The Discovery of a New World (Mundus Alter Et Idem): Written Originally in Latin by Joseph Hall, Ca. 1605 [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9780674284852, 9780674284845

Table of contents :
FOREWORD
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
CONTENTS
ILLUSTRATIONS
Introduction
THE DISCOVERY OF A NEW WORLD
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
APPENDIX Β
APPENDIX C
TEXTUAL NOTES
EXPLANATORY NOTES
GLOSSARY OF FICTITIOUS NAMES

Citation preview

ΊΉΕ DISCO FE RT of *A V^EW WORLD

LONDON : H U M P H R E Y MILFORD OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

T h e true .Pufhire of the Right R c u e r e i u i father in Goti! LOSEJ'H

ΗΛΠ Bifliop of MORWICH.·. Samuell.·.Wakerv-iA

A portrait in pen and ink by Samuel Waker in 1657, from M S Stowe 697, fol. 175. (Courtesy of the British Museum)

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T H E DISCOVERY OF A NEW WORLD (MUNDUS A L T E R ET IDEM)

W R I T T E N O R I G I N A L L Y IN L A T I N B Y JOSEPH HALL, CA. i6oj; E N G L I S H E D

B Y JOHN HEALEY,

C A . 1609;

E D I T E D B Y HUNTINGTON BROWN·, W I T H A FOREWORD B Y RICHARD E. BYRD, R E A R A D M I R A L , U. S. N., R E T .

Cambridge, ^^Massachusetts

H A R V A R D U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS !937

COPYRIGHT,

I937

B Y T H E P R E S I D E N T AND F E L L O W S OF HARVARD COLLEGE

P R I N T E D A T T H E HARVARD U N I V E R S I T Y P R E S S CAMBRIDGE, M A S S . , U . S . A .

I N T O K E N OF T H E EDITOR'S R E S P E C T AND ADMIRATION TO

RICHARD EVELYN BYRD

FOREWORD 9

BRIMMER

BOSTON,

STREET

MASSACHUSETTS

i i January 1937 M Y DEAR B R O W N ,

I wish to express m y sense of the honor you have done me in the dedication of this fascinating volume. It is true that I am passionately interested in the Antarctic Continent, but if you think me competent to pass judgment on the extraordinary revelations of this narrative, I fear I shall disappoint you. It is amazing enough that a contemporary of Sir Walter Raleigh and Captain John Smith should have discovered the Great Southern Continent at all, but what am I to say when I read that he lived there for thirty years, and that he found the land peopled, the climate temperate, and vegetation luxuriant in latitudes where I encountered only snow and ice? It is true, of course, that m y explorations have been confined to the western half of the continent, an area which m y predecessor did not touch. T h e only inhabitants of any human interest whom I met there were the penguins, a decent lot, on the whole, and perhaps as worthy to dwell in " T e r r a S a n c t a " (as the old geographers called it) as any of God's creatures could be. T h e y are, in any case, quite unlike the guzzlers, the morons, and the rascals of Tenter-belly, Shee-landt, Fooliana, and Theevingen. This is all very puzzling. W e are a generation committed body and soul to the cult of progress. If we discover a new world, we do not want it to be a Mundus alter et idem; we demand that it shall be different from the old, and not the same. W e have progressed far, and left much behind.

viii

Foreword

Where, for example, is Atlantis ? Where is Ithaca? Where are the fair vineyards of Tenter-belly ? We have left them behind, and yet the way back is open to whomsoever will follow it. Those of us who are especially interested in the Antarctic will find an enduring satisfaction in the knowledge that the land down there, no less than lands more anciently known, can now boast its saga. It will now and forever, thanks to your present long-needed edition of 'The Discovery of a New World, be as absurd to think of Greece without Homer or Rome without Virgil, as of the Great Austral Continent without Mercurius Britannicus. In the hope that this book will receive the wide attention it deserves, I am Cordially yours, R. E.

BYRD

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS A s THE Discovery of a New World is the only complete translation of Hall's Mundus alter et idem which has been made, so the present text is based upon a single source, the edition of 1609, the only other edition extant being a garbled one of 1684. I wish to express m y gratitude to the authorities of the Bodleian Library for supplying me with a photostat of the Bodleian copy and for allowing me to reprint this in toto and reproduce the title page in facsimile. I am similarly indebted to the authorities of the British Museum for the portrait of the author (frontispiece) and for the reproduction o f ' Gulpers C o u r t ' opposite p. 49, and to the firm of Martinus Nijhoff, T h e Hague, for Plancius's map of the Austral Continent (opp. p. xx), which they were kind enough to permit me to copy in facsimile from their admirable Monumenta Cartographica (ed. F. C. Wieder, 5 vol., 1925-1933, ii, 40). I have been forced to depend very largely in matters bibliographical upon information furnished me by the Bodleian Library, the Cambridge University Library, the British Museum, the John Carter Brown Library, the Brown University Library, the Huntington Library, the New Y o r k Public Library, and the Library of Sir Leicester Harmsworth, and I wish to thank the librarians of these institutions for the valuable assistance they have rendered me. In elucidating the text I have had the benefit of advice from many scholars, which I have tried to acknowledge fully in the proper places, though no doubt I have been guilty of inadvertent omissions. I owe much to the kindness of Dr. S. M . Salyer who has allowed me to cite various findings from his unpublished dissertation, 'Joseph Hall as a Literary Figure,' and to m y friends Dr. F. J. W . Folliott and Mr. F. W . Bateson for researches they carried out for me on documents to which I had no access myself. Professor Hyder E. Rollins has given me the advantage of consulting his pre-

χ

Acknowledgments

eminent knowledge of Elizabethan literature, and I have been shown numerous courtesies by other scholars, among whom I should like to mention Professor George Lyman Kittredge, Mr. F. Williamson, Director of Libraries of the County Borough of Derby, Dr. Warner G. Rice, Mr. S. Foster Damon, and Dr. A. C. Sprague. This edition was undertaken, and the work carried on for several months, as a collaboration. Accordingly I take pleasure in making clear that, while I have chosen to assume the sole responsibility for its final appearance, I am indebted for a substantial part of the information I have utilized to the able scholarship and devoted industry of m y former student, Miss Eunice P. Moody. I am grateful for her material help, and commend the generous spirit in which it was given. Η . B. Kirkland House, Cambridge, Massachusetts 15 January 1937

CONTENTS PAGE INTRODUCTION THE

XV

D I S C O V E R Y OF A N E W

WORLD

T o the Trve Mirror of truest Honor, William Earle of Penbroke [Dedication by the translator]

3

I. H. the Translator vnto I. H. the Author

5

.

.

.

.

A Table of the chapters

6

The occasion of this trauell

9

The First Booke. The discouery of the land of Tenter-belly

18

The second Booke. Womandecoia

64

The description of Shee-landt, or

The third Booke. The Discouerie of Fooliana .

.

The fourth Booke. The description of Theeue-ingen

.

. .

77 .

124

A. Dedication of Mundus alter et idem to the Earl of Huntingdon by 'Mercurius Britannicus' . . .

139

B. T o the Reader, Greeting [Preface to Mundus alter et idem by its original editor, William Knight, translated from the Latin by the present editor] . . .

141

C. T o the Readers, Instructions for their Voiage into this New World [Preface to a second issue of The Discovery of a New World, by John Healey] . . . .

145

APPENDICES

TEXTUAL

NOTES

153

EXPLANATORY NOTES GLOSSARY

OF F I C T I T I O U S

159 NAMES

197

ILLUSTRATIONS Joseph Hall, Bishop of Exeter and Norwich. A portrait in pen and ink by Samuel Waker, 1657

.

.

Frontispiece

Title page of the Frankfort edition of Mundus alter et idem

.

xix

Map of Terra Australis Incognita. The only sheet known of a second edition of Plancius's Planisphere

xx

Title page of 'The Discovery of a New World

1

Maps from the Frankfort edition of Mundus alter et idem Terra Australis Incognita

12

Crapulia [Tenter-belly]

18

Viraginia [Shee-landt]

64

Moronia [Fooliana]

77

Lavernia [Theevingen] Epitaph of All-Paunch

124 40

Gulpers Court in Quaffonia. From Psittacorum Regio, anonymous (London, 1669)

49

Introduction H E name of the ship which carries the hero of this story to the Antarctic Continent is TheFancie, or, in the Latin, Phantasia. T h a t name will be found, after one has finished reading his book, to have been, not so much an announcement that it was to be imaginary and fanciful, as a well fulfilled boast that it would fly higher than mere satire or doctrine. Certain earlier imaginary voyages and commonwealths, the Critias of Plato, for example, and More's Utopia, had been frankly conceived with a purpose — the purpose, as Milton said of these two works, of 'teaching this our world better and exacter things than were yet known' — but there had been at least one, the voyage to the Oracle of the Bottle in Rabelais's Pantagruel which, combining many designs and envisaging many purposes, was intended above all to entertain. The present voyage was likewise designed to entertain, and its success, if it be allowed to have succeeded, will be found owing at bottom to those qualities which it has in common with all good stories: a certain illusion of human character and a certain concreteness of setting. The translator, indeed, goes so far as to say that his original 'hath all perfections fitting an absolute poeme.' The writer has, however, without prejudice to his role as story teller, contrived to bring together and interweave with great skill a variety of subordinate motives. These motives are chiefly three. The Discovery of a New World is, for one thing, a burlesque. It is a burlesque of the contemporary narratives of the voyagers, especially of Hakluyt's Principall Navigations of the English Nation., a work both recent and popular. 1 Hakluyt's name is mentioned in the text, and a knowledge of his i . The first edition was published in 1589, and a second, much enlarged, in 1598-1600.

