The Discovery of Chinese Literature (Wenxue) (Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture) 9819942322, 9789819942329

Table of contents :
Publisher’s Note to “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture Series” (English Edition)
Contents
1 Introduction: East–West Discussions of “Wenxue” Over Time
The Multiple Connotations of “Wenxue”
The Diverse Faces of Literature and History
Reflections on Writing About the History of Chinese Literature
References
2 Chinese Literature and the “Wenxue” of China
The Naming and Nature of “Wenxue”
Examination and Discussion of “Literary Consciousness”
References
3 East-to-East Encounters Between “Wenxue” and “Literature”
“Wenxue” from the East
The Legacy of Missionaries
References
4 Competing Discourses: The Intersection of Chinese and Foreign Concepts of “Wenxue”
Opening Eyes to “Wenxue”
New Knowledge and Old “Wenxue”
Literature Deserves a History of Its Own
References
5 Redefining “Literature”: The Significance of “Literary Revolution” in Cultural History
How Does a “Literary Revolution” Happen?
Towards Modern Times: Redefining “Literature”
References
Conclusion
The Historical Dimension of the Conceptual Study
Bibliography
Terminology
Bibliography

Citation preview

KEY CONCEPTS IN CHINESE THOUGHT AND CULTURE

The Discovery of Chinese Literature (Wenxue) Laiming Yu Translated by Dan Qin

Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture

Editor-in-Chief Wang Fang, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing, China

Associate Editors Siying Zhang, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing, China Lin Wang, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing, China Wen Zhang, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing, China

Editorial Board Florence Chia-ying Yeh, Nankai University, Tinajin, China Qizhi Zhang, Institute of Chinese Thoughts and Culture, Northwest University, Xi’an, Shaanxi, China Yulie Lou, Department of Philosophy, Peking University, Beijing, China Ning Wang, School of Chinese Language and Literature, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, China Zhen Han, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, China Xuejun Yan, Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press, Beijing, China Jixi Yuan, School of Chinese Classics, Renmin University of China, Beijing, China Tingyang Zhao, Institute of Philosophy, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China Keping Wang, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, China Weigui Fang, School of Chinese Language and Literature, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, China Chunqing Li, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, China Jing Zhang, School of Humanities, Communication University of China, Beijing, China Jinglin Li, School of Philosophy, Beijing Normal University, Beijing, China

Published in partnership between FLTRP and Palgrave Macmillan, the Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture offer a unique insight into Chinese culture, defining and contextualizing some of China’s most fundamental and at times complex philosophical concepts. In a concise and reader-friendly manner, these works define a variety of quintessentially Chinese terms such as harmony (hé/和) or association (x¯ıng/兴) – and examine how they first appeared and developed in Chinese culture, the impact they had on Chinese thought and why they continue to have significant meaning in China today. At a time when the understanding of different histories, languages and cultures globally is at a premium, this series provides a valuable roadmap to the concepts which underpin 21st century Chinese society.

Laiming Yu

The Discovery of Chinese Literature (Wenxue)

Laiming Yu The Study Centre of Chinese Traditional Culture Wuhan University Wuhan, Hubei, China Translated by Dan Qin School of Foreign Languages & Literature Wuhan University Wuhan, China

ISSN 2524-8464 ISSN 2524-8472 (electronic) Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture ISBN 978-981-99-4232-9 ISBN 978-981-99-4233-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4233-6 Jointly published with Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd The print edition is not for sale in China (Mainland). Customers from China (Mainland) please order the print book from: Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd. © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publishers, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publishers nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publishers remain neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: Maram_shutterstock This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

To interpret a single character is to write a cultural history. —Chen Yinque (China) A new word is like a fresh seed sown on the ground of the discussion. —Ludwig Wittgenstein (UK)

Publisher’s Note to “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture Series” (English Edition)

In the course of human history, Chinese civilisation has always been known for its long history and remarkable breadth and depth. In a unique geographical environment and thanks to a fascinating historical development, the Chinese nation has nurtured academic traditions, humanistic spirits, values, a way of thinking, ethics and customs unfound elsewhere in the world. All of this was expounded and sublimated by Confucius, Mozi, Laozi, Zhuangzi, Mencius, Xunzi and other ancient sages and philosophers and encapsulated into thousands of highly concise and profound key concepts underpinning the brilliant and rich Chinese culture. Reflective of the supreme wisdom and rational thinking of the Chinese nation, the concepts have come to be known as “key concepts in Chinese thought and culture”. They are the brainchild fostered by the Chinese nation engaged for thousands of years in independently exploring and rationally thinking about the universe, the world, social norms and ethics and ways of thinking and values. They represent the unique and most significant hallmark of Chinese thought and civilisation produced by the Chinese nation. They are the greatest intellectual legacy left by ancient Chinese philosophers to the contemporary Chinese and the most valuable intellectual wealth contributed by the Chinese nation to world civilisation. The past four decades of reform and opening up have witnessed continued growth of the Chinese economy and its comprehensive strength. As an active participant and contributor to globalisation, China

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has been increasingly admired in the international community for its national conditions, history, thoughts and culture. On the other hand, its basic research has fallen behind with the development of the times. So far, there exists no comprehensive and systematic collation and interpretation of the concepts that reflect its thought and culture, for introduction to overseas readers. There is no unified comprehension and interpretation of many terms, especially those reflective of the unique Chinese philosophy, humanism, values and ways of thinking. It is even more regrettable that the lack of unified norms for the translation of such terms into foreign languages has frequently led to deviations from their actual meaning, and consequently confusion and even misunderstanding on the part of overseas readers may result. To ameliorate the above circumstances, we officially launched in 2014 the “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture Project”. Drawing on the excellent history of traditional Chinese thought and culture, the Project has focused on key concepts encapsulating Chinese philosophy, humanistic spirits, values, ways of thinking and cultural characteristics, especially those with implications for the development of contemporary world civilisation and in line with the common values of the human race. Those concepts were then interpreted in objective and concise Chinese and translated into English and other languages, for overseas readers to better understand the connotations and essence of Chinese thought and culture, and consequently to promote equal dialogue and exchanges between Chinese civilisation and other civilisations of the world, so as to jointly build a community and shared future of mankind. So far, over 600 terms have been collated, interpreted and translated by Project experts and published by the Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press (FLTRP) in six volumes in Chinese and English under the serial title of “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture”. However, due to style and volume restrictions, the historical context, semantic context, origin and evolution, academic influence and the underlying humanistic spirit, values and modern implications haven’t been fully elaborated for some of them. To give overseas audiences a more comprehensive and in-depth understanding of them, FLTRP and Springer Nature have jointly planned the new “Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture Series” (English Edition). Each volume of this series will be centred on one concept only or a couple of closely related concepts. The authors are required to examine in detail the historical context, semantic context, origin and evolution and

PUBLISHER’S NOTE TO “KEY CONCEPTS IN CHINESE …

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academic influence, based on the research findings on ancient Chinese literature. They are expected to unfold their elaboration around important figures in the development of Chinese thought and culture, as well as their works, theories and academic viewpoints. The series thus features comprehensive and original academic contributions offering relevant theoretical approaches and insights based on independent research by the respective authors. Integrating professional studies with popular interest, it emphasises integration of corroboration and exposition and equal emphasis on Oriental and Occidental scholarship. All authors selected are young and middle-aged scholars accomplished in the study of Chinese thought and culture. It is believed that the publication of this series will make it possible for overseas readers to have a more systematic understanding of the philosophy, humanistic values, academic perspectives and theoretical viewpoints underlying the key concepts of Chinese thought and culture and a clearer understanding of the ways of thinking, the values and cultural characteristics of the intellectual world of the Chinese nation and overseas Chinese. We are grateful to Harmen van Paradijs, Vice President of Springer Nature Group, and Myriam Poort, Editorial Director, Humanities and Social Sciences, Springer Nature for their generous support in planning and publishing this series. Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press August 2018

Contents

1

Introduction: East–West Discussions of “Wenxue” Over Time The Multiple Connotations of “ Wenxue” The Diverse Faces of Literature and History Reflections on Writing About the History of Chinese Literature References

1 3 6 10 13

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Chinese Literature and the “Wenxue” of China The Naming and Nature of “ Wenxue” Examination and Discussion of “Literary Consciousness” References

15 16 27 36

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East-to-East Encounters Between “Wenxue” and “Literature” “ Wenxue” from the East The Legacy of Missionaries References

39 40 45 52

Competing Discourses: The Intersection of Chinese and Foreign Concepts of “Wenxue” Opening Eyes to “ Wenxue” New Knowledge and Old “ Wenxue” Literature Deserves a History of Its Own References

55 56 60 67 79

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CONTENTS

Redefining “Literature”: The Significance of “Literary Revolution” in Cultural History How Does a “Literary Revolution” Happen? Towards Modern Times: Redefining “Literature” References

Conclusion

81 81 89 96 99

Terminology

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Bibliography

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction: East–West Discussions of “Wenxue” Over Time

When a student from the department of literature is asked “what is wenxue (文学 literature)?” he or she may list Tang poetry, song lyrics, Yuan opera, Ming novels, Shakespeare’s plays, Tolstoy’s works, Tagore’s poems, etc. But do all of the above fall into the category of “wenxue”? The answer is a resounding yes. If you ask them whether traditional Daoist music in the form of five-character or seven-character poems composed by ancient Chinese Taoists, or Qi Min Yao Shu 《齐民 ( 要术》Important Arts for the People’s Welfare) by Jia or Sixie and Meng Xi Bi Tan 《梦溪笔谈》 ( Brush Talks from Dream Brook) by Shen Kuo all belong to the category of literary works, perhaps most answers would be in the negative. However, when it comes to works including Zhuangzi 《庄子》 ( Chuang-tzu) and Shih Chi 《史记》 ( Records of the Historian), which belong to the disciplines of philosophy and historiography, respectively, we still inevitably praise their excellent writing skills and

This book is part of “Research on the Evolution of Chinese Academic Discourse from Ancient Times to the Present” (22JJD750042) sponsored by the major project of the key research base in humanities and social sciences of the Ministry of Education. It is also part of the project “The Generation and Construction of Modern Academic Discourse in China” (22VRC181) sponsored by National Social Science Fund of China Program (NSSFC). © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd 2023 L. Yu, The Discovery of Chinese Literature (Wenxue), Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4233-6_1

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literary talent. Such a paradoxical situation is not only visible in Chinese culture, but also in the early cultural development of other nations. “Wenxue” and its associated concepts during the pre-discipline era, when knowledge classification remained unclear, did not use to be such an exclusive label as it would become in later generations. That is why, even today, the boundaries of literature are not so clear as we imagine. One clear example of this is the 2016 Nobel Literature Prize awarded to Bob Dylan, an American composer and rock singer, which underlines the need to redefine “wenxue” differently. As far as Chinese literature is concerned, the term “wenxue” as it is currently used dates back to the “Zi You and Zi Xia, talents of literature” in the “Xianjin chapter of Lunyu”《论语·先进》 ( Chapter of learning rituals and music first in Analects ). However, the connotations that “wenxue” has today are quite different from those in the past. These new connotations have come from the West, via Japan, before being introduced to China in the twentieth century. The process by which literature has taken on new connotations is extremely complex and involves disputes between China and the West during ancient and modern times. For instance, Qian Zhongshu once said: ‘The definition of literature is so diversified and complicated that it can be compared to Buddhist relics in indeterminate colour. Therefore, there is no need to refer to my opinion, which would lead to dispute’ (Qian, 2002, p. 92). The implication of his words is that although he saw no agreement in the definition of literature at that time; he had no interest in distinguishing between its various concepts and connotations. Readers today are unfamiliar with the past disputes concerning how to define “wenxue”, as they believe “wenxue” has already become an art category with clear boundaries and specific content. Wang Guowe, a renowned scholar in modern China, said: ‘The masterpieces of science and historiography are also excellent literary works’ (Wang, 2009, pp. 129–130). People have come to understand that exploring the concept of “wenxue” in the historical context does not mean defining or drawing precise boundaries, but instead involves a vivid intellectual and cultural journey through history, which requires tracing the evolution of the concept of Chinese “wenxue”, and re-examining how its contemporary form emerged and developed. That is the starting point for our discussion and thinking.

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The Multiple Connotations of “Wenxue ” When we define the term “wenxue”, we imply that any texts not fitting the definition should be excluded from the category. The main problem we face is in adjusting the concept’s connotations and the boundaries of referents for the object we define as “wenxue” to make it more inclusive. However, it seems impossible to agree on a common definition of “wenxue”. A compiler of a dictionary of literary terms published in the 1930s once noted: ‘The meaning of literature seems to be clear, but it is extremely difficult to explain it in simple words’ (Dai, 1931, pp. 11–12). Although the compiler provided a clear definition of “wenxue”, there are numerous different definitions of “wenxue” offered by Western scholars. Why is this so? As a scholar at that time said: ‘When we establish a definition of “wenxue”, we can avoid random use and the specific reference’ (Lu, 1932, p. 22). The above quotes are representative of the real thoughts of scholars on the various definitions of “wenxue” at that time. The complex and diverse connotations and boundaries of the concept “wenxue” arise from the rich tensions the idea itself generates in the modern knowledge and discourse system and the unique practice tradition extending from the Chinese cultural tradition. In the Chinese cultural tradition, “wenxue”, regarded as an independent discipline in the modern academic system, carries the meaning of “literature classics”, “talents and erudition” and “knowledge” and is also used to refer to “Confucianism” and “Neo-Confucianism”. Despite being among the four subjects of Confucius’s teaching (文 literature, 行 conduct, 忠 loyalty and 信 truthfulness), “wenxue” did not constitute an independent form. From the end of the Qing Dynasty, with the introduction of new literary forms and concepts from the West, the idea of “wenxue” experienced acculturation over time and gradually evolved into a new term used to describe the independent discipline in the academic division system and was employed to refer to art expressed by language. In Zhu Xizu’s article “Wenxue Lun” (文学论 “Essays on Literature”), he clarified the differences between the ancient-modern and Chinese-Western concepts of “wenxue”: Scholars of literature in our country always use criteria of text. The dispute with rhythmical prose is characterized by parallelism and ornateness and prose writing, words and phrases, all of which are inseparable from this

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field. But they disregard [literature’s] independent existence and foundations as deep as other disciplines, as well as its profound impact and aesthetic spirit. Therefore, the concept of literature is ambiguous and biased. (Zhu, 2006a, p. 45)

From the perspective of modern knowledge classification, the traditional Chinese concept of “wenxue” is naturally ambiguous, with neither a logical definition nor a clear stylistic scope, which is incompatible with the “wenxue” to be found in the modern framework adopted by the discipline. In this context, it has become common practice for scholars to present Chinese “wenxue” using the concept of modern “wenxue” and by objectifying the content of ancient Chinese literature. However, the construction of modern “wenxue” differs from the representation of the “wenxue” inherent in Chinese tradition. Chinese and Western literature, with their different cultural genealogies and discourse systems, has been practised and developed over thousands of years; yet it is the latter that regulates the connotations of modern “wenxue”. Tang Junyi, a representative of New Confucianism, once pointed out: The classification of traditional Chinese books, such as Qilue 《七略》 ( Seven Summaries ) and Sibu 《四部》 ( Four Categories,), are based on the genres of the books, not on the cultural field to which the academic objects belong. It is challenging to separate texts of philosophy and literature. Not all texts in the category of Ji (集 literary works) are literary writings; the same is true of those belonging to the category of zi (子 philosophical works). Those interested in philosophy or literature read texts that belong to the jing (经 classics) and shi (史 historical works) categories. (Tang, 1947, p. 195)

Traditional Chinese writing is based on differences between knowledge categories and genres. The practices of bianzhang xueshu (辨章学术 clarifying of schools of learning) and kaojing yanliu (考镜源流 verifying of their origins) reflect the academic research methods employed in this knowledge system. In general, the four divisions ( jing, shi, zi, ji) established by the Siku Quanshu 《四库全书》The ( Complete Library of the Four Treasures ) catalogue apply a completely different framework in the academic system from those used in the seven subjects in the West today. Most scholars classify and reorganise traditional Chinese knowledge based on Western categorisations of disciplines. However, it is unavoidable that, with modern “wenxue” as the benchmark for marking the boundary with

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traditional Chinese literature, many genres are certain to be excluded from the scope of “wenxue”. The modern system for classifying subjects defines “wenxue” by absorbing the modern Western version of literature, introduced via Japan, as well as the Western knowledge system. From ancient to modern times, the concept of literature has changed from possessing a traditional academic scope and knowledge to becoming an independent subject. In October 1920, Zhu Xizu wrote Zhongguowenxueshi Yaoluexu 《中国 ( 文学史要略叙》A Brief Review of the History of Chinese Literature), in which he described the changes in the usage of the concept of “wenxue” between 1916 and 1920. Commenting on this work, Zhu wrote: A Brief Review of the History of Chinese Literature is a handout edited by me in the fifth year of the Republic of China at Peking University. What I proposed in that book is quite different from present ideas. It refers to the concept of literature as having a broad sense, whereas it now has a specific sense. I believe the so-called “pure literature” must be independent of philosophy and history and other disciplines. (Zhu, 2006a, p. 45)

Such a statement reflects the changes taking place in one person’s ideas on literature over time. However, it also implies a tortuous journey of concept evolution in the history of academic, intellectual and literary ideas. The conversion of the concept of “literature” marked a major turning point in the ideas of Chinese academic history and Chinese literature history. How can we distinguish the old and new Chinese concepts of literature amid the evolution of knowledge and concepts that has taken place over time? Zhu Xizu (2006a, p. 45) argues that we should make sure of the differences that exist between China and the West, as well as between “wenzhang ” (文章 writing) and “wenxue” (文学 literature): ‘Writings refers to academic writings which can be subdivided into argumentative, narrative and lyrical ones. This classification may be suitable for “writing”, but not applicable in “wenxue”, because “wenxue” is absolutely independent of academic writings where “writings” are shared tools, and no confusion should be allowed between the two’. Based on the above, monographs on history, philosophy and even natural sciences should be included in “writings”, whereas “wenxue” should enjoy the same status as independent disciplines such as history and philosophy, with more blurred boundaries than before. As Qian Jib pointed out: ‘Today when we are

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talking about literature, it means neither a general term for works of all types, nor essays with rhymes’ (Qian, 1993, p. 3). Although the word “wenxue” remains unchanged from the past, its connotations and scope of reference have altered dramatically. This has been broadly accepted among scholars since the early Republic of China; but this does not necessarily mean that agreement has been reached regarding the normative content of “wenxue”, including its definition, boundaries and objects. As a matter of fact, many kinds of ideas resulting from the varying conceptions of “wenxue” still flourish, and different authors can construct their own literary worlds and understandings of literary history according to the diverse genealogies of “literary” concepts. Indeed, by exploring the writings on Chinese literature history, A New Literary History of Modern China, a recent publication of Harvard University Press edited by David Der-Wei Wang, showed that researchers’ understandings of Chinese “wenxue” vary.

The Diverse Faces of Literature and History From the perspective of general knowledge building, the definitions and interpretations offered in dictionaries have symbolic significance. In the specific case of “wenxue”, while every dictionary provides a definite definition for this word, this does not indicate their compilers were unaware of the complex and multifaceted nature of this concept. In 1908, Yan Huiqing compiled Yinghua Da Cidian 《英华大辞典》 ( English-Chinese Standard Dictionary), in which he defined “literature” as “literary writings” (Article 3), in addition to its classical references to “scholarship”, “knowledge”, “erudition” and “writing”. Noting the “special” character of the term, he pointed out that ‘literature is not philosophy or science, but divine thoughts in fanciful forms based on real or invented stories’ (Yan, 1908, p. 1305). Although this new meaning was labelled “special”, it shows that the modern connotations of “wenxue” had begun to enter the common knowledge system. After the May Fourth Movement, the ancient-modern and Chinese-Western connotations of “wenxue” were embraced. In the 1930s, Zhonghua Baike Cidian (Chinese Encyclopedic Dictionary《中华百科辞典》 ), edited by Shu Xincheng, emphasised the disparity between the broad and narrow senses of “wenxue”: ‘In the modern world, literature can be interpreted in two senses. In the narrow sense, it refers to poetry, fiction and drama as the opposite of philosophy and science; in the broad sense, it is a branch

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of humanities, equivalent to philosophy, ethics and politics’ (Shu, 1930/ 1936, p. 140). The broad sense of “wenxue”, commonly used in Europe before the Renaissance, was reflected in the Western cultural ideas introduced by missionaries during the late Qing dynasty and at the beginning of the Republic of China (ROC). In Wenxue Shuyu Cidian (A Glossary of Literary Terms《文学术语辞典》 ), edited by Dai Shuqing during the same period, “wenxue” was rendered into both its narrow and broad senses: ‘Narrowly speaking, it means art works expressing people’s feelings and imagination, which is generally called “Pure Literature”. Broadly speaking, it embodies all the written records, including philosophies and history etc.’ (Dai, 1931, p. 11). The broad sense of “wenxue” developed during the classical period in Chinese and Western history, while its narrow sense emerged with the modern division of disciplines. In the 1930s, as the concept of “wenxue” evolved in the modern Chinese knowledge system, the connotations and meanings of “wenxue” became part of people’s the general knowledge. Thus, on the one hand, the modern concept of “wenxue” has fixed references that, differentiate literature from non-literature; on the other hand, the concept has manifested certain shortcomings when used by scholars in works on the history of literary practice. In the 1930s, when Zhang Kebiao and his colleagues were compiling the Kaiming Literature Dictionary 《开明文学辞典》 ( ), they expressed conflicting thoughts about the complex concept of “wenxue”: ‘The connotations of “wenxue” seem to be clear enough at first sight, but on closer look, we recognise the complexity of its content and the obscurity of its meaning’. They also pointed out: ‘The word “wenxue” (文学), as it is commonly used, was translated from the English word “literature”’, which ‘refers to the products of the human spirit expressed with speech or words. A more narrow equivalent is art works of the human imagination and feelings’. Based on this, the writer summarised three features of “wenxue”: Literature, in this sense, has to arouse readers’ imagination and feelings through those of the author. Firstly, it has to incite readers’ feelings. Secondly, instead of having a specialized form, it should be easily understood by the public. Thirdly, it should be able to bring pleasure and aesthetical satisfaction to readers. (Zhang et al., 1932/1933, pp. 411–412)

Evidence can be found in Chinese ancient works that classifications of “wenxue” were based on the literary nature or emotional expressions of

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texts. Nevertheless, based on the concept alone, there still exists much uncertainty as to whether a text can be classified as “wenxue”, as well as difficulties in distinguishing between literature and non-literature. When the Chinese and Western knowledge systems connected and produced transformations during the period between the late Qing dynasty and the early Republic of China (ROC), the connotations of “wenxue” were less clear than they are today. While it may seem a simple task to define “wenxue”, it is challenging to determine what is and is not literature, and where the boundaries around “literature” lie. From the late Qing dynasty to the early ROC, with the introduction of Western concepts of literature and its knowledge system, it was common to encounter mixed applications of old and new concepts in China. If the specific connotations of “wenxue” are not defined and distinguished for different contexts, the differences between Chinese and Western interpretations will inevitably lead to difficulties in understanding. As the Japanese scholar Nagasawa Kikuya stressed: The terms “wenxue” (literature) and “wenyi” (literature and art)” were not introduced from Western Culture, but are inherent in China. Their application remains ambiguous due to their various meanings in different contexts. Their concepts have become even more confusing since they have served as translations of the English word “literature”. (Nagasawa, 1943, p. 11)

Even in the Chinese traditional context, words such as “wen”, “wenxue” and “wenzhang” (文章 writing and literary text) are often used with different meanings in texts of different periods. When placed alongside modern Western concepts of “wenxue”, it is common to see the semantic obscurity that can emerge by using the terms randomly. Since the late Qing Dynasty, the concept of “wenxue” has changed considerably, due to the acculturation that has taken place over time in pragmatic practice. After the introduction of the Western concept of “wenxue”, the term was redefined, and a new literary knowledge genealogy emerged to serve as the foundation of literary history writing and the literary discipline system. In this context, as traditional connotations of “wenxue” receded, the new ones became widespread and were used by people unconsciously. In the Xin Zhishi Cidian 《新知识辞典 ( 》New Knowledge Dictionary) edited by Gu Zhijian, “wenxue” is interpreted as follows: ‘In a broad sense, all the products of the human spirit

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expressed with words are “wenxue”; in a narrow sense, differing from science, it includes all literary writings, such as poetry, fictions, operas and other art works that appeal to human feelings’ (Gu, 1934/1937, p. 26). Neither the broad nor the narrow definitions show any traces of the influence of traditional concepts of “wenxue”. Facing the semantic obscurity of the concepts of “wenxue” in its conversion, literary historians in the early ROC attached great importance to analysing the differences between the Chinese and Western concepts. Regarding the classification of literature, at the beginning of 1915, Zeng Yi wrote in his first edition of A History of Chinese Literature-An introduction: ‘The classification of literature is originally part of literary research, not engaged in literary history. Yet without a brief enumeration of the literary forms which keep changing in different times, the scope of literary history will fail to be identified’ (Zeng, 1915, p. 16). In the revised edition in 1929, his views had changed, as can be seen in the following passage: The concept of literature is changing and it differs from what it used to be. Literature researchers should dissect and investigate it in detail. However, literary historians defined it solely based on historical facts. But today, researchers of European and American literature follow the idea that poetry, operas and fictions are pure literature. This is another difference between the past and the present. (Zeng, 1929/1932, p. 21)

The May Fourth Movement led to the spread of Western concepts of “wenxue” and the Western knowledge system. The traditional Chinese concept was criticised for referring generally to “large literature” and “miscellaneous literature” as it failed to highlight the specific features of “wenxue”. Some scholars even called for excluding the Chinese concept from the connotations of “wenxue” and set boundaries based on the Western concept and knowledge system: Wang Zuhua wrote: ‘Literature in the broad sense (or miscellaneous literature) incorporates all scholarship, which we should reject as literature and exclude from the scope of literature. Its narrow equivalent (or pure literature) is the true literature’ (Wang, 1934, p. 13). Reviewing the works on literary history in the early ROC, we can find that the construction of Chinese literary history is closely linked to the evolution of the concept of “wenxue”. The historical appearance of Chinese literature depends, to a certain extent, depends

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on how the Western concept of “wenxue” and its knowledge system are chosen as the fulcrum of historical construction.

Reflections on Writing About the History of Chinese Literature During the late Qing dynasty and the early ROC, there was an upsurge in writing about the history of Chinese literature due to a range of factors: changes in the modern education system and the emergence of universities in China, demands for the conception and construction of a nation-state and the historical pursuit of self-canonisation among “literary revolution” advocates (Chen, 1999, pp. 3–6). The literary history that emerged in modern times has been widely discussed in terms of its concepts, style, structure and content. The various studies conducted into literary history over the past 100 years demonstrate the field’s great vitality during the evolution of modern scholarship. Regarding the path taken by writings about literary history, we can refer to what a compiler of literary history said in the 1930s: ‘There are two ways to compile literary history when seeking to reveal its historical changes: one is to apply the literary concept of each era to analyzing and organizing all of the historical materials; the other is to employ modern literary concepts in searching through and sorting previous materials’ (Zhang, 1935/1937, p. 1). Despite the many discussions on literary writing methods and the various related works in the early Republican Period, the latter approach has remained mainstream in literary history writing, influenced by the transformation of literary concepts in a latent but profound manner. Most early works on the history of Chinese literature started either by discussing definitions of “wenxue”, by indiscriminately listing the term’s boundaries in China and abroad, or by quoting different opinions to declare the authors’ own positions. For instance, Liu Yongji, compiler of Shisichao Wenxueyaolue 《十四朝文学要略》An ( Outline of the Literature of Fourteen Dynasties ), wrote a book entitled Wenxue Lun 《文 ( 学论》Essays on Literature), which discussed what constitutes literature from the following perspectives: an overview of cultural development, the reasons for the establishment and flourishing of literature, two major roles of literature and its nature for conveying feelings and emotions, its similarities with and differences from other academic disciplines, its

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functions and traditional concepts and the definition of modern literature (Liu, 1924). Given the great disparity between Chinese and Western concepts of “wenxue”, it was essential to clarify and stress the term’s definition. However, early writers wavered between the two concepts, while later ones tended to criticise Chinese literary works based on Western standards. It is not easy to achieve a balance between Chinese and Western concepts with regard to the definition of “wenxue”. As Yu Dafu once said, it could be both difficult and foolish to define “wenxue”. Few things in the world seem to be more difficult and more foolish than trying to make a definition, especially for the word “literature” (Yu, 1927/1931, p. 17). Dafu’s comment was based on his personal experiences at that time. In ancient China, the term “wenxue” was used to refer to “talents and erudition”, while in the West, it referred to novels, operas, poems and essays. In the early Republican period, scholars sought to define the term in different ways based on Western concepts. This complex and intricate situation led to a feeling that China had lost its own definition. In the 1930s, people were still confused by the tangle of ideas employed to discuss literary concepts. For example, Zhou Zuoren delivered a lecture on the origin of Chinese New Literature, in which he insisted, ‘I think literature should also be one of those unknowable studies; so trying to define it seems to be a tough task’ (Zhou, 1934, p. 9). His claim that “wenxue” is an unknowable study was obviously not based on any specific works, but on the inclusiveness and diversity of the term’s definition. Similarly, Wang Zuhua noted that ‘throughout history, numerous literati who endeavoured to define “wenxue” failed to come to any agreement. Until modern times, only a few views seem to make sense’ (Wang, 1934, p. 1). In the context of that time, when scholars were seeking to define “wenxue” and recount the history of Chinese literature, they inevitably became entangled in the different literary practices inside and outside of China, as well as in the complex connotations of “literature”. In 1935, Zhu Xingyuan discussed how to write about the history of Chinese literature in On History of Chinese Literature (revised as General Theory of Chinese Literature History in 1939). In the first chapter, he discussed the definition of literature as follows: We all know that before reading or studying the history of literature, we need to figure out what the two words [contained in] “wenxue” (文学

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“literature”) mean. Previously, there has never been a perfect definition of literature. Although references to “literature” can be found in writings of the past, the authors were not in fact referring to the nature of literature. The initial word “wen” probably relates to shi (诗 poetry), but “wen” and “xue” have never been used together”. (Zhu, 1935, p. 12)

Rather than deny the existence of the word “wenxue” in ancient China, Zhu contends that ancient concept of “literature” did not incorporate languages and art in its connotations as it does now. This leads to a selective construction of different aspects of Chinese literature based on Western concepts of “wenxue” and its knowledge system. Between the late Qing dynasty and the early ROC, the changing definition of literature mostly resulted in the dominance of terms translated from Western concepts (mostly from Japanese). This conversion process was much more complicated than simply involving the replacements of terms. There were multiple factors involved in the localisation of Western knowledge in China. Despite the inevitable dominance of Western discourse, the voices of Chinese scholars could still be heard. Taking the definition of “wenxue” as an example, Chen Zhongfan argued, using theories from the Far West to compare with those of China, that there are similarities between Chinese and Western definitions, and the differences between Chinese and Western literary traditions have contributed to the diverse definitions (Chen, 1927/1940, p. 5). Liu Yongji (刘永济), referring to foreign works and comparing them with ancient Chinese writings, believed that ‘despite the differences in location and time, Chinese and Western studies on literature share certain similarities and are not an either-or proposition’, advocating the integration of ancient-modern and Chinese-Western theories (Liu, 1934, p. 1). However, similar voices have been gradually drowned out in the flood of historical changes. Since that time, the definition of “wenxue” has been based on Western standards, even when discussing “Chinese” literature. Based on studies of the works of generations of scholars, literary history has gradually come to be described based on poetry, novel, opera and prose as its main genres. This has involved a constant process throughout history both in China and abroad. Even for foreign researchers, the history of Chinese literature consists of four genres: poetry, novel, opera and prose. In another notable work The Columbia History of Chinese Literature, published in 2001, the first part introduces some basic issues about the history of Chinese literature, with the other four parts

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discussing the four genres of poetry, prose, novel and opera. Yet, problems still remain. As a scholar once suggested, Whatever is rediscovered on this basis, European literature is always involved in the process. People always ask why forms such as novel, poetry, opera and prose are used to establish the boundaries of Chinese writing, and why other forms of writing are excluded from literature because of their inconformity with these four genres. It seems simple, but it is hard to answer what literature is. What really matters in this question? After the turn of the century, the etymology of “wenxue” (文学) seems to suggest a tautological answer through English translations: “Wenxue” equals literature. But why? (Liu, 2008, pp. 325–326)

Such questions were repeatedly asked in different contexts due to the disparities between Chinese and Western concepts of “literature” and between their knowledge systems, as well as the changing definitions of “wenxue” in different periods, resulting in various answers and conclusions about literary history.

