The Chinese City Between Two Worlds 9781503622753

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Key to Endpaper Maps Overleaf from Back Endpaper I (

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THE CHINESE CITY BETWEE N TWO WORLDS

Contributors

David D. Buck

Susan Mann Jones

Mark Elvin

Robert A. Kapp

Stephan Feuchtwang

Rhoads Murphey

Bernard Gallin

Edward J. M. Rhoads

Rita S. Gallin

Alden Speare, Jr.

Shirley S. Garrett

Irene B. Taeuber

Winston Hsieh

THE CHIN ESE CITY BETW EEN TWO WOR LDS

Edited by MARK ELVIN and G. WILLIA M SKINNE R

Stanford Universit y Press, Stanford, California

1974

STUDIES IN CHINESE SOCIETY Sponsored by the Subcommittee on Research on Chinese Society of the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of the Social Science Research Council and the American Council of Learned Societies, 1971-72 MORTON H. FRIED,

Chairman

IRENE B. TAEUBER EZRA F. VOGEL JOHN CREIGHTON CAMPBELL,

Staff

Previously published in this series Maurice Freedman, ed., Family and Kinship in Chinese Society John Wilson Lewis, ed., The City in Communist China W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society

Stanford University Press, Stanford, California © 1974 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University Printed in the United States of America ISBN 0-8047-0853-3 LC 73-89858

Preface

In 1g68-6g the Subcommittee on Research on Chinese Society-financed by the Carnegie Corporation of New York, administered by the Social Science Research Council (New York), and overseen by the Joint Committee on Contemporary China of that Council and the American Academy of Learned Societies-devoted two of its research conferences to the Chinese city. In the wake of these conferences, the Subcommittee planned three volumes, of which this is the second to appear. The first, The City in Communist China (edited by John Wilson Lewis), was published in 1971; the third, The City in Late Imperial China (edited by myself), is in press. These three volumes in tum form part of a larger series, Studies in Chinese Society, on which particulars are given opposite. Eight of the papers in this volume were presented in preliminary form at a conference held in St. Croix, Virgin Islands, in December-January 1g68-6g. (This particular conference was cosponsored by the Subcommittee on Chinese Government and Politics, also under the jurisdiction of the Joint Committee on Contemporary China, in consideration of the many conference papers that treated political aspects of urban life in the People's Republic of China. ) In addition to myself and the authors of these eight papers-David D. Buck, Mark Elvin, Stephan Feuchtwang, Bernard Gallin, Shirley S. Garrett, Winston Hsieh, Rhoads Murphey, and the late Irene B. Taeuber-the following China specialists attended the conference and participated in discussions relevant to the volume: Jerome A. Cohen, John Philip Emerson, Edward Friedman, Paul F. Harper, Ying-mao Kau, John Wilson Lewis, Victor H. Li, John C. Pelzel, Janet W. Salaff, Ezra F. Vogel, and Richard W. Wilson. Norton E. Long and Charles Tilly, who attended the conference as discus-

vi

Preface

sants, helped us place aspects of China's changing cities in the comparative context of urban development. Sophie Sa Winckler and Edwin A. Winckler, our rapporteurs, produced an incisively organized analytical record of the conference proceedings that greatly facilitated subsequent editorial work. An earlier version of the paper by Rhoads Murphey was published in 1970 (Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, No. 7). The papers by Susan Mann Jones, Robert A. Kapp, Edward J. M. Rhoads, and Alden Speare, Jr. were later solicited to supplement the eight St. Croix papers. For the unfortunate delay in the publication of this volume, I offer my heartfelt apologies to its contributors and readers alike. The Chinese Society Bibliography Project, also sponsored by the Subcommittee on Research on Chinese Society, took all the time I had from 1969 until its completion in 1973. That the present volume is ready even now is due largely to my good fortune in obtaining Mark Elvin's invaluable services as coeditor. He has had primary responsibility for the more historical papers and the Introduction, I for the more sociological papers and the maps. This book is concerned with social process and institutional change in modern Chinese cities. A central concern is the transformation and modernization of traditional urban forms. Because relevant papers on the People's Republic were included in The City in Communist China, the historical period covered here extends beyond 1949 only in the case of Taiwan. The Subcommittee originally intended that the analyses of traditional urban institutions and processes in The City in Late Imperial China should provide a baseline for the treatment of urban transformation in the present volume, which in turn would provide a starting point for the analyses of mainland cities in The City in Communist China. Thus it is particularly unfortunate that publication delays have caused the three books to appear in reverse chronological order. In consequence, continuities as well as discontinuities are underplayed and underanalyzed-a deficiency that I hope to remedy in part in subsequent publications. The endpaper maps show China's cities as of 1930. The three framesNorth China at the front with Manchuria overleaf, and South China at the back-cover virtually all of agrarian China. Within these frames, all capitals of counties and higher-level administrative units are plotted, together with the largest and most important nonadministrative cities. These categories also include all cities with the status in 1930 of municipality or treaty port, the treaty ports being indicated by red symbols. (A key to the symbols will be found overleaf from the back endpaper.)

Preface

vii

Standing alone, these maps serve especially to point up the number and distribution of treaty ports in relation to the overall distribution of cities in agrarian China. Changes in the spatial patterning of cities of different types may be traced during a critical four decades of the period treated in this volume by comparing these endpaper maps with those to be published in The City in Late Imperial China, which show data for 1894 in comparable frames. Special thanks are due Bryce Wood for his competent staffwork for the Subcommittee, J. G. Bell for advice on the overall design and general editorial guidance, Autumn J. Stanley for particularly conscientious press editing, T. H. Hollingsworth for advice on certain questions of urban demography, Rhoads Murphey for technical advice concerning the endpaper maps, and Jill Leland for drafting the internal maps as well as completing the endpapers. The achievements of this symposium volume, modest as they are, have some intellectual significance. The modern transformation of the world's largest premodern urban system is a subject of importance for the comparative study of urbanism as well as for Chinese studies. We see opened in these pages the dialogue between social scientists and historians that is essential to analyzing so momentous a change. The firstfruits of this dialogue are already apparent: a more eclectic and imaginative use of sources, improved methodologies, a more rigorous approach to argumentation, and, above all, an augmented sense of problem. G.W.S. April1974

Contents

Contributors

xi

Introduction

1

MARK ELVIN

The Treaty Ports and China~s Modernization

17

RHOADS MURPHEY

The Ningpo Pang and Financial Power at Shanghai

73

SUSAN MANN JONES

Merchant Associations in Canton> 1895-1911

97

EDWARD J· M. RHOADS

Peasant Insurrection and the Marketing Hierarchy in the Canton Delta, 1911

ng

WINSTON HSIEH

Chungking as a Center of Warlord Power> 1926-1937

143

ROBERT A. KAPP

Educational Modernization in Tsinan> 1899-1937

171

DAVID D. BUCK

The Chambers of Commerce and the Ylt1CA

213

SHIRLEY S. GARRETT

The Administration of Shanghai> 1905-1914 MARK ELVIN

239

Contents

X

City Temples in Taipei Under Three Regimes STEPHAN FEUCHTWANG

Migration and Family Change in Central Taiwan ALDEN SPEARE, JR.