xvi

Introduction

work displayed in several places, as likewise a knowledge of certain earlier and more credulous writers, particularly Marco Polo and the fictitious Sir John Maundevile. It is, again, a burlesque of the encyclopedists, for the wonders which the traveller encounters are illustrated by reference to all manner of learned literature. Hall manages thus to reflect dryly upon the authoritarian cast of the thought of his time in general, and upon various individual writers, by playing them off against each other. So he invokes the word of Sir John Maundevile, Erasmus, or Teofilo Folengo in one place, and of Aristotle, Albertus Magnus, or H a k l u y t in another; and cites Lucian and Juvenal in the very same context with J. C. Scaliger and Raphael Holinshed. 1 His learning embraces poetry, fiction, philosophy, theology, history, grammar, and various sciences, representing many languages and all ages from antiquity to his own time. His attitude toward the written word is serenely ironical: his droll manner betrays neither affirmation nor denial of its authority. T h e work is, last of all, as John Milton observed with dismay, a burlesque of the serious ideal commonwealths. 2 B u t it is, also, an allegory. T h e traveller is man on his journey through life, and in particular Joseph Hall, whose age at the time he completed the Mundus was thirty years, the precise length of the sojourn of the traveller on the Austral continent. 3 Each of the fictitious names, moreover — i . P. 19. 1. See below, p. xxxiii. 3. This suggestion was made by Mr. S. M . Salyer, Joseph Hall as a Literary Figure (Harvard Diss., unpublished, 192.1), p. 244. Joseph Hall (1574-1656), the son of John Hall, deputy at Ashby-de-la-Zouch to the Earl of Huntingdon, was born and schooled at Ashby. He matriculated at Cambridge in 1589, where he earned a reputation for high scholarship, was elected Scholar and afterwards Fellow of Emmanuel College (1595), and graduated B.A. in 159α, M . A . in 1596, B.D. in 1603, and D . D . in 1612. His early writings comprise an elegy, some lost pastorals, and his satires (Virgidemiarum, Sixe Bookes. First three bookes of Tooth/esse Satyrs, 1597; a second volume with the same general title, containing three last bookes of byting Satires, 1598; new editions 1599, 1602; the satires were to be burned for their licentiousness by an order of 1 June 1599, but were later reprieved). He accepted the living of Halsted in Suffolk in 1601, and

Introduction

xvii

the etymology of which in the Latin version represents a large department of Hall's learning •— has either a symbolical or a descriptive meaning, and the geography provides constant illustrations of the laws of moral probability. Thus Tenter-belly is bounded on the East by Letcheritania and Shee-landt, 'For Gluttony is the induction vnto lecherie,' and on the South by Fooliana the fatte, for Ά fat belly makes a leane braine.' Sometimes an image has several meanings, as the triangular shaped province of Eat-allia. This not only symbolizes the obesity of its inhabitants, but also recalls an ancient belief that the source of the Nile was in the Southern Antipodes, and at the same time gives the author an opportunity to invent a learned explanation of the worship of the ibis by the ancient Egyptians. 1 The allegory is ingenious, but not profound. It expresses everyday truths and precepts as the occasion offers, but no attempt is made to expound a systematic doctrine. Thus, for instance, while the situation of Eat-allia is referred to proverbs on gluttony, no corresponding reasons are given for the situation of Fooliana or of Theevingen. began his Meditations, the first of a long series of devotional works, the writing of which occupied him off and on all his life, and it was here that he wrote part, at least, of Mundus alteret idem (see note 4 below, p. xxviii.) In 1605 he was presented to Sir E d m u n d Bacon and accompanied him abroad, travelling as a layman, and embarrassing his patron no little by becoming involved in several 'disputations' with Catholic theologians. His first controversial work was against the Brownists (a letter of remonstrance to two converts to this sect, 1608; A Common Apology against the Brownists, 1610). H e represented James at the Synod of D o r t (1618), there and elsewhere endeavoring to mitigate the ever-increasing violence of the reformed party. N o man criticized the abuses of R o m e more severely than he, and y e t he did not deny that the Catholic Church was a true Church, and a Catholic (see his Via Media, the Way of Peace, and No Peace with Rome). T h e position of Mercurius Britannicus is, on the whole, that of Joseph Hall, at any rate that of a combined anti-Catholic and anti-Calvinist. I t is said by G . G . Perry that ' h e was not free from the tendency to scurrility when arguing against the R o m a n Church, though he did much to raise the tone of the English controversialists against Rome.' H e certainly appears in a better light than Milton in the war of Smectymnuus. H e became Bishop of Exeter in 1627 and of Norwich in 1641. See D.N.B, and biographies by John Jones (1826) and George Lewis (1886). i . P . 19, and note on Delta, p. 165.

xviii

Introduction

Last of all the work is a satire, a satire of many kinds of knaves and fools — gluttons, wastrels, shrews, boot-lickers, hypocrites, thieves, gulls, and so on — and of certain institutions, races, creeds, crafts, and individuals — of Roman Catholics, Anabaptists, Brownists, the followers of Paracelsus, Dutch pirates, Italian mountebanks, and the like — and of individual men like Justus Lipsius, John Storey, and Sir Walter Raleigh. Hall, like Rabelais, takes huge delight in caricaturing the Roman Church, which he represents as a monster of tyranny and corruption, less trenchantly than Swift in A Tale of a Tub, but with fully as great a wealth of absurd circumstance, most of which he borrows, ostensibly as he finds it, though he does not hesitate to contort and adapt it to his purposes, from the received Catholic authorities. A good example is his adaptation of the so-called 'Stercoraria' from the official Roman Ceremonial. 1 He is not without eccentricity, as when he implies that the Germans are thieves, for, though he supports his charge by quoting Julius Caesar, there is no evidence that they were generally so regarded in the sixteenth century, 2 or when he insinuates in one place that the goitres of the Swiss are due to alcoholism and in another to the accepting of bribes.3 The character of the traveller is plain and consistent. I t serves by its plainness both to emphasize the strangeness of his surroundings and to make them plausible, and by its consistency to bind the whole tale together. He is an Englishman and a scholar, with little experience of the world. He is taken in by his friend Beroaldus, and is afraid of drunken hospitality and naughty women; but his innocence is not extreme. He can praise the Drink-allian wines, smile at the superstition of the pilgrim on his way to the shrine of St. Borachio, and comment with marked restraint upon the adulteries of Carousi-kanikin; and he comes to his abrupt conclusion with a laugh: 'These men, townes, and manners, did I behold, admire, and laugh at: and after 30. yeares trauell, growing weary of wandring, I returned into my natiue country.' i. P. 123.

2. Pp. 126,127.

3. Pp. 55,133, and notes.

Xinrtia t rum.

Merc u no

Bntaiu

Ii A N C O F V R T I

AP\

Π

ISfS^'ibSSii

Title page of the Frankfort edition of Mundus alter et idem, circa 1605

Introduction

xix

A learned fantasy belongs in the language of learning, and Mundus alter et idem will always be preferred by some readers to The Discovery of a New World. It is subtler, never facetious, never inconsistent. Its style is fluent and idiomatic, and the idiom is classical, showing few traces of the vocabulary, the solecisms, or the schemes of medieval latinity. It is flexible, dignified, and weighty. W h a t hope, what enthusiasm, what majestic nonsense, is packed into the following words which tell of the traveller's first glimpse of the dark headland of Crapulia! Neque, tamen, haec me terruit insperata solitudo. Perrexi alacer: postque biennium Insulis Fortunatis, litore Africano, Monomotapensi terra ac promontorio ä tergo relictis, nigellum Crapulise caput salutavi. Mundus alter et idem is one thing; "The Discovery of a New World another, and each ought to be judged on its own merits. 'The Discovery is as close a translation as John Healey 1 could make it and at the same time give it the integrity of an independent work, very close, considering the freedom of Elizabethan translations generally. Never balked, it seems, by mechanical or scholarly difficulties, he renders sense for sense rather than word for word, omitting or adding words or phrases, but, except for certain notes, not more than one or two complete sentences from beginning to end. He changes the character of the traveller agreeably to the change from a dead to a living language. T h e original Mercurius is comparatively reserved and correct; his English speaking brother talks like T o m Nashe. Concrete words are I. Healey's own remarks on the subject are not quite consistent. In the preface written for the first issue, no doubt in order to help gain it a hearing, he stresses the faithfulness of his version: 'Where I varye from your Originall, it is eyther to expresse your sence, or preserve your conceit.' In the later preface, however, he declares that 'as touching this present pile of English^ it is mine, it hath no further alliance to his, then chalke hath to cheese . . . no more doth this worke any way resemble his in fashion, stile, or discourse, but onely in the inuention and proiect.' The motive here seems tp be an honest desire to protect the good name of the long-suffering author. See below, pp. 5,146.

XX

Introduction

substituted for abstract, particular for general, colloquial for literary. Oaths, interjections, rhetorical questions, and racy comparisons and metaphors are interpolated, and the total effect is joyous. Life and speed replace irony. Mark the difference between the two versions as they describe the beginning of the feast in Drink-allia: D e i n , salsamenta non unius generis apponuntur; placentae salitae, haleculae, et salibus exesae chalcides, pernae plusquam Westphalae, radices carduorum sylvestrium, anchoviae siti proritandae. T u m statim plena circumvolant pocula, sonantque v a c u a , u t vix d e m u m statueres, impletäne fuerint u t evacuarentur illico, an exhausta u t implerentur: et, u t Plautinus ille, scaphio, cantharis, batiolis bibunt. T h e n sir comes me v p a seruice of shooing-hornes (do yee see) of all sorts, salt-cakes, red-herrings, Anchoues, & G a m m o n s of Bacon (Westphalia m a y goe pipe in an Iuie leafe, if it seeke t o equall these) and aboundance of such pullers on. A n d then begins the full potts t o goe round about the table, and the e m p t y against the walles, so that y o u cannot possibly tel whether they are sooner filled to be emptied, or emptied to be filled; b u t (as Plautus saith of one) the drinke is sure to go, be it out of C a n , Quoniam, or Iourdan.

Both versions are pedantic in their marginal notes. In the Latin the annotator always speaks editorially, and his identity is kept separate from that of the traveller. T h e annotator of the English version, however, is sometimes the one and sometimes the other; he goes further in explaining the obvious; and he is not consistent. 1 If he be thought to have expiated these sins at all, it is, again, by virtue of his devilmay-care style, as when he quotes ' Pantagruel in his Merda Geographica' or the epitaph o f ' Sir lohn of Redcrosse streete' who 'was beard to th' belly, and belly to th' feete,' or remarks ' I beleeue yee, sir, with a little aequivocation.' 2 Hall's geography is to a degree ' realistic,' for it is based i . E.g. how, if Terra Australis is 'incognita,' could the Dutch be trading with Cheese-mongeria and Butterkin the fennie? See p. 24; cf. the passage on the Venetians, p. 31. 2. Pp. 43, 29, 66.

The only sheet known of a second edition of Plancius's Planisphere, from F. C. Wieder, Monumenta Cartographyca, 5 vol. (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1925I933)> "» 4°· The first edition appeared in 1592. (Courtesy of Martinus Nijhoff.)

