revenge against Shechem (9:2– 4). Occasionally, however, these speeches also highlight moments when God turned against Israel and acted with violence against them, as in the destruction of Jerusalem and the Babylonian exile (8:18 – 27). Both ideas have analogues in Isaiah: in Isa 63:1– 6 the text depicts YHWH trampling Edomites such

 See Roger Gil and Eberhard Bons, “Judith 5:5 – 12 ou le récrit d’Akhior: les mémoires dans la construction de l’identité narrative du peuple d’Israël,” VT 64 (2014): 573 – 87; Claire Vialle, “Achior l’Ammonite: une conversion au judaïsme peu banale dans le livre de Judith,” BZ 55 (2011): 257– 64; Barbara Schmitz, “Zwischen Achikar und Damaratos – die Bedeutung Achiors in der Juditerzählung,” BZ 48 (2004): 19 – 38; and Adolfo Roitman, “Achior in the Book of Judith: His Role and Significance,” in “No One Spoke Ill of Her,” 31– 45.

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that his garment is stained with blood while Isa 5:1– 7 finds YHWH tearing down the wall of his vineyard (Israel) in order to destroy it (though see 27:2– 7). To say that Judith’s portrayal of these ideas draws on their formulation in Isaiah would be incorrect, however. In the second category of depictions there are texts where human violence is sanctioned by God. In these cases, humans constitute a proxy for the divine and, therefore, their actions proceed on the basis of divine empowerment or approval. In most cases, the book interchanges human and divine violence. One example will suffice: after Judith murders Holofernes and returns hastily to Bethulia, she exclaims, “Praise God, O praise him! Praise God, who has not withdrawn his mercy from the house of Israel, but has destroyed our enemies by my hand this very night.” Then she pulled the head out of the bag and showed it to them, and said, “See here, the head of Holofernes, the commander of the Assyrian army, and here is the canopy beneath which he lay in his drunken stupor. The Lord has struck him down by the hand of a female.” (13:14– 15, emphasis added; cf. 15:8)

In this text, both human and divine agency are present, acting in concert to kill Holofernes: Judith has assassinated Holofernes, but she attributes his death also to God.²² Nothing of this sort occurs in Isaiah. Indeed, the closest one comes to an event such as this involves the angel of YHWH slaying 185,000 Assyrian soldiers, after which King Sennacherib returns home alive (Isa 37:36). He is later assassinated by his own sons, not a Judahite, though the implication is that this has taken place at YHWH’s behest (Isa 37:38).²³ How do these texts, that are depicting divine violence, function in Judith? They play several roles in the book. The historical recital texts establish a historical pattern meant to induce confidence in the present: as God has acted to protect Israel in the past, so he will do so in the present crisis. Additionally, they present a theological interpretation of military conflict (not unlike Isaiah) that sanctions violence. Finally, they argue that God’s deliverance through violence is predicated on Israel’s moral standing (5:17– 18). While some aspects of this overlap with Isaiah’s depiction of divine violence, they do not rise to the level

 Denise Dombkowski Hopkins, “Judith,” in Women’s Bible Commentary, 3rd ed., eds. Carol Newsom, Susan Ringe, and Jacqueline Lapsley (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2012), 388 – 9; Carey A. Moore, Judith, 232. Moore argues that Judith “depreciated herself by referring to herself as a thēleia” not a woman.  There is debate among Isaiah scholars over whether Sennacherib’s death is required by the author, or merely his retreat from Jerusalem; see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1 – 39, 476 – 8.

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sufficient to suggest any extensive Isaian influence on the author of Judith. We now turn our attention to 2 Maccabees.

The Book of 2 Maccabees The Book of 2 Maccabees is, according to its author, an abridged version of a longer work (no longer extant) by an unknown author, Jason of Cyrene (2 Macc 2:23). It covers much of the same territory as the Book of 1 Maccabees, though from a different perspective. Since the content of the work is, not unlike Judith, focused on national deliverance from a foreign oppressor, violent imagery features prominently.²⁴ The Book of 2 Maccabees patterns its presentation of divine or divinely sanctioned violence in ways that are similar to Judith. Like Judith, we read texts in which human violence is sanctioned by God or God is complicit in this violence. For example, in 4:38 Antiochus publicly shames and then kills Andronicus, who had murdered Onias at Menelaus’ urging. Andronicus’s murder is interpreted as divine repayment for his own treachery: “The Lord thus repaid him with the punishment he deserved” (4:38b).²⁵ To take a second example: in 15:16 Judas receives a golden sword, also called a holy sword, in a vision of the prophet Jeremiah. This is described as “a gift from God, with which you will strike down your adversaries.”²⁶ In another extraordinary case, Lysias, a foreigner who is defeated by Judas, realizes that “the Hebrews were invincible because the mighty God fought on their side” (11:13; cf. 3:39; 8:36). Texts like these make violence against other individuals tolerable through their portrayal of divine support as well as the recognition that the violent agent acts to defend righteousness. Other texts depict divine violence as part of their exhortation to fighters to exhibit courage and bravery. So, in 8:18 Judas exhorts those who have rallied to him in his march to overthrow Antiochus by saying: “For they [enemies] trust to arms and acts of daring … but we trust in the Almighty God, who is able with a single nod to strike down those who are coming against us, and

 In most ways, the two works differ, however. Second Maccabees is far more indebted to Greek philosophical ideas than is Judith, a feature that gives it a literary and intellectual character different from Judith. For an overview, see Jonathan A. Goldstein, II Maccabees, AB 41 A (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983), 3 – 27.  Goldstein puts it thus: “…already here Antiochus IV serves as God’s punishing agent;” Goldstein, II Maccabees, 241.  First Enoch 90:19, 34 also mentions the sword given to Judas, with the addition that he dedicated it to the temple after his defeat of Nicanor.

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even, if necessary, the whole world.” Afterward, we read that Judas exhorted his troops against Gentiles by reminding them of God’s victories against Israel’s enemies in the past (8:19 – 20). Here, the text is, among other things, recalling texts of God’s violent act of overthrowing Sennacherib’s army as recorded in Isaiah 37:36 (see on 15:20 – 27 below).²⁷ In 13:15 we read that Judas gave a watchword (cf. 8:23)—“God’s victory” (θεοῦ νίκης)²⁸—to his fighters which then proves sufficient to motivate them to victory (13:17).²⁹ Related to this is a series of texts that reflect on or offer an explanation of an enemy’s defeat as the result of divinely sanctioned violence. In 2 Macc 12:10 – 16, a section of text about Judas’s fighting in Transjordan, one reads that he and his fellow fighters successfully defeated the town of Caspin “by the will of God, and slaughtered untold numbers” (12:16).³⁰ The model for this is Jericho’s defeat, according to the preceding verse (Josh 6). Another case of reflection on an enemy’s defeat occurs in 15:20 – 27 where the text indicates Judas prayed for assistance (see below) and again invoked the defeat of the Assyrian camp numbering 185,000 in Isa 37 (cf. 8:19 – 20). In 15:34, he explains Nicanor’s defeat as God keeping his own place (i. e., the temple) undefiled. In the most remarkable of these texts, 9:5, we read that Antiochus’s death was because “the allseeing Lord, the God of Israel, struck (ἐπάταξεν) him with an incurable and invisible blow.”³¹ Finally, a collection of texts in the book assume divinely sanctioned violence in prayers imploring God to fight with or on behalf of the Jews. We have already seen this theme in 15:22– 27. It appears as well in 10:16 where Judas makes supplication and implores God “to ally with them” in their subsequent attack on the Idumeans. Several verses later Judas fights against Timothy (10:24– 38), but before he does he prays: “Falling upon the steps before the altar, they implored him

 Second Maccabees 8:20 also mentions an otherwise unknown incident when 8,000 Jews fought alongside 4,000 Macedonians to defeat 120,000 Galatians in Babylonia. The historical details of what Jason recalls here are impossible to verify. See Goldstein, II Maccabees, 330 – 35.  Cf. 1QM 4:13.  Robert Doran notes how the entire scene in 13:14– 17 “is colored by the theological stance of the author” with the result that a historical defeat is depicted as a victory; Robert Doran, “2 Maccabees,” in New Interpreter’s Bible Commentary, vol. IV (Nashville: Abingdon, 1996), 281– 82.  The chapter has a counterpart in 1 Macc 5, where the historical order and details appear to be more accurately preserved; see D. R. Schwartz, 2 Maccabees, CEJL, eds. Loren Stuckenbruck et al. (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2008), 417– 20.  This is the only occurrence of πατάσσω in 2 Maccabees, notable because this is the term LXX Isaiah normally uses to translate ‫נכה‬, especially in Isaiah. Schwartz sees in the choice of this term here possible influence from the Exodus story such that Antiochus and Pharaoh appear similarly; Schwartz, 2 Maccabees, 355.

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(God) to be gracious to them and to be an enemy to their enemies and an adversary to their adversaries, as the law declares” (10:26 [NRSV]; see Exod 23:22). The function of these prayers and their portrayal is to demonstrate the piety of Judas as he invokes God to support him and his forces.³² What this typology and survey of the relevant texts from the Book of 2 Maccabees demonstrates is that the theme of divine or divinely sanctioned violence appears with some frequency. It functions in several ways: to set up a historical pattern meant to create confidence (as in Judith); to sanction killing; to interpret military conflict theologically; and to exhort individuals to bravery and courage. While the literary presentations differ, the function of this theme is quite similar to its appearance in Judith. Of more interest, however, is how notions found in the Book of Isaiah might be indirectly present in the Book of 2 Maccabees. I mention two here. First, the Book of 2 Maccabees contains the view that Antiochus succeeds militarily against Judeans because of their moral lapses. In other words, God uses Antiochus as a disciplinary rod, a notion not unlike Isaiah’s understanding of Assyrian military might against Israel and Judah in the late 8th century (e. g., 2 Macc 5:17; 6:16; cf. Isa 10:5 – 19). The language differs but the idea is similar. Second, in the famous scene depicting the martyrdoms of Eleazar and the seven sons and their mother in 2 Macc 6:18 – 7:42, one hears echoes of Isaiah 52:13 – 53:12 and the suffering servant. The common element is the notion of unjust suffering.³³ To be sure, as Schwartz and others have shown, ch. 7 depends on Deut 32, but given the recognized connection between that chapter and Isaiah, it is not a stretch to identify Isaianic voices in the background.³⁴ While much about the two is different, the Isaiah text is one of the earliest developments of the notion of individual suffering that produces communal benefit that one finds in the biblical corpus. In 2 Macc 7 this idea morphs into an early theology of martyrdom. This certainly takes us beyond the narrow scope of divine striking with which we began this study, but in my view this is one of the ways in which Isaiah’s influence is felt in 2 Maccabees.

 Doran, “2 Maccabees,” 256.  Jan Willem van Henten, The Maccabean Martyrs as Saviours of the Jewish People: a Study of 2 and 4 Maccabees, JSJSup 57 (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 187– 210.  Schwartz, 2 Maccabees, 299. On Isaiah and Deut 32, see R. Bergey, “The Song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32:1– 43) and Isaianic Prophecies: a Case of Early Intertextuality?” JSOT 28 (2003): 33 – 54; and T. Kesler, “The Song of Moses as a Basis for Isaiah’s Prophecy,” VT 55 (2005): 486 – 500.

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III Conclusion Where do these examinations of the Book of Judith and the Book of 2 Maccabees leave us in our investigation of Isaiah’s presence in these two texts? To what extent do these texts draw directly on Isaiah—especially texts using some form of ‫—נכה‬for their understanding of divine or divinely sanctioned violence? It appears that the answer to that question is: not at all. They never invoke Isaiah explicitly nor do they use the language of Isaiah (either as known in the Hebrew Bible or the LXX). Nevertheless, Isaiah does provide some warrant for their views and, thus, is an important link earlier in the Hebrew literary and intellectual chain that develops ideas common to both of these literary works. Indeed, it is arguable that Isaiah develops the idea that YHWH intercedes on behalf of his people to save them more than any other book in the Hebrew Bible.³⁵ To the extent that the Book of Judith and the Book of 2 Maccabees (along with other Deuterocanonical works) understand divine or divinely sanctioned violence broadly as an aspect of divine deliverance, we may be justified in seeing the faint shadows of Isaiah in the background. The same might be said, at least in the case of the Book of 2 Maccabees, of the notion of individual suffering that leads to the idea of martyrdom.³⁶ At any rate, YHWH’s striking in Isaiah has become predominantly YHWH’s sanction or motivation of others’ striking in the Book of Judith and the Book of 2 Maccabees.

Bibliography Berges, Ulrich. The Book of Isaiah: Its Composition and Final Form. Translated by Millard C. Lind. Hebrew Bible Monographs 46. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix, 2012. Bergey, Ronald “The Song of Moses (Deuteronomy 32:1 – 43) and Isaianic Prophecies: a Case of Early Intertextuality?” JSOT 28 (2003): 33 – 54. Beuken, Wim A. M. Jesaja 1 – 12. HThKAT. Freiburg: Herder, 2003. Blenkinsopp, Joseph. Isaiah 1 – 39. AB 19. New York: Doubleday, 2000. Brueggemann, Walter. Divine Presence and Violence: Contextualizing the Book of Joshua. Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2009. Collins, John J. Does the Bible Justify Violence? Minneapolis: Fortress, 2004.

 This might have been Isaiah’s development of the “Day of the Lord” motif, though it is hard to be certain. For more, see J. Todd Hibbard, “From Name to Book: Another Look at the Composition of the Book of Isaiah with Special Reference to Isaiah 56 – 66,” in A Teacher for All Generations: Essays in Honor of James C. VanderKam, eds. E. Mason et al., JSJSup 153 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 133 – 49.  The pseudepigraphical “Martyrdom and Ascension of Isaiah” makes this point clearly.

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Craven, Toni. “Tradition and Convention in the Book of Judith.” Semeia 28 (1983): 49 – 61. Dombkowski Hopkins, Denise “Judith,” in Women’s Bible Commentary. 3rd ed. Eds. Carol Newsom, Susan Ringe, and Jacqueline Lapsley. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2012. Doran, Robert. “2 Maccabees.” New Interpreter’s Bible Commentary. Vol. IV. Nashville: Abingdon, 1996. Dubarle, André M. Judith: Formes et sens des diverse traditions. 2 Vols. Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1966. Gertz, Jan Christian, et al. T&T Clark Handbook to the Old Testament. London: T&T Clark, 2012. Gil, Roger and Eberhard Bons. “Judith 5:5 – 12 ou le récrit d’Akhior: les mémoires dans la construction de l’identité narrative du people d’Israël.” VT 64 (2014): 573 – 87. Goldstein, Jonathan A. II Maccabees. AB 41 A. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983. Hibbard, J. Todd. “From Name to Book: Another Look at the Composition of the Book of Isaiah with Special Reference to Isaiah 56 – 66.” Pages 133 – 49 in A Teacher for All Generations: Essays in Honor of James C. VanderKam. Eds. Eric Mason et al. JSJSup 153. Leiden: Brill, 2012. Hibbard, J. Todd. “Intertextual Language about ‘Striking’ in the Book of Isaiah,” VT 55 (2005): 461 – 76. Joosten, Jan. “The Original Language and Historical Milieu of Judith,” Pages 159 – 76 in Meghillot v – vi: A Festschrift for Devorah Dimant. Eds. Mishe Bar-Asher and Emmanuel Tov. Jerusalem and Haifa: Bialak Institute and University of Haifa, 2007. (Hebrew) Kesler, T. “The Song of Moses as a Basis for Isaiah’s Prophecy.” VT 55 (2005): 486 – 500. Levine Gera, D. “The Jewish Textual Traditions.” Pages 23 – 36 in The Sword of Judith: Judith Studies Across the Disciplines. Eds. Kevin R. Brine, Elena Cilettie, and Henrike Lähnemann. Cambridge: OpenBook, 2010. Moore, Carey A. Judith. AB 40. New York: Doubleday, 1995. Moore, Carey A. “Why Wasn’t the Book of Judith Included in the Hebrew Bible.” Pages 61 – 71 in “No One Spoke Ill of Her”: Essays on Judith. Ed. James C. VanderKam. Atlanta: Scholars, 1993. Niditch, Susan. War in the Hebrew Bible: A Study in the Ethics of Violence. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995. O’Brien, Julia. Challenging Prophetic Metaphor: Theology and Ideology in the Prophets. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2009. Rakel, Claudia. Judit – Über Schönheit, Macht, und Widerstand im Krieg. BZAW 334. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2003. Roberts, Jimmy Jack M. First Isaiah. Heremeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2015. Roitman, Adolfo “Achior in the Book of Judith: His Role and Significance.” Pages 31 – 45 in “No One Spoke Ill of Her”: Essays on Judith. Ed. James C. VanderKam. Atlanta: Scholars, 1993. Römer, Thomas. Dark God: Cruelty, Sex, and Violence in the Old Testament. New York: Paulist, 2013. Schmitz, Barbara. “Holofernes’s Canopy in the Septuagint.” Pages 71 – 80 in The Sword of Judith: Judith Studies Across the Disciplines. Eds. Kevin R. Brine, Elena Cilettie, and Henrike Lähnemann. Cambridge: OpenBook, 2010.

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Schmitz, Barbara. “War, Violence and Tyrannicide in the Book of Judith.” Pages 103 – 20 in Deutercanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook 2010. Eds. Friedrich Reiterer et al. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2010. Schmitz, Barbara. “Zwischen Achikar und Damaratos – die Bedeutung Achior in der Juditerzählung.” BZ 48 (2004): 19 – 38. Schwartz, Daniel R. 2 Maccabees. Commentary on Early Jewish Literature. Eds. Loren Stuckenbruck et al. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2008. Siebert, Eric. Disturbing Divine Behavior: Troubling Old Testament Images of God. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2009. Smith, Paul A. Rhetoric and Redaction in Trito-Isaiah: The Structure, Growth, and Authorship of Isaiah 56 – 66. VTSup 145. Leiden: Brill, 1995. Sweeney, Marvin A. Isaiah 1 – 39. FOTL XVI. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996. Tull, Patricia K. Isaiah 1 – 39. Smyth and Helwys Bible Commentary. Macon, GA: Mercer University Press, 2010. Van Henten, Jan Willem. The Maccabean Martyrs as Saviours of the Jewish People: A Study of 2 and 4 Maccabees. JSJSup 57. Leiden: Brill, 1997. Vialle, Claire. “Achior l’Ammonite: une converstion au judaïsme peu banale dans le livre de Judith.” BZ 55 (2011): 257 – 64. Wills, Lawrence. “The Book of Judith.” New Interpreter’s Bible Commentary. Vol. III. Nashville: Abingdon, 1999.

Lisbeth S. Fried & Edward J. Mills III

The Messiah and the ‘End of Days’ in the Book of Isaiah and in the Deuterocanonical Literature In the typical ‘end of days’ scenario revealed in deuterocanonical literature, a messianic figure is preceded by a so-called Day of Yhwh, the ‘Day of the Lord’. This is conceived of as a period of global warfare in which the armies of God destroy all the arrogant and all the sinners of the earth. In some texts the Messiah participates in this global war, rather than it preceding his arrival, but either way these wars became known as the ‘birth pangs of the Messiah’. The advent of the Messiah is then followed by a global day of judgment: the dead rise from their graves and both they and the living are judged, either by the Messiah or by God himself. Once the living and the dead are consigned by this judgment to their eternal habitations, the Messianic Age begins. It is an age of peace and bliss for those who have made it alive to this point and are able to experience it. We discuss each of these phases in turn, and propose their origin in the book of Isaiah.

1 The Day of the Lord – The Birth Pangs of the Messiah 1.1 In Isaiah The end times scenario which begins with the birth pangs of the Messiah likely goes back to anonymous post-exilic prophetic texts collectively known as Second Isaiah, particularly Isaiah 13 and 14¹: Yhwh speaks:  Isaiah 13 – 14 are conventionally viewed as a single unit attributed to the post-exilic prophet. See Brevard Childs, Isaiah, OTL (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001), 115 – 28; Christopher R. Seitz, Isaiah 1 – 39 (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1989), 115 – 201; Joseph Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1 – 39, AB, 19 (New York: Doubleday, 2000), 276 – 81; Hugh G. M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah: Deutero-Isaiah’s Role in Composition and Redaction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 160 – 75; John D. W. Watts, Isaiah 1 – 33 (Revised), WBC, 24 (Waco, Texas: Word Books, 2005), 240 – 68. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-006

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3

I have commanded my holy ones, I have summoned my warriors for my anger, the exulting ones of my pride. 4 The sound of a multitude on the mountains like that of many people. The sound of the din of kingdoms, of nations being gathered. Yhwh of hosts is mustering an army for battle. 5 They come from a distant land, from the end of the heavens, Yhwh and the weapons of his curse, to destroy the whole earth. 6 Wail, for the Day of Yhwh is near; like a shattering from Shaddai it will come. 7 Therefore all hands grow limp, and every human heart melts, 8 and they will be terrified. Birth pangs and agony will seize them; they will writhe like a woman in labor. They will look in horror at one another; their faces pale with fright. (Isaiah 13:3 – 8)

In this scenario, Yhwh commands his holy warriors to execute his anger against the whole earth. Every human heart will be terrified; everyone will writhe in agony like a woman in labor. Not only mankind will be affected during Yhwh’s Day, but also the stars in heaven. They will no longer shed their light; the sun and the moon will grow dark when Yhwh rises to remove the arrogant from the earth. 9

See, the Day of Yhwh comes, cruel, with wrath and burning anger, to make the earth a desolation, and to destroy its sinners from it. 10 For the stars of the heavens and their constellations will not give their light; the sun will grow dark at its rising, and the moon will not shed its light. 11 I will punish the world for its evil, and the wicked for their iniquity; I will put an end to the pride of the arrogant, and lay low the insolence of tyrants. I will make mortals more rare than fine gold, and humans than the gold of Ophir. (Isa. 13:9 – 12). But Yhwh will have compassion on Jacob and will again choose Israel, and will set them in their own land (Isa. 14:1).

The poem ends with a taunt against Babylon, ‘Babylon will be like Sodom and Gomorrah when God overthrew them’ (vs. 19), but it has been interpreted in deuterocanonical and later texts to presage Yhwh’s war against all the proud and haughty of the earth, against every evil-doer, and against everyone who takes up arms against God’s people, Israel. Reference to the Medes in vs. 17 as the agent of destruction secures a date after 539 bce, and the fall of Babylon to Persia and to Cyrus. It also suggests the identity of the author as that of Second Isaiah, Isaiah of the exile, or at least as a prophet from that time period. In 586, Babylon had conquered Judah and Jerusalem, destroyed her temple, and exiled her citizens. Now the Babylonians themselves were undergoing the day of Yhwh’s vengeance. Yhwh comes, cruel, full of wrath and burning anger, to make the whole earth a desolation, and to destroy sinners from it (Isa. 13:3 – 11). The end of days’ scenario thus begins with the Day of Yhwh, the day of Yhwh’s wrath, when God gathers his holy armies to destroy all the proud of the earth. According to the present arrangement of texts in Isaiah, the day of Yhwh’s wrath continues directly to Is-

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rael’s vindication (Isaiah 14:1). After worldwide destruction of the wicked, Yhwh again has compassion on Jacob and again chooses Israel. This is revealed in their return to their own land. Second Isaiah’s notion of the Day of Yhwh reverses the view of previous Old Testament authors, for according to the exilic prophet, Yhwh’s day is a day against Israel’s enemies, whereas in the pre-exilic and exilic prophets, like Amos (5:18 – 20), Joel (1:15, 2:1– 3), and Zephaniah (1:4– 7), written perhaps during the Assyrian invasions of Israel and Judah, and in Ezekiel (12:10; 13:5) and Zechariah (14:1), written perhaps during or shortly after the Babylonian invasion of Judah, Yhwh’s wrath is executed on Israel herself. According to Second Isaiah however, Yhwh has sent a Messiah to redeem Israel from her enemies: Thus says Yhwh, your Redeemer, who formed you in the womb: I am Yhwh, who made all things, who alone stretched out the heavens, who by myself spread out the earth; 25 who frustrates the omens of liars, and makes fools of diviners; who turns back the wise, and makes their knowledge foolish; 26 who confirms the word of his servant, and fulfils the prediction of his messengers; who says of Jerusalem, “It shall be inhabited,” and of the cities of Judah, “They shall be rebuilt, and I will raise up their ruins”; 27 who says to the deep, “Be dry – I will dry up your rivers”; 28 who says of Cyrus, “He is my shepherd, and he shall carry out all my purpose”; and who says of Jerusalem, “It shall be rebuilt,” and of the temple, “Your foundation shall be laid.” 45:1 Thus says Yhwh to his Messiah, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have grasped to subdue nations before him and strip kings of their robes, to open doors before him – and the gates shall not be closed: (Isa. 44:24– 45:1)

1.2 In Deuterocanonical Literature It was because of Isaiah’s description of the fall of Babylon to Cyrus, Cyrus’s permission for the Judeans to return to Jerusalem and to rebuild her city and her temple, and Isaiah’s reference to Cyrus as “Messiah,” that this scenario of the advent of a Messiah became a template and a hope in deuterocanonical literature. This insistence that Yhwh’s wrath would be expended on Israel’s enemies, and not on Israel herself, and that it would be followed by the appearance of a Messianic king who would save Israel and rebuild her cities and her temple is reflected over and over again in the deuterocanonical literature, texts written

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largely under Roman occupation. ² Isaiah’s reference to “birth pangs” is repeated explicitly in Enoch, for example: And they shall stand up on that day all the kings and the mighty, And the exalted and those who possess the land, And they shall see and recognize that he sits on the throne of his glory, And righteousness is judged before him, and no lying word is spoken before him. 4 Then shall pain come upon them as on a woman in labor, When her child enters the mouth of the womb, and she has pain in bringing forth. 5 And one group of them shall look on the other, they shall be terrified, and they shall cast down their faces. Pain shall seize them, when they see that Son of Man sitting on the throne of his glory (1 Enoch 62:3 – 5). ³

The notion of the sun and moon participating in the Day of Yhwh is also frequent in deuterocanonical literature and reflects Isaiah 13.⁴ In 4 Ezra, for example, we read that the day of Yhwh is accompanied by a reversal of the sun and the moon: “the sun shall shine at night, and the moon by day,” recalling Isaiah 13:10: “Now concerning the signs: lo, the days are coming when those who inhabit the earth shall be seized with great terror, and the way of truth shall be hidden, and the land shall be barren of faith. 2 Unrighteousness shall be increased beyond what you yourself see, and beyond what you heard of formerly. 3 The land that you now see ruling shall be a trackless waste, and people shall see it desolate. 4 But if the Most High grants that you live, you shall see it thrown into confusion after the third period; and the sun shall suddenly begin to shine at night, and the moon during the day. 5 Blood shall drip from wood, and the stone shall utter its voice; the peoples shall be troubled, and the stars shall fall. (4 Ezra 5:1– 6) 7

But whosoever is delivered from the predicted evils, the same shall see my wonders. For my servant the Messiah shall be revealed, together with those who are with him, and the survivors shall rejoice four hundred years. (4 Ezra 7:27– 28)

 While estimates of dates range from the third c. bce. to 50 ce, the best estimate is between 50 bce and 50 ce. See George W. E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah, 2d ed. (Minneapolis, Fortress Press, 2005), 254; cf. Jonas C. Greenfield and Michael Stone, “The Enochic Pentateuch and the Date of Similitudes,” HTR 70 (1977): 51– 65; G. Bampfylde, “The Similitudes of Enoch and Historical Allusions,” JSJ 15 (1984): 9 – 31; Ted M. Erho, “Historical-Allusional Dating and the Similitudes of Enoch”, JBL 130 (2011): 493 – 511.  Translation that of George W. E. Nickelsburg and James VanderKam, 1 Enoch (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012), 258 – 259, 264.  Isaiah 13:10, but not Amos 8:9; Joel 2:2, 10, 2:31; Ezek. 32:7 since it presages war against Israel’s enemies, not against Israel herself; pace, Michael E. Stone, Fourth Ezra (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 110, fn. 20.