References Chen, P. Y. (1999). The establishment of literary history as a discipline. The formation and construction of literary history (pp. 3–6). Guangxi Education Publishing House. Chen, Z. F. (1927/1940). History of Chinese literary criticism (6th ed., p. 5). Zhonghua Book Company. Dai, Sh. Q. (Ed.). (1931). Wenxue Shuyu Cidian (A glossary of literary terms ) (pp. 11–12). Literature and Art Book Company. Gu, Zh. J. (Ed.). (1934/1937). Xin Zhishi Cidian (New approach knowledge dictionary) (3rd ed., p. 26). Beixin Book Company. Liu, L. H. (2008). Translingual practice: Literature, national culture, and translated modernity—China, 1900–1937 (Revised version, W. J. Song et al., Trans.) (2nd edition, pp. 325–326). Sanlian Bookstore. Liu, Y. J. (1934). Wenxue Lun (Essays on literature). Commercial Press. Liu, Y. (1924). Wenxue Lun (Essays on literature) (3rd ed.). Pacific Printing Co. Lu, Q. (1932). What is literature (p. 22). Dadong Book Company. Nagasawa, K. (1943). Speech on Chinese academic literature and art history (Trans. X. N. Hu) (p. 11). World Bookstore. Qian J. B. (1993). Zhongguo Wenxue Shi (History of Chinese Literature). Zhonghua shu ju.

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Qian, Z. (2002). The preface of the brief history of Chinese Literature. In Writings on the edge of life·on the edge of life·Shi Yu (Chen Yan’s view on scholars) (p. 92). Shanghai SDX Joint Publishing Company. Shu, X. C. (Ed.). (1930/1936). Zhonghua Baike Cidian (Chinese Encyclopedia) (4th ed., p. 140). Zhonghua Book Company. Tang, J. Y. (1947). The relation between Chinese Philosophy and Chinese Literature. In A comparative study of Chinese and western philosophies (p. 195). Zhengzhong Press Company. Wang, G. W. (2009). On the academia in recent years. Collected works of JingAn. In The complete works of Wang Guowei (Vol. 1). Zhejiang Education Publishing House. Wang, Z. H. (1934). Wenxue Lun (Essays on literature). Bati Bookstore. Yan, H. Q. (1908). Yinghua Da Cidian (English-Chinese standard dictionary) (p. 1350). The Commercial Press. Yu, D. F. (1927/1931). An introduction to literature (2nd ed., p. 17). The Commercial Press. Zeng, Y. (1915/1918). A history of Chinese Literature (p. 16). Taidong Book Company. Zeng, Y. (1929/1932). Revision of a history of Chinese Literature (4th ed., p. 21). Taidong Book Company. Zhang, C. G. (1935/1937). A New History of Chinese Literature (4th ed., p. 1). Kaiming Bookstore. Zhang, K. B., et al. (Ed.). (1932/1933). Kaiming literature dictionary (pp. 411–412). Kaiming Bookstore. Zhou, Z. R. (1934). The origin of New Chinese Literature (2nd ed., p. 9). Beiping Humanities Bookstore. Zhu, X. Y. (1935). On history of Chinese Literature (p. 12). Dongfang Academic Institution. Zhu, X. Z. (2006a). W. J. Zhou (Ed.) Zhu Xizu Wencun (Collections of Zhu Xizu). Shanghai guji Press. Zhu, X. Z. (2006b). Wenxue Lun (Essays on literature). In W. J. Zhou (Ed.), Zhu Xizu Wencun (Collections of Zhu Xizu). Shanghai Guji Press.

CHAPTER 2

Chinese Literature and the “Wenxue” of China

In discussions of Chinese literature, we tend to think of works such as Shijing 《诗经》 ( Classics of Poetry), Chuci 《楚辞》 ( Verses of Chu), Gushi Shijiu Shou 《古诗十九首》Nineteen ( Old Poems ), Hanfu 《汉赋》Han ( Dynasty Rhapsody), the novels of the six dynasties between 222-589AD, Tang poems and Song lyrics and the operas and novels from the Yuan to Qing dynasties (1271–1912). As Qian Mu once said, ‘What today’s Chinese people refer to as literature was introduced by the West; it did not grow from China’s own ancient academic history’ (Qian, 2001a, p. 257). His statement is based on the fact that “wenxue” in Chinese culture is not equivalent to the Chinese literature widely discussed today. Traditional Chinese “wenxue” and its associated concepts, such as “wen” (文 literature), “xue” (学 learning), “wenzhang ” (文章 writing and literary texts), “yiwen” (艺文 arts and writings), “wenyi” (文艺 literature and arts) and “wenxian” (文献texts), consist of the speech system of “wenxue” in Chinese culture. All of the above concepts are quite different from today’s division of Chinese literature into poetry, prose, novels and operas. The works of literature in ancient China can be reviewed from two aspects: (1) by focusing on the expressions of literary genres, phenomena and styles from various periods of history; (2) by elaborating the concepts of “wenxue” and other closely related terms, such as “wen” and “wenzhang ”. Studies of the history of criticism, literary intellectual history and literary theories focus on the former, whose comprehensive © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd 2023 L. Yu, The Discovery of Chinese Literature (Wenxue), Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4233-6_2

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and in-depth investigations have achieved rich outcomes. However, the latter approach, despite some achievements, is mostly limited to analysing the concepts in a certain period or as used by a specific scholar; it tends to lack systematic discussions or any contextualisation in the China-West exchange and ancient-modern evolution. Despite the rich connotations of the classic Chinese term “wenxue” and its related concepts, these still differ from those of “wenxue” in modern times as the two terms refer to different literary practices. Zhang Changgong stated that the term “wenxue” utilised in ancient China conveys incompatible meanings with current literary ideas (Zhang, 1935/1947, p. 1). To explore the process by which modern “wenxue” evolved over the course of time, we must first understand its connotations and knowledge sources in different periods of ancient China. It is only with such a basis that we can acquire a more profound understanding of the historical changes taking place in “wenxue” by contrasting the old and the new connotations.

The Naming and Nature of “Wenxue ” The term “wenxue” made its first appearance in Xianjin Chapter from Lunyu 《论语·先进》 ( Chapter of early disciples from Analects ): The Master said, “Of those who were with me in Chen and Cai, there are none to be found to enter my door. Distinguished for their virtuous principle and practice, there were Yan Yuan, Min Ziqian, Ran Boniu, and Zhong Gong; for their ability in speech, Zai Wo and Zi Gong; for their administrative talents, Ran You and Ji Lu; for wenxue (their literary acquirements), Zi You and Zi Xia”. (Yang, 1980, p. 110)

Two different explanations have been given for “wenxue” as used here. The first appears in Lunyu Jijieyishu 《论语集解义疏》 ( Subcommentaries on the Analects ) in Huang Kan’s work during the Liang Dynasty: Ziyou and Zixia belong to “wenxue” (the fourth branch of Confucian learning), because they are compatible with this discipline. Fan Ning said, “Wenxue refers to the laws and regulations of previous dynasties”. Wang Bi said: “There are more than ten talented disciples of Confucius, and the ones listed here are the ones that stand out. The other people can be classified into these four branches according to their own specialties”. Huang Kan explains that among all the four disciplines, it is sensible to let virtues be the first. Speech comes second. It is essential to be a gentleman

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and to attain virtue. Politics deals with human things, which is subordinate to speech. Literature refers to the extensive learning of ancient laws and regulations in previous dynasties. It is placed last, because it is less urgent compared to virtue, speech and politics. (He & Huang, 1788)

According to Fan Ning and Huang Kan’s interpretations, “wenxue” refers to the learning, grasping and conveying of ancient classics. This idea was quite popular among scholars in ancient times. For instance, Yan Shigu noted in “Xiyu Zhuan” 《西域传》 ( “Account of the Western Regions”) in the Han Shu 《汉书》History ( of the Former Han) that scholars of “wenxue” are equal to scholars of the classics (Ban, 1962, p. 3915). Fan Zhongyan’s understanding is that ‘the descriptions of the laws of heaven and earth are called wen, which is commonly referred to as rites, music and laws and regulations, and Ziyou and Zixia can narrate them (Fan Zhongyan)’. He believed that Ziyou and Zixia narrated the ancient ritual and musical regulations. Zhen Dexiu in the Southern Song dynasty (1127–1279) was more specific: ‘The learners of wenxue can learn from wen in Shi (诗 Odes), Shu (书 Documents), Li (礼 Rites), and Yue (乐Music) and interpret them’ (Zhen, 1986, p. 631). “Wen”, here does not refer to the writing in general, but to the recording of decrees and regulations in ancient China, and to “Jing ” (经, classics) in the present. So, “wenxue”, as used here, roughly approximates to the later term “jingxue” (经学 Academies of Classics) or “ruxue” (儒学academies of Confucianism). Zeng Guofan explored yili (义理 moral principles), kaoju (考据 evidential research) and cizhang (辞章stylistic excellence). ‘Scholars seeking verification and justification can be recognised as disciples of “literature” under Confucius, while in modern times, they stand as Sinologists’. With regard to the art of writing, he added, ‘It is much like eloquent speech, the embracing of ancient aesthetic articles and today’s baguwen (八股文eight-part essays), poems and odes’ (Zeng, 2001, p. 385). Zeng’s interpretation has won quite a few supporters, such as Qian Mu, who wrote: ‘Nowadays, literature means imparting knowledge to people in the books’ (Qian, 2001b, p. 224). This reflects the broadness of the boundary encircling “literature”. Another definition of “literature” appears in the Lunyu Zhushu Jiejing 《论语注疏解经》 ( Commentaries and Subcommentaries of the Analects ) by Xing Bing during the Northern Song dynasty (1127–1279): Lunyu Zhengyi 《论语正义》 ( Orthodox Interpretation of the Analects ) said: ‘Following the previous chapter that stated some disciples failed to

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find a position in officialdom, this chapter listed those with outstanding talents and virtues who could be recommended to serve as officers…When it comes to remarkable writing skill and erudite learning, no one can compare with Zi You and Zi Xia’ (He & Xing, 2000, p. 160). According to Xing, “wenxue” is deemed to contain two connotations: “wenzhang ” (文章literary writing) and “boxue” (博学broad learning), which later served to form the mainstream interpretation of “literature”. Huang Ren explained in part four of Fenlun 《分论》Sub-pandect ( ) of History of Chinese Literature: The Confucius discipline of literature is a combination of “wen” (文 literature) and “xue” (学 learning), far away from the subject of literature of modern times. What “literature” includes under the guidance of Confucius are Shi (诗 Odes), Shu (书 Documents) and Liu Yi (六艺Six Arts). All these could be taught orally for learning virtues, political affairs and eloquent speech. The meanings cannot be easily sorted out, so they might better be blended in a new term. (Huang, 2001)

Some newly edited dictionaries, such as Ci Yuan (辞源Source of Words Dictionary), Ci Hai (辞海Ocean of Words Dictionary), Hanyu Dacidian ( 汉语大词典Great Chinese Dictionary) and Zhongwen Dacidian (中文大辞 典Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Chinese Language), have adopted Xing’s theory, using “talents and erudition” to refer to the first meaning of “literature”. The reason for the rise of two different ideas lies in the changing connotations of “wen” over time; little wonder, therefore, that the associated term “wenxue” has changed too. The changing meaning of “wenxue” has followed almost the same track as “wen” over different periods. During the late Song and early Yuan dynasties, Hu Zhiyu, a NeoConfucianist, once made a comparison between “wen” (文 writing) and “ci” (辞 verbal mastery), as follows: In ancient times, “wen” and “ci” referred to different things. “Ci” corresponded to speech, while “wen” referred to administrative etiquette. Rites, music, criminal and political decrees, fathers and sons, emperors and officials, friends and companions, hosts and guests, all belonged to “wen” rather than to “ci”, which was related to speech. “Ci” has been falsely perceived as wenzhang (文章 writing) by later generations. But is the term “wenxue” in Lunyu 《论语》 ( Analects ) “wenxue Ziyou Zixia” (文学 子游子夏 those known for broad knowledge of wenxue: Ziyou and Zixia)

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the equivalent of “literature” today? The learning of “ci” in the past involved interlocution, then reading Shijing 《诗经》Classics ( of poetry), before turning to the study of specialized knowledge. The order is based on cultivating morality, acquiring a broad knowledge of ancient and modern times, and understanding the connotations of thoughts with the aim of mastering the skills of speaking and writing. This process is totally ignored in today’s learning. Is it reasonable to give students who have just started school a pen and paper and ask them to write immediately? (Hu, 1986, pp. 477–488)

The scope of “wen” has varied in the literature of different periods, with scholars from different cultural backgrounds tending to understand the term’s use in the previous generation’s literature based on their own current understandings, inevitably resulting in non-correspondence. For example, Song Lian presented “wen” in the Zhou dynasty (1046– 256BC) as “state”, “worship”, “officials”, “music”, “rites”, “military”, “politics” and “criminals” (Song, 1999, p. 2031). All these concepts were concerned with social and cultural systems and involved broader connotations, such as general terms for writing, in contrast with the idea of “wen” which focuses on cizhang (辞章 stylistic excellence). Sima Guang in the Song dynasty (960–1279) wrote, ‘What former scholars called “wen” referred to poetry, classics, rites and music as well as etiquette, odes and hymns. Nevertheless, “wen” at present more closely resembles “ci” (Sima Guang)’. Such discrepancies lead to varied understandings of literature. Guo Shaoyu, a famous scholar of the history of Chinese literary criticism, explained the connotations associated with the different terms to refer to “wenxue”. Basing his analysis on Xing Bing’s theory, he also draws on works by other scholars, such as Huang Kan: In the Xianjin chapter of Lunyu 《论语》Analects ( ): ‘Those known for broad knowledge of wenxue are Ziyou and Zixia’. “Wenxue”, here, has broad connotations that cover almost all books and learnings. Yang Xiong stated in the “Wuzi” chapter of Fa Yan: ‘Zi You, Zi Xia de qi shu yi’ (子 游、子夏得其书矣 Zi You and Zi Xia grasped Confucius’ writings). Xing Bing wrote in Lunyu Zhushu Jiejing 《论语注疏解经》 ( Commentaries and Subcommentaries of the Analects ): ‘Wenzhang boxue ze you Zi You, Zi Xia liangren’ (文章博学则有子游、子夏二人。 Those who write well and have a wide range of knowledge are Zi You and Zi Xia). Based on the concepts of “shu” and “boxue” (博学 broad learning) here, the so-called wenxue [can be said to be] more academic in nature. The notions of “wenzhang ” (文

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章 literary writing) and “boxue” put forward by Xing Bing did not constitute two independent literary disciplines. In fact, the “wenxue” coined by Confucius was later classified into two disciplines, “wenzhang ” and “boxue”, with the two connotations combined at that time. Although the concept of “wenxue” was first used by Confucius, its meaning differs from its present use. Though “wenzhang ” and “boxue” were never divided into two separate disciplines by Confucius, the term “wenxue” carries two connotations. In that time, “wenxue” could be divided into “shi” 《诗经 ( 》Classics of Poetry) and “shu” 《尚书》 ( Classics of Documents) based on the book type, and into “shi” and “wen” (文 ancient classics) based on the writing genre. What Confucius called “shi” is equivalent to the concept of “wenzhang ” proposed by Xing Bing, while Xing conceived of “shi” and “wen” as “boxue”. Meanwhile, “wenxue” encompassed both meanings. (Guo, 1999, pp. 14–15)

The above clearly shows Guo’s efforts to combine the two explanations. On the one hand, he thought “wenxue” in The Analects referred to all ancient classics; on the other hand, he believed that this term consisted of both meanings of “wenzhang ” (文章literary writing) and “boxue” (博学broad learning). These were united into one term in The Analects, but later separated after the Han dynasty. In fact, the two thoughts do not stand alone from each other, but discrepancies in understanding are inevitable due to how scholars interpret the written records of former dynasties on the basis of their present comprehension. Therefore, Guo’s explanation has been criticised by Japanese scholar Toshio Nakajima (2000). Returning to the context of Chinese cultural development, the word “wenxue” appeared in documents from the Pre-Qin and Two Hans periods. The term “wenxue” as used in Mozi 《墨子》 ( ), Xunzi 《荀子》 ( ), Han Feizi 《韩非子》 ( ) and Lü’ s Commentaries of History 《吕氏春秋》 ( ), Book of Lord Shang 《商君书》 ( ), shares the same meaning as it has in Xian Jin Pian from Analects of Confucius. It referred to the recorded literature and gradually came to embrace broader connotations of “scholarship” and “knowledge”. However, the concept of “wenzhang ” (文章writing and literary text) is closer to the concept of “literature” as it is used today. “Wenzhang ” used to refer to complicated colours and figurative patterns, but later developed into “wenzi” (文字characters), “wenci” (文 辞 diction) and “lifa” (礼法 law inherent in rite), equivalent to “wen” (文). In Zhou li 《周礼》Rituals ( of Zhou), the concepts of “wen” and “zhang ” are clarified as follows: blue set beside red is called “wen” (文

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regular embroidery); red set beside white is called “zhang ” (章 variegated embroidery); white and black is called “fu” ˇ (黼 an axe-shaped embroidered pattern on formal dresses); black and blue is called “fú” (黻 an archaic term for an embroidered pattern depicted on formal dresses); and a combination of all these five colours (blue, red, white, black and yellow) is called “xiu” (绣melange) (Zheng & Jia, 1999, p. 1115). In the “Qu Qie” chapter of the Zhuangzi 《庄子·胠篋》 ( ), it is written: “If elegant ornaments were abolished, the five embellishing colours disused, and the eyes of Li Zhu glued up, all men would begin to possess and employ their power of vision (Guo, p. 116)”. “Wenzhang ” as used in China’s ancient discourse system is not consistent with the modern meaning of the term “literature”. It refers to the same experience as “wenxue” by changing its connotations and embracing multiple meanings. Ancient China witnessed extremely complex and diverse debates regarding the concept of “wenzhang ”. The terms “wendao” (文道 writings and morality) and “wenli” (文理 meaning and order) together formed the concept of “wenzhang ”, with rich connotations and traditional Chinese characteristics. Compared to its use in the Pre-Qin period (21BC–221AD), the term “wenxue”, as used in the classics of the Han dynasty (202BC–220AD), retained its original meaning of “scholarship” and “ritual systems” in a broad sense. These topics are to be found in ancient classics such as Zhou Yi 《周易》 ( Zhou Changes or Classic of Changes ), Lunyu 《论语》 ( Analects ) and Chunqiu 《春秋》Spring ( and Autumn Annals ). What currently belongs to “wenxue” (literature) can be encompassed under the term “wenzhang ”. For example, in the fourth of Five Poems Targeting the Selection of Talents in the 11th year of the Yongming Era by Wang Yuanzhang, the author claimed that: ‘Officials in the Song dynasty believed that ritual music would be detrimental to their nation. The emperors of the Han dynasty compared “wenzhang ” to music of the states of Zheng and Wei’ (Xiao & Li, 1986, pp. 1656–1657). The term “wenzhang ” as used in Wang Changyuan’s poem refers to ci (辞 verbal mastery) and fu (赋 rhapsody), for which Wang Bao gained his reputation, despite being considered decadent music. The Biographies of Gongsun Hong, Bu Shi and Ni Kuan in Han Shu 《汉书·公孙弘卜式兒宽传》 ( ) also stated: that ‘Liu Xiang and Wang Bao were widely known for their prominent essays’. These two individuals ‘held the same positions as Xiahou Sheng and his disciple Xiao Wangzhi, both strong proponents of Confucianism’ (Ban, 1962, p. 2634). The concept “wenzhang ” was widely used in the Han

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dynasty, partly due to distinctions made with “wenxue” in the broad sense since the Pre-Qin period. Thus, Xiahou Hui said in his recommendations for Liu Shao: ‘Scholars of wenxue focus on logic… while scholars of wenzhang focus on rhetorical language’ (Chen, 1971, p. 619). These two types of scholars can be distinguished from today’s standpoint, with the former akin to academic scholars and the latter close to writers. Wang Can, one of the seven main scholars of the Jian’an Period (建安七子) in the Three Kingdoms era, indicated in Jingzhou Wenxue Jiguanzhi 《荆州 ( 文学记官志》Official Account of Classical Studies in Jingzhou) that “literature” is ‘the preservation of human relations and the foundation of great teaching’. The classics he listed as “wenxue” included Classic of Changes ( 《易》 ), Classic of Documents 《书》 ( ), Classic of Poetry 《诗》 ( ), Records of Rituals 《礼》 ( ) and Chunqiu 《春秋》Spring ( and Autumn Annals ), all of which were produced in the Pre-Qin dynasty. Wang also noted that ‘the writings of sages are so diverse and have different forms’ (Yan & Xu, 1999, p. 921). Wang referred to the ancient classics, which were common in the Han and Wei dynasties. For example, in Shiji 《史记》 ( Records of the Historian), Gong Sunhong, ‘an expert of Confucianism’, was called ‘a scholar of literature’ (Sima, 2000, p. 318), as were Yuan Huan and Wang Zang because they ‘clarified Confucianism’ (Sima, 2000, p. 2371). ‘A good command of wenxue’ was considered to be an innate ability of people in the Qi and Lu areas (Shandong province) (Sima, 2000, p. 2370). Cui Ai’s Nanyang Wenxue Song 《南阳文学颂》 ( Ode to literature in Nanyang ) dealt entirely with ethics and music (Ouyang, 1982, pp. 692–693). Based on the concept of “wenxue” as used in the Han dynasty, Zhang Taiyan summarised the discussion in the Chaoqi chapter of Lun-Heng 《论衡·超奇》On ( Preeminence in Discourses Weighed), as follows: ‘According to this [discussion], wen (文 rhymed writing) and bi (笔 unrhymed writing) are not separate forms of writing. Wen refers to writings such as zou (奏 memorials to the throne) or ji (记 records)’. Before this, classics, allusions and the writing of Masters writing with beautiful rhetoric were regarded as first-class works and all included under wenxue. In addition, lun (论 disquisitions), shuo (说 explanations), ji (记 records), xu (序 postfaces), beizhi (碑志 stele inscriptions), zhuan (传accounts and records) and zhuang (状descriptions) were also incorporated in “wen”. As he also pointed out: ‘Classics are excluded from this category. Since young students gathered together to be educated and take examinations to get official positions, they wrote essays like baguwen (八

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股文eight-legged essay), which could not be regarded as individual writing’ (Zhang, 2008b, p. 252). Zhang criticised the opinions expounded in Wen Xuan 《文选》 ( Selections of Refined Literature) and Ruan Yuan, calling them “biased” because ‘Any writings with aesthetic concerns are treated as essays, while totally ignoring their semiological nature. Therefore, those writings without decoration are excluded’. He stated that ‘we shall take written signs as our criterion, rather than take aesthetic concerns as our standard’. Meanwhile, Liu Shipei attacked Zhang’s definition of “wenxue” for being too broad: In the Western and Eastern Han dynasties, bi (笔 unrhymed writing) was regarded as wen (文 rhythmed writing). It referred to the classics or wenzi (文字 writing, script) instead of style. As Taishigong Zi Xu in Shiji 《史记· ( 太史公自序》Records of the Historian: Self-narration of Grand Historian) recorded, ‘There are tens of thousands of characters in Chunqiu 《春秋》 ( Spring and Autumn Annuals ). “Wen” here refers to scripts which were edited in this book’. The Chaoqi chapter of Lun-Heng 《论衡·超奇》 ( On Preeminence in Discourses Weighed) also noted that This does not refute Ruan Yuan, since he did not study or explain in detail the ideas of Xu, Zhang, and Liu. His article merely sought to extend his idea to prove that wenzhang should combine outer appearance with decoration and purity of its content. (Liu, 1997, p. 1284)

Zhang’s extensive interpretation of “wenxue” provides researchers with another perspective: to a degree, ‘all history is contemporary history’, so people today should have at least some ‘sympathetic understanding’ of the concept of “wenxue” during the Qin and Han dynasties so as to avoid losing introspection when constructing the concepts and history of literature, which could happen were one to depend solely on later theories and concepts (Yu, 1997). The connotations of “wenxue” have been enriched since the Sui and Tang dynasties, with the popularisation of the use of concepts such as “ruxue” (儒学 Confucianism), “shixue” (史学 history) and “xuanxue” (玄学 Neo-Daoism), as well as the rise of “jingxue” (经 学 classical studies) after the Han dynasty. On the one hand, with the enhanced ideas of “wenyimingdao” (文以明道 literature as the means to illuminate the Way), which seeks to demonstrate ideals through writing and “wenyizaidao” (文以载道 literature as the vehicle of ideas), “wenxue” still refers to scholarship and knowledge in a broad sense, in line with the ancient Chinese “wenxue”; but since the Six Dynasties period, “wen”

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and “xue” have been separated from each other. The connotations of “wenxue” mostly relate to “wen”, which approximates to “dictation” and “writings”. When discussing the concept of “wenxue”, however, it refers more to the combination of “wen” (文 rhymed writing) and “bi” (笔 unrhymed writing). Examining the various compilations and critical works on the genres of “wen” can provide a perspective on the scope of “wen” in ancient China. For example, Zhaoming Wenxuan 《昭明文 ( 选》Selections of Refined Literature by Prince Zhaoming ) accumulates 36 literary genres. Liu Xie’s Wenxin Diaolong 《文心雕龙》 ( The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragon) includes 34 genres from ancient to modern times, while Xu Shizeng’s Wenti Mingbian 《文体明辨》 ( A Clear Distinction of Styles)) in the Ming dynasty contains 127 genres, etc. According to the division of genres of wenzhang (文章 writing and literary text) in different periods, the concept of “wenxue” with a preference for wen (文 writing) after the Six Dynasties was far more extensive than that introduced from the West which had the notion of “pure literature” at its core. This explains the separation of chunwenxue (纯文学 pure literature) from zawenxue (杂文学 miscellaneous literature) over the course of the modern knowledge transformation. The majority of related books in the ROC constructed Chinese literary history based on the concept of “pure literature”, with discussions related to the content of the four genres of modern “wenxue” in reviews of ancient Chinese poetry. The concept of “wenxue” in China evolved from the Pre-Qin period to the Two Han Dynasties, the Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern and Six Dynasties, the Sui and Tang dynasties and even later. The various interpretations of “wenxue” enriched the connotations of this concept and broadened the spectrum of knowledge. In Liu Yongji’s review of the concepts of “wenxue” in ancient China, he wrote: Reviewing the concepts of “wenxue” during our country’s history, we cannot say there exists a boundary between writings for reclaiming and writings of knowledge. No one knows this. But without naming it, its meaning cannot be revealed. Even though its meaning could be understood, people still couldn’t express it clearly. That’s why most of [the meanings] are ambiguous. Overall, before the Six Dynasties, the majority of writing conveyed writers’ aspirations, but after the Tang and Song dynasties, they tended to convey ideas. Laozi and Zhuangzi talked about metaphysics in their writings, which are full of rhymes. Chunqiu 《春秋》 ( Spring and Autumn Annuals ) records events, but the style is subjective. The writings of knowledge are written in reclaiming forms. The poets of

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later times used plain words to preach morality and discuss right or wrong, without using comparisons or affective images or losing their sarcastic spirit. These writings aimed to reclaim people in the forms of knowledge. (Liu, 1934, p. 21)

Dividing “wen” into “ganhua zhiwen” (感化之文writings for reclaiming) (close to the modern concept of “literature”) and “xueshi zhiwen” (学识之文 writings of knowledge) (close to the modern concept of “scholarship”) is based on the general meanings of the concepts of “wen” and “wenzhang ”. But looking back on the history of “wenxue” in ancient China raises a certain dilemma: using today’s criteria of “literature” or “scholarship”, it is hard to categorise ancient Chinese classics such as Laozi, Zhuangzi, Chunqiu, etc., or the poetry of xuanyan (玄言 arcane discourse or metaphysical discourse) during the Wei and Jin dynasties and the poetry of lixue (理学 learning of the Neo-Confucian principles) during the Song and Ming dynasties. Hence, the boundaries of “lei” (类 categories) and “ti” (体 style) are hard to distinguish. The obvious disparities between the ancient and the modern, as well as between the Western and Eastern concepts, of “wenxue” appear as contradictions in the context of the transformation of modern knowledge. Meanwhile, the advancement of the Western concept of “literature” and its knowledge system has been strengthened by refuting the traditional definition of the concept of “wenxue”. In this regard, Qian Zhongshu, commenting in 1932 on Zhou Zuoren’s Origins of Chinese New Literature 《中国新文学的源流》 ( ), pointed out: It seems that “shiyiyanzhi” (诗以言志 poetry expressing aspirations) and “wenyizaidao” (文以载道 literature as the vehicle of ideas) are not two incompatible propositions from the perspective of traditional literary criticism according to Zhou and other critics. In traditional literary criticism, all we have are the fragmentary categories of “poetry”, “prose”, “ci” (词song lyrics) and “qu” (曲vernacular lyrics), instead of a comprehensive concept of “wenxue” (文学 literature). This is possibly due to the Chinese “Depart mentality”! “Poetry” and “literature” both have their own rules and missions. “Wen” in “wenyizaidao” (文以载道 literature as the vehicle of ideas) usually refers to “guwen” (古文 classical prose) or “sanwen” (散文modern Chinese prose), and does not cover all aspects of the modern concept of “wenxue” (文学 literature). (Qian, 1932)

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Regardless of whether it is “poetry” is for expressing aspirations or “literature” as a vehicle of ideas, all such works fall under the ancient Chinese categories of “wenxue” (文学 literature)/“wenzhang ” (文章 writing and literary text). Before the introduction of the modern Western concept of “wenxue” (文学literature), there was no systematic and complete system under the same concept with respective genre attributes and functions. Japanese scholar Hiroshi Kozen pointed out in his article “Literature and writing ” (1989): ‘The word “literature” in modern Japanese and modern Chinese may approximate to that in English, as mentioned above. But rigidly speaking, it is inappropriate to utilize the concept in English or other European languages to express the Chinese concept of “wenxue” (文学 literature) in premodern times.’ Kozen believes that ‘the corresponding word for the modern concept of “wenxue” (文学 literature) is “wenzhang ” (文章 writing and literary text), but also noted’: Until the end of the old regime, “writing” in China remained under influence of Lunyu 《论语》 ( Analects ). However, baihua xiaoshuo (白话小 说 vernacular fiction) and xiqu (戏曲 Chinese opera), which in modern times are considered important in Chinese literary history, were despised under the old system and were never considered worthy of the label “writing”. During the Cultural Revolution, Lin Qinnan, who opposed the transformation of literary genres, criticised xin wenxue (新文学 New Literature), arguing that works written in vernacular Chinese were ‘too vulgar’ to be considered “writings”, regardless of their quality. Conversely, the modern concept of xin wenxue could no longer be expressed by the term “wenzhang ” (文章 writing and literary text). (Kozen, 1989, p. 2428)

We can conclude that, in terms of their definitions, scopes and practices, an obvious disparity exists between the concepts of “wenxue” (文 学 literature) or “wenzhang ” (文章 writing and literary text) in ancient China, and the contemporary concept of “wenxue” (文学 literature), which refers to the art of languages. From this perspective, despite their links to each other, the concepts belong to different conceptional systems in terms of their connotations and scopes. Therefore, the Chinese literature to which we often refer does not correspond to “wenxue” (文 学 literature) or “wenzhang ” (文章 writing and literary text) in the traditional Chinese context in terms of these terms’ connotations and objects.

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Examination and Discussion of “Literary Consciousness” Among the general discussions on Chinese literature of the classical period, the most well-known regarded “literary consciousness”. Elaborated and propagated by Lu Xun in the late 1920s, it became the most common concept used in Chinese literary history research. In the essay “Wei Jin fengdu ji wenzhang yu yao ji jiu zhi guanxi” 《魏晋风度及文章 ( 与药及酒之关系》“The relationship of Wei-Jin lifestyle and writings with drugs and alcohol”), Lu described the Wei and Jin dynasties as ‘an era of literary consciousness’ and called Cao Pi and others ‘a school of art for art’ (Lu, 2005b). This idea entered the mainstream in later discussions on the literature of the Wei and Jin dynasties. For example, regarding the transformation of the concept of literature in the Wei, Jin and the Six dynasties, Luo Genze also claimed that ‘the transformation of the concept of ancient Chinese literature happened in the Wei and Jin dynasties’. He described Jian’an era (196–220) as an ‘an era of literary consciousness’ and ‘a splendid era for literature’ (Luo, 1943, p. 3). Although many different ideas arose in later interpretations of “literary consciousness”, most scholars generally agreed on its existence in Chinese literature of the classical period and used it as a basic philosophy for compiling Chinese literary history. The term “literature” was used with its modern connotations and references, rather than the traditional Chinese meaning and knowledge system. Modern scholarship has traced a narrative lineage of Chinese literary history derived from “literary consciousness” which views poems, prose, fiction and opera as its main content. In the recent and popular Chinese Literary History, the distinguishing feature of literature in the Wei and Jin dynasties remained its “literary consciousness”, which was marked by three characteristics: ‘First, literature separated from scholarship in a broad sense and became an independent discipline’; ‘second, literary genres were further classified, and, more importantly, the forms and styles of each genre were identified’; ‘third, the aesthetic features of literature are pursued self-consciously’ (Yuan, 1999, pp. 3–4). It is evident from the above that the concept of modern literature has “chunwenxue” (纯文学 pure literature) at its core, which narrows the concept of “wenxue” or “wen” to genres such as poems and fu (赋 rhapsodies) and excludes “zawenxue” (杂文学 miscellaneous literature), which possesses none of the aesthetic qualities of “literature”. However, was this the

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concept of literature that was in fact recognised at that time? Having reviewed statements from that time, we need to delve deeper in order to answer this question. In the Wei, Jin and the Six dynasties, “wen” (文 literature) and “xue” (学scholarship) gradually became specialised areas. As a category of writing, “wen” became independent from “yiwen” (艺文 arts and writings). At the lexical level, “wenxue” occupies a parallel position between “wen” and “xue”. The scope of this concept broadened significantly after the Pre-Qin and Han dynasties. During the Han dynasty, besides referring to “scholarship”, the connotation of “wen” and “wenzhang ” also incorporated the concept of“wenxue”. At this time, “wenxue” came to be used to refer to “wenzhang boxue” (文章博学 talents and broad learning), as later interpreted by Xing Bing. Comparing the different connotations of the concept of “literature”, Luo Genze once wrote: The concept of “wen” in the Six Dynasties, which inherited the connotations of “wen” and “wenzhang ” in the Han dynasty, had a clearer scope. It became closer to the pure literature of today. The same happened to the concept of “Bi” (笔 plain writing), which inherited “xue” and “wenxue” in the Han dynasty and refers to the miscellaneous literature of today. In the Han dynasty, “wenxue”, which corresponded to “xue”, partly belonged to the modern category of miscellaneous literature, and partly to the scholarship category. At that time, “wenzhang ” was the equivalent of “wen”, and close to the modern concept of “wenxue”. In the Wei, Jin and the Six dynasties, “wenxue” and “wenzhang ” both corresponded to “wen”, and referred to what we call literature today. (Luo, 1934, p. 222)

Luo’s views were mainly based on wenbizhibian (文笔之辨 discrimination between prose), which was prevalent during the Six Dynasties. In that period, although it was quite common to use “wenxue” to refer to “wenzhang ” (文章 writing and literary text) and “wen”, it was also used to refer to scholarship in a broad sense. Furthermore, the scope of references of “wen” and “wenzhang ” is not covered by the modern concept of “literature”. Hence, to equate “wen” and “wenzhang ” with the Western concept of “wenxue” is an anachronism. With the further development of “wen” and its related theoretical criticism, the term “wenxue” in the Wei and Jin dynasties came to be increasingly used as a substitute for “wenzhang ”. The meaning of “wen” became stronger, while that of “xue” became lighter. For example, in Sanguo Zhi 《三国志》 ( History of the Three Kingdoms ), it is written that

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Emperor Wei Wendi of the Wei dynasty (220–226AD) ‘adores literature, and immerses himself in writing, thus creating hundreds of works’ (Chen, 1971, p. 88). ‘When Emperor Wen [Cao Pi] was still the Leader of the Court Gentlemen, he and Zhi, the Marquis of Pingyuan, both loved literary learning’ (Chen 1971, p. 599). Cao Pi and Cao Zhi were famous literati during the Three Kingdoms period, known for their poetry and prose. Cao Pi once wrote a book entitled Dian lun 《典论》 ( Normative Discourses ), which includes the essay “Lunwen” (论文 “Discourse on Literature”). But this essay, the so-called wenzhang, includes not only poetry and prose, which are still considered literary works today, but also other literary genres, such as zhangbiao (章表 memorial of gratitude or petition) and zouyi (奏议 memorial), which are excluded from the literary category in modern times. “Wenzhang ” “originally derives from Wujing 《五经》 ( Five Classics ), of which only prose and eulogy deriving from Shijing 《诗经》 ( Classic of Poetry) are regarded as literary works in the modern conceptual system. Accordingly, the so-called wenzhang of that time was very different from modern literary works. As some scholar pointed out”: The scopes to “wen” and “wenzhang ” in the Wei and Jin dynasties are very extensive. A variety of practical genres are included in “wenzhang ”. This is evident in the discussions on literary styles in ‘Dian lun “Lunwen”’ 《典论·论文》 ( ‘Discourse on Literature’ in Normative Discourses ), ‘Wen Fu’ (文赋Rhapsody on Literature), ‘Wenzhang Liubie Lun’ (文章流别论 Treatise on Writing Divided by Genre), and ‘Hanlin Lun’ (翰林论On Imperial Academy). Works of various schools, including historical books and Confucian classics, all belong to the “wenzhang ” category. In short, whether it is a single poem or a complete book, as long as it is written in words and reflects the author’s writing ability, it all belongs to “wenzhang ”, the scope of which is much broader than that of modern literature. (Wang & Yang, 1989, p. 13)

The present concept of “wenxue” to refer to works of the Wei, Jin and Six dynasties is, to some extent, the result of “selection” by most commentators based on the modern concept of “literature”, rather than a reflection of its true features in that period. In late Northern and Southern Dynasties, with the growing aesthetic awareness of literary theorists in terms of rhetoric and literary forms, the literary nature of “wenxue” became increasingly evident in practice, as manifested by the establishment of separate disciplines and wenbizhibian

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(文笔之辨 discrimination between proses). From then on, “wen” and “xue” began to be gradually regarded as two types of knowledge. The distinction between the two in the Wei, Jin and Six dynasties was previously used to identify different types of talents and knowledge. During the Three Kingdoms period, Liu Shao divided occupations with various specialties into twelve categories in his work “Renwuzhi ‘Liuye’” 《人物 ( 志·流业》“Occupations for various specialties” in Treatise on personality). “Wenzhang ” and “ruxue (儒学 confucianism)” are treated as two categories, with the former referring to those, such as Sima Qian and Ban Gu, who were good at writing articles and other works, while the latter referred to Confucianists who could inherit and spread the works of the saints, but were not engaged in actual political deeds, such as Master Mao Gong and Master Guan (Liu Shao). Sima Qian and Ban Gu are well-known for their “wenzhang ” because they compiled Shiji 《史记 ( 》Historical Records ) and Hanshu 《汉书》 ( History of the Former Han). Despite differing from the present day understanding of the concept, the awareness at that time of “wenzhang ” as a type of knowledge and writing was clearly evident. In the Liu-Song dynasty, “wenxue” was considered a form of talent training and knowledge transmission. According to Songshu 《宋书》 ( Book of the Song Dynasty), Lei Cizong was recruited by Emperor Wen of Song in 438 AD to open a school in Jilong Mountain to give lectures. Regarding the national education system at that time, Shen Yue states: Zhu Yingzhi from Kuaiji and Yu Weizhi from Yingchuan were masterly Confucianists, responsible for the overall supervision of a wide range of students. At that time, the Guozi Xue (国子学 School of National Youth) hadn’t been established yet. The emperor, who favoured the arts, ordered He Shangzhi, the magistrate of Danyang, to set up a school of xuanxue (玄学 arcane learning). He Chengtian [was appointed] taizi lügengling (太子率更令 director of the watch), in charge of the institute of history, and Xie Yuan [was appointed] situ canjun (司徒参军 director of instruction) and head of the school of wenxue; thus, four institutes were founded at the same time. (Shen, 1974a, pp. 2293–2294)

Zhu Yingzhi and Yu Weizhi were the taichang cheng (太常丞assistant commissioners for ceremonies), in charge of the ritual system for the teaching of Confucianism. He Shangzhi was famous at that time for teaching xuanxue (玄学 arcane learning). In 436AD, after he became the governor of Danyang, He Shangzhi ‘set up an institute of arcane

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learning and recruited students. Xu Xiu from Donghai, He Tan from Lujiang, Huang Hui and Xun Zihua from Yingchuan, Sun Zongchang from Taiyuan, Wang Yanxiu and Kong Huixuan from Lu County all went there for his lectures, which were called nanxue (南学 study of the south)’ (Shen, 1974c, p. 1734). The impact of founding this institution was evident. He Chengtian authored a series of books, including Chunqiu Qianzhuan (春秋前传 Prequel of The Spring and Autumn Annals ), Lilun (礼论 On Rituals ), Zayu (杂语Miscellanies ) and Shuoyuan (说苑 Garden of Stories), and was also a master of calendars. Xie Yuan, known for his knowledge and wisdom, was the cousin of Xie Lingyun, whose mother was the granddaughter of Wang Xizhi (Shen, 1974b, pp. 1701–1711). Each of them performed different roles, according to their different strengths. Thus, although we do not know the specific content of each discipline taught there, their names indicate certain boundaries, and the scope of “wenxue” was narrowed down compared to in the previous period. The prevalence of distinguishing between “wen” (文 rhymed writing) and “bi” (笔 plain writing) during the Wei, Jin and Six dynasties in some ways resulted from the gradual narrowing of the concept of “wen”, which in turn contributed to the further clarification of the term’s connotations. Liu Xie expressed his views on this issue in Wenxin Diaolong ‘Zongshu’ 《文心雕龙·总术》 ( “General Techniques” in The Literary Mind and the Carving of the Dragon) as follows: ‘Nowadays, it is common to say that [among literary writings] there is wen and there is bi; those which do not employ rhyme are bi, and those which employ rhyme are wen’ (Liu, 1958, p. 655). Here, Liu makes a general distinction between two different types of writing: “wen” and “bi”. In this regard, Huang Kan, who examined various discussions of “bi” from the period of the Han Dynasty to the Six Dynasties, stated: Distinguishing between “wen” and “bi” based on rhyme started with the rise of rhyme theory, which originated with Fan Ye and Xie Zhuang, and was carried forward by Wang Rong, Xie Tiao, and Shen Yue. For official writing, there was no need for rhyme. But it was generally accepted that at that time, official writing was called “bi”, which was considered to have no rhyme. In fact, the naming of “bi” didn’t result from its lack of rhyme. “Bi” was commonly used to refer to writing in the Han dynasty. And “bi” was used to refer to plain writing in the Song dynasty. In short, before the

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rise of rhyme theory, the distinction between “wen” and “bi” remained ambiguous. (Huang, 2000, p. 211)

As important concepts in the literary theory of the Six Dynasties, “wen” and “bi” each have their own evolutionary histories. The distinction between “weng ” and “bi” not only has stylistic significance but also clarifies the boundaries of each concept (Luo, 1943, pp. 19–21). Distinguishing between “wen” and “bi” has led to a division between the two concepts. Similarly, the distinction between “wen” and “xue” in the concept of “wenxue” (文学 literature) led to further differentiation. Xiao Yi, Emperor Yuan of Liang, commented in “Jinlouzi ‘Liyan’ ” 《金 ( 楼子·立言》“Establishing Words” in Master of the Golden Tower): There were two kinds of ancient scholars, and there are four kinds of modern scholars. The students of the various masters, who passed on their teachings one after the other, and were thoroughly familiar with the classics of the sages, were called ru (儒 Confucian scholars). Qu Yuan, Song Yu, Mei Sheng, and Sima Xiangru worked only with cifu (辞赋 rhapsodies), so they were called wen. The ru scholars of today are deeply learned in the various masters and histories, but only know the facts and do not understand the principles behind them, so these are called xue. As for those who are not good at poetry, such as Yan Zuan, or who are good at proclamation and presentation essays, such as Bo Song, men of this ilk are called bi. Those who recite songs that are full of sorrow and longing are called wen. (Xiao, 2011, p. 966)

The differences between ancient and modern connotations of “xue” lie not only in the diversity of knowledge systems, but also in the changes to methods of knowledge classification: In ancient times, “ru” was divided into “ru” and “xue”. The same happened to “wen”, which was further divided into “wen” and “bi”. Probably due to this development, modern scholars have named this period “The era of literary self-awareness”. Furthermore, it should be pointed out that Xiao Yi highlighted a difference of origins between “wenbi of the past” and “wenbi of the present”. He seems to be reminding the reader not to equate the concept of “wenbi” of the Six Dynasties with the meaning it held in earlier times. Each concept has its own evolutionary trajectory. From the point of view of scholars of the Six Dynasties, the connotations of “wen”, which excludes “bi”, are still quite different from modern literary works. For example, Wenjing mifulun (文镜秘府论 Discourses from the marvellous

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storehouse of the mirror of literature) quotes the work “Wenbishi” (文笔式 Patterns for poetry and prose) as follows: Writing is composed of “wen” and “bi”. “Wen” includes shi (诗 poetry), fu (赋 rhapsody), ming (铭 inscription), song (颂 eulogy), zhen (箴 remonstrance), zan (赞 encomium or judgement), diao (吊 lament), lei (诔 elegy), etc.; “Bi” refers to zhao (诏 imperial edicts), ce (策 intrigue), yi (移 dispatch), xi (檄 proclamation), zhang (章 petition), zou (奏memorial to the throne), shu (书 letter), qi (启, note), etc. In other words, works with rhyme belong to “wen”, and works without rhyme are “bi”. (K¯ ukai, 1975, p. 219)

Except for shi and fu, genres of “wen” are rarely discussed in the history of modern literature. In a way, the discrimination between “wen” and “bi” concerns a division in the broad sense of “wen”, rather than a conceptual self-awareness. Certainly, the further distinctions between “wen” and “bi” since the Pre-Qin period and the Han dynasty contributed to the clarification of the concept of “wenxue”. Luo Genze points out, ‘As the concept of literature tends to be narrowed, works that cannot be listed in the narrow sense of literature are also known as “bi”, and thus comes the distinction between “wen” and “bi”’ (Luo, 1943, p. 18). The related concept of “wenzhang ” has also undergone extensive developments at the connotative level. Xiao Zixian of the Liang Dynasty created “nanqishu” (南齐书History of the Southern Qi,) in which he compiled “wenxue zhuan” (文学传literature accounts) in liezhuan (列传 arrayed biographies). Although non-literary figures like Zu Chongzhi were also included, the discussions at the end of the essay were only related to “wenzhang ”. Xiao (Xiao, 1972, p. 908) wrote: Nowadays, the “wenzhang ” created by many authors can be generally divided into three types. The first is filled with a leisurely and carefree mood with flamboyant phrases in the writing. Though delicate and exquisite, it can ultimately appear roundabout and memorable. Therefore, this type of work is a great choice for public banquets, but there are no fixed norms. Furthermore, they are careless and inattentive, flaccid and verbose, with marrow-deep faults. Though their classical properties may be worthy of study, they are severely lacking in feeling. This style was originated by Xie Lingyun. The second [type] is marked by an obsession with analogy. Although commendable for their content, words and extensive knowledge,

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they have certain constraints. Some of them borrow ancient expressions to convey present feelings, but become obscure and confusing. Only separate examples can be found, while conciseness and meanfulness are lost. These works, such as Fu Xian’s “wujingshi” 《五经诗》 ( Poetry of Five Classics ) and Ying Qu’s “baiyishi” 《百一诗》 ( Hundred and One Poems ) are not identical, but are of the same type. The third category are [texts] written in an abrupt and straightforward manner, using unusual rhymes and flamboyant rhetoric that stir the heart and mind. They are like the colours red and purple, the decadent music of the Zheng and Wei country. This type of writing is a legacy of Bao Zhao’s style.

The abovementioned authors of “writings of the present” (Xie Lingyun, Fu Xian, Ying Qu and Bao Zhao) were all renowned for their poetry at the time. Although Fu Xian’s “wujingshi” 《五经诗》 ( Poetry of Five Classics ) and Ying’s “baiyishi” 《百一诗》 ( Hundred and One Poems ) may be deficient in terms of their artistry according to today’s aesthetic standards, they undoubtedly belonged to the category of poetry in terms of their style. Xiao Zixuan’s discussion does not cover the entire genre of “wenzhang ”, but focuses mainly on works with literary qualities regarded as the origin of the modern concept of “wenxue”. Another example of changing connotation of “wenxue” is Liu Xiaochuo’s “Zhaomingtaizi Jixu” 《昭明太子集序》 ( Preface to The Collections of Crown Prince Zhaoming ), in which he used the term “wenxue” to refer to works much closer in scope to today’s category of literature: While astronomy is beautiful for its glory, human writings are more precious for their brilliance. It is valuable for the epitomisation of elegance, but the rhetorical crafting is trivial. When picking up a pen to write an article, the spark of thought comes without the slightest pause, just as the wind and the thunder come naturally. As for touring and feasting in the Western Garden or holding farewell banquet at Qingluo, they wrote poems and rhapsodies eloquently. Their literary writings are knowledgeable and elegant. It is not necessary to embellish the decrees, the inscriptions when they are touring together. (Liu, 1879)

Liu’s views here are essentially consistent with Xiao Tong’s definition of “wen” in “wenxuan” 《文选》Selections ( of Refined Literature). The works collected in wenxuan are “wenzhang ” of various genres. Despite including various practical writings, ce (册 imperial mandate), zhao (诏

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imperial edict), ce (策, discourse on politics) and xi (檄 military proclamation), etc., literary genres such as shi (诗 poetry) and fu (赋 rhapsody) were still the mainstream. The term “wenxue” used on this basis mainly refers to literary works such as shi (诗 poetry) and fu (赋 rhapsody). However, as shown earlier, the scope of “wenxue” or “wen” is broader in other works of the Wei, Jin and Six dynasties. Rather than base his argument for a “literary self-consciousness” in this period on contrasting the use of”wen” and “bi”, Zhang Taiyan had a different understanding of the concept of “wenxue”: After the Jin dynasty, a distinction between “wen” and “bi” arose. Fan Ye commented in “Hou Han Shu” 《后汉书》 ( History of the Later Han) that ‘it is unbearable to write exhaustively, and it is inappropriate to express real emotions in florid language. Too much narration covers the thesis, and rhymes undermine the meaning. It is like using exquisite craftsmanship on a colourful painting, which will achieve nothing. It is relatively easy to write because this type of writing is not subject to rhyme’. Wenxin diaolong 《文心雕龙》 ( The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragon) also argued that ‘Current discussions of literature distinguish between ornamented and plain writing, ornamented meaning rhymed and plain meaning un-rhymed’. What the work intends to classify includes a wide range of literary styles. The division of “wen” and “bi” just preserves the views at the time instead of setting boundaries. In Crown Prince Zhaoming’s preface to Wenxuan 《文选》 ( Selections of Refined Literature), he regarded historical books as ‘different chapters’, but [when discussing] works of ancient philosophers, [he states] ‘the ability to write is not a noble act’. This collection formed his own unique view of appropriate styles, but this adds further verification of his view. (Zhang, 2008b, pp. 252–254)

Zhang Taiyan focused on the connotations beyond the discrimination between “wen” and “bi” and laid the foundation for his own concept of “wenxue”. In terms of developing an understanding of the concept of “wenxue” and of the genealogy of knowledge during the Six Dynasties, his views should be given sufficient attention, instead of being ignored by the later literary history constructed based on the concept of “pure literature”. From this perspective, it is better to call the Six Dynasties “the era of wenxue’s self-awareness”, rather than “the era of wen’s self-awareness”. After all, what people in the Six Dynasties termed “wen” was not the same as what people today call “wenxue”, despite appearing similar.

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References Ban, G. (1962). Han Shu. Zhonghua Book Company. Chen, S. (1971). Wei Shu (The book of Wei). Sanguozhi (Records of the three empires ). Zhonghua Book Company. Guo, S. Y. (1999). The history of Chinese literature criticism (pp. 14–15). Baihuazhou Literarure and Art Press. He, Y. (annotation), & Huang, K. (subcommented). (1788). Lunyu Jijieyishu (Subcommentaries on the analects of Confucius ) (Vol. 6). Zhi Bu Zu Zhai collection of books. He, Y. (noted), & Xing, B. (explained). (2000). Notes and comments on the analects of Confucius (Vol. 11, p. 160). Beijing University Press. Hu, Z. Y. (1986). Zi Shan Da Quan Ji (The collected works of Zishan) (Vol. 26). In Complete library ‘Four Branches of Literature’ (Vol. 1196, pp. 477–478). The Commercial Press. Huang, K. (2000). Studies on Wenxindiaolong (p. 211). Shanghai Guji Press. Huang, R. (2001). Jiang, Q. B, Cao, P. G. (collected). Huangren Ji (Vol. 17, p. 160). Shanghai Culture Publishing House. Kozen, H. (1989). “Literature” and “Writings”. Jinan School Newspaper, 1, pp. 24, 28. K¯ ukai. (1975). Wenbishibingdeshi (Discussions on Wen and Bi). Wenjingmifulun (Histories of ancient Chinese literary theory) (p. 219). People’s Literature Publishing House. Liu, S. P. (1997). ‘Guangruan Shi Wenyan Shuo’ of ‘Zuo An Ji’. In Last Words of Liushen Shu. Book II (Vol. 8, p. 1287). Jiangsu Guji Press. Liu, X. (1879). Liumishuji (Secret collections by Liu). In Z. Pu (Ed.), Hanweiliuchaobaisanjiaji (Records of creations in Han, Wei and the six dynasties ) reprinted in Xinshutang (Vol. 96). Liu, X. (1958). Wenxindiaolong (The literary mind and the carving of dragons ) (Vol. 9, p. 655). People’s Literature Publishing House. Liu, Y. J. (1934). Wenxue Lun (Essays on literature). Commercial Press. Lu, X. (2005a). Luxun Quanji’ (Collections of Luxun). People’s Literature Publishing House. Lu, X. (2005b). Eryi Ji. In Collected works of Lu Xun (Vol. 3). Renmin Wenxue Press. Luo, G. Z. (1934). History of literary criticism in China (p. 222). Renwen Press. Luo, G. Z. (1943). History of literary criticism in Wei, Jin and the six dynasties. The Commercial Press. Nakajima, T. (2000). The concepts about “literature”. In The Research Center for Chinese Traditional Culture in Peking University (Ed.), Cultural heritage—Proceedings of the International Conference on Sinological Studies (Volume of language and literature) (pp. 71–82). Peking University Press.

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Ouyang, X. (1982). Yi Wen Lei Ju (Collections of literary and art writings ) (Vol. 38, pp. 692–693). Shanghai guji Press. Qian, M. (2001a). Literary discourses in Modern China (p. 257). Shanghai SDX Joint Publishing Company. Qian, M. (2001b). Traditional education in Chinese history. In New theories of national history (p. 224). Shanghai SDX Joint Publishing Company. Qian, Z. (1932). Comment on ‘The origin of Chinese new literature’ by Zhou Zuoren. In ‘New Moon’ (Vol. 4, No. 4). Shen, Y. (1974a). Yinyi, Leicizongzhuan (Seclusion, Biography of Leicizong). In Songshu (Book of song ) (pp. 2293–2294). Zhonghua Book Company. Shen, Y. (1974b). ‘Hechengtianzhuan (Biography of Hechengtian)’ and ‘Xieyuanzhuan (Biography of Xieyuan)’. In Songshu (Book of song ) (pp. 1701– 1711). Shen, Y. (1974c). Heshangzhizhuan (Biography of Heshangzhi). In Songshu (Book of song ) (p. 1734). Sima, Q. (2000). Shi Ji (Historical records ). Zhonghua Book Company. Song, L. (1999). Na Zhai Ji Xu (The preface of collected works of Na Zhai). In Luo Yuexia, Hangzhou (Ed.), Collected works of Song Lian (p. 2031). Zhejiang Guji press. Wang, Y. X., & Yang, M. (1989). History of literary criticism in the Wei, Jin, the Northern and Southern Dynasties (p. 13). Shanghai Guji Press. Xiao, T. (Ed.), & Li, S. (noted). (1986). Wen Xuan (Collections of writings ) (4th ed., Vol. 36, pp. 1656–1657). Shanghai Guji Press. Xiao, Y. (2011). Jinlouzi Jiaojian (Collation and annotation of master of the Golden Tower) (Vol. 4, p. 966). Zhonghua Book Company. Xiao, Z. X. (1972). Nanqishu (Book of the Southern Qi). Wenxuezhuan (Literature histories ) (Vol. 52, p. 908). Zhonghua Book Company. Yan, K. J. (Ed.), & Xu, Z. S. (revised). (1999). Quan Hou Han Wen (Vol. 91, p. 921). The Commercial Press. Yang, B. J. (1980). Explanations and notes on the analects of Confucius (p. 110). Zhonghua Book Company. Yu, Y. C. (1997). The literati and the evolution of literary concepts in Han Dynasty. Dongfang Press. Yuan, X. P. (Ed.). (1999). Chinese literary history (Vol. 2, pp. 3–4). Higher Education Press. Zeng, G. F. (2001). Quan Xue Pian. In Lin Wen (Ed.), Collections of Zeng Guofan’s poetry and prose (p. 385). Jinghua Press. Zhang, C. G. (1935/1947). A new history of Chinese Literature (5th ed., p. 1). Kaiming Bookstore. Zhang, D. Y. (2008a). Strange tales from over the ocean: Dairy from the United Kingdom. In S. H. Zhong (Ed.), Toward the world series (Vol. 1). Hunan Yuelu Publishing House Co., Ltd.

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Zhang, T. Y. (2008b). Guogulunhengshuzheng (An introduction to Chinese language and literature), annotated by Pang Jun and Guo Ch. Y. Zhonghua Book Company. Zhen, D. X. (1986). Reading Notes made on Xishan (Vol. 21). In Complete library ‘Four Branches of Literature’ (Vol. 705, p. 631). The Commercial Press. Zheng, X. (noted), & Jia, G. (subcommented). (1999). Notes and commentaries of Zhou Li (Vol. 40, p. 1115). Peking University Press.

CHAPTER 3

East-to-East Encounters Between “Wenxue” and “Literature”

How did the Chinese classical concept of “wenxue” meet the modern concept of “literature” thereby forming a new concept of “literature” in Chinese culture that refers to the arts with language as the main means of expression, and featuring poetry, prose, novels and operas as the main literary categories? While researchers have long based their studies on Lu Xun’s views, some have recently abandoned his notion that wenxue was derived from Japan, suggesting instead that the concept was imported to China by Western missionaries. Despite being based on documented sources, these latter works seem to have overstated their claims. A look through the historical lineage of the creation and evolution of the modern concept of “literature” shows that the wenxue that appeared in the documents of Chinese scholars and Western missionaries after the 1840s, despite taking on a modern meaning, was still, on the whole, far from the Western understanding of the term, and remained close to the traditional Chinese concept. It was not until the 1870s, when Japanese scholars translated the classical Chinese word “wenxue” as “literature” that the concept of “literature” in the modern sense began to appear in Chinese cultural circles. Since then, with the compilation of dictionaries, the publication of works on the history of literature and the establishment of the discipline of “literature” in modern Japanese universities, the connotations of wenxue, as a new Chinese word, gradually formed and became

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widely accepted. In this process, “wenxue” and “literature” established a translation relationship, and the concept of “wenxue” took on a modern meaning.

“Wenxue ” from the East According to the Italian scholar Federico Masini, although Japan played a significant role in the spread of the Chinese term “wenxue” in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, “wenxue” could not be regarded as a Japanese loanword because it had already been used in early nineteenth century China in its modern sense. Thus, Masini regarded the use of “wenxue” in Zhifang Waiji 《职方外纪》 ( Records of Foreign Lands Beyond the Jurisdiction of the Imperial Geographer) as the beginning of the concept of “literature” in modern Chinese. Coincidentally, the recently published A New History of Modern Chinese Literature, edited by Professor David Der-Wei Wang of Harvard University, also traced the history of modern “literature” back to the Western concepts imported by missionaries in the late Ming dynasty. The book outlines several beginnings of the modern Chinese concept of “wenxue”, one of which takes place in the year 1635. According to the author of this chapter in question, Sher-shiueh Li, 1635, was regarded as the starting point for modern Chinese “wenxue” because that was when Yang Tingyun used Chinese the term “wenxue” to refer to Western “literature” in Daiyi Xubian 《代疑续编》 ( Sequel to the Treatise to Supplant Doubts ): Western religion … has a sequence, … initially there is literature, followed by the study of exhausting principles, … with books of thousands of kinds.

As one of the three pillars of Chinese Catholicism in the late Ming dynasty, Yang Tingyun was closely connected to Western Jesuits in China, such as Matteo Ricci, Nicolas Trigault and Giulio Aleni. Besides he and his family being baptised into the church and boasting deep insights into the knowledge and ideas introduced by the Jesuits, Yang also wrote prefaces for Western religious works such as Qike 《七克》 ( Seven Conquests ), Xixuefan 《西学凡》 ( An Overview of Western Learning ) and Dizui Zhenggui 《涤罪正规》 ( Correct Rules to Wash Away Sins ). Moreover, he also wrote expositories of doctrines in works such as Tian Shi Ming Bian 《天释明辨》 ( The Clear Distinction Between Catholicism and

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Buddhism), Xiaoluan Bubingming Shuo (鸮鸾不并鸣说 The Owl and the Phoenix do not Sing Together), Daiyi Pian (代疑篇 Treatise to Supplant Doubts ) and Daiyi Xubian 《代疑续编》 ( Sequel to the Treatise to Supplant Doubts ). It is argued that Yang Tingyun’s use of the classical Chinese word “wenxue” as the counterpart of “literature” may be due to the introduction of European education and academic divisions by the Italian missionary Giulio Aleni in his Xixuefan 《西学凡》An ( Overview of Western Learning ) and Zhifang Waiji 《职方外纪》Records ( of Foreign Lands Beyond the Jurisdiction of the Imperial Geographer). The former was completed in the third year of Tianqi (1623) and was printed in the autumn of that year, complete with the annotation ‘translated by Giulio Aleni of the West and compiled by Yang Tingyun of the East’. The latter was published in the same year as part of Tianxue Chuhan (天学初函 The First Collection of Wrtings on Heavenly Learning ), for which Yang Tingyun wrote a preface. Xixuefan 《西学凡》 ( An Overview of Western Learning ) provided a detailed description of the academic divisions during Europe’s classical period; its use of the term “wenke” (文 科 arts) suggests aspects of the modern concept of “literature”. In this book, wenke (文科 arts) is identified as the ‘the study of literature and arts’, which contains four aspects: (1) the sayings of ancient sages, (2) historical books from different countries, (3) poetry and prose of various kinds and (4) argumentative essays. The book also notes that ‘those who learn wenxue since childhood are first tested on their writings in class, and then arguments in public’, adding that ‘once they have learnt the knowledge of wenke (文科 arts), they will be admitted and begin to study the science’. Obviously, the term “wenxue” is used differently here from its modern meaning, despite its similarity to “literature” in the modern sense. Yet, A New Literary History of Modern China traced the origin of the modern concept of “literature” back to this point to highlight the evolution that took place as modern Chinese literature “encountered” the world, thus paving the way for what the author calls ‘Chinese literature in the world’. However, both Masini and David Der-wei Wang overlooked a key fact in their accounts of the emergence of the modern concept of “literature”, that is, the concept of “literature” in European languages at that time was still confined to the classical meaning of the word, differing from its modern usage, which had gradually narrowed with the rise of Romanticism. In fact, the same is true in traditional Chinese discourses,

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exemplified by those relating to the terms wen and wenzhang during the Six Dynasties, which are considered indicators of a growing self-awareness of Chinese “wenxue”. Therefore, it is unlikely that the Chinese term “wenxue”, regarded as corresponding to “literature”, in fact took on its modern meaning in the late Ming dynasty. The texts cited by Masini as evidence of Zhifang Waiji 《职方外纪》 ( Records of Foreign Lands Beyond the Jurisdiction of the Imperial Geographer) is from the second volume of Ouluoba Zongshuo 《欧逻巴总说》 ( Overview of Europe): All European countries strongly advocate literature. Kings widely set up schools. Every prefecture in each kingdom has a university and a middle school, and every county has an elementary school. The teachers for those elementary schools are selected on the basis of their academic competency. The middle schools and universities choose those with superior academic qualifications to be teachers and professors. There can be tens of thousands of students … That is the process by which European countries establish schools and appoint officials.

Since the above discussion relates entirely to schools, “wenxue” here can be interpreted in two ways: (1) as referring to “learning” or “scholarship” in the classical sense of China and Europe; (2) as being close to the concept of “education” today. However, both of these meanings are quite different from the modern concept of “wenxue”. The former use of the term can be found in Giulio Aleni’s Xixuefan 《西学凡》 ( An Overview of Western Learning ), while the latter is widely used in modern Japan. Based on the latter use, in 1896, Lin Lezhi and Ren Tingxu translated the title of the book Education in Japan, edited by Mori Arinori, the first Minister of Education in Japan, as Wenxue Xingguo Ce 《文学兴国策》 ( Strategies for Rejuvenating the Country through Literature). However, Masini’s view was criticised by Chinese-American scholar Lydia H. Liu, who pointed out: Masini (p. 204) proposes that the term “wenxue” in the modern sense should be further traced back to the work of Jesuit missionary Giulio Aleni, Zhifang Waiji 《职方外纪》 ( Records of Foreign Lands Beyond the Jurisdiction of the Imperial Geographer). He quotes [the phrase] ‘ouluoba zhuguo shang wenxue’ as proof. Its English translation is ‘all Western countries highly esteem literature. I think this translation has reversed chronological order. Since in 17th century, ‘literature’ or whatever its Italian counterpart

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covered a different and much broader semantic field than what we mean by ‘literature’ after the Enlightenment.

The above suggests that the concept of “wenxue” in Zhifang Waiji 《职 ( 方外纪》Records of Foreign Lands Beyond the Jurisdiction of the Imperial Geographer) is not exactly equivalent to the modern concept of “literature”. After all, the term “literature” (and its equivalents in other languages) in the Western world at that time had not yet evolved into the concept of “wenxue” as it is known today. Although Lydia H. Liu opposed the view that the concept of “wenxue” in the modern Chinese language system originated from Zhifang Waiji 《职方外纪》 ( Records of Foreign Lands Beyond the Jurisdiction of the Imperial Geographer), she did in fact accept Masini’s translation of the term “wenxue” as “literature” in her publication Short History of America (1831): ‘Wenxue, the direct translation of the English term “literature” by an American missionary, may not be classified as a loanword purely from Japanese. But rather, the process of two-way circulation via Japan led to the widespread dissemination of this term and gradually evolved into a standard translation of “literature” in China’. However, this verdict remains debatable in light of the use of “wenxue” in Liu’s book. Meilige Heshengguo Zhilüe 《美理哥合省国志略》 ( A Brief Record of the United States of America), also known as Meilige Guozhilüe 《美理哥国 ( 志略》Short History of America), is a book written in Chinese by American missionary Elijah Coleman Bridgeman, published in Singapore in 1838, and later included as excerpts in Xiaofanghuzhai Yudi Congchao Zai Bubian 《小方壶斋舆地丛钞再补编》 ( Collected geographical writings from the Xiaofanghu studio, Second supplement ). Certain words in this book such as “wenxue” and “falv” (law) also appeared in Haiguo Huzhi 《海国图志》 ( Maps and Documents of the Maritime Countries ) and were thereby exported to Japan before the Meiji Restoration. Some passages on “wenxue” in Haiguo Tuzhi 《海国图志》 ( Maps and Documents of the Maritime Countries ) included quotes from Meilige Guozhilüe 《美理哥 ( 国志略》Short History of America), such as ‘wenxue was prevalent in the city, and there were several shulou (书楼 studios or libraries). There were 25,000 books on the first floor, while all the libraries held around 70,000 to 80,000 books. Officials and intellectuals could read [the books], but [the books] could not be borrowed’. In another extract, the author writes: ‘As wenxue flourishes, 132 libraries have been set up with 541,400

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students at a cost of 419,878 dollars. There are also various jiyiguan (技 艺馆 skill-arts institutions) not included’. Elsewhere the book contains the following passages: ‘People believe in Catholicism and Protestantism. Human trafficking is prohibited. Recently wenxue begins to thrive’; ‘In the early days, wenxue was considered inferior, but in 1836 (the 16th year of Daoguang Reign) its status gradually improved’; and ‘The libraries which teach wenxue are compassionate to their servants. Those who mutilate their body and life shall be condemned’. Although the concept of “wenxue” is not specifically elaborated in these excerpts, it is generally used to refer to the classical Chinese sense of broad scholarship or to the idea of “education” as proposed by Giulio Aleni. Therefore, the modern concept of “literature” should not be assumed to originate from the book simply because wenxue corresponds to “literature”. After all, we should recall that “literature” has both a broad and narrow sense in Western contexts, too. It is evident from the above discussion that the views of both Masini and Lydia H. Liu are correct from the perspective of word translation. According to Giulio Aleni and Elijah Coleman Bridgman, a translation relationship between “literature” (or its Latin form “Litter¯at¯ura”) and “wenxue” had been preliminarily established (although not fixed) and did not form a stable correspondence in the dictionaries of the early missionaries in the late Qing dynasty. However, in terms of their connotations, both the terms “literature” (Litter¯at¯ura) and “wenxue”, as they were used at that time, appear to be distinct from the modern sense of the terms. It could be argued that, to some extent, the creation of the modern concept of “wenxue” owes much to Japanese scholars: the term “wenxue” and its knowledge system which became widespread in China at the beginning of the twentieth century were first translated into English and defined by Japanese scholars. From this point of view, there is truth in Lu Xun’s famous statement on the concept of “wenxue” in modern Chinese language: ‘The body of texts written in archaic language which we used to call “wen”, and now call “wenxue”, do not refer to the notion of “wenxue” as used by Ziyou and Zixia (two disciples of Confucius). Rather, [the term “wenxue”] was imported from Japan, [where it had been used to translate] the English word literature’. But the intercultural exchanges between China and Japan, as well as the complex historical context in which the concept of “wenxue” was created, developed and imported, should be fully understood and explored.

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Japanese scholars did not create the translation relationship between “literature” and “wenxue” out of nothing. Firstly, “wenxue” is a classical Chinese word. Despite the differences between its ancient and modern meanings, there are some connections. Moreover, this translation can be found earlier in Wilhelm Lobscheid’s Yinghua Cidian 《英华辞典》English-Chinese ( Dictionary), which was closely related to the final establishment of the translation of “wenxue”. In Yinghua Heyi Cidian 《英华和译字典》A ( Dictionary of the English, Chinese and Japanese Languages 1879–1881) compiled by Japanese scholar Tsuda Sen, Lobscheid’s translation of “wenxue” was faithfully copied, and this translation thus provided a basis for the later translation of “literature” and “wenxue”. Secondly, “wenxue” was regarded as the only translation of “literature” in Zhexue Xihui 《哲学字汇》 ( Dictionary of Philosophy). Inoue Tetsujir¯ o, one of the compilers of this dictionary, published A Revised and Expanded English-Chinese Dictionary between the 16th and 18th years of the Meiji era (1883–1885). The latter, though published after the Dictionary of Philosophy, proves that Wilhelm Lobscheid’s English-Chinese Dictionary had become an essential reference work for Japanese scholars after its introduction to Japan. At the beginning of the late Qing dynasty, the introduction to Japan of English-Chinese translation by missionaries marks an important stage in Sino-Japanese cultural exchanges in modern times. It shaped a unique cultural-historical view of intellectual circulation in East Asia, which led to the importation to China of Japanese translations of Western books.

The Legacy of Missionaries Although we affirm that the translation of the modern concept of “wenxue” as “literature” became established due to the translation and pragmatic practices of Japanese scholars, this does not overlook the efforts and contributions made by missionaries in China in the late Qing dynasty to introduce Western “wenxue”. Based on the translations and explanations of those missionaries, the classical Chinese term “wenxue” became connected to the Western concept of “literature” and was used as a core term in constructing the theoretical, academic and discourse system of modern Chinese literature. At the beginning of the late Qing dynasty, multiple discourses relating to “wenxue” in Western literature imported by Western missionaries were quoted in Haiguo Tuzhi 《海国图志》 ( Maps and Documents of the

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Maritime Countries ), an important means by which enlightened Chinese people at that time could ‘open their eyes to see the world’. The abovementioned Meilige Heshengguo Zhilüe 《美理哥合省国志略》 ( A Brief Record of the United States of America) is such quoted work. Reference is also made to the words of Robert Morrison, originally published in Aomen Yuebao 《澳门月报》 ( Chinese Repository): ‘Robert Morrison says he knows little about Chinese characters, and is still far away to have a deep understanding of Chinese literature. In the entire world, only people in England are aware of Shiji 《史记》 ( Records of the Historian), but the number totals less than 20, so these people are not worth mentioning. Thus, people who compile dictionaries or write articles about China do not benefit fame or profit but lead the way in literary exchanges and remove barriers in both countries’ (Wei, 1998, p. 1960). The meaning of “wenxue” at that time was much broader than that of the modern concept. Other references to ancient literature are to be found in the discussions about the Romans in Haiguo Tuzhi 《海国图志》 ( Maps and Documents of the Maritime Countries ), which quote Dili Beikao (地理备 考 Geographical Reference): As for their literature and skills, they didn’t develop much in ancient times, and only studied military skills and agriculture. By the time they overcame Greece, they had snatched all their curiosities and treasures. Then, they conquered Asia Minor countries and plundered their valuables. Greece absorbed all the essence of the arts. When there were no more invasions, they began to develop literature. Afterwards, the talented people were put in higher positions, and people became outstanding in writing, and poems began to emerge. (Wei, p. 1112)

José Martinho Marques, a Macao-born Portuguese missionary, is the author of Dili Beikao (地理备考 Geographical Reference) and a student of Joaquim Goncalves. He juxtaposed “wenxue” and “skill”, incorporating shifu wenzhang (诗赋文章 poems, poetic expositions and prose) and zhuzuo zhuanshu (著作撰述 writings) into “wenxue”. This interpretation is clearly different from the later concept of “wenxue”, which came to specifically refer to language and art. It can be seen from the above quotes in Haiguo Tuzhi《海国图志》 ( Maps and Documents of the Maritime Countries ) that the concepts of “wenxue” and its knowledge genealogy as presented to Chinese academia at that time had not yet been separated from classical connotations.

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The word “wenxue” also shows up in Xiami Guanzhen 《遐迩贯珍》 ( Chinese Serial, 1853–1856), edited by Walter Henry Medhurst, James Legge and others: ‘The English people valued wenxue most, receiving education at school in childhood and doing business in adulthood’ (1854, p. 625). Here, “wenxue” refers to education. Additionally, the term “xibang wenxue” (西邦文学 literature in Western countries) is used in Jinri Zabao 《近日杂报》Miscellaneous ( News ), published in the tenth issue of Guanzhen 《遐迩贯珍》Chinese ( Serial, 1853–1856) in 1854: In June, the head of the Indian Department in London wrote to the Governor-General of India to propose the establishing of schools and relevant regulations, and to teach Indians xibang wenxue (西邦文学 the literature of Western countries). This good news for India can be used to pressure the Chinese government. I hope the Chinese can be more intelligent and explore Western [ideas]. It would be nice to see the wisdom of Chinese people growing, otherwise China will no longer rank at the top of Eastern countries. (p. 606)

Here, “xibang wenxue” refers to the English literature education introduced by English colonists in Indian schools. This modern literary curriculum focused on language and literature and coincided with the concept of a national literature appearing in Chinese academia for the first time. However, the specific meaning of “wenxue” here is not understood because of the insufficient elaboration of the term. In addition, phrases like “wenmo zhishi” (文墨之士 literary man) and “wenmo zhibang ” (文墨之邦 literary countries), as used in this journal, show us how the term “literature” was generally translated in the early EnglishChinese dictionaries. There are other examples related to “wenxue” in the early ChineseEnglish dictionaries translated and compiled by Western missionaries. In Wuche Yunfu (五车韵府 Erudition Syllabic Dictionary), compiled by Robert Morrison, “wen” was translated as “letters”, “literature” or “literary men”, and “wenzhang ” as “a bright assemblage of elegant letters-fine composition” or “polite literature”. This translation of “literature” clearly focuses more on the term’s correspondence with traditional Chinese knowledge. Thus, Robert Morrison translated “haogong guwen” as “fond of attacking (i.e. studying) ancient literature” (Morrison, 1819,

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p. 967). In Yinghua Zidian 《英华字典》English ( and Chinese Dictionary), compiled and edited by Walter Henry Medhurst, “literature” was translated as “wenzi”, “zimo” or “wenmo”, while “polite literature” was translated as “wenzhang ” (文章 writings). In Yinghua Zidian 《英 ( 华辞典》English and Chinese Dictionary) (1866–1869), translated and compiled by Wilhelm Lobscheid, a German missionary, “literature” was translated as “wen”, “wenxue”, “wenzi” and “zimo”; “literary essays” as “wenzhang ”; and “polite literature” as “wen” (Lobscheid, 1868, pp. 1119, 1337). Elsewhere in the same book, “wenxue” was translated as “belles-lettres” and “polite literature” (Lobscheid, 1866, p. 166). Justus Doolittle also translated “literature” as “zimo”, “wenmo” or “wenzi”, and “belles-lettres” as “wen zhang ” in his Yinghua Cuilin Yunfu 《英华萃林 ( 韵府》A Vocabulary and Hand-Book of the Chinese Language) (Doolittle, pp. 35, 288). These examples tell us that, despite the similarities in terms of the connotations of the ancient Chinese words “wenzhang ” and “wen” and the Western terms “polite literature” and “belles-lettres”, and despite the translation of “literature” as “wenxue”, the meanings of “wenxue” remained diverse and lacked fixed relations or fixed translations in the English language. Joseph Edkins, a missionary in the late Qing dynasty, wrote a wellknown account of the concept and knowledge genealogy of Western “wenxue” in Xila Wei Xiguowenxue Zhizu 《希腊为西国文学之祖》 ( Greek: The Stem of Western Literature). It was published in Liuhe Zongtan 《六 ( 合丛谈》Collected Writings of the Six Directions ), vol.1, no.1, printed by the Shanghai Mohai bookstore in the first month of the 7th year of the Xianfeng period (1857). It represented the first detailed exposition of the Western concept of “literature” in modern China. Some regard it as the starting point of the use of the modern concept of “wenxue” in Chinese academia. However, Edkins’ discussion was not confined to the modern concept of “wenxue”, referring to the art of language. Although the work began with a focus on Greek poetry and regarded Homer as ‘the ancestor of Greek poets’, this does not mean that he was trying to convey the modern Western concept of “wenxue” and its knowledge genealogy. In fact, the opening sentence was ‘Nowadays, in Western countries, literature and reasoning are thriving’, which is reminiscent of the traditional Chinese expression ‘gentle and refined manner’. Thus, the discussions that followed were still very broad. For instance, Edkins wrote:

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Athens was top among the Greeks in pursuing literature. Athenians were trained to be strong and skillful from childhood in boxing, archery and horseback riding. Those who pursued literature were classified into seven types: essay, rhetoric, moral principle, arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy. Those who studied essays and rhetoric were particularly well learned because of their love for poetry and argumentation.

In Edkins’ view, Greece was the ‘ancestor of literature’ in the West, not only because of its achievements in poetry and rhetoric, but also in all aspects of skills: Greek people were respected by others for not just one reason. … When people nowadays make a list of ancient Greek characters, they find that Greeks had all kinds of professions, including economists and naturalists … people good at rhetoric and reasoning … people good at article writing or proofreading ancient books ... astronomers and mathematicians … geographers and those familiar with sea routes … engineers and physicists … manufacturers of hardware artifacts … those who carved on metals and stones … those who built palaces … those who made statues with gold and stones … poets, painters, musicians … From 1200 B.C. to 200 B.C., or from the end of the Shang dynasty to the Chu and Han dynasties in China, there were 863 schools, whose works are still distributed today. What a great achievement! Therefore, Greece is the ancestor of western literature. (Edkins, 2006, pp. 524–526)

The concepts in Edkins’ work that relate to today’s concept of literature include “wenxue”, “wenzhang ”, “ciling ”, etc.; the latter two are closer to the later concept of “wenxue”, while the former is still used in the broad sense of “scholarship” and “learning”. Nonetheless, the translation relationship established by Edkins between “literature” and “wenxue” deserves more attention. Edkins came to China from England as a missionary in the late Qing dynasty, after studying at the University of London (University of London, Minutes of The Senate: July 22nd 1841 to August 17th 1842, p. 4). The university began to admit students in 1828 and offered a wide range of courses, such as languages, mathematics, physics, science of spirit and morality, English law, history and political economy and medical education. The “language” course included the following subjects: 1. Greek language, literature and antiquities;

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2. Latin language, literature and antiquities; 3. English literature and composition; 4. Oriental literature, subdivided into: A. Languages from the Mediterranean to the Indus B. Languages from the Indus to the Burrampooter 5. French language and literature; 6. Italian and Spanish literature; 7. German and Nordic literature (Harte and North, 1991, pp. 17–19). On the surface, while each of the language courses included literature, the focus was on the study of language, which is quite different from the literature-centred structure in the literature departments of modern universities. It is possible that Edkins may have attended the lectures of Samuel Kidd, a student of Morrison’s and a professor of sinology at the University of London (1837–1843). In the Catalogue of the Chinese Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, written by Samuel Kidd for the Chinese Library of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1838, Chinese books are classified into categories such as Language, History, Statistics and Topography, Biography, Poetry, Natural History, Moral Philosophy, “Metaphysics and General Science, Arts、Antiquarian Research”, Journals of the Chinese Government, Official Publications of the Chinese Government, Rites and Ceremonial Usages, Jurisprudence, Medical Science, “Maps, Plates, Drawing”, “Buddhism or the Religion of Fuh”, The Three Sects, Translations of the Sacred Scriptures into Chinese. Works of Fiction, Travel, Books for Youth, Miscellanies and others. Although limited by the number of Chinese books available at the time, the classification indicates the general structure of Western knowledge about China at that time. In 1841, Kidd also wrote the introductory book to China titled China, subtitled Illustrations of the Symbols, Philosophy, Antiquities, Customs, Superstitions, Laws, Government, Education and Literature of the Chinese. The introduction to Chinese literature discusses the poetry, fiction, opera and other genres that later fell within the scope of “wenxue” and specifically looks at female literature, as well as Yuan operas, citing works like Honglou Meng (红楼 梦 The Dream of the Red Chamber). Kidd also touches on cultural issues such as the keju kaoshi (科举考试 imperial examinations), classical works and the publishing of books (Kidd, 1841, pp. 341–358). It is highly likely that Edkins had access to these books written by Kidd during his studies,

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which gave some indications of the general state of British sinology’s knowledge of China at that time. The intellectual background depicted above can be regarded as the basis of Edkins’ understanding of “wenxue”. We can see that although literature was taught as a form of knowledge at that time, its boundaries were still blurred, especially when it encountered classical Chinese knowledge and concepts in the late Qing dynasty. Despite the impact of Western learning at that time, the Chinese traditional intellectual structure was still relatively solid; so much so that when Edkins, writing in Chinese, referred to the academic development of the Greeks, he had to use the classical Chinese meaning of “wenxue”, which was also directly related to the European conception of the liberal arts he accepted in the European classical period. So, it can be seen that what Edkins termed “wenxue” in Xila Wei Xiguowenxue Zhizu 《希腊为西国文学之祖》 ( Greek: The Stem of Western Literature) is actually an all-embracing scholarship, including “xue” (学, learning) of subjects such as economics, astronomy, algorithms, geography, etc., and “shu” (术, skills) such as building palaces, making gold and stone statues, making hardware, carving gold and stone, etc. The examples of “wenxue” that appear in other articles in Liuhe Zongtan 《六合丛谈》 ( Collected Writings of the Six Directions ) may also shed some light on its meaning. The article Taixi Jinshi Shulüe (泰西近 事述略 “Summary of Recent Events in the West”), published in no. 2, February 1857, examines the situation in Greece: Recently, guoxue (国学 national learning) is flourishing. A growing number of people are gaining knowledge, including women in villages. In the Athenian taixue (太学 Imperial Academy), the teaching of yili (义理 moral principles), wenzhang (文章 writing), law, medical science, and the laws of Heaven never stopped. Athens, famous for its imperial academy, recruited 100,000 citizens, 60,000 of whom are well learned. In Acts 17 of the New Testament, Paul preached that Athens was full of wenxue zhishi (文学之士 men of letters), and it was respected and admired by other states. (Shen Guowei, 2006, p. 549)

The terms “guoxue” (国学 national learning), “taixue” (太学 Imperial Academy), “xuewen” (学问 learning), “wenzhang ” (文章 writing), “wenxue zhishi” (文学之士 men of letters), etc., are still used in relation to traditional Chinese semantics. Even the figures of “wenxue” cited in

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Edkins’ essay Luoma Shiren Lüeshuo 《罗马诗人略说》 ( A Brief Discussion of Roman Poets ) included not only poets, but also historians and comedians; the genres discussed in his Xila Shiren Lüeshuo 《希腊诗人略说》 ( A Brief Discussion of Greek Poets ) also included poetry and drama (ibid., pp. 573–574; pp. 556–557). At that time, although poetry and drama were essentially two separate disciplines in the Western academic division, Edkins still held onto the traditional Western concept of integrating poetry and drama into one, which was quite different from the modern concept of “wenxue” and its genealogy of knowledge, which makes a clear distinction between literary genres. The missionaries’ descriptions of “Chinese literature” are perhaps more indicative of the general conception of literature during this period. Wylie’s book Notes on Chinese Literature: with Introductory Remarks on the Progressive Advancement of the Art described the four categories: Classics, History, Philosophy and Belles-Lettres. In this work, the Classics included Chinese classics such as the Sishu 《四书》 ( Four Books ); Philosophy covered military, architecture, astronomy, mathematics, religion and other aspects. Only the last category (Belles-Lettres) fell within the scope of the current concept of literature (Wylie, p. xxx). From this, we can see that what Wylie termed “literature” was still, in a broad sense, learning and writing, and was therefore also translated as “wenxian” (文献 documents). Nevertheless, the Western knowledge and classification system introduced into China by missionaries in the late Qing dynasty, along with the works imported into Japan, became an important source of intellectual resources to create the modern concept of “wenxue” in Japan. Later, following the Sino-Japanese War, the concept was accepted by Chinese scholars, and Chinese translations of Western books were introduced into China, thus becoming a key part of the construction of modern Chinese literature.

References Edkins, J. (2006). Greek, the Stem of Western Literature. In Shen Guowei (Ed.), Liuhe Zongtan (Collected Writings of the Six Directions). (pp. 524–526). Shanghai Cishu Press. Harte, N., & North, J. (1991). The World Of ULC: 1828–1990. (pp. 17–19). University College London. Kidd, S. (1841). Printed for Taylor & Walton. (pp. 341–358). Booksellers and Publishers to University College.

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Lobscheid, W. (1866). English and Chinese Dictionary, Part 1. (p. 166). The Daily Press Office. Lobscheid, W. (1868). English and Chinese Dictionary, Part 3. (pp. 1119–1337). The Daily Press Office. Morrison, R. (1819). A Dictionary of The Chinese Language, Part 2. (Vol. 1, p. 967). Honorable East India Company’s Press. Shen, G. W. (Ed.). (2006). Liuhe Zongtan (Collected Writings of the Six Directions). (p. 549). Shanghai Cishu Press. Wei, Y. (1998). The Outer Atlantic: North America. In Illustrated Treatise on the Maritime Kingdoms. Yuelu Press.

CHAPTER 4

Competing Discourses: The Intersection of Chinese and Foreign Concepts of “Wenxue”

In the cross-lingual exchange of ideas and cultures, we must acknowledge the existence of certain untranslatable features between different cultures, while, at the same time, maintaining sufficient confidence in the crosslingual cultural communication. As Ricci once observed: ‘There is no shortage of idioms and vocabulary in Chinese to properly express all our scientific terms’ (2010, p. 517). In the process of contact between foreign cultures, there is inevitably the creation of new concepts to express new thoughts and ideas. Marc Bloch, a representative of the Annales School of French social history, stated: ‘In order to reflect the facts as much as possible, we had to replace ancient discourses with our own terminology, which, if not invented by us, has at least been revised by us’ (2019, p. 90). Such a judgment is equally apt when generalising about the transformation of Chinese culture in modern times. In his Introduction to Chinese Progress of Fifty Years (1999b), Liang Qichao summarised the course of learning from the West in the late Qing dynasty and early Republic of China into three stages: In the first stage, ‘the equipment was considered insufficient’, and the scholars’ attention was centred on “scientific books”; in the second stage, ‘the system was considered insufficient’. At this time, some Western works translated by Yan Fu were influential. In the third stage, ‘the cultural accumulation was considered insufficient’. From the First Sino-Japanese War to the May

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Fourth Movement, the translated works of Western studies covered political, social, economic, legal and cultural aspects (Liang, 1989, pp. 43–45). In terms of the general trend, Liang’s summary was basically in line with the historical trajectory of Western learning spreading to the East since the late Qing dynasty. Specifically, in terms of the concept of “wenxue” and its genealogy of knowledge, during the first and second stages that Liang mentioned, although there was no fundamental change in the concept, “wenxue” began to receive attention as a knowledge type and served as an intellectual resource for the formation of the discipline of “literature” in the modern education system. The intersection of traditional “old learning” and foreign “new knowledge” in the field of knowledge and thought at the end of the Qing dynasty generated a rich and multifaceted historical perspective during communications between the different cultures.

Opening Eyes to “Wenxue ” After the Opium War, it was the advanced technology and artefacts of the West that first caught the attention of Chinese scholars. This interest is shown by the Chinese saying “shiyi changji yi zhiyi” (师夷长技以制夷 one can learn from the barbarian in order to compete with the barbarian). While some Chinese scholars had already begun to recognise that Western learning had advantages over Chinese learning in some aspects and were starting to embrace the modern Western concept of “xueyou zhuanke” ( 学有专科 specialised learning) related to the division of disciplines, they mainly focused on “shu” (术 skills) and natural science-related disciplines (or gezhixue, 格致学 natural studies), while “xue” (or Dao 道 Way) still clung onto the basic framework of traditional Chinese studies maintained the structure of the traditional academic system. The “xixue” (西学 Western learning) that came to the sight of the scholars at the end of the Qing dynasty mainly related to the “shu” that had long been neglected by the traditional Chinese academics before that era. Xue Fucheng’s views expressed in Zhishu Xueshu Zai Zhuanjing Shuo 《治术学术在专精说》 ( On the Importance of Specialized Talents of Administrating and Learning ) (1892) are quite representative of the attitudes of that time in Chinese academia: Western countries are quite different from ours ... Scholars study mathematics, chemistry, electricity, optics, acoustics, astronomy, geography, and other natural studies. Within each field, there are dozens or hundreds

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of subdivisions and it takes generations to exhaust their knowledge ... I believe that Westerners have simply expanded the teachings of Guanzi (管 子 also known as Guanzhong) to include both governance and learning. It is therefore appropriate for them to rapidly achieve wealth and power. (Xue, 2002, pp. 331–332)

Xue Fucheng paid attention to Western studies, focusing on natural and applied sciences such as mathematics, chemistry and astronomy, which contribute to ‘a country’s prosperity and national strength’. With material progress in China lagging far behind that of Europe and the United States, the most direct way to narrow the gap was to emphasise science and technology, and to strive for practicality. Therefore, even in the works of those scholars who actively embraced the new knowledge, the term “wenxue” was still used in its ancient sense, to refer to characteristics, ritual systems, and studies and learning in a broader sense, while the modern Western concept of “wenxue” was not their focus. However, the modern concept of“wenxue”appeared earlier in China, as part of the modern knowledge classification system in the late Qing dynasty, when Western social ideas and culture were introduced to the country by enlightened scholars. From 1866 onwards,Zhang Deyimade several tripsto Europe for research purposes.Based on his observations there, he described the European education system as follows: In the Western countries, therearealsovarious titles for the talented people who pass the imperial examinations, such as xiucai (秀才 refined talents), juren(举人provincial candidate), and jinshi (进士 presented scholars). Exam candidatesspecialise in oneyi (艺 art),such aswenzhang (文章 writings), mathematics,astronomy,geography, calculation, medical knowledge,chemistry, or natural studies. Others areselected bylibu (吏部Ministry of Justice and Government officials) orare recommended by imperial officials. (Zhang, 2008, p. 521)

When the early modern Chinese scholars went abroad to observe the world, they inevitably applied their own knowledge system to the Western knowledge. Hence, their discourses contained references to traditional Chinese terms such as “jinshi” (进士 presented scholar), “yi” (艺 art), “wenzhang ”, “libu” (吏部Ministry of Justice and Government officials), among others. Nevertheless, Zhang was still able to provide an exotic image of the Western academic disciplinary divisions for the early modern Chinese.

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The Chinese in the late Qing dynasty were most likely to learn about the Western-style education system and its disciplines via the introduction of the Japanese school system by Chinese scholars. It was in this process that the general situation of “wenxue” as a discipline in modern times began to be recognised and understood by the Chinese people. Huang Zunxian was the first to introduce “wenxue” from the perspective of academic division. He worked as a counsellor at the Chinese embassy in Japan in the third year of Guangxu’s reign (1877). During his stay in Japan, he compiled Riben Zashi Shi 《日本杂事诗》 ( Poems on Miscellaneous Subjects from Japan 1879) and Riben Guozhi 《日本国志》 ( Annals of Japan 1887). In the annotation of Western Studies, the 54th poem of Riben Zashi Shi 《日本杂事诗》 ( Poems on Miscellaneous Subjects from Japan), Huang Zunxian described the disciplinary divisions of the University of Tokyo as follows: This university is under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. It has hundreds of students and is divided into three divisions: law, science, and humanities. The law department covers English law, French law, and ancient and modern Japanese law; the science department includes chemistry, aerodynamics, mechanics, mathematics, mineralogy, painting, astronomy and geography, zoology, botany, and machinery; the humanities includes Japanese history, Chinese literature, and English literature. (Huang, 2005, p. 23)

Following the Meiji Restoration, Japan’s education system had begun borrowing from the West. As Huang Zunxian notes in the annotation to his poem, “Schools are flourishing, and only Western learning is taught”. But at that time, Huang’s thinking was still dominated by a notion that can be summarised by his statement: “I have investigated the studies of the Western countries and consider them to be the studies of Mo Di (墨翟 Chinese philosopher Mozi)” (Huang, 2005, p.23). This perception began to change considerably after Jiawu Zhanzheng (甲午战争 the First SinoJapanese War), when Japan’s achievements in learning from the West, rather than its origins in Chinese culture, began to attract more attention in China. In his London and Paris Diary, Guo Songtao mentioned that during his visit to England in the fourth year of Guangxu’s reign (1878), the Japanese minister in London, Ueno Kagenori, presented him with a copy of Dongjing Kaicheng Xuexiao Yilan 《东京开成学校一览》 ( The Calendar

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of the Tokyo Kaisei-Gakko) (Guo, 1984, pp. 462–463). This book was published in February, 1875, by the Tokyo Kaisei-Gakko (the predecessor of the University of Tokyo) and contained detailed information on various aspects relating to the establishment of Japanese universities. In August of the fifth year of the Meiji Period (1872), the Japanese government reformed the national academic system, and in April of the following year, the Tokyo Kaisei-Gakko was transformed into a specialised university with five divisions: law, sciences, engineering, arts and mining. What Ueno Kagenori had presented to Guo Songtao were the rules and regulations of the Tokyo Kaisei-Gakko established in the sixth year of the Meiji era (1873). Both in terms of the disciplinary divisions of Japanese universities in this period and from Guo Songtao’s perspective, the focus was on “practical learning”. After the 1890s, there were a growing discourse in Chinese academia on the introduction of Western or Japanese education and academic division (Xue Fucheng, 2008, p. 351). In his work Dongyou Riji 《东游日 ( 记》Diary of the Journey to Japan), Huang Qingcheng provided a more detailed description of the establishment of Japanese universities, writing in 1893: ‘The establishment of universities is divided into five subjects: fake (法科 laws), yike (医科 medicine), gongke (工科 engineering), wenke (文科 arts), like (理科 sciences) … The liberal arts include four majors: zhexue (哲学 philosophy), benguo wenxue (本国文学 local literature), shixue (史学 history), and boyanxue (博言学 foreign languages)’ (Huang, 1893, p. 341). In the fourteen-volume Shengshi Weiyan 《盛世危言》 ( Warnings to a Prosperous Age), published in 1895, Zheng Guanying added an appendix “The Regulations of Schools in England, France, Russia, America, and Japan” to the chapter on “Schools”, which provided a detailed account of the regulations imposed by universities and their subjects in various countries. He noted that the Tokyo Imperial University in Japan divided disciplines into five subjects: fake (法科 laws), yike (医科 medicine), gongke (工科 engineering), wenke (文科 arts), like ( 理科 sciences), and that the liberal arts included four majors: zhexue ( 哲学 philosophy), benguo wenxue (本国文学 local literature), shixue (史 学 history), and boyanxue (博言学 foreign languages), which are essentially the same as the disciplines included in humanities today (Zheng, 1988, p. 260). Similarly, in May 1898, Kang Youwei also described, in his Qing Kai Xuexiao Zhe 《请开学校折 ( “Petition to Open Schools”), the disciplinary divisions of European, American, and Japanese universities: ‘British universities have disciplines including wen (文 literature), shi

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(史 history), suan (算 mathematics), yindu xue (印度学 Indian studies), alabo xue (阿喇伯学 Arabian studies), and yuandong xue (远东学 studies of the Far East), and the latter three fall under zhexue (哲学 philosophy). The United States, on the other hand, has added the subjects of nong (农 agriculture), gong (工 engineering), and shang (商 business), and Japan followed’ (Kang, 1953, p. 218). The above accounts were part of the calls at that time for educational reforms. Song Shu paid particular attention to the subject of “wenxue” in Japanese universities (Song, 1993, pp. 599, 608–609). In his letter dated July 3, 1896, to the Japanese scholar Oka Rokumon, Song Shu asked him about some ‘important points’ concerning ‘Han literature’, posing questions such as: ‘Are there any specialised books on the schools of Japanese poetry and prose in earlier dynasties? Who are the most famous writers of poetry and prose in the Meiji era? How many Han literature societies are there now? How have poetry and prose changed since the start of the Meiji era compared to previous eras? What are the best new zongji (总集 comprehensive collections) or bieji (别集 literary collections of individual authors) of poetry and prose?’ (Song, p. 558). From this, we can see clearly that Song’s focus on “wenxue” was still confined to traditional Chinese poetry and prose. However, before the year of Wuxu (戊戌 One Hundred Days of Reforms 1898), Chinese scholars’ interest in the classification of Western/Japanese “wenxue” did not extend beyond this scope. Still, the introduction of Western/Japanese education and disciplines served as intellectual resources for the establishment of disciplines in Chinese universities in the late Qing and early Republican period.

New Knowledge and Old “Wenxue ” When Chinese scholars in the late Qing dynasty attempted to integrate Chinese and Western knowledge categories, they faced the problem of how to place “wenxue” in the new genealogy of knowledge. In Wang Tao’s 1883 essay “Bianfa Ziqiang ”《变法自强》 ( Reform for the Purpose of Self-strengthening ), he divided Chinese scholarship into two categories: “wenwue” and “yixue”. “Yixue” included yutu (舆图 maps of extensive lands), gezhi (格致 investigating things and extending knowledge), tiansuan (天算 astronomical calculations) and lüli (律例 laws), while “wenxue” included jing (经 classics), shi (史 histories), zhanggu (掌故 political and institutional history) and cizhang (词章 writing) (Wang, 1998, p. 88). The intersection of old and new ideas is quite evident in

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Wang Tao’s writing. He travelled to Japan in the fifth year of Guangxu’s reign (1879), where he interacted with He Ruzhang, Zhang Sigui, Huang Zunxian and Japanese scholars such as Oka Rokumon and Nakamura Masanao, etc. Fusang Youji 《扶桑游记》 ( Japan Travelogue) records his experiences at that time, which mostly a traditional Chinese literati-style socialising and singing verses. At the same time, he also learned of the discipline and curriculum divisions of Japanese universities, which shaped his idea of combining the disciplinary systems of China and the West. What he called “wenxue” was a classification based on “zhongxue” (中 学 Chinese learning), mainly “wenzhang boxue” (文章博学 writing and learning). It included all of the subjects which would later be grouped under the humanities, equivalent to the concept of “wenke” (文科 arts), of which “cizhang zhixue” (词章之学 writing studies) is roughly equivalent to the concept “wenxue” that developed in later times. Wang’s view of the dichotomy of “wen” and “yi” reflected the initial exploratory knowledge classification by intellectuals in the late Qing dynasty when facing the collapse of the traditional academic system due to the eastward spread of Western learning. Liang Qichao, Kang Youwei and others had deep connections with this source of the early ideas for disciplinary classification. On the one hand, Wang Tao actively promoted “Western learning”, the introduction of advanced technology from the West, and studies of natural sciences such as physics, astronomy, chemistry and medicine, as well as the Western political system; on the other hand, as a traditional scholar, he regarded the advanced science and technology of the West as the descendants of Chinese civilisation: ‘China is the ancestor of the world; it is not only the inventor of characters, but also the origin of ritual and music systems, calendar calculation and the manufacture of artifacts, all of which have been passed down from China to other countries’ (Wang, 1998, p. 3). The mentality of China as the “the Central Kingdom” was still obvious in Wang’s writing. His imagining of European “literature” can be seen in the following passage: Speaking of wenxue, when Cangjie created Chinese characters long before the reign of Yao and Shun, Europe was still in a dark age. Those countries with renowned cultural heritage, such as Judea, Greece, Egypt, Babylon, and Rome, created characters that still exist today. Literary scholars must take them as a stepping stone, known as in Latin and Hellenistic languages. However, the Chinese characters have “liushu” (六书 six scripts, namely

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zhishi 指事 indicating the matter, xiangxing 象形 representing the form, xingsheng 形声 formulating the sound, huiyi 会意 conjoining the sense, zhuanzhu 转注 revolved and redirected graphs, jiajie 假借 loaned and borrowed graphs), while Western [characters] only have one aspect, relying on form beyond phonetics. Egyptian characters are scattered, and were called in ancient books “cloud-like scripts”. The Jewish historical records have details spanning about five thousand years, but they may not be earlier than China’s. (Wang, pp. 38–39)

It was a commonly held understanding among the scholars of the late Qing dynasty that Chinese learning was the origin of Western learning. As a matter of fact, the saying “xixue zhongyuan” (西学中源 Western learning originated from China) implied that since Western learning had developed from Chinese learning; the dignity of the “Tianchao Shangguo” (天朝上国 Celestial Empire) would not be undermined by the adoption of the Western learning. Based on the view that can be summarised as “zijia zhi xue” (自家之学 learning from ourselves), it was deemed that Western learning could not fundamentally subvert the traditional Chinese academic system. In line with this idea, Wang Tao’s so-called wenxue, in most cases, still corresponded to its ancient Chinese meaning, referring to the Chinese language, writing and ritual and music systems. Zheng Guanying, another major scholar of the Western Enlightenment in the late Qing dynasty, long held an important position in industry and commerce and was a key participant and witness of the Yangwu Yundong (洋务运动 Westernisation Movement). When he proposed his ideas for the academic system in Chinese universities, he referred to the traditional binary structure of wenju (文举 civil service examination) and wuju (武 举 military service examination) in keju (科举 the imperial examination system). The realm of wenxue can be divided into six categories: the subject of literature, which includes poetry and prose, rhapsodies, documents and memorials, correspondence; the subject of political affairs, which encompasses administration of officials, military forces and taxes; the subject of languages, which covers languages and characters of all countries, regulations, laws, treaties, diplomacy and sending envoys; the subject of natural science, which includes acoustics, optics, electronics, chemistry; the subject of technique, which includes astronomy, geography, calculation, manufacturing; the subject of miscellaneous studies, which covers commerce, mining, taxation, agriculture, medicine. (Zheng, pp. 299–300)

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It is worth noting that Zheng Guangying’s six art subjects (“wenxue ke” (文学科 arts)) did not include the traditional “Jingxue” “(经 学 Academies of Classics)” or “Shixue” (史学 History), meaning it was much narrower than Wang Tao’s “wenxue” division. Although genres such as “zhangzou” (章奏 documents and memorials) and “jianqi” (笺启 correspondence) rarely appear in today’s narration of literary history, Zheng’s wenxue ke was quite close to the modern concept of “wenxue”. The concept of “wenxue” in broader sense stands alongside “wuxue” (武学 martial arts) encompassed various knowledge systems beyond military studies. It can be seen that Zheng Guanying’s classification is based on two different conceptual systems, namely “wenxue” as a subject and “wenxue” as a classification of knowledge; the former one is equivalent to “wen” in the narrow sense, which is close to the modern concept of literature, while the latter is equivalent to “xue”, which refers to scholarship and learning in a broad sense. In 1894, Tan Sitong, elaborating on Western learning, also mentioned “wenxue” in his “Bao Bei Yuanzheng ” 《报贝元徵》“A ( Reply to Bei Yuanzheng”), alongside zhengxue (政学 political science), licaixue (理 财学 policy of putting wealth in order), bingxue (兵学 military science) and gongfaxue (公法学 public law) (Tan, 1981, pp. 219–220). Although not specifically defined, the statement “the principles and abilities that wise politicians should possess” that can be applied to all disciplines implies that “wenxue” refers to a collective term for various branches of humanities and social science. In 1897, Zhang Yuanji and others founded the Tongyi Xuetang (通艺学堂 College of Arts), where the subjects to be offered were divided into two categories: wenxue (文学 literature) and yishu (艺术 the arts). In this division, “wenxue” included yudi zhi (舆地志 geographical records), taixi jinshi (泰西近史 Western history), mingxue (名学 traditional Chinese logical thought exploring the relations between words and actuality) (or bianxue (辩学 traditional Chinese logical thought exploring persuasive strategies in argumentation)), jixue (计学 science of calculation) (or licaixue (理财学 policy of putting wealth in order)), gongfa xue (公法学 law), lixue (理学 learning of the Neo-Confucian principles) (or zhexue (哲学 philosophy)), zhengxue (政学 politics), jiaohuaxue (教化学 ethos) and renzhong lun (人种学 ethnology). Hence, “wenxue” effectively referred to all of the humanities and social sciences. In turn, “yishu” (艺术 the arts)” included suanxue (算学 mathematics), jihe (几何 geometry) (or xingxue (形学 science of form)), daishu (代数 algebra), sanjiao shu (三角术 trigonometry)

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(or pinghu bingke (平弧并课 trigonometry)), huaxue (化学 chemistry), gewuxue (格物学 study of investigating things, including water, fire, electric light), tianxue (天学 heaven learning, including calendar), dixue or dizhixue (地质学 geology), renshen xue (人身学 medicine) and zhizao xue (制造学 manufacture, including making steam engines and railroad tracks). Hence, “yishu” was the general term used for science and technology (Zhang et al., 2007, p. 378). A similar use of the term “wenxue” to refer to the humanities and social sciences can be found in the article “Lun wenxue yu kexue buke pianfei” 《论文学与科学不可偏废》 ( “On giving equal emphasis to literature and science”), published in the 3rd issue of the Dalu Bao 《大陆报》 ( Dalu Newspaper) in 1903. Around the time of the Hundred Days of Reforms Wuxu Bianfa (戊 戌变法 June to September 1898), the import of Western learning was broader than it had been in the previous period, covering almost all aspects of modern disciplines. Nevertheless, in general, Chinese scholars’ understanding of “wenxue” was still dominated by traditional concepts. For example, in 1898, Wu Rulun wrote the following in a preface to Yan Fu’s translation of Tian Yan Lun 《天演论》 ( Evolution and Ethics ): Nowadays, some people argue that Western learning is unknown to us, and the best way to open people’s minds is to translate their books. However, in my opinion, the influx of Western books into our country coincides with the decline of our literary studies. Scholars only regard shiwen (时 文 current prose), gongdu (公牍 official documents), and shuobu (说部 fiction) as having academic value. Apart from these three, there is almost nothing worth writing. However, these three are not enough for wenxue. (Yan, 1986, p. 1318)

Here, “wenxue” still carried a broad sense of learning and scholarship. As for shuobu (说部 fiction), which prevailed at that time, Yan Fu also thought that this was ‘inadequate to be called wenxue’, thereby making his conception of “wenxue” evident. Similar examples can be found in the writings of Liang Qichao, Liu Shipei, Cai Yuanpei and others, who will be discussed later in this book. Although Chinese scholars in the late Qing dynasty had touched upon the Western concept of “literature” and its intellectual connotations and had been briefly introduced to it, they were still influenced by the traditional Chinese concept of “wenxue”. In a letter to Hu Shi, Zeng Pu recalled the situation in China at the turn of the twentieth century:

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At that time, people were very eager to worship the Westerners, but only for their advanced technology, and powerful ships and cannons. When I talked about foreign poetry, everyone was staggered, thinking that poetry was an exclusively Chinese product. It was impossible for the illegible foreign handwriting to be as elegant as Book of Song. They thought it was a myth. When I talked about the status of novels and plays, people had the own opinion that Westerners were not well-educated and that they had nothing else worth recommending besides novels and plays. When it came to Saint-Simon and Fourier’s sociology, people thought it would disturb public order; when it came to Nietzsche’s superhuman philosophy, people said it was unorthodox. The funniest thing was that I once came into conflict with the local gentry over the setting up of a school. They wanted to forbid me from interfering with school affairs, and wrote a combined letter to the governor, saying: ‘He is nothing but a frivolous young man who studies obscene novels. How can he know about education?’ They even treated the study of novels as a crime. (Hu, pp. 1131–1132)

The major literary genres contained within the modern or Western concepts of “wenxue”, such as novels and drama, had not yet acquired the same status in the academia of this period as they were to in later literary history. After the 1900s, the situation began to change. Ma Junwu’s Faguo Wenxue Shuoli 《法国文学说例》 ( Preface to French Literature), published on June 9, 1903 and divided French “literature” into two categories: “wenti” (文体 style; la prose) and “shiti” (诗体 poetic form; la poesie). “Wenti” (文体 style; la prose) included five categories: jishi (记事 chronicles), bianlun (辩论 argumentation), xueshuo (学说 doctrines), xiju (戏 剧 drama) and shudu (书牍 literary letters), while “shiti” (诗体 poetic form; la poesie) included six categories: yuege (乐歌 musical songs), songzan (颂赞 extolment and commendation), xiqu (戏曲 traditional Chinese opera), quanfeng (劝讽 admonition), geyao (歌谣 folk songs) and zapian (杂篇 miscellaneous pieces). Literature now included the literary genres of drama and novel, which belong to later conceptions of “wenxue”, while many genres were still excluded, such as historical and academic writings under the category jishi (记事 chronicles) (Ma, 1991, pp. 176–180). In 1907, Yan Fu was invited to administer the examination in Nanjing for candidates wishing to study abroad and prepared the “Chuyang Kaoshi Bugao” 《出洋考试布告》“Announcement ( about the Examination for Studying Abroad”) substituting for Chen Botao, who was then the education intendant of Jiangning tixue shisi (提学使司

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provincial educational administration). The exam tested students from all provinces in 19 subjects, including guowen (国文 Chinese), yingwenfa (英 文法 English grammar), xiuci xue (修辞学 rhetoric), yingwen xulun (英 文序论 introduction to English), wenxue (文学 literature), bisuan (笔算 written calculation), daishu shu (代数术 algebra), jihe (几何 geometry), pingmian sanjiao shu (平面三角术 plane trigonometry), xila shi (希腊史 Greek historiography), luoma shi (罗马史 Roman historiography), jinshi shi (近世史 early modern history), di zhi (地志 topography), di wen (地文 physiography), wuli (物理 physics), huaxue (化学 chemistry), zhiwu xue (植物学 botany), dongwu xue (动物学 zoology) and shengli xue (生理学 physiology). Yan’s English translation of the subject title “wenxue” was “literature”, which bore the same connotations as the modern concept of “literature”. The reference books for the exams included Goldsmith’s The Citizen of the World 《六合国民》 ( ), Charles Lamb’s Essays (蓝察 《理论说》 ), N. Jroiog’s Tab of Travellers 《伊尔温旅行记》 ( ), Robinson Crusoe 《鲁滨孙 ( 漂流记》 ) and Shakespeare’s (狭斯丕尔曲) Othello《鄂得洛》 ( ), Hamlet 《罕 ( 谟勒》 ) and Julius Caesar 《凯撒》 ( ) (Yan, 1986, pp. 247–250). The works mentioned are all closely related to the modern subject of “wenxue”. It is surprising, however, that there is no mention of the legal and political works that were already flourishing at that time, with which Yan Fu himself should have been very familiar. Overall, the importing of Western learning into China at the end of the Qing dynasty was largely at the stage of what Liang Qichao called ‘institutional inadequacy’. Both the prevailing studies of practical statecraft and the imported Western learning were focused on “zhiyong ” (致用 practical applications), as opposed to “kongxu” (空虚 nothingness). “Wenxue” in the knowledge classification system was not valued by scholars, and its classification was not yet clear. In this regard, Wang Guowei’s 1904 article “Lun jinnian zhi xueshu”《论近年之学术界》 ( “On the Academia of Recent Years”) pointed out: ‘In recent years, wenxue is not valued, but is regarded as a means of political education, and is no different from philosophy’ (Wang, 2009, p. 123). From a historical development perspective, it was not until “wenxue” became an important subject in the modern school education system that the ontological characteristics and value of “wenxue” were revealed.

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Literature Deserves a History of Its Own After the Wuxu Zhengbian (戊戌政变) reforms of 1898, Japan became a key intermediary through which China absorbed Western ideas, with a large number of Japanese-made new words imported to China. This had a tremendous impact on the conceptual knowledge system in early modern China, which swung between acceptance and rejection; but the mass emergence of modern neologisms had become unstoppable. The reason, as Wang Guowei noted at the time (Wang, 2009, p. 127), was that: for several years, the study of metaphysics has gradually been introduced to China, and Japan has been like a messenger between China and the Western world. Japanese translations of Western works using Chinese characters flow into Chinese literary circles with unstoppable momentum. Those who are curious use them randomly, while those who are conservative spurn them, but both are wrong. In ordinary writing, there is no need for novel language. However, in order to teach or learn about various fields of knowledge, new vocabulary is necessary. Since Japanese scholars have already created those new terms, why can’t we adopt them? If they are not inappropriate, we don’t need to create our own terminology.

Japan played a major role in China’s cultural environment, coining a large number of new Chinese terms during the modernisation process after the 1870s. By the end of the nineteenth century, Chinese scholars were increasingly coming to the realisation that the learning of Western knowledge should go beyond science and technology. This paved the way for Western learning to spread to all socio-cultural systems in the East. In this context, the tensions between tradition and modernity became increasingly prominent. The intertwining of these two concepts had a significant historical and cultural impact during the transformation of old and new ideas in modern times. In general, it was advocated that scholars should introduce Western books to the East and borrow the sophisticated Western terms written in Chinese characters and being used by the Japanese, as an effective means of facilitating Chinese people’s swift acquisition of Western learning. At the same time, others focusing on traditions strived to bridge the differences between Chinese and Western knowledge systems to ensure that Chinese culture, in its modernisation process, would maintain the historical lineage it had carried forward over thousands of years of Chinese civilisation.

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As Western concepts flooded into China at the beginning of the twentieth century, Zhang Taiyan’s views on “wenxue” appeared to be unique. In Wenxue Lunluë (文学论略 A Sketch of Literature), Zhang proposed an anachronistic definition of “wenxue”: The meaning of “wenxue” is as follows. Inasmuch as some marks are made on bamboo or silk, those marks are called “wen”. The discussion of their manners and forms is what is called “wenxue”. (Guocui xuebao 《国粹学 [ 报》“National Essence Studies Journal”], 1906, Issue 21, Volume 9)

This statement was later included in Guogu Lunheng 《国故论衡》 ( Critical Evaluation of National Heritage), as well as in the opening chapter, “Wenxue Zongluë ” 《文学总略》 ( “General introduction to literature”), of Wenxue Qipian 《文学七篇》Seven ( Essays on Literature). According to Zhang, all forms of writing should be considered “wen” (文 literature, letters), including wenli (文理 meaning and order), wenzi (文字 writing, script) and wenci (文辞 literary diction). Zhang Taiyan inherited his definition of “wen” from the pre-Qin and Han dynasties. Meanwhile, in Zhongguo Wenxue Piping Shi 《中国文学批评史》History ( of Chinese Literary Criticism), Luo Genze summarised the various definitions of “wenxue”, noting that the term as has broad, narrow and compromising meanings, and that Zhang used the term in a broad sense, which ‘included all kinds of literature’. Zhang Taiyan’s definition of “wenxue” was too broad to gain widespread agreement from scholars after the May Fourth Movement. For instance, Ling Dujian viewed Zhang’s definition as ‘untenable in modern times’, opining that ‘the task of literature is not to discuss the manners and forms of writing’; Tan Zhengbi pointed out that Zhang’s definition of “literature” as the manners and forms of writing did not in fact refer to “literature” but to the way of studying literature and rhetoric. He suggested that this error was due to Zhang’s misunderstanding of Lunyu 《论语》The ( Analects of Confucius ). Moreover, Fu Sinian asked rhetorically: If Zhang saw literature as ‘marks made on bamboo and silk’, then what was the difference between emotional prose and mathematics? Fu argued that such a definition ignored the artistic function of literature. Similarly, Hu Yunyi viewed Zhang’s belief that all forms of writing constituted literature ‘was no longer applicable in modern times’. In line with these critiques, Jiang Jianzhang stated: ‘This definition is too broad to be accepted today’. Rong Zhaozu went further, writing: ‘such a general view

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would no longer be acknowledged nowadays’. Hence, Zhang Taiyan’s definition of “wenxue” had evidently become the target of public criticism at that time. Instead, most scholars after the May Fourth Movement tended to hold the Western historical view of “pure literature”, or at least a combination of the Chinese and Western concepts of “wenxue”. Zhang Taiyan’s understanding of “wen” was based on the discourse prevalent during the pre-Qin and Han dynasties, as were his understandings of “wenzhang ” and “wenxue”. Zhang Taiyan focused mainly on identifying the differences between “wenzhang” (文章 writings) and “wenzhang ” (彣彰 belles-lettres). Based on examples of documents from the pre-Qin and Han dynasties, he concluded that ‘those who now want to replace wenzhang (文章 writings) with wenzhang (彣彰 belles-lettres) are pursuing an overly ornate form of expression that lacks the functions of practical recording and the compressing of profound meaning. It violates the very essence of the recording of history and facts’. Following this line of thought, Zhang believed that when discussing wenxue, we should refer to wenzhang (文章 writings), rather than to wenzhang (彣彰 belles-lettres): Thus, we name the formation and substance of writing “wen” (文), its ornate forms “wen” (彣), the depiction of boundaries “zhang ” (章), and the expression of purity and the brilliance of its content “zhang ” (彰). All writing with ornate forms must have substance, but writing with substance does not need ornate forms. Therefore, when discussing literature, we should use writing with substance as our criterion, not the ornate forms wenzhang (彣彰 belles-lettres). “Wenzhang ” (文章 writings) is a special name for rites and music, while “wenzhang ” (彣彰 belleslettres) just displays a riot of color, and only refers to “yan fú” (言黻 an ancient literary form that emphasises rhythmical pattern), “yan fu” ˇ (言 黼 an ancient literary form that is dominated by narration), “yan wen” (言 文 an ancient literary form that has a simple style and profound meaning), and “yan zhang ” (言章 an ancient literary form that has rigorous structure and magnificent writing style).

In this regard, Zhang’s definition of “wenxue” covers a very wide range of contents: the works of great scholars such as classics, biographies, explanations and the thoughts of various masters’, as can be seen in his discussions in Wenxue Qipian 《文学七篇》 ( , Seven Essays on Literature). ‘Zhang stresses that “wenxue” is not limited to ornately written

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works or to writing styles such as lun (论disquisitions), shuo (说 explanations), ji (记 records), xu (序 prefaces), bei (碑 inscriptions), zhi ( 志 monographs), zhuan (传biographies), and zhuang (状descriptions)’ (Zhang, 2003, pp. 49–50). Yet Zhang Taiyan was not just an old-fashioned Confucian clinging onto traditional knowledge. Rather, he was also well-versed in the Western academic concepts that had been imported in modern times. In Qiu Shu 《儋书》 ( Writings to Prompt Action) and Guogu Lunheng 《国故 ( 论衡》Critical Evaluation of National Heritage), he frequently cited the works of Western and Japanese scholars when discussing issues related to traditional Chinese scholarship. He used Western logic and psychology to analyse Mo Zi 《墨子》 ( ) and received high praise from Liang Qichao: Zhang Taiyan (also known as Zhang Binglin)’s Guogu Lunheng 《国故 ( 论衡》Critical Evaluation of National Heritage) contains several ingenious articles, such as “Yuan Ming ” (原名 “On Names”) and “Ming Jian” (明见 “Brilliant Views”), which drew upon Western philosophical and psychological theories to interpret Mo Jing. 《墨经》 ( Mohist Canons)

In this regard, Zhang Taiyan’s discussions were based on Chinese tradition, but he was not ignorant of Western learning. Perhaps, he viewed that every academic culture of every nation has its own unique qualities. Therefore, he believed that the annexation of another nation’s academic system would lead to ‘historical misunderstandings’. Even basing one’s perspective on one’s own national culture, it is still possible to seek cultural modernity by embracing foreign ideas and their inherent concepts. Zhang Taiyan’s early interest in the Western concept of “wenxue” and its knowledge system began in 1904 with the revision of Qiu Shu 《儋书 ( 》Writings to Prompt Action). The following text could not be found in the preliminary edition around 1900: It is said that Greek literature is naturally well-developed. Its order is just like the way the weather changes during the year ... Thus, when rhymed writing has a complete structure, then prose writing will occur, and when epics are written with skilled technique and complete structure, then dancing poetry will come. Rhymed writing is followed by epics, then comes musical poetry, and, finally, dancing poetry. As for the words of writing, history and philosophy came first, then discourses. The so-called epics include, first, the great epics that describe complex events; second,

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the complementary poems that narrate stories; third, wuyu [物语 tales, the Japanese pronunciation is monogatari]; fourth, songs, a short and simple literary form; fifth, historical poems, rhythmic historical records; sixth, semi-music poetry, a combination of music, poetry, and epics; seventh, pastoral; and eighth, prose, like the talk of the streets and the alleys. Each genre has its unique characteristics and forms of expression, and they are all equally important.