Introduction

xxi

upon the findings of the most advanced geographers of his time. His maps conform, in coast-line and in many of his legends, to those of Mercator, Ortelius, and Plancius, their representations of Terra Australis being the product of a sifting of ancient theory in the light of recent Spanish and Portuguese voyages. 1 Out of a mass of conflicting hypotheses, and a very few observed facts, they had made a reality of that shadowy region. T h e y believed it to be a vast, inhabited, and yet all but inaccessible continent. Its character in all these respects was prepared for it in antiquity, perpetuated through the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, and so became well established, long before anything was known of the actual Antarctic continent. T h e Fathers of the Church had argued that since man had had a single origin and the Gospel had been universally preached, there could exist no lands beyond three, Asia, Europe, and Africa, which had been peopled respectively by Shem, Japheth, and Ham, after the flood. This view is expressed in many of the mediaeval encyclopedias, and could still be read in the new edition of the Polychronicon in 1527, thirty-four years after Columbus had discovered a fourth continent, and five years after the survivors of the fleet of Magellan had reported the probable existence of a fifth.2 T h e old prejudice began to yield by the twelfth century, though Scripture continued to occupy the geographers. Where, they wondered, among other things, was Ophir, the source of Solomon's gold? Hall's Beroaldus, it will be observed, places Ophir in America. 3 1. Compare Hall's map, p. 12, with the planisphere of Plancius, p. xx, and notes (or glosses) below on Rue, Cape Hermose and cape Beach, Idle, Swarty Cape, and Terra Sancta, pp. 164, 177, 211, 225, 226. For my geographical information I am much indebted to Armand Rainaud, Le continent austral (Paris, 1893). 2. Ralph Higden, Polychronicon, I, vi. See the translation by John of Trevisa, ed. with the Latin text by Churchill Babington and J. R . Lumby, 9 vol. (London, 1865-1886), i, 47-49. The edition of 1527 was a reprint by Peter Treucris in Southwark of Wynkyn de Worde's edition of Trevisa of 1495. See the catalogue of the British Museum under Higden, Ranulphus. 3. P. 15.

xxii

Introduction

It had been thought by certain of the Greek philosophers that, given a spherical earth — and they had proved its sphericity beyond a doubt — and the centripetal force of gravity, the earth must consist of balanced masses of land; that there must exist, in other words, antipodes both of the south and of the west, and that these antipodes must, on the analogy of all those lands which were known, be inhabited. They might never be visited, however, for the dangers to distant navigation were thought to be absolutely insurmountable, — oceans of perpetual darkness, banks of seaweed which would stop a ship, violent tides and currents, monsters, and, as regards penetrating into the southern hemisphere, the heat of the torrid zone. The theory of the zones, attributed to the Pythagoreans, affected opinion regarding the habitability of both polar and torrid latitudes. Some thought the polar habitable, some not; but there was fairly general agreement, among pagans and Christians alike, that the torrid was a desert which could not be dwelt in, nor even crossed. When at last the continental navigators of the 15th and early 16th centuries proved by frequently crossing the equator that the middle zone, though intemperate, was not in itself any barrier to navigation or to life, men might now with reason as well as curiosity look to find human beings in the equally intemperate zones toward the poles; and the discovery of America was taken as direct proof of the theory of the antipodes. It was Magellan who, by sighting Tierra del Fuego, literally put Terra Australis on the map. The name Tierra del Fuego has been attributed to his having seen camp-fires on the shore. If so, here was new evidence that the Southern Continent was inhabited.1 This was in 1520. Six years later Jorge de Meneses discovered the existence of New Guinea and its people. These two places, though both were later to be identified as islands and not as parts of a continent, were connected, on the maps of Mercator and his followers, by a continuous coast-line which ran around the pole, as the I. Rainaud, p. α 6 ι , η . 4.

Introduction

xxiii

scattered and, for the most part, negative findings of the navigators, and the cartographers' feeling for design, suggested it ought to go. T h e gold and spices said by Marco Polo to be found in its northernmost extremities, that is in the regions of Maletur and Beach, 1 which no doubt gave Hall the suggestion for the tropical luxuriance of his Tenter-belly, and which were now actually being sought in New Guinea, were coming more and more to be thought of as belonging to the Indies rather than to the Southern Continent as such, for Magellan's experience of the climate south of the fiftieth parallel had revealed how little promise those latitudes offered for exploitation. Pure theory had had its day. I t had produced the Southern Continent, but could not endow it with wealth. T h u s while America attracted all men's attention as a no less romantic than useful reality, Terra Australis remained 'incognita' and all but ignored. 1 Its singular fitness for Hall's purposes lay, therefore, in that it was not only by tradition remote and inhabited, thus lending itself to a narrative treatment at once fanciful and circumstantial, but, by demonstration, of no material value, and therefore a happy soil for the cultivation of moral and philosophical ideas. In the latter aspect it would naturally suggest contrast, and it is in accordance with this notion that Hall, generally speaking, reverses the moral order in depicting his antipodal folk, making vice virtue and virtue vice, folly wisdom and wisdom folly, as the dramatist Richard Brome did in his comedy, The Antipodes.3 1. See note on Cape Hermose and Cape Beach, p. 177. 2. The only written work I have noticed which is concerned with Terra Australis from any but the narrowly geographical point of view before Mundus alter et idem was a missionary proposal by a Spanish gentleman, Dr. Luis Arias, entitled A Memorial addressed to his Catholic Majesty Philip the 'third, King of Spain, Respecting the Exploration, Colonization and Conversion of the Southern Land. — R . H. Major, Early Voyages to 'terra Australis (London, 1859), pp. 1-30. The New fond worlde or Antartike by Andr6 Thevet (English transl. London, 1568) is, in fact, not concerned with the Antarctic, but simply with America. 3. Acted in 1638.

XXIV

Introduction

And if Hall's geography was traditional, so were the other ingredients of his fantasy. Tenter-belly, with its two provinces, Eat-allia and Drinkallia, is at least as old as the mediaeval land of Cockaigne. 1 Cockaigne had its rivers of oil and milk, honey and wine, its buildings of pastry and pudding, its geese and larks that flew to the table all ready roasted to be eaten, and such, on the whole, is the smiling aspect of Tenter-belly. Hall often draws upon the gastronomic life of the ancients, from Athenaeus, Horace, Suetonius, Plutarch, the so-called Apicius, and others, and on that of the Middle Ages from The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundevile. Eat-allia recalls particulars of the description of Gaster's country, and Drink-allia many a chirping bottle, from the great romance of Rabelais, and we recognize also some of the bald grossness and certain images and ideas from Frederick Dedekind's Grobianus,2 Shee-landt, or Viraginia, is one of many modern adaptations of the ancient accounts of the Amazons. T h e Amazons, according to one tradition kept their men in a state of servile subjection, and according to another had no males among them whatever, but merely contracted temporary unions with men from neighboring communities for the getting of offspring. T h e influence of both traditions is apparent in Hall, his Shrewesbourg representing the one, and Gossipingoa the other. T h e notion of an Amazonian civilization is a staple of the mediaeval encyclopedias, occurs in The Voiage and Travaile of Sir John Maundevile and other mediaeval fictions, and was still seriously entertained by Peter Martyr and Sir Walter Raleigh, both of whom Hall had read, and by other early writers on America. T h e Amazon River 1. See the English poem on the Land of Cockaygne (13th century), reprinted in Die Kildare-Gedichte, ed. W. Heuser (Bonn, 1904), pp. 145150. 2. See A. H. Upham, "The French Influence in English Literature (New York, 1908), p. 247; S. M. Salyer, 'Renaissance Influences in Hall's Mundus alter et idem,' Philological Quarterly, vi (1927), 330, 333, 334; and the present editor's notes, pp. 170, 200, 211, 224 bis.

Introduction

xxv

was, as we know, so named because of the supposed existence of a nation of warlike women on its southern bank. Raleigh recounts the story at hearsay, though without affirming or denying its truth. 1 A burlesque of the received tradition, the Mundus satirizes women's will to domineer, inconsistency, lust, clamor, love of gew-gaws, and other shortcomings. Fooliana derives in general from the mediaeval literature of fools, of which Sebastian Brandt's Narrenschijf is the most familiar example, and in sundry particulars from Erasmus and Tomaso Garzoni, and probably also from Rabelais. The Latin name of the philosophers of the country, 'Morosophi,' seems to be taken from Erasmus's Stultitiae laus, though the same compound occurs in Lucian (μωρόσοφο?), and there are two definite references to the Colloquial Hall refers twice to Garzoni's L'Hospidale de pazzi incurabili, which, as the title indicates, is a kind of anatomy of folly; 3 and probable reminiscences of Rabelais include the Gew-gawiasters, the prodigals of Spend-all-ezza, and the Clawback-courtiers. 4 Satire and allegory had been written a-plenty on larceny and fraud, and fiction was rich in picturesque thieves, but there seems to have been no well-established tradition of a thieves' paradise such as Hall's Theevingen. Having read his Rabelais, Hall perhaps remembered the sixty-sixth chapter of the Fourth Book, which tells of the island of Ganabim. That name is Hebrew, according to Rabelais's own note, for robbers. Pantagruel's expedition does not land there, for Xenomanes explains that ' T h e people are all thieves,' Panurge adding that they are likewise banditti, picaroons, ruffians, and murderers, comparing it with the Poneropolis, or 'city of miscreants,' of Philip in Thrace, while Epistemon calls it 'this Antiparnassus,' alluding, it would seem, to plagiarism. Hall perhaps also recalled the sixteenth chapter i. Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, ed. John Masefield, 8 vol. (London, 1907, etc., Everyman's Library), vii, 295, 296. See glossary under Shee-landt. 1. Pp. 67, 113 and notes; and see glossary under Fool-osophers. 3. P. 118, a, and note, p. 188. 4. See glossary under these names.

xxvi

Introduction

of the Fifth Book, concerning the Isle of Apedeftes, in which Rabelais satirizes the voracity of public officers and lawyers, the ninth, on the Isle of Weapons, the tenth, on the Sharpers' Isle, the eleventh and following, on Gripe-men-all and the Furred Law-Cats, and the Prologue to the Fourth Book, which is a satire on believers in astrology. Hall develops his theme in the manner of these passages from Rabelais for seven chapters, describing highwaymen, robber barons, pickpockets, pirates, liars, astrologers, lawyers, sellers of fraudulent merchandise, plagiarists, and misers. Those people who — and I suspect they are many — remember Rabelais more for his glorification of the joys of eating and drinking and his virtuosity with men as they are and with sheer nonsense, than for his satire or doctrine, will prefer the First and Third Books of The Discovery of a New World to the Second and Fourth, probably for the simple reason that folly and the sins of the flesh are happier material for humorous fantasy than the less genial derelictions of shrewishness and extortion. The original of the mock-serious voyage in Rabelais, in Hall, in Swift, and in many lesser writers, is the 'True History of Lucian. Many of Lucian's materials have been utilized by his followers — a river of wine, creatures half animal and half human, giants, huge birds, men who live on air and smells, a land inhabited only by women, and so forth — and he determined the main characteristics of the type, to wit, that it should be at once a fantasy, a burlesque of the serious literature of travel, and a satire both general and particular. As inventor, he has been praised for his diversity of serious and comic, lively and hideous, images and scenes, for his skill in keeping the reader in continual expectation of being surprised, for his audacity and energy, for the simplicity of manner by means of which he astonishes the reader most when he appears to astonish himself the least, and for the rapidity with which he makes his pictures succeed one another, thus preventing a too close examination of their monstrous absurdity. As scholar and satirist he has been

Introduction

xxvii

admired for his nice allusions to literature and his shrewd sense of moral probability. 1 Such would be the praise, with varying emphasis, of Rabelais, of Hall, of Swift. All these writers display human nature through media which more or less grossly exaggerate and reduce, simplify and complicate, the normal disposition of its features, and yet who can doubt that their power is owing at bottom to their command of that one elusive reality? If so, let Hall be judged by the extent to which he 'approximates the remote, and familiarizes the wonderful.' Has he, we may ask, as another writer is said to have done, 'not only shewn human nature as it acts in real exigencies, but as it would be found in trials, to which it cannot be exposed' ? For those interested in the work as a biographical document, it is necessary to say that Hall's authorship of it has been questioned. T h e traveller is identified with the Italian Protestant refugee, Alberico Gentili, in the table of contents (at the heading of Book II, Chapter ii) of the Hanau edition of the Mundus (1607) and in certain uncorrected copies of the Frankfort edition (c. 1605); Gentili is named as the author on the title page of the German translation of 1613 and 1704, and again on that of the Utrecht edition of the Latin version (1643);* and he is accepted as the author by an unknown contributor to the Universal Lexikon of J. P. von Ludewig (1732-1748). 3 T h e Mundus was dedicated to the Earl of Hungtingdon and published at the expense of Ascanio Rinialme, 4 both of whom were fellows of Gentili's at Gray's 1. Lucian of Samosata, from the Greek, by William Tooke, 2 vol. (London, 1820), ii, 125 n. 2. E. A . Petherick has assembled a good deal of information, of which I have freely availed myself for purposes of the present discussion, regarding the bibliography, authorship, and reputation of the Mundus. See his 'Mundus alter et idem,' Gentleman's Magazine, cclxxxi (1896), 72-75. Having overlooked certain important points as to authorship, particularly that of internal evidence, his inclination to attribute the work to Alberico Gentili is certainly mistaken. 3. See the article on Pamphagonia. Elsewhere the Mundus is ascribed to Hall; see under Hall, Joseph. 4. See below, p. 139, and cut above, opp. p. xix.

xxviii

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Inn, and the Hanau edition bears the same imprint as four other of his acknowledged works. 1 Hall, it has been observed, never claimed the work for himself. There is, however, no shadow of a doubt that Hall is the true author. It is said to have been first attributed to him by name in the catalogue of the Bodleian Library of 1674. Since that time it has been accepted as his by a long line of authorities, including three German writers of the early and middle 18th century, Blaufus, Serpilius, and Placcius (17081756), the French critics Bayle (1720) and Baillet (1725), and in England by Milton (164a), Thomas Warton (17741778), Henry Hallam (1837), the three editors of his collected works, Josiah Pratt (1808), Peter Hall (1837-1839), and Philip Wynter (1863), by his two biographers John Jones (1826) and George Lewis (1886),2 and by various more recent authorities. W e have Hall's initials in Ί . H. the Translator vnto I. H. the A u t h o r ' ; and references to the author as one who had ' long ago bid farewell to the muses' and determined that no literary 'trifles' should appear in his name, by William Knight; as a 'reuerend man' by Healey; and as a 'learned prelate' by Peter Heylin. 3 T h e most telling evidence of all is the large number of comparatively recondite images and allusions in the Mundus which occur in both earlier and later acknowledged writings of Hall, the occurrence of details which show an intimate knowledge of the estate of Sir Robert Drury at Halsted, 4 and the certainty that had Hall not been the author he would not have failed, in his answer to Milton's An Apology, to disown a work which Milton there used for all it was worth as grounds for impugning both his taste and his morals. 5 i. Petherick, pp. 75-77. 1. All of these authorities except Milton are cited by Petherick, pp. 6670. 3. See below, pp. xxxiv, 5,143,145. 4. See notes and glosses below on: Semel insanivimus omnes, p. 147; barnacles, p. 165; lambes, p. 165; a statue of Bacchus, p. 173; in Aristotles time, p. 178; are there not flies . . ., p. 183; the Indians of the Torrid Zone, p. 186; our Lady of. . . Sichern, p. 187; Fuimus Troes, p. 188; two seats of Porphiry, p. 189; George, David, p. 208; and The Citties armes, p. 192. 5. Milton's attack is quoted below, p. xxxii ff.

Introduction

XXIX

The Mundus is said by its original editor, William Knight, to have been written in the author's 'young days and leisure at the University.' 1 Parts of it, at least, date from Hall's tenure of the living of Halstead, 2 therefore from not earlier than 1601, while a reference implying acquaintance with Bacon 3 suggests that it may not have been completed until 1605, the year in which it was entered in the Stationers' Registers 4 and in which Hall first met Sir Edmund and accompanied him to the continent. 5 Knight's preface makes clear that he, Knight, published the Mundus not only without the consent, but against the wishes of the author, 6 who clearly feared that the work would not comport with the dignity of his sacred office. Hall, however, wrote Knight a letter commending his abilities and encouraging him in his career, which, since it was published long after the Mundus (October 4th, 1610), 7 seems to indicate that no breach in their friendship occurred as a result of Knight's presumption. How Hall reacted to the similar offense committed by John Healey, who published the English version also against his wishes, is not known. 8 Healey's preface to the second issue of 1. See below, p. 143. 2. See notes below on the Citties armes, p. 192; a statue of Bacchus, p. 173; and the Indians of the Torrid Zone, p. 186. 3. Book III, chapter v. Bacon's name is mentioned only in the Latin text: 'memini quid Gallus ille olim toties mihi a nobilissimo, ingeniosissimo Baconio inculcatum, " II faut menager la v i e . " ' Mr. S. M. Salyer first suggested the significance of this reference to Bacon. 4. See below, p. xxx. 5. See note 3 above, p. xvi. 6. Below, p. 143. 7. D.N.B. The letter is Ep. χ of Dec. V, Works, ed. Philip Wynter, 10 vol. (Oxford, 1863), vi, 176-278. 8. John Healey has been identified as the son of a Recusant, Richard Healey, a servant to Lord Sheffield. If this is correct, he was born about 1585, was educated, like Hall, at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and made an adventurous tour of the continent, where he passed for a Catholic, from 1603 to 1606. In the next three years he made five translations: the Characters of Theophrastus (1609), The Discovery of a New World (1609), Pies sis de Morney: Tears on the Loss of his son (1609), Epictetus his Manual (1610), and St. Augustine's The City of God (1610). The dedication of the last, written on Healey's behalf by the publisher, Thomas

XXX

Introduction

The Discovery and Milton's strictures on the Mundus both show that Hall's apprehensions were not altogether unjustified, though the work is harmless enough when viewed beside the comparable fictions of Rabelais or Swift. The Latin original was published at least four times in Germany, from circa 1605 to 1664. It evidently appealed to the learned, and to a wider public also, for a German translation was available as early as 1613, and this was reprinted in 1704.1 The story became, indeed, such a classic on the continent that the Universal Lexikon of von Ludewig devoted a humorous article of a column and a half to Pamphagonia (Healey's Eat-allia), describing it in detail, as one might find Troy or Alba Longa described in an atlas of mythology. The Mundus was entered twice in the Stationers' Registers, in 1605 and 1608,2 but seems not to have been actually printed in England until the 19th century. It was included in each of three collected editions of Hall's works, of date 1808, '39, and '61.3 The Discovery of a New World was entered in the Stationers' Registers to Thomas Thorpe on January 18 th, 1609.4 The only known edition was ' Imprinted for Ed. Blount and Thorpe, to the Earl of Pembroke, clearly indicates that Healey had had some trouble as a result of The Discovery of a New World, and that the Earl had effectively befriended him. It implies that Healey was one of a company of emigrants who embarked in eight small vessels from England in M a y of 1609 for the new colony of Virginia. The Earl of Pembroke was then a member of the King's Council for the Virginia Company. See Petherick, pp. 82-84; a n d St. Augustine, The City of God, transl. John Healey, ed. John Grant, 2 vol. (Edinburgh, 1909), i, dedication. 1. There were editions of the Latin version at Frankfort without date (see title page above, p. xix); at Hanover, 1607; at Utrecht, 1643; and at Munich, 1664. The translation was entitled, Utopia Pars II. Mundus alter et idem. Die heutige neue alte Welt.. . Erstlich in Lateinischer Sprach gestellt durch den Edlen und hochgelerten Herrn Albericum Gentilem in Engelland (Leipzig, 1613; Frankfort, 1704). See Petherick, pp. 7α, 85-86. 2. T o John Porter, 2 June 1605, and to Leonard Grene, 4 August 1608. See Edward Arber, A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Stationers of London 1554-1640, 5 vol. (London, 1873, etc.), iii, 291,386. 3. A somewhat abridged edition of the Mundus was made by H. J. Anderson for school use and published by G. Bell and Sons in 1908. 4. Arber, iii, 400.

