The Casa del Deán: New World Imagery in a Sixteenth-Century Mexican Mural Cycle 9781477329344

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THE CASA DEL DEÁN

Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long Series in L atin American and L atino Art and Culture

The Casa del Deaán N E W WO R L D I M AG E RY I N A S I X T E E N T H - C E N T U RY M E X I C A N M U R A L C YC L E

Penny C. Morrill Photography by

Juan Carlos Varillas Contreras

University of Texas Press Austin

Copyright © 2014 by Penny C. Morrill All rights reserved Printed in China First edition, 2014 Requests for permission to reproduce material from this work should be sent to: Permissions University of Texas Press P.O. Box 7819 Austin, TX 78713–7819 http://utpress.utexas.edu/index.php/rp-form The paper used in this book meets the minimum requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (R1997) (Permanence of Paper).

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Morrill, Penny C. The Casa del Deán : new world imagery in a sixteenthcentury Mexican mural cycle / Penny C. Morrill. — First edition. pages cm —  ( Joe R. and Teresa Lozano Long series in Latin American and Latino art and culture) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-292-75930-5 (hardback) 1.  Mural painting and decoration, Mexican—Mexico— Puebla de Zaragoza—16th century—Themes, motives. 2.  Mural painting and decoration, Colonial—Mexico— Puebla de Zaragoza—Themes, motives. 3.  Casa del Deán (Puebla de Zaragoza, Mexico)  I. Title. ND2646.P84M67 2014 751.7'3097248—dc23 2014019783

Frontispiece: The Triumph of Time, Salon of the Triumphs

contents

vii xi

Illustrations Acknowledgments

1

Introduction

19 Chapter 1. Don Tomás de la Plaza Introduction  • 19 Parish Priest • 20 Cathedral Dean • 26 Don Tomás and His Family • 37 Don Tomás’s Library and His Collections • 42 Conclusion  • 48 51 Chapter 2. An Urban Palace Introduction  • 51 Purism and the Casa del Deán • 52 The Façade • 55 The Residence’s Plan • 60 The Designer and Builder of the Casa del Deán • 62 Conclusion  • 66 67 Chapter 3. The Artist as Tlapalli: Art as Rhetoric Introduction  • 67 Tlapalli: The Deified Heart • 68 Form as Metaphor in Early Colonial Painting • 73 Rhetoric and Image • 76 Education of the Amerindian Artists • 82 A Franciscan School in the Tlaxcala-Puebla Region • 85 Master of the Sibyls • 88 Conclusion  • 94 95 Chapter 4. Dic Tu Sibila: The Salon of the Sibyls Introduction  • 95 The Sibyls • 97 Tracing the Sibylline Oracles • 102 The Sibyls in Procession: Liturgical Drama • 109 The Sibyls in the Casa del Deán Murals • 112 Visual Sources for the Sibyls • 125 Conclusion  • 126

129 Chapter 5. The Salon of the Triumphs Introduction  • 129 Petrarch’s Triumphs and Spectacle Literacy • 134 The Impact on the Arts • 136 The Triumphal Scenes • 138 Conclusion  • 153 155 Chapter 6. The Wild Man in the Salon of the Triumphs Introduction  • 155 Antecedents of the Satyr and Wild Man • 156 The Wild Man in New Spain • 158 Conclusion  • 164 167 Chapter 7. Amerindian Iconography: The Dream of a Word Introduction  • 167 The Artist’s Antecedents • 167 The Animals in the Salon of the Triumphs • 168 Conclusion  • 189 191

Conclusion

197  A ppendix I. Don Tomás de la Plaza’s Last Will and Testament: El Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza 225

Appendix II. Sibylline Oracles and Attributes

229  A ppendix III. Documenting Don Tomás de la Plaza’s Capellanía 237 267 293

vi  •  The Casa del Deán

Notes Bibliography Index

i l l u s t r at i o n s

Frontispiece: Triumph of Time, Salon of the Triumphs • ii I.1. Calaveras revoltosas, woodcut • 2 I.2. The Casa del Deán and the movie theater complex • 3 I.3. Schematic of the two salons • 8 I.4. Synagoga and the Sibyllae Erythraea and Samia, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 9 I.5. The Sibyllae Tiburtina and Cumana, northwest corner, Salon of the Sibyls • 10 I.6. Paired monkeys, frieze, Salon of the Sibyls • 11 I.7. Seraphic putti, lower frieze, Salon of the Sibyls • 11 I.8. Triumph of Love, west wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 12 I.9. The monkey satyr, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 15 I.10. Jaguar, upper frieze, west wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 15 I.11. The personification of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 18 1.1. Sibylla Tiburtina, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 30 1.2. The Triumphs of Chastity and Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 32 1.3. Don Tomás de la Plaza’s coat of arms, east wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 38 2.1. Casa del Deán portal • 50 2.2. Casa del Deán, southeast corner • 52 2.3. Casa del Deán façade from the north • 53 2.4. The 1918 cadastral drawings of the Casa del Deán • 55 2.5. The façade before demolition, 1953–1954 • 56 2.6. Original ironwork above the portal, Casa del Deán • 57 2.7. Niche, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 57 2.8. Upper portion of the portal, Casa del Deán • 58 2.9. Exterior stone trim around the south-facing window, Salon of the Sibyls, Casa del Deán • 58 2.10. Original intrados over the now-demolished entry into the patio from the portal, Casa del Deán • 59 2.11. South-facing window with original stone exterior intrados and modern frame, Salon of the Triumphs • 59 2.12. Façade of Juan López Mellado’s late sixteenth-century residence • 60 2.13. Conjectural drawing of the Casa del Deán façade • 60 2.14. The first patio of the Casa del Deán before demolition • 61

2.15. Aerial view of Puebla (ca. 1940) • 61 2.16. The Palacio de Monterrey, Salamanca (mid-sixteenth century) • 62 3.1. Fray Diego Valadés, Retorica Cristiana, schematic of a monastery patio, 1579 • 75 3.2. Fray Diego Valadés, Retorica Cristiana, Crucifixion, 1579 • 78 3.3. The Mass of St. Gregory, cloister, San Gabriel, Cholula • 79 3.4. Frieze and landscape, cloister chapel, San Martín, Huaquechula • 90 3.5. Cloister chapel dedicated to St. Paul, San Martín, Huaquechula • 91 3.6. St. Paul, cloister chapel, San Martín, Huaquechula • 91 3.7. Fallen soldier, Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 92 3.8. Landscape, portería, San Gabriel, Cholula • 92 3.9. Amerindian bathers, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 93 4.1. The Sibyllae Persica, Europa, Cumaea, and Tiburtina, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 96 4.2. Synagoga, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 98 4.3. Amerindian and a group climbing a mountain, southwest corner, Salon of the Sibyls • 99 4.4. Bird in the lower frieze, Salon of the Sibyls • 99 4.5. Animals in the landscape, Salon of the Sibyls • 99 4.6. Insect in the frieze, Salon of the Sibyls • 101 4.7. Urn between putti in the frieze, Salon of the Sibyls • 101 4.8. Frieze, cloister of San Gabriel, Cholula • 101 4.9. Flowers, lower frieze, Salon of the Sibyls • 102 4.10. Soldier in the lower frieze, Salon of the Sibyls • 102 4.11. Sculpture of a sibyl from a sixteenth-century altarpiece • 103 4.12. Sibylla Erythraea, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 114 4.13. Annunciation, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 114 4.14. Sibylla Samia, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 115 4.15. Sibylla Persica, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 116 4.16. Sibylla Europa, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 117 4.17. Sibylla Cumaea, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 118 4.18. Madonna of Humility, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 118 4.19. Solitary woman, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 118 4.20. Mocking of Christ, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 119 4.21. The Sibyllae Cumana, Delphica, and Hellespontica, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 119 4.22. Sibylla Cumana, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 120 4.23. Flagellation, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 120 4.24. Flagellation attributed to Francesco Rosselli, ca. 1490–1500 • 121

viii  •  The Casa del Deán

4.25. Flagellation, cloister at San Agustín, Acolman • 121 4.26. Crowning of Thorns, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 122 4.27. Crowning of Thorns, cloister at San Agustín, Acolman • 122 4.28. Sibylla Delphica, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 122 4.29. Sibylla Hellespontica, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 123 4.30. Sibylla Phrygia, east wall, Salon of the Sibyls • 124 4.31. Equestrian portrait of Isabella of Portugal, 1535–1540 • 126 5.1. The Triumph of Chastity, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 130 5.2. The Triumph of Death and the funeral procession, southeast corner, Salon of the Triumphs • 131 5.3. The Triumph of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 131 5.4. Supplicants and Wild Men, west wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 132 5.5. Gathering wood for a bonfire behind the Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 132 5.6. Game and castle behind the Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 132 5.7. The Wild Man (salvaje), northeast corner, Salon of the Triumphs • 133 5.8. Frieze, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 133 5.9. Frieze, cloister, San Gabriel, Cholula • 133 5.10. The 1541 Spanish edition of Petrarch’s Triumphs, The Triumph of Love • 140 5.11. The Triumph of Chastity before the 1955 restoration • 142 5.12. Angel beneath the wheels of the Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 143 5.13. The Triumph of Death, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 145 5.14. The 1541 Spanish edition of Petrarch’s Triumphs, The Triumph of Death • 146 5.15. The Triumph of Eternity (tapestry), France, 1500–1510 • 147 6.1. The Wild Men guarding the imperial coat of arms, Tlaxcala • 161 6.2. Templo Mayor dedication, Fray Diego de Durán, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España • 162 6.3. The first couple, Fray Diego de Durán, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España • 163 7.1. Coyote, above window, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 169 7.2. Jaguar, portería, San Gabriel, Cholula • 173 7.3. Rabbit, below the Triumph of Love, west wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 175 7.4. The Princeton Maya vase, Classic Maya • 176 7.5. Ermine, above the Triumph of Chastity, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 176 7.6. Monkey scribe, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 177 7.7. Lion, above the Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 178

I l l u s t r at i o n s   •   i x

7.8. Cholula footed vessel • 179 7.9. Badger, lower frieze, northeast corner, Salon of the Triumphs • 179 7.10. Deer, above the Triumph of Death, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 180 7.11. Maya polychrome vase: animals bringing offerings to Itzamná • 180 7.12. Carved marble hacha with deer, AD 900–1100 • 181 7.13. Deer, portería, San Gabriel, Cholula • 181 7.14. Coatimundi, below the Triumph of Death, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 183 7.15. Coatimundi, below the Triumph of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 184 7.16. Veracruz vessel in the shape of a coatimundi • 184 7.17. Coatimundi before the 2010 restoration, below the Triumph of Death, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 185 7.18. Coyote before the 2010 restoration, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 185 7.19. Stone sculpture of coyote, Late Post-Classic • 186 7.20. Postconquest carved wooden drum shaped like a coyote • 186 7.21. Opossum, above the Triumph of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 187 7.22. Javelina, above the Triumph of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs • 188 7.23. Lidded tetrapod bowl with paddler and peccaries, southern Maya lowlands • 188 7.24. Polychrome ceramic pulque jar, Late Post-Classic • 189 C.1. The hierarchy of beings, Retorica Cristiana, Diego de Valadés • 193

x  •  The Casa del Deán

ac k n o w l e d g m e n t s

T

he generosity and encouragement of friends and colleagues over the years have made this book possible. Antonio Ramírez Priesch and Alfonso Bonilla Ramírez have been most supportive, providing helpful advice that has been dictated by their friendship and by their own fascination with the colonial history of Puebla. Dr. Samuel Y. Edgerton Jr. and Dr. John B. Carlson read the original version of the book, and I am grateful for their willingness to stay actively involved over the fifteen years that it has taken to get the book written and published. Reading sixteenth-century documents with J. Benedict Warren has been an honor. He is a respected scholar, and I am fortunate that he is my friend. Dr. John F. Schwaller has provided research assistance over the years. His edits and advice have been invaluable in the direction that this book has taken. I am indebted to Elizabeth Benson and Pilar Ascensio for unveiling the mysteries of the zoomorphic supernaturals that inhabit the mural cycle in the Casa del Deán. This research has made possible a broader understanding of the significant role of the Amerindian artists in early colonial Mexico. I am also appreciative of John Pohl’s assistance in this area of research. Gustavo Mauleón Rodríguez is a historian with great insight. I am greatly indebted to him for his assistance and friendship. Arturo Córdova Durana contributed the paleography that made possible the publication of the history of Don Tomás de la Plaza’s capellanía. Ramón Pablo Loreto was one of the founders of the Comité Defensor del Patrimonio Cultural Poblano and participated in the early restoration of the Casa del Deán murals. I remember him with much appreciation for his devotion to the colonial monuments of Puebla and for the time that he was willing to give. I also wish to recognize Fernando Ramírez Osorio for sharing his recollections of the part that he played in the restoration of the murals. Montserrat Galí y Boadella of Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla has been more than a colleague, for she has extended herself at several points during the research for this book. Eréndira de la Lama provided valuable assistance in searching out and identifying relevant archival material in the library of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) in Puebla. Jesús Joel Peña Espinosa was a worthy guide to the collection at the Biblioteca Palafoxiana in Puebla. I also wish to

thank Arq. Ignacio Ibarra, former coordinator of Monumentos Históricos for INAH in Puebla, and Antrop. Victor Hugo Valencia Valera, former director of Centro INAH in Puebla, for their assistance. I am most privileged to have had the opportunity to work with Carlos Varillas. He has made a significant contribution to the book with his beautiful photography. All of the photographs in the book were taken by Carlos Varillas unless attributed to another photographer. I extend my thanks to Aaron Beattie, Susan Schneider, and Luisa DiPietro for the conjectural drawing of the Casa del Deán façade. I would especially like to express my gratitude to those individuals and institutions that have lent images for the book: Trustees of the British Museum, Cleveland Museum of Art, Dallas Museum of Art, Dumbarton Oaks Pre-Columbian Collection, Cornell University Library’s Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia’s Fototeca Constantino Reyes-Valerio, Library of Congress Rare Book and Special Collections Division and the Jay I. Kislak Collection, Princeton University Art Museum, the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam, Tulane University’s Latin American Library, Dirk Bühler, Efraín Castro Morales, Justin Kerr, and Ramón Pablo Loreto. I am very appreciative of the support I have received from the archivists and librarians at the Centro de Estudios de Historia de México de CONDUMEX in Chimalistac, Mexico City; the Archivo de la Nación, Mexico City; the Biblioteca Francisco Xavier Clavigero at the Universidad Iberoamericana; the Biblioteca del Centro INAH, Puebla; the Biblioteca Palafoxiana, Puebla; the Archivo General de Notarías, Puebla; the Archivo del Cabildo de la Catedral, Puebla; the Archivo General de Indias in Sevilla, especially archivist Pilar Lázaro de la Escosura; and the Hispanic Society of America, New York. I am indebted to Dr. Hortensia Calvo and Dr. Christine L. Henderson at Tulane University’s Latin American Library for their support and assistance. From the beginning, the administration and staff of the Hispanic Division at the Library of Congress have been willing to respond to any request. I am most grateful. I value the insights concerning print sources that were provided by Daniel DeSimone, curator of the Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection at the Library of Congress, and by Dr. Peter Parshall. I would also like to thank the administration and staff in the Library of Congress’s Rare Book and Special Collections Reading Room, Manuscripts Division, Music Division, Geography and Maps Division, and Duplication Services. I feel fortunate to have been able to work with Theresa May as editor at the University of Texas Press. My thanks as well to Robert Devens, Kerry Webb, Leslie Tingle, and Lindsay Starr. I would also like to extend my thanks to the readers who took the time to provide very helpful advice concerning the final manuscript.

xii  •  The Casa del Deán

My friend Ron Belkin deserves my thanks for sharing his advice and his enthusiasm for Mexican art. My deepest gratitude goes to my family: my sisters, Susan and Mary Jane; my children and their spouses, Jackson, Nicole, Julia, and Jesse; and my husband, Jim. Your contributions have been immeasurable.

Acknowledgments  • xiii

Introduction �

O

n the night of October 12, 1953, two university students, Efraín Castro Morales and Davíd Bravo y Cid de León, entered a condemned building where they had been told by their professors they might find a sixteenth-century mural cycle.1 Removing five layers of wallpaper and whitewash, the students uncovered a portion of what is now considered one of Mexico’s artistic treasures.2 The story of the almost complete destruction of the Casa del Deán began when the murals were first brought to light in the mid-1930s by the owner, Francisco de Pérez Salazar y Haro. He had inherited the residence in a direct line from Don Tomás de la Plaza, the dean of the cathedral, who had built the house in 1580 and at his death left it in succession to his nephews and nieces.3 Pérez Salazar made the murals disappear in the thirties by reapplying whitewash and giving them only a brief mention in the books that he wrote on colonial art. Architectural historian Diego Angulo Iñiguez saw the murals in 1934 and published a photograph in 1950, which led to their rediscovery by the students. In 1954 architectural historians Francisco de la Maza and Pablo C. de Gante included the murals in their publications.4 Why would Pérez Salazar have chosen to cover up what he had discovered? He wanted to avoid the possible nationalization of his property if the existence of the murals became known. In 1952 his son Francisco Pérez Salazar y Solana sold the house to Gen. Abelardo Rodríguez, owner of a movie company, who planned to demolish the house and construct a theater, Cine Puebla. One of the first persons to come to the defense of the murals was Gastón García Cantú, director of the Hemeroteca de la Universidad de

detail of figure I.8

I.1. Calaveras revoltosas, woodcut. Ramón Pablo Loreto Collection

2  •  The Casa del Deán

Puebla. Castro Morales and Bravo y Cid de León brought news of their discovery to García Cantú. He accompanied them to the Casa del Deán and requested that the workers halt the demolition. García Cantú and Antonio Esparza contacted Manuel Toussaint, who, along with Francisco de la Maza, verified that the paintings were the only examples in Mexico of sixteenth-century murals in a residential setting. These scholars wrote articles and gave presentations in Puebla and Mexico City in order to save the paintings.5 The architect Juan O’Gorman arrived in Puebla to stand with the local community in opposing the destruction of the building. A group of artists formed the Comité Defensor del Patrimonio Cultural Poblano and mounted a campaign of artistic warfare, creating posters that were nailed up on the walls of Puebla and Mexico City. They produced woodblock prints and took photographs that could be used by the press (fig. I.1). They were only partially successful. Tragically, in a frantic effort, Castro Morales and Bravo y Cid de León threw buckets of water against the wall of the room to the west of the Salon of the Triumphs. As the whitewash melted away, more murals were revealed; but it was too late to avoid the crash of the pickax. The house was almost completely demolished, leaving only the portion of the building with the two second-floor rooms containing murals. The paintings were restored in 1955. Because the building was privately owned, the rooms remained inaccessible, walled up as storerooms. In 1983 architectural historians at a national meeting in Puebla gathered to sign a document in the storerooms, demanding that the state restore and protect the paintings. The company Cinemas Estrellas bought Cine Puebla for the construction of an eight-theater movie complex (fig. I.2). The Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) was given the responsibility of restoring what was left of the historic building. Commercial establishments were allowed at street level. The museum, consisting of the two upstairs rooms, opened after structural renovation in January 2001. The people of Puebla and all lovers of art are fortunate that this group of artists and scholars banded together to save the Casa del Deán from complete demolition and near eradication from the historical and artistic record. In 2010 the paintings were cleaned and restored by conservators from INAH. Financial support for the restoration came from a special fund created to celebrate the bicentennial of Mexico’s independence, with additional funding from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Today the murals remain a testimony to Puebla’s sixteenth- and twentieth-century artists. Fortunately, the extensive murals in the two second-floor rooms of the Casa del Deán that have emerged from beneath the whitewash remain close to the way they appeared in 1584. They were painted a few

years after 1580, the year carved in stone on the façade.6 The fragment of the building in which the paintings were discovered seems to cling perilously to the side of the massive rectangular theater that has replaced most of the dean’s residence. Although surviving as a portion of the original structure, the façade and the mural cycle should be considered significant works in the history of Mexican and Western European sixteenth-century art and culture. Their restoration in 2010 offers much to celebrate: several new details have emerged, and the paintings themselves have been stabilized. Because the Casa del Deán murals were uncovered only recently, the scholarship is not extensive. Erwin Palm has written about the animals in cartouches within the rinceaux (floral motifs) in the Salon of the Triumphs, and Helga von Kügelgen has focused on the visual sources for the sibyls. Alfonso Arellano’s book provides a few new insights beyond those of the two German scholars. Serge Gruzinski, Santiago Sebastián, and José Miguel Morales Folguera have written brief analyses. A collection of essays edited by Helga von Kügelgen was published in 2013.7 The style and iconography of the Casa del Deán murals are a synthesis of two distinct and highly evolved cultures, each with lengthy histories. The investigation therefore has required a more complex and

I.2. The Casa del Deán and the movie theater complex I n t r o d u c t i o n   •  3

multidisciplinary approach than has been applied in the past. The wealth of archival documents for this period is extensive, for the Spaniards and the indigenous people of New Spain were remarkable record keepers in their efforts to establish land ownership, religious ritual, and communal history. Additionally, the murals have provided an opportunity to extend the study into areas only briefly mentioned in the historical record and to rectify oft-repeated mistaken notions concerning the Casa del Deán and Tomás de la Plaza. The central theme of this book is the relationship that evolved between patron and artist based on a shared appreciation for the power of rhetoric. The images in the mural cycle, whether emerging from the Amerindian or European past, served as a rhetorical mnemonic and emblematic device. The visual metaphorical language allowed the artist and those who viewed the paintings to conceive a larger cosmic vision and to reflect upon that mystery. While Don Tomás and the Master of the Sibyls with his assistants drew from a unique visual and cultural memory, they were moving toward a pictorial vocabulary that was expressive of the New World they all inhabited. Tom á s de l a Pl a z a The first chapter of this monographic study of the Casa del Deán deals with Tomás de la Plaza, who built and embellished this urban residence. Don Tomás came to New Spain from Alburquerque in Extremadura, Spain. Like many of the emigrants from this area, his modest background made the promise of adventure and opportunity all the more alluring. At nineteen, he left the university in Salamanca to join the Hernando De Soto expedition to Florida, a disastrous venture from which he was fortunate to have escaped with his life. The story of Tomás de la Plaza is an important one to tell because very little has been written about the lives of secular priests. Shortly after the conquest, he became a priest and served for twenty years in remote parishes in Oaxaca.8 He encountered communities that had refused to surrender their carved and painted images of gods and were hostile to Christianity. Don Tomás learned to speak Nahuatl and Mixtec in order to preach to his congregations in their native languages. He directed the move of the population at Nochistlán from a preconquest center to a new site, where he may also have overseen the construction of a modest church building. It will become apparent that Tomás de la Plaza’s experience in Oaxaca was a formative one. His point of view was no longer predominantly European. Transformed by twenty years of ministering to numerous and disparate Amerindian groups, he had become a citizen of New Spain. For the rest of his life, his closest associates were the priests with whom he had shared his experiences in Oaxaca.

4  •  The Casa del Deán

Don Tomás’s arrival in 1564 as the new cathedral dean in Puebla occurred at a time of great transition. In the period following the Council of Trent, Don Tomás witnessed the establishment of the Inquisition in New Spain, the change to the Roman rite, the development of a more powerful church hierarchy, and the resultant increase in the number of secular priests with benefices. In his various roles as dean, Don Tomás can be considered a unique eyewitness, expanding greatly our sense of life in sixteenth-century New Spain. The primary sources for Don Tomás’s biography are sixteenth-century documents from archival collections in Spain, Mexico, and the United States. The most significant of these records are Don Tomás’s last will and testament and the Patronato files in the Archivo de Indias in Seville.9 Sixteenth-century archival material and secondary sources provide a history of the church in Mexico and the important changes that took place during Don Tomás’s lifetime. Records of early colonial libraries in Mexico and lists of sixteenth-century published books were compared to the inventory in the dean’s will in order to identify the books that he possessed. The importance that Don Tomás placed on his library cannot be underestimated: he prized the books he had collected, as did his contemporaries. It now seems possible that one of these volumes, with notes inscribed by his hand in the margins, resides today in the Palafox Library in Puebla. At the age of twenty-four, Don Tomás arrived on the shore of New Spain with little more than the tattered clothing he was wearing. The process of evangelizing among the indigenous population had begun a mere twenty years before he became a priest. The congregations to whom he ministered did not speak Spanish; nor, for that matter, were they necessarily fluent in Nahuatl. Tomás de la Plaza’s life story, as it is revealed in the mural cycle he commissioned and in surviving documents, is that of a cleric who came to know the land and the people of Oaxaca and Puebla intimately. He learned their languages and found inspiration in the art that they produced. There is little question that he was transformed by his experiences in the New World. L a Ca s a de l De á n The attempted reconstruction of the Casa del Deán in the second chapter has been made quite challenging by the building’s almost complete destruction. Don Tomás fashioned his residence after the urban palaces in Seville, Salamanca, and Extremadura that were built during the first half of the sixteenth century. The façade of the Casa del Deán has been celebrated as a fine example of the Purist style; while this remains true, it has been significantly modified (figs. I.2, 2.2, 2.3). The discussion of these changes will be guided by a comparison to contemporary portals and façades in Spain and Mexico in an effort to re-create the Casa del Deán’s façade.

I n t r o d u c t i o n   •  5

Evidence from sixteenth-century descriptions of residential architecture in Mexico and Spain, modern photographs, and early twentiethcentury architectural plans of the Casa del Deán provide an idea of the residence’s original appearance. It will be emphasized that the part Don Tomás played in the initial planning and construction of the new cathedral in Puebla relates closely to the design and construction of his own urban palace. The Spanish architect Francisco Becerra’s resumé (informe de méritos y servicios) presented to the Audiencia in Peru in 1580 and the records of Puebla’s metropolitan and ecclesiastical Cabildos and those of the town of Cuauhtinchán were helpful in establishing Becerra’s oeuvre. Becerra was clearly the designer of the façade and plan for the Casa del Deán. Don Tomás was the leading cleric when Becerra presented his architectural drawings and model for the cathedral in Puebla. The ecclesiastical and metropolitan Cabildo records have also led to the discovery of a maestro who could have been responsible for the construction of the residence. Francisco Gutiérrez worked with Becerra on the new cathedral and, after Becerra’s departure, was the cathedral’s architect. The construction of the residence could have taken place in the late 1570s and then been completed in 1580, the date carved on the façade. This was the period during which Becerra was working in Puebla on the cathedral design and early construction. The murals in the Casa del Deán were most likely painted somewhat later, in 1584. In that year Don Tomás de la Plaza and Don Juan López Mellado, husband of Don Tomás’s niece Doña María Izguerra, borrowed 2,300 pesos de oro, using the residence and Don López Mellado’s land holdings in the San Pablo Valley and near Nopaluca as collateral. The implication is that the dean’s house had already been constructed in 1584 and the loan was for its decoration.10 The discovery of the tower in the center of the southern façade of the Casa del Deán ties the residence to urban palaces built contemporaneously in Mexico City. The discovery that the façade of the residence built by Juan López Mellado was a replication of the portal and pediment on the Casa del Deán’s façade provided the opportunity to reevaluate the current state of the pediment and of Don Tomás’s coat of arms. As a result of this study, the newly devised reconstruction drawing of the façade is an important first step toward a more realistic interpretation of Becerra’s Purist design for the Casa del Deán (fig. 2.13). The A rtist of the Mur a l s The identity of the tlacuilos (artists) who produced these remarkable mural paintings remains unknown. At approximately the time when the murals were painted, several European artists were active in the Puebla

6  •  The Casa del Deán

area.11 However, I make the case in chapter 3 that the murals in the Casa del Deán were not painted by a European but by an indigenous artist whom I call the Master of the Sibyls, with one or more assistants. The term “indigenous artist” does not imply pure Amerindian blood. In the 1570s the painter and his assistants could have been mestizos. Because of the stylistic and iconographic approach, however, I argue that the artist and his team were more likely principales, members of the indigenous privileged class, who received their training in a Franciscan monastery. These students were set apart from the macehuales (members of the lower classes), who were taught basic doctrine. In the TlaxcalaPuebla region, the Tlaxcalan principales successfully maintained their status and traditional social hierarchy for most of the sixteenth century: “The characteristic member of this class was a literate man; he had been taught by the friars to read and write and to take a leading part in community life. He was baptized, wed, and buried according to the sacraments of the Christian religion. He was well informed in the economic, legal, and political techniques of colonial society.”12 The artists of the Casa del Deán murals were tlacuilos and principales, for they retained the preconquest style of the Tlaxcala-Puebla region within the context of a newly adopted religion. The crafting of a theoretical and analytical approach in evaluating the contributions of indigenous artists can change the way in which we view the art of sixteenth-century New Spain. While the subject matter, iconography, and, for the most part, the style of the Casa del Deán murals were based on Renaissance European models, the paintings can only be characterized as the work of Amerindians. A careful study has brought to light the artists’ contributions beyond the few indigenous elements that can be easily identified. The greatest emphasis in this study is on the interplay of language and image. The art of rhetoric seems to have been the cultural meeting place for the Spaniard and Native American. The metaphorical language of the Amerindians, spoken and visual, remained alive in the new Christian context. The sources for the theories and conclusions in this study were drawn from the wealth of surviving sixteenth-century ethnographic, historical, and descriptive writings and personal correspondence. These important firsthand descriptions illuminate and define the New World perspective. They include the works of Jorge de Acosta, Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta, Fray Toribio de Benavente (known as Motolinía), Francisco Cervantes Salazar, Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, Fray Andrés de Olmos, Juan Bautista Pomar, Antonio de Ciudad Real, Diego Muñoz Camargo, and Fray Diego de Valadés. Also consulted were indigenous murals, painted ceramics, calendars, codices, and text documents, with a primary focus on those that originated in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region before and after the conquest.

I n t r o d u c t i o n   •  7

The making of an artist in New Spain was dependent upon the methods of teaching in the preconquest school (calmecac), combined with the European approach formulated and described by Leon Battista Alberti. Diego de Valadés provides the most complete description of the Franciscans’ pedagogical theories in the New World, with additional information from Motolinía, Mendieta, and others. To understand the European emphasis on rhetoric in higher education and its role in the Franciscans’ teaching practices, as well as how it influenced the friars’ response to rhetorical practices among the Nahuas, we must turn to sixteenth-century interpretations of classical writers, especially Cicero and Aristotle. Because it is fairly certain that the Master of the Sibyls and his team of artists were trained in the Tlaxcala-Puebla area, sixteenth-century sources have led to the identification of Franciscan convent schools where this training could have taken place. The Mur a l C ycle

I.3. A schematic by the author of the two salons: 1. Synagoga, 2. Erythraea, 3. Samia, 4. Persica, 5. Europa, 6. Plaza coat of arms, 7. Cumaea, 8. Niche with shells, 9. Tiburtina, 10. Cumana, 11. Delphica, 12. Hellespontica, 13. Phrygia, 14. Plaza coat of arms, 15. Libyca?, 16. Love, 17. Chastity, 18. Time, 19. Wild Man, 20. Death, 21. Eternity, 22. Murals in third salon

8  •  The Casa del Deán

The focus of the book is on the mural cycle in the Casa del Deán and the indigenous artists who painted it (fig. I.3). The paintings incorporate themes that are reflective of contemporary Christian humanist theology. The tlacuilo and patron most likely found their stylistic and iconographic models in mid-sixteenth-century books and prints published in Antwerp in the Spanish Netherlands or in Paris or Lyon, France. A 1572 inventory for a shipment of books from Spain to the port at San Juan de Ulúa included 210 prints (dibujos), large and small.13 Twelve women, elaborately costumed and each carrying her own standard, ride in procession on horseback in the foreground of the mural in the Salon of the Sibyls. The first is Synagoga, the personification of the Old Testament, blindfolded and riding on a mule. Following her are

sibyls, whose prophetic gifts led to their association with Old Testament prophecies and with specific events in the life of Christ (fig. I.4). The transformation of the sibyls over the centuries from Greek oracles to heralds of Christ’s divinity in New Spain is described in chapter 4. Traditionally in the lead, Synagoga carries a broken standard with an image of the tablets of the law and, in her left hand, “Le Table Mose.” Following the Old Testament, each sibyl carries a unique standard, emblazoned with a motif that symbolically refers to an event in the life of Christ. These events from the Nativity and Passion cycles also appear in roundels that float above the sibyls.

I.4. Synagoga and the Sibyllae Erythraea and Samia on the south wall, Salon of the Sibyls

I n t r o d u c t i o n   •  9

I.5. The Sibyllae Tiburtina and Cumana in the northwest corner, Salon of the Sibyls

10  •  The Casa del Deán

The artist wrote directly onto the wall near each sibyl, announcing her name and age as well as the name of the book and chapter number of related biblical passages. The floating roundels and the printed biblical references from the Old Testament prophets, the Psalms, the Gospels, and the Revelation to St. John contribute to a rendering of space that reiterates the two-dimensional wall surface. This patterned effect is reminiscent of prints from Antwerp based on the Speculum humanae salvationis, with its multiple correspondences, and of indigenous paintings on walls, ceramics, and codex pages. The sibyls ride in procession before a landscape in which walled villages, forests, and small-scale human figures and animals appear at water’s edge. Two rivers flow throughout the background, at times joining together, possibly resembling the Atoyac and San Francisco Rivers in Puebla. In the corner of the room nearest the Tiburtine Sibyl, the river splits (figure I.5), only to converge again as it passes through a canyon and beneath a bridge in the landscape behind the European and Persian sibyls. Animals drink from the river, as water birds quietly maintain vigilance in their hunt for prey. As will be emphasized in this chapter, the marked difference in scale between the sibyls and the creatures that inhabit the European-inspired background seems to reflect an effort on the part of the artist to modify the scenery that he had copied from European prints so that it more closely resembled his own landscape.

left | I.6. Paired monkeys, frieze, Salon of the Sibyls right | I.7. Seraphic putti wearing jade pendants, lower frieze, Salon of the Sibyls

Rinceaux occupy the friezes that frame the landscapes of the sibyls. Among the leaves and large blossoms are entwined putti and several rather unique versions of female childlike centaurs. The indigenous artist has depicted monkeys wearing jade bracelets and earspools (fig. I.6). The most telling feature of these anthropomorphic figures is the preColumbian sound scroll that issues from their mouths. Beneath the monkeys, the lowest register raises questions concerning its original appearance and its meaning. Seraphim wearing jade pendants occupy the spandrels, and, in the arched openings, knights in armor, shown only as heads in profile, alternate with large bunches of flowers that may have once been depicted in vases or in a miniature landscape (fig. I.7). The depiction of the sibyls by Amerindian artists in an urban palace in New Spain was the culmination of a variety of influences. The following areas of research have provided a sense of the remarkable achievement on the part of both the artists and their patron: European contemporary literature and Counter-Reformation theology, classical and early Christian writings as interpreted by sixteenth-century scholars, ritual drama, religious and political processions and festivals, folk Catholicism, and the visual traditions of Italy, France, the Spanish Netherlands, Germany, and Spain. Lists and descriptions of books, prints, paintings, and tapestries shipped to New Spain from Seville were consulted to discover possible sources for the iconography of the murals. To appreciate the paintings fully, they must be considered in this broader context, not simply in comparison with a single inspiration, such as the Sibylline oracle read in Spanish churches on Christmas Eve.

Introduction  • 11

I.8. Triumph of Love, west wall, Salon of the Triumphs

12  •  The Casa del Deán

Chapter 5 is an analysis of the paintings based on Petrarch’s Triumphs in the second salon of the Casa del Deán, now known as the Salon of the Triumphs. Taken from Petrarch’s poem to Laura, the personifications of Love, Chastity, Death, Fame, Time, and Divinity (Eternity) are usually shown riding triumphantly in noble chariots, with Eternity as the victor over the human condition that demands death (figs. I.8, 5.3). Petrarch’s poetic expression of earthly love converges with the ultimate realization of Christian redemption: the gift of eternal life.14

In the Salon of the Triumphs, Don Tomás and the team of artists he commissioned broke with tradition and depicted only five out of the six Triumphs and in a different order than is found in Petrarch’s original poem. The artists also strayed from the original text in not having the Triumphs conquer one another consecutively. The allegorical figures in their chariots and those whom they have conquered occupy a rocky foreground, except for the figure of Eternity, whose chariot floats above the clouds and among the stars. As a setting for the Triumphs, the

Introduction  • 13

landscape is not continuous, suggesting that the scenes that unfold behind each of the triumphal figures were meant to contribute meaning to the specific allegory. Petrarchism was a vital force in Spain during the Renaissance.15 Documenting the extensive influence of Petrarch in Mexico required the study of book lists indicating the copies of his works imported from Spain. Petrarch’s Triumphs does not appear in Don Tomás’s inventory. The discovery that the funerary scene behind the personification of Death was taken from Antonio de Obregón’s 1541 edition indicates that Don Tomás very probably did own a banned copy of the Triumphs (figs. 5.10, 5.14). A survey of contemporary mural paintings in monasteries near Puebla revealed examples of the triumphal motif. The study of drama and procession in Europe and New Spain yielded an important discovery: the analogies between the Triumphs in the Casa del Deán and the contemporary religious plays performed in Nahuatl. As noted, the similarities indicate the pervasiveness of humanist Christian themes, especially as they were transmitted by public display. The Triumphs were not restricted to the walls of an urban palace, to be viewed and discussed by a small elite circle. They were also dramatized by and for the newly converted Christians in Mexico. Evidence indicates that this mural cycle in a place quite remote from the art centers of Europe includes images that are missing from the European canon. I argue that the representation of the Triumph of Eternity could be a visual bridge between early renditions of the Triumph of Divinity and Peter Paul Rubens’s Triumph of the Eucharist. It is also possible to identify several prints used as sources for mural paintings as the work of Francesco Rosselli and to reveal the significant influence that his late fifteenth-century prints had on the art of the Renaissance. Interspersed among the Triumphs are other narratives. In one series of images, a castle or walled town appears as the central feature, with groups of men and women involved in various activities. Between the Triumphs of Time and Death in the northeast corner is a wilderness scene inhabited by a Wild Man (salvaje). Nearby a monkey satyr sits atop a knoll, strumming a vihuela or guitar (fig. I.9). In chapter 6 these two mythic creatures are compared to depictions of salvajes in other sixteenth-century contexts in order to illuminate their meaning, especially as it might touch upon the relationship between the conquerors and the people they encountered in the New World. The subject of chapter 7 is the analysis of the anthropomorphic animals displayed in cartouches in the rinceaux above and below the Triumphs (fig. I.10). Pre-Columbian imagery is especially evident in this portion of the mural cycle. The animals are emblematic references from the distant past, depicted in a form of writing and manner of expression

14  •  The Casa del Deán

that the artists learned in the calmecac. The representation of the animals reveals the impact that interaction among trade partners along alliance corridors had on indigenous art in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region before the conquest. In this context it seems probable that the influence from the Maya region on the depiction of the animals could have resulted from centuries of commercial and cultural exchange between southern and central Mesoamerica. The artists retained their cultural and artistic traditions so deeply rooted that even the years spent learning to paint in the European manner could not eradicate them. Both the Franciscans who taught them and the cathedral dean who was their patron seem to have appreciated their artistic response to Christianization. The book ends with a discussion of the now-destroyed third mural. Photographed under duress at the very moment of their destruction, these paintings have been tentatively identified by Castro Morales as representations of the zodiac and the personifications of the planets.16 The depiction of the cosmos as it was known during Don Tomás’s lifetime provides an opportunity for a review of the overarching theme and of the intellectual vision of the patron.

left | I.9. The monkey satyr, east wall above the painted niche, Salon of the Triumphs right | I.10. Jaguar, upper frieze, west wall, Salon of the Triumphs

T e chnique a nd Condi tion of the Mur a l s According to Fernando Ramírez Osorio, one of the restorers in 1955, the mural technique was not fresco but al temple (tempera painting).17 The wall was coated with a whitewash made with marble dust and a small amount of fine sand. The wash was very transparent so that the white of the base gave light and brightened the colors. The pigments were metal oxides and organic compounds, the latter more likely to fade over time in the light. The agglutinate added to the

Introduction  • 15

pigments could have been cola de conejo, a resin-like substance extracted from a rabbit’s coat that acts as an adhesive. This gel also provided tension to the surface, creating a tight bond that produced the appearance of true fresco. The paintings done in this manner before and after the conquest were often burnished with a stone to create a high gloss.18 Ramírez Osorio believes that the paintings were covered over with layers of whitewash when a simpler style came in vogue. In 1954, when the whitewash was removed, it was discovered that the colors had lost some transparency but the paint remained. At this time, several artists produced tracings of the paintings, including Desiderio Xochitiotzin, Elias Juárez, and Fernando Ramírez Osorio.19 The cleaning was done with much care to remove the whitewash from the pores in the wall without damaging the mural painting itself. Ramírez Osorio was emphatic that no changes were made during the restoration and that the artists attempted to maintain the integrity of the murals’ style and general appearance. For example, portions of the landscape in the northeast corner of the salon appear to have been painted in the twentieth century. Fragments of the sixteenth-century mural are still visible and contrast with the balloon-shaped trees. In 2010 specialists from the Programa Nacional de Conservación de Pintura Mural, a division of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH), restored and stabilized the Casa del Deán murals. The funding for the restoration was provided by INAH and augmented with a donation from UNESCO. The coordinator of the work was Agustín Espinosa Chávez, along with twelve technicians. Using ultraviolet photographs, Espinosa Chávez and his team were able to discern the over-painting that was part of the 1955 restoration. They took note of the sections of the murals that had been demolished over the years and portions that were repaired and repainted in 1955. Espinosa Chávez estimates that about 40 percent of the original mural cycle is no longer extant. The restorers also discovered that the murals were not completely painted al temple, although differences in technique may simply result from the 1955 restoration. The decision was made to clean the murals and, where necessary, retain the 1955 intervention. When the technicians reconstructed details in the mural paintings, they used pointillism (dots of color) to distinguish the work of 2010 from the original.20 Sum m a ry The formal rooms in the Casa del Deán, decorated with an elaborately conceived mural cycle, served several functions, including their use as a gentleman’s collector’s cabinet, where Don Tomás would have entertained friends, members of the Cabildo, and visiting dignitaries. The mural paintings, discovered beneath wallpaper and whitewash after more

16  •  The Casa del Deán

than four hundred years, are dominated by themes reflective of Don Tomás’s life in Oaxaca and as dean in Puebla. The metaphorical images, which are interpreted in the chapters of this book, represent Don Tomás’s intense faith, his commitment to obedience and to family, and his ministry to the European and Amerindian members of his flock. The sibyls prophesy the virgin birth and events in the life of Christ on earth, most importantly, the conquest of death through his Resurrection. I argue that the central theme of the Salon of the Sibyls is the metaphorical light of divine presence. Light signifies the power of faith and the promise of salvation, which illumines the darkness that represents sin and death. The prophecies of the sibyls and the words of the Old Testament prophets imply a divine scheme revealed not only to the Jews but to the worshippers of the pagan gods as well. Like the pagan believers, the indigenous people of New Spain accepted the Messiah and the promise of redemption. And it is this promise that is fulfilled in the Triumph of the Church. In the Salon of the Triumphs, the unity of Christ and the Mater Ecclesia is built upon the central sacramental responsibilities of the church: the administering of Holy Baptism and the ongoing celebration of Christ’s sacrifice in the Holy Eucharist. As the only true agent of redemptive grace, the Church Triumphant appears in the Casa del Deán mural as the Queen of Heaven in the synthetic image of the Triumph of Eternity. Among the unique aspects of the mural cycle is the group of miniature human figures bathing in the river in the Salon of the Sibyls, a contemporary depiction of Amerindian everyday life. The appearance of the Franciscan rope motif in the Casa del Deán and the similarity in style to the murals at San Martín in Huaquechula indicate that the Amerindian artists were trained in a Franciscan monastery near Puebla, possibly with Fray Juan de Alameda. The discovery of documents placing Alameda and Fray Diego de Valadés in Huejotzingo is significant, because their presence at that time in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region had been a matter of conjecture. It seems likely that Alameda, perhaps influenced by Valadés, could have trained a group of elite students in the art of mural painting in Huejotzingo and then supervised their work on the murals at Huaquechula. It will also be hypothesized that the indigenous imagery in the mural paintings emerged from the artists’ cultural heritage in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region and had already taken on Christian meanings. The artists were previously trained as tlacuilos and continued to maintain aspects of their cultural and artistic past. The census of Huejotzingo includes tlacuilos who were specifically named as active in the second half of the sixteenth century. The technical and aesthetic qualities of the frescoes, the successful representation of perspective and foreshortening, and the coexistence of

Introduction  • 17

I.11. The personification of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs

18  •  The Casa del Deán

indigenous and European iconographic elements indicate a mutual respect in the collaboration between Don Tomás and the Master of the Sibyls with his team. Don Tomás’s interaction with the indigenous artists is all the more noteworthy in that the personification of Eternity/Ecclesia was given the face of an Amerindian (fig. I.11). In a complex dialogue that resulted in the works of art in the Casa del Deán, the indigenous painters retained aspects of their past, and their contributions remain tangible. Don Tomás de la Plaza, a priest fluent in Nahuatl and Mixtec, a cathedral dean, and gentleman scholar, visualized the meaning of his vocation in the murals he commissioned: the sibyls prophesied Christ’s coming to pagan nonbelievers, just as Spanish clerics were introducing Christ the Savior to the people of the New World.

C H A P T E R

1

Don Tomas de   la Plaza �

S

Int roduct ion

oy tan hijo de aquella tierra de Indias.” The words of Gerónimo Mendieta, “I am so completely the son of the land of the Indies,” could be placed upon the lips of numerous friars and priests who ministered with faith to the new Christians in sixteenth-century Mexico.1 Remarkable men such as Friars Bernardino de Sahagún, Andrés de Olmos, Juan de Tovar, Pedro de Gante, Jacobo de Testera, Toribio de Benavente, and many others came to Mexico to evangelize among the indigenous population and died and were buried in their adopted land. Among the secular priests who served these congregations was Don Tomás de la Plaza, from whom much was required in his position of responsibility within the church. In the past, Don Tomás has been referred to variously as a humanist, the dean of the Cathedral, and “the magnificent señor don Tomás de la Plaza.”2 His identity, however, had not been linked to a single original document.3 After a comparative study of material from several archives, it is now possible to identify the parishes in which Don Tomás served in Oaxaca and to know something of the life that he led after becoming a cathedral dean in Puebla. Much of what can be discerned about Don Tomás’s life has been gathered from primary sixteenth-century documents. The story of his twenty years in Oaxaca derives from the interweaving of several sources, thus allowing for a greater sense of his interaction with the congregations in his charge. His nomination to serve as treasurer of the cathedral in Mexico City and then subsequently as visitador general (ecclesiastical inspector) of Oaxaca is discussed here for the first time and indicates the level of respect that he had achieved among his peers.

detail of figure 4.15

As dean of the cathedral in Puebla, Don Tomás administered a large staff, several of whom were family members and friends. He was himself a musician and thus was likely to have contributed during his long tenure as dean to the transformation of the cathedral into one of the preeminent centers of liturgical music in New Spain. Don Tomás’s participation in the Holy Office of the Inquisition continued over a longer period than had been previously known. Perhaps the most important revelation concerning his twenty-three years as dean was his supervisory role in the design and early construction of Francisco Becerra’s cathedral plan. Don Tomás’s participation led to a further collaboration with Becerra as designer of his residence. Don Tomás’s will contains exceptionally detailed information about his life. The availability of this document and other records that cover the history of Don Tomás’s capellanía and of the continuous family ownership of the residence for three and a half centuries is unprecedented. The possessions that he lists in his will must be reviewed in the context of the state in which he found himself upon arrival in the New World. The identification of the book titles in the inventory was a painstaking task but well worth the effort, for it led to a clearer sense of Don Tomás’s intellectual pursuits, especially as they relate to the development of the program for the mural cycle. The notoriety of Don Tomás de la Plaza over four centuries after his death derives in large part from the murals that he commissioned. Using the residence that he had only just finished building as collateral, he borrowed the money to pay the artist. He did not hire one of the Europeans known to be living in Puebla at the time but instead sought out a team of Amerindians who presumably had achieved a high level of respect because of their previous work in nearby Franciscan monasteries. In the development of the mural’s program, Don Tomás remained open to the inclusion of elements reflective of the artists’ past, an indication of his own identity as a citizen of New Spain. Pa r ish Pr ie st From the Patronato report of 1581 concerning the church in New Spain, we discover that Don Tomás was born in 1519 in Alburquerque and studied Latin, rhetoric, arithmetic, and geometry at the University of Salamanca.4 He came to America to participate in the de Soto expedition in Florida in 1538 at the age of nineteen. He was in Mexico by 1543 and taught Latin in Oaxaca.5 Don Tomás was ordained to the priesthood in 1545. For close to twenty years he served in parishes in the diocese of Oaxaca among Amerindian peoples, learning to speak Nahuatl and Mixtec. He must have held the position of visitador general in Oaxaca for a short time before being called in 1564 to assume the position of cathedral dean in Puebla.6

20  •  The Casa del Deán

Don Tomás states in his will that he had come to New Spain from Alburquerque in Extremadura.7 This region provided the largest percentage of emigrants to the New World.8 He names his parents, Diego Tomás de la Plaza, originally of Alcáceres (Cáceres), and Catalina de Goes, a native of Alburquerque, both of whom had died.9 Tomás de la Plaza does not appear in the list of participants in the de Soto mission to Florida.10 Three hundred survivors arrived in Pánuco in September 1543.11 They traveled to Mexico City, where they were welcomed with enthusiasm and met by the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza. According to the accounts of the de Soto expedition, the majority of the men went on from Mexico City to Peru, while several returned to Spain or entered religious orders, and still others, like Tomás de la Plaza, remained in Mexico.12 This information coincides with the Patronato report, which places Don Tomás in Mexico in 1543. Soon after his arrival in New Spain, Tomás de la Plaza made his way to Oaxaca. His decision could have been based on the presence of Bernardo de Alburquerque in Tehuantepec. Both men were from Alburquerque, were about the same age, and were students in Salamanca during overlapping years.13 The period from August 1545 to 1564 took Don Tomás to parishes throughout the diocese of Oaxaca, which, in most cases, were under the jurisdiction of the Crown. Change in governance was taking place at about the time when Don Tomás arrived in Oaxaca. The conquistadors and their descendants had originally received land grants (encomiendas) accompanied by entitlements to tribute and service from the local indigenous population. In exchange, the landowners (encomenderos) were responsible for the Christianization of the Amerindians who lived on their lands. At the behest of the local encomendero, an itinerant priest occupied the parish, usually for short periods from one to four years. After the institution of the New Laws in 1542, the financial support for the parish priests began to move out of the hands of the encomenderos as their numbers diminished. The New Laws stipulated that the encomenderos could no longer assume the right to Amerindian labor and were not allowed the right of succession beyond one lifetime. After 1550 these encomenderos could only collect an annual head tax. When the property was placed under the jurisdiction of the Crown, it was administered by a Crown officer (corregidor), and the indigenous population in that region paid taxes to the king.14 The increase in parishes administered by the mendicant orders became a powerful incentive for the church to institute a more formalized and hieratic system under local bishops. During this period of transition, church governance in New Spain became more centralized, with the monarchy assuming the power to appoint church officials. While this power continued to reside with the king, the ability to administer

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 21

at a local level allowed each bishop to choose increasingly secular priests (parish priests) over regular priests (mendicants) for the parishes within his diocese.15 The Real Hacienda accounts from the Sección de Contaduría in the Archive of the Indies in Seville provide a record of the Crown’s annual payments to seculars who served in indigenous communities. Using this documentation, it is possible to reconstruct Don Tomás’s career in the diocese of Oaxaca. The variety of posts was considerable, geographically and demographically. He went from the Valley of Oaxaca to the northwest, to a parish on the Pacific coast, and into the south. He ministered to indigenous congregations where the languages spoken were Nahuatl, Mixtec, Zapotec, Chinantec, Popoluca, or the unique idioms of the towns Guamelula and Tetiquipa. Tomás de la Plaza was able to communicate in Nahuatl, the lingua franca of New Spain, and could speak Mixtec. To appreciate his efforts at evangelizing, it should be noted that most Europeans found it difficult to grasp the Mixtec language: “in comparison to the many men who learned Nahuatl, few friars studied Mixtec.”16 Tomás de la Plaza preached to the Mixtecs in their own language and maintained strong contacts with priests and Mixtecs in that region up to the time of his death. In his first parish, Teozapotlán (Zaachila), which is close to Antequera (the town of Oaxaca), Tomás de la Plaza served as a parish priest (cura capellán) from August 29, 1545, to August 9, 1546. A powerful Zapotec center before and after the conquest, Zaachila came under the Crown in 1531 and was the government center (cabecera) for eleven subordinate settlements (estancias). The one year in Zaachila proved fairly uneventful, an appropriate parish for a young priest.17 Don Tomás moved on to significantly greater challenges in Coatlán, where he was cura capellán from October 23, 1546, to June 1547.18 An uprising in Coatlán in 1525–1527 had been crushed by the Spanish, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of Indians. The cruelty of the encomendero, Pedro de Monjarraz, toward the Indians was such that his encomienda was taken from him.19 Added to this misery were the devastating droughts and epidemics of the 1540s. Three lords of Coatlán were put on trial by the Inquisition in 1544, accused of human sacrifice and other abominations. During the trial, the lords recalled that eight years earlier the Dominican Fray Pedro de Olmos had demanded the surrender of idols that they had in their possession. The lords chose the least important of the gods and gave them over, while appeasing the remaining more powerful gods with human sacrifice. Resistance to Christianity in Coatlán remained overt and confrontational. In 1544 the lord (cacique) of Coatlán, Don Hernando, called together the lords of other major towns in the Mixteca Alta.20 At a feast where they ate, drank, practiced auto-sacrifice, and painted books, Don

22  •  The Casa del Deán

Hernando urged his peers to resist: “Brothers, I beg you to tell your caciques and nobles what you have seen here. . . . They should sacrifice and call upon their gods as they have done before, and they should not listen to the doctrine of the [Christian] priests. Here are the gods of our ancestors; they should resuscitate their gods. . . . I am the valiant and great lord Don Hernando, I have many bows and arrows and many people, and if I were to kill the priests or the Christians, then the tatuan [tlatoani, ruler] of Mexico will pardon me.”21 The trial of the three lords of Coatlán ended without a verdict in 1547. Despite an admission of guilt and prayers for mercy, the lords were thrown into prison in Mexico City. