The Common Thread: Textile Production during the Late Iron Age - Viking Age 9197373400, 9789197373401

Table of contents :
Introduction 7
The endless work with wool: estimates of work time in the textile production 9
Household needs and specialised production 10
Household products or valuables? 10
The organisation of textile production 10
Household production 11
Textile valuables: sails and fine cloth 12
Sail cloth - textile production on a large scale 12
Fine cloth and textile art 13
Towards a new study of textile production 14
Considerations and hypotheses 14
Methodology 15
Problems 16
Summary of the individual projects 18
Invisible Handicrafts, The General Picture of Textile and Skin Crafts in Scandinavian Surveys 18
Textile production in an archaeological context, a methodical study of late Iron Age settlements in Scania 18
Spinning wool: now and then 23
Textile production at Löddeköpinge - household needs or large-scale production? 25
Textile production at Birka, with a comparative study of hinterland settlements in the Mälar Valley, and of the
contemporary trading settlements at Haithabu 29
The visible textile production 35
Raw material 35
Spindle whorls 36
Loom weights 38
Bone needles 38
Other textile tools 39
Textile production in the viking period 39
Household production 39
Large-scale production: sail cloth 40
Fine cloth and textile valuables 40
Concluding remarks and future research 41
Bibliography 44

Citation preview

THE COMMON THREAD Textile Production during the Late Iron Age - Viking Age Eva Andersson

University of Lund INSTITUTE OF ARCHAEOLOGY REPORT SERIES No. 67

Eva Andersson Th e c o m m o n t h r e a d Textile Production during the Late Iron Age -Viking Age

Translated by Märit Gaimster © 1999, Eva Andersson Printed in Sweden by KFSAB in Lund ISBN 91-973734-0-0, ISSN 0281-3440

Table of Contents Introduction................................................................... Hie endless work with wool: estimates of work time in the textile production...................................................................... H ousehold needs and specialised pro d u ctio n............................................ 10 Household products or valuables?............................................................... 10 The organisation of textile production........................................................ 10 Household production................................................................................11 Textile valuables: sails and fine cloth.......................................................... 12 Sail cloth - textile production on a large scale............................................... 12 Fine cloth and textile art........................................................................... 13 Towards a new study o f textile p ro d u c tio n ................................................14 Considerations and hypotheses....................................................................14 Methodology.............................................................................................. 15 Problems..................................................................................................... 16 Summary of the individual p ro jects................................................. 18 Invisible Handicrafts, The General Picture of Textile and Skin Crafts in Scandinavian Surveys...................................................................................... 18 Textile production in an archaeological context, a methodical study of läe Iron Age settlements in Scania......................................................................... 18 Spinning wool: now and then................................................................... 23 Textile production at Löddeköpinge - household needs or large-scale production?......................................................................................................25 Textile production at Birka, with a comparative study of hinterland settlements in the Mälar Valley, and of the contemporary trading settlements at Haithabu..................................................................................................... 29 The visible textile pro d u ctio n ....................................................................... 35 Raw material..............................................................................................35 Spindle whorls...........................................................................................36 Loom weights............................................................................................38 Bone needles..............................................................................................38 Other textile tools....................................................................................... 39 Textile production in the viking p e rio d ......................................................39 Household production...........................................................................................39 Large-scale production: sail cloth..........................................................................40 Fine cloth and textile valuables..............................................................................40 Concluding remarks and future research................................................................41 Bibliography......................................................................................................... 44

Preface Textiles and the work with its production is something which I always have been interested in. I think that all these women who over the years have been working and preparing the textiles for their families are owed all respect. When I got the opportunity to combine my interest for the textile handicraft with archaeology I didn’t hesitate, this was the opportunity to make my small contribution to this endless and necessary work which so many have been working with through the ages. This book ows its existence to many friends and colleagues who have supported me in many wonderful ways. In particular I would like to thank my tutor Birgitta Hårdh for her support and patience through the years. Märta Strömberg , my second tutor, has above all proof read my manuscripts many times and I think that she knows them better today than I , thank you Märta. Rolf Petré has been a great support and he has always had time for me and my ideas. I also would like to thank my fellow student Märit Gaimster for her friendship, humor and of course for her marvellous help with translations of different manuscripts. Eva Svensson has became a very good friend and colleague and we have followed each other through these PhD studies. I would like to thank Bodil Pettersson, Lena Nilsson, Ingrid Beigenstråhle and Mikael Dahlgren my roommates through the years at the institute, our discussions and coffee breaks have made bad days much more creative. At the institute I also would like give UllaBritta Ekstrand many warm thanks. She has sorted out many problems and became a good friend through the years. Kristina Jennbert, Debbie Olausson, Lars Larsson and Elisabeth Itegren have been good teachers, thank you for your support. I also would like to thank Tina Borstam for her excellent drawings. Many thanks to Bengt Almgren for taking the photos and to Bengt and Björn Nilsson' help with my computer problems. In my work I have travelled a lot and I have always been well received. In particular I would like to thank Björn Ambrosiani for giving me the opportunity to work with the finds from Birka, and Kurt Schietzel and Ingrid Ulbricht for their help and for letting for me study the textile tools from Haithabu. I have through the years also got the opportunity to meet several textile scholars and textile handicraft persons. I would like to give Inga Hägg and Margareta Nockert many thanks for their constructive criticism and support. Anne Batzer has become a very good friend and without her knowledge and textile skill it wuld have been impossible for me to accomplish the experimentell part of this work. I also would like to give a warm thanks to Gertrud Grenander Nyberg and Anita Malmius for sharing their enormous experience with me and for good and inspired discussions.

Substantial grants were awarded to me from the Svea Orden, Anders Althins Stiftelse and Kungliga Gustav Adolfs Akademien för svensk folkultur. I would also like to thank my parents-in-law, Jan and Torun Strandh, for their support and wonderful help. My parents Siv and Birger Andersson have always supported me both economically and practically. Last but not least I would like to thank my family, Göran, Åsa, Anna and Björn: without their marvellous support and patience this work couldnever have been done. This final and last part of my PhD thesis is dedicated to my family. Lund, September 1999 Eva Andersson

