The cult of remembrance and the Black Death: six Renaissance cities in central Italy 9780801856068, 9780801843037

Table of contents :
Frontmatter (page N/A)
List of Tables and Illustrations (page ix)
Acknowledgments (page xi)
A Note on Names and Dates (page xiii)
1 Introduction (page 1)
I The Structure of Piety (page 29)
2 Pious Choices (page 31)
3 The Structure of Pious Bequests (page 72)
II Directions from the Grave (page 119)
4 The Body (page 121)
5 Property (page 162)
III Art (page 203)
6 Art and Masses (page 205)
7 Paintings (page 244)
8 Conclusion (page 281)
Appendix A The Sources (page 289)
Appendix B Catalog Numbers of the ASF, Notarile antecosimiano, Sampled for This Book (page 295)
Appendix C A Gazetteer of Villages and Provincial Towns Mentioned in the Text (page 299)
Notes (page 307)
Bibliography (page 381)
Index (page 415)

Citation preview

The Cult of Remembrance and the Black Death

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Cult of Remembrance

and the Black Death SIX RENAISSANCE CITIES

IN CENTRAL ITALY

SAMUEL K. COHN, Jr.

The Johns Hopkins University Press Baltimore and London

This book was originally brought to publication with the generous assistance of the National Endowment for the Humanities. © 1992 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. Published 1992 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper Johns Hopkins Paperbacks edition, 1997

06 05 04 03 02 01 00 99 98 97 54321 The Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4319 The Johns Hopkins Press Ltd., London

The Library of Congress has cataloged the hardcover edition as follows: Cohn, Samuel Kline. The cult of remembrance and the Black Death : six Renaissance cities in central

Italy / Samuel K. Cohn, Jr.

p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8018-4303-0

1. Italy — Social conditions — 1268-1559. 2. Life style — Italy — History. 3. Black death — Social aspects — Italy — History. 4. Charitable bequests — Italy — History. 5.Art and society — Italy — History. 6. Renaissance — Italy. I. Title.

HN475.C59 1992

306'.0945 — dc20 91-45267

ISBN 0-8018-5606-X (pbk.)

Pages xiv — xv:

Abraham Ortelius, “Tusciae antique typus” (Antwerp, 1584).

For the Remembrance

David Herlihy, Historian and Teacher (1930-1991) Adele Cohn, Librarian and Teacher (1907-1990)

Contents

List of Tables and Illustrations ix Acknowledgments xi A Note on Names and Dates xiii The Comparative Approach 2

1. Introduction I

The City-StatesII4 TheSix Testament

The Model from Siena 17 The Choice of Geography 19

The Localization of Culture and Its Convergence 23

Black Death Studies 26

PART I. The Structure of Piety 29

2.Parishes PiousandChoices 31 Monasteries 33

Nunneries 41 Hospitals 43 Hospital Foundations S7

Religious Confraternities 60 The “Poor of Christ,” Dowries, and Servants 65

A General Assessment 67

3. The Structure of Pious Bequests 72

The Second Pattern 87 Wealth and Piety go A Divergence in the Structure of Piety: Siena, Pisa, and Assisi 79

Altarpieces 110 PART II. Directions from the Grave 119 4.Funerals The Body122 121 A Mixture of Pious Intentions lol

The Donoratico and the Tarlati 112

Vii

Vill CONTENTS Burial 133 Change over Time 159

5.Directions Property 162 from the Grave 168

Women and Lineage 196 A General Assessment 201

PART III. Art 203 6. Art and Masses 206

Chapels 211 Chapel Decoration 223

Perpetual Masses 206

Sacred Art 230 Chalices, Vestments, Altarcloths 233

Other Construction Projects 227

Candlestick Holders 235 Painted Beds 236

Sculpture 238 Restoration and Repair 240 Coats of Arms, Crests, and Plaques 237

7.ThePaintings 244. Geography of Painting 246

1348 262 The Price of Art 266 Before the Black Death 248

After the Black Death 254 Painting in the Late Trecento and Early Quattrocento 261 Painting after the Black Death: A Reassessment 271

8. Conclusion 281 Appendix A: The Sources 289 Appendix B: Catalog Numbers of the ASF, Notarile

Notes 307 Bibliography 381 Index AIS

antecosimiano, Sampled for This Book 296

Appendix C: A Gazetteer of Villages and Provincial Towns

Mentioned in the Text 299

Tables and Illustrations

1. Pious Choices 34. 2. Pious Choices (Percentages) 36

TABLES

3. The Values of Bequests to Hospitals 48 4. The Values for Poor Relief 68

5. The Number of Pious Bequests 76 6. The Values of Pious Bequests 82

9. Burials 128 10. Specified Burials 138 11. Nonalienation Clauses 164

7. The Values of Nonpious Bequests 94 8. The Ratio of Pious to Nonpious Bequests 100

12. Testators and Gender 198 13. Perpetual Masses and Feasts 208 14. Chapel Constructions 217 15. Testamentary Commissions for Paintings 247 16. Chronology of Paintings 249 17. The Price of Art 267

ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Giotto, Painted Cross 106

2. Nino Pisano, Sarcophagus and Reclining Effigy

of Archbishop Giovanni (Scherlatti) 126

3. Pietro Lorenzetti, Polyptych 233 4. Guiduccio Palmerucci, Madonna and Child between Two Angels

Adored by a Donor, His Wife, and Child 250

5. Bernardo Daddi, Madonna and Eight Angels 265 6. Madonna col Bambino e gli angeli Gabriele e Raffaele 267 1X

Acknowledgments This study began neither in Florence nor with testaments. Instead, while surveying materials in the Marche for a study of comparative city-state

development in the Middle Ages, I heard that the Florentine state archives were about to close. Despite the official pronouncement of nine months, many predicted that they would remain shut for decades. The

perverse thought then crossed my mind: why not return for one last Florentine topic? Veluti canis ad vomitum (as medieval chroniclers sometimes

expressed the lure of sin), I rushed back to Florence in the summer of 1987. Places in the sala di consultazione were then becoming hard to come

by. But the atmosphere became more charged by late fall 1987, when I was able to return again to Florence, this time funded by a half-year sabbatical from Brandeis University. To secure a seat when the archives opened (9 a.m.), the studioso had to line up under Vasari’s arches at 7 and once inside had to remain zealously reading the documents or else face forfeiting the valiantly won place to hungry researchers waiting in the corridor. Tensions ran high, and work was periodically punctuated

by shouting matches between overworked archival personnel and overstressed studiosi. Nonetheless, the common predicament gave rise to

a community of good will and an intellectual camaraderie that I have rarely experienced in academic life. I fondly remember intellectual exchanges, complaints, and gossip over quick lunches al banco and after-

archive beers with Deborah Krohn, Gianni Cappelli, Chris Wickham, Robert Black, John Nadis, Adrienne Atwell, Amanda Lillie, Daniela Lamberini, and others. After the archives had closed, I was able to return to Italy to continue research in Pisa, Arezzo, Perugia, Siena, and Assisi through a generous project grant awarded by the Getty Center for the Humanities. To the archivists, researchers, and photographers in these towns, I owe a special thanks, especially to Don Costanzo Tabarelli, O.S.B., who left the doors to the rich collections of the convent of San Pietro open until 8 p.m. and sometimes later, and to Maria Immacolata Bossi, who introduced me to the rich pergamene collections housed in the Sacro Convento of Assisi. xl

xii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I spent the academic year 1988-89 as a Guest Fellow at the Villa | Tatti (Harvard University). In this unique center for Renaissance studies

I was able to discuss my ideas about the Renaissance and cycling in Tuscany with art historians, musicologists, historians, and students of Italian literature. I am indebted to the staff and the scholars then in residence, Amanda George, Nelda Feracci, Fortunato Pratesi, Walter Kaiser, Eve Borsook, Margaret Haines, Eileen Reeves, Peter Urquhart, Chris Reynolds, Erling Skaug, and especially Salvatore Camporeale. Back in Cambridge, I benefited from conversations with John Shearman. Many friends and scholars have read versions of the manuscript at various moments in its development. My colleagues Philip Ethington, Alice Kelikian, and David Fischer read the Introduction, as did Anthony Molho. Deborah Krohn, Stephen Campbell, John Paoletti, Megan Holmes,

William Hood, Jane Bestor, and Julia Sheehan read the sections on art and painting; and, at different stages, Salvatore Camporeale, Rudolph Binion, Genevieve Warwick, William Bowsky, and the manuscript editor

at the Johns Hopkins University Press, Carol Ehrlich, read through the entire manuscript. Beyond exposing errors and infelicities in style, these scholars forced me to state assumptions, rethink arguments, and draw out more boldly conclusions blanketed by mounds of empirical findings. They may be disappointed with what resulted from their careful readings and comments; nonetheless, without their encouragement, criticism, and intellectual exchange, I can safely say my research would have produced a different book——a weaker one.

My research assistant during the summer of 1990, Megan Holmes, took special pains beyond my meager sums, reading drafts on testamentary

commissions, directing me to relevant secondary research, instructing me in late medieval Italian art history, and following her own leads searching for the survival of testamentary commissions through documents,

churches, and museums. Finally, | wish to thank Genevieve Warwick, my friends at Vincigliata, and the ragazzi del Gruppo Sportivo di Maiano,

who made research on this book more than an academic endeavor. Like small plaques or the coats of arms that late Trecento testators ordered to be embossed on candlestick holders, this book is dedicated to the memories of earthly endeavors—that of two of my teachers.

A Note on Names and Dates Names

In this text, names and citations from archival sources have been rendered

according to the orthography found in the originals. Dates

The city-states in this study used various calendars. Florence and Siena

began the year on 25 March, the feast of the Annunciation (stile dell’Incarnazione). Thus, a testament dated February 1348 would have been redacted in 1349 according to the modern Gregorian calendar. For Arezzo, Assisi, and Perugia, the new year began with Christmas (stile della Nativita). Finally, Pisa had its own style (stile pisano). The new year began on the feast of the Annunciation but was one year ahead of the Florentine calendar. Thus, a testament dated 25 June 1349 would have been redacted in the year of the Black Death (1348), and one dated 6 February 1349 would have been issued in 1349 according to our calendar. Although Adriano Cappelli (Cronologia, cronografia, e calendario perpetuo,

14) maintains that this Pisan style persisted until 1749, the testaments found in my samples changed their dating to the Florentine calendar with the Pisan subjection to the Florentines in 1406. For my statistics and for the text of this book, dates have been rendered in the modern style of the Gregorian calendar. In the Notes, I have left the dates as they appeared in the original documents.