According to the footnote, the reference to the changing weather during the year to describe Greek literature comes from The History of Greek and Roman Literature by Japanese scholar Shibue Tamotsu. This “general education encyclopedia” was published by Hakubunkan (a Japanese publishing company founded in 1887) in the 24th year of the Meiji era (1891). This book covers various literary genres, such as prose, poetry, drama and fiction, in line with the modern definition of “wenxue”. However, there were certain differences between its contemporary literary views. In The History of Greek and Roman Literature, “prose” mainly referred to historical biographies and discourses and to philosophical essays, as opposed concept of “prose” and to today’s conception of “prose” which has “belles-lettres” at its core. To some extent, Zhang Taiyan’s discussions of traditional Chinese “wenxue” appear to have absorbed the views of Shibue Tamotsu. Another important insight of Zhang Taiyan concerning “wenxue” can be found in his tradition-based response to the concept of “literature” that originated in the West. As recorded in Cao Juren’s Chinese studies lecture notes in 1922, Zhang Taiyan’s division of “wenxue” into “rhymed” and “unrhymed” obviously derived from the classification of rhymed and unrhymed writing in the Six Dynasties, but with some differences. During the Six Dynasties, rhymed writing was called “wen” (文), while unrhymed writing was called “bi” (笔), which Zhang used as synonyms for “poetry” and “prose”, respectively. According to Zhang, “prose” was all inclusive, including the classics, historical works, philosophical works and literary works. Moreover, he stated that “poetry” with rhyme could be defined in both its broad and narrow senses. Zhang’s definition was closer to the traditional concept of “wenxue” combined with hints of modern “wenxue”. His views exerted a great influence within intellectual circles in the early Republican period and were unavoidable in any attempts at literary categorisation. In almost every early work on the history of Chinese literature, the author would

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articulate his (or her) attitude towards Zhang’s division of “poetry” and “prose” or construct the history of literature based on Zhang’s division, such as The Grand Chinese Literary History, written by Xie Wuliang. Most works on the history of Chinese literature published after the May Fourth Movement would propose new perspectives on the basis of criticising the previous theories. During the period straddling the Qing dynasty and the early Republic of China, the Western concept of “wenxue” and its knowledge system spread widely and became mainstream in cultural consciousness, while the traditional Chinese concept of “wenxue” was gradually “submerged”. Even works such as Zhang Taiyan’s Guogu Lunheng 《国故论衡》 ( Critical Evaluation of National Heritage) came to be regarded merely as a source of academic history due to their divergent content. And yet, parts of the Wenxue Qipian 《文学七篇》 ( , Seven Essays on Literature) actually revealed a “neglected corner” in the modern accounts of Chinese literary history, exploring whether the history of Chinese literature should be “discovered” in terms of the modern concept of “wenxue”, or “presented” in line with the development of the traditional Chinese concept of “wenxue”. Although the idea of a “grand literary history” continues to be applied in China, it appears that the concept of a “pure literature”, imported from the West, has been foremost in mainstream writing on Chinese literary history over the past hundred years. Zhang Taiyan, one of the most influential scholars in modern China, not only made a profound study of traditional Chinese scholarship, but also influenced many well-known scholars from the Republic of China onwards. As the Qing dynasty gave way to the Republic of China, faced with the concept of a “pure literature” imported from the West since modern times, he made in-depth expositions of traditional Chinese “wenxue” based on the different contexts of Chinese and Western “wenxue”. Many of his views still provide valuable theoretical resources for today’s ongoing discussions on the rewriting of literary history. While Zhang Taiyan viewed modern “wenxue” from the perspective of the traditional senses of “wen” and “wenzhang ”, Liang Qichao connected the traditional and modern concepts of “wenxue” from the perspective of “cizhang ”(词章 poetry and prose). In Liang’s own words, his position changed from ‘poetry and prose cannot claim to be learning’ to ‘literature deserves a history of its own’. In 1897, Liang Qichao collected what he had learned about “xuewen” (学文 learning literature) in Wanmu

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Caotang Xiaoxue Xueji 《万木草堂小学学记》Records ( of Learning in Grass Hall of Millions of Trees ), wherein he made a clear statement: Poetry and prose cannot claim to be learning. Words without actions are meaningless. When talking about theoretical matters, one should strive to fully understand and express one’s personal feelings. When writing essays or songs, they can be made for entertainment, but one should not be obsessed with them. The same thing is true with Western languages and literature.

From the traditional perspective, cizhang has often been considered a trivial matter. Liang Qichao’s early education was based on classics, historical works and philosophical works, supplemented by Western studies. His knowledge structure can be seen in Dushu Fenyue Kecheng 《读书 ( 分月课程》Monthly Reading Plan) (1892). Therefore, in Liang Qichao’s early writing, the term “wenxue” still referred to the classical Chinese sense of “xueshu” (学术 scholarship) and “boxue” (博学 broad learning). For example, in the “Bianfa Tongyi”《变法通议》 ( “General Discussion on Reform”) chapter of the book Xuexiao Yulun 《学校余论》 ( Discussion on Schooling ) (1896), he wrote: Although there are renowned Chinese literary scholars such as Ding Weiliang (丁韪良 William Alexander Parsons Martin) and Fu Lanya (傅兰雅 John Fryer) to teach them, ultimately, what the students achieved was not enough. Why? The educators have not found the right teaching approach.

In 1850, William Alexander Parsons Martin was sent to China by the American Presbyterian Church, where he served as a missionary in Ningbo for over ten years. Later, after moving to Beijing, he translated Wheaton’s Wanguo Gongfa 《万国公法》 ( Elements of International Law). In 1869, he was appointed head of Jingshi Tongwen Guan (京师同文馆 Metropolitan Institute of Foreign Languages), on the recommendation of the Chief Inspector of Customs, Robert Hart. John Fryer, a British missionary to China, served as the principal of St. Paul’s College in Hong Kong in the eleventh year of Xianfeng’s reign (1861), and was appointed an English instructor at the Beijing Tongwen Shuguan (北京同文书馆 Beijing Tongwen School) two years later. In the seventh year of Tongzhi’s reign (1868), he was employed as an interpreter for Shanghai Jiangnan Zhizaoju (上海江南制造局 Jiangnan Manufacturing Bureau in Shanghai) for 28 years. As representatives of Western missionaries to China in the

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late Qing dynasty, the two men made outstanding achievements in the translation of Western books into Chinese. William Alexander Parsons Martin’s translation of Wanguo Gongfa 《万国公法》 ( Elements of International Law) was the first Chinese work on international law in modern times; while John Fryer made great contributions to the translation of Western books on science and technology, translating individually or cotranslating more than 120 Western books. Based on these achievements, Liang Qichao called William Alexander Parsons Martin and John Fryer “our scholars of Chinese learning”, obviously not in terms of their literary creations, but with reference to scholarship and learning in their broader senses. In 1899, Liang Qichao was one of the earliest to use term “wenxue” in the modern sense. In his Aiguo Lun 《爱国论》On ( Patriotism), he wrote: ‘The English set up schools to cultivate talents for their business interests, not to serve our country. Therefore, their teaching focuses on language and literature, while neglecting the study of politics’ (p. 271). In October 1898, after the failure of the Reform Movement in the same year, Liang Qichao was exiled to Japan, where he read numerous Japanese translations of Western books. He became deeply interested in the new ideas and knowledge therein, especially the many new words that were popular in Japan but unknown in China, which had a direct impact on his writing. From then on, he used the term “wenxue” in both its modern and traditional senses. In the modern sense usage, for example, he wrote in 1902 about “wenxue jia” (文学家 “men of letters”) (Liang, 1999a, p. 624) in the “Jin Zaohun Yi” 《禁早婚议》 ( Banning Early Marriage) chapter of Xinminyi 《新民议》 ( Opinion on New Citizens ) and about “wenxue zhi geming ” (文学之革命 the reform of literature) (Liang, 1902, p. 760) in his essay “Shige” 《释革》 ( “Defining”). In the first chapter of the book Lun Xila Xueshu 《论希腊古代学术》 ( On Ancient Greek Scholarship) titled “Zonglun Xila Xueshu”《总论希腊学术》 ( “An Overview of Greek Scholarship”), he referred to Greece as the mother of Europe’s politics, literature, scholarship and craftsmanship (Liang, 1999a, p.1015). Based on the tradition sense of “wenxue”, Liang wrote, in Zhongguo Dili Dashi Lun 《中国地理大势论》 ( On the Great Trends of Chinese Geography), that the concept of “wenxue” had existed in the north and the south of China for thousands of years, and it covered philosophy, the classics, Buddhism, poetry and prose, art and music (Liang, 1902, p. 930).

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This demonstrates that “wenxue” was still being used to refer to scholarship in the broad sense, while “cizhang ” (词章 poetry and prose) was roughly equivalent to the literature of the present day. Liang’s adoption of the new term “wenxue” and his elaboration of it began with the perception of the genre of “fiction”. In his essay “Lun Xiaoshuo Yu Qunzhi Zhi Guanxi” 《论小说与群治之关系》 ( “On the Relationship Between Fiction and Governance of the People”), he wrote: Fiction and governance of the people are the essence of writing and mastery of expression. If one can understand the form and content, then all kinds of writing are capable of moving people. Among all the genres, none can rival fiction conveyed with exquisite skill. Therefore, fiction is the highest level of literature. (Liang Qichao, 1902, p. 884)

In traditional Chinese cataloguing, “fiction” was either included in the historical works as an appendix to histories, or in philosophical works as the lowest rank of jiuliu (九流 nine schools of philosophy in the Spring and Autumn Period and the Warring States Period 770 BC–221 BC). Although Liang Qichao’s claim that ‘fiction is the highest level of literature’ conflicts with his later view that fiction is ‘a type of literature’, he regarded fiction as one of wenzhang (文章 writings). He actively promoted the independence of the fiction genre and laid the foundation for the acceptance of the modern Western concept of “literature” since the founding of the Republic of China. In 1902, Liang Qichao published an article entitled “Shige” 《释革》 ( “Defining”), in which he proposed the concept of a “literary revolution” based on the universal meaning of “revolution” (i.e. ‘eliminate the old and establish the new’): The elimination and revolution should not only apply to politics, but to all things in society. Drawing on translations made by the Japanese of Western ideas, there are revolutions in religion, morality, scholarship, literature, customs, and industry. Even today’s Chinese scholars propose many concepts of revolution, such as Confucianism revolution, historical revolution, literary revolution, poetry revolution, xiqu revolution, novel revolution, music revolution and character revolution. (Liang, 1902, p. 4)

In a historical context marked by internal and external difficulties during the transition from the Qing dynasty to the Republic of China, Liang Qichao’s various efforts to reform literature were fundamentally

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aimed at improving society and politics. In his view, the perfection of “group governance” cannot rely solely on political “revolution”; rather, religion, morality, scholarship, literature, customs, industry and other aspects should also be included within the scope of “revolution”. The academic, ideological and cultural transformation that led to the construction of the “new learning”, such as the revolutions in Confucianism, history, literature, poetry, Xiqu, novels, music and character, all reflected in Liang Qichao’s discussions and developed within the framework of attempts to improve China’s social and cultural status. Although use of the term “literary revolution” was borrowed from its use in Japanese intellectual circles, Liang was not the only one among the late Qing scholars to generalise the concept of “revolution” and extend it from the sociopolitical level of dynastic change to other areas in which there was the eliminating of the old and the establishing of the new. Given that literary revolution, poetry revolution, xiqu revolution and the novel revolution were all listed separately, it is evident that there was still no holistic understanding of “wenxue” at that time, while just focus on the single genre “literature” as the object of observation and discussion. By the time of the establishment of the modern disciplinary system after the founding of the Republic of China, Liang Qichao’s use of the concept of “wenxue” had largely departed from its classical meaning and had been expanded to refer to one of many academic disciplines, similar to his use of other concepts. For instance, in Appendix II (Zhi Guoxue Za Hua 《治国学杂话》 ( “Random thoughts on studying national studies”)) of Guoxue Rumenshu Yaomu Jiqi Dufa 《国学入门书要目及其读 ( 法》An introductory bibliography of works on national studies and how to read them), he wrote: There are two types of works that I would like to read many times and recite: the most valuable literary works, and the beneficial maxims. Good literature is a tool for cultivating tastes. As a member of the nation, one must have a good understanding of our good literature and be able to read and recite it well. Thus they can take root in our “subconscious” and nourish us unconsciously. (Liang, 1999b, p. 4243)

Additionally, in the 33rd (and concluding) chapter of Qingdai Xueshu Gailun 《清代学术概论》 ( Intellectual Trends in the Qing Period), Liang writes:

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Our literature and fine arts have deep roots and a majestic atmosphere. Nourished by “plain civilization”, they have undergone few changes. However, their gradual evolution can be traced. Each time they come into contact with foreign schools, they can absorb [their ideas] and be enriched. Since the greatest intellects in the Qing dynasty didn’t devote their efforts to such considerations, there was a decline for a while, but the opposite trend was already emerging. In the future, Western literature and art will be introduced to its fullest extent, and then some talented people will definitely thrive by adapting our own heritage while creating new schools of thoughts, connecting and responding to other academic disciplines, and creating an extremely rich cultural movement for the public’s pleasure. (Liang, 1999b, p. 107)

Whether referring to “good literature” as a tool for cultivating tastes, or “literature” in conjunction with fine arts (i.e. art), the concept of “wenxue” was obviously formed after the introduction of Western knowledge in modern times, with no difference from the modern concept of “literature”. At the same time, literary history, as a branch of history, emerged as a new research field. In Liang Qichao’s 1923 work Zhengzhishi Ji Qita Wenxianxue Shulei 《政治史及其他文献学书类》“Political ( history and other books of philology”) published in Guoxue Rumenshu Yaomu Jiqi Dufa 《国学入门书要目及其读法》 ( An Introductory Bibliography of Works on National Studies and How to Read Them), he juxtaposes “literary history” with “academic history”: In addition, you can choose to read according to your research: for the study of academic history, you can read Rulin Zhuan 《儒林传》 ( Biographies of Confucian Scholars ) and other biographies of scholars; for the study of literary history, you can read Wenyuan Zhuan 《文苑传》 ( Biographies of Men of Letters ) and other biographies of scholars. (Liang, 1999b, p. 4243)

In Zhongguo Jin Sanbainian Xueshushi 《中国近三百年学术史》 ( Academic History of China in the Last 300 Years ) (1923–1925), Liang Qichao discussed issues such as the compilation of academic histories and proposed that ‘literature should have its own history’: For a long time now, [it is clear that] literature, the fine arts, etc. should have a specialised history, yet it remains unclear even now … Recently, Wang Jing’an (Guowei) published Songyuan Xiqu Shi 《宋元戏曲史》 (

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History of Xiqu in the Song and Yuan Dynasty), an unprecedented work. Although the format is still debatable, it has already made an immeasurable contribution to the field of history. (Liang, 1996, pp. 322–324)

The term “literary history” first appeared in Liang Qichao’s Dongji Yuedan 《东籍月旦》 ( Guidelines to Japanese books ) in 1899. When introducing the book Mingzhi Sanshinian Shi 《明治三十年史》 ( History of the Thirty Years of the Meiji Era), (also translated as《日本维新三十年史》 History of Thirty Years of Japanese Restoration (by publishing house 上海 广智书局 Shanghai Kwong Chi)), Liang writes: ‘It has twelve volumes, introducing the history of academic thought … literary history and other [disciplines]’ (Liang, p. 335). After the establishment of the disciplinary system in modern China and with the elevation of the status of “wenxue”, literary history became an important branch of historical research. Liang Qichao’s high evaluation of Wang Guowei’s Songyuan Xiqu Shi 《宋元戏 ( 曲史》History of Xiqu in the Song and Yuan Dynasty) showed the elevated status of literature after the transformation of the concept of “wenxue” and its knowledge system. With this change, Liang Qichao’s understanding of the classification of “wenxue” also underwent a shift. In his 1920 book Qingdai Xueshu Gailun 《清代学术概论》 ( Intellectual Trends in the Qing Period), Liang appeared to have fully adopted the modern notion of “wenxue”. Summarising the overall achievement of literature in the Qing dynasty, he writes: In terms of literature, poetry can be said to have declined to the extreme … Until the end of the century, there emerged outstanding writers like Jin He, Huang Zunxian, and Kang Youwei, exhibiting great vitality and excellence. As for song lyrics, there were writers in the Qing dynasty who had reached the level of the song lyrics of the Yuan and Ming dynasties, like Nalanxingde ... however, their works were all considered insignificant. As for qu (曲 vernacular songs), the works of Li Yu, Jiang Shiquan and others were considered shallow and tasteless. In terms of fiction, Honglou Meng 《红楼梦》 ( Dream of the Red Chamber) stands the test of time, while the rest are hardly worth mentioning. In terms of prose, the Confucian school used plain and straightforward language to argue without literary flavor; while the Tongcheng school is regarded as overpursuing literary creation and neglecting real life. (Liang, 1998, pp. 101–102)

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Liang’s summary of the achievements of “wenxue” in the Qing dynasty, including poetry, song lyrics, vernacular songs, fiction, prose, etc., clearly shows the influence of the post-Republican historical view of a “pure literature” that had come to define the scope of traditional Chinese literature. This understanding is clearly reflected in the writing of history of Chinese literature since the founding of the Republic of China.

References Bloch, M. (2019). The historian’s craft (Trans. H. S. Zhang et al.). Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Publishing House. Guo, S. T. (1984). Diary from London and Paris (Vol. 16). Hunan Yuelu Publishing House Co., Ltd. Huang. Q. C. (1893). Dongyou Riji (Diary of the Journey to Japan). In Zhong Shuhe (Ed.), Zouxiang Shijie Congshu (Towards the World Series). (p. 341). Hunan Yuelu Publishing House. Huang, Z. X. (2005). Japanese miscellaneous poems. The complete works of Huang Zunxian (Vol. 1). Zhonghua Book Co., Ltd. Kang Y. W. (1953). Petition to open schools. In B. Z. Jian (Eds.), The hundred days’ reform (Vol. 2). Shenzhou Guoguang Press. Liang, Q. C. (1902, November). Shi ge (The interpretation of the character ‘ge’). Xinmin Congbao (New people’s miscellany) (p. 22). Liang Q. C. (1989). Yinbingshi Wenji (Works of the drinking ice room) (No. 39). In Liang Qichao (Ed.), Yinbingshi Xuanji (Collected works of the drinking ice room) (Vol. 5). Zhonghua Book Co., Ltd. Liang, Q. C. (1996). Zhongguo Jin Sanbainian Xueshushi (Academic History of China in the Last 300 Years). (pp. 322–324). The Oriental Press. Liang, Q. C. (1998). Qingdai Xueshu Gailun (Intellectual Trends in the Qing Period). (p. 107). Shanghai Guji Press. Liang, Q. C. (1999a). Liang Qichao Quanji (Complete Works of Liang Qichao) (Vol. 3, p. 624). Beijing Publishing House. Liang, Q. C. (1999b). Liang Qichao Quanji (Complete Works of Liang Qichao) (Vol. 14, p. 4243). Beijing Publishing House. Ma, J. W. (1991). Examples of French Literature. In S. X. Mo (Ed.), Ma Junwu (The collected works of Ma Junwu). Huazhong Normal University Press. Ricci, M., & Trigault, N. (2010). De Christiana Expeditione Apud Sinas (Trans. He Gaoji et al.). Zhonghua Book Co., Ltd. Song, S. (1993b). A letter to Oka Rokumon. In Z. S. Hu (Ed.), Song Shu Ji (The collected works of Song Shu) (Vol. 1).

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Tan, S. T. (1981). Bao Bei Yuanzheng (A letter to Bei Yuanzheng). In S. S. Cai & X. Fang (Eds.), The complete works of Tan Sitong (Updated edition, Vol. 1). Zhonghua Book Co., Ltd. Wang, G. W. (2009). On the academia in recent years. Collected works of JingAn. In The complete works of Wang Guowei (Vol. 1). Zhejiang Education Publishing House. Wang, T. (1998a). Bian Fa Zi Qiang Zhong (The reform for the purpose of self-strengthening II). In Taoyuan Wenlu Waibian (Collection of essays from the Tao Garden) (Vol. 2). Zhongzhou Guji Publishing House. Xue F. C. (2002). Essays from across the Ocean (Vol. 3), Xuxiu Siku Quanshu, Book 1562. Shanghai Guji Press. Yan, F. (1986). Translation of evolution and ethics. In S. Wang (Ed.), Yan Fu Ji (The Collected Works of Yan Fu) (Vol. 5). Zhonghua Book Co., Ltd. Zhang D. Y. (2008). Strange tales from over the ocean: Dairy from the United Kingdom. In S. H. Zhong (Ed.), Toward the world series (Vol. 1). Hunan Yuelu Publishing House Co., Ltd. Zhang, T. Y. (2003). Guogu Lunheng (Discourses on the national foundations weighed in the balance) (Vol. 2). Shanghai Guji Press. Zhang, Y. J. et al. (2007). Tongyi Xuetang Zhangcheng (The Charter of College of Liberal Arts). In X. G. Qu & F. Y. Tong (Eds.), Compilation of materials on the history of Modern Chinese Education—Thoughts on education. Shanghai Education Press. Zheng, G. Y. (1988). In D. Y. Xia (Ed.), Zheng Guanying Ji (Collections of Zheng Guanying ) (Vol. 1). Shanghai People’s Publishing House.

CHAPTER 5

Redefining “Literature”: The Significance of “Literary Revolution” in Cultural History

Considering the development of the educational system established after the founding of the Republic of China (中华民国, 1912–1949) and the literary history in the early period, “literature” was already regarded as an independent discipline in the late nineteenth century. However, due to the lack of literary works, the traditional concept and knowledge system of Chinese “literature” did not fall by the wayside. As Liang Qichao wrote in his book Wuxu Zhengbian Ji 《戊戌政变记》 ( On the Reform Movement of 1898), ‘In order to achieve effective results, a reform must put equal effort into removing the old and building the new’. The writing of a literary history and the creation of literary works both occurred through a literary revolution. The competition between the new and the old literature was finally won by the new. Since then, the Western concept of “literature” and its knowledge system became widespread throughout China. In the formation of the modern concept of “literature” in China, the generation, dissemination and formalisation of the discourse of a “literary revolution” performed a crucial role.

How Does a “Literary Revolution” Happen? The formalisation of the discourse of a “literary revolution”, which emerged before the May Fourth Movement, was determined by various factors that had transformed traditional Chinese literature since the late © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd 2023 L. Yu, The Discovery of Chinese Literature (Wenxue), Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4233-6_5

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Qing dynasty, though it was directly related to the advocacy of Hu Shi and Chen Duxiu. In 1915, Huang Yuanyong wrote a foreword for Wanzhou Hanwei Wenchao 《晚周汉魏文钞》 ( Anthology of Prose from the Late Zhou, Han, and Wei Dynasties ), edited by Liang Shuming, in which Huang advocated the creation of a “new literature” based on a “modern style” to promote the Chinese “Renaissance”: We must advocate the new literature to express emotions and reflect the social trends; we must advocate for the modern style that is grammatically and logically accurate to provoke thoughts, introduce science, describe general affairs and spread ideas in a clear and understandable way. (Huang, 1985, p. 184)

Similar opinions were also expressed in Huang’s article Zhi Jiayin Zazhi Jizhe 《致杂志记者》 ( , To Reporters of Magazine Jiayin), in which he wrote: ‘To save the nation fundamentally, we should start by advocating for a new literature’ (Huang, 1985, p. 189). Huang’s opinions generally reflected what was required when the revolutionary movement of the new literary form had developed to a certain stage from its beginnings in the late Qing dynasty. Huang’s words echo the call of the times for a breakthrough in traditional literary values and artistic pursuit, which heralded a “literary revolution”. In September 1919, Hu Shi presented an initial review of his personal thoughts on the “literary revolution” in Changshi Ji Zixu 《尝试集自序》 ( Preface to A Collection of Attempting Modern Language Poem). Starting from the reason why he had attempted to write poems in modern language, Hu Shi narrated details of his discussion of the “literary revolution” with Mei Guangdi, Ren Hongjuan, etc., during 1915 and 1916. He wrote: ‘I am writing this preface only to explain why I use vernacular Chinese (白话) to write poems. The story describes the history of this book and provides a short record of my personal proposal for the literary revolution’ (Hu, 1998a, p. 70). In his following narratives regarding the generation of a “literary revolution”, Hu Shi frequently mentioned this ‘short record of a personal proposal for the literary revolution’. In December 1933, he made a systematic summary of his thoughts on the generation of a “literary revolution” from the perspective of a historian in his article Bishang Liangshan: Wenxue Geming De Kaishi 《逼上梁山—文 ( 学革命的开始》Driven to Revolt: The Beginning of a Literary Revolution). According to Hu, the concept of a “literary revolution” was proposed

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during a discussion between several Chinese students studying in the US. In 1915, ‘Ren Shuyong (Hongjuan), Mei Guanzhuang (Guangdi), Yang Xingfo (Quan), Tang Bohuang (Yue) all spent their summer in Ithaca, and we always talked about the problem of Chinese literature… I usually mentioned that Chinese literature was bound to undergo a revolution; and the slogan of a “literary revolution” was born out of our free talk in that summer’ (Hu, 1935a, pp. 3–27). It was in a poem (written on September 17, 1915) dedicated to Mei Guangdi, who was to set off for Harvard University, that Hu Shi used the term “literary revolution” for the first time: The literature in China has long been on the wane, with no outstanding works in a century. The literary revolution is just in time with the unstoppable new trends, which we should not ignore. Thus, we call on people of common aspirations to join the revolutionary army, whipping and expelling the old and embracing the new century. The revolution we carry out will ultimately serve our country with earthshaking impacts. (Hu, 2001, p. 283)

The ensuing debates on this topic led Hu Shi to think carefully about the rationality and a theoretical framework of the “literary revolution”. The diaries kept by Hu Shi during his stay in the US provide detailed records of the historical trajectory of the generation and evolution of the “literary revolution”. Following further discussions in 1916, Hu Shi’s thoughts on the nature of the old and the new literature and his outlines of the “literary revolution” gradually became clear: From February to March, a fundamentally new awareness was aroused in me. The history of Chinese literature was only about the transformation of literary forms (tools), with the “living literature” replacing the “dead literature” at any time. Literature depends on living tools to represent the emotions and ideas of the times. Ossified tools must be replaced by new and living tools. That is the point of “literary revolution”. (Hu, 1935a, p. 9)

The “new awareness” referred to by Hu Shi, who regarded “literary revolution” as a revolution of literary tools, was embodied in the practice of using vernacular written Chinese to create literary works. In the discussions that followed, Hu Shi began to define “vernacular literature”

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as the “internal trend” of Chinese literature development, tapping traditional resources for “new literature” and providing historical evidence for the construction of the discourse system of “literary revolution”: To put it simply, we have only two central theories: one is establishing “living literature”, and the other is establishing “literature of human being”. The former stands for a revolution of literary tools while the latter stresses a revolution of literary contents… The outcomes of our discussion abroad have made me realize that we only have a single objective for this revolution, and that is using the vernacular Chinese as the tool for all kinds of literature. (Hu, 1935b, p. 18)

The large number of vernacular Chinese newspapers and magazines that emerged in the late Qing dynasty set the vernacular Chinese trend and had an enormous impact. After 1906, Hu Shi continued to publish articles written in vernacular Chinese and edit the vernacular Chinese newspaper Jingye Xunbao《竞业旬报》 ( Jingye Newspaper), which provided academic preparation for the “literary revolution” in vernacular Chinese. Hu Shi’s discussions with Mei Guangdi, Ren Hongjuan and others between 1915 and 1916 on writing poems directly in vernacular Chinese led him to employ vernacular Chinese as the core concept of the “literary revolution”. Hu Shi’s thoughts on the “vernacular Chinese tradition” within the historical progress of Chinese literature, together with his plans to promote a “literary revolution” through vernacular Chinese literature, had generally taken shape by October 1916 (Hu, 1935a, pp. 10–24). In August 1916, he wrote a letter to Chen Duxiu, summarising his discussions on the “literary revolution” with Mei Guangdi, Ren Hongjuan, etc., into eight points, which he called “The Eight Principles”: After years of observing and considering, I think literary revolution should proceed with eight principles. What are they? I. Do not use allusions. II. Eliminate old clichés. III. Do not use couplets (No rhythmical prose characterized by parallelism and ornateness, no rhyming patterns in poetry). IV. Do not avoid vernacular expressions (Allow vernacular Chinese words in poetry). V. Respect grammatical structure.

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The abovementioned principles serve as the revolution of form. VI. Reject making a fuss about nothing. VII. Do not imitate the ancients; personal ideas must be demonstrated in every discourse. VIII. Write with substance. The abovementioned principles serve as the revolution of spirit. (Hu, 1916)

Hu Shi stressed here that “The Eight Principles” proposed for transforming Chinese literature served to revolutionise the spirit, thereby both highlighting his intention to transform “literature” itself and indicating his wish to leave his proposals for the “literary revolution” unconstrained by political discourse. In January 1917, after receiving objections from his “friends in America” (Mei Guangdi, Ren Hongjuan, etc.) and realising that the notion of a “revolution” was so aggressive that it might be resisted by conservative scholars, Hu Shi revised and further elaborated “The Eight Principles”, changing the term “literary revolution” to “literary reform” to weaken the sense of “revolution”. This shift can be found in his article Wenxue Gailiang Chuyi 《文学改良刍议》A ( Preliminary Discussion of Literary Reform) published in Volume 2 Issue 5 of the journal Xin Qingnian 《新青年》 ( New Youth). In the article, “The Eight Principles” were revised as follows: I think the literary reform should proceed with eight principles. What are they? I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII.