The Integration of Village Migrants in Taipei

331

BERNARD GALLIN AND RITA S. GALLIN

Migrants and Cities in Japan, Taiwan, and Northeast China IRENE B. TAEUBER

Notes Character List Index

359

Contributors

DAVID D. BucK received his Ph.D. from Stanford University and is now Assistant Professor of History at the University of Wisconsin at Milwaukee. His research interests center on the history of Chinese cities since 1850. This piece on education in Tsinan is part of a larger study of the city's history covering 1890 to 1949. MARK ELVIN received his Ph.D. from the University of Cambridge in 1968. He taught at Cambridge and Glasgow before moving to Oxford, where he is now Lecturer in Chinese History and a Fellow of St. Antony's College. He has published translations of Japanese monographs on Sung and Ming economic history in the Michigan Abstracts (of which he is the editor), The Pattern of the Chinese Past ( 1973), and articles on land tenure and premodern technology. STEPHAN FEUCHTWANG is submitting a doctoral thesis on Chinese religion to London University. It is based on observations in Taiwan, 1966-68. He teaches sociology at The City University, London, England. He is the author of An Anthropological Analysis of Chinese Geomancy ( 1974) and of articles on Chinese religion. BERNARD GALLIN received his Ph.D. from Cornell University in 1961. He is now Professor and Chairman of the Department of Anthropology at Michigan State University. His research over the years has focused on Chinese peasantry, socioeconomic change, and rural-urban migration in Taiwan. He is the author of Hsin Hsing, Taiwan: A Chinese Village in Change ( 1966) and numerous articles. RITA S. GALLIN received her M.A. in Sociology from Michigan State University in 1973 and is presently a doctoral candidate there. She became inter-

xii

Contributors

ested in China by virtue of her marriage to Bernard Gallin and participated in research during field trips to Taiwan. She has collaborated with her husband on several articles dealing with Chinese society and rural-urban migration in Taiwan. SHIRLEY S. GARRETT received her Ph.D. from Harvard University. Author of Social Reformers in Urban China ( 1970), she is currently a Fellow at the Radcliffe Institute (Cambridge, Mass.), working on a study of the Chiangs of China and American religious communities. WINSTON HsiEH, who received his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1969, is Assistant Professor of History at the University of Missouri at St. Louis. In 1973 he coordinated the Canton Delta Seminar at the University of Hong Kong. He is author of Chinese Historiography on the Revolution of 1911 ( 1974) and coeditor of the Chinese-language publications volume of Modern Chinese Society: An Analytical Bibliography ( 1973). An article closely related to his contribution to this volume appears in Jean Chesneaux, ed., Popular Movements and Secret Societies in China ( 1972). SusAN MANN JONES received her Ph.D. from Stanford University in 1972. Her research, concerned with economic organization in the Ningpo area and with Chinese politics of the eighteenth century, has paid particular attention to the role of patronage and cliques in late traditional society. She is presently studying political thought in eighteenth-century China at the University of Chicago, on a fellowship from the American Council of Learned Societies. RoBERT A.. KAPP is a member of the Department of History and the Institute for Comparative and Foreign Area Studies at the University of Washington. His doctorate is from Yale and he fonnerly taught at Rice University. He is the author of Szechwan and the Chinese Republic: Provincial Militarism and Central Power, 1911-1938 ( 1973). RHOADS MuRPHEY is Professor of Geography and Associate Director of the Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan. He worked in China from 1942 to 1946, mainly in the rural west, and received his Ph.D. from Harvard in 1950. His research interests focus on Asian cities and on nineteenth- and twentieth-century China. EDWARD J. M. RHoADS received his Ph.D. from Harvard University in 1970 and is presently Associate Professor of History at the University of Texas at Austin. His research has focused mainly on the social and political developments of the late Ch'ing and early Republican period. He is the author of China's Republican Revolution: 1895-1913, now at press.

Contributors

xiii

G. WILLIAM SKINNER, Professor of Anthropology, Stanford University, received his Ph,D. from Cornell in 1954. A research interest in Chinese market towns and cities stems from fieldwork in the Chengtu region of Szechwan in 1949-50. He is the author of two books on the Chinese in Bangkok, and the editor of The City in Late Imperial China (Stanford, forthcoming). Other publications include Modern Chinese Society: An Analytical Bibliography, 3 vols. (Stanford, 1973). ALDEN SPEARE, ]R. spent a year in Taiwan in 1967-68 collecting data for a doctoral dissertation on rural-urban migration. In 1969 he received the Ph.D. in Sociology from the University of Michigan and joined the faculty of the Sociology Department at Brown University, where he is now Associate Professor. He has returned to Taiwan several times as a visiting scholar of the Institute of Economics of Academia Sinica. He has published several papers on urbanization, migration, fertility, and labor force participation in Taiwan. IRENE B. TAEUBER was Senior Research Demographer, Office of Population Research, Princeton University, when she died in February 1974. She served as president of the Population Association of America and as vicepresident of the International Union for the Scientific Study of Population. She is the author of The Population of Japan ( 1958) and numerous articles on the demography of China.