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W. Barrett,' presumably in London, but without mention of place or date.1 It was evidently printed twice, the second time in 1613 or 1614,2 though a pirated version with certain minor changes, and attributed on its title page to Francisco Gomez de Quevedo y Villegas, appeared in 1684.3 Healey's is the only complete translation that has been made. Dr. William King, the author of a poem of the art of cookery (1709), made a pedestrian version of the Book I (Crapulia),4 and Josiah Pratt and Peter Hall, the editors of Hall's Works of 1808 and 1839 respectively, each proposed to make a translation, but neither produced one.5 Mundus alter et idem has been noticed, as aforesaid, by many critics and historians, though never at any great length. Gabriel Naude, the librarian of Cardinal Mazarin, called it 'a satire on the corrupt morals of this age' (1641),6 1. See title page below, p. 1. 2. A preface by John Healey entitled ' T o the Readers, Instructions for their voiage into this new world,' which occurs in six of the nine copies I have collated, was clearly written for a new issue of the book, for it refers to the first reception of it by the public. I t reflected, he says, unfavorably upon the character of both author and translator, and he therefore hastens to make up for his 'owne forgetfulnesse in the first edition of this present worke' by a more particular acknowledgement that he published it without the author's consent. His statement t h a t ' there was indeed a little booke some 8. or 9. yeares agoe that came from Franckford,' which people attributed to the 'Reuerend man,' clearly refers to the first edition of the Mundus, of date, according to the Stationers' Registers, 1605, and thus, if his memory was accurate, dates the new issue of The Discovery at 1613 or 1614. See below, pp. 153, 154. 3. Travels through terra australis incognita, discovering the laws, customs, manners, and fashions of the south Indians; a novel. Originally in Spanish (London, 1684). A work based on The Discovery, in which the motive of the second book is expanded, is also extant, to wit, Psittacorum Regio. The Land of Parrots: Or, The She-lands. With a Description of other strange adjacent Countries, in the Dominions of Prince de L' Amour, not hitherto found in any Geographical Map. By one of the late most reputed Wits (London, 1669). 4. Reprinted in Henry Morley's Ideal Commonwealths (London, 1885, etc.), pp. 265-284. 5. See Hall 's tVorks, ed. Peter Hall, 12 vol. (London, 1837"* 839)» χίί> p. xi. 6. Bibliographia politica (Wittenberg, 1641), pp. 41, 42, cit. Petherick, p. 68.

xxxii

Introduction

and that inadequate description has been repeated with slight variations at intervals ever since. Pierre Bayle found it 'une Fiction ingenieuse & savante ou il [Hall] decrit les mauvaises Moeurs de divers Peuples, l'Ivrognerie des uns, l'Impudicite des autres, &c.; la Cour de Rome n'y est pas epargnee'; 1 and Thomas War ton echoes him.2 Most of the critics, in fact, have stressed its satirical and especially its anti-Catholic motives. Those of the 19th century praise it, but at the same time raise their brows at what they call its 'indelicacy,' 'scurrility,' and what not. Peter Hall describes it as 'a fine example of satirical irony,' 3 but G. G. Perry, having called it, paradoxically, a 'strange composition,' and, in the next breath, nothing more or less than ' a moral satire in prose, with a strong undercurrent of bitter gibes at the Romish church and its eccentricities which sufficiently betray the author's main purpose in writing it,' gravely concludes that 'it has not enough of verisimilitude to make it an effective satire, and does not always avoid scurrility.' 4 Philip Wynter, reversing the emphasis, says 'though the humour is perhaps a little too broad, and its general character coarse and indelicate, it is by no means unworthy of the reputation which he [Hall] subsequently attained.' 5 The most sympathetic opinion of all was that of the cosmographer Peter Heylin in the 17th century, and the least that of John Milton, each of which represents a tradition, and deserves to be recorded in this place. No man of the 17th century, and no great man of whatever time, was less fitted by temperament or position to appreciate Mundus alter et idem than John Milton. Picking up his adversary, in the war of Smectymnuus, for his use of the word 'mime,' he writes as follows: Could he not beware, could he not bethink him, was he so uncircumspect, as not to foresee, that no sooner would t h a t word 1. Dictionnaire historique et critique [1720], 5 vol. (Amsterdam, 1734), under Hall, Joseph, iii, 234 G, cit. Petherick, pp. 69-70. 2. Petherick, p. 67. 3. Hall, Works, ed. Peter Hall, xii, p. xi. 4. D.N.B. 5. Hall, Works, ed. Philip Wynter, iovol. (London, 1863),x,401.

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Mime be set eye on in the paper, but it would bring to minde that wretched pilgrimage over Minshews Dictionary called Mundus alter &f idem, the idlest and the paltriest Mime that ever mounted upon banke. L e t him ask the Author of those toothless Satyrs 1 who was the maker, or rather the anticreator of that universall foolery, who he was, who like that other principle of the Maniches the Arch evill one, when he had look't upon all that he had made and mapt out, could say no other but contrary to the Divine Mouth, that it was all very foolish. T h a t grave and noble invention which the greatest and sublimest wits in sundry ages, Plato in Critias, and our two famous countrymen, the one in his Utopia, the other in his new Atlantis chose, I may not say as a feild, but as a mighty Continent wherein to display the largenesse of their spirits by teaching this our world better and exacter things, then were yet known, or u s ' d , this petty prevaricator of America, the zanie of Columbus, (for so he must be till his worlds end) having rambl'd over the huge topography of his own vain thoughts, no marvell, if he brought us home nothing but a mere tankard drollery, a venereous parjetory for a stewes. Certainly he that could indure with a sober pen to sit and devise laws for drunkards to carouse by, I doubt me whether the very sobernesse of such a one, like an unlicour'd Silenus, were not stark drunk.

Y e t one observes that the spacious mind of Milton, even Milton, did not fail to recognize that his opponent's topography was 'huge,' his foolery 'universall.' Having been worried by a quibble of Hall's similar to his own on miming, Milton answers him thus: Was it such a dissolute speech [of mine] telling of some Politicians who were wont to eavesdroppe in disguises, to say they were often lyable to a night-walking cudgeller, or the emptying of a Urinall, W h a t if I had writ as your friend the author of the aforesaid Mime, Mundus alter & idem, to have bin ravisht like some young Cephalus or Hylas, by a troope of camping Huswives in Viraginia, and that he was there forc't to sweare himselfe an uxorious varlet, then after a long servitude to have come into Aphrodisia that pleasant Countrey that gave such a sweet smell to his i. Hall himself called the first three books of his satires 'toothless.' See above, note 3, p. xvi.

XXXIV

Introduction

nostrils among the shamelesse Courtezans of Desvergoniai surely he would have then concluded me as constant at the Bordello, as the gaily-slave at his Oare. 1 P e t e r H e y l i n , in a supplement to his Cosmographie, after setting down the little that w a s then k n o w n regarding the Great Southern Continent, decides to ' m a k e a search into this Terra Australis for s o m e other Regions, which m u s t be found either here or no where.' H e then proceeds to n a m e seven, giving Mundus alter et idem first place in the list, the others being the lands represented in Bacon's New Atlantis and Spenser's Faerie Queene, a non-existent island which w a s the subject of an anecdote told b y Sir Walter Raleigh in his History of the World, and finally the lands of the mediaeval romances, and of the New World in the Moon of Francis Godwin, w h o wrote under the p s e u d o n y m D o m i n g o Gonsales. MUNDUS ALTER ET IDEM [he says], another world, and yet the same, is a witty and ingenious invention of a Learned Prelate, writ by him in his younger dayes (but well enough becoming the austerity of the gravest head) in which he distinguisheth the Vices, Passions, Humours, and ill Affections most commonly incident to mankind, into several Provinces; give[s] us the Character of each, as in the descriptions of a Country, People, and chief Cities of it; and sets them forth u n t o the eye in such lively colours, t h a t the vitious man may see there his own Deformities, and the wellminded man his own imperfections. The Scene of this design is laid by the Reverend Author in this Terra Australis; the Decorum happily preserved in the whole Discovery, the style acutely cleer, the invention singular. Of whom and his New World I shall give you that Eulogie, which the Historian doth of Homer, Nec ante ilium quem ille imitaretur, neque post ilium qui eum imitari posset inventus est.2 1. Works, ed. J. A. Patterson, 10 vol. to date (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931, etc.), iii, Pt. I, 294, 295, 299, 300. 2. Peter Heylin, 'An Appendix to the Former Work, endeavouring a Discovery of the Unknown Parts of the World. Especially of Terra Australis Incognita, or the Southern Continent,' Cosmographie in four Bookes, 2nd edition (London, 1660), pp. 1091-1093.

Introduction

xxxv

The English version reprinted in the following pages has scarcely been noticed by the critics. The two men who intended, or said they intended, to make their own translations of the Mundus are the only ones whose opinions I have found recorded, and they are in perfect agreement. As the Latin displeased the Puritans of the seventeenth century, so the English displeased their descendants of the nineteenth. Considering that neither Josiah Pratt nor Peter Hall proved able even to enter into competition with John Healey, their condescension toward him is most unbecoming. The Discovery of a New World is, in Peter Hall's words, 'not destitute of talent and humour, but trenches too frequently upon the confines of ribaldry, to suit the taste and refinement of the present age.' 1 But that was a hundred years ago. I. Hall, Works, ed. Peter Hall, xii, p. x. Josiah Pratt 'found the translator [Healey, whose work he proposed to use for the basis of his own translation] so often degenerating into ribaldry, and the original to require so much delicacy and elucidation, that he abandoned the design.' — John Jones, Bishop Hall, His Life and Times (London, 1826), p. 447.

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Title page of 'the Discovery of a New World,

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circa 1609.

(Courtesy of the Bodleian Library)

TO THE TRVE mirror of truest honor, W i l l i a m Earle of Penbroke.

5 T F I Τ Β Ε an offence (my noble L O R D ) to shew our JL Affections vnto those wee honor in any obiect of dutyfullnesse whatsoeuer: then haue I offended, and must kneele| [1Ϊ2ν] for remission. But if loue and gratitude be lawdable effects, in what forme soeuer they appeare, then haue not I broken io any condition of decorum, in consecrating this worke to your illustrious honour. It bare the badge of an honorable Patron in the originall: and I could make it doe no lesse in the translation. And for mine election, the worlds generali decay of the esteeme of learning, in those breasts that haue best i j meanes to support it, and the farre-spread fame of your glory, by that Phoenix-bounty that hath left all the land to build her nest in your bosome, these motiues haue more then induced mee to approache so neere that bright lustre your Honour lights the world with, as to beare one part in the 20 Hymnes of your prayses, by this dutifull dedication. And (good m y Lord) herein bee you my seauen-fold shield against the shott of all those blistered mouthes, whose most felicitie 1f3 is to mis-interprete most| maliciouslie: Or doe but giue mee foote-holde, and then let mee alone to beate all their dis25 graces about their owne eares, and the whole worlds, in a true Satyrick furie; in an Ariostoes Swanne, that shall snatch their names from times all-wasting skirt, and beare them vp, to euer-lasting recorde in the Temple of Infamie. B u t for m y

4

To the "True Mirror

of Trvest Honor

du tie to your sacred vertues, let this expresse mee: I will bee that Bolognian dogge, whose faith purchased him this Epitaph: that hee did alwayes Latrai a ladri, & a gli amanti tacqui, &c. Barke lowd at theeues, and make them euerfaile: But whe friends came, lay down, & wagd his taile.