Write with substance. Do not imitate the ancients. Respect grammar. Reject making a fuss about nothing. Eliminate old cliches. Do not use allusions. Do not use couplets. Do not avoid vernacular expressions. (Hu, 1917)

Compared to the notion of a “literary revolution”, the idea of a “literary reform” appeared to be rather modest. Hu Shi advocated “chuyi” (刍议 preliminary discussion) for the literature and “changshi” (尝试 attempting) for the poetry, so as to reduce the likelihood of causing

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antipathy and to avoid direct confrontations with conservative scholars (Hu, 1935a, p. 26). As a modest and prudent young scholar, he concluded his article by noting: ‘This is just a preliminary draft written for all people interested in this topic at home and abroad. The finalized version is yet to be completed. Thus, any suggestions for revision will be appreciated’. It would be accurate to say that Hu Shi was still showing the attitude of a reformer at the time. The shift from “literary revolution” to “literary reform” in Hu Shi’s thinking demonstrated a deep sense of transformation within his discussion of literature; the use of the term “chuyi” (preliminary discussion) also conveyed the expectation of generating discussion. In contrast to Hu Shi’s rather modest approach, Chen Duxiu promoted the “literary revolution” in an unconventionally conspicuous way. In his book Wushi Nianlai Zhongguo Zhi Wenxue 《五十年来中国之文学》 ( Chinese Literature in the Past 50 Years ), Hu Shi made a detailed comparison of the different ways of promoting a “literary revolution” proposed by Chen and by himself: Hu Shi admitted that literary revolution was still under discussion. He was using vernacular Chinese to write poems to prove that vernacular Chinese was a useful tool for creating verses. He named the poetry collection Changshi Ji 《尝试集》 ( A Collection of Attempting Modern Language Poems ). The attitude that he adopted was so prudent that a literary revolution would need another decade of discussion and attempts at least. But the courage demonstrated by Chen Duxiu made up for Hu’s prudency … [Chen’s] attitude was frequently objected to by ordinary people. However, the literary revolution movement would never have drawn such massive attention without Chen’s spirit of “absolutely leaving no room of discussion for objectors” at the time. Objections show awareness. (Hu, 1998b, pp. 253–255)

Chen Duxiu wrote the article Wenxue Geming Lun 《文学革命论》 ( On Literary Revolution) as an attempt to ‘overturn the literature occupied in the spiritual world of those who utilize the old politics’ and reach the goal of “political revolution”. Although the so-called literary revolution formulated by Chen meant replacing the old with the new, it targeted all aspects of the old literary influences as well as social thoughts and politics. The “literary revolution” was regarded as an essential approach to achieving political and ethical revolution:

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We are at a time of literary revolution. Aristocratic literature, classical literature, and mountain forest literature are on the excluded list … To revolutionize politics, we must revolutionize the literature in the spiritual world of those who utilize the old politics. (Chen, 1917, pp. 3–4)

Hu Shi proposed various plans to reform literature in his article Wenxue Gailiang Chuyi 《文学改良刍议》A ( Preliminary Discussion of Literary Reform), while Chen Duxiu aimed to ‘uphold the banner of a “literary revolutionary army” in his article Wenxue Geming Lun’ 《文学革命论》 ( On Literary Revolution). Hu Shi called for concrete literary reforms to create a new literature, while Chen Duxiu emphasised the historical functions of a “literary revolution” to promote a comprehensive revolution in social thought. Those favouring reform expressed different opinions and engaged in repeated explanations and discussions, whereas advocates of a revolution asserted themselves by determining the targets of revolution and seeking to defeat their opponents. The following decades of development of Chinese literature were inextricably linked to the discourse of “revolution”. Whether the literary transformation was promoted through the “revolution” proposed by Chen Duxiu or the “reform” advocated by Hu Shi, the focus was all on consideration of strategies, with the only difference being in attitude. In Zheng Zhenduo’s opinion, Hu Shi’s Wenxue Gailiang Chuyi 《文学改良刍议》A ( Preliminary Discussion of Literary Reform) ‘was indeed a signal of “revolt”, but it was just a notion of “reformism”’, as ‘he [Hu Shi] thought it is open to discussion without asserting that we must write in vernacular Chinese’; while Chen Duxiu’s Wenxue Geming Lun 《文学革命论》On ( Literary Revolution) ‘demonstrated much more definite propositions’, as ‘he [Chen Duxiu] was engaged in such a pioneering cause with burning enthusiasm; he never wavered or recoiled, neither did he allow others to do so’. This attitude led to ‘success thanks to a spirit of intransigence throughout the revolution’ (Zheng, 1935, pp. 2–3). Hu Shi hoped to uncover a feasible approach to literary reform through discussion with scholars; in contrast, Chen Duxiu regarded literary transformation as a revolution, which should be promoted by ‘overturning everything’. On October 29, 1932, Hu Shi made a speech titled Chen Duxiu Yu Wenxue Geming 《陈独秀与文学革命》 ( Chen Duxiu and Literary Revolution) in the Department of Chinese Language and Literature at Peking University, in which he briefly introduced the historical background

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of “literary revolution” and revealed the spiritual nature of “literary revolution” advocated by Chen Duxiu: He came up with the idea of literary reform, but he didn’t know how until he noticed that the new literature would be born as long as the tools were free from the old constraints, so he wrote an article Wenxue Geming Lun 《文学革命论》 ( On Literary Revolution). My poetry collection was called Changshi 《尝试》Attempting ( ) and my magazine was Nuli [Zhoubao] 《努力周报》The ( Endeavour); in contrast, his magazine was called Xiangdao 《向导》The ( Guide Weekly), and his article was titled Wenxue Geming Lun 《文学革命论》On ( Literary Revolution)! His spirit was therefore evident … He said the grandeur and brilliance of Europe came from revolution, so he upheld the banner of literary revolution to create a new prospect for Chinese literature … He was willing to fight the seven scholars who advocated the restoration of ancient literature before and after the Ming dynasty (前后七子), and the four scholars of the Tongcheng School, Gui [Youguang], Fang [Bao], Yao [Nai] and Liu [Dakui]. This turned out to be an entire intellectual revolution. (Hu, 1998c, pp. 36–37)

Different from Hu Shi, who proposed “The Eight Principles” centred on literary reform, Chen Duxiu formulated “The Three Principles”, aiming to “overturn” the old influences of aristocratic literature, classical literature and mountain forest literature and promote political and intellectual revolutions, with a “literary revolution” as a starting point. Given all of the above, Hu Shi summarised Chen Duxiu’s progress of “literary revolution” into three aspects: I. He turned our ideas into a literary revolution with “The Three Principles”. II. He combined the ethical and political revolutions together with a literary revolution into a big movement. III. His progressive spirit made a tremendous achievement in literary revolution.

The so-called literary revolution proposed by Chen Duxiu actually demonstrated a return from the extended meaning (“transformation”) of “revolution” to its original meaning. His “movement”, intended to spark a literary revolution similar to a political revolution, echoed Hu Shi’s academic discussions. As described in Chen Zizhan’s Zhongguo Jindai Wenxue Zhi Bianqian 《中国近代文学之变迁》The ( Changes in Modern

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Chinese Literature): ‘The theory of literary revolution became clear due to Hu Shi’s calm and patient attitude to discussions with others; the forwardness of the literary revolution owes a debt to Chen Duxiu’s spirit of “absolutely leaving no room for discussion with objectors”’ (Chen, 1929/1931, p. 185). The combination of the scholarly reform advocated by Hu Shi and the revolutionary movement driven by Chen Duxiu contributed to the generation and the widespread dissemination of the discourse of a “literary revolution”.

Towards Modern Times: Redefining “Literature” How to redefine “literature” became the primary question for scholars with the shift to the new academic systems. Hu Xingzhi stated, ‘Before we move to other questions about literature, the question of literature itself stands in front of us: “What is literature?” This question is a popular subject of research. But its answers are as diverse as human faces. All of the statements made at home and abroad have their reasons but [the question] remains unsolved’ (Hu, 1933, p. 1). The connotations of Chinese and Western concepts of literature have undergone changes from ancient to modern times in their own historical contexts. In the Chinese context, “literature” encountered Western influences in modern times, which adds to its complexity. To answer the question: “what is literature?”, a distinction must be made between modern “literature” and traditional Chinese “writing”. Some advanced intellectuals had become aware of this distinction even before the New Culture Movement began. Huang Yuanyong wrote in the foreword to Wanzhou Hanwei Wenchao 《晚周汉魏文钞》 ( Anthology of Prose from the Late Zhou, Han, and Wei Dynasties ), compiled by Liang Shuming in 1915: ‘Traditional Chinese “writing” and modern Western “literature” have different referents with different connotations’ (Huang, p. 183). He regarded traditional Chinese “writing” as “grammar” and “rhetoric”, although, as he explains, his definition of “literature” is partly built on the modern Western concept of “art”, demonstrating his modern consciousness. This point is also present in the distinction Huang makes between “literature” and “non-literature”, which he expresses as follows: ‘Literature is the collection of any writings except academic ones, with the belles lettres as the criterion. Whereas other beautiful writing can only be said to be as attractive as literature rather than being named literature’.

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He emphasises using the genre rather than the literariness of a work as the criterion for making the distinction. During the May Fourth Movement, campaigners such as Hu Shih and Chen Duxiu advocated a redefinition of “literature” to develop a new concept system of “literature” as a part of a “literature reform” and a “literature revolution”. In some sense, the kind of literature a person advocates shapes their opinions on literature. In “Wo zhi wenxue gailiang guan (我之文学改良观 My Views on Literary Reform)”, Liu Bannong elaborated his views on literary reform starting from the definition of literature: ‘scholars are always split on this question’. He criticised traditional literary views and proposed that in defining “literature”; we should ‘learn from the West when classifying writings into language (文字) and literature’. He went on to point out that literature is clearly defined as ‘The class of writings distinguished for beauty of style, as poetry, essays, history, fictions, or belles-letters’, adding that it ‘must be differentiated from language, mere symbols of language’. It is not plausible ‘to put any writings apart from those of science into the category of literature’. He asserted that only fiction, drama, poetry and essays can be classified as “literature”. Liu expounded his own views on literature by distinguishing “literature” from “language”. His views may have been influenced by Zhang Taiyan’s definitions of “wen” (文 writing) and “literature” (文学). Chen Duxiu responded positively to Liu’s definition of “literature” in the afterword to the book: Mr Liu and I share similar views on language and literature. From my perspective, any writing of several hundred words can be called “wen” (文). It can be divided into two categories. One is practical writings (应用之文) and the other is literary writings (文学之文). What Liu classifies as literature, such as poetry, drama, and fiction, is exactly what I define as “literary writings”. Writings such as reviews, notices, diaries, and letters, listed in the category of language by Liu, are what I call practical writings’.

But their categories are not similar, but, as Chen points out, they are ‘different names with similar connotations’. This distinction reflects the two scholars’ ultimate differences regarding the concept of “literature”: Chen Duxiu viewed reviews and diaries as “practical writings”, under the category of “wen” or “literature”, in line with the traditional practice of treating “zawenxue (杂文学 miscellaneous writings)” as “literature”;

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whereas Liu Bannong believed that so-called “miscellaneous writings” belong to “language” rather than to “literature”. In 1919, Zhu Xizu published Wenxue Lun (文学论 Essays on Literature), in which he summarised his views on new “literature” in the period of the Republic of China (ROC). He stated that the former predominant concept of “literature” had narrowed down from academic writings to “pure literature”. ‘Today’s literature is what Bacon calls literature and what Ota Yoshio considers as pure literature. It refers to our nation’s shi (诗 poetry), fu (赋 rhapsody), ciqu (词曲 traditional Chinese opera), fiction and essays’ (Zhu, 2006, p. 50). Zhu’s thoughts stemmed from the Western knowledge system’s definition of “literature”, although British scholar Bacon had not yet established the modern concept of “pure literature” at the turn of the seventeenth century. During the conversion of old and new concepts, intellectuals of the New Culture Movement came to redefine “literature” for two purposes: (1) to sort out the old views of “literature” for criticism; (2) to introduce and comment on the modern Western definition of “literature” for testing (Fu, 1918). In an article published in New Tide in February 1919, Luo Jialun put forward a new definition of “literature”, in which he criticised the views of Ran Yuan and Zhang Taiyan and reviewed the modern dichotomic Western views of “literature”: Literature is the representation and criticism of life, the record of best thoughts. It is a combination of imagination, emotions, genres, and the arts. It appeals to the general human intellect and the common human heart. (Luo, 1919, p. 194)

Luo Jialun’s theory is supported by the arguments about “literature” among modern Western scholars. Luo identified eight common features of “literature” among the definitions of fifteen Western scholars: (i) Literature is the representation and criticism of life, (ii) Best thoughts, (iii) Imagination, (iv) Emotions, (v) Genres, (vi) The arts, (vii) Universality and (viii) Timelessness. While all of these features might also be contained in traditional Chinese literature, Luo concluded that traditional literature deviates from the essence of “literature”, which is apparently supported by the modern Western concept of “literature” and its connotations. Liu Jingan built on Luo’s definition of “literature”:

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From this definition, it can be learnt that literature is the reflection of life, the crystallization of thoughts and the arts. Men of letters are the keen observers of life, elaborating on the subjective, the objective, the superficial, the comprehensive, the inner, and the outer. Whether it be poetry, drama, or fiction they write, it’s all about life’s representation and criticism. In other words, literature is nothing without life. (Liu, 1996, p. 2)

Obviously, Liu’s opinions on the representative spirit and essence of “literature” are based on literary genres such as fiction, drama and poetry. Although he admits that literature can express sublime thoughts, his main point still lies in the concept that “pure literature” is “art for art’s sake”. Changes took place following the introduction of modern Western views of “literature” into China. Kikuya Nagasawa summarised these shifts as follows: Since the introduction of Western culture, “wenxue” is often translated as “literature”. But ambiguity arises when literature in English has different meanings in the broad and narrow senses. There are three other senses of wenxue in dictionaries: First, any writings aimed at conveying people’s emotions and thoughts are literature, equivalent to Western “literature” in the broad sense, which is obsolete lately. Second, as mentioned above, any learning apart from natural sciences, politics, economics, and law is generally called literature. Language is definitely an integral part of it. So are history and philosophy, just like the disciplines in a university. Third, in the narrow sense, literature refers to any work making an aesthetic appeal to the reader, including poetry, drama, fiction, and the like. It doesn’t refer to the works that can express human thoughts and feelings. Past scholars distinguished pure literature or belles-lettres from learning. Recently, literature has generated the fourth sense. It focuses on xue (学 learning). It defines literature by criticising and evaluating belles-lettres from an academic point of view. Recently, the fourth sense is the most common. (Kikuya Nagasawa, 1943, pp. 11–12)

At that time, however, “pure literature” predominated, while “literature” aimed at ‘criticising and evaluating belles-lettres’ amounted to the “study of literature”, which centred on criticism of “pure literature” or “belleslettres”. Despite the various definitions, the prevailing opinion about the basic essence of “literature” has remained almost unchanged since the 1920s. In this regard, Rong Zhaozu cited three critical elements of literature:

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Definitions of literature differ slightly from each other around the world. But it seems to be widely acknowledged that the elements of literature are: first, emotion; second, imagination; third, thought; fourth, form. (Rong, 1935, p. 1)

The English notes besides Rong’s Chinese writing make it clear that the so-called widely acknowledged four elements of literature emerged after the New Culture Movement when the modern Western concept of “literature” and its knowledge system spread far and wide across China. After the outbreak of the “literary revolution”, the most straightforward method for differentiating new literature from old literature was to give a new definition to “literature”. Among the debates, it was common to define “literature” based on the Western concept of “pure literature”. Ling Dujian put it as follows: ‘Literature is the representation of human emotions, imagination, and thoughts’ (1923, p. 1). Similarly, Zhou Zuoren asserted that literature ‘expresses the unique thoughts and emotions of the author in a pleasant way, and gives readers pleasure’ (1934, p. 10). Wang Zuhua defined “literature” as ‘employing words to represent the pure emotions of life, great thoughts, and accurate imagination. It is the demonstration of personality and the reflection of life’ (1934, p. 13). All of these definitions required Rong Zhaozu’s elements of “literature” (emotions, imagination and thoughts). By the late 1920s, “literature” in the narrow sense and its knowledge system had become the mainstream in the writing of Chinese literary history. Li Chuli even observed in 1928, ‘Now, if someone asks, “What is literature?” He must be laughed at because “literature” in China is a self-evident concept. It is impossible and unnecessary to annotate “literature”. Hence, the debate about the concept of “literature” could stop at this point, with the next step being to make progress in the “new literature”. This led to the emergence of debate around “revolutionary literature”’. However, in reality, there is no common understanding of what literature is. Difficulties continue to exist when it comes to the definition of “literature” due to the diverse qualities of ancient and modern literary works. Even in the 1940s, Zhu Ziqing was still asking: What is literature? People want to know and want to answer. However, even with all the answers, there is no conclusion. Maybe there is never going to be one, because the definition of literature is based on literary works, which are evolving and accumulating over time. There are more

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and more literary works with different content. All of these can affect the question of what is literature.

Opinions vary among people on whether literary works should be characterised by their literariness or genre, which leads to divergences in the definitions and categories of literature. As Zhu Ziqing noted in his writings: When we define literature as being the expressive, then the didactic poems of the Song Dynasty and the British in the 18th century would not appear to be literature. Or when we clarify literature as different from other forms of writing, [we overlook that] jing, shi, zi, and ji (经史子集 the four traditional categories of Chinese library collections; classical, historical, philosophical works, and pure literature) are all seen as literature in the Chinese tradition … Of course, ji contains more literariness than the other three. (Zhu, 2000, p. 234)

Literary characteristics and genres are often intertwined, leading to different opinions about definitions when we seek to set boundaries of what constitutes “literature” and literary works. In the early period of the ROC, a small number of scholars vacillated between traditional and modern concepts. Liu Yongji (1934, p. 23) argued as follows: Today’s literature must have clear significance and be widely applicable. The clearer the significance is, the more subtle the representation becomes. Wider application can give more happiness to humans. Thus, although it is difficult to define literature, it never deviates from these two points … In general, literature is what the author, able to discern ahead of others, contributes to human happiness in subtle ways by engaging humans in tenderness and grandness.

Liu Yongji’s summary of the elements of “literature” as including significance, application, subtle representation and tenderness and grandness shows his efforts to bridge the gap between Chinese and Western literary concepts. Qian Jibo’s (1993, p. 3) understanding of the concept of “literature” was based on Western ideas and the intrinsic features of Chinese literature:

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Literature is what appeals to everyone, and covers a wide range of thoughts, and prioritizes both rationalism and emotionalism. Some prioritize the intellect, such as essays, reviews, and biographies, and some emphasize emotionalism, such as poetry, xiqu [戏曲 traditional Chinese opera], and fiction.

Thus, the modern Western connotations of “literature” only represent a part of what Qian defined as “literature”, i.e., the emphasis on emotionalism, as the emphasis on rationalism was also rooted in his understanding of traditional “literature” or “writing”. Meanwhile, Qian (1993, p. 3) also pointed out: Modern literature takes images into consideration. Any writing in jing, zi, and shi that prioritizes emotionalism while involving images can be categorized as literature. Thus, today’s literature includes the above mentioned jing, zi, and shi, and has a wider scope than Xiao Tong’s definition of literature.

Qian’s comments foreshadow later debates about this question, which also used “literariness” (with the emphasis on emotionalism with images) rather than literary genres as the criterion for classifying “literature”. Overall, it is inevitable that there are various definitions of “literature” given the different ancient and modern concepts of “literature”, the distinct Chinese and Western literary histories and traditions, and the various understandings of its meaning, as well as the multiple viewpoints held among scholars, as Xu Jingxiu (1933, p. 1) pointed out: Literature is still not clearly defined. It’s not because of a too loose or over-strict definition, but because of the large scope of literature. Those attempting to explain it have different definitions because of various academic thoughts they hold or the influence of the times. Then they bring their own definitions. It is a common phenomenon at home and abroad in both ancient and modern times.

The enormous variety of definitions reflects the abundance and complexity of “literature” itself and the diversity of its referents.

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References Chen, D. X. (1917, February). Wenxue Geming Lun (On literary revolution). New Youth, 2(6). Chen, Z. Z. (1929/1931). Zhongguo Jindai Wenxue Zhi Bianqian (The changes in Modern Chinese Literature). Zhonghua Book Company. Fu, S. N. (1918, January 15). Wenxue Gexin Shenyi. Xinqingnian (New Youth), 4(1). Huang, Y. Y. (1985). Yuansheng Yizhu (Literary remains of Yuansheng) (No. 4). In Y. L. Shen (Ed.), Jindai Zhongguo Shiliao Congkan Sanbian (The collection of sources of Modern Chinese History III ) (Vol. 21). Taiwan Wenhai Press, China. Hu, S. (1916, October). Ji Chen Duxiu (A letter to Chen Duxiu). New Youth, 2(2). Hu, S. (1917, January). Wenxue Gailiang Chuyi (A preliminary discussion of literary reform). New Youth, 2(5). Hu, S. (1935a). Bishang Liangshan: Wenxue Geming De Kaishi (Driven to revolt: The beginning of literary revolution). In S. Hu (Ed.), Zhongguo Xinwenxue Daxi: Jianshe Lilun Ji (Compendium of China’s new literature: Construction theory). Shanghai Liangyou Book Company. Hu, S. (1935b). Daoyan (Introduction). In S. Hu (Ed.), Zhongguo Xinwenxue Daxi: Jianshe Lilun Ji (Compendium of China’s new literature: Construction theory). Shanghai Liangyou Book Company. Hu, S. (1998a). Changshi Ji Zixu (Preface to a collection of attempting modern language poem). In Z. S. Ouyang (Ed.), Hu Shi Wenji (Collected works of Hu Shi) (Vol. 9). Peking University Press. Hu, S. (1998b). Wushi Nianlai Zhongguo Zhi Wenxue (Chinese literature in the past 50 years). In Z. S. Ouyang (Ed.), Hu Shi Wenji (Collected works of Hu Shi) (Vol. 3). Peking University Press. Hu, S. (1998c). Chen Duxiu Yu Wenxue Geming (Chen Duxiu and literary revolution). In Z. S. Ouyang (Ed.), Hu Shi Wenji (Collected works of Hu Shi) (Vol. 12). Peking University Press. Hu, S. (2001). A poem for Mei Guangdi. In B. Y. Cao (Ed.), Hu Shi Riji Quanbian (The complete compilation of Hu Shi’s Diary) (Vol. 11, No. 2). Anhui Education Press. Hu, X. Z. (1933). Wenxue Gailun (Outline of literature). Yuehua Company. Ling, D. J. (1923). Xinzhu Guoyu Wenxue Shi (A new history of Chinese literary history). The Commercial Press. Liu, J. A. (1996). Zhongguo Chunwenxue Shigang (Outline of Chinese pure literature). Eastern Publishing Company. Liu, Y. J. (1934). Wenxue Lun (Essays on literature). Commercial Press. Luo, J. L. (1919, February). Shenme Shi Wenxue?—Wenxue Jieshuo. Xinchao (New Tide), 1(2).

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Nagasawa, K. (1943). Speech on Chinese academic literature and art history (X. N. Hu, Trans., p. 11). World Bookstore. Qian, J. (1993). The history of Chinese literature (p. 3). Zhonghua Book Company. Rong, Z. Z. (1935). Zhongguo Wenxueshi Dagang (Outline of Chinese literary history). Pu Press. Wang, Z. H. (1934). Wenxue Lun (Essays on literature). Bati Bookstore. Xu, J. X. (1925/1933). Wenxue Changshi (General knowledge of literature). Da dong shu ju. Zheng, Z. D. (1935). Zhongguo Xinwenxue Daxi: Wenxue Lunzheng Ji (Compendium of China’s new literature: Literary discussion). Shanghai Liangyou Book Company. Zhou, Z. R. (1934). Zhongguo Xinwenxue De Yuanliu (The origin and development of New Chinese Literature). Renwen Bookstore. Zhu, X. Z. (2006). Wenxue Lun (Essays on literature). In W. J. Zhou (Ed.), Zhu Xizu Wencun (Collections of Zhu Xizu). Shanghai Guji Press. Zhu, Z. Q. (2000). What is literature? In Zhu Ziqing Xueshu Wenhua Suibi (Academic collections of Zhu Ziqing ). China Youth Publishing House.

Conclusion

The Historical Dimension of the Conceptual Study The evolution of ideology, culture, literature and art is to some extent associated with the changing meanings of core concepts. In certain circumstances, the meaning and referents of a word are fixed and exclusive. With the evolution of history and culture, however, words that once had fixed senses and specific referents come to be used in different circumstances, leading to vague referents and the extension of the original sense. Thus, our interpretations of a certain word will differ as a result of its different referents. The relationship between word origin and extended senses has been beyond the internal system of language throughout history. In different contexts, the meaning of a certain word varies. In To Shen Jianshi 《致沈兼士》 ( ), Chen Yinke (陈寅恪, 1890–1969) argued that ‘to interpret a character is to write a cultural history’ (1986, p. 202). Chen Yinke’s understanding of “character” (concept) as going clearly beyond the internal system of language exemplifies the analysis of the inheritance, adoption, transformation and extension of concepts in different historical contexts, as well as the tracing of their origins. Starting with changes in word meaning, Chen explored the historical and cultural nature behind the shifts. Words exist not solely as part of a static linguistic system, but as living forms of history, because their senses differ when they are used © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd 2023 L. Yu, The Discovery of Chinese Literature (Wenxue), Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4233-6

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in different contexts. The definitions of prevalent modern concepts such as “science” (科学), “democracy” (民主), “economy” (经济), “revolution” (革命), “feudalism” (封建), “republic” (共和) and “society” (社会) manifest their structural features as part of a “discourse” in pragmatic practice against the backdrop of an ancient-modern transformation and Chinese-Western contact. Recording the changing meanings attached to words can reveal the history and culture behind the changes. Therefore, a new research approach has developed that combines the study of words (key words) and the construction of history. In order to position concepts and meanings into the historical and cultural contexts in which where they are formed and transformed, researchers can analyse the historical factors that influence the generation and development of concepts to better understand the historical and cultural meanings behind the words. This understanding is different from that gained from the perspective of traditional historiography. In terms of methodology, the study of conceptual history from a historical perspective and the study of the history of ideas in philosophy are similar but different. The study of conceptual history involves examining important concepts in history. It focuses on the historical process by which concepts change and explores the historical and cultural nature of concepts involved in the ancient-modern transformation and ChinaWestern contact. In turn, the study of the history of ideas in philosophy focuses on theoretical discussion of “ideas” themselves. This kind of study deals more closely with the relations and differences between “ideas” in ideology than on changes in “ideas” in history. The examination of the meaning of “ge” (革) by Liang Qichao (1873–1929) during the late Qing Dynasty exemplified the essential logic of the study of conceptual history in the modern contact between China and the West: ‘“Ge” possesses the senses of both “reform” and “revolution”. Reform is the improvement of the existing system, institution, etc. The 1832 British Parliament Revolution is actually a “reform”, which the Japanese translated as “radical change” (改革, kaikaku) and “new transformation” (革新, kakushin). Revolution is to overturn the existing and establish a totally new one. The French Revolution in 1789 is an example, which the Japanese called “revolution” (革命, kakumei). (Liang, 1902)

Liang’s analysis of the connotations of “ge” is just one example of the introduction of new words in the history of cultural interaction

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between China, the West and Japan. Following the knowledge transfer that occurred between China and the West after the late Qing Dynasty, it is quite common to find archaic Chinese words used to translate Western concepts. The interpretations of these words are usually closely associated with their historical, cultural, ideological and other connotations. The late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China witnessed a dynamic period of China-West cultural contact and knowledge transformation. Traditional Chinese knowledge discourse took on new meanings when it came into contact with Western knowledge discourse. These changes were closely related to the changing connotations and denotations of some core concepts. By investigating the changes of word meanings in different contexts, we can gain a glimpse into the rich social and cultural connotations behind the changes. Zhang Taiyan (章 太炎, 1869–1936), quoting a passage from Rhetoric, by Japanese scholar Matajiro Takeshima, noted: The loan words (外来语), which have broken the sole national language and made the language complex, are not all understandable. Some of them are used because there is no other that can be used under current circumstances. If it is just for ostentation, then it shows nothing but the deficiency of the words themselves. Coinage of new words is the engine of language development and a result of language metabolism. In a time of rapid progress, new things are constantly emerging. It is impossible to understand without the newly created words. However, the use of new words, some of which is for embellishment, some forced by circumstances, should be analysed in detail. (Zhang, 1898, p. 227)

Since the late Qing Dynasty, the large inflow of Western academic culture into China has gone far beyond the capacity of traditional Chinese conceptual and academic systems. In this context, it has been necessary to borrow words from Japanese and coin new words to represent new things and new ideas. Based on the social and cultural changes taking place, Liang Qichao (梁启超) argued, from the perspective of consistency in spoken words and written words, that the emergence and use of new words are inevitable with the development of history and culture: As society changes day by day, new phenomena and new words are emerging, which results from either accumulation or exchange with other languages. Therefore, words used in one country or region thousands of

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years ago will inevitably fail to denote and connote things and senses of thousands of years after when communications between countries are booming. As long as spoken words and written words are consistent, the increase of spoken words will lead to the increase of written words. Once there emerges a new thing or a new conception, a new written word will be coined to denote it. Such an interaction between spoken words and written words will boost the development of both. (Liang, 1902, p. 4)

The reason why Liang recognised “new words” is simple: the world never stops changing. With the emergence of new things, existing words are incapable of expressing them. To achieve consistency in the meanings and connotations of spoken and written words, new words are required to describe new things. These new words can derive from loan words borrowed from other languages or archaic words given new senses. The extension of word meanings relates not only to historical changes taking place within the same culture, but also to the cross-cultural travel of words and ideas among different cultures. The period of globalisation in modern times undoubtedly represents the most energetic and creative phase of semantic development. In reference to the prosperity of new words in modern times, Wang Guowei (王国维, 1877–1927) observed: ‘The most notable phenomenon in the field of modern literature is the introduction of new words’ (Wang, 2010, p. 126). In addition to the literature field, the development of various historical and cultural sectors is also to some extent represented in the process of coinage and evolution of new words. New ideas, things and technologies emerging in modern China are expressed by new words that are either coined or made from existing ones. John King Fairbank (费正清) said: ‘The modernization of each realm is defined by the terms of the related discipline’ (1985, p. 6). Among the many new Chinese words emerging in modern times, some are coined, some are introduced from Japan, while others are transformed from old words. It is fair to say that the extension of new words in modern society is an important symbol of the development of modern history and culture. The turn of the twentieth century witnessed an expansion of the introduction of Western learning to the East. With the ever-changing thoughts and culture, a large number of Japanese-made words were introduced to Chinese because, as Wang notes:

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Things without names are difficult for people to understand. Therefore, if China wants to achieve progress in the academic field, new names must be coined even if it is in the self-seclusion period. In addition, the rapid influx of western academic thoughts to China has made the existing words insufficient, so the coinage of new words is a natural trend. (Wang, 2009c, p. 127)