THE CHINESE CITY BETWEE N TWO WORLDS

Introduction MARK ELVIN

The city of Peking is a novel sight for a European .... He will not weary of admiring the manner in which the nearly three million people gathered within its vast enclosure are ruled by the police as schoolchildren by their masters, and dare even less than these to emancipate themselves. People coming and going fill streets wider than that which faces the Luxembourg Palace in Paris. Some are on foot, some in carts, while others ride on horseback or in sedan chairs. Some carry loads, others cry out the goods they have for sale. The crowd is beyond belief, yet peace reigns everywhere. It is not the business of those on foot to watch where they are going; those on horses or in palanquins must take care not to splatter them with dirt. One of the great will be fearful of jostling a seller of matches. At the slightest cry the soldiers of the nearest guardpost will run up and put an end to all quarreling with a few threats or, if someone fails to obey them instantly, with lashes of the whip. When night falls, the barriers across the smaller streets are shut, and everyone retires to his own house. There is nothing to be heard but the soldiers sounding the hours of the night; and one meets with no one but the watchmen going on their rounds to care for the public safety. They are so scrupulous in this that there are no reports of thefts or murders. At the least warning of a fire, pumps, soldiers, workmen, mandarins, persons of rank-and even princes-arrive from all directions. The streets are sprinkled several times each day to lay the dust. In summer there are little booths in every piazza where people may drink iced water. On every hand one can find refreshments, fruits, tea, and eatinghouses. The various kinds of foodstuffs are sold on specific days in specific places. There is entertainment everywhere for the passersby, whether stories being read aloud, short humorous dialogs, or experts displaying tricks and curiosities. In times of natural disaster, the Emperor has rice and clothing distributed to the poor. In times of celebration, all sorts of amusements are permitted to the people .... The police know all that is going on, even inside the palaces of the princes.

2

MARK ELVIN

They know who has arrived and who departed. They keep exact registers of the inhabitants in every house; and they make sure that all foodstuffs are in abundant supply. They see to it that all the repairs required for convenience, safety, and cleanliness are carried out when needed. Princes and mandarins, citizens and foreigners, soldiers and courtiers, bonzes and lamas, are all subject to their rule; and they keep everyone on the path of order and duty without arrests, and without harsh actions, [seeming} hardly to touch them. I will say nothing of the grandeur of this capital, of the extent of its suburbs, the beauty of its walls, the width of its ramparts, the variety of its public buildings, the alignment of its thoroughfares, the multitude of its palaces, and so forth. One has to see them to appreciate their effect. Architecture here works on a different plan from ours, its magnificence accords with other ideas, and its taste follows different principles; but European prejudices are powerless before the novelties that one beholds. The palace of the Emperor announces with eloquence his greatness and his power to any with eyes to see. 1

So wrote Father Amiot of the capital of China in the middle of the eighteenth century. Today his words seem more plausible than they might perhaps have seemed fifty or a hundred years ago. The vision that they evoke of spacious self-confidence, concern for the public welfare, and insinuating control is not altogether unfamiliar to the visitor to the T'ien-an Men in the era of the People's Republic. Between that time and this there lies a century and a half, deceptive in its familiarity, of disruption and transformation set in motion by the inroads of the military and industrial power of Europe and North America. It is this period that concerns the essays in this book: China, and the cities of China, between the two worlds of the old empire at its zenith and the communist government of today. Why the cities? As I have said, the familiarity of the period is deceptive. China's first encounter with modern industrial civilization took place in the cities; it was in the cities, too, that Chinese efforts at modernization began. Yet we still have had no systematic study of this urban setting. The interrelation of the new trends with the economic and political hierarchies of the central places, the pervasive realignment of lines of movement and points of concentration of men, goods, and ideas, are still almost terra incognita. Perhaps we have been bemused by the fact that the Maoist revolution came in from the countryside and seemingly (though only seemingly) bypassed the cities as agents of change. We have as yet no very clear conception of Chinese cities in late traditional times on the basis of which to evaluate the changes that took place after the middle of the nineteenth century. To some extent this deficiency will be remedied with the publication of the papers from the

Introduction

3

conference on the city in late Imperial China mentioned in the Preface. Without wishing to anticipate the findings set forth in those papers, I can say that they prompt three conclusions pertinent to our present theme. First, many of the characteristics that caused traditional Chinese cities to play so much less dynamic a role in history than those of western Europe may be traced to the political and economic dominance of transients, migrants, and outsiders. One conspicuous example is the county magistrate, following the rule of avoidance that forbade him to serve in his native province; another is the migrant merchant, member of a guild of fellow-regionals combining to assert their interests against those of the local populace. Second, a process of urbanization had been under way in China at least since the later Ming. In fields as diverse as higher education and the control of water-conservancy projects, almost all the most important institutions and sociopolitical functions were increasingly concentrated in the cities. And third, at least in some regions, what might be termed an "urban involution" was beginning. While the absolute size of the largest cities showed no advance over their Sung dynasty maxima during late traditional times, and their percentage share of the population actually fell, an ever higher proportion of people were gathered together into the lower-level centers, above all the market towns. Thus our evaluation of how thoroughly urbanized China was by the beginning of the present century depends critically on how we define a city. The most dramatically divergent set of figures shows 34 percent of the population living in settlements containing at least 2,500 inhabitants, but only about 6 percent in conurbations of so,ooo or more. 2 The first of these two estimates is unacceptably high-25 percent would find more of a consensus among experts-but it may be quoted here to demonstrate the dimensions of the problem. As for the processes by which cities grew and functioned, we now know just enough to see how difficult it often is to sort out "modern" phenomena from continuing late traditional ones. Many existing Chinese institutions grew at an accelerated pace until well into the twentieth century. This was true, for example, of guilds, charitable foundations, and small market towns wherever there was the economic vitality to sustain them. Some modern developments, such as the city-based political power of the gentry and merchants that underlay the 1911 revolution, turn out to be trends that were unmistakably present by late premodern times. As an example of the kind of ambiguity that one often encounters, consider the demographic features of Chia-hsing county in 1928 summarized in Tables 1-3. Are they "modem" or not? The high sex ratios

MARK ELVIN

4

TABLE 1. THE PoPULATION OF CHIA-HSING CouNTY, 1928 Age Territorial unit

Households

People

Males/ Females

20 or under

21-40

Out-migrants Over 40 from county

Villages and 87,007 smallest towns Towns over 7,933 1,000 males County 5,277 capital

371,029

204,394 166,635

85,918 65,337

76,940 53,469

41,536 47,829

10,238 1,868

41,822

24,900 16,922

9,594 7,079

9,862 5,37'8

5,444 4,465

3,127 461

36,450

21,898 14,552

8,790 6,207

8,259 4,489

4,849 3,856

4,270 1,286

County

449,301

251,192 198,109

104,302 78,623

95,061 63,336

51,829 56,150

17,715 3,615

100,217

SouRCE: Chia-hsing hsin chih (New gazetteer for Chia-hsing county; Chia-hsing, 1929), pp.

108-233. NoTE: Out-migrants from the county are not included in the other totals. There are some small inconsistencies between the subtotals and totals in the original data, in most cases certainly due to misprints. In general the totals have been followed here.

among the working-age population (relative to rural levels) in the county capital and in other large towns of the county indicates substantial rural-to-urban migration by men (Table 2). ~ The low survival rates for urban marriage-age females relative to their country sisters suggests some migration by this group out of the capital and larger towns (Table 3)· There are plausible reasons for connecting at least the male migration with modern developments. Twentieth-century Chia-hsing was linked by rail or steam launch with fifteen other urban centers, including Shanghai. Both the county capital and the larger towns had some modern industries, including silk filatures and plants for generating electricity. Although the thrust of male migration toward the larger towns seems to have been almost as strong as toward the county capital (Table 2), the higher proportion of male out-migrants from the county capital (Table 3) shows that male migration into the capital was higher relative to the towns than it appears. If we recall that the county's total population in 1928 ( 449,301) was still less than half what it had been in 1838 ( 1.12 million), as a result of the deaths caused by the Taiping rebellion, the suspicion grows that we may be dealing here with a largely traditional process of recovery. The aspect most closely linked with modern economic developments was probably the out-migration of the native~The purpose of the table is to contrast the relative ratios in the different territorial units, and we shall not enter here into the difficult question of whether or not the absolute level is too high.

Introduction TABLE

2.

5 SEx RATIOs AND HousEHOLD SIZE IN CmA-HSJNG CouNTY,

1928

Men per 100 women Territorial unit

Persons per household

Overall

20 or under

21-40

Over 40

Outmigrants

4.3

123

131

144

87

548

5.3 6.9 4.5

147 150 127

136 142 133

183 184 150

122 126 92

678 332 490

Villages and smallest towns Towns over 1,000 males County capital County SouRCE: As for Table 1.

born from the county, presumably, in most cases, to Shanghai. As so often, we lack the data that would let us solve the problem. It may be noted here, however, that the chapter by Irene B. Taeuber in this volume shows that city growth in Taiwan under the Japanese, when the island was still an expanding frontier area, probably fell into the traditional category. We are better off when we turn to qualitative assessments. For a general impression of Chinese cities on the eve of the Western impact, the writings of European travelers such as Fortune and von Richthofen are still unsurpassed. Here we can see, passing before the mind's eye, the uniform height of the houses, broken only by the occasional watchtower or pagoda, the multitudes living in single-room dwellings without special rooms for sleeping, cooking, or eating, the open shopfronts shuttered with heavy boards at night, the painted statues in the temples, looming in the half-darkness thirty or forty feet above the throngs of women worshippers. Here we can glimpse the individual character of the cities: the public bathhouses of Shanghai, packed with bathers and pouring steam from their doors, the icehouses and furniture shops of Ningpo, the silk clothes of the inhabitants of Hangchow and Hu-chou, the golden banners glittering above the bookshops and art shops of Chengtu, splendidly rebuilt after a disastrous fire and renowned as the "Paris of the empire." More substantially, there are insights to be gleaned into regional differences in patterns of settlement. Here, for example, are von Richthofen's observations on the basin of Szechwan in 1872: In no other province of China is there such a sharp distinction between Country and City as is the case in [this part of] Szechwan. Chinese like crowding, the tighter the better. They congregate in cities and villages, but dislike to live alone. The difference of villages and cities is generally more in size than in character, and the smallest hamlet has a tinge of the city. In Szechwan, the country is dotted everywhere with farms or small groups of them. There the

6

MARK ELVIN TABLE

3.

SURVIVAL RATES, OuT-MIGRATION, AND URBANIZATION IN CHIA-HSING CouNTY,

1928

Survival rates

Territorial unit

Villages and smallest towns Towns over 1,000 males County capital County

Group 21-40 as %of group 20 or under

Group over 40 as% of group 21-40

M

F

M

F

90%

82%

54%

89%

76 72 81

55 59 55

83 86 89

103 94 91

Out-migrants as % of residents, Rural-urban by sex population M F distribution

5% 13 19 7

1%

83%

4 9 2

9 8 100%

SouRCE: As for Table 1.

farmer lives, with his numerous family, in the midst of his fields. Those who are given to industrial pursuits or commerce live in market-towns or cities, but the Chinese type of townlike village is little represented. The city is thoroughly city, and the country is thoroughly country. People can live in this state of separation and isolation only where they expect peace; and profound peace is indeed the impression which Szechwan prominently conveys. 3

The value of this sort of information is that it helps us to put the statistics of urbanization in perspective. According to early-twentieth-century Japanese surveys, Szechwan was the province with the third-highest percentage ( g.g) of its inhabitants living in cities. .. .J ~ ~(. ~

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