5

Such am I: consecrated to your Lordships seruice: and vnder the protection of this mine owne zeale, aduenture to present you with A discouerie and no discouerie, of a world and no world, both knowne and vnknowne, by a\ traueller that neuer trauelled. Written first in Latine, and no Latine, and now translated, and yet not translated, by the same man, yet not the same man that first of all fend it.

Your Honours most zealously deuoted: Ι. Η. I

15

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I. Η .

the I. H .

Translator, the

vnto

Author.

S

I R, if the turning of your witty worke into our mother tongue doe distast you, blame not any but your selfe that 5 wrote it: Language doth not alter the sence of any thing. I had as leeue one called me knaue in English as in Italian. Where I varyefrom your Originally it is eyther to expresse your sence, or preserue your conceit. 'Thus I hope to heare you satisfied: for others, if any snarle, lie bite as deepe as they: since that io

Wrong, & Reuenge infuse more feruent spirit, Then all the Muses can; in right of merit.

Your grauity and place, Enuie as well as I must reuerence: if [1i4v] you but rest vnmoou'd, let any man else kicke, Ile\ scorne him: let the whole world of fleering Critiques traduce mee, or no, it 15 skilles not whether: Both I am arm'd for, one I looke for, neither I care for. Thus, from him that euer will bee yours. Resolute,

I.

H .

A Table of the chapters.

d\$i

The first Booke. T H E discouery of the land of "Tenter-belly part of the South Indies bordering vpon Tierra del fuego, and the situation thereof, liber i . chapter ι Eat-allia and Drink-allia. chap. 2 Dressem-bourg the first Canton of Eat-allia. cap. 3 Banquetois the second Canton of Eat-allia. cap. 4 Pewter-platteria the third Canton of Eat-allia. cap. 5 T h e metropolitaine Citty of Eat-allia\ and the peoples conditions. cap. 6 T h e warres of the Eat-allians. cap. 7 Of Idle-bergh an Imperiall free towne. cap. 8 T h e lawes of the land. cap. 9 Their religion. cap. 10. i£ T h e election of the great Duke. cap. 11 Of Starue-ling Iland, or Hungerland. cap. 12 Drinke-allia the second Prouince of Tenter-belly and the conditions of the Inhabitants.

20

Chap. i. T H E shires of their countrie. cap. 2. T h e discription of Carousi-kanikin the chiefe citty of Drinkallia, as also of the fashions and conditions of the Drinkalls. cap. 3. 25 Of the Knights of the goulden Tunne, and of the lawes of the Cittie. cap. 4.I T h e artes, and millitary discipline of the Drink-alls. cap. 5. ^[6] T h e funeralls of one of the cheefe Quagmyrists, and the sacrifices of Bacchus. cap. 6. 30

The Table

7

Of Hot-watria or Lycor-Ardent, and of the Pilgrimage to Saint Borachio. cap. 7. And last of the first booke. The second Booke. j T H E description of Shee-landt, or Womandecoia and of the situation thereof. cap. 1. How the Gossipingo-esses vsed the author of this descouery. cap. 2. Their formes of gouernment, and elections of persons of 10 State. cap. 3. The originall of the Shee-landresses. cap. 4. Of Cockatrixia. cap. 5. Of Double-sex lie, otherwise called Skrat or Hermaphrodite Iland. cap. 6. 15 Of Shrews-bourg. cap. 7. And last of the second booke. | [1Ϊ6 Τ ]

20

'The third Booke, or the descouery of Fooliana and the Situation and populousnesse thereof. Chap. i .

The parts of Fooliana and the peoples conditions in general cap. 1 Of Fooliana the fickle. cap. 3 Of the peoples conditions and attires. sect. 1 25 Of the Duke and Inhabitants of Solitaria the sad. sect. 1. 3. 4 Of Cholericoy the other Dutchie of Fooliana the craggy, cap. ζ Fooliana the fond. cap. 6 Of Ass-sex. sect. 1 Of the Citties of Cocks-combaia, and Ass-sex and of Blocks30 foord the metropolitane sea. sect. 3 Of the Bourgue-maisters of Blocks-foord. sect. 4 Of the Marquisate of Spendal-ezza. sect. 5. and 6 Of Fooliana the fatte. cap. 7.

8

The

Table

The quality and condition of the people. sect. The paradise of Fooliana the fatte. sect. Of Fooliana the deuout. cap. Sectarioua the second Prouince of Fooliana the deuout. sect. The State politique of Fooliana, in generali. cap. And last of the third booke. The fourth Booke, or the descouery of Theeu-ingen and the description thereof.

ι. [1i7] 3. 8. 1. S 9.

10

Chap. i. T H E conditions of the Robbers-walders. cap. The pirats, and Sea-borderers of Robbers-waldt. cap. How the author got into this country of the Harpies, cap. Of Lyers-bury plaines; The natures of| the Leger-demanians Free-purlogne, and Bags-death. cap. Of Lurtch-wit a Country in Legerdemaine. cap. Of Still-moore. cap. And last of the forth booke.

FINIS.I

1. 3. 4. of [1i7v] 5. 6. 7.

20

The occasion of this trauell, and the pre-instruction for it.

M

INE acquaintance with trauellers of all sorts, is both well knowne to our Vniuersitie men, and recorded by the curteous correspondence that haue beene euer held betweene strangers and me: whether this of Homer mooued mee to this humour, irpos yap Διos άσιν airavres io "Zevoire, πτωχοΐτί: Or were it that mine vnquenched thirst and desire of knowledge, togither with the applausiue carriage I found in these men, were the motiues to these effects, I knowe not. I was already fully acquainted with all the rarities of mine owne Nation: and ι j falling into a discourse of the profit of trauell with two Aliens of [1i8T] my neare acquaintance (Peter Beroaldus,| a Frenchman, and Adrian Cornelius Droge, a Dutchman) wherein wee had many delightfull passages about comparisons of languages, conditions, and cities; at last, In troth (quoth Beroaldus) I know not as yet 20 what trauell meanes, if hee that leaues his natiue soyle to passe but into a neighbour countrie, or ouer a neighbour riuer (admit it bee the Rhine, or the 'Tweed) deserue this name {as vulgar opinion seemes to allow) whereas hee neuer changes eyther skie, ayre, or soyle: I see not (if this bee true) any profit or worth in 2j the world, contained in trauell. My parents & friends at Montauban, haue written very often for my returne, as though I were farre from them: whereas I (beleeue mee) haue imagined my selfe all this whole two yeares at home:for how little a way is it from Mount-auban to Paris, from Paris to Callis, from 30 Callis to Douer. ? Truely when I thinke of the land, it seemes about an eile: in the Mappe a finger-breadth: in the forme of the

ΙΟ

The

occasion

heauens, tust nothing. Nor see I any reason why that France should bee held my natiue soyle more then\ all Europe: for if you A stand vpon diuersity of language, how many languages (I pray yee) haue yee in Europe quite different from the French ? If the conditions of the nations mooue yee, view not Europe, but view s the whole world, and euery Prouince thereof, leaning to the qualities of those that adioyne vpon it, as the Polipus turnes into the colour of euery stone shee comes neerel Ο Beroaldus (quoth I againe) but we do enuie at the licence you haue to contemne trauell: wee (wretches) that like Tortoyses, are bound to 10 our owne houses, whilest you haue taken suruey of all the worlds singularities, and now that you are filled with their knowledge, you set them at nought thus. Might I but view the Snowie Alpes, or the shady Pyrenes, oh how much should I thinke my selfe beholding to mine eyes at my resting time, when all that I 15 had seene should turne to my benefit, and store mine vnderstanding with a fresh fraught of knowledge! Ah how much (quoth Beroaldus) doth absence promise him that would bee present, and how vaine are the hopes that attend on ignorance! friend,\ when I was at home, vnexperienced, I thought as you do; but [Av] triall hath now taught me to see mine owne simplicity. A trauell of so small toyle yeelds easie satisfaction: and in this, your expectation shall exceede your experience in all those nouelties. Forreine parts are so like ours, that you cannot thinke them strange to yee, though you neuer saw them before. And what is 25 there in all the knowne world, which mapps, and authors cannot instruct a man in, as perfectly as his owne eyes? your England is described by Cambden: what vnderstanding man is there, that cannot, out of him, make as perfect a description of any cittie, riuer, monument, or wonder in all your lie, as well as if hee had 30 viewed it in person himself e? What part of Europe is there that affoords more to a strangers eye then is related by one pen-man or other? The seuerall conditions of the people are all described already: as farre as eyther pen, or experience can set downe: but neither can giue any vniuersall knowledge. The French are 35 commonly called rash; the Spaniard proud; the Dutch drunken; the English the busi-bands; the| Italians effeminate; the Swe- Ai

of this trauell

11

then timorous; the Bohemians inhumaine; the Irish barbarous and superstitious: but is any man so sottish, as to thinke that France hath no staid man at all in it; Spaine, no meacock; or Germanie none that Hues soberly? 'they arefooles (beleeue it) 5 that will tie mens manners so firme vnto the starres, that they will leaue nothing to a mans owne power, nothing to the parents natures, nothing to nurture and education. View this Pernassus here, whereon we liue: Suppose here were a Colledge of Italians, Spanish, French, Danes, Dutch and Polacques? doe you io thinke to finde more varietie of dispositions in this company of Students, then you may doe amongst your owne English ? Turne yee therefore which way yee will, I cannot see how this hälfe a foote trauell can benefit vs any waye, excepting that wee may reape some annimation to learning by the sight of such 15 great Schollers, as Whitaker, Raynolds, Bellarmine, Beza, Iunius, Lipsius, and such like as those mere. Indeede I holde, fÄ2T] that your Drake and your Candish were| trauellers, as also Sebastian Delcano, the Portughesse, because their voyages put girdles about the whole world: Nay I will allow Chrystopher 20 Colono that name also, for his discouerie of the West Indies, Francesco Piccaro, and Almagro for Peru, Hernando Magellano for the Moluccaes, and Sir Hugh Willoughbye for his Northren discoueries: together with all such as eyther haue first found out vnknowne regions, or haue brought them to order. 25 And truly (I will tell you two plaine) my minde doth prompt me with some noble enterprise of this kinde, such as the world might gaze at, and all posterity record with admiration. With that hee blusht, and held his peace, as if he had blabd some bold secret. Yea Beroaldus (quoth Drogius to him) & dare you not 30 speake it out? doe you imagine to torture our mindes with setting them on worke vpon doubtfull inquiries, or is your modest secret {hetherto so closely suppressed) afraide to aduenture vpon so many eares at once? Nay speake what ere it bee, wee haue cleere browes (looke you) open eares, and faithfull hearts: nor A3 can your vnknowne\ enterprise come to light eyther with more securitie, or fitter occasion. Well Drogius well, {quoth Beroaldus) you take my silence in no good sence, but mixe it with