Hence, the introduction of new words became inevitable since the existing language system was incapable of referring to the new things, new thoughts and new ideas. However, the introduction of Japanesemade words into Chinese resulted in shock to the traditional discourse structure and academic system, which led to a short period of “aphasia” for the Chinese. Zhang Zhidong (张之洞, 1837–1909), regarding the introduction of new words, argued: Though many Japanese nouns are of classic elegance and accuracy, there are still a lot of them failing to be compatible with Chinese discourse. Recently, youngers like to use foreign nouns and idioms which are not refined and elegant, such as “group” (团体), “national genius” (国魂), “inflation” (膨 胀), “stage” (舞台), and “representative” (代表). It is difficult to understand commonly used Chinese words like “sacrifice” (牺牲), “society” (社 会), “influence” (影响), “organ”(机关), “organization” (组织), “conflict” (冲突) and “campaign” (运动), because their senses are totally different from old Chinese. What’s more, though words like “report”, “difficulty”, “allocation” and “idea” are understandable, it is unnecessary to introduce them, because resorting to new words rather than old ones makes readers’ interpretations various, thus undermining efficiency. (Zhang, 2006, pp. 402–403)

It should be noted that when these new words were being introduced into China during the late Qing Dynasty and the early period of the Republic of China, Zhang’s views seemed “improper”. However, from today’s perspective, Zhang’s ideas appear somewhat reasonable given the heritage of traditional Chinese culture and the country’s national spirit. It is logical that Japanese-made Chinese words were hard to understand for people living in the late Qing Dynasty because, despite having the same form as Chinese, these Japanese-made Chinese words have developed totally different meanings. By contrast, from the perspective of people living one century later, who are familiar with the new meanings of these words, most of the words’ original meanings in old Chinese have become

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lost. Therefore, the views expressed by people of the past can be easily misinterpreted when applying modern semantics. This makes it necessary to examine some commonly used modern concepts by tracing their origins and exploring their changes over time. On May 25, 1934, Lu Xun (鲁迅, 1881–1936) published a short essay entitled ‘Ougan’ (偶感 Occasional Feelings) in the “Ziyou Tan” (自由谈 Free Talk) column of the journal Shun Pao (申报), in which he wrote: Introducing new systems, new academic ideas and new nouns to China is like throwing them into a vat of black dye, turning them immediately black and into a tool for private interests. Science is no more than one of the tools. (Lu, 2005a, p. 506)

Despite Lu’s negative views on the introduction of foreign words to China, his writing showed that foreign words would develop new senses that were different from their original ones after several alternations and mutations as they entered into China’s knowledge system and linked with Chinese culture and traditions. This was common for concepts and terminologies in the inter-language flow. Zhang Shizhao (章士钊) once said that it was by no means easy to achieve consistency between words and senses. He added that it was already inevitable that people relied on the original meanings of foreign words, which rendered it much harder to depend on the old Chinese words, whose meanings are far more consistent. Once linked with their Western origins, new words created from the translation of Western ideas come to be used to understand the societies, thoughts and cultures of ancient China. This often occurs through a process that Wang Guowei termed ‘examining the facts according to later theories’ (Wang, 1982, p. 18). The powerful domain of Western academic discourse formed by conceptual translation is often constrained by Chins’s own cultural traditions, as it localised and contextualised in China. As Kang notes: ‘To learn from the West, translation of their books should take priority … If all Chinese intellectuals become a master of Western studies, translations of foreign works will be the most efficient way’ (2007, p. 93). This idea implies that translating is not only a transferring from one language to another, but also a production of different conceptual senses and connotations from the source language because of the inconsistency in terms, concepts and other factors. However, translation is by no means merely

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reproduction because it must necessarily include “recreation”. The difference between “reproduction” and “recreation” lies in the extent to which they occur. Feng Youlan (冯友兰, 1895–1990), commenting on Yan Fu’s translation of Evolution and Ethics (天演论), stated: Yan’s version is actually a rewriting based on the source book rather than a translation. The focuses of Yan’s version and Huxley’s original version are different. Yan also expresses his own ideas by adding notes. Therefore, Yan’s version is different from Aldous Leonard Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics. The evolutionism and agnosticism in Yan’s book are not identical to those in Huxley’s theories. (Wang, 1982, pp. 101–102)

Although Yan’s translation has since been replaced by other subsequent versions, the ideas of evolution were first introduced in his version, which had a significant impact on Chinese culture. Such ideas and influences unfurl the scroll of various thoughts by integrating them into Chinese culture. Therefore, it is fair to say that in the transmission of knowledge and concepts from one culture to another, it is impossible for the recipient to entirely accept everything; alternation and mutation must occur. Exploring the changes of meaning and the causes behind these shifts has the potential to illustrate the rich and vivid picture of cultural and intellectual history.

Bibliography Kang, Y. W. (2007). Shanghai Qiangxue Association Constitution. In Y. H. Jiang & R. H. Zhang (Ed.), Kang Youwei Quanji (Collections of Kang Youwei). China Renmin University Press. Liang, Q. C. (1902, November). Shi ge (The interpretation of the character ‘ge’). Xinmin Congbao (New people’s miscellany) (p. 22). Wang, S. (1982). On Yanfu and his translations. The Commercial Press. Wang, G. W. (2010). On the introduction of new words. In Jingan Wenji (Collected Works of Wang Guowei) in Complete Works of Wang Guowei (Vol. 1). Zhejiang Education Publishing Group, Guangdong Education Publishing House. Zhang, Z. D. et al. (2006). Presented School Regulation: Curriculum guideline. In Compilation of materials on the history of Modern Chinese Education: Late Qing Dynasty (Vol. 1). Shanghai Educational Publishing House.

Terminology

Aiguo Lun《爱国论》On Patriotism alabo xue 阿喇伯学 Arabian studies Aomen Yuebao《澳门月报》Chinese Repository baguwen 八股文 eight-legged essay/eight-part essays baihua xiaoshuo 白话小说 vernacular fiction baiyishi 《百一诗》Hundred and One Poem Bao Bei Yuanzheng《报贝元徵》A Reply to Bei Yuanzheng bei 碑 inscriptions Beijing Tongwen Shuguan 北京同文书馆 Beijing Tongwen School beizhi 碑志 stele inscriptions benguo wenxue 本国文学 local literature bi 笔 unrhymed writing/plain writing Bianfa Tongyi《变法通议》General Discussion on Reform Bianfa Ziqiang《变法自强》Reform for the Purpose of Self-strengthening bianlun 辩论 argumentation bianxue 辩学 traditional Chinese logical thought exploring persuasive strategies in argumentation bianzhang xueshu 辨章学术 clarifying schools of learning bieji 别集 literary collections of individual authors bingxue 兵学 military science Bishang Liangshan: Wenxue Geming De Kaishi《逼上梁山—文 文学革命 的开始》Driven to revolt: The beginning of a literary revolution bisuan 笔算 written calculation © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Publishing Co., Ltd 2023 L. Yu, The Discovery of Chinese Literature (Wenxue), Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-4233-6

107

108

TERMINOLOGY

boxue 博学 broad learning boyanxue 博言学 foreign languages ce 册 imperial mandate ce 策 discourse on politics/ intrigue Changshi Ji Zixu《 《尝试集自序》Preface to A Collection of Attempting Modern Language Poem Chen Duxiu yu wenxue geming《 《陈独秀与文学革命》Chen Duxiu and Literary Revolution Chuci《楚辞》Verses of Chu Chunqiu《春秋》Spring and Autumn Annals Chunqiu Qianzhuan 春秋前传 Prequel of The Spring and Autumn Annals chunwenxue 纯文学 pure literature Chuyang Kaoshi Bugao 《出洋考试布告》Announcement about the Examination for Studying Abroad chuyi 刍议 preliminary discussion Ci Hai《辞海》Ocean of Words Dictionary Ci Yuan《辞源》Source of Words Dictionary ci 词 song lyrics ci 辞 verbal mastery cifu 辞赋 rhapsodies ciqu 词曲 traditional Chinese opera cizhang zhixue 词章之学 writing studies cizhang 词章 writing/poetry and prose cizhang 辞章 stylistic excellence daishu 代数 algebra daishu shu 代数术 algebra Daiyi Pian 代疑篇 Treatise to Supplant Doubts Daiyi Xubian《代疑续编》Sequel to the Treatise to Supplant Doubts Dalu Bao《大陆报》Dalu Newspaper Daoguang nianjian 道光年间 Daoguang Reign di wen 地文 physiography di zhi 地志 topography Dian lun《典论》Normative Discourses Dian lun “Lunwen”《 《典论·论 论文》‘Discourse on Literature’ in Normative Discourses Dili Beikao 地理备考 Geographical Reference dizhixue 地质学 geology Dizui Zhenggui《涤罪正规》Correct Rules to Wash Away Sins

TERMINOLOGY

109

Dongji Yuedan《东籍月旦》Guidelines to Japanese books Dongjing Kaicheng Xuexiao Yilan《东京开成学校一览》The Calendar of the Tokyo Kaisei-Gakko dongwu xue 动物学 zoology Dongyou Riji《东游日记》Diary of the Journey to Japan Dushu Fenyue Kecheng《读书分月课程》Monthly Reading Plan Edeluo《鄂得洛》Othello Faguo Wenxue Shuoli《法国文学说例》Preface to French Literature fake 法科 laws Fenlun《分论》Sub-pandect of History of Chinese Literature fú 黻 an archaic term for an embroidered pattern depicted on formal dresses fuˇ 黼 an axe-shaped embroidered pattern on formal dresses fu 赋 rhapsody Fusang Youji《扶桑游记》Japan Travelogue ganhua zhiwen 感化之文 writings for reclaiming gewuxue 格物学 study of investigating things, including water, fire, electric light geyao 歌谣 folk songs Gezhi 格致 investigating things and extending knowledge Gezhixue 格致学 natural studies gong 工 engineering gongdu 公牍 official documents gongfaxue 公法学 public law gongke 工科 engineering Guocui xuebao《国粹学报》National Essence Studies Journal Guogu Lunheng《国故论衡》Critical Evaluation of National Heritage guowen 国文 Chinese Guoxue Rumenshu Yaomu Jiqi Dufa《 《国学入门书要目及其读法》An Introductory Bibliography of Works on National Studies and How to Read Them guoxue 国学 national learning Guozi Xue 国子学 School of National Youth Gushi Shijiu Shou《古诗十九首》Nineteen Old Poems guwen 古文 classical prose Haiguo Huzhi《海国图志》Maps and Documents of the Maritime Countries Han Feizi《韩非子》Hanfeizi Han Shu《汉书》History of the Former Han

110

TERMINOLOGY

Hanfu 汉赋 Han Dynasty Rhapsody Hanlin Lun《翰林论》On Imperial Academy Hanmole《罕谟勒》Hamlet Hanyu Dacidian《汉语大词典》Great Chinese Dictionary Honglou Meng《红楼梦》The Dream of the Red Chamber Hou Han Shu《后汉书》History of the Later Han Huangjia Yazhouxuehui Zhongwen Wenku Mulu《皇家亚洲学会中文文 库目录》Catalogue of the Chinese Library of the Royal Asiatic Society huaxue 化学 chemistry huiyi 会意 conjoining the sense Ji 集 literary works ji 记 records jiajie 假借 loaned and borrowed graphs Jian’an qizi 建安七子 seven main scholars of the Jian’an Period Jianqi 笺启 correspondence jiaohuaxue 教化学 ethos Jiaoyubu 教育部 the Ministry of Education Jiawu Zhanzheng 甲午战争 the First Sino-Japanese War jihe 几何 geometry Jin Zaohun Yi《禁早婚议》Banning Early Marriage jing 经 classics jing, shi, zi, and ji 经史子集 the four traditional categories of Chinese library collections; classical, historical, philosophical works, and pure literature Jingshi Tongwen Guan 京师同文馆 Metropolitan Institute of Foreign Languages jingxue 经学 Classical Studies/Academies of Classics Jingye Xunbao《竞业旬报》Jingye Newspaper Jingzhou Wenxue Jiguanzhi《荆州文学记官志》Official Account of Classical Studies in Jingzhou Jinlouzi Liyan《 《金楼子·立 立言》“Establishing Words” in Master of the Golden Tower Jinri Zabao《近日杂报》Miscellaneous News jinshi shi 近世史 early modern history Jinshi 进士 presented scholars jishi 记事 chronicles jiuliu 九流 nine schools of philosophy jixue 计学 science of calculation Jiyiguan 技艺馆 skill-arts institutions

TERMINOLOGY

111

Juren 举人 provincial candidate Kaisa《凯撒》Julius Caesar Kaiyankanshijie 开眼看世界 open their eyes to see the world kaojing yuanliu 考镜源流 verifying of their origins kaoju 考据 evidential research keju 科举 the imperial examination system keju kaoshi 科举考试 imperial examinations kongxu 空虚 nothingness langmanzhuyi 浪漫主义 Romanticism lei 诔 elegy lei 类 categories Li 礼 Rites Li 《礼》Records of Rituals libu 吏部 Ministry of Justice and Government officials licaixue 理财学 policy of putting wealth in order liezhuan 列传 arrayed biographies lifa 礼法 law inherent in rite like 理科 sciences Lilun《礼论》On Rituals Lilunshuo《理论说》Essays Liu Yi 六艺 Six Arts Liuchao 六朝 Six Dynasties Liuhe Zongtan《六合丛谈》Collected Writings of the Six Directions Liuheguomin《六合国民》The Citizen of the World Liushu 六书 six scripts lixue 理学 learning of the Neo-Confucian principles Lubinsun piaoliuji 《鲁滨孙漂流记》Robinson Crusoe lüli 律例 laws Lüshi chunqiu《吕氏春秋》Lü’ s Commentaries of History Lun jinnian zhi xueshu 《论近年之学术界》On the Academia of Recent Years Lun wenxue yu kexue buke pianfei《论文学与科学不可偏废》On giving equal emphasis to literature and science Lun Xiaoshuo Yu Qunzhi Zhi Guanxi《 《论小说与群治之关系》On the Relationship Between Fiction and Governance of the People Lun Xila Xueshu《论希腊古代学术》On Ancient Greek Scholarship lun 论 disquisitions Lundun Bali Riji《伦敦巴黎日记》London and Paris Diary Lunwen 论文 Discourse on Literature

112

TERMINOLOGY

Lunyu《论语》The Analects of Confucius Lunyu Jijieyishu《论语集解义疏》Subcommentaries on the Analects Lunyu Zhengyi《论语正义》Orthodox Interpretation of the Analects Lunyu Zhushu Jiejing《 《论语注疏解经》Commentaries and Subcommentaries of the Analects luoma shi 罗马史 Roman historiography Luoma Shiren Lüeshuo《 《罗马诗人略说》A Brief Discussion of Roman Poets Meiguo Zhanglaohui 美国长老会 the American Presbyterian Church Meilige Guozhilüe《美理哥国志略》Short History of America Meilige Heshengguo Zhilüe《 《美理哥合省国志略》A Brief Record of the United States of America Meng Xi Bi Tan 梦溪笔谈 Brush Talks from Dream Brook Ming Jian 明见 Brilliant Views ming 铭 inscription Mingxue 名学 traditional Chinese logical thought exploring the relations between words and actuality Mingzhi Sanshinian Shi《 《明治三十年史》History of the Thirty Years of the Meiji Era Mingzhi Weixin 明治维新 Meiji Restoration Mo Jing《墨经》Mohist Canons Nanqishu《南齐书》History of the Southern Qi nanxue 南学 study of the south Nanyang Wenxue Song《南阳文学颂》Ode to literature in Nanyang Nianjian Xuepai 年鉴学派 the Annales School nong 农 agriculture Nuli Zhoubao《努力周报》The Endeavour Ougan《偶感》Occasional Feelings Ouluoba Zongshuo《欧逻巴总说》Overview of Europe pinghu bingke 平弧并课 trigonometry pingmian sanjiao shu 平面三角术 plane trigonometry qi 启 note Qi Min Yao Shu《齐民要术》Important Arts for the People’s Welfare Qike《七克》Seven Conquests Qilue《七略》Seven Summaries Qimeng Yundong 启蒙运动 the Western Enlightenment Qing Kai Xuexiao Zhe《请开学校折》Petition to Open Schools Qingdai Xueshu Gailun《清代学术概论》Intellectual Trends in the Qing Period

TERMINOLOGY

113

Qiu Shu《儋书》Writings to Prompt Action qu 曲 vernacular songs/lyrics Quanfeng 劝讽 admonition renshen xue 人身学 medicine Renwuzhi ‘Liuye’《人物志·流 流业》“Occupations for various specialties” in Treatise on personality renzhong lun 人种学 ethnology Riben Guozhi《日本国志》Annals of Japan Riben Weixin Sanshinianshi《 《日本维新三十年史》History of Thirty Years of Japanese Restoration Riben Zashi Shi《 《日本杂事诗》Poems on Miscellaneous Subjects from Japan ru 儒 Confucian scholars Rujia Xuepai 儒家学派 the Confucian school Rulin Zhuan《儒林传》Biographies of Confucian Scholars ruxue 儒学 Confucianism Sanguo Zhi《三国志》History of the Three Kingdoms sanjiao shu 三角术 trigonometry sanwen 散文 modern Chinese prose shanlin wenxue 山林文学 mountain forest literature shang 商 business Shanghai Guangzhi Shuju 上海广智书局 Shanghai Kwong Chi Shanghai Jiangnan Zhizaoju 上海江南制造局 Jiangnan Manufacturing Bureau in Shanghai Shangjun shu《商君书》Book of Lord Shang Shengbaoluo Shuyuan 圣保罗书院 St. Paul’s College shengli xue 生理学 physiology Shengshi Weiyan《盛世危言》Warnings to a Prosperous Age shi 诗 poetry Shi《诗》Classic of Poetry shi 史 history/ historical works shifu wenzhang 诗赋文章 poems, poetic expositions, and prose Shige《释革》Defining Shiji《史记》Records of the Historian Shijing《诗经》Classic of Poetry Shijing《诗经》the Book of Song Shiji《史记》Records of the Historian Shisichao Wenxueyaolue《十四朝文学要略》An Outline of the Literature of Fourteen Dynasties

114

TERMINOLOGY

shiti 诗体 poetic form shiwen 时文 current prose shixue 史学 history shiyi changji yi zhiyi 师夷长技以制夷 one can learn from the barbarian in order to compete with the barbarian shiyiyanzhi 诗以言志 poetry expressing aspirations Shu《书》Classic of Documents Shu《尚书》Classic of Documents shu 书 Documents/ Letters shu 术 skills shudu 书牍 literary letters shulou 书楼 studios or libraries shuo 说 explanations shuobu 说部 fiction Shuoyuan 说苑 Garden of Stories Sibu《四部》Four Categories Siku Quanshu《四库全书》The Complete Library of the Four Treasures Sishu《四书》Four Books situ canjun 司徒参军 director of instruction song 颂 eulogy Songshu《宋书》Book of the Song Dynasty Songyuan Xiqu Shi《宋元戏曲史》History of Xiqu in the Song and Yuan Dynasty songzan 颂赞 extolment and commendation suan 算 mathematics suanxue 算学 mathematics taichang cheng 太常丞 assistant commissioners for ceremonies Taishigong Zi Xu in Shiji《史记·太 太史公自序》Records of the Historian: Self-narration of Grand Historian Taixi Jinshi Shulüe 泰西近事述略 Summary of Recent Events in the West taixi jinshi 泰西近史 Western history taixue 太学 Imperial Academy taizi lügengling 太子率更令 director of the watch ti 体 style Tian Shi Ming Bian《天释明辨》The Clear Distinction Between Catholicism and Buddhism Tian Yan Lun《天演论》Evolution and Ethics Tianchao Shangguo 天朝上国 Celestial Empire

TERMINOLOGY

115

tiansuan 天算 astronomical calculations Tianxue Chuhan《天学初函》The First Collection of Writings on Heavenly Learning tianxue 天学 heaven learning, including calendar tixue shisi 提学使司 provincial educational administration Tongchengpai 桐城派 the Tongcheng school Wanguo Gongfa《万国公法》Elements of International Law Wanmu Caotang Xiaoxue Xueji 《万木草堂小学学记》Records of Learning in Grass Hall of Millions of Trees Wanzhou Hanwei Wenchao《晚周汉魏文钞》Anthology of Prose from the Late Zhou, Han, and Wei Dynasties Wei Jin fengdu ji wenzhang yu yao ji jiu zhi guanxi 《魏晋风度及文章 与药及酒之关系》The relationship of Wei-Jin lifestyle and writings with drugs and alcohol Wen Fu《文赋》Rhapsody on Literature wen 文 literature/ letters/rhymed writing/ writing/ ancient classics/ rhythmed writing wenbishi 文笔式 Patterns for poetry and prose wenbizhibian 文笔之辨 discrimination between prose wenci 文辞 literary diction wendao 文道 writings and morality Wenjing mifulun《文镜秘府论》Discourses from the marvellous storehouse of the mirror of literature Wenju 文举 civil service examination wenke 文科 arts wenli 文理 meaning and order/wen regular embroidery wenmo zhibang 文墨之邦 literary countries wenmo zhishi 文墨之士 literary man Wenti Mingbian《文体明辨》A Clear Distinction of Styles wenti 文体 style wenxian 文献 documents wenxian 文献 texts Wenxin diaolong《 《文心雕龙》The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragon Wenxin Diaolong ‘Zongshu’《 《文心雕龙·总 总术》“General Techniques” in The Literary Mind and the Carving of the Dragon wenxuan《文选》Selections of Refined Literature wenxue 文学 literature

116

TERMINOLOGY

Wenxue Gailiang Chuyi《 《文学改良刍议》A Preliminary Discussion of Literary Reform Wenxue Geming Lun《文学革命论》On Literary Revolution wenxue jia 文学家 men of letters wenxue ke 文学科 arts Wenxue Lun《文学论》Essays on Literature Wenxue Lunluë 文学论略 A Sketch of Literature Wenxue Qipian《文学七篇》Seven Essays on Literature Wenxue Shuyu Cidian《文学术 语辞典》A Glossary of Literary Terms Wenxue Xingguo Ce 《文学兴国策》Strategies for Rejuvenating the Country through Literature wenxue zhi geming 文学之革命 the reform of literature wenxue zhishi 文学之士 men of letters wenxue zhuan 文学传 literature accounts wenxue Ziyou Zixia 文学子游子夏 those known for broad knowledge of wenxue: Ziyou and Zixia Wenxue Zonglüe《文学总略》General introduction to literature wenyi 文艺 literature and arts wenyimingdao 文以明道 literature as the means to illuminate the Way wenyizaidao 文以载道 literature as the vehicle of ideas Wenyuan Zhuan《文苑传》Biographies of Men of Letters Wenzhang boxue ze you Zi You, Zi Xia liangren 文章博学则有子游、 子夏二人 Those who write well and have a wide range of knowledge are Zi You and Zi Xia wenzhang boxue 文章博学 writing and learning/ talents and broad learning Wenzhang Liubie Lun《 《文章流别论》Treatise on Writing Divided by Genre wenzhang 文章 literary writing/ writings/ writing and literary text/ writing and literary texts wenzhang 彣彰 belles-lettres wenzi 文字 writing, script/ characters Wo zhi wenxue gailiang guan《我之文学改良观》My Views on Literary Reform Wuche Yunfu《五车韵府》Erudition Syllabic Dictionary Wujing《五经》Five Classics wujingshi《五经诗》Poetry of Five Classics wuju 武举 military service examination wuli 物理 physics

TERMINOLOGY

117

Wushi Nianlai Zhongguo Zhi Wenxue《 《五十年来中国之文学》Chinese Literature in the Past 50 Years Wushinian Zhongguo Jinhuagailun《 《五十年中国进化概论》Introduction to Chinese Progress of Fifty Years Wusi Yundong 五四运动 the May Fourth Movement Wuxu Zhengbian Ji《戊戌政变记》On the Reform Movement of 1898 wuxue 武学 martial arts wuyu 物语 tales xi 檄 proclamation Xiaˇer Guanzhen《遐迩贯珍》Chinese Serial Xiangdao《向导》The Guide Weekly Xiangxing 象形 form Lunyu Xianjin pian 《论语·先 先进》Chapter of early disciples from Analects / Chapter of learning rituals and music first in Analects Xiaofanghuzhai Yudi Congchao Zai Bubian《小方壶斋舆地丛钞再补编 》Collected geographical writings from the Xiaofanghu studio, Second supplement Xiaoluan Bubingming Shuo《鸮鸾 鸾不并鸣说》The Owl and the Phoenix do not Sing Together xibang wenxue 西邦文学 literature in Western countries xifangchuanjiaoshi西 西方传教士 Western missionaries xifangyesuhuishi 西方耶稣会士 Western Jesuit xiju 戏剧 drama Xila Luoma Wenxueshi《 《希腊罗马文学史》The History of Greek and Roman Literature xila shi 希腊史 Greek historiography Xila Shiren Lüeshuo《希腊诗人略说》A Brief Discussion of Greek Poets Xila Wei Xiguowenxue Zhizu《希腊为西国文学之祖》Greek: The Stem of Western Literature Xin Qingnian《新青年》New Youth xin wenxue《新文学》New Literature Xin Zhishi Cidian《新知识辞典》New Knowledge Dictionary xingsheng 形声 formulating the sound xingxue 形学 science of form Xinjiao 新教 Protestantism Xinminyi《新民议》Opinion on New Citizens Xinyue 新约 the New Testament xiqu 戏曲 traditional Chinese opera xiu melange

118

TERMINOLOGY

Xiucai 秀才 refined talents xiuci xue 修辞学 rhetoric xixue zhongyuan 西学中源 Western learning originated from China xixue 西学 Western learning Xixuefan《西学凡》An Overview of Western Learning Xiyu Zhuan《西域传》Account of the Western Regions xu 序 preface xuanxue 玄学 arcane learning xuanyan 玄言 arcane discourse or metaphysical discourse xue 学 learning/ scholarship xueshi zhiwen 学识之文 writings of knowledge Xueshu 学术 scholarship xueshuo 学说 doctrines Xuewen 学文 learning literature Xuewen 学问 learning Xuexiao Yulun《 《学校余论》Discussion on Schooling xueyou zhuanke 学有专科 specialised learning yan fú 言黻 an ancient literary form that emphasises rhythmical pattern yan fuˇ 言黼 an ancient literary form that is dominated by narration yan wen 言文 an ancient literary form that has a simple style and profound meaning yan zhang 言章 an ancient literary form that has rigorous structure and magnificent writing style Yangwu Yundong 洋务运动 Westernisation Movement yi 移 dispatch Yi 艺 art Yi《易》Classic of Changes Yierwen luxingji《伊尔温旅行记》N. Jroiog’s Tab of Travellers yike 医科 medicine yili 义理 moral principles yilunwen 议论文 argumentative essays yindu xue 印度学 Indian studies Yindu zongdu 印度总督 Governor-General of India Yinghancidian《英汉词典》English-Chinese Dictionary Yinghua Cidian《英华辞典》English-Chinese Dictionary Yinghua Cuilin Yunfu《英华萃林韵府》A Vocabulary and Hand-Book of the Chinese Language Yinghua Da Cidian《英华大辞典》English-Chinese Standard Dictionary

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Yinghua Heyi Cidian《 《英华和译字典》A Dictionary of the English, Chinese and Japanese Languages Yinghua Zidian《英华字典》English and Chinese Dictionary yingwen xulun 英文序论 introduction to English yingwenfa 英文法 English grammar Yishu 艺术 the arts yiwen 艺文 arts and writings Yuan Ming 原名 On Names yuandong xue 远东学 studies of the Far East yudi zhi 舆地志 geographical records Yue 乐 Music yuege 乐歌 musical songs Yutu 舆图 maps of extensive lands zan 赞 encomium or judgement zapian 杂篇 miscellaneous pieces zawenxue 杂文学 miscellaneous literature/writings Zayu《杂语》Miscellanies zhang 章 petition/ variegated embroidery zhangbiao 章表 memorial of gratitude or petition zhanggu 掌故 political and institutional history Zhangzou 章奏 documents and memorials zhao 诏 imperial edicts Zhaoming Wenxuan 《昭明文选》Selections of Refined Literature by Prince Zhaoming Zhaomingtaizi Jixu《昭明太子集序》Preface to The Collections of Crown Prince Zhaoming zhen 箴 remonstrance zhengxue 政学 political science Zhengzhishi Ji Qita Wenxianxue Shulei 《政治史及其他文献学书类 》Political history and other books of philology Zhexue Xihui《哲学字汇》Dictionary of Philosophy zhexue 哲学 philosophy Zhi Guoxue Za Hua 《治国学杂话》Random thoughts on studying national studies Zhi Jiayin Zazhi Jizhe《 《致杂 杂志记者》To Reporters of Magazine Jiayin zhi 志 monographs Zhifang Waiji《职方外纪》Records of Foreign Lands Beyond the Jurisdiction of the Imperial Geographer

120

TERMINOLOGY

zhishi 指事 indicating the matter Zhishu Xueshu Zai Zhuanjing Shuo《治术学术在专精说》On the Importance of Specialized Talents of Administrating and Learning zhiwu xue 植物学 botany Zhiyong 致用 practical applications zhizao xue 制造学 manufacture Zhongguo dawenxueshi《 《中国大文学史》The Grand Chinese Literary History Zhongguo Dili Dashi Lun《 《中国地理大势论》On the Great Trends of Chinese Geography Zhongguo Jin Sanbainian Xueshushi《中国近三百年学术史》Academic History of China in the Last 300 Years Zhongguo Jindai Wenxue Zhi Bianqian《 《中国近代文学之变迁》The Changes in Modern Chinese Literature zhongguo tianzhujiao 中国天主教 Chinese Catholicism Zhongguo Wenxue Piping Shi《 《中国文学批评史》History of Chinese Literary Criticism Zhongguo Xiandai Wenxueshi《 《中国现代文学史》A New History of Modern Chinese Literature Zhongguowenxueshi Yaoluexu《 《中国文学史要略叙》A Brief Review of the History of Chinese Literature Zhonghua Baike Cidian《 《中华百科辞典》Chinese Encyclopedic Dictionary Zhonghua Minguo 中华民国 the Republic of China Zhongwen Dacidian《中文大辞典》Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Chinese Language Zhongxue 中学 Chinese learning Zhongyuan wenming 中原文明 plain civilization Zhou li《周礼》Rituals of Zhou Zhou Yi《周易》Zhou Changes or Classic of Changes zhuan 传 accounts and records/biographies zhuang 状 descriptions Zhuangzi 庄子 Chuang-tzu zhuanzhu 转注 revolved and redirected graphs zhuzuo zhuanshu 著作撰述 writings zi 子 philosophical works zijia zhi xue 自家之学 learning from ourselves Ziyou Tan《自由谈》Free Talk zongji 总集 comprehensive collections

TERMINOLOGY

121

zonglun Xila Xueshu《总论希腊学术》An Overview of Greek Scholarship zou 奏 memorials/ memorial to the throne zouyi 奏议 memorial

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