Xi

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orens ae eee Saas .sSoSaP ae eeen NORT ereYS. HE ST. NRRESRIN, Rican oR REE oR oe ce eaERS. ee SAAR eae on: SIRI esti soe a atREE oeaPAS aeeeSees ae es PB ctinSeR a. OS[ee Sy SARE RE NE eee SRNL SERCO MREOE REE5 SRE ROR * SO Saar ee eames SOU SRR OR LES, CSURIRREEES ? . gS 527221324 See ee tRoE A fee er Reid neeSas x: 9Mae %I a2 ge Seng: SRS ies Sooeeens Sie 5Pee pPROReT SensSY eee eeaR Wate OST EECena eeeSE OST,” OR ae PUT ¢ Bc ES BIEEee REeerie oS Soo OF Bay EOPSees ES 3HG eee, ened BeeFn : * a ne a te gee eeeSS GNCs! S| IRE remoe EeSe 80 NaS Ca Bo eee RED. ara SER Oe XE PAEPee ON:OR SRR AE BF SARIN. . ROSEY ReMMeCareD SipSK A Divergence in the Structure of Piety: Siena, Pisa, and Assisi

Within the frame of these broad similarities of change across Tuscany and Umbria, differences are nonetheless patent. For those cities which possessed substantial samples of testaments before 1276—Pisa, Florence, Siena, and Assisi—the Duecento reflects a broad homogeneity through

central Italy. The average value of pious bequests ranged between one and two florins (see table 6), and the variation in the number of these legacies per testator was extraordinarily narrow in comparison to later trends: 7.64 pious bequests on average for Florence; 8.79 for Pisa; 7.00 for Assisi. The last decades of the thirteenth and the first years of the fourteenth centuries radically ruptured the homogeneity of this world of devotion and charity. In Florence, the increase from the late feudal milieu of the early commune went from 7.64 bequests to 9.70 to its apex in 1301-25 of 9.92——~an increase of 29 percent over more than 50 years. In contrast, the number of pious bequests per testator in Siena jumped from 7.71 in the earliest documents to 9.05 at the end of the Duecento to its early Trecento apex of 12.28—-60 percent and double the Florentine increase. Pious giving in Tuscany’s maritime center, Pisa, followed a similar path, from 8.79 to its peak at 13.67 in the last quarter of the thirteenth century——an increase of 56 percent. Testators from

80 THE STRUCTURE OF PIETY Assisi, the bastion of Franciscan piety, registered the most extraordinary

change: pious bequests more than doubled, from 7 in the days of St. Francis and his immediate entourage to 15.27 between 1276 and 1300, when the order was spreading most vigorously throughout the Western world. !®

A second broad difference in pious giving in these city-states stems from this first fundamental historical difference that arose with the advent

of mendicant piety at the end of the thirteenth century. Two patterns of change emerge over the Trecento. In one, the Sienese model, the average number of pious bequests per testator tapered off gradually through the first two-thirds of the Trecento, then fell abruptly by half with the recurrence of pestilence. It tumbled largely because of the total disappearance of those long lists of 25 or more itemized bequests that earlier had characterized the wills not only of the rich but also of modest artisans and others without family names or large landed estates."’ The drop for the latter half of the Trecento was even more dramatic

in Pisa and Assisi than in Siena. The summer months of the plague’s recurrence, however, cannot be designated the turning point in these towns as precisely as in Siena. First, the plague returned to Pisa a year earlier (1362) than elsewhere in Tuscany and Umbria. Pisans reacted to this relived trauma in just the opposite direction from their Tuscan neighbors to the southwest. Instead of turning their backs on the mendicant practice of liquidating estates into tiny parcels directed to numerous pious causes, they embraced it with a last gasp of renewed vigor:

the number of pious gifts sprang back to its highest level since the opening quarter of the Trecento, just under 11 pious gifts per testator."* The change, moreover, was occasioned not by a general rise in pious bequests but by a return to testaments bearing the old stamp, dispersing large numbers of pious gifts of paltry sums. Of the 40 testaments redacted

during the year of the plague’s second assault, six bequeathed 20 or more pious gifts, and three distributed paltry sums to more than 365. For instance, in May of that year, a widow of a rural notary from the Arno village of Pontedera made 36 pious grants ranging from her gown, coat, and best brownish cloth (panni persi meliores) offered “to Our Lady” (presumably a painting or a wooden statue) existing next to the crucifix at the altar of Saint Thomas Becket (Cintuberio) in the cathedral of Pisa to her residual properties dispersed to the poor of the hospital of Santa Chiara. Hence the fragmentation and dispersion of her patrimony even exceeded that suggested by the high number of her itemized bequests. One of those grants conveyed the relatively large sum of 100 lire to the

THE STRUCTURE OF PIOUS BEQUESTS 81 “Poor of Christ,” each to receive between 10 and 30 soldi, so that as many as 200 pauperes Christi would benefit from this single but dispersed gift alone. Another legacy dispersed 1¢ lire to all prisoners incarcerated in Pisa’s communal prison, none to receive more than 10 soldi.’” Another woman in this plague year, this time still married, fragmented

her pious contributions even further, spreading them among 38 pious causes. Again, the actual number of itemized gifts understates the extent of this splintering of property. One bequest allotted 20 soldi to 15 poor

friars in each of the monastic orders of Pisa; another gave 1o soldi to each hermit in the via di San Pietro a Grado (near the sea); still another extended 3 lire for the health of her soul to all those derelicts who “paced the streets [facendas vias consuetas]” near the churches of San Pietro a Grado and San Jacopo ad Podio.*” Another married woman, a Dominican tertiary (pinzochera) and the daughter of a notary, distributed her pious goods among 43 different causes —a number that easily rivaled the long-listed testaments of the late Duecento. Her gifts ranged, moreover, from tiny sums to hermits’ cells in various streets of the city and suburbs and to those “who made the streets” of the city’s cathedral to

her largest legacy, a 25-lire commemorative meal to be consumed by the Dominican congregation for the health of her soul.*! The Pisan reaction and return to the mendicant solution to salvation proved, however, short-lived.** In the following year, when the plague spread to other parts of central Italy, the Pisans made the most abrupt about-face found over this series of documents, exceeding even the Sienese turn of 1363. The number of pious gifts fell from 10.77 to about 2 per testator in 1363.°° Nor was this collapse an aberration of the small sample provided by that post-plague year. Over the interval 1363-75, Pisans gave annually less than half of what they had bequeathed in 1362,

and the numbers continued to dwindle through the end of my period of analysis, reaching by the end the lowest level for any of these towns. After 1362, only one Pisan testament itemized 25 or more pious bequests. In 1392, domina Tema, the widow of the knight (miles) Lord Grinnzelli, of the magnate Sismundi family, made 30 pious bequests. But

while this noble lady made numerous gifts to churches in the territory of Pisa, her will was far more varied and intricate than the usual late

Duecento or early Trecento will composed simply of the names of religious institutions and the amounts donated to them. Lady Tema bequeathed, for instance, 30 florins to the Franciscans in Pisa but demanded in return the celebration of a thousand masses for the health of her soul. She gave various strips of landed property “to dower” the

82 THE STRUCTURE OF PIETY Table 6.

_E

The Values of Pious Bequests

7v 6 8 — = i} 2 } fe) 72) vu =) an © n >o2 & ODaswv o $$ 5

Qs &ch© op $sn o2©no = mo AP. So cw nf Au ay fe

6 Ss 8 oo 0 5Peae2B5SsS £8 5 Period EF 22 PERUGIA

< 1275 1 20.33 1.00 3.00 1.50 3 41.50 1276-1300 0.67 123.25 369.75 92.44 0.75

1301-25 94 0.84 2.53 283.36 28.34 112 11.20 1326-47 262 0.87 5.97 1,796.97 29.46 301 4.93 1348 310 0.78 6.65 2,660.00 33.67 400 5.06 1349-62 62 0.76 26.92 2,207.44 110.37 82 4.10

1363 96 0.71 9.91 1,337.85 47.78 135 4.82 1364-75 140 0.82 9.81 1,667.70 32.70 170 3.33

Total 1 58.17

1376-—99 425 0.58 20.03 14,661.96 78.83 732 3.94 1400-1425 133 0.42 29.44 9,244.16 126.63 314 4.30 Total 2 1,525 0.68 13.46 30,311.92 58.97 2,252 4.38 PISA

< 1275 107 0.87 1.59 195.57 13.97 123 8.79 1276-1300 527 0.92 4.43 2,542.82 60.54 574 13.67 1301-25 2,637 0.88 3.05 9,140.85 39.40 2,997 12.92 1326-47 730 0.81 13.57 12,280.85 122.81 905 9.05 1348 83 0.72 4.99 578.84 38.59 116 7.73 1349-61 352 0.69 22.97 11,783.61 184.12 513 8.02

1362 327 0.78 7.22 3,032.40 77.75 420 10.77 1363-75 136 0.57 11.22 2,681.58 54.73 239 4.88 1376-1400 264 0.52 19.00 9,728.00 88.44 512 4.65 1401-25 80 0.48 9.69 1,618.23 22.48 167 2.32

Total 1 70.28

Total 2 5,243 0.80 7.37 48,391.42 65.66 6,566 8.91 SIENA

< 1275 233 0.86 9.72 2,624.40 74.98 270 7.71 1276—1300 344 0.86 19.68 7,832.64 178.01 398 9.05 1301-25 530 0.86 3.31 2,032.34 40.65 614 12.28 1326-47 516 0.82 14.22 8,930.16 133.29 628 9.37 1348 280 0.77 8.25 3,019.50 54.90 366 6.65 1349-62 217 0.86 7.23 1,814.73 45.37 251 6.28 1363 64 0.83 13.60 1,047.20 43.63 77 3.21 1364-75 79 0.76 9.83 1,022.32 40.89 104 4.16

Total 1 84.57

1376-1400 103 0.56 42.28 7,779.52 127.53 184 3.02

1401-25 138 0.70 24.44 4,790.24 106.45 196 4.36

Total 2 2,504 0.81 15.26 47,110.53 105.63 3,088 6.92 Total 1: Calculated as the sum of hypothesized amounts of pious bequests divided by the total number of testators. Total 2: Calculated as the sum of each period’s pious sums per testator divided by the number of periods (for columns 3 and 5).

84 THE STRUCTURE OF PIETY altar of Saint Basil in the church of Santa Cecilia, directing that part of the revenues (40 florins) finance the commission of “a beautiful panel painting well ornamented and painted with the figure of Saint Basil and

other saints,” that another part purchase a large altarcloth with two serviettes ‘“‘to be elaborately stitched” for the health of her own and her relatives’ souls. To furnish the altar of Saint Basil further, she instructed her executors to sell off all her household tools to commission another large altarcloth for the major altar of the Franciscan church. To the infirmary of the Dominican monastery of Santa Caterina

she gave the remainder of her inheritance but not in the old fashion as an unencumbered bequest; instead, she added the condition that these pious heirs never sell or in any way alienate her ‘‘inheritance’’; otherwise, the properties would pass to the principal hospital of Pisa, the Misericordia.**

At the end of the Duecento, the extraordinarily high numbers of pious bequests distributed from the smallest and poorest of these cities —