Abstract The initial aim of the present PhD thesis was to develop the method of classification for textile tools to facilitate the study of textile production in an archaeological contextThe thesis consists of five separate projects and a concluding summary Hie study covers the late Iron Age, mainly the Viking Period. Geographically, the study covers the regions of Scania, in S.W. Sweden, with seven settlement sites and the MälarValley, in central Sweden, which includes the Viking Period trading settlement of Birka and six rural settlements. In the last study a comparative analysis also includes the contemporary trading settlement of Haithabu in Schleswig-Holstein. The results of the first separate projects have led to new questions and a gradual change in focus of the study. The study of textile tools from agrarian settlements in Scania demonstrated that textile production varied across settlements of dfferent economic status .The results also confirmed the significance of analysing the textile tools on the basis of their function. Both the analysis of the actual tools, and the textile experiments, showed that within the individual tool types, clusterings in terms of size are a good indication of the type of textile that was produced. Spinning experiments demonstrated that it is above all the weight and diameter of the spindle whorl that determines the fineness of the spun thread and a significant result was the confirmation that a difference of only 5-10 g in the weight of the spindleaffected the fineness of the spun thread. The analysis demonstrates that both Birka and Haithabu had a varied textile production, and that the range of products was similar at both sites.The light spindle whorls indicate substantial output of high-quality thread, equivalent to the worsted yam used for high quality textiles. At the same time, the tools reveal evidence for the production of domestic textiles on a scale which could meet the demands of large populations at these settlements.The presence of heavy spindle whorls indicates that the demand for sail cloth could also be satisfied. The large quantities of raw material and many work hours required strongly suggest the existence of organised sail-cloth production.Analyses of the textile tools from Birka and Haithabu clearly show that it was possible to produce the high-quality textiles known from associated cemeteries on-site. The close similarities in functional grouping of tool types onthe two sites do not support a textile trade from, say, Haithabu to Birka. The aim of the investigations has been to approach textile production through a detailed and objective study of the tools that were used.There are many source-critical problems associated with this. Nevertheless, a significant result of the work has been the discovery that the domestic textile production was more complex than hitherto assumed.

Introduction The thesis represents an initial study of textile production in the Late IronAge and particulary the Viking Age in Scandianvia (c.400-1050 AD). Clothing is vital to surviving in our climate, although today we are distanced from its production. We normally buy the finished products, whether clothes or blankets, while industrial techniques and the existence Of synthetic materials have made different kinds of textiles widely accessible. In the not so distant past, however; a substantial portion of the daily work was taken up by the production of textiles.In the year of 1760, a study of work time in the Swedish region of Jämtland was conducted, which showed that women spent eight months of the year producing the household requirement of textiles. This should be compared with the four months men spent on iron production (Magnusson 1986,283). The production of textiles involved many stages and many hands: the sheep had to be fed and sheared and the flax sowed, reaped and prepared for spinning (Andersson 1996b, 1999a-c). Written sources reveal that textiles were important gifts and status objects. Analyses of archaeological textiles, mainly from burials, show that a wide range of cloth was produced. This included coarse and plain cloth, which may have been used for cloaks or sails, but also fine worsted cloth and complicated weaving techniques (Geijer 1938; Hagg 1974,1985,1986,1991; Bender Jørgensen 1986,1991). Since the beginning of the 20th century archaeological textiles have been conserved and studied (cf. e.g. Geijer; Hald; Nockert; Hägg; Bender Jørgensen). The different raw materials and techniques that were employed in the textile production during the late IronAge and the Viking period are well understood today (Hald 1950,1980; Hoffman 1964,1988,1991; Grenander Nyberg 1983, 1984,1989). Many textile techniques have continued in use until the present. In spite of the knowledge of textiles, the craft of textile production has remained obscure in our picture of everyday life in the past (Andersson 1996a). Few archaeologists have focused on aspects such as the quantities of raw material needed, or the amount of time consumed by production.The economic significance of textile production has never been discussed; high-quality textiles have generally been regarded as imports. The rarity of archaeological textiles may be one reason behind our limited interest in textile production, but the study of fabrics is also highly specialised. Without an actual knowledge of textile crafts, results are difficult to transfer to archaeological contexts. In contrast to textiles, tools such as spindle whorls and loom weights are relatively common finds on excavated settlements.Although they represent the direct traces of textile production the classification of such tools has remained crude; no attempts have been made to identify qualitative functional differences within individual tool groups. Abetter understanding of the textile tools should have an impact both on our general understanding of textile production in the late Iron Age and the Viking Period, and of the status of textile production on individual settlements.

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Based on these observations, the initial aim of the present PhD thesis was to develop the method of classification for textile tools to facilitate the study of textile production in an archaeological context. The thesis consists of five separate projects (Andersson 1996a; 1996b; 1999a-c)andaconcluding summary presented here. The study covers the late Iron Age, mainly the Viking Period. Geographically, the study covers the regions of Scania, in S.W. Sweden, with seven settlement sites (Andersson 1996b; 1999b), and the Mälar Valley, in central Sweden, which includes the Viking Period trading settlement of Birka and six rural settlements. In the last study a comparative analysis also includes the contemporary trading settlements of Haithabu in Schleswig-Holstein and Kaupang in S.E. Norway (Andersson 1999c). The five articles are: The results of the separate projects have led to new questions and a -Invisble Handicrafts, The General Picture of Textile and Skin Crafts in Scandinavian Surveys. Lund Archaeological Review 1.1995(Andersson 1996a) -Textilproduktion i arkeologisk kontext, en metodstudie av yngre jämåldersboplateri Skåne, REPORT SERIES No. 58, INSTITUTE OFARCHAEOLOGY, University of Lund (Andersson 1996b) -Sländspinning med ull i vikingatid och nutid. Eksperimentel Arkæologi, studier i teknologi og kultur, Historisk-Arkæologiska Forsøgscenter. (Anders­ son & Batzer i tryck, 1999a) -Textilproduktion i Löddeköpinge - endast för husbehov? Löddeköpinge RAA skriftserie (Andersson i tryck, 1999b) -Textilproduktion i Birka, med en jämförande analys av den vikingatida handelsplatsen Hedeby och samtida bosättningar i mälarområdet , Birka studies. (Andersson i tryck 1999c) gradual change in focus of the study. The first study of textile tools from agrarian settlements in Scania demonstrated that textile production varied across settle­ ments of different economic status. This led to the study of textile production in Löddeköpinge, Birka, Haithabu and Kaupang. The first results are reflected in the two final articles, discussing textile production in the context of political and economic changes of the Viking Age (Andersson 1999b), and the demand of textiles at Birka from both a local, regional and a wider N. European perspective (Andersson 1999c).The spinning experiment that was carried out and presented in Textilproduktion i arkeologisk kontext, en m etodstudie av yngre jämåldersboplater i Skåne demonstrated that it is above all the weight and diameter of the spindle whorl that determines the quality of the thread.To futher elucidate this knowledge another spinning project was carried out at Lejre (Andersson & Batzer 1999a) and the new experience led to the registration of the spindle whorls, in the recent studies, becoming more detailed. Since every article will be published separetly each project includes a survey of raw materials and textile techniques relevant for the study; the final article also comprises a catalogue of archaeological textiles from Birka and Haithabu.

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The endless work with wool: estimates of work time in the textile production While it is difficult to know how much time textile production consumed in the Viking Period, it is nevertheless important to set up some estimates. A good understanding of knowledge and craft skills has been developed at the Histori­ cal-Archaeological Experimental Centre at Lejre in Denmark, where Anne Batzer has been head of the textile section since 1990. She is an expert weaver and her work also includes the reconstruction of archaeological textiles. The calculations used here are based on her experience, and on projects we have conducted together at Lejre (Andersson & Batzer 1999a). The length of thread that can be spun from 1 kilo of wool varies according to the quality of the wool fibre, and to the thickness required for the finished thread. Experiments with spindles clearly show that the size of the tool affects the thickness of the thread, and also the variations of length yielded from the different thicknesses. Using mixed wool with relatively fine fibres, a spindle with a spindle whorl weighing 5 grammes will yield 14 000 m of thread per kilo. Alternatively, using mixed wool with coarser fibres and a spindle whorl weighing 30 grammes, the yield will be only 3 900 meters. To produce cloth with a density of 12 threads per cm it is necessary to use spun wool with a thickness that is equivalent of 6 500 meters of thread per kilo. The time consumed by spinning the wool is difficult to calculate; we may assume that a spinning woman in the Viking Period was considerably faster than a modem craftsperson. However, the actual spinning is the least time-consum­ ing element when producing thread. The process involves the combing and preparation of the wool before spinning, and the finishing in terms of winding and stretching the skeins of spun wool. The experiments thus indicate an output in the region of 20 m of spun thread per hour As for the weaving, older sources suggest it was possible to produce around 70 cm of cloth per day on a vertical loom (pers.comm. Anne Batzer). This is in accordance with the results from vertical looms used at Lejre; here weavers produce between 70 and 80 cm of cloth per day. The calculations are based on a cloth with a width of 1 meter and a density of 12 threads per cm. To produce a 70 x 70 cm piece of cloth around 1 680 m of spun wool is needed. Mounting the loom takes around two days. The results of the experiments confirm that the production of textiles would have consumed a signifi­ cant part of the inhabitants' time. An important finding Figur 1. Spinning with is that the most time consuming element of the process spindle and whorl. was the production of the spun thread.

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Household needs and specialised production Household products or valuables? When discussing craft products, a distinction is often made between household products and valuables (Brumfield & Earle 1987; Mikkelsen 1995). The term household products refers to the daily needs while valuables were goods with a prestige value (Mikkelsen 1995,221). Such a clear distinction is, however doubtful as a number of different types of valuables, with variable function and meaning, may be identified (Callmer 1995, 45). Moreover the function as a household product within the local sphere does not exclude that as a valuable in a different context, for example in a foreign market (Christophersen 1989,132). Several factors may be identified contributing tob the value, and so to the demand, of individual products. Nils Ringstedt claims that the economic value ultimately depends on the usefulness of a product, and how it was valued in relation to other products with similar functions. The value of an object is also likely to have varied among different individuals in society. Therefore, it is wrong to assume that valuables only consisted of high-class metal objects or exclusive textiles; many products that are today considered relatively ordinary were luxuries in the past (Ringstedt 1989,75). In the late Iron Age and the Middle Ages, the range of textiles included both household products and valuables. The everyday need for textiles was continuous and extensive, but we also know, from written sources and archaeological finds, that certain textile products were considered status ob­ jects. These were highly valuable, and had an important function within giftexchange. It is also important to acknowledge that the primary need for textiles, above all for clothing, was the same for people living in urban as in rural settlements. The demand for a household production of textiles, therefore, remained constant.

The organisation of textile production There is at present no active debate concerning the existence of a specialised and organised production of textiles in Scandinavia during the late Iron Age and the Viking Period. Karin Gjøl Hagen has, however, pointed out the problems associated with definitions of professional versus household production of textiles. She concludes that it is difficult to distinguish between the two forms of organisation in the archaeological record, as they continued to exist in parallel at least during the MiddleAges (Gjøl Hagen 1994,24ff). It is generally assumed that all medieval textiles, whether for household needs or within the organisa­ tion of cottage industries, were produced at home, and that all weaving was done by women (Geijer 1994, 103). In medieval Scandinavia there are also indica­ tions that textiles were used in and produced for barter exchange. Undoubtedly, larger units such as manor houses, crown estates and castles accomodated a

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more specialised craft production, some of which was emulated by local craftsmen (Geijer 1994,282f).There are few documented references to weavers as a specific group of urban crafts people; they do not appear in die record until the close of the Middle Ages.

Household production The extensive need for household textiles may be illustrated in the clothing. To produce two full sets of clothes, one male and one female, some six kilos of wool would have been required (table 1). The calculations are based on reconstruc­ tions of clothing at Historical-Archaeological Experimental Centre at Lejre; the reconstructions are in turn based on archaeological textiles from Haithabu. It should be noted that the Lejre clothes were made using machine-spun wool; this is normally lighter than the hand-spun product. In reality, the "original" clothes would have weighed more, but the difference in relation to the reconstructions is impossible to calculate. M e n 's clothing C loak T unic Skirt T rousers L eggings T o ta l w e ig h t: 3225g

W e ig h t

W e a v in g te c h n iq u e

T h r e a d /c m

P ro v en a n c e

1400g 880g 430g 380g 135g

2/2 2/2 2/2 diam ond tw ill chevron tw ill

9/9 19/11 8/8 12/12 22/11

H edeby H edeby H edeby H edeby H edeby

W e ig h t

W e a v in g te c h n iq u e 2 /2

T h r e a d /c m 9 /9

P ro v e n a n c e

diam ond tw ill 2/2 2/2

14/12 18/18 11/7

W om en’s clothing C loak O ver gow n U nder gow n L eggings T o ta l w e ig h t: 2250g Total w eight, both sets

næ g 450g 430g 170g

H edeby H edeby H edeby H edeby

o f clothing: c (5,5) 6 kilos

Table 1 . The amount of wool requiredfor two sets o f clothing (c.6 kilos) The production of ten new sets of clothing required at least 30 kilos of wool. The exact yield of wool from each sheep is not known, but a reasonable estimate is 1-2 kilos. 30 kilos of wool would equate a flock of 15 - 30 sheep. Wool may also be stored for up to one yeai; provided that it is kept in airtight conditions. Estimates of the time invested in producing the two sets of clothing were based on the experience from Lejre. Variations in quality and thickness between individual garments were not considered: the estimates employed a uniform density of 12 threads per cm. Two different types of wool were spun, giving 6,500 and 3,900 m thread per kilo of wool respectively. The result reflects the differences in quality of wool fibres; a high amount of short fibres gives more waste. The calculated spinning time, including preparation of the wool and finishing of the spun thread, was based on a working day of 12 hours and an output of 20 m per hour (table 2).In addition to the spinning, further time was

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R aw m aterial 1 k ilo

6 kilos

T im e consum ption for 6 kg based on a 12 hour w orking day

6500 m

39000m

1 6 2 ,5 days

3 900 m

23 4 0 0 m

97,5 days

Table 2. Calculated spinning time based on 6 kilos of wool and a 12 hour working day consumed by mounting the loom, weaving and sewing; archaeological textiles show that the quality of work invested in clothes was normally high. The calculations confirm that textile production required considerable time. It is likely that many people in the household were involved in the process, and that ways of rationalising work existed. The different stages involved in producing textiles were not necessarily continuous. The number of tools required to produce the household needs for an individual farm need not be extensive, although this depends on how many persons are working simultaneously with textile production. In theory, a set of spindles of different size, a loom and one or two sets of loom weights would have been sufficient To this may be added wool combs, some type of handreels, sewing needles and perhaps a pair of scissors. If producing linen, tools for breaking, swingling and heckling/combing the flax were required.