11

T'he

occasion

your coniectures, that though great matters neuer goe but (like as Princes doe with their numerous traines) with a great preamble of ambiguous tearmes; yet that I should not doe so, but vent a pondrous conceite, a birth that my braine hath trauelld a yeare with, all naked, without any praemonitions. In truth I resolued 5 at the first to let you know it: marry not with-out some graduall proceedings, and materiallpreparations, without which, I know well how fond the wisest protect doth commonly seeme: but now I see my selfe chayned to a head-long discouerie mauger my beard, vnlesse I should giue you iust cause to call my loue to you both, 10 in question. Wherefore you shall know it: sooner (I assure you) then I did intend, but with no lesse willingnesse: Onely imagine you, that you haue already heard mine intended premonition. It hath euer offended mee to looke vpon\ the Geographicall tA3vJ mapps, andfinde this: T e r r a Australis, nondum Cognita. The i j vnknowne Southerne Continent. What good spirit but would greeue at this? If they know it for a Continent, and for a Southerne Continent, why then doe they call it vnknowne? But if it bee vnknowne; why doe all the Geographers describe it after one forme and site? Idle men that they are, that can say, this it 20 is, and yet wee know it not: How long shall wee continue to bee ignorant in that which wee prof esse to haue knowledeg of? Certe si nemo vnquam w — Fragilem truci Commisisset Pelago ratem

25

If none had euer been So bold as to expose the slender barke v n t o the Oceans teene Then wee might haue had some excuse for our obstinate (wee may euen as well confesse it) and notorious idlenesse: But 30 seeing all is opened now; seeing there is not a ship-boy but knows all the windes,\ creekes, shelf es and harbours of the whole A4 world; fie vpon this slouth of ours, this more then female feare, this vaine carelesnesse, that wittingly and willingly robbes vs of another world. What colour haue we for it? what feare we? 35

T e r r a Australis Incognita From the F r a n k f o r t edition of Mundus

alter et idem, circa 1605

of this

trauell

13

shadowes, or our selues? there is heauen, there is earth in that continent & there is men, perhaps more ciuill then wee are. Who euer expected such wit, such gouernment in C h i n a ? such arts, such practise of all cunning? wee thought learning had 5 dwelt in our corner of the world: they laugh at vs for it and well may: auouching that they of al the earth, are two-eyd men, the Europians the one eyd, and all the world else, starke blind. But admit there be no men in this climate: it is a shame for a wise man either tofeare or complaine of solitarinesse. 10 These thoughts haue fired my brest full often: and whilest others neglect them, haue kindled a bold attempt in mee, beyond the rest. I see the land lye vnknowne; no man dreames of it; I will assay to discouer it. Your enterprise Beroaldus {quoth I) is lA4v] great, and almost more then mortall\ power can execute. How 15 euer it succeede, I applaude your generous spirit, as like your owne: but as you said, great matters, as they require many praemonitions, so doe they more premeditations. Haue you therefore cast your full account of the dangers, labours, hopes, expences, and all other such accidents as must attend this your attempt? 20 There is heauen you say: there may bee so, and yet you bee kept from the sight of it by perpetuall darkenesse.

25

30 [A5]

35

There is earth; but you may bee driuen out of that by beasts and serpents: There are men: but perhaps you had rather want their company, when you know them, then haue it. If one of your Patagonian Giants should catch you and eate you quite vp, where are you then my fine discouerer? It is good thinking of those things, but it is dangerous trying. Ο sir (saith Beroaldus againe) you know not that the Cape of good hope lies ouer against this land. We must hope, and wee must dare. Those bug-beares of dangers are fit to fright babies: but they any mate bolder spirits. If we should sticke at them, wee should neuer looke out at our\ owne dores. That was the cause A m e r i c a lay so long vnknowne, and had done still (for ought I see) but that GOD sent a D o u e from Heauen, which plucking of an Oliue branch from this Continent, taught vs by that, that there was yet more land, and lesse sea then wee dreamed of: Ο how sacred shall his name be held with all posterity! His statue shalbe aduanced,for vs al

14

The

occasion

to gaze vpon, whilst earth keepes herfoundation. It is as great a glory {thinke I) to bee called T h e new worlds discouerer, as her conqueror. And why may not wee haue that successe, and the like glory? I am the more excited to this, by that ancient, and famous prophecy of Seneca, which remayneth vnto vs to fulfill. 5 Seneca in Medea.

• Venient annis Secula seris, quando Oceanus Vincula rerum laxet, & ingens Pateat Tellus. When certaine years are spent Hereafter; shall the spumy Ocean shew His secret store, and ope to mortals view —•— A larger continent. I

10

What can be spoken more plaine, to point out this discouery? [A5T] Here did Drogius replie: What Man? beware how you raise so 1 j great a building on so weake a foundation. Your Doue hath fulfilled your Poets coniectures, all of them, alreadie. 'The summe of yeares is now runne: America is that large continent. Dreame you of any other either age, or discouery? I know the generality of your opinion (quoth Beroaldus) but I doubt of the 20 truth, for Prophecies are alwaies de futuro; and what if I prooue the countrie America to be knowne to former ages? If I doe., Senecaes wordes are no presage, but an intimation of a thing done. Now I am fully perswaded that some part of these west Indies was that Ophir, where Salomons and Hirams nauy had 25 their gold. For whereas there are fiue seuerall opinionists touching this, viz. 1. Rabanus Maurus and Nicholaus de Lyra, affirming that Ophir was in the East-Indies. 1. Volateranus, and Ortelius, auoutching it to bee an Island in the Ethiopian Ocean, from an apocryphall relation of one Lewis Venetus; 3. 30 Gaspar Varerius, who affir-\med all that was contayned in Pegu, [A6] Malaca, and Sumatra, to be whilom called by this name. 4. Francis Vatablus whom Colonus also {as P. Martyr saith) did follow: who said that Hispaniola was Ophir. 5. William Postellus, Goropius Becanus, and Arias Montanus, all which 35

of this trauell

15

auoutch directly that Ophir was this continent in which P e r u lieth. Of these the two last, and likeliest, make for vs, I care not which you take. The first two, Varerius hath ouerthrowne, horse & foote: to ad more were too superfluous. Sufficeth only that I 5 proue him erroneous, in putting P e g u , Sumatra & M a l a c a for Ophir. And first, holy writ saith plaine, that those two nauies were two years out, in each of their voiages to O p h i r : but y space of 10. months, or 12. at the most, will serue to passe and returne from the red sea to S u m a t r a : how then can this proposition of 10 time agree with his opinion? what can Varerius say to this: that nauigation was not exact then, as the Portugalls haue made it since, and therefore in such a vast roome for ignorance, the nauies might spend the more in a wrong course. \ tA6y] Well sir, but how came Salomon to the knowledge of this farre i j distant land? From God you say, I beleeue yee. So then, hee that taught him that there was such a land, and that there was gold in such a land, and aduised him to send thither, would not hee (thinke you) shew him the right way thether? Againe, the 20 time of their being out is alwaies set downe but one: at the end of which they euermore returned, neither staying longer, nor comming sooner: which proues the distance of the place, and not the error of the sailers. Lastly, the very name speaketh for vs as plaine as may: ίεπ and ίίβ, do but transpose one letter, and they 25 are all one. Let mee therefore hold you for incredulous obstinates if you confesse not that America was knowne long before Senecaes time. You are victor Beroaldus, quoth I, and may now lawfully triumph: But admit that it was knowne to Salomon, and his nauigators; doth it follow therefore that it was dis30 couered to the whole world besides, and such as had no commerce [A7] at all with the Iewes? or might not the memory of it bee vtterly extinct before the later times of | the Romaines? Which if it were, your opinion and Senecaes presage are both ouerthrowne. Nay nay, quoth Beroaldus, I am not so easily disheartened with 35 shadowes of reason. This fit doubt of yours, giues mee the stronger foote-hold. History is not silent in this discouery, but preserues the memory of it euen vnto the last posterities of the R o m a n s . For you know that from Salomon to the building of

ι6

The

occasion

Carthage was little lesse then 150. yeares. But the Carthaginians (as Aristotle witnesseth, nor can I beleeue that they did this in their Citties infancie) after a tedious nauigation did finde an Island beyond the Gades, (1which can bee none but this) situate in the Atlantike sea; wherevpon they made a law (which 5 is a true signe that neither did they people it, nor the rest of the world, as then, commonly know it) that none should euer saile thether againe; fearing least the wealthy and pleasant soile should allure the Citizens to leaue Carthage and go dwell there. Now the Grecians hauing this knowledge of it from Carthage, 10 how should it bee euer keptfrom Rome? But sirs, a kicke against the truth as\ long as you list, or yeeld to it as I doe: I am most [Aya firmely perswaded that Senecaes large continent is yet vndiscouered, and states to yeeld vs this glorie, if we dare venter on it. For my seife; I am camming {my world) after so many vowes, 15 and delates, now I come at last, allfraight with hope and confidence, either to vnmaske thee to Europe, or to lay my bones in thee. And you {my friends and fellowes) if there bee any true vertue, or loue of glory in your breasts, goe and share with mee in my fortunes in this great enterprise. Shame goe with those 20 frozen bosomes that affect nothing but security and inglorious estate; that like no sepulcher but of the nations earth where they first breathed: W e shall thirst, we shall be sicke, wee shall perish, Ο base hearing! vnseemely for a Philosopher once to think vpol And shaming the thoughts of trauellers, of such as 25 seeke out a new world, and scorne this olde one. "There wanteth nothing but a good will. If yee bee men take that will vnto yee, arme your selues against weake opinatiuenesse, and let vs vndertake that iourney which may be, perhaps, delightfully and [A81 cannot but proue glorious vnto vs howsoeuer it may seeme labori- 30 ous. If not, lusk at home without vigour, without honor: I will finde some that shall beare mee company in this famous enterprise, whose after renowne you may perhaps enuy too late. Here he stopt his speech, and beheld vs with an eye somewhat disturbed. His pithy speech {whereof I cannot rehearse the tenth 35 part) mooued vs much, and so did our desires of nouelty and glorie: brief ely, wee assented, and resolued all to assay this great

of this trauell

17

discouerie, and embarked our selues in a ship called The Fancie, taking our leaues of all ourfriends and acquaintance. After three dates wee arriued on the Belgique shores, and at the weekes end in Aquitane: but Drogius stated behinde at 5 Delfe, and Beroaldus left mee here and departed vnto Mountauban, against both their wills: exposing mee to the derision of all mine acquaintance, after their great expectation of this our discouerie vnlesse I would proceede, and aduenture vpon all those vnknowne perills alone. Yet this vnexpected departure\ tA8v] of theirs did not ouer-come my resolution, but I would needes forwards, and hauing (after two yeares) passed the Canaries, the coasts of Affrica, and Monomotapa: At last I arriued at that promontory of Tenter-belly, which is called II Cabo Negro. I

The discouery of the land

Β

of 'Tenter-belly, a part of the South Indies, bordering vpon Terra delfuego. THE

F I R S T

B O O K E,

5

Of the situation thereof. CHAP.