Assisi—declined steadily to the Black Death in 1348. The interval between plagues marked, however, a sharp reversal: the number of pious bequests momentarily climbed to the highest point found for any time period and for any of the six cities, 21.16 gifts per testator. Yet, because

of the small number of testaments found for these years (six), this reversal must be taken only as suggestive. One testament that pushed these figures upward was that of the unusually wealthy merchant Jacobus quondam Vannis alias Zuccha, who provided funds, not only to endow

a family chapel in the cathedral and to construct a hospital for his religious confraternity (see Chapter 2), but for 45 other pious causes.*° Another testament from 1362, that of Maragoncellus f.q. Andrutii Ciccarelli Maragonis, topped the wealthy alias Zuccha’s count by one and was filled by numerous grants of only 20 soldi to numbers of flagellant societies, nunneries, and hospitals in Assisi and the surrounding countryside.*° But even without Zuccha’s munificence and Maragoncellus’s fragmentations, the average number remains high for this interval— 8.5 gifts —and suggests a momentary reversal of the secular decline in the number of pious grants. Then, for the crucial year of the plague’s return in 1363, only one testament survives in the archives systematically surveyed for this study —

the notarial books housed in the Biblioteca Comunale, the pergamene “Instrumenta” collection preserved in the Sacro Convento of the Franciscan basilica, and the Capitolare archives of the cathedral. This testatrix, a widow from the countryside, Castro Podii Morici,*’ certainly reflects

THE STRUCTURE OF PIOUS BEQUESTS 8c the pattern of pious giving that would become the standard in these documents to the end of my survey. It was a radical break with the previous long lists of itemized bequests. Beyond the customary five soldi

to the commune’s hospital, this widow made only two pious bequests: one set aside five soldi for her burial in the parish church of her native village; the other left her residual properties to the custodian of the altar at the Sacro Convento.”® An archival darkness not found for the other cities studied unfortunately clouds attempts at statistical analysis for Assisi in the year of the plague’s return, 1363.°” In his survey of all the archives in Assisi and its hinterland, Cesare Cenci lists another testament for this plague year found in busta Z of the Franciscan archives, and I have found a third one in this same “envelope” of scattered documents.*” This meager

sample nonetheless suggests that 1363 was as decisive for Assisi as it proved for Siena. None of the testaments specified more than five pious bequests, and together they averaged a mere three and a quarter. Nor did this abrupt fall in pious bequests result from destitute testators; instead, these legacies bear the marks of another strategy for the afterlife—a cult of remembrance. Friar Johannes Lolli left funds for his burial and a sculpted tombstone (lapide sculto).*' Of the five pious bequests of Ser Daniel domini Francisci Ciccoli, four were commissions for con-

crete works to endure beyond the ephemeral moments of his funeral masses. He left 100 lire “or more” for his grave, which he elected “near the door [prope hostium]” of the Franciscan church. To demarcate further

his earthly remains he commissioned a painting for that spot (in dicto pilo) with a precision unprecedented for testaments from Assisi, demanding that “Our Lord, Jesus Christ” be painted on the cross, with the Virgin “to the right,” Saint John the Evangelist “to the left,” and the blessed Francis

and Mary Magdalene at the foot of the cross. He then ordered his vault to be covered. (Et voluit et mandavit quod supra dictum pilum fiat quaedam trasanda.) Although these were Ser Daniel’s principal commissions, he also

left sizable ones to build water wells for the church of San Damiano (25 lire) and for the disciplinarii of the confraternity of Santo Stefano (the amount

to be determined by its rector).** Finally, Bernardus domini Guidonis, of porta di San Francesco, delved into the future affairs of his contingent heirs with a specificity not found

for the Sienese documents until the sixteenth century. Remarkably, he left his three legitimate sons, along with his “natural” (i.e., illegitimate) son, Stefanus, with equal parts as his universal heirs. If these sons died, Bernardus’s three brothers and then their descendants would assume

86 THE STRUCTURE OF PIETY the inheritance. In this case, the dowries of Bernardus’s daughters, the already married Iacoba and Chaltutia, whose 200-lire dowry was earmarked exclusively for the entrance fee to the convent of her choice, would increase to match that given to his third daughter, the only one previously granted an ultra dos. He then provided Iacoba another 100 florins, if she should ever become separated from her current husband, Bartolomeus (quod seperaretur de matrimonialis inter eam et dictum Bartolomeum). Bernardus then turned to his household servant, Finella, to whom

he had granted §0 lire. If this famula should be pregnant and bear a son,

this child should become an heir and assume one-quarter of all the testator’s goods communally, along with the above-mentioned Stefanus (which may cause one to wonder about the testator’s recent relations with his domestic). But if Finella should bear a daughter, the testator’s

efforts to fix the future went a step farther: he demanded that his illegitimate son, Stefanus, marry her to collect his part of the patrimony (Stefanus debeat eam maritare de parte sibi tangente). The testator’s last

demand forbade any of his sons or heirs to divide or sell any part of the estate without “the expressed permission” of his executors.*? By the 1370s, reasonable numbers of testaments can once again be unearthed for Assisi, in part from the charters preserved in the “Instrumenta” of the Franciscan basilica but mostly from the earliest surviving protocols of Assisan public notaries. These sources show a devotional world of ordinary townsmen and villagers completely transformed from the times preceding the second strike of pestilence. The long lists of small itemized gifts to numerous Franciscan monasteries in the city and the surrounding countryside, to nunneries, and to the poor have now disappeared, and the average number of pious gifts dropped

to less than one-third of the late Duecento levels and even less when compared with the years separating the first and second strike of pestilence. By the end of the period of my analysis, the numbers fell still farther, to less than three gifts per testator: one-fifth the average be-

queathed a century earlier. Thus, the three cities with the highest numbers of pious bequests in the late Duecento and early Trecento ended up with the lowest numbers in the last decades of the Trecento and the early Quattrocento. Not only was this fall more drastic for Assisi, Pisa, and Siena, it also came more abruptly. For these cities, the most dramatic collapse in the number of pious legacies and hence in

the patterns of piety (to be elaborated later) came either with the recurrence of plague in 1362—63 or in the year immediately thereafter.

THE STRUCTURE OF PIOUS BEQUESTS 87 The Second Pattern

The other three cities—Florence, Arezzo, and Perugia——at no period reached the average numbers of pious bequests seen for Siena, Pisa, and Assisi. Of these latter three cities, Perugia scored highest: over 11 pious bequests on average between 1301 and 1325,” followed closely by the Aretines (10.91) and lastly by those possessing the most, the Florentines (9.92). Perugia then experienced the most abrupt decline registered by any of these cities before the Black Death: between 1326 and 1347, its number collapsed by more than half, to just under 5 bequests per testator. The subsequent history of pious giving in the city known for its Duecento flagellant movements and religious enthusiasm then sketched the most unified, consistent, and stable pattern of pious testamentary giving for any of these cities.*? In the summer months of 1348, nothing changed in terms of individual giving, the number of pious bequests even rose insignificantly, from 4.93 gifts to 5.06.*° Over the hundred-year period

1326-1425, the most substantial change came immediately after the recurrence of pestilence in 1363, when last gifts fell significantly by one-

and-a-half, from 4.82 to 3.33.°’ By the early Quattrocento, Perugini, who in the early Trecento gave the least of the six cities to pious causes, were now giving the most, 4.30——a level that was not significantly different from that of a hundred years earlier.**

The richest of these cities, Florence, reached the lowest maximum for the number of pious bequests of any of the six cities. From its high

point in the opening years of the Trecento, that number gradually declined through the early decades of the Quattrocento, rising slightly upward only with the outbreaks of pestilence in 1348 and 1363. Unlike the trends found for Siena, Pisa, and Assisi, no sudden change in this structure of piety occurred over the two centuries analyzed. The largest decline came on the heels of the Black Death. In the ensuing 15 years between the successive strikes of pestilence, the number of pious gifts fell from 7.79 to just over 6 gifts per testator.” Reactions in Florence to the pestilence were the opposite of those in Siena or Assisi. A close look at these years however, shows that the average number of bequests masks a divergence in the Florentine reactions, especially in 1348. While most had limited their pious gifts to no more than 6 beneficiaries, a larger number than in the previous two decades parceled out their pious donations to numerous pious recipients. From 1325 to 1347, only two testators made over 25 pious bequests; in

88 THE STRUCTURE OF PIETY the year of the Black Death, more than five testators thus splintered their

pious contributions. One of these Black Death testators, a notary and son of a notary, Gullielmus from Castro Fiorentino but living in the Florentine parish of San Lorenzo,” left 64 itemized pious bequests, the third largest number found for any period in the Florentine testaments. The only earlier Florentine testament with more pious bequests came from the fabulously wealthy Contessa Beatrice, the daughter of Count Ridulfo da Cappaja and the widow of Count Marcovaldo, who possessed extensive landed estates in the districts of Florence, Pistoia, Lucca, and Pisa. She distributed her vast properties over 70 different pious causes.* And the only Florentine testament with more pious bequests than this one came from another Black Death victim, this time when the plague returned to Tuscany in 1363. The widow of Michele di Uberto de Albizzi,

who lay on her deathbed in June of that year, left 78 itemized pious bequests, which included 22 different nunneries located within the walls and in the suburbs of Florence as well as eight hospitals.**

Arezzo closely followed the pattern seen for Florence. A gradual decline in per capita pious giving was momentarily reversed with the summer months of pestilence in 1348. Reactions in Arezzo were also the opposite of those in Siena and Assisi. Instead of casting aside the models of piety adopted from the mendicant preachers and practiced by ordinary citizens and villagers over the previous 50 to 70 years, some

Aretine testators returned to the pattern of dividing their pious patrimonies and spreading them over numerous pious beneficiaries. Six testators each gave over 25 pious gifts in their wills of 1348. The nobleman

and scion of the signorial rulers of Arezzo stretching back to Bishop Guido, the Nobilis, Sapiens, et Potens Vir Dominus Tarlatus Miles natus quondam Nobilis et potentis viri Angeli domini Tarlati, from Pietramala, gave the most of these Black Death testators in Arezzo: 47 pious bequests. The values of those monetized gifts exceeded all but one other testament found for any city in my samples, amounting to 5,937 florins.** As we shall see later, Tarlatus’s benevolence did not, however, simply follow mendicant dictates of disseminating one’s worldly estate into tiny slivers with no thought of leaving future traces of his memory. Yet, not all of these Black Death testators were so rich and powerful. The surgeon Magister Angelus, son of another guild master, Benincasa,

gave almost as many pious gifts as the powerful Tarlatus (41 pious bequests). Instead of dowry funds of 4,000 lire or a 4,o00-florin gift to

construct the major chapel at the Franciscan mountain shrine of La

THE STRUCTURE OF PIOUS BEQUESTS 89 Verna, the surgeon’s bequests included contributions that would have been tiny even by the standards of the late Duecento. One item dispersed no more than 12 pennies to all the nuns of Arezzo and those within a one-mile radius of the city. Another gave 12 pennies for prayers to all regular priests in the five mendicant friaries. Angelus further ordered the confraternity of clerics to distribute two staii*” of baked bread among the poor and sick (pauperibus medicantibus). Finally, in contrast to the notary and son of a notary Symoneus, who in 1338 provided for building locked book cages to preserve for future generations his vast library of 156 titles and who established stringent safeguards against their sale, loan, or theft, the surgeon ordered the sale of his books (priced individually) in order to disperse his pious offerings in packets of pennies and shillings.*°