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In The Assumption of Moses, we also read of the participation of the celestial beings as part of the end of days, perhaps influenced by Isaiah 13:10: The Heavenly One will arise from his royal throne, he will go forth from his holy habitation with indignation and wrath on account of his sons. 4 And the earth shall tremble: to its ends it shall be shaken: And the high mountains shall be made low and the hills shall be shaken and fall. 5 The sun shall not give light and be turned into darkness; the horns of the moon shall be broken, and be turned wholly into blood. The circle of the stars shall be disturbed. 6 The sea shall retreat into the abyss, and the fountains of waters shall fail, and the rivers shall dry up. 7 For the Most High will arise, the Eternal God alone, in order to punish the nations. (Assumption of Moses 10:3 – 7)

The New Testament also knows of a coming wrath which will affect the behavior of the sun, moon, and stars, and which precedes Jesus’s eventual return: 24

‘But in those days, after that suffering, the sun will be darkened, and the moon will not give its light, 25 and the stars will be falling from heaven, and the powers in the heavens will be shaken. 26 Then they will see “the Son of Man coming in clouds” with great power and glory. 27 Then he will send out the angels, and gather his elect from the four winds, from the ends of the earth to the ends of heaven. (Mark 13:24– 27)⁵

All these texts, written under Roman occupation and oppression, predict not Babylon’s, but Rome’s eventual destruction, and the ultimate vindication of the people of God. In all these texts, evil oppressors are destroyed, while those who worship Yhwh are spared. Those who manage to survive these birth pangs, i. e., God’s wrath, who live through the final wars, the destruction and the turmoil, will live to see Yhwh’s Messiah.

 The similarities between Isaiah 13:10 and Mark 13:24– 25 are complex. Focant demonstrates the dependence of vs. 24– 25 on the LXX translations of Isaiah 13:10 and Isaiah 34:4, with the order following Joel 2:10 (sun, moon, stars) rather than Isaiah (stars, sun, moon). It seems to be an amalgam of memorized Greek texts remembered by a Greek reader. The parallel passages in Matthew 24:29 and Luke 21:25 (less so) also follow the text of Isaiah 13:10. See Camile Focant, The Gospel of Mark: A Commentary (Eugene, Oregon: Pickwick Publications, 2012), 542– 47.

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2 The Anointed One from the East 2.1 In Isaiah Who is Yhwh’s Messiah, ‫ְמ ִשׁיחוֹ‬, his anointed one? For Isaiah of Jerusalem, in contrast to Second Isaiah, the Messiah, the anointed king, could only be the living Davidic heir, sitting on his throne in Jerusalem: For a child has been born for us, a son given to us; the emblems of sovereignty rest on his shoulders; and he is named Wonderful Counsellor, Mighty God, Everlasting Father, Prince of Peace. 7 His authority shall grow continually, and there shall be endless peace for the throne of David and his kingdom. He will establish and uphold it with justice and with righteousness from this time onward and forevermore. The zeal of Yhwh of hosts will do this. (Isa. 9:6 – 7)

For Second Isaiah and for many Judeans, however, it could no longer be the Davidic king. Hope in the son of David had died with the final destruction of Jerusalem by Babylon and the fall of the temple. The sense of betrayal is beautifully expressed in Psalm 89, where the psalmist claims that God has renounced his covenant with the son of David, has spurned and rejected him. Instead of the Davidic heir, Second Isaiah’s experience has revealed to him a new reality. The birth pangs described in Isaiah 13 (above) preceded not the son of David, not even a Judean, but the coming of God’s new anointed king from the east, his new Messiah: Who has roused a victor from the east, summoned him to his service? He delivers up nations to him, and tramples kings under foot; he makes them like dust with his sword, like driven stubble with his bow. (Isa. 41:2) I am Yhwh, I have called you in righteousness, I have taken you by the hand and kept you; I have given you as a covenant to the people, a light to the nations, 7 to open the eyes that are blind, to bring out the prisoners from the dungeon, from the prison those who sit in darkness. 8 I am Yhwh, that is my name; my glory I give to no other, nor my praise to idols. (Isa. 42:1– 8) [I am Yhwh] who says of Cyrus, “He is my shepherd, and he shall carry out all my purpose”; and who says of Jerusalem, “It shall be rebuilt,” and of the temple, “Your foundation shall be laid.” Thus says Yhwh to his Messiah, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have grasped to subdue nations before him and strip kings of their robes, to open doors before him – and the gates shall not be closed (Isa. 44:26 – 45:1)⁶

 For Cyrus as Yhwh’s Messiah, see Lisbeth S. Fried, “Cyrus the Messiah? The Historical Background to Isaiah 45:1,” HTR 95 (2002): 373 – 93; Uta Schmidt, “Die Perser in Jesajabuch,” ZAW 127 (2015): 565 – 86.

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For Second Isaiah, God’s anointed was the one who exercised God’s will, who destroyed Israel’s enemy, Babylon, who brought back the dispersed of the Judeans to Judah and Jerusalem, and who commanded that Jerusalem and the temple be rebuilt. For Second Isaiah, there was no doubt that God’s anointed was Cyrus the Great, the Persian king. In his paean to Cyrus, the prophet outlined what eventually became the job description of every anointed king: He was to avenge Israel on her enemies, return her exiles to Judah and Jerusalem, rebuild the temple and the city, and set free the captives.

2.2 In Deuterocanonical Literature This image of the Messiah is echoed in the deuterocanonical literature. In the Third Sibylline Oracle, for example, we read: 652

And then from the east, God will send a king, 653 who will give every land relief from the bane of war: 654 some he will slay and to others he will consecrate faithful vows. 655 Nor will he do all these things by his own will, 656 but in obedience to the good ordinances of the mighty God. 657 And again the temple of the mighty God will be laden with excellent wealth, 658 with gold and silver and purple adornment. (Third Sibylline Oracle, 652– 658)

The Sibyl longs for a king, like Cyrus, who comes from the east to end warfare, to execute God’s justice upon the earth, and to rebuild the temple. Even the author of the Messianic Apocalypse found at Qumran imagines one like Cyrus, who “frees prisoners, gives sight to the blind, leads the exiled home, and feeds the hungry” (Isa. 42:7). [For] Yhwh will observe the devout and call the just by name, and upon the poor he will place his spirit, and the faithful he will renew with his strength. For he will honor the devout upon the throne of eternal royalty, freeing prisoners, giving sight to the blind, straightening out the twisted. … In his mercy he will judge and from no one shall the fruit of good be delayed. … He will heal the badly wounded, and make the dead live again, he will proclaim good news to the meek, give lavishly to the needy, lead the exiled home, and enrich the hungry. (Messianic Apocalypse [4Q521] II:5 – 13)⁷

 Pace Collins who sees the Anointed One here as either Elijah or a prophet like Elijah rather than as a Messianic ruler. See John J. Collins, The Scepter and the Star: Messianism in the Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2010), 131– 41.

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3 Hope in a Supernatural Davidic King 3.1 In Isaiah Faith in Cyrus and in the Persian kings did not last long. The disappointment in Persia is expressed most poignantly in Nehemiah, writing under the Persians barely 70 years after the completion of the temple. Nehemiah states: “Here we are, slaves to this day – slaves in the land that you gave to our ancestors to enjoy its fruit and its good gifts. Its rich yield goes to the kings whom you have set over us because of our sins; they have power also over our bodies and over our livestock at their pleasure, and we are in great distress” (Neh. 9:36 – 37). It may have been the failure of the Persian rulers to bring about a time of peace and prosperity that led Second Isaiah’s followers and those writing in the Isaianic tradition to hope again for a native Davidic king. We see this in Isaiah 11, a text promising a renewed Davidic dynasty far from the Davidic line that had lost the kingdom.⁸ A shoot shall come out from the stump of Jesse, and a branch shall grow out of his roots. 2 The spirit of Yhwh shall rest on him, the spirit of wisdom and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and the fear of Yhwh. 3 His delight shall be in the fear of Yhwh. He shall not judge by what his eyes see, or decide by what his ears hear; 4 but with righteousness he shall judge the poor, and decide with equity for the meek of the earth; he shall strike the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips he shall kill the wicked. 5 Righteousness shall be the belt around his waist, and faithfulness the belt around his loins. (Isa. 11:1– 5)⁹

Since the Davidic line is now only a stump of what it once had been, we should date the poem to the exilic or post-exilic periods. Most interesting are verses 3 – 5: “He shall not judge by what his eyes see, or decide by what his ears hear; … he shall strike the earth with the rod of his mouth, and with the breath of his lips he shall kill the wicked.” These verses do not imply an earthly king, but a supernatural one, and imply the end of all hope in a literal, earthly, king. That hope is completely absent.

 Most scholars affirm Isaiah 11 as post-exilic: Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1 – 39, 263 – 64; Kaiser, Isaiah 1 – 12, 254; Watts, Isaiah 1 – 33, xxxvi – xlvi; pace Seitz, Isaiah 1 – 39, 95 – 110.  The tradition of the Anointed One destroying his enemies “with the breath of his mouth” continues out into the New Testament in 2 Thessalonians 2:8.

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3.2 In Deuterocanonical Literature It is this interpretation of the son of David as a supernatural otherworldly figure that finds echoes throughout the deuterocanonical literature and of course in the New Testament. The Qumran Pesher Isaiah and the so-called Rule of Blessings echo that Isaianic hope for the last days:¹⁰ The interpretation of the word concerns the shoot of David who will sprout [in the last days, since with the breath of his lips he will execute] his enemies (4Q161, p. Isaiah) He will renew the covenant of the community for him, to establish the kingdom of his people forever, to judge the poor with justice, to reproach the humble of the earth with uprightness, to walk in perfection before him on all his paths, to establish the holy covenant during the anguish of those seeking it. May Yhwh raise you to an everlasting height, like a fortified tower upon the raised rampart. May you strike the peoples with the power of your mouth. With your scepter may you lay waste the earth. With the breath of your lips may you kill the wicked. …May your justice be the belt of your loins, and loyalty the belt of your hips. (1Q28b, Rule of Blessings, V:21– 27)

The Qumran Rule of Blessings echoes Isaiah 11 when it prays that the Davidic king will “strike the peoples with the power of [his] mouth. With the breath of his lips may he kill the wicked. … May his justice be the belt of his loins, and loyalty the belt of his hips.” Unlike Cyrus, it is not by his sword that he is expected to defeat his enemies, but by the power of his mouth, the breath of his lips. The author of the Psalms of Solomon also echoes Isaiah 11 when he expects the Davidic king to “destroy the lawless nations by the word of his mouth, to strike the earth with the word of his mouth forever; to rebuke rulers and remove sinners by the strength of his word”: ¹¹ 1

See, O Lord, and raise up for them their king, the son of David, at the time which you chose, O God, to rule over Israel your servant. … 22 Gird him with strength … to destroy the lawless nations by the word of his mouth, …35 For he shall strike the earth with the word of his mouth …, he will rebuke rulers and remove sinners by the strength of his word. (Ps. of Solomon 17)

These poems do not describe an earthly human being, rather they merge the hope for a native Davidic king with the realization that something more than a mere mortal would be necessary to end Roman oppression.

 These are considered to be of Herodian and Hasmonean provenance, respectively (Collins, The Scepter and the Star, 64).  So also Collins, The Scepter and the Star, 58.

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4 A Supernatural Otherworldly Pre-Existent Messianic King After the fall of Jerusalem to Rome, after the destruction of the second temple, and after the exile and enslavement of so many Judeans, the hope for a Davidic king, even a supernatural one, disappeared, completely replaced by otherworldly pre-existent figures. This is visible in the Similitudes of Enoch and in Fourth Ezra, as well as in Second Baruch, all dated to the first or second centuries ce. In these texts, there is no longer any pretense of an earthly figure, the Messiahs in these texts are all supernatural. Moreover, like Cyrus, they are non-Davidic; there is no pretense of a Davidic origin. In First Enoch, the Messianic figure, the Righteous One, the Elect of God, dwelt from eternity under the wings of Yhwh, and was chosen and named before even the world was created: In that hour the Son of Man was named in the presence of Yhwh of Spirits, and his name, before the Head of Days. Even before the sun and the constellations were created, before the stars of heaven were made, his name was named before Yhwh of Spirits. He will be a staff for the righteous, that they may lean on him and not fall. He will be the light of the nations and a hope for those who grieve in their hearts.… For this reason, he was chosen and hidden in his presence before the world was created and forever. (1 Enoch 48:2– 6)¹²

Even though the figure is completely other-worldly, the image of Isaiah’s portrayal of Cyrus is reflected in these texts. The phrase “the light of the nations’ stems from the description of Cyrus, the messianic figure of Second Isaiah (42:6; 49:6; 51:4). In Fourth Esdras one like a figure of a man comes up out of the sea and flies with the clouds. This pre-existent figure also slays his enemies without any sword, but only with the now flaming breath of his lips, and the sparks of fire from his tongue: 5

After this I looked and saw that an innumerable multitude of people were gathered together from the four winds of heaven to make war against the man who came up out of the sea. 6 … 9 When he saw the onrush of the approaching multitude, he neither lifted his hand nor held a spear or any weapon of war; 10 but I saw only how he sent forth from his mouth something like a stream of fire, and from his lips a flaming breath, and from his tongue he shot forth a storm of sparks. 11 This is the interpretation of the vision: The man that you saw come up from the heart of the sea,

 Nickelsburg and VanderKam see a variety of Messianic themes here: Daniel 7, the Servant of Yhwh of Isaiah 49 and 42, the Davidic oracles of Psalm 2 and Isaiah 11. See Nickelsburg and VanderKam, 1 Enoch, 167– 8.

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this is he whom the Most High has been keeping for many ages. (4 Esdras 13:1– 5, 9 – 11, 25 – 26)

5 Resurrection and Judgment of the Dead 5.1 In Isaiah In deuterocanonical texts, the advent of the pre-existent Messiah was expected to bring about the imminent resurrection and judgment of the dead. This likely reflects Isaiah 26, in which the prophet states that one group of dead will not live, since Yhwh has punished and destroyed them, and has blotted out all memory of them. In contrast, he refers to another group of dead who will awake, stand up, and sing for joy: 14

[Their] dead will not live; [their] shades will not rise – you have punished and destroyed them, and wiped out all memory of them. (Isa. 26:13 – 14) [But] your dead shall live; [your] corpses shall rise. O dwellers in the dust, awake and sing for joy! For your dew is a radiant dew, and the earth will give birth to those long dead. (Isa. 26:19)

Whether this is intended as a metaphor, and simply refers to one group of people whose memory will be extinguished and another group whose memory will be retained as a blessing, or if it was really intended to be taken literally, we do not know, but these verses likely gave rise to the notion, common in the deuterocanonical literature, of the judgment of the dead and of the resurrection of those intended for eternal life.¹³

5.2 In Deuterocanonical Literature The resurrection and judgment of the dead is a common theme in deuterocanonical literature. In 1 Enoch, 2 Baruch, and 4 Ezra we read that sinners will not ascend into heaven, and will not be resurrected to live on earth, for they have denied the name of Yhwh of Spirits, and are thus preserved for suffering and tribulation:

 John J. Collins, Apocalypse, Prophecy, and Pseudepigraphy: On Jewish Apocalyptic Literature (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2015), 60.

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’These hollow places have been created so that the spirits of the souls of the dead might be gathered into them. … 4 These are the pits for the place of their confinement … until the day on which they will be judged. (1 Enoch 22:3 – 4) Then all who have fallen asleep in hope of him shall rise again. At the time that the treasuries will be opened in which is preserved the number of the souls of the righteous, and they shall come forth, and a multitude of souls shall be seen together in one assemblage of one thought, and the first shall rejoice and the last shall not be grieved. 3 For they know that the time has come of which it is said, that it is the consummation of the times. 4 But the souls of the wicked, when they behold all these things, shall then waste away the more. 5 For they shall know that their torment has come and their perdition has arrived.’ (2 Baruch 30:1– 5) The pit of torment shall appear, and opposite it shall be the place of rest; and the furnace of hell shall be disclosed, and opposite it the paradise of delight. (4 Esdras 7:28 – 36)

According to 1 Enoch, it will be the pre-existent Messiah, the Chosen One, not God, who will judge the works of sinners at the end of time (1 Enoch 45:3). According to 2 Baruch, once the Messiah has fulfilled his tasks, and slain the wicked, then the dead will stand up for judgment. The righteous dead shall rejoice, but sinners will know that torment is awaiting them. This is also the image in 4 Ezra. According to 4 Ezra, the Messiah shall live 400 years, but after that he shall die and everyone who is alive at that time shall die as well. A period of seven days of quiet will follow, followed by the resurrection of the dead when God judges the righteous and the sinners. The sinners shall experience torment and a furnace of hell, while the good shall have rest and a paradise of delight.

6 The End of Days – The Messianic Era 6.1 In Isaiah The impact of Isaiah is felt again in descriptions of the Messianic era, which arrives after the Messiah slays the sinners, and in some texts after the resurrection of the dead. A beautiful description of the end time in the context of the reinstated (supernatural) Davidic king appears in the continuation of the poem of Isaiah 11: The wolf shall live with the lamb, the leopard shall lie down with the kid, the calf and the lion and the fatling together, and a little child shall lead them. 7 The cow and the bear shall graze, their young shall lie down together; and the lion shall eat straw like the ox. 8 The nursing child shall play over the hole of the asp, and the weaned child shall put its hand on the adder’s den. 9 They will not hurt or destroy on all my holy mountain; for the earth will be full of the knowledge of Yhwh as the waters cover the sea. (Isa. 11:6 – 9)

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At that time, according to the second-temple prophet the end-time will be a period of peace and tranquility when ‘they will not hurt or destroy on all my holy mountain; for the earth will be full of the knowledge of Yhwh as the waters cover the sea’.

6.2 In Deuterocanonical Texts Whereas the Isaianic prophet was no doubt speaking metaphorically, and likely had in mind only a time of peace and tranquility in the present age, those writing after the destruction of Jerusalem by Rome could not envision such a time in the present era, in the real world, but only in the next age, after the current age has passed. It is in the next age, after the Messiah has destroyed the wicked and the sinner, that we may look forward to a time of perfect rest and tranquility. This would be a time like that imagined in the paradise of the Garden of Eden, a time of peace and joy, when mankind could commune – like Enkidu – even with serpents. No one, animal or man, will need to kill to eat, for the Leviathan and the Behemoth shall be for food for all who survive. As the author of 2 Baruch states: And it shall come to pass when all is accomplished that was to come to pass in those parts, that the Messiah shall then begin to be revealed. 4 And Behemoth shall be revealed from his place and Leviathan shall ascend from the sea, those two great monsters which I created on the fifth day of creation, and shall have kept until that time; and then they shall be for food for all that are left. 5 The earth also shall yield its fruit ten thousandfold and on each vine there shall be a thousand branches, and each branch shall produce a thousand clusters, and each cluster produce a thousand grapes, and each grape produce a cor of wine. 6 And those who have hungered shall rejoice: moreover, also, they shall behold marvels every day. (2 Bar. 29:3 – 6) Joy shall be revealed, and rest will appear. 2 Healing shall descend in the dew, disease shall vanish, and anxiety, anguish, and lamentation will pass from among mankind, and gladness will walk through the whole earth. 3 And no one shall again die untimely, nor shall any adversity suddenly befall. 4 And judgments, and blaming, and contentions, and revenges, and blood, and covetousness, and envy, and hatred, and all things like these shall go into condemnation and will be removed. 5 … wild beasts shall come from the forest and minister unto men, and asps and dragons shall come forth from their holes to submit themselves to a little child. Then women shall no longer have pain when they bear, nor shall they suffer torment when they yield the fruit of the womb. The reapers will not grow tired, nor those that build become weary; for work shall progress by itself quickly and in great tranquillity. (2 Bar. 73:1– 6)

According to 2 Baruch, the end time will be a time of peace when wild beasts shall minister to men, and asps and dragons shall submit to a little child,

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when women no longer have pain in childbirth, when reapers will not again grow tired, nor builders become weary; for work shall progress by itself quickly and in great tranquility. This is the tranquility of Isaiah 11.

7 Conclusion We have seen that the Isaiah corpus has provided a rich trajectory for the end of days, but it is a trajectory guided by failure. While First Isaiah, Isaiah of Jerusalem, placed hope in the Davidic heir (Isaiah 9:6 – 7), this hope was dashed with the fall of Jerusalem to Babylon and the inability of the Davidic king to prevent it (Psalm 89). Babylon’s destruction of Judah and Jerusalem demonstrated that God had abrogated his covenant with the Davidic king. Second Isaiah, Isaiah of the Exile, saw in Cyrus a remedy and a hope for the future. Because Cyrus had defeated Babylon, restored the exiles to Zion, and allowed the temple and Jerusalem to be rebuilt, it must have been he whom God had anointed to fulfil the expectations of the Davidic king. Nevertheless, the failure of the Persians to rule justly and equitably eventually led to the hope that a native Davidide would sit again on the throne in Jerusalem. The hoped for Davidic king would not be an earthly ruler, however. That expectation was gone. Rather this new Davidic king would slay the arrogant not with a sword, but with the rod of his mouth, the breath of his lips. However, the final agony, the final destruction of Jerusalem and the temple, forced the abandonment of even hope in a Davidic king girded with otherworldly features. Writers in the Roman period turned away from all forms of earthly rulers, and transferred their hope to a pre-existent, completely otherworldly Messiah. He too would destroy Israel’s enemies with the breath of his lips, the rod of his mouth, but he would also judge the living and the dead at the time of the resurrection, and for those found worthy, to bring them back at the end of days to the peace and tranquility of Gan Eden. Hope for a period of tranquility in real time on a real earth in a real city was abandoned. Only in the latter days, at the end of time, would the lion truly lie down with the lamb, with no one to terrify us.

Bibliography Blenkinsopp, Joseph. Isaiah 1 – 39: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. AB 19. New York: Doubleday, 2000. Bampfylde, Gillian. “The Similitudes of Enoch and Historical Allusions.” JSJ 70 (1984): 51 – 65. Childs, Brevard. Isaiah. OTL. Louisville/London: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001.

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Collins, John J. Apocalypse, Prophecy, and Pseudepigraphy: On Jewish Apocalyptic Literature. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2015. Collins, John J. The Scepter and the Star: Messianism in the Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2010. Erho, Ted M. “Historical Allusional Dating and the Similitudes of Enoch.” JBL 130 (2001): 493 – 511. Focant, Camile. The Gospel According to Mark: A Commentary. Tr. Leslie Robert Keylock. Eugene, Oregon: Pickwick Publications, 2012. Fried, Lisbeth S. “Cyrus the Messiah? The Historical Background to Isaiah 45:1.” HTR 95 (2002): 373 – 93. Greenfield, Jonas C. and Michael E. Stone. “The Enochic Pentateuch and the Date of Similitudes.” HTR 70 (1977): 51 – 65. Kaiser, Otto. Isaiah 1 – 12. OTL. Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1983. Nickelsburg, George W. E. and James VanderKam. I Enoch. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012. Nickelsburg, George W. E. Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah. 2nd ed. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2005. Schmidt, Uta. “Die Perser in Jesajabuch.” ZAW 127 (2015): 565 – 86. Seitz, Christopher R. Isaiah 1 – 39. Interpretation. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1989. Stone, Michael E. Fourth Ezra. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990. Von Rad, Gerhard. Old Testament Theology. 2 vols. D.M.G. Stalker, Tr. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1965. Watts, John D. W. Isaiah 1 – 39. WBC 24. Rev. ed. Columbia: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 2005.

Jill Middlemas

The Temple in the So-Called Jewish Romances in the Deuterocanonical Literature: Judith, Tobit, and Esther Since the time of the downfall of Jerusalem accomplished by the Neo-Babylonians in the sixth century BCE, the reality for Jews meant the existence of multiple communities spread throughout the ancient Near Eastern world with enclaves in and outside of ancient Israel. In the late Second Temple period, the Jews thrived in Egypt and the Eastern diaspora with many choosing to remain in their settled communities rather than return to their land of ancestral origin. In Hellenistic times pressures from multiple worldviews, competing religious and ethnic narratives, and even the conceptions of Hellenism itself put added pressure on Jewish communities throughout the Mediterranean and Near Eastern worlds. At that time, the temple in Jerusalem and respect for as well as adherence to the Torah became the two pillars uniting Jews in their various locations. However, interpretations of the Law varied among different groups so that the central sanctuary in Jerusalem takes on a special role as the symbol for the Jewish faith and national hopes in Greco-Roman times.¹ Among other Jewish writings from the Greco-Roman period, the deuterocanonical literature provides important insights about perceptions of the temple² as well as the meaning and significance of the temple service itself.³ Although a significant body of literature flourished in the Intertestamental period that

 Although there were other temples in Leontopolis or Mt Gerizim as well as later criticisms by the Qumran community, who perceived their union as a replacement for what they regarded as the defiled Jerusalem temple, the central sanctuary in Jerusalem remained the key institution that united Jews in their various communities in antiquity. On attitudes towards the temple at Qumran, see George J. Brooke, “The Ten Temples in the Dead Sea Scrolls,” in Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel, ed. John Day (New York: T & T Clark, 2005), 417– 34.  Convenient collections of the material appear in Michael E. Stone (ed.), Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian writings, Philo, Josephus (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1984); James D. Newsome, Greeks, Romans, Jews: Currents of Culture and Belief in the New Testament World (Philadelphia: Trinity Press International, 1992); John J. Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem: Jewish Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000).  Charles T. R. Hayward, The Jewish Temple: A Non–Biblical Sourcebook (New York: Routledge, 1996). On the temple and cult in the biblical period, see Menachem Haran, Temples and Temple– Service in Ancient Israel (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1978, reprinted, 1995). https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-007

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served to enrich local Jewish communities, only seven books are regarded within the tradition of the Roman Catholic Church as inspired and on par with the literature found in the Hebrew Old Testament and thus deuterocanonical. The material includes the books of Tobit, Judith, the Wisdom of Solomon, Ecclesiasticus or the Wisdom of Ben Sira (Sirach), Baruch including the Letter of Jeremiah, and 1 and 2 Maccabees as well as additional material found in the Greek versions of the stories of Esther and Daniel. Protestant tradition includes this material in the Apocrypha and considers it instructive for faith, but not inspired.⁴ The literary genres of the deuterocanonical books vary, but many contain references to the temple in Jerusalem ostensibly because: In the Second Temple period, the Temple of Jerusalem was the centre around which Jewish identity was organized, … the sole independent institution in the new political construct led by the Jews without foreign political intervention and…the centre of religious life keeping people together spiritually after the trauma of war, desolation and deportation.⁵

As a unifier for a community dispersed throughout the Mediterranean and the Near East, references to the temple in Jerusalem appear in the histories of the Maccabean revolt in 1 and 2 Maccabees, in the hero tale of Judith, in literature with a setting in diaspora as in Tobit and Esther as well as in the wisdom traditions of the Wisdom of Solomon and Sirach. Most of the deuterocanonical literature, thus, deals with the temple in some way. Moreover, both books of the Maccabees seem to share the goal of focusing on the temple as connected to the divine purposes for the Jewish people and the Maccabean heroes,⁶ and Sirach even celebrates the Jerusalem sanctuary and its cult.⁷ What has been underex-

 Bruce M. Metzger, An Introduction to the Apocrypha (New York: Oxford University Press, 1957); David A. deSilva, Introducing the Apocrypha: Message, Context, and Significance (Grand Rapids: Baker, 2002).  József Zsengellér, “Maccabees and Temple Propaganda,” in The Books of Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology: Papers of the Second International Conference on the Deuterocanonical Books, ed. Géza G. Xeravits and József Zsengellér (Leiden: Brill, 2007), 181.  Robert Doran, Temple Propaganda: The Purpose and Character of 2 Maccabees, CBQMS 12 (Washington D.C.: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1981); József Zsengellér, “Maccabees and Temple Propaganda”; Martha Himmelfarb, Between Temple and Torah: Essays on Priests, Scribes, and Visionaries in the Second Temple Period and Beyond, TSAJ 151 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013); Eugene Coetzer and Pierre Jordaan, “Investigating the Communicative Strategy in 2 Maccabees 3: Six Scenes which Influence the Reader through the Narrative,” HTS Theological Studies 72/3 (2016): 1– 6.  Hayward, Jewish Temple. Cf. Michael A. Knibb, “Temple and Cult in Apocryphal and Pseudipigraphical Writings from Before the Common Era,” in Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel, ed. John Day (New York: T & T Clark, 2005), 402.