I

' I ^He land of Tenter-belly is a region farre extending both i n longitude and latitude, bounding on the North vpon lecherie. the Ethiopian Ocean, on the East vpon (a) Letcheritania & 10 (b) A fat belly Shee-landt\ on the South, vpon (b) Fooliana the fatte·. and on braine.a ' eanC the West vpon Filtching-fennes. It lieth in that vndiscouered (c) This birds Continent, where that huge and monstrous Birde called (c) R V C besTenein the > snatcheth vp (now and then) a whole Elephant at a largest maps stoope, and swappes him vp at a bit. This is not incredible, 15 of the world, f o r w hat I auerre, most of our Geographers in their moderne with an Elet r i phant in his discoueries doe confirmed pounces. And Touching the soyle, the fertilitie is most worthily admir- [ B V I a tiate greedi- ble: the ayre most delicately temperate: 0 how I haue pitnesse, is held tied, that so bad husbandmen should possesse so happy an 20 g?ons Gemuf' habitation. In latitude it lieth full sixtie degrees, and in longitude seuenty foure, [eleven degrees] fro Cabo de bona Speranza, and is situate almost directly opposite vnto the Southerne frontiers of Affrica. Such Cosmographers as write hereof, diuide it generally into two Prouinces, Eat-allia 25 (called otherwise in the naturall idiome of the inhabitants Gluttonia) and Drink-allia, or (in the same language) Quaffonia·. the former, situate in the same longitude and latitude (God saue the sample) with our England and the later, with the two Germanies. Both haue one Prince, both one lawe: of (a) For Glut-

tony is the m-

ns

Ό

I bp ε αϊ J 3 ·~ Ο- f ε ν rt ^ ο

.2 s Μ ω

->

Ί

κ JS ^

Ο ιϋ *

«

rt

·-

to

•5

oj

« s

ε ο „

" Ο

2

§

&

ο

"The description

of tenter-belly

19

and a little reformation would make them concurre both in Prince, lawe, habite and manners. |

Β2

Eat-allia, or Gluttonia. Chap.

1.

5 Εat-allia, is in forme triangulare, like the Greeke letter Delta, which beareth this forme: [Δ] It is (a) as broad as long, and resembleth the figure of the old Aegypt, being full of high skie towring hills, and yet so fertile, that the very Birds (that flock thether from all places to feed) if they stay but one 10 three moneths at the mangery this soile affords them, are so ladened with the luggage of their owne fatned bodies, that they cannot possibly get wing so high as to ouer-toppe one of the meaner mountaines, but become sworne inhabitants of this fatte countrie all their liues after. Fatte? why your 15 Italian Ortolano, or Beccafico is but carrion to them. No. they are rarely fedde. This may seeme a fiction, but hee that hath seene the workes of nature in Scotland, where the leaues that fall from certaine trees, lying but a while to rotte, become| a goodly kinde of fowle called (b) Barnacles, (which are 20 a kinde of wild-geese) or in Scythia, where (as an honorable embassador of ours hath giuen an approued testimonie) there are certaine creatures grow out of the earth in the shapes of (c) Lambes, which being fast ioyned vnto the stalke they grow vpon, do notwithstanding eate vp all the 25 grasse about them: he (I say) that hath assurance of these rare effects, cannot but assent vnto mine assertions as most authenticall. But (to leaue digressions, and to returne to our purpose) The fishes of the Eat-allian shores (and fish they haue in great aboundance) are naturally so rauenous and 30 greedy, that (whether they pertake of the nature of the nation, or like (d) Nero's Turbut, presage their honorable Sepultures) you can no sooner cast out your angle-hooke amongst them, but immediatly, (like the soules in Lucian

[B2v3

(a) And so are inhabitants thereof -

^^j0*Hol Hngshead, &c. ^ The Dukes of

Muscouie

haue the skins of these creatures kept for

° wne grow ;n Horda muolh a ^"Ynd^are their

called the

^«A«»!/ "of thislambe

Excercit. 59. c^an'. Bar ^ Libau. tract. a£"° vesej uuena i Satyr. 4.

ΙΌ

0?) Whose name when I was there, was Sir spatious Mouth.

(/) Shropshire ^Worcester-

(g) Onely Foo-

betweene^ Tenter-belly and Thriuinmen were not fooles they thrift and flie luxurie.

The

description

about Charons boate, or Cole-miners about the Rope when the candles burning blew tels the dampe commeth) you shall haue hundreds about the line, some| hanging on the hooke, B3 and some on the string beside it, such is their pleasure to goe to the pot, such their delight to march in pompe from the 5 dresser. Besides, the land hath diuerse good hauens, but they serue for harbour to no ship but such as comes fraught with good fare, and is laden with delicious viands. If any parcell of their fraight haue taken Salt-water, or bee otherwise offensiue to the iudgment of the (e) maister of the cus- 10 tome-house, it commeth not a shore by any meanes. The '

r

·

ι

soyle beares no tree that beares no fruite: Ashes, Oakes, Willowes, & such fruitlesse fill-roomes, such saw I none, for none were there to be seene. But all the hedges (and so it is also in Drink-allia) were stuck thick with Hops: and surely in my conceit, the (/) westerne English and the Lumbards had ^ j g c u s t o m e ( a t first) from the Brink-alls. This territory of old, was (vnlesse their chronicles do mistake) vnder the gouerment of the Thriuingers (inhabitants of {g) Thriuingois, a nation lying a good way further into the m a i n e land) for| their Annales report, how in the dayes of old Saturne, the 'Thriuonian Princes bare sway ouer all this contin e n t } and had their principall seate in that part now called Eat-allia, and that because the men of those times liued most part vpon Garlick (called in Latine Allium) therefore was this region called Allia: but forreine inuasions ensuing, and those antient worthies being hereby chased from their places of soueraigntie, the conditions of the people grew to a great alteration, & to proportionate the name of the country to the natures of the inhabitants, they added Eate vnto the ancient name, Allia, & so from that change, it beareth the name of Eat-allia vnto this present.

15

20 [B31']

25

3°

of 'Tenter-belly

11

Dressembourg, the first Canton of Eat-allia. C h a p . 3. Dressembourg, (a) is the first part of this great land of Eat- («) For meate B4 allia, & fittest| for vs to begin with in our intended discouery. This Canton (were it not for a greater instinct of naturall in- theneate. clination) is in too hotte a climate for any true Eatall to inhabit: for the vttermost corner of it, (which some Geographers name/A? South cape,) lieth vnder the same latitude with the 10 most Southerne point of Castile, and is about two and fortie degrees distant from the Aequinoctiall. T h e inhabitants be of a swartie tawnie, and most of them haue their skins all riuelled and withred, and for their conditions, they affect deliciousnesse rather then excesse. Vpon the foresayd point ι j of this Canton which wee named the Swarty cape, (as the whole countrie is wondrously ouer-clowded with smoke, partly because the soile is very Fennish, and partly because of the neerenesse of "Terra del juego, the land of Fire, which lieth as all the discouerers thereof doe with one voyce affirme, imme20 diatly vpon the right hand thereof) standeth the citty Kitchin, the buildings of which towne are generally very lofty, [B4vJ a n ( j y e t | a s generally smoakie and euill sented: I imagine that Cochin in the East Indies, was a colony sent at first from this citie. In the midst of this cittie standeth a goodly temple, 25 dedicated to (b) God All-Panch, a vaste and spacious building, (/,) of him wherein there are a thousand altars, burning with continuall here-after. Incence (excepting from Shrouetide vnto Easter-euen) vnto c h a p ' the foresaid Deitie. In the midst of this temple is a tower erected, of incredible altitude, no worke made with mans 30 hand euer came neere it, the Pyramides of Memphis are but mole-hils to it: the inhabitants called it Chymney-turret, and from the height thereof the whole region round about it haue the vsuall signall of warre giuen them; for whereas wee vse to giue notice of such ensuing dangers by fyring a

11

The

description

tarre-barrell on the toppe of a beacon, they on the contrary side haue their information from the ceasing of the smoake, for when-so-euer that eternall fume ceaseth to ascend in caliginous clouds, it is a sure warning that the foe ap-| proacheth: and this inuasion is most comonly attempted by the inhabitants of the Starueling lies, (otherwise called Hunger-landers,) for these are the most formidable enemies that the Eat-alls haue, or can be annoied by. Neare vnto the sayd City Kitchin, are certaine villages that are all within the liberties thereof: and first, there is Cole-house, a large towne truely, and all consisting (a strange forme of building) of caues vnder the ground: then is there Ashe-ton, and that stands vpon the toppe of Cole-house, on a called'wa7 I S e m o s t droughty and barren soile. Tonges-worth, another little ming-pan. village and this Ashe-ton, are both in one parish, and so is (c) (i) Three^vil- pyer_pan and Ayre-bumme, two goodly sweet farmes: On the spits, kettles left hand you haue three others, (d) Spit-stead, Kettle-dorp, and spounes and Spoones-by, all pretty townes, and maruellous well uented.rS peopled. Kettle-dorp hath a faire riuer passeth through it, (