When the plague returned to Arezzo in 1363, the testament of a married woman from neighboring Borgo San Sepolcro even exceeded the number of pious bequests conveyed in the testament of the noble and powerful Tarlatus. Before embarking on her pilgrimage to St. Francis’s birthplace, domina Ceccha, the wife of Bartolus, called Pazo, made 50 itemized pious bequests. As in the testament of the surgeon, these were for the most part tiny monetary offerings: 40 soldi to the Augustinians of Borgo San Sepolcro, 10 soldi to the Iaudesi fraternity of the Albizia, 10 soldi to the Aretine nunneries of Sant’Elisabetta, the sisters of Agnus Dei, the Ursulines, and so on.*’ In summary, the numbers of pious gifts divide these six cities into two groups, which were not demarcated by any geographical east versus west or Tuscan versus Umbrian line, as some of the indices of pious

choices may have earlier suggested. Nor was the difference one of prehistoric, antique, or even medieval origins corresponding to earlier tribal or lingual boundaries or the later influence of Lombard settlement and law. In the earliest documents until 1275, the six had not yet diverged

from one another in the average numbers of pious bequests or their choices of beneficiaries. (See table 5.) Instead, the differences originated in the last decades of the Duecento and persisted for nearly a century. But after the recurrence of pestilence in 1363, these societies with widely differing histories and political and economic systems began once again to resemble one another. By the late Duecento, the first group, Assisani, Pisans, and Sienese, had bequeathed more gifts to pious causes than had

testators in the other three territories. But beginning with the period of famines in the 1320s, the number of gifts from the first group gradually

90 THE STRUCTURE OF PIETY began to decline; the most significant jolt in the direction of giving, however, came in the summer months of the plague’s return (or for Pisa, the year afterward). The other three towns— Arezzo, Florence, and Perugia—never reached the same heights in fragmenting their pious contributions. Moreover, except in Perugia, where pious giving collapsed to between four and five

gifts per testator in the quarter-century preceding the Black Death, pious giving declined gradually and steadily through the Trecento and

early Quattrocento. For none of these towns did the recurrence of plague in 1363 or immediately thereafter register traumatic shock waves quite as powerful as in the first three towns. But even in these cities and their territories, the recurrence of pestilence did mark a definitive turning

point. After 1363 (and after a momentary reversal in pious giving in Florence), these testators, as in the other three city-states, finally cast

aside once and for all the older mendicant pattern of piety and its stratagem for salvation. Wealth and Piety

To what extent did differences in wealth determine the different trends in pious giving among these six city-states? In reaching conclusions about changes over time and space, the various multiple regression models controlled for the individual wealth of testators by calculating wealth as the average sums of the values of itemized pious and nonpious gifts. Wealth was the most significant of the dependent variables found in the general model. According to its beta coefficient, a testator’s wealth de-

termined over a quarter of the standard deviation in the number of pious legacies.** When the cities were analyzed singly, the effect of wealth on piety ranged from determining nearly s0 percent of the standard deviation in Pisa ( + .496) to one-sixth of it in Assisi (+ .149).*

Estimating the wealth of the pious donors from their testaments, however roughly, is fraught with difficulties. First, a host of problems characteristic of medieval coinage and monies of account hamper even the evaluation of individual itemized bequests—such as differences in coinage, types of florins, and places of minting.*” Second, testators rarely estimated the residual properties left to their universal heirs, whether those heirs were ecclesiastical bodies, close relatives, or persons who

bore no obvious relation to the testator.*’ Those residual properties were often the testator’s prized properties such as land and the family’s principal residence, often mixed with residual mobile property—tools,

THE STRUCTURE OF PIOUS BEQUESTS 91 clothing, textiles, and other household goods. Obviously, these posses-

sions represented a far larger portion of the estate for the rich and powerful than they did for the poor. On the other hand, some testaments leave clues suggesting that these universal heirs may not have always

been so lucky. The residual properties, on occasion, could be awash with debts and obligations, and only out of charity might the chosen heir assume the financial burdens of becoming the “universal heir.” As

Maria Serena Mazzi and Sergio Raveggi report from their study of inventories in Quattrocento Florence, peasants frequently renounced their paternal inheritances, judging them as “potius damnosam quam lucrosam.””°* Such testators, moreover, were not confined to the poor and destitute; even a figure as rich and prominent as Pope John XXIII (reputed to have had more than a million florins deposited in Florentine banks in 1415) could leave his executors with financial problems in securing the

funds to carry out charitable and artistic works.” Third, not all the itemized properties were liquidated into coin or estimated monetarily, and those least often monetized, similar to a testator’s residual properties, were landed properties and houses— usually the most valuable possessions. Fourth, as seen for Siena, testators

and their notaries tended in all six cities to liquidate less property into monetary gifts as the years progressed. (See table 6.) In fact, for the other five cities the decline was steeper, starting as high as 92 percent of all pious bequests for Pisa in the last years of the Duecento and falling to only 48 percent there by the end of my analysis. These tendencies suggest that the values of pious contributions become progressively more

understated as we pass through the latter half of the Trecento and the early Quattrocento. Testators were holding on to their prized landed properties, refusing to alienate them or allow their heirs to alienate them. As Alberto Tenenti has argued from literary and artistic evidence

and as I discuss in greater detail in Chapter 5, testators increasingly attached their self-esteem to worldly possessions, wishing to hold onto them to the grave and beyond.”