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plored in conjunction with this topic is the meaning and interpretation of the temple within stories that have been seen to share the genre of the Hellenistic romantic novels including the Greek books of Esther, Tobit, and Judith. According to Michael Knibb, the motif of the Jerusalem temple appears in three different ways in the Apocryphal and Pseudipigraphic literature dated to the period before the Common Era.⁸ References to the sanctuary appear in historical recitals in which it is a feature of the nation’s past, in present concerns that focus on cultic institutions, its governance and the importance of safeguarding its purity and sanctity, and as the object of failed expectations that raise hopes for its role in an eschatological future ushered in by the deity. In GrecoRoman extra-biblical literature the Jerusalem sanctuary appears as a physical location, where the deity dwells in the midst of god’s people as well as the meeting place between the Jewish people and their God from which divine restoration will be mediated, what Ronald Clements regards as “the fullness of the divine presence on earth.”⁹ A closer look at the way the temple appears in the Jewish fictions commonly regarded as romances bears out these observations, with the exception of a reference to the sanctuary in Addition C in the Septuagint Esther story (C 20 = 14:9), which raises the need for the present study. The Greek Esther along with Judith and Tobit have long been classified as short novel-like pieces of literature or novellas that correspond closely to Hellenistic romances¹⁰ sometimes referred to as moralizing romances¹¹ and, therefore, thought to resemble each other.¹² The Greek romances share with these Jewish examples entertaining plots, female characters as heroes, psychological intrigue, concern with domestic settings and values as well as the influence of emotion on the actions of the characters.¹³ There are certainly superficial likenesses between the Hellenistic romantic novels and the biblical stories of Esther, Tobit, and Judith; however, there are also key differences as Sara Johnson has pointed out on

 Knibb, “Temple and Cult,” 401.  Ronald E. Clements, God and Temple (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965), 125. For a sweeping survey of the temple and its connection to eschatology, see Eric W. Baker, “The Eschatological Role of the Jerusalem Temple: An Examination of Jewish Writings from 586 BCE to 70 CE,” Andrews University Dissertations. Andrews University, 2014.  Ruth Stiehl, “Das Buch Esther,” WZKM 53 (1956): 6 – 9; Lawrence M. Wills, The Jewish Novel in the Ancient World (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995), 1– 39, and idem, “Jewish Novellas in a Greek and Roman Age: Fiction and Identity,” JSJ 42 (2011), 141– 65.  Martin Goodman, “Apocrypha,” in The Oxford Bible Commentary, eds. John Barton and John Muddiman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 620.  Richard Bauckham, “Tobit as a Parable for the Exiles of Northern Israel,” in Studies in the Book of Tobit: A Multidisciplinary Approach, ed. Mark Bredin (London: T & T Clark, 2006), 140.  Wills, “Jewish Novellas,” 152.

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more than one occasion.¹⁴ In a careful study of the Greek romances alongside biblical examples, Johnson has shown that one of the key differences between the Jewish literary examples is that history is emphasized in a way that it is not in the Greek romances. To her, this shows that the historical setting is the point of the Jewish fictions and provides the backdrop in which lessons for life are revealed.¹⁵ In addition, in the late Persian period biblical literature, like Ezra 1– 6, starts to show similarities to Greek historical works from around the same time which suggests a general trend in literary presentation which makes the direct dependence on and even equivalence to the romantic genre unlikely.¹⁶ At the same time, the stories of Esther, Judith, and Tobit represent didactic literary pieces that share a number of similarities that makes considering them together in the context of the motif of the temple in the deuterocanonical literature a constructive enterprise.

The Temple in the Book of Judith In the book of Judith, commonly dated to the middle of the second century BCE and after the rise of Antiochus IV Epiphanes and his desecration of the Jerusalem temple (165 BCE), the central sanctuary appears on a number of occasions as an important institution in need of protection.¹⁷ The book of Judith is a Jewish fiction set in Judea among a community of Jews recently repatriated from exile in the time of a fictional Nebuchadnezzar who ruled over the Assyrians rather

 Sara Raup Johnson, Historical Fictions and Hellenistic Jewish Identity: Third Maccabees in Its Cultural Context, HCS 43 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), and idem, “Novellistic Elements in Esther: Persian or Hellenistic, Jewish or Greek?” CBQ 67 (2005), 571– 89.  Erich S. Gruen, Diaspora: Jews Amidst Greeks and Romans (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), 135– 81, includes Esther, Tobit, and Judith alongside attention to Susanna and 2 Maccabees within a chapter on historical fictions. His study underscores the association of these texts to historical presentation, but focuses on the comedic and ironic elements in the literature.  Linda Day, Three Faces of a Queen: Characterization in the Books of Esther, LHBOTS 196 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 221. Cf. Adele Berlin, Esther (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 2003), xxviii – xxxii.  On the date, see George W. E. Nickelsburg, “Stories of Biblical and Early Post–Biblical Times,” in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian writings, Philo, Josephus, ed. Michael E. Stone, CRINT 2 (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1984), 50 – 1; Carey A. Moore, Judith: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, AB 40B (New York, Doubleday, 1985), 67– 70; Amy-Jill Levine, “Judith,” in The Oxford Bible Commentary, ed. John Barton and John Muddiman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 633.

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than over the Babylonians as is more historically accurate.¹⁸ King Nebuchadnezzar’s general, Holofernes, camps on the border of Judea and threatens to overtake the land and destroy its newly consecrated temple because “he had been commissioned to destroy all the gods of the land, so that all nations should worship Nebudchadnezzar alone… and call upon him as a god” (Jdt. 3:8). The heroic and beautiful widow Judith sets out on a daring plan to thwart his advance in order to prevent the despoiling of the sanctuary in Jerusalem. She succeeds and the people mark their joy with a three-month long fest held at the temple precincts in Jerusalem. The narrator retrospectively refers to the temple in the book of Judith in a speech delivered by the non-Jew and Ammonite Achior in the fifth chapter. The speech of Achior (5:5 – 21) recounts a summary history of the Jews and focuses on the themes of divine steadfast succor and deliverance for the Jews and their acquisition of the land of Canaan.¹⁹ There are three movements of the Jewish community recounted in Achior’s speech interspersed with settlement in the land. The historical summary focuses on the periods of time when the Jews were sojourners from Mesopotamia (vv. 6 – 9a), when they were refugees to and subsequently from Egypt (vv. 10 – 12), during which time they conquered the Amorites and other local populations as they returned to the land of Canaan (vv. 15 – 16a), and when they were deported to a land that was not their own (v. 18). There are three cycles that concentrate on the theme of the Jews away from and moving towards the land of Canaan in which they will dwell (v. 9b, 16b, 19). The third cycle concludes at the point at which the Jews have returned from exile and again possess Jerusalem where their sanctuary is located (v. 19). This summary history actually concludes with the deuteronomic perspective that faithfulness to God leads to prosperity and thereby possession of the land, whereas disobedience leads to disaster, deportation, and the loss of the land (see

 Historical inaccuracy is a feature of the Jewish fictions considered here. Most scholars regard the historical blunders and exaggerations as indications that the stories were not meant to be taken as accurate historical accounts, rather than as mistakes made out of ignorance or human error.  Targeted studies of Achior’s speech appear in Adolfo D. Roitman, “Achior in the Book of Judith: his role and significance,” in James C. VanderKam (ed.), “No One Spoke Ill of Her”: Essays on Judith, SBLEJL 2 (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992), 31– 46; Pieter M. Venter, “The Function of the Ammonite Achior in the Book of Judith,” HTS Theological Studies 67 (2011): 224– 33. On the rhetorical function of speeches and prayers in Judith more generally, see Barbara Schmitz, “The Function of the Speeches and Prayers in Judith,” in A Feminist Companion to Tobit and Judith, eds. Athalya Benner-Ilan and Helen Efthimiadis-Keith, The Feminist Companion to the Bible (Second Series) (London: Bloomsbury, 2015), 164– 74.

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Deut. 28, 31– 34).²⁰ A reference to the destruction of the first Jerusalem temple is included in the historical summary. During the time when the Jews were led away as captives to a foreign land and when their cities were occupied by their enemies, “the temple of their God was razed to the ground” (5:18). The story of Judith’s community takes place at the point when the Jews again inhabit the land of their ancestors, “where their sanctuary is” (5:19) and just after the point in which they had consecrated the temple vessels, the altar, and also the house of God (4:3). The mention of the temple in Achior’s speech includes a look to the past as a means to comment on the present. Reflection on the destruction of the sanctuary at the point of the conquest of Jerusalem highlights the restoration of the temple at the center of communal life, which bodes well for the Jews and unfavorably for the success of Holofernes’ campaign against them. Through Achior’s summary, the narrator drives home the point of continuity between the former temple and the present sanctuary while also exhorting faith in the God present in the deity’s house. The Jerusalem sanctuary is a physical location around which the people orient their lives. At the same time, the implication of Achior’s speech is that the present, newly consecrated temple is again under threat and this is a point made repeatedly in the narrative. Indeed, the present threat of Nebuchadnezzar to the newly restored Jerusalem temple is underscored at the beginning of the fourth chapter when the narrator recounts that the Israelites had heard that “[Holofernes] had plundered and destroyed all [the nations’] temples” and were terrified of his intentions “for Jerusalem and for the temple of the Lord their God” (4:1– 2). The theme of the threat against the present temple recurs also in Judith’s speech in which, like Achior, she recounts the history of Israel (8:18 – 27), but with a focus on the faithfulness of the Israelites to the worship of the Jewish God alone. In her speech, she laments the threat that “our sanctuary will be plundered” (8:21). Subsequently, in a lengthy prayer to the deity (9:1– 14), Judith draws attention to the threat against the Jerusalem temple, “for they intend to defile your sanctuary, and to pollute the tabernacle where your glorious name resides, and to break off the horns of your altar with the sword” (9:8) and they conspire “against your sacred house, and against Mount Zion, and against

 Moore, Judith, 160; Benedikt Otzen, Tobit and Judith (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002), 79; Venter, “The Function of the Ammonite Achior.” On Deuteronomistic and Deuteronomic examples throughout the story more generally, see Anssi Voitila, “Judith and Deuteronomistic Heritage,” in Changes in Scripture: Rewriting and Interpreting Authoritative Traditions in the Second Temple Period, eds. Hanne von Weissenberg et al (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2011), 369 – 86.

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the house your children possess” (9:13).²¹ The threat against the restored and purified temple is the main motivating factor within the story that inspires the Jewish community and the deity to its defense. The other references to the temple in the book of Judith focus on the significance of the newly sanctified sanctuary for the returned exiles who form the community of Judith’s story. The narrator depicts the steadfast commitment of the Jews to the temple and thus also to the deity in that they are portrayed as having rededicated the sanctuary immediately upon their return to the land, “For they had only recently returned from exile…and the sacred vessels and the altar and the temple had been consecrated after their profanation” (4:3). The portrayal of the early restoration in the book of Judith is at odds with the historical accounts found in other biblical literature. The prophet Haggai, whose prophecies are certainly associated with the early repatriation of the exiles, actually complains that the returnees have concerned themselves with rebuilding their own houses rather than attending to the deity’s house (Hag. 1:2– 4, 9). Somewhat differently, offerings are made on a temple not yet rebuilt and the reconstruction of the sanctuary in Jerusalem is deliberately delayed due to outside interference according to the account of the early return in the book of Ezra (Ezra 3:1– 6; 4:1– 4). The portrait of a community that attends to the immediate rededication of the temple at the point of their return serves an ideological point—to indicate the faithfulness of the Jews at the time of Judith. Indeed, the presentation of the community within the story continues this line of thought. Communal life with its periods of mourning and joy is oriented on the temple at its center. Faced with the threat of its destruction or defilement, the faithful Jews living in Jerusalem institute a series of mourning rituals, spreading ashes and sackcloth, fasting, and positioning themselves around the sanctuary (4:11– 12, 13). The gathered worshipers include “all the Israelite men, women, and children” (v. 11) as well as people throughout Judea and Jerusalem (v. 13). Their religious fervor was so intense and earnest that they even spread out sackcloth around the altar itself (v. 12). The people are joined in their lamentation and prayers to save the women and children, their villages, and the sanctuary by the priests, who offer sacrifices and offerings to God on

 More general analyses of Judith’s prayer appear in Toni Craven, “From Where Will My Help Come? Women and Prayer in the Apocrypha/Deuterocanonical Books” in Worship and the Hebrew Bible: Essays in Honor of John T. Willis, eds. M. Patrick Graham et al, JSOTSup 284 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 95 – 109 and idem, “Judith Prays for Help (Judith 9:1– 14).” in Prayer from Alexander to Constantine: A Critical Anthology, eds. Mark Kiley et al (London: Routledge, 1997), 59 – 63; Markus H. McDowell, Prayers of Jewish Women: Studies of Patterns of Prayer in the Second Temple Period, WUNT 2/211 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006), 47– 51.

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their behalf (vv. 14– 15). The community takes the seemingly imminent profanation of the sanctuary seriously and urges divine intervention for its sake. In Judith’s historical recital, she goes one step further and tells the people of her village in Bethulia that the salvation of the temple depends on their actions. She exhorts them, “let us set an example to our kindred, for their lives depend upon us, and the sanctuary, both the temple and the altar, rests on us” (8:24). Interpreters understand her words as a pointed rebuke against Jews in Jerusalem who colluded with the Greeks and allowed Antiochus IV Epiphanes to defile the temple. Here, the idea is that the Jews have to remain faithful to the precepts of the deity and work towards the protection of the sanctuary as part of their responsibilities as a people dedicated to God. As soon as the threat of Holofernes is vanquished and the Assyrian army routed, the Bethulians descend on Jerusalem where they worship God and offer the appropriate offerings and gifts (16:18). According to the story, they remain in Jerusalem before the sanctuary for three months during which time they hold a feast of thanksgiving (16:20). Once again, the Jerusalem temple is located at the center of communal life, and Judith and the community exemplify a piety oriented towards the temple. Judith, in particular, with her close connection to the deity and her devotion to the temple seems to represent a priest whose sacrifice was the villainous Holofernes and a warrior whose actions routed the Assyrian army as Amy-Jill Levine has suggested.²² Moreover, the narrator presents Judith as an inspired leader of her people like that from the time of the Judges, akin to Deborah, for example, but also like Moses.²³ In her role as a warrior inspired and supported by God to intervene decisively for her community, she ensures the sanctity and perpetuity of the temple.²⁴ It is true, as Levine has suggested, that the book of Judith emphasizes the Jerusalem temple as a place to be protected, to remain undefiled, and to serve

 Amy-Jill Levine, “Sacrifice and Salvation: Otherness and Domestication in the Book of Judith,” in A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna, ed. Athalya Brenner, The Feminist Companion to the Bible 7 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 221.  Sidnie White Crawford, “In the Steps of Jael and Deborah: Judith as Heroine,” in “No One Spoke Ill of Her”: Essays on Judith, ed. James C. VanderKam (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992), 5 – 16; Jan Willem van Henten, “Judith as Alternative Leader: A Rereading of Judith 7– 13,” in A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna, ed. Athalya Brenner, The Feminist Companion to the Bible 7 (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995), 224– 52. Van Henten further suggests that the positive attention to Judith as akin to an Israelite judge and to Moses may be a veiled critique of the Hasmoneans, see 243 – 45.  See also, Ellen Juhl-Christiansen, “Judith: Defender of Israel—Preserver of the Temple,” in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith, ed. Géza G. Xeravits (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012), 70 – 84.

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as the location for worship.²⁵ At the same time, the temple appears as an historical reference, as the destroyed first temple, in order to motivate the protection of the sanctuary by Judith’s community, the repatriated Jews living in and around Jerusalem. The temple takes its place at the center of the community, but the narrator expresses the hope for its continued relevance and the people’s commitment to and work towards the protection of its holiness. In addition, the Jerusalem sanctuary functions as the meeting place between the Jews and their deity so that God hears and responds from the temple, “The Lord heard their prayers and had regard for their distress; for the people fasted for many days throughout Judea and in Jerusalem before the sanctuary of the Lord almighty” (4:13, italics added). The narrator has even placed God and divine response in the center of a passage related to the mourning activities of the people. At the temple site, the people (all the Israelite men, women, and children as well as their cattle, resident aliens, laborers, and slaves) are in sackcloth (4:8 – 12) and the priests have also donned sackcloth (vv. 14– 15). Another point is worthy of note: Judith’s prayer takes place at the same time as the offering of the evening incense in the Jerusalem temple (9:1). The conflation of her prayer with the temple service connects the prayer of faithful individuals with temple offerings, which is an important point that becomes more pronounced in the literature of this period. In all these examples, the temple in the book of Judith represents an orienting presence within the community that facilitates a right relationship with the deity.

The Temple in the Book of Tobit The Book of Tobit is a diaspora story that has been included in discussions of other stories of displaced Jews such as the books of Esther and Daniel.²⁶ It contains the story of Tobit, who was forcibly deported by the Assyrians along with the tribes of the Northern Kingdom, and of a relative, Sarah, who both suffer in diaspora. Their intertwining stories convey a didactic tale that focuses on showcasing the dependability of God for those who remain steadfast and true in their

 Amy–Jill Levine, “Judith,” in The Oxford Bible Commentary, 634.  Carey A. Moore, Tobit: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, AB 40 A (New York: Doubleday, 1996); Joseph A. Fitzmeyer, “Tobit,” in The Oxford Bible Commentary, eds. John Barton and John Muddiman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 626 – 32; Otzen, Tobit and Judith.

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faith in the context of the future temple as the exilic hope.²⁷ As such, the story edifies and educates. The date of its composition is thought to be around 200 BCE, when the Jews were either under Ptolemaic or Seleucid rule, but certainly before the time of the Hasmonean revolt and the subsequent persecution of the Jews under Antiochus IV Epiphanes.²⁸ Although the book of Tobit stems from a time before the composition of Judith, it, nevertheless, reflects a similar respect for and reverence of the temple. At the same time, its thought extends beyond that found in the book of Judith because it also conceptualizes the eschatological temple. Attention to the temple, in fact, frames the work, where it appears at the beginning (chs. 1, 5) and in the concluding chapters (chs. 13, 14).²⁹ Like the Book of Judith, Tobit is considered to be a moralizing tale that functions to edify the community of Jews suffering under the pressures of the Hellenistic world. It deals with religious themes of the suffering individual as a parallel to the suffering of the Jews dispersed and scattered, questions of the maintenance of identity, and the support of faith, as well as God’s mercy, justice, and plans for the Jews and the wholeness of creation. The story is framed with references to the importance of the temple to individuals and to the plans of God for humanity. In the opening chapters, the sanctuary is spoken of in an historical retrospective that is somewhat similar to the outlook examined in conjunction with the book of Judith. The reference to the temple sets the stage for the events that take place in conjunction with one of the main heroes of the story, Tobit, and establishes his piety as a faithful Jew in diaspora. The narrator introduces the tale’s hero, Tobit, as a former inhabitant of the Northern Kingdom of Israel who was exiled to Assyria in the days of King Shalmaneser (Tob. 1:1). In the context of his introduction, the narrator sets out the apostasy of the Northern Kingdom through the construct of the Deuteronomic theological perspective.³⁰ The Northern Kingdom rejected the Jerusalem tem-

 Amy-Jill Levine, “Diaspora as Metaphor: Bodies and Boundaries in the Book of Tobit,” in Diaspora Jews and Judaism: Essays in Honor of, and in Dialogue with, A. Thomas Krabbel, eds. J. Andy Overman and Robert S. MacLennan (Atlanta: Scholars, 1992), 106.  There has been a great deal of attention to whether chapters 13 – 14 were added at a significantly later date than the main story, which goes beyond the present inquiry. For a helpful summary of the discussion, assessment of the Qumran evidence, and reasons to regard the integrity of the final composition of Tobit, see Bradley Gregory, “The Rebuilding of the Temple in the Text of Tobit 13 and its Implications for Second Temple Hermeneutics,” Textus 24 (2009): 153 – 78.  Baker, “The Eschatological Role of the Jerusalem Temple,” 236 – 53; Gregory, “The Rebuilding of the Temple.”  Will Soll, “Misfortune and Exile in Tobit: The Juncture of a Fairy Tale Source and Deuteronomic Theology,” CBQ 51 (1989): 209 – 31. On cautions against overemphasizing the deuteronomic influence on the work, see Stuart Weeks, “A Deuteronomic Heritage in Tobit?” in Changes in

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ple in favor of cultic worship established by King Jeroboam and Tobit recounts that “…the whole tribe of my ancestor Naphtali deserted the house of David and Jerusalem…[and] sacrificed to the calf that King Jeroboam of Israel had erected in Dan and on the mountains of Galilee” (1:4– 5, selected). As in Judith, Deuteronomic ideology undergirds the conception of the Jerusalem sanctuary, but in Tobit its principles extend to the tribes of the Northern Kingdom from which the hero stems. In addition, through the first person address of Tobit the narrator includes a succinct rehearsal of Zion Theology in which the city of Jerusalem is chosen by the deity, “This city had been chosen from among all the tribes of Israel”, in which the only authorized location for the correct worship of God is found, that is, “where all the tribes of Israel should offer sacrifice and where the temple, the dwelling of God, had been consecrated and established for all generations” (1:5). At the outset of the Book of Tobit, concepts from Deuteronomic and Zion theologies are wielded together, thus yielding a simple equation such that the tribes of the Northern Kingdom suffered by their failure to orient their loyalty and worship to Jerusalem and the temple therein. The account of the nation’s past and its apostasy are brought up at the forefront of the story to convey the need for continued loyalty to the temple in the present and to highlight distinguished individuals. In distinction to the widespread apostasy of the Northern Kingdom exemplified through the specific tribe of Naphtali, the narrator draws attention to an exceptional individual who acted correctly according to the Deuteronomic interpretation that underpins the temple ideology. The narrator highlights the exile Tobit who actually fulfilled his obligations to the temple as set out in Second Temple Judaism: I alone went often to Jerusalem for the festivals, as it is prescribed for all Israel…with the first fruits of the crops and the firstlings of the flock, the tithes of the cattle, and the first shearlings of the sheep. I would give these to the priests, the sons of Aaron, at the altar, likewise the tenth of the grain, wine, olive oil, pomegranates, figs, and the rest of the fruits to the sons of Levi who ministered at Jerusalem (1:6 – 7).

The narrator underscores the laudability of Tobit’s commitment to the Jerusalem temple a second time when he praises the companion who will accompany his son on a journey. Tobit’s praise of his son’s companion, who is in reality the angel Raphael, focuses on common kinsmen and on their commitment to the

Scripture: Rewriting and Interpreting Authoritative Traditions in the Second Temple Period, eds. Hanne von Weissenberg et al (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2011), 389 – 404.

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temple in Jerusalem, “It turns out that you are a kinsman, and of good and noble lineage. For I knew…the two sons of Shemeliah, and they used to go with me to Jerusalem and worshipped with me there, and were not led astray. Your kinsmen are good people” (5:14). Exceptional individuals from the Northern Kingdom observed the significance of the temple in Jerusalem as the central and divinely authorized sanctuary of the deity. In Tobit, the temple in Jerusalem is a physical location that is the center for the religious life of the Jewish people. Commitment to proper ritual observance at the temple is a determinative factor for upright individuals. The historical retrospective establishes the need for the proper respect of the Jerusalem sanctuary. Moreover, the faithfulness of the characters is evaluated on the basis of their ongoing reverence for and commitment to the Jerusalem temple, which functions as the center for a well-oriented Jewish life. The narrator signals that Tobit is a just individual through his temple-oriented piety much like we found in conjunction with the heroine Judith. At the same time, the story of Tobit extends the message of the importance of the temple for faithful Jews to emphasize its future significance. The foundation for an eschatological interpretation of the significance of the temple is laid already in the historical retrospective in chapter one. In addition to signaling the failure of the Northern Kingdom to focus on proper worship as a contrast to Tobit’s correct orientation on the Jerusalem temple, the narrator interjects the point that “the dwelling of God, had been consecrated and established for all generations for ever” (1:4, italics added). In addition, Tobit clarifies that his faithfulness in attendance at the Jerusalem temple resulted from the fact that “it is prescribed for all Israel by an everlasting decree” (1:6). The reference to the eternal nature of the sanctuary reveals the establishment of the need for and significance of the temple within the traditions of Israel in the past, but also that its existence lies outside of human time and according to a divine plan. The passage, thus, presages the eschatological temple that appears at the conclusion of the story. At the conclusion of the story of Tobit, references are made to the eschatological temple, that is, the sanctuary predicted in the prophetic literature that would be the location for the in-dwelling of the deity and the transformation of Jerusalem and the world, including the in-gathering of the exiles, the conversion of the Gentiles, the perpetual praise of the pious, and a separation between the blessed and the cursed. The restoration of the temple and the fate of the nation against the backdrop of diaspora are central themes of the story.³¹ Accord-

 George W. E. Nickelsburg, “Stories of Biblical and Early Post–Biblical Times,” in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian writings, Philo,

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ingly, Tobit’s extended hymn of praise focuses on the themes of divine mercy and sovereignty (13:1– 8) and the prediction of the rebuilt and restored Jerusalem as the location for the extension of divine presence and rule (vv. 9 – 19). It is best classified as an eschatological hymn,³² which bears striking similarities to the prophecies found in Deutero- and Trito-Isaiah.³³ The first act of the restoration of Jerusalem is the rebuilding of the sanctuary termed “[god’s] tent or tabernacle (skenos)” (13:10). After the reconstruction of the sanctuary, there will be light, and the nations will come bearing gifts, praise will flow perpetually, the dispersed will be gathered, and the city of Jerusalem will be built as the dwelling place for the deity from its gates to its towers and battlements, and to the streets and houses (13:16 – 17). The eschatological hymn concludes with a moving vision of the new Jerusalem with the temple at its center from which the glory of the deity radiates to transform all of the created order in accordance with divine intentions for humanity and the earth. Tobit’s last words to his son in the form of a Testament reiterate the theme of the everlasting decrees issued by God from the first chapter and the glory of the new Jerusalem in chapter 13 by drawing attention to the predictions of the biblical prophets about the sanctuary that have not yet materialized. It also circles back to the beginning of the story by including an historical retrospective that ties together the loss of the Northern and Southern kingdoms. As such, it focuses also on the loss of the Jerusalem temple at the Babylonian conquest, “even Samaria and Jerusalem will be desolate. And the temple of God in it will be burned to the ground, and it will be desolate for a while” (14:4). With the diaspora and the destruction of the sanctuary as background, the narrator turns once again to divine plans for renewal and restoration in which the exiles will return and rebuild the temple, “but not like the first one until the period when the times of fulfillment shall come” (14:5). Another future temple lies yet on the horizon, “when the times of fulfillment shall come” and at the point when all the exiles return to Jerusalem, “After this they all will return from their exile and will re-

Josephus, ed. Michael E. Stone, CRINT 2 (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1984), 43; Moore, Tobit, 280; Levine, “Diaspora as Metaphor.”  David Flusser, “Psalms, Hymns and Prayers,” in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian writings, Philo, Josephus, ed. Michael E. Stone, CRINT 2 (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1984), 556 – 58.  E. g. Joseph A. Fitzmeyer, “Tobit,” in The Oxford Bible Commentary, eds. John Barton and John Muddiman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 631– 2. On the eschatological temple in Trito-Isaiah, see Jill Middlemas, “Divine Reversal and the Role of the Temple in Trito-Isaiah” in Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel: Proceedings of the Old Testament Seminar, ed. John Day (New York: T & T Clark, 2005), 177– 81.