Textile valuables: sails and fine cloth Within the field of textile studies specialised production is defined by the homogeneity and high quality of the finished cloth (Hoffman 1964, 227ff; Geijer 1994,98). Several factors are important to achieve this: the wool has to be of a specific quality, carefully sorted and prepared and perhaps dyed before spinning; after weaving, the cloth has to receive further treatment (Bender Jørgensen 1995, 76). Production of a standard cloth requires a homogenous wool type, but also tools of a standard type and size.

Sail cloth - textile production on a large scale Sail cloth was in great demand during the late Iron Age and the Viking Period. The question of how sails were produced is, therefore, of major interest. Sail­ cloth may have been imported, but there are good reasons to believe in a domestic Scandinavian production. The maritime archaeologist ErikAndersen, at the Maritime Experimental Archaeology Centre, at Roskilde has postulated the existence of 1 million square meters of sail-cloth within the North Sea empire of Cnut the Great in the 1030s. His calculations are based on the Danish fleet along with ships used for trade, fishing, transport and communication, and includes spare cloth for repairs.A larger longboat of 30 pairs of oars would have required a sail of around 120 square meters, while for a smaller trading vessel 46 square meters may have been sufficient (Andersen 1989, 12). The raw material used for sail cloth in the Viking Period is likely to have been wool. The

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tradition for sails made of wool continued throughout the 19th century in areas such as Iceland and the Faroes. Today several woolen sails have been recon­ structed, and have proved as efficient on the sea as sails made of flax, hemp or synthetic materials. The size of the sail was naturally dependent on the size of the ship, as well as the type and thickness of the cloth that was used (Andersen 1995, 255). The production of sail-cloth requires a substantial amount of raw mate­ rial. For a sail of 120 square meters, and with a weight of 500 grammes per square meter, at least 60 kilos of wool would have been needed; this is equivalent to 30 - 60 sheep. However, not all the wool from the sheep could be used for this purpose; the wool was probably sorted before spinning to extract the coarser fibres which were better for sail cloth. Hypothetically, only half of the wool from each sheep was used, raising the equivalent to 60-120 animals per 120 square meter of sail cloth. The process of making sail-cloth includes several steps.The quality of the cloth in terms of material and density is similar to that used for outer garments. A sail-cloth with a density of 10 threads per cm is equivalent to a thread quality of 4,000 m per kilo of wool. The length of spun thread for a sail of 120 square meters runs up to 240,000 m. Using the calculated 20 m per hour and a 12 hour working day, this means that it would take one person, 1,000 days, or 2,7 years, to spin the required thread. It is not likely, therefore, that larger sails were made within the framework of the individual household, but required some form of organised production. The work would have involved a number of skilled spinning women and weavers, a larger number of tools and a good knowledge of the finished product.

Fine cloth and textile art In Viking Period Scandinavia, high-quality textiles are generally considered to be imports. Such textiles, known from graves, include wool, linen and silk, as well as tablet-woven bands with details of silk and silver (Geijer 1994,27Iff; Hägg 1974, 101). Characteristic for the fine worsted cloths is their high and uniform standard, both in terms of raw material and production (Geijer 1994,98; Bender Jørgensen 1986, 168). The question of where these textiles were produced has been raised repeatedly over the years (Geijer 1939,1965,1980; Hald 1950; Hoffman 1964; Ingstad 1980; Hägg 1974, 1983, 1987; Bender Jørgensen 1986,1987; cf. Andersson 1999c). Normally the finds are discussed exclusively on the basis of the fabric itself, and rarely in their archaeological context or viewed against contemporary textile tools. The many different interpretations of the so-called Frisian cloth reflect the difficulties in identifying where it was produced. Archaeological finds suggest a standardised production, but also that this type of textile appear continuously over a long period.

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The production of fine cloth required a homogenous and carefully chosen raw material. Some textiles may be described as pieces of art, revealing a highly specialised technical knowledge. This also implies the use of tools not normally employed in textile production.

Towards a new study of textile production Considerations and hypotheses Analyses of archaeological textiles have revealed a variety of fabric qualities. Most common among the finds from the late Iron Age and the Viking Period are woolen fabrics with a density of 10 - 20 threads per cm (Bender Jøigensen 1986). However, there are also fabrics of lower as well as considerably higher density. The samples show that there was a great knowledge both of the raw material and its preparation, and of different weaving techniques. To produce the textiles a number of tools were used. The variation in fineness of the spun thread shows that a range of spindle whorls of different size were used. The density of the woven fabric indicates the use of heavier or lighter loom weights.The different types of finished cloth reveal a range of needles of varying thickness.These findings suggest that the production of household textiles and that of more exclusive textiles should be indicated by the type of textile tools found on excavated settlements (Andersson 1996b, 1999a-c). For the household production of textiles, the following hypotheses may be constructed: - there was a general knowledge of the different processes involved in textile production. - the need for raw material was dependent on the size of the household and its requirements. - the need for different types of fabric necessitated a range of textile tools, in particular spindle whorls of varying size. -in relation to a laiger-scale production, there was a relatively limited number of individual tools. In contrast, the traces of more specialised textile production may vary depending on the type of product. A. For the production of exclusive textiles, such as worsted cloth or high-quality tablet woven bands, the following criteria may be identified: - a specialised knowledge of production. Different individuals worked at different stages of the process, such as the preparation and spinning of the wool, the weaving or the finishing-off of the cloth. - a homogenous raw material, sometimes imported. - a larger number of specialised tools which clearly differ from those used in the production of household textiles.

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B. For the large-scale production of cloth the criteria may be: - a general knowledge of the production process. Here, too, a huger number of workers would have been involved. - access to raw material. - large numbers of the different tools employed in the production process. Through the classification of individual tools it is possible to investigate the type of textiles that were produced in a settlement. The number of finds, and their archaeological context, may also indicate variation within textile produc­ tion on individual sites. Comparative studies may show similarities and differ­ ences in textile production on contemporary settlements. Above all, an investi­ gation of textile tools will make the textile production during the late IronAge and the Viking Period visible.

Methodology Initially the study focused on the documented and practical knowledge of various textile techniques (Andersson 1996a-b). Looking at finds from a number of settlements in Scania as a starting-point, a method for classifying spindle whorls was developed further through spinning experiments conducted with Anne Batzer at Historical-Archaeological Experimental Centre at Lejre (Andersson & Batzer 1999a). All textile tools included in the study have been individually registered and classified. The one exception is the spindle whorls from earlier excavations at Birka, where previous classifications were used (Beronius 1983). The information was tested on some 10% of the spindle whorls, and found to be accurate. The aim was to classify the total number of textile tools from all the sites under study. In some instances sampling has been necessary, and only the more complete tools were included. Sampling concerns above all the Haithabu material, where the number of tool finds is substantial (Andersson 1999c). Information on individual sites included in the study is based on excava­ tion reports and personal comments from site supervisors. For each site the aim was to document the size and date of the settlement, its setting in the landscape, the size of excavated areas, how the settlement was organised and, finally, the finds of textile tools and their archaeological context. Further relevant criteria, in particular for the rural settlements in the hinterland of Birka, were finds that could indicate trade and external contacts. Potentional information gathered from environmental analyses has also been considered. Some clarification of terminology has been necessary. In the field of textile studies, the term quality is often used (Gjøl Hagen 1994; Andersson 1999a). Quality means type or character. In textile studies, the terms high or fine quality are used to describe those woven from a fine and homogenous thread. However, a fabric made of coarser thread can also be said to be of good or high quality provided its threads are of homogenous thickness. Here, the term

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exclusive quality refers to a fabric with a high density of threads per cm and resulting from an even and standardised production. The term coarse quality refers to a fabric with a lower density of threads per cm. Where the thread was unevenly spun, or the woven cloth was irregular this will be pointed out specifically. Specialisation is also a many-facetted term. Here it is used to describe a special knowledge that was employed to produce textiles that were not normally part of a household production. The term professional refers to work at a specially designated site, and to a production aimed for sale, exchange or for an individual client. Standardised tools are those made according to size or other functional requirements. As regards the terms household product and valuables, the latter is used here to define textiles produced by specialised craftspeople for a client, to be sold or used for exchange. Household production of textiles is based on the household need for everyday products. These definitions are however not mutually exclusive: household textiles must have had a certain value, just as exclusive textiles and sail-cloth were also practical and useful products.

Problems The study of textile tools recovered from settlements involves both general and specific problems. General for all archaeological finds is the problem of representativity. How much can the excavated area tell us of the original settlement? How large was it? Are the finds from the excavation representative of the type and extent of activities on the site? In the case of textile production, a large number of tools and/or numerous assciated features need not be traces of more than normal household production. To investigate this further, it is necessary to analyse the individual tools and to make comparative studies of finds from other contemporary settlements. A problem in the present study has been the varying levels of information on individual sites, which make compara­ tive analyses difficult. The finds of textile tools on settlements are in most cases comparable with other fragmented and broken objects such as pot sherds or pieces of crucibles. More intriguing are finds of apparently functioning tools, for example intact bone needles. Were they lost, or simply thrown away as useless? All finds of textile tools have, nevertheless, been regarded as traces of a textile production within the settlement. This does not mean that they are fully representative of the activities: there may have been other types of textile production on the site, the traces of which have not been found. Problematic is also the lacunae of tools that where made of a perishable material. Examples are spindles and looms but also a range of smaller tools like shuttles and hand reels. Also iron tools, (such as wool comb teeth) are rarely preserved.

16

Analyses of archaeological textiles show that a range of raw materials was used, but it is impossible to know for example the different breeds of sheep available. The date of the introduction of flax into Scandinavia is also not known, nor what this flax looked like or how it was cultivated. Furthermore, actual cultivation of flax is difficult to identify as the plant is self-polinating (Gennard 1985,159ff). A specific problem is posed by the loom weights. It is likely that many loom weights were of unfired clay, and therefore not preserved. While normally associated with weaving, however these weights may also have served other functions. This is reflected in loom weights that have been fired at very high temperatures or show traces of repeated firing; weights of a similar design appear to have been used as tuyéres. Fired loom weights may also have been used (to sink fishing nets) as netsinkers. Finds of loom weights usually consist of fragments, and it is very difficult to judge which of these functions the weight may have had.

Summary of the individual projects Invisible Handicrafts, The General Picture of Textile and Skin Crafts in Scandinavian Surveys (Andersson 1996a). The aim of the first project was to investigate how textile and skin crafts during the late Iron Age and the Viking period are conventionally presented in general publications of Scandinavian archaeology. The study showed that descriptions of these crafts are negligible; there is a wide gap between the understanding of the finished product and the tools and processes that lie behind it. Textile crafts are rarely discussed in a wider social context, and fuller descriptions of different textile techniques are missing. According to the general literature, the produc­ tion of textiles is not a craft in the conventional sense. The Danish literature is an exception, as it generally includes fuller descriptions (Andersson 1996a, 15f). Common for all works consulted is a focus on different types of clothing while other textiles, such as sail-cloth, are rarely mentioned. The economic aspects of textile production are never discussed, nor whether a professional production of textiles existed in Scandinavia at this time. Several reasons for this relatively vague picture of textile production may be identified. One is the generally poor knowledge of textile crafts and their significance. Another reason may be the difficulties in transferring the highly specialised analyses of archaeological textiles into a broader understanding of their significance.Often textile finds are studied in isolation. Textile production is an important aspect of the past, and the potential for improving our knowledge of this field is great. To achieve this it is vital that we take a broader view of the textile production. We need to include both the archaeological textiles, the textile tools and the raw materials used, and we need to discuss the finds within their archaeological context.

Textile production in an archaeological context, a methodical study of late Iron Age settlements in Scania (Andersson 1996b).

The aim of the second project was to achieve a clearer picture of the textile production by studying textile tools from excavated settlements. The aim was to develop a method to classify the textile tools and to analyse their distribution across the site. The investigation included the finds from seven separate settlements in Scania, all of which date in their main phases to the late Iron Age and the Viking Period (map 1). The criteria for choosing the settlements under study was that they should be well documented. Furthermore, it was desirable to include settlements of different economic status, to enable comparative studies of textile production.

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Map 1. The location o f settlements included in theproject.

Finds from settlements confirm that a range of different fabric qualities was produced. Among the textile tools additional features of interest can be identified. The spindle whorls are mostly of stone, but examples made of bone and ceramic also appear. Their variation in size indicates the conscious produc­ tion of a range of thread qualities, something that was supported in previous spinning experiments (diagram 1 and 2). Loom weights appear in a wide range of sizes, from 0.2 and up to 1.4 kilos (diagram 3). The settlements indicate that sizes ranging from 0.3 to 0.5 kilos were most common until the early Viking Period, but loom weights weighing up to 0.9 kilos also appear. From the period 900 - 950 AD, loom weights of up to 1.4 kilos appear alongside smaller sizes. The results show that the heavy loom weights did not replace the use of lighter ones. At Oxie and Löddeköping, the heaviest loom weights, with a weight exceeding 0.9 kilos, first appear after C.950 AD and are particularly common in the 11th century. Both settlements

19

have also yielded linen smoothers of glass; these were used to smooth linen cloth. The occurence of heavier loom weights on these sites is, therefore, an interesting finding as, in comparison to wool, the weaving of linen generally requires more weight to stretch the (warp). The smallest loom weights, weigh­ ing from 0.15 to 0.4 kilos, were above all found at Åhus and Västra Karaby. The market site at Löddeköpinge has also produced small loom weights, but here over 100 excavated loom weights are missing among the finds. These were all unfired, and the size of other unfired loom weights from the site suggest that they were heavier. There are no general differences in size between fired and unfired loom weights. Petrological analyses show that the clay used for loom weights, whether fired or unfired, was not processed or tempered (Hulthén 1996,117f). They were not normally made from the clay used for making pottery; the raw material was probably extracted from sources near the settlement. Analyses have also shown that unfired loom weights often contain chalk; this would make them liable to cracking if fired. Chalk-rich clay, on the other hand, is a good source for daub as it hardens well when drying. This characteristic in this type of clay may further explain why some loom weights were left unfired. The sunken-featured buildings were well adapted for textile work (Andersson 1989,49). Loom weights are most common in the north-eastern part of these buildings, and are a good indication of where the loom was placed (table 3). The quality of the loom weights is generally poor; they must have been prone to cracking and frequently replaced. This is easily done, but pieces of broken loom weights may have ended up foigotten and trampled into the floor. As a

Diagram 1. The range o f weights among late lion Age/Viking period spindle whorls from Åhus and Löddeköpinge.

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Diagram 2. The range of weights among late lion Age/Viking Period spindle whorls from Gårdlösa, Fjelie, Fosie, Västra Karaby and Oxie. Note that the majority o f these finds could be dated to the period 7Ö0-1050AD.

Diagram 3. The distribution of weights among loom weights (all sites).

21

W

NW 51 0 52 SW

N 16 2 S

NE 152 11 52 SE

r*

Table 3. The distribution of loom weights in floor layers. The number of fragments aie indicated.

vertical loom takes up comparatively little space, it is likely that the sunkenfeatured buildings could be used for a range of other household activities. Studies of sunken-featured buildings have shown that the entrance was normally facing south-west (Strömberg 1978,40).This enables amaximumuse of the daylight during the warmer part of the year when the door could be left open. The subterranean floor level also enhanced the lighting of these buildings, as light would fall at an oblique angle from above. If the loom was placed, as is suggested by finds of loom weights, in the northern part of the building, light would have fallen directly on to the cloth. The effect would be the same if the loom was placed in the south-western part of the house, and the door in the north­ east, but this would be less efficient in terms of using the daylight. Textile tools other than spindle whorls and loom weights are generally more common among the finds from the later part of the Viking Period. This was above all noted for Löddeköpinge. Åhus is an exception: here numerous types, including bone needles, are known already from the 8th and 9th centuries. The comparative study showed clear differences in the textile production on settlements of different economic status. The analyses of the tools also indicate which type of textiles were produced, something that may enhance our understanding of individual sites and their functions. At Åhus, the finds demonstrate a considerable amount of textile production. The settlement is considered to have been a permanent trading site during the lateVendel and early Viking Period (9th to 10th centuries). The distribution of weights among the spindle whorls from Åhus suggest a far greater need for fine thread, necessary for high-quality textiles, than at any of the other settlements under investigation. Excavations at Löddeköpinge have also produced a large number of textile tools, but the spindle whorls show a different distribution of weights than those from Åhus (diagram 1). Furthermore, the loom weights from the two sites were of different character, those from Åhus being smaller and better adapted to finer cloth. At Åhus, specialised textile production fits in well with other specialist crafts evident on the site, such as comb, bronze and bead making. However, the finds from Löddeköpinge correspond more with a large-scale production of more ordinary textile qualities. Seen in relation to Åhus and Löddeköpinge, textile production appears to differ on the settlements at Gårdlösa, Fjelie, Fosie and Västra Karaby. The sites have produced both spindle whorls and loom weights, but no evidence for either large-scale or specialised production. None of the tool types show clustering in

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Photo 1. Textile tools, loom weights, spindle whorls, a wool comb teeth and a needle from sunken-featured building 261 at Löddeköpinge, 10th century.

terms of size; the classification of the tools indicates the need for a wide range in cloth quality. The number of tools retrieved from these sites is also far smaller than that from Åhus and Löddeköpinge. Both the finds and their archaeological context suggest household production (Andersson 1996, 75f). The results of the study confirmed the significance of analysing the textile tools on the basis of their function. Both the analysis of the actual tools, and the textile experiments, showed that within the individual tool types, clusterings in terms of size are a good indication of the type of textile that was produced. Spinning experiments demonstrated that it is above all the weight and diameter of the spindle whorl that determines the fineness of the spun thread.

Spinning wool: now and then (Andersson & Batzer 1999a)

In 1998 a number of spinning experiments were made using spindles, consisting of a spindle whorl and a wooden spindle, which were reconstructed on the basis of Viking Period finds from Haithabu. The experiments were made with wool, using a range of spindle whorls of varying sizes. The aim was to test the results of earlier experiments and of the classification of spindle whorls from excavations, and to gain further understanding of how the size of the spindle and the choice of raw material affects the fineness of the spun thread. The spindle

23

Spindle-whori/ weight

Spindle

Wool-type

m/10g +waste

Threads /cm

5g 5g 10 g 10 g 20 g 20 g 30 g 30 g

S S L L L L L L

1C 2C 1C 2C 1C 2C 1C 2C

201,5 179 169,5 101 123 59,5 71 39

ca ca ca ca ca ca ca ca

5 g

1M 2M 1M 2M 1M 2M 1M 2M

140 117 123 92 108 52 60,5 39

ca 30-35 trd/cm ca 25-30 trd/cm ca 22,5-27,5 trd/cm ca 20-25 trd/cm ca 15-20 trd/cm ca 15-20 trd/cm ca 7,5-12,5 trd/ cm ca 5-10 trd/cm

1U 2U 1U 2U 1U 2U

53 52 41,5 39 30 26

ca ca ca ca ca ca

5g 10 10 20 20 30 30

g g g g g g

S S L L L L L L

10 10 20 20 30 30

g g g g g g

L L L L L L

32,5-37,5 trd/cm 27,5-32,5 trd/cm 2 5 -3 0 trd/cm 22,5-27,5 trd/cm 17,5-22,5 17,5-22,5 trd/cm 10-15 trd/cm 7 ,5 -1 2 ,5 tr d/cm

10-15 trd/cm 12,5-17,5 trd/cm 5-10trd/cm 10-15 trd/cm 5-10 trd/cm 2,5-7,5 trd/cm

Table 4. The results of the spinning experiments in terms of suitability for 12/12 threads per cm in a 2/2 twill. S=short spindle (c.13 cm, 2,5 g); L=long spindle (c.25 cm, 5-6 g);Wool type l=wool of fibre quality 1; Wool type 2=wool of fibre quality 2; C=combed wool; M=mixed wool; U=undercoat. whorls employed in the experiments weighed 5 ,1 0 ,2 0 and 30 g respectively. The raw material for the spun thread consisted of wool from the Norwegian breeds of sheep; this type of wool is similar to the fibre qualities in archaelogical textiles from the early Middle Ages. As the quality varied between individual sheep, two series were spun with wool of a different fibre character. Further­ more, each spinning experiment included a sample of mixed wool, of combed wool and wool from the undercoat. The amount of waste produced by the different samples was noted as an important factor behind the length of spun thread retrieved from each 10 g of wool. Subsequent weighing of the waste showed that this amounted to 10-15% where mixed wool was used, and up to double this figure for wool from the undercoat. The high amount of waste for the latter was particularly obvious in the experiments using lighter spindles. ( Group 1: spindle whorl 5 g, short spindle (2,5 g); group 2: spindle whorl 10 g, long spindle( 5-6 g); group 3: spindle whorl 20 g, long spindle (5-6 g); group 4: spindle whorl 30 g, long spindle (5-6 g) ). The spinning experiments suggest that (table 4): - it is possible to vary the fineness of the spun thread using a heavy spindle (2536g), but it is not possible to spin a thick thread with a light spindle (7,5-16g). - using spindles of group 1 and 2 and combed wool it was possible to spin fine thread, suitable for fabrics with a high density of thread per cm.

24

- spindles of group 3 and 4 produce a thicker thread, suitable for sail cloth and outer garments. - to aquire a specific quality of spun thread, whether fine or thick, requires experience and knowledge of spinning. - spinning is time consuming, regardless of the quality of the required thread and size of spindle employed. The amount of time spent is the same for a spindle weighing 7,5 g as for one that weighs 36 g. Variation in work time is instead defined during weaving by the quality of cloth required:a fabric with a high density consumes considerably more spun thread than a coarser fabric. - the results of the spinning experiments should be seen as a framework for the quality of thread produced by different-size spindles: it would be possible to spin even finer thread from the lighter spindles, and thicker thread from the heavier. Using the results from the spinning experiments, the suitability of different thread qualities for a fabric woven in 2/2 twill with a density of 12/12 threads per cm was tested (table 2). A significant result of the spinning experiments was the confirmation that a difference of only 5-10 g in the weight of the spindle affected the fineness of the spun thread. The classification of spindle whorls from settlements was adapted tö this, with a renewed grouping based on 5 g instead of the peviously used 10-15 g.

Textile production at Löddeköpinge - household needs or large-scale production? (Andersson 1999b)

Excavations at Löddeköpinge have produced a substantial number of textile tools and associated archaeological features. The quota of finds is far higher than that from other contemporary settlements in the area. In the present study, the aim was to view textile production at Löddeköpinge from a local and regional perspective.To investigate this, the following questions were identified as significant: - the degree of standardisation: how many types of textile tools can be identified? Is it possible to identify sub-groups within individual tool types? - chronology: was there a continuous set of textile tools used throughout the Viking Period, or did the composition of tools change during time? - the archaeological context: in which contexts do the tools appeal; and where are they most frequent? - the wider political-economic context: is it possible to associate changes in Viking Period textile production with wider political and/or economic changes identified during this time? The analysis showed that, in relation to the 9th century phase, textile production at Löddeköpinge increased during the late Viking Period (c.900-

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800-900 Total No. T.T found in flo o r layers

900-1050 52 42 80%

67 38 56%

L ate Iron A ge

Total No.

10 4 40%

129 88 68%

Table 5. The frequency of textile tools in excavated sunken-floomd buildings at Löddeköpinge. T.T. =textile tool. 1050 AD). The frequency of textile tools and associated features on the settlement increased during the 10th century (table 5). While the number of features associated with loom weights remained relatively comparable during the two phases, an increase was notable in features associated with spindle whorls and other textile tools. The range of individual tool types also appears to have increased with time (table 6). A tentative dating of sunken-floored buildings suggests that these changes in textile production belong to the late 10th and 11th centuries. While frequent, the textile tools from Löddeköpinge do not indicate specialised textile production such as that identified at Åhus, where a production of high-quality yam was notable. Instead, the tools at Löddeköpinge illustrate a marked increase in production of more ordinary cloth. At the same time, the composition of tools during the late Viking Period indicates a change in textile production at this time. What could lie behind the increase in textile production at Löddeköpinge? What sort of client could demand substantial amounts of ordinary domestic textiles? An example of the latter may be illustrated with the expansion of the Roman Empire to the Rhine and Danubian borders. This brought a demand for food, housing and clothing for the army stationed in the Limes regions, in response to which a number of large textile industries were developed (Bender Jørgensen 1995, 77). A comparison of Viking Period Löddeköpinge with the conditions along the Roman Limes may seem far-fetched, but serves to illustrate how special situations may lead to an increase in textile production. Besides clothing, periods of unrest may also lead to an increased demand for other textile products such as tents or blankets. Dining the Viking Period the demand for good quality sail cloth is an important factor. It may be that the political situation in S. Scandinavia in the late 10th and early 11th centuries led to an increased demand of textiles and that this is reflected in the textile production at Löddeköpinge. It is known from documentary sources that, during the MiddleAges, there was a surplus production of standard-quality cloth which was used for ex­ change, among other purposes. This cloth was highly valuable: it was also used for the payment of taxes and fines (KHLM X IX:414,11:530, IX:466). As this type of textile production must have originated by the Viking Period, in particular with die demand for sail cloth, a degree of surplus production that could be used for sale or exchange may be postulated. With Löddeköpinge as an

26

800-900

900-1050

Late Iron Age

Total No.

16(11) 1 30 Bone neddle 2 1 3 4 Iron needle 2 6(1) 8 Metal wool comb teeth 3 3 eo 6 Scissors 2 Linen smoothers eo KD 2 eo Sword beater 2 2 40(22) 96 29(3) Spindle whorl 20 Loom weight 34(8) 81 30(9) Table 6. The chronological distribution of textile tools from Löddeköpinge. (Note that the number of loom weights refers to the number of associated sunken-flooted buildings, not the number of individual loom weightfragments. Numbers within brackets refer to finds from secondary fills). -

-

-

-

example, the question how a large-scale production of textiles was organised may be explored using three models. 1. During the 10th century, the settlement at Löddeköpinge fell under the control of a manor. This may have belonged either to the king, or to a chieftain with political and economic power. During the Viking Period and the early Middle Ages all chieftains had one or more hirdmen, but the king would have been the principal leader by the 11th century. The hirdmen were partly paid in kind with food and clothing. In addition, sail cloth for the ships was required. This would imply that the textile worker was a dependant of the king or the chieftain; he or she was not paid for the work, which fell under the duties to the manor household. In this case, the client was not anonymous as the textile worker must have known for whom and what the product was intended. Löddeköpinge is close to Borgeby, a site that may be associated with the system of fortifications of so-called Trelleborg type which was established by the Danish king at the end of the 10th century (Bredsdorf 1973,57; Holmberg 1977,41f). Investigating Trelleborg in Denmark, the archaeologist Leif Chris­ tian Nielsen considered the demand for textiles, above all sail-cloth and clothing for the hird, on the settlement. He envisaged the numerous clusters of sunkenfloored buildings in the vicinity of Trelleborg in terms of a response to the demand for these products (Nielsen 1990, 152f). The increase in textile production at Löddeköpinge in the late 10th century contributes to this interpre­ tation, where the many sunken-floored buildings would represent an extra­ mural settlementfor textile production. In addition, the construction of Borgeby would have required a substantial number of labourers necessitating increased supplies of both food and clothing. 2. There is no evidence that the settlement at Löddeköpinge expands during the 10th century. If the earlier phase at the site represents a seasonal occupation, the ensuing permanent settlement may be the result of an amalgamation of several smaller settlements. Such a re-structuring may have been a response to political changes, although there is no documented evidence for this. It is not clear when

27

Photo 2. Textile tools, fragments o f loomweights, spindle whorls amd an iron sword beater from sunken-floored building 1007 at Löddeköpinge. 10-11th century

ledung duties, i.e. duties to the royal maritime organisation, were introduced (Lund 1996, Ilf), and it is difficult to argue that Löddeköpinge was embodied by this type of organisation. An alternative to a central organisation is the use of surplus production directly or via tradesmen for sale or exchange. The hinter­ land would have offered good conditions for sheep rearing as well as for the cultivation of flax, and some surplus production may have existed in the hinterland already during the 9th century. Products could be exchanged at a seasonal trading settlement. The amalgamation of settlements, and the concen­ tration of textile production on one site, would be a response to an existing and increasing demand for textile products. 3. A third model for the textile production at Löddeköpinge combines elements from the two models above. During the 9th century there was a modest surplus production of textiles and raw material, which was exchanged at a seasonal trading settlement. Political changes in the 10th century led to a demand for textiles from a central organisation. To satisfy this, a re-organisation of settle­ ments was required and enforced. At present, the medieval settlement at Löddeköpinge remains to be identified. However, this is likely to be identical with the historical village (Ohlsson, unpubl. manuscript). Earlier finds indicate a stagnation of Löddeköpinge in the late 12th century (Cinthio & Ohlsson 1979, 64). The medieval cemetery, dating to the period c. 1000-1200AD and comprising some 2,500 burials, nevertheless suggests that the settlement held a certain status throughout the early Middle Ages (Cinthio 1980,112ff). The large population should at least indicate substantial domestic production of textiles during this period.

28

Textile production at Birka,

witcom pa

settlements in the M ålar Valley, a t Haithabu. (Andersson 1999c)

an d o f the con

l In the final project, textile production at Birka was investigated from a local, a regional and a wider N. European perspective. The analysis included Birka, six rural hunterland settlements in the Mälar Valley (map 2) and the Viking Period trading settlements of Haithabu in Schleswig-Holstein and Kaupang in Norway.

Map 2.Settlements included in the ptoject.1 Valsta, 2 Viby, 5 Pollista, 6 Säby Södermanland, 7 Birka, (no. 7 is placed over Björkö) (Bennett 1987).

29

The following questions were raised: - Was textile production at Birka based on household needs, or are there indications of large- scale production for trade and/or exchange? - If there was a surplus production, how was its oiganised? - How do the finds from Birka compare with the rural hinterland settlements? - How do they compare with the contemporary trading settlements at Haithabu and Kaupang? Birka has produced a substantial number of textile tools, analysis of which has indicated that production was both extensive and varied. Sub-groups could be identified within individual tool types: they are particularly clear in the range of weights among the spindle whorls (photo 4). There is no evidence of quantitative changes within textile production. The majority of datable tools belong to the later phase at Birka, C.900-970AD, but it is not possible to relate this to an increase in production. The larger numbers of tools may simply reflect an expansion of the settlement, and an increase of its population. Textile tools have been retrieved from across the site, and there appear to be no specially designated areas for textile production.Tools are associated with both domestic buildings and with buildings used for metal­ working. With its large population, the demand for household textiles at Birka must have been substantial. The status of Birka as a trading settlement also implies an extensive demand for sail cloth. Archaeological textiles, from the cemeteries at the site, have also shown that high-quality cloth and exclusive fabrics in complicated weaving techniques were in use.These were previously considered imports; it was assumed that domestically produced textiles were limited to coarser woolen cloth (Geijer 1938,40; Hägg 1974,101; Hägg 1983, 206). A functional analysis of the textile tools from Birka, howevei; demonstrated the production of high-quality cloth on the settlement. While it was not possible to identify specially designated textile work­ shops, some form of organisation must be assumed where the production of sail cloth and finer textiles is concerned. For the latter; access to good quality, homogenous raw material was vital. The production of sail cloth, on the other hand, required a skilled workforce. The number of clients for exclusive textiles must have been limited: it is likely that only certain individuals such as the king, certain tradesmen and perhaps even craftspeople had access to these products. The craftspeople may have worked for individual clients, but could also have been free to produce to order. The study revealed that textile production at Birka differed from that at rural hinterland settlements. While the range of tool types at the latter was found to be largely similar to those found at Birka, there was a rarity of spindle whorls. There is no evidence on rural settlements that cloth was produced for Birka, but there are indications that raw material was brought in from the hinterland.

30

Photo 3. Spindle whorls fiom Birka, Photo © SHM bild Stockholm.

Comparison with the Haithabu finds demonstrated clear similarities in textile production. This is particularly notable in the spindle whorls where the range of weights corresponds well with the finds from Birka.The correlation is interesting insofar as the spindle whorls under study are made from a variety of materials (diagram 4), although the fluctuations in weight of the Birka spindle whorls is marginally higher. At Birka, 76% (235 items) weigh between >5>35g: the proportion of this group at Haithabu is 94% (709 items). Differences between the two sites were identified in the weight groups of 1>5>20 g and 2015>20 g is 17%, while at Haithabu it is 25%. For the weight group of >20>25 g, the proportions are 14 and 18% respectively. The proportions of heavier spindle whorls, comprising the groups weighing,, however is almost identical at the two settlements (diagram 5 and 6). There is also a correlation in the diameter of the spindle whorls. Both Haithabu and Birka have produced loom weights in a range of sizes, but the fragmented condition of the latter makes comparisons difficult. At Haithabu, weights range from 0.1 to 2.0 kilos, with a concentration between 0.3 and 0.6 kilos. At Birka the range appears somewhat more narrow, from 0.2 to 1.9

31

Diagram 4. Material and number among spindle whorls fiom Birka and Haithabu.

Diagram 5. The range of weights among spindle whorls fiom Birka and Haithabu.

32

Birka och Hedeby, sländtrissor, vikt/antal i %, N =944

Diagram 6. >5