Despite the problems in determining the monetary value of testamentary gifts, the data show trends and comparisons across the citystates that are in line with what we might have suspected from the general economic histories of the towns. Although testators on average gave fewer pious bequests in Florence than in the other cities, the values of their pious legacies towered over the rest. Florentines gave on average 118.16 florins to pious causes over the time span of roughly two centuries and were followed by those from the older banking center and second-

92 THE STRUCTURE OF PIETY ranking city in population, Siena (91.69 florins), then by the maritime republic, Pisa (65.66 florins), then Perugia (58.97 florins)’ and Arezzo (53.91

florins). Finally, Assisi, the smallest of these commercial cities but the one which by far contributed the most numerous pious bequests at its height, trailed the others at a considerable distance, the average of its pious legacies amounted to 24.05 florins, one-fifth that of the much more prosperous Florence. These results follow the general correlation between size of town and per capita wealth that David Herlihy has drawn

from the Catasto tax records for the Tuscan towns under the rule of Florence in 1427. The trends over time in the values of pious gifts for the individual cities corroborate our general knowledge of economic change in central Italy during the late Middle Ages. These values declined most sharply in Assisi, where testators gave on average 11.51 florins in pious gifts during

the early decades of the Quattrocento—only one-eighth the value at the heyday of Assisi’s religious efflorescence in the last decades of the Duecento, despite an inflationary spiral that continued through the third quarter of the Trecento. The increases in pious giving toward the end

of my period were most pronounced in Florence, which became the hub of a Tuscan regional economy in the late Trecento and early Quattrocento.”’’ Here, in the first years of the Quattrocento, the values returned

to near their early Trecento heights— 270.71 florins, or twenty-threeand-a-half times as much as in Assisi. Thus, Florence, which from the number of pious bequests appeared the most miserly of cities, from the valuation of these gifts appears as the most generous. How much did the differences across the various city-states and over time depend on the financial wherewithal of the testator? For this evaluation, the nonpious

gifts can serve to control for differences and changes in the amounts testators gave to charities, both over time and across geography. The value of these nonpious gifts, combined with the pious ones, forms a slightly different hierarchy of wealth. Florence remains the wealthiest (7 54.04 florins per capita) and Assisi the poorest (118.45 florins).

(See table 7.) Indeed, by these calculations Florence was perched even higher above the rest; its nearest competitor then becomes the second regional capital, Perugia (402.03 florins), followed by Siena (384.78 florins), Arezzo (368.81 florins), and then in fifth position, surprisingly, Pisa (203.11 florins), most probably the wealthiest of these cities during its commercial

reign in the Duecento. The economic straits of testators may have been more dire in Pisa than elsewhere in Tuscany, first from the disastrous trade agreement with

THE STRUCTURE OF PIOUS BEQUESTS 93 the Florentines in 1369 that crippled indigenous Pisan industries, then the political turmoil, famine, and economic crisis of the 1390s;°° then Florence’s devastating war undertaken to incorporate the maritime province (1406); and finally the dual effects of plague and malaria, which possibly were more devastating in the territory of Pisa than elsewhere. >°” At least one testament points to these troubles. A rural notary Johannes,

the son of the former notary Alammani, from Palaia, then living in the

urban parish of San Frediano, redacted his will in the year of the Florentine conquest of Pisa. One of his principal gifts was his “large farm house,” “mostly burnt to the ground,” in the neighboring village of Calci. The gift was made to a Tomeo, the son of Coli Cavalli, and to Tomeo’s nephew Lorenzo on the condition that, within six months after the testator’s death, the two would build a new roof (coperire vel coperiri facere dictum casalanum) and thereafter “live always in the house with their families and their household belongings.”°° In the first quarter of the fifteenth century, the value of testamentary gifts in Pisa was less than one-third the value of what Pisans had left immediately following

the Black Death (1349—61).°' Similarly, fortunes in Assisi had turned downward following the resurgence of plague in the 1360s. By the end of my period of analysis, the real values of its testamentary gifts had fallen by more than half their value at the beginning of the Trecento.® The other four cities show the opposite trend. Indeed, the return of riches in these city-states appears to bear out contemporary chroniclers such as Matteo Villani of Florence and Agnolo di Tura del Grasso of Siena, as well as numerous mendicant preachers, who pointed with regret to the abundance of wealth and the new opportunities after the Black Death that so freely awaited the gente nuova and eased their influx

into power and prosperity.°* In Florence, testators gave more at the beginning of the Quattrocento than at any other time since the late Duecento, bequeathing one-and-a-half times more in constant florins than

their ancestors had at the beginning of the Trecento. And these figures most likely undervalue the rise of testamentary wealth at the end of the Trecento and in the early Quattrocento for two reasons: as stated above, testators tended to liquidate fewer of their more valuable properties over time; and the calculation of constant florins is based on grain prices, which fluctuated more radically than the bulk of property conveyed by

testators, such as houses and land, hence dampening the estimates for the early fifteenth century. Testators from Perugia more than doubled the values of their legacies in constant florins from the beginning of the Trecento to the advent of the Quattrocento. From 165.68 florins, the

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