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build Jerusalem in splendor” (14:5b). When understood this way, the book of Tobit expresses that the temple rebuilt in the period of the restoration is provisional and temporary. Only with the repatriation of all the exiles will the Jerusalem sanctuary be the glorious and eternal dwelling of the deity.³⁴ In the period of divine intervention projected onto the future, the narrator draws out the eschatological hope for the deity’s everlasting presence among the people because “the temple of God will be rebuilt, just as the prophets of Israel have said concerning it” (v. 15c). The temple interlude in Tobit’s last testament to his son before his death (14:4– 7) foresees the restoration of the sanctuary as the event that will usher in the eschaton at which time the nations will be converted, idolatry will cease, praise for the deity will ring perpetually, and the sinful will vanish from the earth. The focus on the future temple restored to the glory predicted by the prophets and in keeping with the kingship and mercy of the deity possibly also reflects a criticism of the present temple in Jerusalem as has been supposed,³⁵ but, if so, the critique is sufficiently veiled in order not to detract from the narrator’s consideration of the edifice as the ordained center of communal life for all Jews at the present time as well as in an age yet to come. The concluding chapters of the book of Tobit highlight the importance of the eschatological temple that remains a future hope. As a central concern of the story, the restored, eschatological temple marks the end of the exile that persists until divine intervention.³⁶ Bradley Gregory has pointed out that a variety of conceptions of the eschatological temple abound in Jewish literature of the Intertestamental period. The book of Tobit reflects the understanding that the people will build the temple in which God will take up permanent residence on earth and from which divine restoration is accomplished, whereas other literature expresses a belief in a future temple constructed by the deity alone.³⁷ In Tobit, a pious Jew orients his or her life on the temple, but the building is a human construct that is part of God’s plans for creation and the eschatological promises are yet to be fulfilled.

 So, Hayward, The Jerusalem Temple, 47– 48, who contrasts the perspective in Tobit to the praise of the present temple in Sirach.  Knibb, “Temple and Cult,” 409.  Michael Knibb, “The Exile in the Literature of the Intertestamental Period,” HeyJ 17 (1976): 253 – 72.  Gregory, “The Rebuilding of the Temple,” 173.

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The Temple in the Greek Esther The book of Esther with its riveting tale of the deliverance of the Jews in Persian diaspora appears in different manuscript traditions, the Hebrew Masoretic text and the Greek Septuagint and Alpha texts.³⁸ The Greek version of the story is notably different in that it contains a series of supplementary blocks of material referred to as Additions A – F that augment the Hebrew story by 107 verses. Found in both the LXX and AT manuscripts, the Additions are thought to stem originally from the LXX. Since the only reference to the temple in Esther appears in Addition C, the Septuagint tradition will be our point of departure in the present analysis. The supplementary material inserts religious piety and God into a story where they are otherwise strikingly lacking and contains strong anti-Gentile sentiments.³⁹ A colophon found at the conclusion of Addition F relates the transmission of the LXX to the Alexandrian Jews in the first century BCE, presumably to represent an authorized version of the story as it relates to the observance of Purim.⁴⁰ A point worth noting is that the Jews in the Egyptian diaspora were aware of a Greek Esther tradition at the time when there was a temple in Leontopolis, which may shed light on the unique perspective on the sanctuary therein.⁴¹ In a previous study of the Greek texts of the Book of Esther, the LXX and the AT, I focused on the supplementary material in order to study in a more focused way what types of historical, traditional, or religious categories of interpretation were operative for the editor in this particular rewritten scriptural tradition.⁴² In that analysis, I, in the company of many other interpreters, omitted attention to the singular reference to the Jerusalem temple in the LXX. The temple reference in the Greek Esther is never actually referred to in surveys of the sanctuary in the Second Temple period and deuterocanonical or apocryphal literature as far as I am aware, but it deserves mention in this context as there are points of contact between themes and religious perspectives in Esther, Judith, and Tobit. The ref There is a wealth of literature on the relation of the different manuscript traditions that is referred to more fully in Jill Middlemas, “The Greek Esthers and the Search for History: Some Preliminary Observations,” in Between Evidence and Ideology: Essays on the History of Ancient Israel, ed. Bob Becking and Lester L. Grabbe, OTS 59 (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 145 – 63.  Newsome, Greeks, Romans, Jews, 183 – 186; Carey A. Moore, Daniel, Esther and Jeremiah: The Additions: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, AB 7B (New York: Doubleday, 1971), 153– 252; Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 111– 2;  Elias J. Bickerman, “The Colophon of the Greek Book of Esther,” JBL 63 (1944): 339 – 62.  On the Leontopolis temple, see Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem, 69 – 73 and references therein.  Middlemas, “The Greek Esthers.”

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erence to the temple in Esther’s story appears within the prayer of the heroine in Addition C, which is also regarded as having some commonality with the prayer of Judith in chapter 9 as well as the prayer of Tobit in chapter 3.⁴³ The conclusion of this study seeks to determine what light the reference in LXX Esther sheds on conceptions of the temple by Jews in the Second Temple period within the context of the Jewish fictions with which it shares the most in common. Before entering the throne room unbidden to intervene with the Persian king on behalf of the Jews, Esther embarks on a lengthy prayer in the Septuagint version of the story.⁴⁴ Her prayer in Addition C follows and to some extent echoes that of Mordecai, her uncle and mentor, but departs from it at the same time.⁴⁵ One of the important differences is when a lament about the temple is placed on her lips. In the midst of a confession of sin intertwined with a lament, she provides a brief historical retrospective that seems to reflect the deuteronomic (and Ezekielian) correlation of the exile to idolatry, “we have sinned before you, and you have handed us over to our enemies, because we glorified their gods” (C 17– 18, selected = 14:6 – 7). This confession of sin is consistent with the Deuteronomic thought found in the Books of Judith and Tobit. At the same time, Esther goes one step further and connects the accusation of idolatry directed at non-Jews represented by the Persians in the context of the story with a threat against the temple: And now they are not satisfied that we are in bitter slavery, but have covenanted with their idols, to abolish what your mouth has ordained, and to destroy your inheritance, to stop the mouths of those who praise you and to quench the glory of your house (oikou sou) and your altar (thusiasteriou sou), to open the mouths of the nations for the praise of vanities (idols), and to magnify forever a human king. (C 19 – 21 = 14:8 – 10)

Esther’s lament leads directly to an appeal to the deity to intervene on behalf of the Jews (C 22 = 14:11) and to give her succor to succeed in her appeal to the king (C 23 – 30 = 14:12– 19). The mention of the deity’s house and altar in the heroine’s prayer are the only references to the temple in the entire scroll of Esther. Given the emphasis on the temple in the stories of Judith, Tobit, and more generally in the Intertestamental Jewish literature, the lack of further attention to the sanctuary in LXX

 E. g. Adele Reinhartz, “Esther (Greek),” in The Oxford Bible Commentary, eds. John Barton and John Muddiman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 647. Many of the studies of Judith’s prayer also mention the connections to the prayers of the two heroines.  McDowell, Prayers of Jewish Women, 134– 41.  Carey A. Moore, Additions, 208 – 215; Jon D. Levenson, Esther, OTL (London: SPCK, 1997), 84– 6; Day, Three Esthers, 63 – 84.

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Esther seems rather odd. As is widely known, the Hebrew Esther contains no references to God or the traditions of David, Jerusalem, the temple, the cult, the covenant, and it even fails to make mention of particular Jewish religious behaviors of any kind. The Greek traditions of Esther (the LXX and AT) appear to make up for what interpreters regard as a lack of religiosity, and God is mentioned over 50 times as are also references to pious religious behaviors, eating kosher food, and praying to the Jewish deity, for example. In addition, the LXX Esther places the story within the context of an eschatological vision through the inclusion of the bookends of Additions A found before the story of Esther and F which concludes the narrative. What is probably more surprising when the supplementary material is seen in this way is that the temple receives no more attention than the brief reference in C 20 (= 14:9). In addition, mention of the temple in the Greek Esther sits oddly in comparison to the references surveyed heretofore when it is considered in more detail. In Judith and Tobit, the temple is part of the historical traditions of the Jews, a present reality under threat of defilement or destruction and towards which faithful Jews orient their focus, and the future hope for the in-dwelling of the deity from which divine retribution and restoration will be accomplished. In her prayer, Esther speaks of “quenching (sbesai) the glory of your house and your altar” which raises a clear concern about a specific threat either against or an ongoing danger to the continued existence of the sanctuary. George Nicklesburg, for example, understands a physical attack on the temple being anticipated in Esther’s prayer.⁴⁶ To be sure, the Greek verb, sbennumi, can convey the concrete sense of extinguishing or putting out as of a fire or lamps, which would support Nicklesburg’s intuition. However, the verb also conveys the figurative sense of “to quench, stifle, suppress” of the spirit or breath (pneuma), which would suggest the need for a more abstract interpretation. In order to choose between the two senses, a close analysis of the context of the phrase is in order. The lament opens with the overarching concern that the nations seek “to abolish (tear out) what your mouth has ordained”, that is, to put an end to what God has determined, of which the temple is one cause of concern. The wider context of the unit contains two further statements as grounds for the lament. The first reason Esther raises to urge the intervention of the deity on her and her people’s behalf is that “your inheritance” is in peril. The second is related to a threat made by the gentile nations who worship idols and their human

 George W. E. Nickelsburg, “The Bible Rewritten and Expanded,” in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian writings, Philo, Josephus, ed. Michael E. Stone, CRINT 2 (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1984), 136.

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kings to silence the Jews who witness to the majesty of their deity, “to stop the mouths of those who praise you.” The reference to the “stifling” of the sanctuary falls within a larger unit that focuses on the threat against “your inheritance” and the “mouths of those who praise you.” A better understanding of the particular use of the temple in LXX Esther comes about through attention to the language use in the wider context. Inheritance is generally understood to the refer in a prosaic way to the land promised within the biblical traditions to the Jews, and if that were to be the case, the phrasing would support regarding the inheritance and the temple as very specific historical references. However, with its focus on the theme of human witnesses to the deity, the context raises the question of whether the Jewish narrator through Esther speaks of the physical locations of the land and the central sanctuary or something more abstract. A comparison to Esther’s prayer at this point to the AT sheds light on an innovative reference to the temple in LXX Esther. Esther’s lament follows a brief prayer of invocation (C 14– 16 = 14:3 – 5) in which the heroine outlines an understanding of the unique relationship between the deity and her people, Israel, “… you, O Lord, took Israel out of all the nations, and our ancestors from among all their forebears, for an everlasting inheritance” (LXX C 16 = 14:5). The AT reveals a different interpretation of the reference in this verse. In the AT, the deity redeems Israel from among the nations and “bestows upon or grants (epithemenos) them, Israel, [as] an everlasting inheritance” (AT C 20). In the AT, then, the reference to the inheritance signifies the land granted to Israel, while the LXX interpretation is more abstract and equates the people Israel to God’s inheritance for perpetuity. The repetition of the deity’s inheritance within the lament section of the prayer with which we are concerned seems to continue this divergence between the LXX and the AT. Although the texts of the AT and LXX are virtually indistinguishable, “and to destroy your inheritance, and to stop the mouths of those who praise you, and to quench the glory of your house and your altar” (C 20), the meaning seems to be different.⁴⁷ In the AT, because inheritance refers to gift of the land, the lament focuses on the destruction of the land, the people, and the Jerusalem temple as physical symbols of the deity’s dominion. In contrast, the LXX conveys a different meaning because it contains the idea of the inheritance as the Jewish community set aside for the worship of the deity rather than the land as in the AT. This suggests that a figurative sense applies to the interpretation of the verse. In LXX Esther, then, the prayer draws attention to the eradication of the Jews as the people set aside to laud the deity in all clauses

 In AT C 22, an additional kai ‘and’ before the phrase yielding “and to destroy…” is omitted, but otherwise the wording is identical.

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as “your inheritance,” “your praisers,” and “your house and altar.” Understanding a figurative sense for the inheritance and deity’s house and altar fits well with the conclusion to the lament that highlights the contrast between Esther’s community and the nations, whose mouths will praise vain idols and a human king.⁴⁸ The people of the nations, then, witness to the things that they cherish, whereas the Jews attest to the God of the earth. In the LXX, Esther’s prayer deliberately contrasts the ability of Israel as the deity’s inheritance to lift up praises to God as opposed to the nations who focus their veneration only on human initiated objects or institutions. Whereas for Esther’s community, God is king, the nations worship their king as god. Significantly, the temple, like the deity’s inheritance, signifies the Jewish people as witnesses to God. Esther’s attention to the Jewish community as earthly witnesses to the deity in conjunction with the temple in the LXX is innovative in comparison to references to the sanctuary in other tales, like Judith and Tobit, with which it is often compared. LXX Esther correlates the temple and altar with the people’s praise so that the sanctuary is better regarded as an abstract idea related to the concept of the community as earthly witnesses to the glory of the deity, which draws attention to a fourth way the temple appears in the deuterocanonical literature and in late Second Temple Judaism. The sanctuary represents the Jewish people, which may be an important point for the Egyptian Jewish diaspora which actually had a temple in Leontopolis. For them, the real house of God is the people, rather than a physical construction that could be associated with a specific place as in Jerusalem, for example. In this way, LXX Esther moves in the direction of the Qumran community.⁴⁹ The community at Qumran understood their own community to be equivalent to the priesthood of the community of God (cf. Exod. 19:6), “When these are in Israel, the Council of the Community shall be established in truth. It shall be an Everlasting Plantation, a House of Holiness for Israel, an Assembly of Supreme Holiness for Aaron…It shall be a house of Perfection and Truth in Israel that they may establish a covenant according to the everlasting precepts (1QS 8:5 – 10, se-

 The difference in meaning between the AT (C 20) and LXX (C 16) adds another piece of evidence to the generally agreed thesis that the Additions were copied from the LXX and added to the AT. When the Additions were taken over, aspects were changed that were more in keeping with the perspective of the editors of the AT tradition. In the AT, then, the inheritance is not an abstract idea, but a clear reference to the land, which causes a degree of confusion in the interpretation of the reference to the temple, where there is a divergence between AT’s physical reading versus the LXX’s more abstract interpretation.  Brooke, “The Ten Temples,” 425 – 7; Middlemas, “Temples and Templeless Times,” 39.

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lected),⁵⁰ and humanity as a sanctuary appears also in 4Q174.⁵¹ As George Brooke helpfully summarizes, “At every stage in the more explicit sectarian self-understanding the language of the temple could be readily applied to the community itself.”⁵² It has long been recognized that Esther’s prayer focuses less on the dire straights confronting the heroine and much more on her Jewish community. In fact, her earnest prayer actually focuses a significant amount of attention on the plight of the Jews through the use of the phrasing “we, us, and our” twice as much as language found in concerns raised for her own wellbeing in the first person.⁵³ In its entirety, Esther’s overriding concern for the Jews attests to the importance of the community for the author of Addition C. Moreover, the esteemed view of Israel as the inheritance itself promised by the deity raises the possibility that the narrator deliberately equates the temple with faithful human witnesses.

Conclusions In Late Second Temple Judaism, the temple is the rallying point for the Jews and offers a physical location for prayer and reverence. As such, the observation that, “The Jerusalem temple was revered by the vast majority of Jews in the land of Israel and in the Diaspora as the one legitimate sanctuary as required by the commandments of the Torah” is surely no overstatement.⁵⁴ At the same time, different communities focused on different aspects of the sanctuary in the context of recording their own self-understanding. In the didactic tale of the heroine Judith, the temple is very much a physical location and the destruction of the First Temple provides the backdrop against which it becomes of the utmost significance to ensure the sanctity and longevity of the restored sanctuary. Judith’s extraordinary intervention as an inspired leader and a judge comes about out of concerns for the temple. In the book of Tobit, the temple again serves an historical function in the assertion of identity. For Tobit’s community, apostasy from the temple led to

 Geza Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (London: Penguin Books, 1998).  Michael Owen Wise, “4QFlorilegium and the Temple of Adam,” RevQ 15 (1991): 103 – 32; George J. Brooke, “From ‘Assembly of Supreme Holiness for Aaron” to “Sanctuary of Adam”: the Laicization of Temple Ideology in the Qumran Scrolls and its Wider Implications,” JSem 8 (1996), 119 – 45.  Brooke, “The Ten Temples,” 427.  Moore, Additions, 213; Day, Three Faces, 82.  Hayward, The Jewish Temple, 3.

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exile, but faithfulness to the sanctuary by individuals like Tobit and others leads to their personal salvation and the hope for the more general deliverance of all the Jews in diaspora. However, in the context of the story, because the temple is a physical location that reflects the deity’s larger purposes for history and creation, the account closes with attention to the eschatological temple. From the future temple in which Tobit believes and which the prophets predicted stems the intervention of the deity in world, ushering in the eschaton. The restoration of creation entails the in-gathering of the exiles, a separation between the wicked and the faithful, the conversion of the Gentiles, the radiation of the deity’s presence on a peaceful earth, and the transformation of all of creation. Tobit’s vision of the eschatological temple ultimately entails the reconciliation of dispersed Jews and creation to God. Finally, in the Septuagint story of Esther, references to the temple point towards a new understanding of the community as the temple of God, whereby the praise of pious individuals attests to the might, rulership, and presence of the deity of the Jews to the nations. LXX Esther, thus, hints at the thought that develops at Qumran and in the New Testament with regards to the equivalence of faithful people and the temple. All three of the Jewish fictional hero tales utilize the temple to make a broader point about the presence and purposes of the deity in the midst of the lived experiences of Jews under pressure, if not also persecution. The temple drives home the point that, for the Jews, God alone is king, even when the ancestral land and a dispersed people live under earthly kings.

Bibliography Baker, Eric W. “The Eschatological Role of the Jerusalem Temple: An Examination of Jewish Writings from 586 BCE to 70 CE.” Andrews University Dissertations. Andrews University, 2014. Bauckham, Richard. “Tobit as a Parable for the Exiles of Northern Israel.” Pages 140 – 64 in Studies in the Book of Tobit: A Multidisciplinary Approach. Edited by M. Bredin. London: T & T Clark, 2006. Berlin, Adele. Esther. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 2003. Bickerman, Elias J. “The Colophon of the Greek Book of Esther.” JBL 63 (1944): 339 – 62. Brooke, George J. “The Ten Temples in the Dead Sea Scrolls.” Pages 417 – 434 Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel: Proceedings of the Old Testament Seminar. Edited by John Day. New York: T & T Clark, 2005. Brooke, George J. “From ‘Assembly of Supreme Holiness for Aaron’ to ‘Sanctuary of Adam’: the Laicization of Temple Ideology in the Qumran Scrolls and its Wider Implications.” JSem 8 (1996): 119 – 45. Clements, Ronald E. God and Temple. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1965.

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Coetzer, Eugene and Pierre Jordaan. “Investigating the Communicative Strategy in 2 Maccabees 3: Six Scenes which Influence the Reader through the Narrative.” HTS Theological Studies 72/3 (2016): 1 – 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v72i3.3047. Collins, John J. Between Athens and Jerusalem: Jewish Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora. The Biblical Resource Series. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2000. Craven, Toni. “From Where Will My Help Come? Women and Prayer in the Apocrypha/ Deuterocanonical Books.” Pages 95 – 109 in Worship and the Hebrew Bible: Essays in Honor of John T. Willis. Edited by M. Patrick Graham, Rick R. Marrs, and Steven McKenzie. JSOTSup 284. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995. Craven, Toni. “Judith Prays for Help (Judith 9:1 – 14).” Pages 59 – 63 in Prayer from Alexander to Constantine: A Critical Anthology. Edited by Mark Kiley, et al. London: Routledge, 1997. Day, Linda. Three Faces of a Queen: Characterization in the Books of Esther. LHBOTS 196. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995. Doran, Robert. Temple Propaganda: The Purpose and Character of 2 Maccabees. CBQMS 12. Washington D.C.: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1981. Fitzmeyer, Joseph A. “Tobit.” Pages 626 – 32 in The Oxford Bible Commentary. Edited by John Barton and John Muddiman. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Flusser, David. “Psalms, Hymns and Prayers.” Pages 555 – 8 in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian writings, Philo, Josephus. Edited by Michael E. Stone. CRINT, Section 2. Assen: Van Gorcum, 1984. Goodman, Martin. “Apocrypha.” Pages 617 – 26 in The Oxford Bible Commentary. Edited by John Barton and John Muddiman. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Gregory, Bradley. “The Rebuilding of the Temple in the Text of Tobit 13 and its Implications for Second Temple Hermeneutics.” Textus 24 (2009): 153 – 178. Gruen, Erich S. Diaspora: Jews Amidst Greeks and Romans. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002. Haran, Menachem. Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1978, reprinted, 1995. Hayward, Charles T. R. The Jewish Temple: A Non–Biblical Sourcebook. New York: Routledge, 1996. Himmelfarb, Martha. Between Temple and Torah: Essays on Priests, Scribes, and Visionaries in the Second Temple Period and Beyond. TSAJ 151. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013. Johnson, Sara Raup. Historical Fictions and Hellenistic Jewish Identity: Third Maccabees in Its Cultural Context. HSC 43. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004. Johnson, Sara Raup. “Novellistic Elements in Esther: Persian or Hellenistic, Jewish or Greek?” CBQ 67 (2005): 571 – 89. Juhl-Christiansen, Ellen. “Judith: Defender of Israel—Preserver of the Temple.” Pages 70 – 84 in A Pious Seductress: Studies in the Book of Judith. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2012. Knibb, Michael A. “The Exile in the Literature of the Intertestamental Period.” HeyJ 17 (1976): 253 – 72. Knibb, Michael A. “Temple and Cult in Apocryphal and Pseudipigraphical Writings from Before the Common Era.” Pages 401 – 16 in Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel. Edited by John Day. New York: T & T Clark, 2005.

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Koester, Craig R. The Dwelling of God: The Tabernacle in the Old Testament, Intertestamental Jewish Literature, and the New Testament. Washington D.C.: The Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1989. Levenson, Jon. D. Esther. OTL. London: SPCK, 1997. Levine, Amy-Jill. “Diaspora as Metaphor: Bodies and Boundaries in the Book of Tobit.” Pages 105 – 17 in Diaspora Jews and Judaism: Essays in Honor of, and in Dialogue with, A. Thomas Krabbel. Edited by J. Andy Overman and Robert S. MacLennan. Atlanta: Scholars, 1992. Levine, Amy-Jill. “Judith.” Pages 632 – 41 in The Oxford Bible Commentary. Edited by John Barton and John Muddiman. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Levine, Amy-Jill. “Sacrifice and Salvation: Otherness and Domestication in the Book of Judith.” Pages 208 – 223 in A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna. Edited by Athalya Brenner. The Feminist Companion to the Bible 7. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995. McDowell, Markus H. Prayers of Jewish Women: Studies of Patterns of Prayer in the Second Temple Period. WUNT 2/211. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. Metzger, Bruce M. An Introduction to the Apocrypha. New York: Oxford University Press, 1957. Middlemas, Jill. “Divine Reversal and the Role of the Temple in Trito-Isaiah.” Pages 164 – 87 in Temple and Worship in Biblical Israel: Proceedings of the Old Testament Seminar. Edited by John Day. New York: T & T Clark, 2005. Middlemas, Jill. Esther and the Additions. Wisdom Commentary Series. Collegeville: Liturgical Press, forthcoming. Middlemas, Jill. “The Greek Esthers and the Search for History: Some Preliminary Observations.” Pages 145 – 63 in Between Evidence and Ideology: Essays on the History of Ancient Israel read at the Joint Meeting of the Society of Old Testament Study and the Oud Testamentisch Werkgezelschap, Lincoln, July 2009. Edited by Bob Becking and Lester L. Grabbe. OTS 59. Leiden: Brill, 2011. Middlemas, Jill. “Temples and Templeless Times.” Collegium Biblicum Årskrift (2009): 31 – 41. Moore, Carey A. Daniel, Esther and Jeremiah: The Additions: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. AB 7B. New York: Doubleday, 1971. Moore, Carey A. Judith: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. AB 40B. New York, Doubleday, 1985. Moore, Carey A. Tobit: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary. AB 40 A. New York: Doubleday, 1996. Newsome, James D. Greeks, Romans, Jews: Currents of Culture and Belief in the New Testament World. Philadelphia: Trinity Press International, 1992. Nickelsburg, George W.E. “Stories of Biblical and Early Post–Biblical Times” and “The Bible Rewritten and Expanded.” Pages 40 – 52 and 135 – 8 in Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian writings, Philo, Josephus. Edited by Michael E. Stone. CRINT, Section 2; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1984. Otzen, Benedikt. Tobit and Judith. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002. Reinhartz, Adele. “Esther (Greek).” Pages 642 – 9 in The Oxford Bible Commentary. Edited by John Barton and John Muddiman. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Roitman, Adolfo D. “Achior in the Book of Judith: his role and significance.” Pages 31 – 46 in “No One Spoke Ill of Her”: Essays on Judith. Edited by James C. VanderKam. SBLEJL 2; Atlanta: Scholars, 1992.

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DeSilva, David A. Introducing the Apocrypha: Message, Context, and Significance. Grand Rapids: Baker, 2002. Schmitz, Barbara. “The Function of the Speeches and Prayers in Judith.” Pages 164 – 74 in A Feminist Companion to Tobit and Judith. Edited by Athalya Benner-Ilan and Helen Efthimiadis-Keith. The Feminist Companion to the Bible (Second Series). London: Bloomsbury, 2015. Soll, Will. “Misfortune and Exile in Tobit: The Juncture of a Fairy Tale Source and Deuteronomic Theology.” CBQ 51 (1989): 209 – 31. Stiehl, Ruth. “Das Buch Esther.” WZKM 53 (1956): 4 – 22. Van Henten, Jan Willem. “Judith as Alternative Leader: A Rereading of Judith 7 – 13.” Pages 224 – 52 in A Feminist Companion to Esther, Judith and Susanna. Edited by Athalya Brenner. The Feminist Companion to the Bible 7. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995. Venter, Pieter M. “The Function of the Ammonite Achior in the Book of Judith.” HTS Teologiese Studies/Theological Studies 67 (2011): 224 – 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ hts.v67i3.1101. Vermes, Geza. The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English. London: Penguin Books, 1998. Voitila, Anssi. “Judith and Deuteronomistic Heritage.” Pages 369 – 86 in Changes in Scripture: Rewriting and Interpreting Authoritative Traditions in the Second Temple Period. Edited by Hanne von Weissenberg, Juha Pakkala, and Marko Martilla. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2011. Weeks, Stuart. “A Deuteronomic Heritage in Tobit?” Pages 389 – 404 in Changes in Scripture: Rewriting and Interpreting Authoritative Traditions in the Second Temple Period. Edited by Hanne von Weissenberg, Juha Pakkala, and Marko Martilla. Berlin: de Gruyter, 2011. White Crawford, Sidnie. “In the Steps of Jael and Deborah: Judith as Heroine.” Pages 5 – 16 in “No One Spoke Ill of Her”: Essays on Judith. Edited by James C. VanderKam. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992. Wills, Lawrence M. The Jewish Novel in the Ancient World. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1995. Wills, Lawrence M. “Jewish Novellas in a Greek and Roman Age: Fiction and Identity.” JSJ 42 (2011): 141 – 65. Wills, Lawrence M. The Jew in the Court of the Foreign King: Ancient Jewish Court Legends. Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990. Wise, Michael Owen. “4QFlorilegium and the Temple of Adam.” RevQ15 (1991): 103 – 32. Zsengellér, József. “Maccabees and Temple Propaganda.” Pages 181 – 95 in The Books of Maccabees: History, Theology, Ideology: Papers of the Second International Conference on the Deuterocanonical Books, Papa, Hungary, 9 – 11 June 2005. Edited by Géza G. Xeravits and József Zsengellèr. Leiden: Brill, 2007.

J. Ross Wagner

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13: Early Evidence for the “Great Day” as a Name for Yom Kippur? Your new moons and sabbaths and great day I cannot endure. ¹ (OG Isaiah 1:13; NETS)

In his path-breaking study of 1851, Ueber den Einfluss der palästinischen Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik, Zacharias Frankel found a very early reference to Yom Kippur in the Old Greek translator’s rather curious rendering of ‫קרא‬ ‫ מקרא‬by ἡμέρα μεγάλη, “great day.”² Frankel’s identification of the “great day” of OG Isaiah as the Day of Atonement has won wide acceptance.³ If correct, OG Isa 1:13 would represent an extremely rare instance of “[the] great day” as a designation for Yom Kippur before the second century CE – indeed, probably the very earliest known to us.⁴

 τὰς νουμηνίας ὑμῶν καὶ τὰ σάββατα καὶ ἡμέραν μεγάλην οὐκ ἀνέχομαι. MT, supported by all other extant witnesses to the Hebrew text, reads ‫( ֤חֹ ֶדשׁ ְו ַשׁ ָבּ֙ת ְק ֣ר ֹא ִמְק ָ֔רא ל ֹא־אוּ ַ֥כל‬translated by NRSV, “new moon and sabbath and calling of convocation – I cannot endure…”).  I use “Old Greek” (OG) to refer to the earliest form of the Greek translation of Isaiah that critical scholarship is able to recover, reserving the term “Septuagint” (LXX) for the Greek translation of the five books of Moses traditionally attributed to “the seventy” elders of Israel. For the purposes of this essay, OG Isaiah is represented by Joseph Ziegler, ed., Isaias: Septuaginta, Vetus Testamentum graecum auctoritate academiae scientiarum Gottingensis editum 14, 3rd ed. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1983).  Roger Le Déaut, “La Septante, un Targum?” in Études sur le Judaïsme hellénistique, LD 119, ed. Raymond Kuntzmann and Jacques Schlosser (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1984), 147– 95, 172 n.126; Arie van der Kooij and Florian Wilk, “Erläuterungen zu Jes 1– 39,” in Septuaginta Deutsch: Erläuterungen und Kommentare zum griechischen Alten Testament, II. Psalmen bis Daniel, ed. Martin Karrer and Wolfgang Kraus (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2011), 2505 – 2607, 2507. Isaac Leo Seeligmann, The Septuagint Version of Isaiah: A Discussion of Its Problems, Mededelingen en Verhandelingen No 9 van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap “Ex Oriente Lux” (Leiden: Brill, 1948), 103, and Moshe H. Goshen-Gottstein, ed., The Book of Isaiah, Hebrew University Bible Project (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1995), 3, also find in “great day” a reference to Yom Kippur, though they do not cite Frankel’s study.  The translation is commonly thought to be the work of a scribe (or group of scribes) of the Egyptian Diaspora in the mid-second century BCE. For thorough discussion of the evidence, see Arie van der Kooij, “The Septuagint of Isaiah,” in Law, Prophets, and Wisdom: On the Provenance of Translators and their Books in the Septuagint Version, CBET 68, ed. Johann Cook and Arie van der Kooij (Leuven: Peeters, 2012), 63 – 85. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-008

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But can we be confident that the Greek translator of Isaiah or his contemporaries would have understood “great day” in Isa 1:13 as a reference to Yom Kippur? This question turns out to be far from easy to answer.⁵ To inquire after the translator’s understanding of Isaiah demands close attention to the process by which he rendered his Hebrew Vorlage (source text) into Greek as well as to the literary and rhetorical texture of the Greek text he produced. And this, in turn, requires us to situate both the process and the product of translation as firmly within the cultural context(s) of the translator and his audience as the evidence will allow.⁶ Despite its complexity, such an investigation promises to shed light on the ways the Greek translation of Isaiah not only reflected, but also sought to shape, Jewish life and practice in the hellenistic Diaspora.⁷

1 Searching for Yom Kippur in OG Isaiah 1:13 In the Old Greek version, Isa 1:11– 15 falls into two sections: v. 11a – 12b and v. 12c – 15c. The first is bounded by rhetorical questions and makes the forceful pronouncement: “I do not want your sacrifices – not even when you come to appear before me.” The second section (v. 12c – 15c) opens abruptly, as the indirection of rhetorical questions gives way to an unequivocal command: “Trample my court no longer!” (v. 12c – 13a). Justification for this terse injunction first centers on sacrifices and ceremonies (v. 13b-14a) before concentrating on the character of the worshippers themselves (v. 14b – 15c).

 What follows is excerpted, with only minor modifications, from Reading the Sealed Book: Old Greek Isaiah and the Problem of Septuagint Hermeneutics, FAT 88 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013), 104– 5, 113 – 37. I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. Henning Ziebritzki, Director of Mohr Siebeck Tübingen, for permission to republish these pages here and to Professor de Troyer for encouraging me to give my investigation of OG Isaiah’s “great day” exposure to a wider audience by including it in the present volume.  See Wagner, Reading, 1– 63, for a fuller account of this approach to interpreting translated texts, which draws both on Gideon Toury’s method of Descriptive Translation Studies and on Umberto Eco’s theory of semiotics.  David Baer, in agreement with Seeligman, Septuagint Version, characterizes the Greek translator of Isaiah as “a preacher whose homiletical purpose is to be glimpsed with remarkable frequency” (David A. Baer, When We All Go Home: Translation and Theology in LXX Isaiah 56 – 66, LHBOTS 318 [Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001], 22). Having argued that OG Isaiah 1 reveals a “studied attempt to produce a translation with a high degree of textual cohesion, thematic coherence and rhetorical (or ‘literary’) power,” I suggest that the translation was intended for reading aloud in the Hellenistic synagogue (Reading, 234).

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

93

Examining the list of holy days in v. 13d – 14a yields insight into the strategies by which the translator (hereafter, “G”) negotiates lexical, rhetorical and cultural factors in his translation (see Fig. 1). ‫֤חֹ ֶדשׁ‬ ‫ְו ַשׁ ָבּ֙ת‬ ‫ְק ֣ר ֹא ִמְק ָ֔רא‬ ‫ל ֹא־אוּ ַ֥כל‬ ‫ָ֖א ֶון ַוֲעָצ ָֽרה׃‬ ‫ָח ְד ֵשׁי ֶ֤כם‬ ‫וּמוֲֹע ֵדיֶכ֙ם‬ ‫ָשׂ ְנ ָ֣אה ַנְפ ִ֔שׁי‬

d

e a

τὰς νουμηνίας ὑμῶν καὶ τὰ σάββατα καὶ ἡμέραν μεγάλην οὐκ ἀνέχομαι νηστείαν καὶ ἀργίαν καὶ τὰς νουμηνίας ὑμῶν καὶ τὰς ἑορτὰς ὑμῶν μισεῖ ἡ ψυχή μου

Figure 1: Isaiah 1:13d – 14a

In v. 13d, G provides standard equivalencies for ‫ חדש‬and ‫שבת‬. His translation of the former as τὰς νουμηνίας ὑμῶν no doubt reflects the influence of the parallel in v. 14a (‫)חדשיכם‬. Stylistically speaking, this represents something of a trade-off. Although the repetition makes the passage slightly more ponderous, replicating τὰς νουμηνίας ὑμῶν in the earlier clause allows G to foreground the people’s agency: “your new moon festivals.” With this move, G brings the implicit ‘you’/ ‘I’ polarity of the two clauses in the Hebrew text of v. 13d to the surface.⁸ Translation of ‫ שבת‬by τὰ σάββατα reflects Pentateuchal usage as well as G’s normal practice,⁹ and in conjunction with νουμηνίαι the plural form seems the obvious choice. The occurrence of these two plurals in tandem, however, makes G’s rendering of the third term in the series with a singular noun, rather

 Later rabbinic interpreters were aware that the use of second-person pronouns in v. 14a opens up a significant gap between the Lord and the people in this passage: see, e.g., Num. Rab. 21:25: “A heathen addressed a question to R. Akiba. He said to him: ‘Why do you celebrate festive seasons? Did not the Holy One, blessed be He, say to you: “Your new moons and your appointed seasons My soul hateth” (Isa. 1:14)? Said R. Akiba to him: ‘If He had stated, “My new moons and My appointed seasons My soul hateth” you might have spoken as you did. But He only said, “Your new moons and your appointed seasons”!’ That was in reference to those festive seasons which Jeroboam ordained …” (translation in Judah J. Slotki, Midrash Rabbah: Numbers [London: Soncino, 1939]).  Isa 56:2, 4, 6; 58:13. The singular occurs only in the expression σάββατον ἐκ σαββάτου in Isa 66:23 (‫)מדי שבת בשבתו‬, whose formulation in Greek reflects the influence of the parallel phrase, μῆνα ἐκ μηνός. While both singular and plural forms occur in 1 Maccabees, 1– 2 Chroniicles, and Nehemiah, as well as in literature composed in Greek (e. g., 2 Maccabees), only the plural appears in the Pentateuch, even when a single day is in view.

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than a plural, somewhat curious.¹⁰ More intriguing still is the fact that ἡμέραν μεγάλην bears little obvious resemblance to the lexemes ‫קרא מקרא‬.¹¹ It is worth considering, then, whether the phrase ἡμέρα μεγάλη may have carried a particular significance for the Greek translator and his audience. The precise phrase ‫ קרא מקרא‬appears nowhere elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible. However, the digest of the major religious festivals (‫ מועדים‬/ ἑορταί) in Lev 23:1– 37 opens and closes with a nearly identical phrase: ‫אלה מועדי יהוה‬ ‫( אשר־תקראו אתם מקראי קדש‬23:37; cf. 23:2, 4). Within this calendar of holy days, each of the yearly festivals (as well as the weekly Sabbath) receives the designation ‫מקרא קדש‬.¹² Extrapolating from this usage, G may understand ‫ קרא מקרא‬in Isa 1:13d to signify one of these regular observances.¹³ In that case, his phrase ἡμέρα μεγάλη would function as a virtual synonym for ἑορταί, which appears in v. 14a following the second reference to the new moon festivals.¹⁴ In contrast to ἑορτή, however, the designation ἡμέρα μεγάλη might be broad enough to encompass additional festivals, beyond those ἑορταί stipulated in the Pentateuch, that were observed by G’s community.¹⁵ The Letter of Aristeas, for

 The addition of καί in v. 13dβ functions at the clause, rather than the paragraph, level, setting ἡμέραν μεγάλην on the same plane as the preceding items in the list. This plus is found also in the Vulgate (et festiuitates alias). There is no strong reason to posit a variant in the Hebrew text; in each case the addition of a conjunction follows from the translator’s decision to render ‫ קרא מקרא‬with a noun phrase.  One might expect a translation of ‫ קרא‬to employ some form of the Greek root *κλη–, as in αʹ (κλητήν), σʹ (κλητὴν ἐπίκλησιν) and θʹ (κλητὴν ἐπίκλητον); cf. G’s use of καλεῖν for ‫ קרא‬in 22:12; 58:5; 61:2. Other ancient versions offer no evidence of a variant Hebrew text at this point.  The LXX renders this phrase κλητὴ ἁγία, apparently mistaking ‫ מקרא‬for the pual participle of ‫( קרא‬so Peter Walters [Katz], The Text of the Septuagint: Its Corruptions and Their Emendation, ed. D.W. Gooding [Cambridge: CUP, 1973], 244). Nearly identical terminology appears in conjunction with these holidays in Exod 12:16 (κληθήσεται ἁγία) and throughout Num 28 – 29.  So Theodoret (ἡμέραν γὰρ μεγάλην τὰς μεγάλας ἑορτὰς ὀνομάζει, In Isaiam 1.248 – 249; JeanNoël Guinot, ed., Theodoret: Commentaire sur Isaïe, I, SC 276 [Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1980], 168); Chrysostom (τὴν πεντηκοστὴν λέγει, τὴν σκηνοπηγίαν, τὸ πάσχα καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἑορτάς, In Isaiam 1.5; Jean Dumortier and Arthur Liefooghe, eds., Chrysostom: Commentaire sur Isaïe, SC 304 [Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1983], 70). Note the rather frequent collocation of σάββατα, νουμηνίαι, ἑορταί in later prophetic and narrative texts: Hos 2:11[13]; Ezek 45:17; 2 Chron 2:3; 8:13; 31:3; 1 Esdr 5:51; Neh 10:34.  Compare 1QS x 3 – 5, which finds in the steady succession of days, months, and years a perpetual reminder of the Lord’s kind and faithful providence. The beginning of each new month represents “a great day for the holy of holies” (‫יום גדול לקודש קודשים‬, 1QS x 4; cf. 4Q256 8 ii; 4Q258 2 iv 1), a sign that the Lord continues to make his everlasting mercies available to his people.  So, for example, Philo tells of an annual festival in his day held on the island of Pharos (μέχρι νῦν ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἑορτὴ καὶ πανήγυρις ἄγεται κατὰ τὴν Φάρον νῆσον) celebrating the translation of the Septuagint (Mos. 2.41– 44). For the festival commemorating the deliverance

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

95

example, has King Ptolemy establish the day of the translators’ arrival in Alexandria as a “great day” (μεγάλην δὲ τέθειμαι τὴν ἡμέραν ταύτην, ἐν ᾗ παραγεγόνατε) and promises that henceforth its anniversary will be observed as long as he lives (καὶ κατ᾿ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐπίσημος ἔσται πάντα τὸν τῆς ζωῆς ἡμῶν χρόνον).¹⁶ Similarly, 1 Maccabees describes the celebration of Nicanor’s defeat by the Judaean army as a “great day of rejoicing” (ἤγαγον τὴν ἡμέραν ἐκείνην ἡμέραν εὐφροσύνης μεγάλην) to be commemorated each year thereafter on the anniversary of the decisive battle (7:48 – 49). In this case, ἡμέρα μεγάλη would have the generic sense, “a great day,” similar to Jerome’s interpretation of ‫ קרא מקרא‬in Isa 1:13 as festiuitates aliae. However, a number of interpreters have argued that G chose ἡμέρα μεγάλη not to broaden, but rather to narrow the meaning of ‫ קרא מקרא‬to one ἑορτή in particular, Yom Kippur.¹⁷ We find a reference to the Day of Atonement as “the great day” (‫ )יומא רבה‬in b. Roš Haš. 21a¹⁸ as well as in a passage from the Kerygma

of the Jews from death during the reign of Philopator or Euergetes II, see 3 Macc 6:35 – 36 and Jos C. Ap. 2.54– 55. Fraser opines that “even if its alleged occasion is entirely fictitious, [the story may] represent an aetiology of another specifically Alexandrian feast” (Peter M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, Vol. I [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972], 285). The translator and his community may also have observed Purim (see Esth 9:20 – 32) and the Feast of the Dedication (cf. 2 Macc 1:9, 18; 2:16 – 18).  Aristeas 180. It is not necessary to presume the historicity of the account to appreciate the significance of ἡμέρα μεγάλη here as a designation for a festal observance.  ‫יום הכפורים‬, Lev 23:27, 28 (ἡμέρα ἐξιλασμοῦ); 25:9 (ἡ ἡμέρα τοῦ ἱλασμοῦ). Thus Zacharias Frankel, Ueber den Einfluss der palästinischen Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik (Leipzig: J.A. Barth, 1851), 98 (followed by Le Déaut, Septante, 172 n.126), suggests that G found here a reference to the high priest’s reading (‫ )קרא‬of scripture (‫ )מקרא‬to the congregation on Yom Kippur (see m. Yoma 7,1). On the various names for Yom Kippur in ancient Jewish and Christian sources, see Daniel Stökl Ben Ezra, The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity: The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century, WUNT 163 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 15 – 7.  The designation appears in a story about R. Naḥ man (floruit third century CE), but one cannot tell how early the story circulated or whether it included the name ‫ יומא רבה‬from the first. Compare the title ‫“( יומא‬the day”) for the mishnaic tractate dealing with Yom Kippur, attested in b. Yoma 14b and probably reflective of earlier usage (though how early is impossible to say; cf. Günter Stemberger, Hermann L. Strack and Markus N.A. Bockmuehl, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash, 2nd ed. [Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996], 119). For ‫ יומא רבה‬as a designation for Yom Kippur in Samaritan liturgy, see Arthur Ernest Cowley, The Samaritan Liturgy, Vol. II (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1909), 676, citing a manuscript written in the eighteenth century: ‫·מה רב ובריך אהן יומה · יומה רבה יום צומה‬ .‫דבו יתן הכהן הגורל ליהוה · וכפר בעדו ובעד עם‬

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Petri (early second century CE) preserved by Clement of Alexandria and taken up by the Apology of Aristides. ¹⁹ Seeligmann concludes that ἡμέρα μεγάλη in OG Isa 1:13 (second century BCE) is “the most ancient evidence of an epithet [for Yom Kippur] used in different parts and during many centuries.”²⁰ It is extremely difficult to confirm the currency of “the great day” as a designation for Yom Kippur at such an early date on the basis of the surviving evidence, however. In his wide-ranging investigation of Yom Kippur in early Jewish traditions, Daniel Stökl Ben Ezra finds evidence in 1 Enoch suggesting that “the great day” served as a designation for the yearly fast as early as the second century BCE. Building on the work of previous scholars, he finds “an influence of Leviticus 16 and the Yom Kippur temple rite on 1 Enoch 10 or at least on its formulation and reception from the second century BCE onward, if not on the original version of the narrative.”²¹ In the course of his argument, he suggests that  See Theo A.W. van der Louw, Transformations in the Septuagint: Towards an Interaction of Septuagint Studies and Translation Studies, CBET 47 (Leuven: Peeters, 2007), 194– 5. The Kerygma Petri mentions a string of religious observances: σάββατον, νεομηνία, ἄζυμα, ἑορτή and μεγάλη ἡμέρα (apud Clement, Strom. VI.5.41.2– 3). The last two terms probably refer to Sukkoth (cf. the rabbinic designation ‫ ההג‬for this festival) and Yom Kippur. The similar list of Jewish observances in the early- to mid-second century Apology of Aristides probably derives from the Kerygma Petri (so Bernard Pouderon and Marie-Joseph Pierre, eds., Aristides: Apologie, SC 470 [Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 2003], 77– 79, 381): “sabbaths, new moons, the feast of unleavened bread, the great fast ( ) fast ( ) …” (Apol. Arist. 14.4); on the second occurrence of , Pouderon and Pierre comment, “Peut-être dittographie, ou oubli du signe du pluriel” (Aristides, 235 n.5). Assuming that Aristides borrows here from the Kerygma Petri, the original Syriac reading may have been rather than (so Reinhold Seeberg, Der Apologet Aristides: Der Text seiner uns erhaltenen Schriften nebst einleitenden Untersuchungen über Dieselben [Erlangen: A. Deichert, 1894], 55). It is also possible that the fourth-century Syriac translator read μεγάλη ἡμέρα in his Vorlage but substituted another name for Yom Kippur familiar to him (on the freedom of the Syriac translation vis-à-vis its putative Greek Vorlage, see Pouderon / Pierre, Aristides, 146 – 50). The designation of Yom Kippur as ‫ צומא רבא‬or ‫ צומא‬is known from the Mishnah (m. Menah. 11.9) as well as from the Jerusalem Talmud (Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 16 n.8, cites y. Ber. 4.1 [7b, 7c]; y. Peʾah 7.4 [20b]; 8.9 [21b]; y. Ter. 8.5 [45c] = y. ʿAbod. Zar. 2.3 [41a]; cf. b. Tem. 29a).  Seeligmann, Septuagint Version, 103. Evidence for the use of ἡμέρα μεγάλη and dies magnus for Yom Kippur by Jews in the medieval and Byzantine periods is surveyed by David Simon Blondheim, Les parlers Judéo-Romans et la Vetus Latina. Étude sur les rapports entre les traductions bibliques en langue romane des Juifs au Moyen Âge et les anciennes versions (Paris: E. Champion, 1925), lxii – lxiii, and Joshua Starr, The Jews in the Byzantine Empire, 641 – 1204 (Athens: Verlag der byzantinisch-neugriechischen Jahrbücher, 1939), 67, 176, 180.  Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 85 – 90, here 89. See also Daniel Stökl, “Yom Kippur in the Apocalyptic Imaginaire and the Roots of Jesus’ High Priesthood. Yom Kippur in Zechariah 3, 1 Enoch 10, 11QMelkizedeq, Hebrews and the Apocalypse of Abraham 13,” in Jan Assmann and Guy G. Stroumsa (eds.), Transformations of the Inner Self in Ancient Religions, SHR 83 (Leiden: Brill,

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

97

“the great day of judgment” in 1 Enoch 10:6 “can be connected to Yom Kippur, since [“the great day”] is one of its names in later tradition.”²² Yet the early currency of “the great day” as a designation for Yom Kippur cannot be established on the basis of 1 Enoch 10:6 alone, since it is quite possible to account for the phrase “the great day of judgment” in 1 Enoch 10:6 without recourse to Yom Kippur typology. The clearest antecedents of the phrase are found in references by the classical prophets to the coming judgment of the world as “the great day of the Lord.”²³ In fact, although variants on the phrase “the great day of judgment” appear throughout 1 Enoch,²⁴ in no other instance but one do we find any obvious association with Yom Kippur.²⁵

1999), 349 – 66. For weighty arguments against seeing a Yom Kippur typology in the earliest layers of the tradition, see George W. E. Nickelsburg, “Apocalyptic and Myth in 1 Enoch 6 – 11,” JBL 96 (1977): 383 – 405. However, George W. E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch. Chapters 1 – 36, 81 – 108, Hermeneia (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001), 222– 3 does not rule out an association of 1 Enoch 10 with Yom Kippur on the part of later tradents; cf. Loren T. Stuckenbruck’s (The Book of Giants from Qumran: Texts, Translation, and Commentary, TSAJ 63 [Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997], 81– 2) judicious remarks on this subject in the context of a discussion of 4Q203 (4QEnGiants a) 7, dated paleographically by Milik to the early Herodian period (Józef T. Milik and Matthew Black, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumrân Cave 4 [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976], 178 – 9).  Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 88 (his footnote cites b. Roš.Haš. 21a. The relevant phrase from 1 Enoch 10:6 partly survives in Aramaic in 4Q202 1 iv 11, which reads [ ]‫עד יומא רבא‬. Nickelsburg’s critical Ethiopic text reads, “on the day of the great judgment,” although several manuscripts lack the adjective (Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 217). The Greek evidence is divided between ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς μεγάλης τῆς κρίσεως (Codex Panopolitanus) and ἐν τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς κρίσεως (Syncellus; see Matthew Black and Albert Marie Denis, Apocalypsis Henochi Graece, Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti Graece 3 [Leiden: Brill, 1970], 25). A variant in the Greek tradition closer to the phraseology in 4Q202 1 iv 11 may be reflected in the allusion to 1 Enoch 10:6 in Jude 6: ἀγγέλους … εἰς κρίσιν μεγάλης ἡμέρας … τετήρηκεν.  Zeph 1:14 (‫ )יום הגדול יהוה‬rendered ‫ יומא דעתיד למיתי מן קדם יוי רבא‬by the Targum and ἡ ἡμέρα κυρίου ἡ μεγάλη by OG; see also Joel 2:11; 3:4 (2:31 OG); Mal 3:22; Jer 37:7 (30:7 OG).  In the Greek text, e. g., we find “the great day of judgment” (22:11); “the day of the great judgment” (16:1; 97:1; 98:10; 99:15; 104:5); “the great judgment” (19:1; 22:4; 25:4; 100:4; 103:8); “the day of judgment” (10:12; 22:4.13; 100:4); “the days of (true) judgment” (27:3 – 4). Cf. Robert Henry Charles, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch. Translated from the Editor’s Ethiopic Text and Edited with the Introduction, Notes and Indexes of the First Edition Wholly Recast, Enlarged and Rewritten, Together with a Reprint from the Editor’s Text of the Greek Fragments, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912), 84 (note on 1 Enoch 45:2).  The same holds true for the few other Second Temple texts that employ the phrase “the great day”: Greek Apocalypse of Ezra (Constantin von Tischendorf and Justin Perkins, eds., Apocalypses apocryphae Mosis, Esdrae, Pauli, Johannis, item Mariae Dormito: Additis evangeliorum et actuum apocryphorum supplementis [Lipsiae: Hermann Mendelssohn, 1866], 27); L.A.B. 13:3b; 37:5; Jos. Asen. 14:1. In the one text where we do encounter an explicit symbolic association of Yom

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The single exception, a passage in the Parables of Enoch, is intriguing, however. Apparently modeled on 1 Enoch 10,²⁶ the parable in 1 Enoch 54 envisions “the host of Azazel” being cast into the abyss and covered with rough stones (54:5; cf. 10:5); finally, “on that great day,” they will be seized by the archangels and cast into the burning furnace (54:6; cf. 10:6). That 1 Enoch 54 refers to “that great day” while taking up imagery from 1 Enoch 10 evocative of the scapegoat ritual²⁷ suggests that – if not already in 1 Enoch 10 then, in all likelihood, by the time of 1 Enoch 54 – tradents of Enochic traditions did indeed associate the great day of judgment with the symbolism of Yom Kippur. Consequently, while 1 Enoch 10:6 alone does not provide conclusive evidence that “the great day” functioned as a designation for Yom Kippur in the second century BCE, that it did so before the turn of the era, when 1 Enoch 54 was composed,²⁸ appears likely. A more straightforward case can be made that 4Q265 (4QMiscellaneous Rules), dated paleographically to the Herodian period (30 – 50 CE), refers to Yom Kippur as “a (or, the) great day.”²⁹ Among the diverse materials incorporated into this document, we find in fragments 6 and 7 a list of regulations for the Sabbath day. Fragment 7, line 3 prohibits a priest from sprinkling the water of purification on the Sabbath, a proscription with parallels in 4Q274 2 i 2– 3 and

Kippur with eschatological judgment (viz., 11Q13 [11QMelchizedek] ii 7– 8, dating from perhaps the middle of the first century CE), we find no reference to “the great day.” While the incomplete preservation of the manuscript mitigates the force of an argument from silence, the fact remains that 11Q13 offers no positive support for the hypothesis that Yom Kippur was known to this author and his community as “the great day.”  So Nickelsburg in George W.E. Nickelsburg and James C. VanderKam, 1 Enoch 2: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch 2. Chapters 37 – 82, Hermeneia (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012), 210 – 16.  On the development of traditions concerning the hurling down of the scapegoat in a rocky, desert place, see Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 31 and 88, though he does not discuss 1 Enoch 54.  Nickelsburg argues for dating the Parables “between the latter part of Herod’s reign and the early decades of the first century C.E.” (Nickelsburg and VanderKam, 1 Enoch 2, 58 – 63).  Joseph Baumgarten, ed., “4Q265: 4QMiscellaneous Rules,” in Qumran Cave 4: XXV, Halakhic Texts, ed. Joseph Baumgarten et al., DJD 35 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999), 57– 78; see also Joseph Baumgarten, “Scripture and Law in 4Q265,” in Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. Michael E. Stone and Eshter G. Chazon (Leiden: Brill, 1998), 25 – 33, 27; Joseph Baumgarten and Lidija Novakovic, eds., “Miscellaneous Rules (4Q265),” in Damascus Document II, Some Works of the Torah and Related Documents, ed. James H. Charlesworth et al., PTSDSSP 3 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006), 253 – 69. For the dating, see Józef T. Milik, Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea, SBT 26 (London: A.R. Allenson, 1959), 96.

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

99

4Q251 1 6.³⁰ Baumgarten plausibly restores the remainder of the line and the beginning of the next as an injunction against carrying out the subsequent ritual acts of immersion and laundering of clothes.³¹ Line 4 then specifies that this prohibition (also?) applies […] ‫]בי[וֹם גדול וצום ביום‬, “[on the] great [d]ay and fast, on the day […].”³² That this refers to Yom Kippur appears likely from the designation of ‫ יום הכפורים‬as ‫ יום צום‬in 1QpHab xi 7– 8. It remains possible, however, that by itself ‫“( יום גדול‬great day”) functioned as a more generic term for a high festival day, necessitating the addition of ‫ וצום‬in 4Q265 7 4 in order to specify Yom Kippur.³³ Egyptian Judaism of the first century CE offers yet another angle from which to approach the question. Philo’s discussion of the ten ἑορταί established by the Mosaic legislation (Spec. 2.41– 214) suggests that ἡμέρα μεγάλη in OG Isa 1:13d might have been heard in some quarters as a reference to Yom Kippur. While the Alexandrian philosopher does not use the precise phrase ἡμέρα μεγάλη, he does claim that Yom Kippur (ἡ νηστεία) has been recognized from the time of Moses as the “greatest” (μεγίστη) of holy days.³⁴ Writing in the first half of the first century CE, the Alexandrian philosopher explains why the Judaeans employ the term “festival” (ἑορτή) for a day of fasting and self-denial: The all-wise Moses proclaimed the fast (ἡ νηστεία) a festival (ἑορτή) and, indeed, the greatest of festivals (ἑορτῶν τὴν μεγίστην), naming it in the ancestral tongue sabbata sabbatō n [Lev 16:31; 23:32]: that is, as the Greeks would say, “seventh of sevenths” and “most holy of holy [days].”³⁵

 For the restoration and discussion of parallels, see Baumgarten, “4Q265,” 71. For ‫מי נדה‬, see Num 19:10 – 22.  See Num 19:19. 4Q274 2 i 1 also mentions the rituals of immersion and laundering of clothing. Although a reference to Yom Kippur might seem out of place in a list of Sabbath regulations, Baumgarten notes a parallel instance of halakhic reasoning from the Sabbath to establish rules for the observance of Passover in m. Pesaḥ 6.2 (Baumgarten, “4Q265,” 71).  Baumgarten restores the lacuna to read [‫( ביום ]הכפורים‬Baumgarten, “4Q265,” 69; for a defense of this restoration, see Baumgarten, “4Q265,” 71, note on L. 4).  The Greek translator’s interpretive rendering νηστείαν in Isa 1:13e, discussed just below, may serve the same function relative to ἡμέρα μεγάλη in Isa 1:13d. Cf. CD vi 19, where Yom Kippur is distinguished from among the other ‫ מועדות‬by the designation ‫יום התענית‬.  Had Philo been influenced directly by OG Isaiah at this point, one would expect his wording to reflect the terminology of Isa 1:13 more closely. On Yom Kippur in Philo, see Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 46 – 8; Jutta Leonhardt, Jewish Worship in Philo of Alexandria, TSAJ 84 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001), 43 – 5. For ἡ νηστεία as a specific reference to Yom Kippur, see n. 41 below.  Spec. 2.194. How widely Philo’s view was shared is unclear. Josephus refers to Sukkot as ἑορτὴ ἁγιωτάτη καὶ μεγίστη (A.J. 8.100). Cyril identifies ἡμέρα μεγάλη as the final day of Sukkot (PG 70.36C): Ἰουδαῖοι γε μήν … ἀργὸς ἡγοῦνται τὸ Σάββατον, καὶ τὴν καλουμένην μεγάλην τιμῶσιν ἡμέραν. Ἔστι δὲ αὕτη τῆς ἐορτῆς τῆς καλουμένης σκηνοπηγίας ἡ τελευταία (cf. John 7:37,

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Such was the significance of the occasion, Philo reports, that even Judaeans who otherwise neglected the practice of their ancestral traditions honored the solemnity of the day, joining with their compatriots in long hours of fasting and selfdenial.³⁶ In light of these observations, it would not be surprising to find Philo referring to Yom Kippur as ἡμέρα μεγάλη. Yet he never does so. Consequently, this line of inquiry fails to establish conclusively the use of ἡμέρα μεγάλη as an epithet of Yom Kippur as early as Philo. Whether the designation “great day” for Yom Kippur was current at the time of the Isaiah translator, then, remains uncertain. If it were, then the Greek translation itself would provide our earliest attestation of this usage.³⁷ But even if G did not intend his interpretive rendering ἡμέρα μεγάλη as a narrow reference to Yom Kippur, it seems reasonable to suppose that in a catalogue of references to Israel’s major religious festivals, the subsequent mention of a “fast” (v. 13e)³⁸

which calls the last day of Sukkoth ἡ ἐσχάτη ἡμέρα ἡ μεγάλη τῆς ἑορτῆς). The reference to the Jews’ fasting and self-humiliation that immediately follows is evoked by the text of Isaiah on which Cyril is commenting; it need not imply that Cyril has confused Sukkot with Yom Kippur (pace Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 69). In contrast, Plutarch (Quaest. conv. 4.6.1– 2 [Mor. 671D]) apparently does conflate Sukkot, deemed ἡ μεγίστη καὶ τελειοτάτη ἑορτὴ παρ’ αὐτοῖς, with the Day of Atonement (ἡ νηστεία). Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 69, observes, “For the non-Jewish observer the [autumn] festivals [viz., Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur, Sukkot], being so close chronologically, might appear to be one long festival.”  “On the tenth day is the Fast, which they diligently observe – not only those who are zealous for godliness and piety but also those who in the rest of their lives do nothing at all holy. For all are astounded, being overcome by the sacredness associated with it (πάντες γὰρ ἡττώμενοι τοῦ περὶ αὐτὴν ἱεροπρεποῦς τεθήπασι). At this time, at least, the worse vie with the better in selfcontrol and virtue” (Spec. 1.186).  So Seeligmann, Septuagint Version, 103.  OG reads νηστεία where all other witnesses attest the reading ‫ און‬found in MT and in 1QIsaa. It is impossible to know for certain what factor (or combination of factors) motivated G to translate νηστεία here. One can hardly suppose that, in a context replete with references to Israel’s sins, he found it impossible to make any sense of ‫ ;און‬other ancient translators clearly had no trouble on this score. G may rather have found his Vorlage difficult to decipher at this point due to a defect in the manuscript and, reaching for a word that would both fit the lacuna in the manuscript and bear a sense appropriate to the context, puzzled out ‫צום‬, perhaps on the model of Joel 1:14 and 2:15, where ‫ צום‬is collocated with ‫)קדשׁו־צום קראו עצרה( עצרה‬. Alternatively, G may have read ‫ און‬quite clearly in his Vorlage and nevertheless elected to render the term in a manner that, in his judgment, better suited the flow of thought in the larger passage, as he understood it. The reference to fasting fits quite naturally in the catalogue of religious observances in v. 13d-14a. By it G anticipates the scene in v. 15, which portrays the people beseeching the Kyrios with earnest prayer. Aside from Yom Kippur, the practice of fasting in response to personal distress or national crises finds wide attestation both in Israel’s scriptures and in the broader literature of the Second Temple period. See, e. g., Zechariah 7– 8; 2 Chron 20:3 – 19; 1 Esdr

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

101

was designed to call this particular observance to mind.³⁹ As Stökl Ben Ezra notes, “The only single fast in the row of OT festivals … is Yom Kippur.”⁴⁰ Given the prominence of the day-long fast in the observance of Yom Kippur by the people, both inside and outside the Land, this ἑορτή eventually came to be known simply as “the Fast [Day]” (‫ יום צום‬or ἡ νηστεία). The designation appears in Hebrew in the well-known passage in 1QpHab xi 6 – 8 that speaks of the Wicked Priest’s attack on the Teacher of Righteousness during “the appointed time for the repose of the Day of Atonement (‫ … )בקץ מועד מנוחת יום הכפורים‬on the Fast Day, the Sabbath of their repose (‫)ביום צום שבת מנוחתם‬.” Just how early ἡ νηστεία / ‫ יום צום‬became a standard designation for Yom Kippur remains unclear. But its occurrence with this meaning in a wide range of authors – Jewish, Christian and pagan – writing in the first century CE implies that this usage had already been common parlance for quite some time.⁴¹

8:49; Neh 9:1; 1 Macc 3:47; 2 Macc 13:12; Joel 1:14; 2:12– 17; Jer 43(36):9; Bar 1:5; Dan 2:18; Jdt 4:8 – 15; Jos. A.J. 5.166; 11.134; 12.290; 20.86 – 89; C. Ap. 2.282; Vita 290 – 303; Philo Contempl. 34– 35; m. Taʿan. Naturally, the temple courts served as a focal point for public fasts, though such observances were not restricted to the holy city or its temple. Yet another explanation for νηστεία is offered by Florian Wilk, “Vision wider Judäa und wider Jerusalem (Jes 1 LXX): Zur Eigenart der Septuaginta-Version des Jesajabuches,” in Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie, ed. Wolgang Kraus, Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr and Lutz Doering, WUNT 162 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003), 15 – 35, 22 n.28 h. See the fuller discussion in Wagner, Reading, 123 – 7.  Note Justin’s version of Isa 1:13 (which Oskar Skarsaune, The Proof From Prophecy: A Study in Justin Martyr’s Proof-Text Tradition. Text-Type, Provenance, Theological Profile, NovTSup 56 [Leiden: Brill 1987], 55, thinks may have derived from “a source with anti-cultic testimonies”). Here Justin makes the connection between the “great day” and the “fast” explicit: καὶ μεγάλην ἡμέραν νηστείας … οὐκ ἀνέχομαι (1 Apol. 37.5). Skarsaune comments, “Whatever the reference of the LXX’s ‘great day’ is, there can be no doubt that ‘the great day of the fast’ in 1. Apol. 37,5 is the Day of Atonement” (Proof, 179). Cf. the collocation ‫ יום גדול וצום‬in 4Q265 7 4 (p. 99 above). Theodoret finds in νηστεία a clear reference to Yom Kippur: ἡμέραν γὰρ μεγάλην τὰς μεγάλας ἑορτὰς ὀνομάζει, νηστείαν δὲ τὴν τ(οῦ ἱ)λα(σμοῦ) ἡμέραν (In Isaiam 1.248 – 249; Guinot, Theodoret, 168). So also Richard R. Ottley, The Book of Isaiah According to the Septuagint (Codex Alexandrinus), II: Text and Notes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906), 107.  Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 15 n.6.  E.g., Jos., A.J. 14.66, 487; 17.165 – 166; 18.94; Philo, Mos. 2.23 – 24; Spec. 1.168, 186; 2.41, 193, 194, 197, 200; Legat. 306; Decal. 159; L.A.B. 13:6 (ieiunium misericordiae); Acts 27:9; Strabo, Geog. 16.2.40; Plut. Quaest. conv. 4.6.2 (Mor. 671D). Cf. Cécile Dogniez, “Les noms de fêtes dans le Pentateuque grec,” JSJ 37 (2006): 344– 66, 364– 5. Examination of the citation of Lev 23:29 in the second-century Epistle of Barnabas also proves suggestive. Where LXX Lev 23:29 reads, πᾶσα ψυχή, ἥτις μὴ ταπεινωθήσεται ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ταύτῃ, Barn. 7:3 offers, Ὅς ἂν μὴ νηστεύσῃ τὴν νηστείαν. Although Barnabas probably draws this citation from a testimonia source (Martin C. Albl, And Scripture Cannot be Broken: The Form and Function of the Early Christian Testimonia

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Stökl Ben Ezra argues that the increasing prominence of fasting in references to Yom Kippur during the Second Temple period reflects the significance that participation in this solemn observance held for the people collectively, both in the land and in the diaspora. 1QpHab xi 6 – 8 “describes Yom Kippur primarily as a day of fasting [‫ ]צום‬and abstention from work [‫]שבת מנוחה‬,”⁴² while CD vi 19 singles out Yom Kippur from among the other appointed festivals (‫)המועדות‬, calling it the “Day of Fasting” (‫)יום התענית‬.⁴³ The Temple Scroll likewise foregrounds fasting in its presentation of the regulations for Yom Kippur. By positioning Lev 23:27– 29 before Lev 16 (11QT xxv 10 – 12), the scroll both introduces and concludes the discussion with the call to self-abasement.⁴⁴ Jubilees also emphasizes the character of Yom Kippur as a day of mourning and repentance for sin: “This day has been ordained so that they may be saddened on it for their sins, all their transgressions, and all their errors; so that they may purify themselves on this day once a year” (Jub 34:19).⁴⁵ A similar description of Yom Kippur appears in Pss. Sol. 3:8. The claim that the righteous person “atones for inadvertent sins through fasting and humbling his soul” echoes the terminology of Lev 16:29 – 31 (cf. Lev 23:27– 32; Num 29:7), but with the interpretive addition of “fasting.”⁴⁶ And Philo, as we have seen, emphasizes the seriousness with which all members of the community practice self-denial on the day of the Fast,⁴⁷ abstaining from both food and drink (σιτίων καὶ ποτῶν ἀποχή).⁴⁸ With good reason, then, the

Collections, NovTSup 96 [Leiden: Brill, 1999], 195; cf. Skarsaune, Proof, 179), at some point the terminology of fasting enters the transmission history of the scriptures themselves. The variant νηστεύσῃ is attested at Lev 23:29 by several Greek mss, including the seventh-century uncial M, as well as by mss of the Samaritan Pentateuch.  Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 100; additions in brackets are mine. For references in the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds to Yom Kippur as ‫ צוםא‬or ‫צומא רבא‬, see n.19 above.  Or, “Day of Self-abasement,” if ‫ תענית‬does not yet bear the more specific sense, ‘fasting,’ attested in Mishnaic Hebrew. Cf. 4Q508 2 3, ‫ מועד תענית‬and 1 Esdr 8:70, where νηστεία corresponds to ‫ תענית‬in Ezra 9:5. See further Noah Hacham, “Communal Fasts in the Judean Desert Scrolls,” in Historical Perspectives: From the Hasmoneans to Bar Kokhba in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls, ed. David M. Goodblatt, Avital Pinnick and Daniel R. Schwartz (Boston: Brill, 2001), 127– 45, esp. 129 – 37; David Flusser, “Qumran and the Famine during the Reign of Herod,” Israel Museum Journal 6 (1987): 7– 16. For the distinctiveness of Yom Kippur among the appointed festivals, see also 11Q5 (11QPsalms a) xxvii 8: David composed songs “for all the festival days and for the Day of Atonement” (‫)ולכול ימי המועדות ולים הכפורים‬.  Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 100.  Translation in James C. VanderKam, The Book of Jubilees: A Critical Text, II, CSCO. Scriptores Aethiopici 88 (Leuven: Peeters, 1989), 229.  [ὁ δίκαιος] ἐξιλάσατο περὶ ἀγνοίας ἐν νηστείᾳ καὶ ταπεινώσει ψυχῆς αὐτοῦ.  Spec. 1.186; see n.36 above.  Decal. 159; cf. Spec. 2.195, 197, 198, 201, 203.

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

103

Greek translator of Isaiah may be regarded as the earliest witness to a development in the Second Temple period that was both widespread and enduring: the widening of focus on Yom Kippur from the Temple ritual itself to the practices of fasting, prayer and self-abasement observed by the people in their local communities, including, of course, those in the diaspora.⁴⁹ In sum, the evidence does suggest that by the translator’s time ἡ νηστεία had come to serve as a common name for Yom Kippur. All the same, it is not clear that G intended to refer exclusively to the fast of Yom Kippur in Isa 1:13. The fact that νηστεία does not carry the article here allows the phrase νηστεία καὶ ἀργία to encompass a wider range of religious observances within its scope.⁵⁰ Some further support for this hypothesis may be found in G’s generalizing translation of ‫ ביום צמכם‬in Isa 58:3 with the plural ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τῶν νηστειῶν ὑμῶν,⁵¹ indicating that the translator was well aware that individual and communal fasting was practiced more than once a year.⁵² In any case, it is highly probable that, however one parses them individually, the whole cluster of images in OG Isa 1:13 – temple, holy days, “great day,” fasting – would conjure up for a Jewish reader of the second or first centuries BCE the principal fast of the year and the sole fast day prescribed in the Law’s sacred calendar: Yom Kippur.

 So also Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 117. Cf. the probable references to Yom Kippur in two inscriptions from Rheneia (Ach70 and Ach71 in David Noy, Alexander Panayotov and Hanswulf Bloedhorn, eds., Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis, I: Eastern Europe, TSAJ 101 [Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004], 235 – 42 = CIJ I 725ab; 2nd-early 1st century BCE). While Stökl Ben Ezra speaks of a shift of emphasis from the temple to local communities, I would rather describe OG Isaiah as reflecting a broadening of the observance to embrace the rituals of the people, alongside the rites of the priests, as central to Yom Kippur. Although G adds the reference to fasting, in no way does he attempt to disguise the fact that Isa 1:11– 15 speaks first and foremost of worship in the temple.  Josephus uses the article in A.J. 14.66, 487; 17.166 and 18.94; contrast A.J. 5.166; 11.134 and Vita 290, where anarthrous νηστεία refers to a (one-time) fast called at another season of the year.  Contrast the Targum’s “in the day of your fasts” (‫)ביום תעניתכון‬. For ‫ יום צום‬and ‫ מועד תענית‬as specific references to Yom Kippur, see n.19 and n.43 above.  As Philo introduces his discussion of sacrifices in Spec. 1.168, he makes a distinction between fast days (νηστείαι) in general and the three seasons of festivals (τρεῖς καιροὶ ἑορτῶν), the last of which includes the fast of Yom Kippur (1.186 – 188). Similarly, Josephus’ reference to αἱ νηστεῖαι includes Yom Kippur, “but simply as one among a number of such occasions” (Christopher T. Begg, “Yom Kippur in Josephus,” in The Day of Atonement: Its Interpretations in Early Jewish and Christian Traditions, ed. Thomas Hieke and Tobias Nicklas, TBN 15 [Leiden: Brill, 2012], 97– 120, 108). See further n.38 above.

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2 Reading Isaiah’s Oracle in Light of Yom Kippur What difference does it make for the interpretation of Isaiah’s oracle to hear a reference to Yom Kippur in OG Isa 1:13? To answer this question requires us to read the translated text in light of the “cultural encyclopedia” within which it was produced, that of the hellenistic Diaspora of the second century BCE.⁵³ In Isa 1:14b – 15, the Old Greek reads, “I’ve had my fill of you! I will no longer forgive your sins. When you stretch out your hands to me, I will turn my eyes away from you. And should you multiply prayer, I will not listen to you. For your hands are full of blood” (see Fig. 2). ‫ָה ֥יוּ ָעַ֖לי ָל ֑טֹ ַרח‬ ‫שׂא ׃‬ ֹֽ ‫ִנְלֵ֖איִתי ְנ‬

b

‫וְּבָפ ִר ְשׂ ֶ֣כם ַכּ ֵפּי ֶ֗כם‬ ‫ַאְע ִ֤לים ֵעי ַנ֙י ִמ ֶ֔כּם‬

a

‫ַ֛גּם ִֽכּי־ַת ְר ֥בּוּ ְתִפ ָ֖לּה‬ ‫שֵׁ֑מ ַע‬ ֹ ‫ֵאי ֶ֣נ ִנּי‬

b

καὶ ἐὰν πληθύνητε τὴν δέησιν οὐκ εἰσακούσομαι ὑμῶν

‫ְי ֵדי ֶ֖כם ָדִּ֥מים ָמֵֽלאוּ׃‬

c

αἱ γὰρ χεῖρες ὑμῶν αἵματος πλήρεις

c

ἐγενήθητέ μοι εἰς πλησμονήν οὐκέτι ἀνήσω τὰς ἁμαρτίας ὑμῶν ὅταν τὰς χεῖρας ἐκτείνητε πρός με ἀποστρέψω τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς μου ἀφ᾿ ὑμῶν

Figure 2: Isaiah 1:14b – 15

In v. 14c, the Greek translator interprets ‫ נשא‬in the sense, “forgive.” G finds an ancient counterpart here in the targumist, who likewise construes ‫ נשא‬this way.⁵⁴ The rendering of the Isaiah Targum draws particular attention to the Lord’s exceptional forbearance and mercy even as the people persist in flagrantly disregarding God’s Law: “I have done much forgiving” (‫)אסגיתי למשבק‬. Unlike the Targum, G provides a direct object for ‫נשא‬. In opting to supply “your sins” rather than simply reproducing “you” from the previous line, G once again keeps the wider context of the vision in view. The reference to “sins” (ἁμαρτίαι) recalls the prophet’s tirade in v. 4, with its impassioned imprecation against “a sinful nation” (ἔθνος ἁμαρτωλόν), “a people full of sins” (λαὸς

 On the utility of Eco’s notion of the “cultural encyclopedia” for Septuagint hermeneutics, see Wagner, Reading, 37– 45, 56 – 62.  So also Symmachus (ἱλάσκεσθαι) and Theodotion (ἀφιέναι).

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

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πλήρης ἁμαρτιῶν). In addition, it anticipates the renewed reference to the people’s sins at the conclusion of this second speech of the Kyrios (v. 18). But it is the translational decisions G has previously made in v. 13d-14a that give to the interpretive rendering in v. 14c its most striking resonances. For, as we have seen, with his references to a “great day” and “fasting” the Greek translator introduces into Isaiah’s catalogue of festivals an explicit allusion to Yom Kippur. God’s Law promises that through this annual observance the ministrations of the high priest will “cleanse you from all your sins before the Kyrios; and you will be cleansed” (Lev 16:30 LXX).⁵⁵ Established as an “eternal ordinance” for God’s people (νόμιμος αἰώνιος, Lev 16:34), this rite carries with it an unimpeachable pledge of forgiveness: a promise of divine mercy delivered in the Lord’s own voice.⁵⁶ Consequently, the Lord’s categorical declaration in OG Isa 1:14, “I will no longer forgive your sins,” is staggering in its implications. It signifies nothing less than the complete breakdown of the divinely ordained means by which Israel may expiate its sin and so maintain its covenant relationship with the Kyrios. So dire is Israel’s plight, the Greek version suggests, not even the Day of Atonement will avail any longer to reconcile the people to their God. The following lines emphasize the utter futility of seeking to appease the Kyrios through sacrifice and offering, for God adamantly refuses to acknowledge his suppliants’ outstretched hands or to heed their persistent entreaties. The Greek translation mirrors the basic structure of the source text: two bicola (v. 15a and 15b), each describing an act of petition and the Lord’s response, followed by a single clause stating the reason for the Lord’s refusal to hear their prayers (v. 15c).

 ἐν γὰρ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ταύτῃ ἐξιλάσεται περὶ ὑμῶν καθαρίσαι ὑμᾶς ἀπὸ πασῶν τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ὑμῶν ἔναντι κυρίου, καὶ καθαρισθήσεσθε.  Bickerman observes, “Deprived of the sacrificial cult that daily redeemed their brethren in Jerusalem, the dispersion clung all the more to the ‘Fast,’ as they called the Day of Atonement, for obtaining the yearly expiation of their daily transgressions. The Septuagint, forcing the meaning of the Hebrew text (Lev. 23:28), already states that this day, by itself, ‘expiates you’” (Elias J. Bickerman, The Jews in the Greek Age [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988], 138). Later tradents similarly placed great weight on the promissory character of the Lord’s words regarding the Day of Atonement. “And whence do we know that even if there is no sacrifice and no [scape]goat the Day still atones? Scripture teaches, ‘For on this day shall atonement be made for you’” (Sifra ʾAḥare Mot, pereq 8.1 [to Lev 16:30], translation from E.P. Sanders, Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977), 164 n.79; cf. y. Yoma 8.8 [45c]). Even apart from the temple and its rituals, Israel’s God can be trusted to forgive sins on this day, for the Lord himself, not the priest or the ritual, is the true subject of the verb ‫ יכפר‬in Lev 16:30. See further n.65 below.

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G makes minor modifications to his source that enhance the logical cohesion and persuasive power of the discourse. In v. 15aα, he supplies the prepositional phrase πρός με as a counterpoint to ἀφ’ ὑμῶν (‫ )מכם‬in v. 15aβ. Beyond tightening the parallelism within the bicolon,⁵⁷ this plus amplifies the interpersonal character of the petitionary act, intensifying the poignancy of the image.⁵⁸ G balances the two clauses of the following bicolon by providing a direct object for the verb in v. 15bβ. His selection of ὑμῶν rather than a pronoun pointing back to the object of the previous clause, “prayer,” coheres with his tendency to highlight the personal dimension of the Lord’s conflict with his rebellious people. It is not simply their petitions that the Kyrios rejects; it is the petitioners themselves. The translator’s use of πληθύνειν to represent ‫( רבה‬hiph.) in v. 15b preserves the verbal inclusio with v. 11a (πλῆθος) already present in the source text (‫)רב‬. The apparent piety of the people, evidenced by their “multiplication” of prayer (v. 15b) as much as by the “multitude” of their sacrifices (v. 11a), will, in the end, avail them nothing.⁵⁹ The image of the people “multiplying prayer” in order to secure the Lord’s favor acquires an additional layer of significance in the Greek text due to the translator’s earlier evocation of the great Fast Day in v. 13. During the Second Temple period, communal prayer came to occupy a prominent place in the rituals of the people on Yom Kippur.⁶⁰ Philo vividly describes the day-long service of repentance and supplication: The whole (day) is devoted to prayers and entreaties as the people give their time from morning until evening (ἄχρις ἑσπέρας ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ) to nothing but the most urgent prayers of supplication (δεητικωτάτας εὐχάς) by which they earnestly seek to gain God’s favor, asking pardon for their willful and inadvertant sins (παραίτησιν ἁμαρτημάτων ἑκουσίων τε καὶ ἀκουσίων αἰτούμενοι) and hoping for mercy, not on their own account but on account of the gracious nature of the One who determines to forgive rather than to punish.⁶¹

Hebrew sources corroborate the impression one gains from Philo that prayer was given a central place in the observance of Yom Kippur in post-exilic Judaism. Among the surviving festival prayers from Qumran, only one is explicitly ap-

 By moving τὰς χεῖρας in v. 15aα ahead of the verb, G creates a mini-chiasm that further binds v. 15aα and v. 15aβ together (τὰς χεῖρας ἐκτείνητε / ἀποστρέψω τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς).  Compare Ezra’s posture of humility: κάμψας τὰ γόνατα καὶ ἐκτείνας τὰς χεῖρας πρὸς τὸν κύριον … (1 Esdr 8:70).  For the prayers and prostrations of the people as part of the daily temple ritual, see Sir 50:17– 19.  Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 36 – 7.  Spec. 2.196, followed by an example of such prayers in 2.198 – 199.

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

107

pointed for Yom Kippur (1Q34 2+1 6, ‫)תפלה ליום כפורים‬. However, Falk plausibly identifies four additional Yom Kippur prayers among the fragments,⁶² and Stökl Ben Ezra argues that up to seven more prayers may belong to this cycle.⁶³ In this light, the Tannaitic tradition stipulating five services of prayer for Yom Kippur may be seen to stand in continuity with the practice of much earlier times.⁶⁴ All of this suggests that a Jewish audience might well have discerned in the references in OG Isa 1:15 to earnest and prolonged prayer yet another allusion to Yom Kippur. Once again, the expectation that on this day, of all days, the Kyrios could be counted on to show mercy, intensifies the shock of the Lord’s categorical refusal to do so.⁶⁵ The Lord’s complaint (v. 11– 15) reaches its climax in v. 15c. At last the Kyrios discloses the reason for his adamant refusal to regard the people’s prayers and offerings any longer: the hands stretched out to him in petition (15a) are hands steeped in blood (αἱ γὰρ χεῖρες ὑμῶν αἵματος πλήρεις). In this instance, the rhetorical force of the Greek text derives from G’s decision to mirror the syntax of his source.⁶⁶ Adherence to the word order of the Vorlage places the crucial adjective πλήρεις in the emphatic final position in the Greek sentence. In addition, πλήρεις, G’s straightforward equivalent for ‫מלא‬, resonates sonorously with the plethora of πλη– words already deployed within the short compass of this speech. Through this paronomasia, G imparts a greater richness and vibrancy to the entire passage. The Kyrios has had his “fill” (πλήρης εἰμί, 11b) of the “multitude” (πλῆθος, 11a; πληθύνειν, 15b) of the people’s sacrifices and supplications. What is more, he has had his “fill” of them (ἐγενήθητέ μοι εἰς πλησμονήν, 14b),  4Q508 2 1– 6; 4Q509 5 – 6 ii; 4Q509 7; 4Q509 8 1– 3 par. 4Q508 22+23 1 (Daniel K. Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, STDJ 27 [Leiden: Brill, 1998], 162, 165 – 169).  He finds on thematic grounds that 4Q509 12 i + 13; 4Q509 16; 1Q34 3 i par. 4Q508 1 (“probably”) and 1Q34 3 ii par. 4Q509 97+98 i; 1Q34 2+1 1– 4 par. 4Q509 3 2– 9; 4Q508 3; 5Q13 (“possibly”) represent prayers intended for Yom Kippur (Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 37– 45).  For a detailed treatment, see Stökl Ben Ezra, Impact, 49 – 65.  Cf. Philo’s reference to “the gracious nature of the One who determines to forgive rather than to punish” (διὰ τὴν ἵλεω φύσιν τοῦ συγγνώμην πρὸ κολάσεως ὁρίζοντος, Spec. 2.196). The names given to Yom Kippur in 4Q508 2 3 (‫ )מועד רחמיך‬and L.A.B. 13:6 (ieiunium misericordiae) also testify to trust in God’s mercy as a motivation for the Fast. On the latter passage, see the comments in Howard Jacobson, A Commentary on Pseudo-Philo’s Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, with Latin Text and English Translation, AGJU 31,1– 2 (Leiden: Brill 1996), 515.  With regard to the Hebrew text, Williamson comments, “The last line of 15, which contains the severest element of the indictment (‘your hands are full of blood), is not followed by its expected two-beat partner. We have here no rounding off by a lengthening rallentando, but a gap which leaves the reader startled and gives pause for reflection on the shocking nature of what has just been said” (Hugh G.M. Williamson, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 1 – 27, I: Commentary on Isaiah 1 – 5, ICC (London: T&T Clark, 2006), 83.

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for this people “full” of sins (πλήρης ἁμαρτιῶν, 4a) entreat him with outstretched hands that are “full” of blood (αἵματος πλήρεις, 15c). Positioned at the crucial turning point of the speech, this graphic image of blood-soaked hands functions like a lenticular print, whose composition shifts depending on the angle from which it is viewed. At first we see hands spattered with the blood of countless sacrifices offered in devotion to God. But as the strident polemic against vain worship (v. 11– 15) modulates into an urgent summons to moral reformation (v. 16 – 17), our perspective shifts. Looking backwards, it suddenly becomes clear that what actually stains these gory hands is the blood of injustice.⁶⁷ We comprehend at last the significance of the prophet’s earlier plea to “pay attention to God’s Law” (v. 10) as we see, in all its lurid hues, the deep contradiction lying at the heart of the people’s piety: they seek the Lord’s favor through assiduous devotion to the rituals and observances ordained in the Law, while all the time they flagrantly violate the standards of social justice this very Law enjoins.⁶⁸

3 Conclusion Can we be confident that the Greek translator of Isaiah or his contemporaries would have understood “great day” in Isa 1:13 as a reference to Yom Kippur? A firm answer has proved elusive. However, we have found good reason to suppose that, for a Jewish audience of the second or first centuries BCE, the cluster of words and phrases in OG Isa 1:13 – temple, holy days, “great day,” fasting – would have brought to mind the principal fast day of the sacred calendar, Yom Kippur. We have shown, further, that examining Isaiah’s oracle in light of Yom Kippur as understood and practiced within the broad cultural context of hellenistic Diaspora Judaism offers additional evidence for the growing importance of the fasting and prayers of the people in the observance of the Day of Atonement in the post-exilic period. And, lastly, we have seen that by reading the translation

 This interpretation is suggested by the use of the plural ‫דמים‬, which can serve as a technical term for ‘blood-guilt’ (e. g., Exod 22:1[2]; Deut 22:8; in both instances, LXX translates φόνος). G attempts to make this sense of ‫ דמים‬clear in Isa 33:15 by translating κρίσιν αἵματος. Cf. the discussion of “retrospective patterning” in poetry in Choon Leong Seow, “Orthography, Textual Criticism, and the Poetry of Job,” JBL 130 (2011): 63 – 85, 76.  Compare Rashi’s explanatory comment on ‫ לא חפצתי‬in Isa 1:11: ‫אמר שאתם עוברים על תורתי זבח‬ ‫רשעים תועבה‬ (“He says, ‘Since you transgress my Torah, “the sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination”’ [Prov 21:27]).

Old Greek Isaiah 1:13

109

with reference to the “cultural encyclopedia” of the translator and his community we are able to gain a greater appreciation for the rhetorical power and religious depth of the Old Greek version of Isaiah.

Bibliography Albl, Martin C. And Scripture Cannot be Broken: The Form and Function of the Early Christian Testimonia Collections. NovTSup 96. Leiden: Brill, 1999. Baer, David A. When We All Go Home: Translation and Theology in LXX Isaiah 56 – 66. LHBOTS 318. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. Baumgarten, Joseph. “Scripture and Law in 4Q265.” Pages 25 – 33 in Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Edited by Michael E. Stone and Eshter G. Chazon. Leiden 1998. Baumgarten, Joseph, ed. “4Q265. 4QMiscellaneous Rules.” Pages 57 – 78 in Qumran Cave 4. XXV: Halakhic Texts. Edited by Joseph Baumgarten et al. DJD 35. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999. Baumgarten, Joseph, and Lidija Novakovic, eds. “Miscellaneous Rules (4Q265).” Pages 253 – 269 in Damascus Document II, Some Works of the Torah and Related Documents. Edited by James H. Charlesworth et al. PTSDSSP 3. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. Begg, Christopher T. “Yom Kippur in Josephus.” Pages 97 – 120 in: The Day of Atonement: Its Interpretations in Early Jewish and Christian Traditions. Edited by Thomas Hieke and Tobias Nicklas. TBN 15. Leiden: Brill, 2012. Bickerman, Elias J. The Jews in the Greek Age. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1988. Black, Matthew, and Albert Marie Denis. Apocalypsis Henochi Graece. Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti Graece 3. Leiden: Brill, 1970. Blondheim, David Simon. Les parlers Judéo-Romans et la Vetus Latina. Étude sur les rapports entre les traductions bibliques en langue romane des Juifs au Moyen Âge et les anciennes versions. Paris: E. Champion, 1925. Charles, Robert Henry. The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch. Translated from the Editor’s Ethiopic Text and Edited with the Introduction, Notes and Indexes of the First Edition Wholly Recast, Enlarged and Rewritten, Together with a Reprint from the Editor’s Text of the Greek Fragments. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1912. Cowley, Arthur Ernest. The Samaritan Liturgy, Vol. II. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1909. Dogniez, Cécile. “Les noms de fêtes dans le Pentateuque grec.” JSJ 37 (2006): 344 – 366. Dumortier, Jean and Arthur Liefooghe, eds. Chrysostom. Commentaire sur Isaïe. SC 304. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1983. Falk, Daniel K. Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls. STDJ 27. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Flusser, David. “Qumran and the Famine during the Reign of Herod.” Israel Museum Journal 6 (1987): 7 – 16. Frankel, Zacharias. Ueber den Einfluss der palästinischen Exegese auf die alexandrinische Hermeneutik. Leipzig: J.A. Barth, 1851. Fraser, Peter M. Ptolemaic Alexandria, Vol. I. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972.

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Goshen-Gottstein, Moshe H., ed. The Book of Isaiah. Hebrew University Bible Project. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1995. Guinot, Jean-Noël, ed. Theodoret. Commentaire sur Isaïe, I. SC 276. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1980. Hacham, Noah. “Communal Fasts in the Judean Desert Scrolls.” Pages 127 – 45 in Historical Perspectives: From the Hasmoneans to Bar Kokhba in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Edited by David M. Goodblatt, Avital Pinnick and Daniel R. Schwartz. Boston: Brill, 2001. Jacobson, Howard. A Commentary on Pseudo-Philo’s Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum, with Latin Text and English Translation. AGJU 31,1 – 2. Leiden: Brill, 1996. van der Kooij, Arie. “The Septuagint of Isaiah.” Pages 63 – 85 in Law, Prophets, and Wisdom. On the Provenance of Translators and their Books in the Septuagint Version. Edited by Johann Cook and Arie van der Kooij. CBET 68. Leuven: Peeters, 2012. van der Kooij, Arie and Florian Wilk. “Erläuterungen zu Jes 1 – 39.” Pages 2505 – 2607 in Septuaginta Deutsch: Erläuterungen und Kommentare zum griechischen Alten Testament, II. Psalmen bis Daniel. Edited by Martin Karrer and Wolfgang Kraus. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2011. Le Déaut, Roger. “La Septante, un Targum?” Pages 147 – 95 in Études sur le Judaïsme hellénistique. Edited by Raymond Kuntzmann and Jacques Schlosser. LD 119. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1984. Leonhardt, Jutta. Jewish Worship in Philo of Alexandria. TSAJ 84. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001. van der Louw, Theo A.W. Transformations in the Septuagint. Towards an Interaction of Septuagint Studies and Translation Studies. CBET 47. Leuven: Peeters, 2007. Milik, Józef T. Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea. SBT 26. London: A.R. Allenson, 1959. Milik, Józef T. and Matthew Black. The Books of Enoch. Aramaic Fragments of Qumrân Cave 4. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976. Nickelsburg, George W.E. “Apocalyptic and Myth in 1 Enoch 6 – 11.” JBL 96 (1977): 383 – 405. Nickelsburg, George W.E. 1 Enoch 1: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch. Chapters 1 – 36, 81 – 108. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001. Nickelsburg, George W.E. and James C. VanderKam. 1 Enoch 2: A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch. Chapters 37 – 82. Hermeneia. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2012. Noy, David, Alexander Panayotov, and Hanswulf Bloedhorn, eds. Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis, I: Eastern Europe. TSAJ 101. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004. Ottley, Richard R. The Book of Isaiah According to the Septuagint (Codex Alexandrinus), II: Text and Notes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1906. Pouderon, Bernard, and Marie-Joseph Pierre, eds. Aristides: Apologie. SC 470. Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 2003. Sanders, E.P. Paul and Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion. Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1977. Seeberg, Reinhold. Der Apologet Aristides: Der Text seiner uns erhaltenen Schriften nebst einleitenden Untersuchungen über Dieselben. Erlangen: A. Deichert, 1894. Seeligmann, Isaac Leo. The Septuagint Version of Isaiah. A Discussion of Its Problems. Mededelingen en Verhandelingen No 9 van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap “Ex Oriente Lux.” Leiden: Brill, 1948.

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Seow, Choon Leong. “Orthography, Textual Criticism, and the Poetry of Job.” JBL 130 (2011): 63 – 85. Skarsaune, Oskar. The Proof From Prophecy. A Study in Justin Martyr’s Proof-Text Tradition. Text-Type, Provenance, Theological Profile. NovTSup 56. Leiden: Brill 1987. Slotki, Judah J. Midrash Rabbah: Numbers. London: Soncino, 1939. Starr, Joshua. The Jews in the Byzantine Empire, 641 – 1204. Athens: Verlag der byzantinisch-neugriechischen Jahrbücher 1939. Stemberger, Günter, Hermann L. Strack, and Markus N.A Bockmuehl. Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash. 2nd ed. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996. Stökl, Daniel. “Yom Kippur in the Apocalyptic Imaginaire and the Roots of Jesus’ High Priesthood. Yom Kippur in Zechariah 3, 1Enoch 10, 11QMelkizedeq, Hebrews and the Apocalypse of Abraham 13.” Pages 349 – 66 in: Transformations of the Inner Self in Ancient Religions. Edited by Jan Assmann and Guy G. Stroumsa. SHR 83. Leiden: Brill, 1999. Stökl Ben Ezra, Daniel. The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity. The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century. WUNT 163. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003. Stuckenbruck, Loren T. The Book of Giants from Qumran. Texts, Translation, and Commentary. TSAJ 63. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997. von Tischendorf, Constantin, and Justin Perkins. Apocalypses apocryphae Mosis, Esdrae, Pauli, Johannis, item Mariae Dormito. Additis evangeliorum et actuum apocryphorum supplementis. Lipsiae: Herman Mendelssohn, 1866. VanderKam, James C. The Book of Jubilees. A Critical Text, II. CSCO. Scriptores Aethiopici 88. Leuven: Peeters, 1989. Wagner, J. Ross. Reading the Sealed Book. Old Greek Isaiah and the Problem of Septuagint Hermeneutics. FAT 88. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013. Walters, Peter (Peter Katz). The Text of the Septuagint. Its Corruptions and Their Emendation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973. Wilk, Florian. “Vision wider Judäa und wider Jerusalem (Jes 1 LXX). Zur Eigenart der Septuaginta-Version des Jesajabuches.” Pages 15 – 35 in: Frühjudentum und Neues Testament im Horizont Biblischer Theologie. Edited by Wolfgang Kraus, Karl-Wilhelm Niebuhr and Lutz Doering. WUNT 162. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003. Williamson, Hugh G.M. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 1 – 27, I: Commentary on Isaiah 1 – 5. London: T&T Clark, 2006. Ziegler, Joseph, ed. Isaias: Septuaginta. Vetus Testamentum graecum auctoritate academiae scientiarum Gottingensis editum 14. 3rd ed. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1983.

Mark W. Elliott

The Book of Isaiah, the Wisdom of Solomon and the Fathers: An Exploration of the Textual History and Concepts 1 The Place of Wisdom of Solomon as Scripture While scholars today see the relationship between Isaiah and the Wisdom of Solomon as a case of a book of a prophetic genre being received by another of a slightly less inspired genre¹, in the modern, but pre-critical era, the direction of flow was seen to go the other way, since Solomon wrote before Isaiah did. In the case of the Church Fathers, questions of historical order were not of such great importance, so it would be more a case of reading the two together whether when ostensibly quoting from Isaiah, or from Wisdom. This reflects a taste for these books as texts written fully by divine inspiration rather than as the expression of the mind of a historical personage, whether Isaiah, Solomon or anyone else. There is an understandable tendency among Catholic exegetes such as Scarpat and Larcher to try to demonstrate the New Testament Nachleben of Wisdom. Just to take one of Larcher’s many examples, v. 2 of Ch. 5 (‘καὶ ἐκστήσονται ἐπὶ τῷ παραδόξῳ τῆς σωτηρίας’) could be an allusion to the Servant song of Isaiah 52:14: ἐκστήσονταιἐπὶ σὲ πολλοί, even if, Larcher admits, one cannot prove influence, and that this image was in turn passed on to the New Testament. There seems to be all sorts of affinity between Wisdom and the NT, even if one cannot prove significant influence. Working from the side of New Testament studies, the importance of Sapientia for the Paul of 1 Corinthians 1– 4 is recognized by most scholars.² As is well known, the Muratorian canon places Wisdom (‘written by the friends of Solomon in his honor, or possibly ‘in honor of Solomon by Philo’) after the letters of John and Jude; just prior to that it mentions that one should accept the Apocalypses of John and Peter (although the latter is disputed for public reading). So Wisdom was at least for a time given a place at the edge

 Of course, there is a question, which is raised in John Barton’s The Oracles of God, as to the extent to which the hard lines of the threefold canon were observed.  For a recent study see Folker Blischke,’Die Sapientia Salomonis und Paulus’, in Karl Wilhelm Niebuhr, ed., Sapientia Salomonis (Weisheit Salomos) (Tübingen : Mohr Siebeck, 2015), 273 – 92. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-009

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of the New Testament canon, and it is a very odd place. Jerome’s view that it was not written by Solomon at all, was affirmed by Rabanus Maurus in the ninth century CE. Yet the greater though related problem is, – and this becomes all too apparent when one investigates the early Christian usage of Wisdom, – that the book was just not taken very seriously at all, whereas Isaiah was. The fact that it was not written in Hebrew and that its provenance and authorship was so uncertain might well have limited its appeal. One does not have to answer the question of canonicity conclusively to be able to conclude that its significance for the early Church in practice was relatively slight.³ With the Church Fathers the move to tighten the canonical boundaries in the latter part of the fourth century merely reinforced what was already the case in practice. Wisdom was not much preached on, even if read.

2 Wisdom and Isaiah As for the Isaiah-Wisdom connections, already early in the twentieth century Goodrick saw at least five clear examples where Wisdom surely had Isaiah LXX open in front of him.⁴ More recently, in his Etudes sur la Sagesse Larcher has argued: “Parmi les livres prophétiques celui d’Isaië est l’une des sources principales de Sag.Il est meme cité implicitement (Is. XLIV, 20) en XV,10a et selon le texte de la LXX (TM différent).”⁵ Moreover, he specifies that there was something about the ‘hopeful’ and comforting Second Isaiah that appealed to the author of Wisdom: true, there is a lot of Isaiah 1– 39 in Wisdom 1, for example, but it is Deutero-Isaiah that really made its mark: “L’influence exercée sur Sag. par la seconde partie d’Is. est plus étendue et plus profonde.”⁶ Wisdom pays particular attention to the question of the immortality of the soul and the sufferings of the Righteous One, ⁷ yet Larcher adds the caveat that Wisdom per-

 “There are no commentaries whatsoever on Esther, Judith, Tobit and the books of Maccabees from the Greek church” (Martin Hengel, Septuagint As Christian Scripture (New York: T&T Clark International, 2004), 69; cf. Origen, De Princ 4:6: the Book of Wisdom is not recognised by all.  Alfred T. S. Goodrick, The Book of Wisdom, Oxford Church Bible Commentary (New York: Macmillan, 1913).  Claude Larcher, E´tudes sur le “Livre de la sagesse,” (Paris: J. Gabalda, 1969), 93.  Ibid., 91.  He names Is.LIX,16 – 17 (Sg. V, 16c – d, 18), Is. LXII, 3 (Sg. V, 16a – b). “Le problem préoccupe surtout ceux qui font deriver d’Is. XL – LXVI la doctrine de l’immortalité énoncée en Sag. Et ceux qui voient dans les Chants du Serviteur (tout spécialement le quatrième: IS. LII, 13-LIII le modele imité en Sg. II, 12– 20, puis en Sg. V,1– 6.)” (ibid., 91).

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haps didn’t really ‘get’ Isaiah and certainly not the LXX’s ‘soteriological version’ of Isaiah 53.⁸ One looks in vain for much use among those great commentators of biblical books, Theodore and Cyril of Alexandria, and hence the amount of WisdomIsaiah combinations is minimal: in the former there are a couple of references to Wisdom 6:6, which warns: ‘For the lowliest one may be pardoned in mercy, but mighty men will be mightily tested.’ (ὁ γὰρ ἐλάχιστος συγγνωστός ἐστιν ἐλέους, δυνατοὶ δὲ δυνατῶς ἐτασθήσονται). Basil has this verse linked with Isaiah 5:22’s ‘your mighty ones’ (οἱ ἰσχύοντες ὑμῶν). ⁹ On inspection one can see this as a favorite verse of Eusebius too, connecting Isaiah 28:23 to Wisdom 6:7, and interpreting as follows: For the Lord of all will not stand in awe of any one, nor show deference to greatness; because he himself made both small and great, and he takes thought for all alike. (οὐ γὰρ ὑποστελεῖται πρόσωπον ὁ πάντων δεσπότης οὐδὲ ἐντραπήσεται μέγεθος, ὅτι μικρὸν καὶ μέγαν αὐτὸς ἐποίησεν ὁμοίως τε προνοεῖ περὶ πάντων, τοῖς δὲ κραταιοῖς ἰσχυρὰ ἐφίσταται ἔρευνα.)¹⁰

In other words, because he is Lord of all he will not shrink from the face and treats the mighty the same and is provident towards all in the same way. Here is a case of a meme that is taken from Wisdom and re-used with a number of different Isaianic verses. In the case of Eusebius, the thinking is clearly negative in the sense of judgement, even though the verse in Isaiah seems intended as an encouragement: “God will not plough forever…” But with help from Wisdom, Eusebius is able to take the prophetic oracle in Isaiah as about clearing the ground of any pretensions to legitimacy, whether pagan or Jewish, the light of the dawning Christian kingdom. The note is one of destruction. However, we encounter a different tone in the interpretation offered by John Cantazucenus when he writes that the reference in Wisdom 6:6 – 7 is to the care with which the Creator watches over his works, but also implies the idea of fore-

 “A notre avis, les chants du Serviteur ne semblent pas avoir été l’objet d’une attention spéciale: l’élément essential de la mission du Serviteur, sa souffrance vicaire pour les multitudes, n’est pas retenu; certains termes caractéristiques de Sg.II, 12– 20 se recontrent seulement dans le texte hébreu d’Is LIII (Le juste, la connaissance).” (ibid., 92.).  PG 30, 417; see also Basil on Isaiah 5,25: Jer 48:10 and also Wis 7:17– 20 (PG 30, 388 – 389). One should look at God’s works, then contemplate: (πλὴν ὅτι πρῶτον δεῖ ἐμβλέψαι τοῖς ἒργοις Κυρίου καὶ τότε εἰς τὸ κατανοῆσαι αὐτὰ προελθεῖν.).  GCS: Eusebius IX, Jesajakommentar (J. Ziegler; Berlin, 1975), 185.

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seeing. ¹¹ Cantazucenus takes the verse to be about the natural and essential things offered to all to the same degree: the air that everyone breathes is breathed equally. However, this does not mean everyone gets the same of everything. Here is a case of the later tradition making something of a fairly positive point about universal providence out of a verse that had been connected to the specifics of salvation history concerning the people of God in Isaiah 28 by the earlier fathers such as Eusebius, and was clearly understood negatively by them. By the Middle Ages, but only by then was Wisdom allowed to be an equal and not just junior partner with other pieces of Scripture and hence its texts were allowed to speak for themselves.

3 The Righteous One Now, the obvious candidate for a place where the two books might connect at least thematically would be Wis 2:12– 20, 4:10 – 19 and 5:1– 8, about the righteous man, which sounds (Deutero‐)Isaianic and Wis 5:15 – 20, which is about the righteous in the plural, not least with its image of the Lord armng himself for the fight.¹² Indeed Wisdom 2:12– 20 sounds so much like a meditation on the servant-passion of Christ that Grotius thought it likely to be a Christian interpolation. A martyrological interpretation is offered by the Martyrdom of Polycarp 14,1; 15,2, which uses 3:6 ‘like gold in the furnace he tried them, and like a sacrificial burnt offering he accepted them: ὡς χρυσὸν ἐν χωνευτηρίῳ ἐδοκίμασεν αὐτοὺς καὶ ὡς ὁλοκάρπωμα θυσίας προσεδέξατο αὐτούς). Likewise Wisdom 3:1 ‘the souls of the righteous are in the hands of God’ leads John Chrysostom to quote ‘hands which unfolded the heavens spread the seas (Is 44:24)…but he also gave us the

 Larcher Le Livre de la Sagesse ou la Sagesse de Salomon (Paris: Gabalda, 1983), II,411: ‘il designe par consequent la solicitude avec laquelle le Créateur veille sur ses oeuvres, mais il implique aussi l’idée de prévoyance (cf. Lidd.-Sc. II,1); cf. Ps 103,27– 30; Jb 10,12. “Aussi Cant,songe aux seuls biens naturels essentiels, offerts à toutous et au meme titre: ‘l’air que chacun respire également, la possibilité de fouler l’eau et la terre, de regarder le ciel…les réalités qui suffisent à nos besoins, tout cela est réparti egalement pour tous et offert pareillement à l’usage de tous… mais encore avec les mêmes exigencies et le même souci de justice.” (Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I q.20, 3, ad1: non quia aequalia bona sua cura omnibus dispenset, sed quia ex aequali sapientia et bonitate omnia administret.”).  M. Jack Suggs, “Wisdom of Solomon 2,10 – 15; A Homily Based on the fourth servant song,” JBL 76 (1957): 26 – 33, 29.

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relics of the holy martyrs.¹³ However, these two references to the martyrs and their memory are rare and exceptional. However, there is good evidence that Vetus Latina of Sapientia is as early as the end of the second century CE; and there is evidence that it was often considered by the Latin church of that era as the fourth of the five Wisdom books.¹⁴ Accordingly, in the mid-century the book is cited first in row of testimonies, and hence used more as of prophetic genre, from the mid-third century Carthaginian Cyprian’s Testimonia ad Quirinium under the heading: That he himself was righteous, whom the Jews would kill. The verse is considered simply as a prophecy of Christ, the righteous one, who would claim knowledge of God, even call himself son of God. It is immediately followed by Isaiah 57:1– 2,¹⁵ and then by Isaiah 53:7– 9.¹⁶ This provides the best example of an identification of the figure in Wisdom 2 with that of Isaiah 53. Justus is the catchword in Cyprian’s Testimonia: Lactantius in Divine Institutes IV,16 is similar to Cyprian in this regard. In his Stromateis VI,110 Clement of Alexandria quotes two passages and prefaces them with very brief comments of his own: Solomon called ‘wise’ the gnostic concerning his wondering at the worthiness of his abode and said the following: ‘they will see the end of the wise man and did not consider what the Lord had decreed about him to keep him safe.’ (Wis 4:17) (Αὐτίκα ὁ Σολομὼν σοφὸν καλῶν τὸν γνωστικὸν περὶ τῶν θαυμαζόντων αὐτοῦ τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς μονῆς τάδε φησιν: ὄψονται γὰρ τελευτὴν σοφοῦ καὶ οὐ νοήσουσιν τί ἐβουλεύσατο περὶ αὐτοῦ καὶ εἰς τί ἠσφαλίσατο αὐτὸν ὁ κύριος.) And concerning his glory they said: ‘He was whom we held in derision and as an example of dishonor – how foolish we were. We reckoned his life to be madness and his end to be worthless. How has he been numbered among the sons of God and his inheritance among the saints.’ (Ἐπί τε τῆς δόξης ἐροῦσιν αὐτοῦ. Οὗτος ἦν, ὃν ἔσχομέν ποτε εἰς γέλωτα καὶ εἰς παραβολὴν ὀνειδισμοῦ οἱ ἄφρονες·φτὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐλογισάμεθα μανίαν

 John Chrysostom, Baptismal Instructions 7.1, Ancient Christian Writers (1962, trans. Paul W. Harkins, 105).  See Claude Larcher, Le Livre de la Sagesse, I, 60. W. Thiel, Introduction, Vetus Latina: Sapientia Salomonis (Freiburg: Herder, 1977).  ῎Ιδετε ὡς ὁ δίκαιος ἀπώλετο, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐκδέχεται τῇ καρδίᾳ, καὶ ἄνδρες δίκαιοι αἴρονται, καὶ οὐδεὶς κατανοεῖ. ἀπὸ γὰρ προσώπου ἀδικίας ἦρται ὁ δίκαιος· 2ἔσται ἐν εἰρήνῃ ἡ ταφὴ αὐτοῦ, ἦρται ἐκ τοῦ μέσου.  CCL 3,2,XIII p47– 8: QUOD IPSE SIT IUSTUS, QUEM IUDAEI OCCISURI ESSENT. Promittit scientiam Dei se habere et filium Dei se nominat (Wis 2:13). Item apud Esaia: Videte, quomodo iustus perit, et nemo intellegit, et viri iusti tolluntur, et nemo recognoscit. A facie enim iniustitiae sublatus est iustus, erit in pace sepultura eius. (Is 57.1.2), XV QUOD IPSE DICTIS SIT OVIS ET AGNUS, QUI OCCIDI HABERET, ET DE SACRAMENTO PASSIONIS (Is 53,7– 9) Cyprian sees Chapter 5 of Wisdom as speaking about Enoch (On Mortality 23); see; Saint Cyprian: Treatises, trans., ed. Roy J. Deferrari, Fathers of the Church (Washington, D.C.: CUA Press, 1958), 218.

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καὶ τὴν τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ ἄτιμον. πῶς κατελογίσθη ἐν υἱοῖς θεοῦ καὶ ἐν ἁγίοις ὁ κλῆρος αὐτοῦ ἐστιν;) (Wis 5:3 – 5) ¹⁷

Now, if Isaiah 53 seems in the background here, not much is made of it. For Clement continues over the next few pages to declare that not only the pistos but also the ethnikos will be judged justly. God gave such people philosophy and gave them moon and stars to worship, but they went over to graven idols (Deut 4:16 – 19), whereas the idea was that they should go up to God through contemplation of heavenly bodies. There is an advantage to being taught by the law, in that it is more sober and less risky. Yet God did intend the pagans to come to know him through heavenly creation. Perhaps part of the issue is that while we might again have expected Isaiah, perhaps this time Isaiah 44 on graven images here, Clement is not a great user of Isaiah! At Stromateis VI,110,2 [SC 446, 280], Wis 5:3 – 5 is contrasted with pagan idolatry and at 111,1 [282] there is a reference to Is 40:15; but even then not much is made of it. Part of the issue is that Isaiah is largely about salvation history of the Exile and New Exodus with some appeal to creation in its theology, whereas Wisdom is largely about creation and anthropology with a large coda about the original Exodus. Clement is more interested in the latter, and in Christians becoming Solomon-style true gnostics, and he does not feel he has to read the first gnoseological part of Wisdom in light of the salvation-historical second part. Augustine makes a connection between Wisdom and Isaiah in his Enarrationes. He quotes Wisdom 1:9 (ἐν γὰρ διαβουλίοις ἀσεβοῦς ἐξέτασις ἔσται, λόγων δὲ αὐτοῦ ἀκοὴ πρὸς κύριον ἥξει εἰς ἔλεγχον ἀνομημάτων αὐτοῦ) – “And what does the written law call out to thοse who have distanced themselves from the law impressed on their hearts? “Transgressors, return to your hearts” (Is 46:8 Vg)”¹⁸, thus making a connection, or rather reinforcing the wisdom with the prophetic psalm. Bonnardière’s article¹⁹ helpfully serves to contrast Augustine with his African predecessors such as Cyprian. For all the volume of his writing, only in the City of God (XVII, 20 (10)) is the passage Wisdom 2:12– 21 quoted in its entirety, but the section of vv. 18 – 21 is used concerning the Jews of Jesus’ time in Contra Faustum XII,44 (CSEL 25,373), and in the Enarrationes in Psalmos texts from

 Clément d’Alexandrie, Les Stromates, Sources Chrétiennes 446 (Paris: Cerf, 2010), 280.  Augustine, Enarratio in Ps 57, I; CCSL 39, 708.  Anne-Marie La Bonnardiere, “Le Juste défié par les impies (Sp. 2,12– 21) dans la tradition patristique africaine,” in Michel Aubineau (éd.), La Bible et les Peres, Colloque de Strasbourg (1er-3 octobre 1969) (Paris 1971), 161– 86, 169,172– 81. Also, François de Blachère, “Saint Augustin. Commentaire d’un verset du livre de la Sagesse,” REAug 1 (1902): 409 – 21.

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this passage in Wisdom are mentioned in four places (on Pss 63,3; 48,10b-11a; Ps 56 title, Ps 21,5 – 6), and also in Epistula 140,7; the same ‘Jews versus Jesus’ refrain is consistent throughout. Yet this has less to do with Christ himself than the theme of the Christian life, in keeping with the Enarrationes general ‘ecclesiological’ (rather than christological) theme. Augustine’s message is that it is not temporal but spiritual success that Christ promises: ‘the Jews’ expected a conquering Messiah to prove himself. In terms of the text of Wisdom it is not until the City of God passage that Augustine aligns with the Vulgate, switching from verus filius Dei to iustus filius Dei in Wisdom 2:12 ²⁰ Ambrose cited only Wisdom 2:12 and did so six times (cf. Hilary once, Jerome once), in contrast to much more frequent North African use. Bonnardière gives a few more examples from North African Christianity to help conclude there is a unity of theme, even if in a number of linguistic variations.²¹ Augustine’s use was more in the context of preaching for edification on a well-known liturgical text than for controversial polemic. All, Augustine included, are careful not to mix the mishandled righteous person of Wisdom with the suffering servant of Isaiah 52– 52.²² Yet, as we have seen (above), Cyprian was happy to include Wisdom 2:12 in his testimonies of Christ’s passion. It is therefore not quite true to conclude that the Ps-Cyprianic De Montibus Sina et Sion is the only text prior to Augustine to have made this connection: “la Sagesse prophétise l’épreuve de force tentée sur le Christ par les juifs.”²³

4 Other Connections between Wisdom and Isaiah Origen is ready to link Wisdom 7:25,²⁴ a favorite of his, with Isaiah 6:13, in order to confirm that one’s spiritual fate is not predetermined. According to Isaiah, the people’s heart is thickened such that they cannot see. However, that was particular to the stubborn Israelites of Isaiah’s time. The more general rule is given by

 La Bonnardiere, ibid., 172: “L’hypothèse d’une lecture liturgique du chapître second de la Sagesse à l’occasion de la Passion nous paraît donc probable.”  “…indice de la multiplicité des vieilles latines” (ibid., 181).  Ibid., 180 – 81; cf. Pascal, Pensees 306 – 763: “Les juifs en éprovant s’il était Dieu, ont montré qu’il était home.”  Mt 27 is alluded to here as well as Ps 105:14:’et temptaverunt Dominum in loco inaquoso’ (Ps 105,14) (Bonnardière. ‘Le juste’, 177, n2.).  Cf. Marguerite Harl, Origène et la function révélatrice du Verbe incarné (Paris: Éd. du Seuil, 1958), 112– 5.

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the verse from Wisdom: the Spirit, according to Wisdom, offers a ‘thinning’ of the heart, since the Spirit is as not only once-born and mobile but also ‘thin’ (tenuis), and since the righteous person would receive the subtle sprit, the instruction is that ‘we’ should lay down our thickness and put on that thinness.²⁵ In other words, make the most of the Spirit’s provision lest one end up like the hardened and thickened Israelites. However, there is no hardening of human hearts by nature. In his fourth discourse of the Banquet, ²⁶ Methodius of Olympus brings in Wisdom 4:2b (“and throughout all time it [Wisdom] marches crowned in triumph, victor in the contest for prizes that are undefiled”: καὶ ἐν τῷ αἰῶνι στεφανηφοροῦσα πομπεύει τὸν τῶν ἀμιάντων ἄθλων ἀγῶνα νικήσασα.) Wisdom the book he refers to as ‘all-virtuous’ (καὶ ἐω τῇ παναρέτῳ δὲ Σοφίᾳ). The Wisdom verse is followed by a reference to Isaiah 60:1 (Φωτίζου φωτίζου, Ιερουσαλημ, ἥκει γάρ σου τὸ φῶς, καὶ ἡ δόξα κυρίου ἐπὶ σὲ ἀνατέταλκεν), which speaks of Jerusalem, followed by an interpretation, with allusion to Psalm 136:5, that this ‘Jerusalem’ means the ‘untouched souls’ (ἀπήμονας ψυχὰς) ‘learning to be virgins, in order to present themselves for Christ’. Yet it seems to have been the phrase ‘crowned in triumph’ from Wisdom 4:2 that has led him think of and introduce Isaiah 61 here, and he has quite overlooked Wisdom 5:16 (“Therefore they will receive a glorious crown and a beautiful diadem from the hand of the Lord”: διὰ τοῦτο λήμψονται τὸ βασίλειον τῆς εὐπρεπείας καὶ τὸ διάδημα τοῦ κάλλους ἐκ χειρὸς κυρίου), where the bridal imagery, that is what the Banquet is all about, is mentioned. In his rush to get to the Isaianic passage, this seems a bit like a missed opportunity. Yet perhaps there is something rather individualist about Wisdom 5:16, in contrast to the more ecclesial Isaianic passage. Methodius’ whole Tendenz was for the churchly hermeneutic, against any Origenian emphasis on pre-existent pilgrim souls. In the Byzantine era two commentaries on Wisdom, by Malachias Monachus and Matthew Cantacuzenus (already seen above his interpretation of Wis 6:6 – 7) stand out, and have been paid some attention to by Larcher at numerous points in his commentary. For instance, on Wisdom 3:3 in both commentaries Isaiah

 Origenes, Hom in Isaiam (Lat.), GCS (ed., Baehrens 1925), 275 – 6: Quae autem causa est audientem “non intelligere et videre et videntem non videre”? “Incrassatum est” inquit “cor populi huius.” Dicitur enim de “sancto Spiritu”, qui est secundum “sapientiam”, quia sit “unigenitus, tenuis, mobilis” et quia iustus hunc accipiat “subtilem spiritum”; differt quippe his “spiritus” ab “omnibus spiritibus intellectualibus, mundis, subtilibus”… deponamus nos crassitudinem et adsumamus eam…tenuitatem.  Méthode d’Olympe, Le banquet, éd. Herbert Musurillo, trad. Victor-Henry Debidour, Sources Chrétiennes 95 (Paris: Cerf, 1963), 136.

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51:19 is brought in to gloss the link word σύντριμμα. Whereas Cantacuzenus glosses that word in terms of “complete disappearance” and calls in the image of irreparable breakage of a vessel, Malachias, Larcher tells us, thinks more specifically and ‘theologically’ in terms of post-mortem dissolution of evildoers into nothingness.²⁷ However, beyond these commentaries there are some other honourable mentions: Nicephorus of Constantinople mentioned Wisdom 1:1a in his letter to Emperor Leo III (PG 100, 189) and this links to Isaiah 51:16 with its idea of divine protection²⁸. As one looks at the Western Middle Ages, generally speaking even the famous Rabanus Maurus commentary seems a thin and half-hearted affair. In Chapters 2– 6 its themes are the opposition of Jews and heretics, with the observation that the cross was a bad thing until the death of Christ, at which point it became glorious. It seems that it is not until the later middle ages that the Wisdom of Solomon came back into its own, not least from the point of the Council of Florence-Ferrarra (1439), which established it as canonical, not least due to the interest for it in Byzantium; and this would be given a further boost at Trent in 1546. One could also mention the christological interpretation found in the later medieval liturgical use of 2:10 – 20. In Robert Holcot’s commentary of the mid-14th century the Book is about ‘everyman’: “He takes every opportunity to provide a moralizing spin on a particular verse or set of verses.”²⁹ Just prior to that (c.1300), Meister Eckhart had interpreted ‘the hands of God’ in 3:1 to mean that God would reward just action even as he gives them grace through being in Him.³⁰ Something similar is repeated at more length on Wisdom 5, but there is scant attention to the figure of the righteous one, much less any correspondence to Isaiah – apart from a mention of one’s identity sprouting in and through the rod of Jesse (Is 11:1), which is the love that comes forth with the begetting of the Eternal Son. In the Early Modern era, even before the Enlightenment the figure of the righteous one becomes seen mostly about an ideal human figure. The prevalent Christian interpretation is not ‘Messianic’ but is more about past, present and future “righteous ones”: as Larcher puts it, it’s more like the figure of Isaiah 57:1– 2

 Larcher, Le livre de la Sagesse I, 277: “Cant. le glose par pantelès aphaneia et y retrouve l’image de vases brisés de façon irreparable tandis que Mal. pense à la dissolution qui suit la mort et tend vers la néant.”  Ibid., 275.  John T. Slotemaker and Jeffrey C. Witt, Robert Holcot, Great Medieval Thinkers (New York: OUP, 2016), 165.  See also Gabriel Théry “Le commentaire de Maître Eckhart sur le livre de la sagesse,” AHDL 3 (1928/9): 321– 443; 4 (1929/30), 233 – 394.

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or Psalm 21 than that of Isaiah 53. So when one reads: ῎Ιδετε ὡς ὁ δίκαιος ἀπώλετο, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐκδέχεται τῇ καρδίᾳ, καὶ ἄνδρες δίκαιοι αἴρονται, καὶ οὐδεὶς κατανοεῖ. ἀπὸ γὰρ προσώπου ἀδικίας ἦρται ὁ δίκαιος· ἔσται ἐν εἰρήνῃ ἡ ταφὴ αὐτοῦ, ἦρται ἐκ τοῦ μέσου, here is the ideal type of true righteousness who will gain immortality rather than the representative Suffering Servant (Is 53).³¹

5 Conclusion In conclusion, one can affirm that when and where Wisdom was appreciated in the Church, it was where it was seen to belong to a genre that was not to easily to be associated with that of prophecy and salvation history. This meant that it quite often became ignored, but also that where it did appear, it was taken seriously as a work that had something of its own to affirm.

Bibliography Blachère François de. “Saint Augustin. Commentaire d’un verset du livre de la Sagesse.” REAug 1 (1902): 409 – 21. Blischke, Folker. “Die Sapientia Salomonis und Paulus.” Pages 273 – 92 in Sapientia Salomonis (Weisheit Salomos). Edited by Karl Wilhelm Niebuhr. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2015. Chrysostom, John. Baptismal Instructions 7.1. Tr. Paul W. Harkins. Ancient Christian Writers 105. New York: Paulist Presss, 1962. Clément d’Alexandrie. Les Stromates, Sources Chrétiennes 446; Paris: Cerf, 2010. Cyprian, Saint. Treatises. Trans., ed. Roy J. Deferrari. Fathers of the Church; Washington, D.C.: CUA Press, 1958. Goodrick, Alfred T. S. The Book of Wisdom. Oxford Church Bible Commentary; New York: Macmillan, 1913. Harl, Marguerite. Origène et la function révélatrice du Verbe incarné. Paris: Éd. du Seuil, 1958. Hengel, Martin. Septuagint As Christian Scripture. New York: T&T Clark International, 2004.

 Larcher, Le livre de la Sagesse, I, 262: “Enfin cette description ne s’oriente pas, en profondeur, vers le messianisme traditionnel: seul le theme d’une fiiation divine priviligiée est repri, mais son application à tous les justes ets impliquée par le sens littéral…C’est plutôt avec le juste d’Is LVII,1 et surtout avec le juste souffrant du Ps XXI que celui de Sg.II,12– 20 tend à s’identifier. S’il apparaît comme l’incarnation idéale et typique de la vraie justice qui obtient l’immortalité, il n’est pas le représentant attire d’une collectivité, encore moins celui de l’humanité tout entire.”

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La Bonnardiere, Anne-Marie. “Le Juste défié par les impies (Sp. 2,12 – 21) dans la tradition patristique africaine.” Pages 161 – 86 in La Bible et les Peres, Colloque de Strasbourg (1er-3 octobre 1969). Edited by Michel Aubineau. Paris: P.U.F., 1971. Larcher, Claude. E´tudes sur le “Livre de la sagesse”. Paris: J. Gabalda, 1969. Larcher, Claude. Le Livre de la Sagesse ou la Sagesse de Salomon. Paris: Gabalda, 1983. Méthode d’Olympe, Le banquet. Ed. Herbert Musurillo, tr. Victor-Henry Debidour. Sources Chrétiennes 95; Paris: Cerf, 1963. Slotemaker John T. and Witt, Jeffrey C. Robert Holcot. New York: OUP, 2016. Suggs, M. Jack. “Wisdom of Solomon 2,10 – 15; A Homily Based on the fourth servant song.” JBL 76 (1957): 26 – 33. Théry Gabriel. “Le commentaire de Maître Eckhart sur le livre de la sagesse.” AHDL 3 (1928/9), 321 – 443; 4 (1929/30), 233 – 394. Thiel, Walter. “Introduction.” Vetus Latina: Sapientia Salomonis. Freiburg: Herder, 1977.

List of Contributors Kristin De Troyer is Professor of Old Testament / Hebrew Bible at the University of Salzburg, Austria. Mark S. Elliott is Professor of Historical and Biblical Theology at the University of St Andrews, Scotland, UK. Lisbeth S. Fried is Professor of Hebrew Bible at the University of Michigan, USA. J. Todd Hibbard is Associate Professor of Religious Studies at the University of Detroit, Mercy, USA. Jill Middlemas is Research Associate at the University of Zürich, Switzerland. Edward J. Mills III is Adjunct Professor of Religion at Tusculum College, XXX; USA. Barbara Schmitz is Professor of Old Testament at the University of Würzburg, Germany. Marvin A. Sweeney is Professor of Hebrew Bible at the Claremont School of Theology, California, and Professor of Tanak at the Academy for Jewish Religion California, USA. J. Ross Wagner is Associate Professor of new Testament at Duke University, USA. Archibald L.H.M. van Wieringen is Professor of Old Testament at Tilburg University, the Netherlands.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110600520-010

Indices I.

Thematic Index:

City 17 – 35 – Jerusalem 28 – 31 – Zion 24 – 28, 77 – 80

Qumran

Great Day

Temple

Inspiration

91 – 111 113 – 123

King, kingship

85 – 86

Resurrection/Judgement of the Dead

61,62

67 – 90

Violence 37 – 50 – Striking 38 – 41

6 – 15, 23 – 24, 58 – 61 Yom Kippur

91, 111

Messiah 51 – 65 – Messianic Age 62 – 64

II.

Index of Authors

Asurmendi 208, 2424 Adams 2631 Albl 10141 Aquinas 11611 Baer 927 Baker 699, 7629 Bampfylde 542 Bartlett 64, 1118 Barton 1131 Bauckham 6912 Baumgarten 9829, 99, 9930-32 Beentjes 2841 Begg 10352 Berges 1016, 409 Bergey 4734 Beuken 396 Bickerman 8140, 10556 Blachère see: de Blachère Black 9722 Blenkinsopp 4010, 4012, 4423, 511, 588 Blischke 1132 Blondheim 9620 Bonnardiere see: Le Bonnardiere Bons 4321 Brooke 671, 8549, 8651-52 Brueggemann 371

Calduch-Benages 2421, 22, 2530, 2533, 2738, 2840 Charles 9724 Charlesworth 9829 Childs 511 Clements 69, 699 Coetzee 686 Collins 371, 577, 5911, 6113, 672, 8139-40 Corley 2421, 3050-51 Cowley 9518 Craven 4216, 7321 Day 7016, 8245, 8653 Déaut see: Le Déaut de Blachère 11819 Denis 9722 deSilva 682 de Vos see: Vos Dogniez 10141 Dombkowski 4422 Doran 1120, 2111, 4629, 4732, 686 Dubarle 4219 Efthlmiadis 194, 2947 Elliott 3, 113 – 123 Egger-Wenzel 2945, 2948

128

Indices

Engel 196 Erho 542 Falk 107, 10762 Fischer 1118, 2631 Fitzmeyer 7526, 7933 Flusser 7932, 10243 Focant 555 Frankel 91, 9517 Fraser 95115 Fried 2, 51 – 65 Gärtner 3154-55 Gertz 4115 Gill 4321 Goldstein 5, 52, 64, 1119, 1120, 1221, 1424, 4524-25, 4627 Goodman 6911 Goodrick 114, 1144 Goschen-Gottstein 913 Green 51 Greenfield 542 Gregory 2213, 7628, 8037 Gruen 7015 Guinot 9411, 10129 Hacham 10243 Haran 673 Harl 11924 Hayward 673, 687, 8034, 8654 Hengel 1143 Henten, van 4733, 7423 Hibbard 2, 37 – 50 Hieke 3152 Hobyane 3050, 3152 Jacobson 10765 Joosten 4220 Jordaan 686 Juhl-Christansen 7424 8

Kaiser 58 Katz see Walters Kesler 4734 Knibb 69, 698, 8035-36 Kooij, van der, 913-4

La Bonnardiere 118, 11819, 119, 11920 Lacocque 2948 Larcher 113, 11611, 11714, 121, 12127-28, 12231 Le Déaut 913, 9517 Leonhardt 9934 Levenson 8245 Levine 7017, 74, 7433, 7525, 7627 Levine Gera 207, 2844, 2948, 3050, 4216 Louw, van der, 9619 Mandolfo 51 Marttila 209, 2636 McDowell 7321, 8244 Meyer 2631 Metzger 684 Middlemas 2, 67 – 90 Milik 9721, 9829 Mills, E. 2, 51 – 65 Mills, L. 4217 Moore 1120, 4216, 4220, 4422, 7017, 7220, 7526, 7931, 8139, 8245, 8653, Mittmann Richert 2421 Mukenge 2525, 2631, 2635, 2737 Navarro Puerto 195 Newsom 51 Newsome 672, 8139 Nickelsburg 542, 543, 6012, 7017, 7831, 8346, 9721, 22, 9826 Nicklas 2318 Nidditch 371 Novakovic 9829 O′Brien 37a Ottley 10139 Perkins 9725 Pierre 9619 Ponderon 9619 Rakel 4220 Raup Johnson 7014 Reinhartz 8243 Reiterer 3152 Roberts 398 Roddy 2842, 3050

Indices

Römer 371 Roitman 3152. 4321, 7119 Scarpat 113 Schiffman 1120 Schmidt 566 Schmitz 196, 2110, 2212, 3154-55, 4218, 4220, 4321, 7119 Schwartz 4630-31, 4734 Seeberg 9619 Seeligmann 913, 10037 Seitz 511, 588 Seow 10867 Siebert 371 Simian-Yofre 2738 Skarsaune 10139, 10241 Slotemaker 121 Soll 7630 Sommer 51 Stari 9620 Steck 2530 Stemberger 9518 Stern 66 Stiehl 6910 Stökl ben Ezra 9517, 9619, 9621, 9722, 9827, 9934, 10035, 101, 10140, 102, 10242, 10244, 10349, 10660, 107 Stone 544, 672 Stuckenbruck 9721 Suggs 11612 Sweeney 1, 3 – 16, 395, 4013 Tedesch 11 Thery 12130 Thiel 11714

1.

9725

Vanderkam 543, 6012, 9826 Van der Kooij see: Kooij Van der Louw see: Louw Van der Woude see: Woude Van Wieringen see: Wieringen Venter 3152, 7119, 7220 Vermez 8650 Venter 3152, 7119, 7220 Vialle 4321 Voitila 7220 Von Tischendorf, see Tischendorf Vos, de, 2420 Wagner 2, 3, 91 – 111 Walters 9412 Watts 511, 588 White Crawford 7423 Wieringen, van 1, 17 – 35 Wilk 913, 10138 Williams 1120 Williamson 395. 511, 10766 Wills 6910 Wise 8651 Woude, van der, 172 Xeravits

2531, 2844

Zeitlin 1120 Ziegler 912 Zsengèller 2, 2111, 2843, 2947, 685, 686

20

III.

Tischendorf, von Troxel 2213, 17 Tull 51, 384

Biblical Sources Canonical and Deuterocanonical

Genesis 34

42

Exod us 23:22

47

Leviticus 16 23:1 – 37 27 – 29 29:7

102, 105 94 102 102

129

130

Indices

Numbers 25:6 – 15

14

Deuteronomy 28:54 32

27 47

Judges 2:11 – 15 4–5 6

43 42 46

Ezra 1–6 3:1 – 6 4:1 – 4

70 73 73

Esther

69, 81 – 86, 87

Psalms 21 21:5 – 6 48:10 – 11 56 63:3

122 119 119 119 119

Isaiah 1 – 33 1 – 39 1:4 1:5 1:5 – 6 1:10 1:11 – 15 1:13 1:14 1:14 – 15 1:15 1:16 – 17 2–4 2:2 – 5 5 – 12 5.1 – 7 5:8 – 30 5:25 6:1 6:13

8,9 7, 40, 114 39 38 39 108 92 – 93, 107, 108 91 – 111 105 104 – 105 106, 107 108 8 17, 19, 30 8 43, 44 43 39 17, 29 119

7–9 7:1 7:1 – 17 7:2 7:3 7:4 7:7 7:12 7:15 9:6 9:6 – 7 9:7 – 10:34 9:12 10:5 – 19 10:20 – 27 11 – 12 11 11:1 – 5 11:2 12 13 – 14 13 14:3 – 21 14:4 – 21 14:6 14:11 14:13 22:9 23:15 – 18 25:10 26:1 26:13 – 14, 19 27:2 – 7 27:7 28 – 33 28:23 30 30:13 30:26 30:31 34 – 66 34 – 35 34:5, 6, 9 36 – 39 36 – 38 36 – 37 36:2

7, 9 29 28 – 31 29 29 18, 30 30 29 23 26 56, 64 8 39 42 39 8 59, 62 – 63 58 23 18 19, 51 – 53 56 22 43 22 22, 23 22 18 18 19 17 61 44 40 9 115 40 17 40, 41 39 7, 9 7, 7 19 8, 40 17 17, 30 18

Indices

37 37:15 37:20 37:21 37:22 37:22 – 29 37:36 – 38 37:38 38:2 40 – 66 40 – 55 40 40:4 40:5 40:9 40:12 40:12 – 31 41:1 – 42:13 41:1 – 8 41:12 – 42:13 42:6 42:7 42:14 – 44:23 43:5 44:20 44:23 – 48:22 44:24 47:1 47:8 49:1 – 54:17 49:6 49:14 – 15 49:18 50:1 51:4 51:17 52:10 53 54:1 54:4 55 57:1 – 2 57:17 57:17 58:3 59:12 60:1

23, 40, 46 43 30 43 18, 28 42 40, 44 22, 23, 44 43 26, 27 10 8 25 25 27 22 10 10 56 10 60 57 10 86 114 10 116 18, 19, 27 18, 24, 27 10 60 18 26 18 60 27 25 121 – 122 18 18 10, 15 121 40 40 103 20, 21 120

131

60:3 60:10 61:3, 6 62:2, 12 63:1 63:1 – 6 66:1 66:1 – 2 66:13 66:24

25 40 25, 26 25 19 43 14 17 18 31

Jeremiah 33:14 – 26

14, 15

Ezechiel 12:10; 13:5

53

Daniel 3:29

20, 21

Joel 1:15 2:1 – 3

53 53

Amos 5:18 – 20

53

Zephaniah 1:4 – 7

53

Tobit

69, 75 – 80, 86 – 87

Judith

19 – 20, 28_31, 42 – 45, 69, 70 – 75 29 29 29 28 28 21 28 29 28 30 28 29 30

1:7, 11 2:1, 4 4:1 4:6 4:6 – 7 6:2 – 3 7 8:9 9:1 13:11 15:5 15:8 16:2

132

Indices

16:17 16:25 16:18 – 20

31 30 29

Wisdom of Solomon 23, 113 – 122 7:9 23 Sirach 39:6

23 23

Baruch 4:9 – 29

20 24 – 25

Daniel Additions

20 – 21

1 Maccabees 2:23 – 26 7:48 – 49

10 – 13, 95 14 95

2Maccabees 5:17 5.19 9 9:4, 5, 7, 14, 9 9:23 10:1 – 9

21 – 23, 45 – 47 21 21, 27 21, 22, 23 22 23 21

2.

Apocryphal

2Baruch

61 – 62, 63 – 64

4Esdras 54, 61 – 62 13:1 – 5, 9 – 11, 25 – 26 61 Assumption of Moses 55 Third Sibylline Oracle 57

3.

New Testament

Mark 13:24 – 27

55

John

113

1Corinthians 1–4

113

Jude

113

4.

New Testament Apocrypha

Apocalypse of John and Peter 113

5.

Other Jewish Literature

Philo Special Laws

99 – 100

10:5 10:6 45:3 48:2 – 6 54 54:5 62:3 – 5

98 97, 98 62 60 98 98 54

Jubilees 34:19

102

Psalms of Solomon 7, 59, 102

IV. Qumran 1Q28b 1Q34 2+1, 6 1QpHab XI 6 – 8 1QpHab XI 7 – 8 4Q251 1, 6 4Q265 4Q274 2 I 2 – 3 11QT

V:21 – 27 59 107 101 – 102 99 99 98, 99 98 102

1Enoch 10

61 – 62, 96 – 97 96

Indices

V. Rabbinic Sources b.Ros.Has

VI.

95

Patristic and Medieval Sources

Ambrose 119 Augustinus 119 Chrysostom 116 Clement of Alexandria 96, 117 – 118 Cyprian 117, 118, 119 Cyril of Alexandria 115 Eckhart see Meister Jerome 114, 119

Malachias Monachus 120 – 121 Matthew Cantacuzenus 120 – 121 Meister Eckhart 121 Origen 119 Polycarp 116 Rabanus Maurus 114, 121 Theodore of Alexandria 115

133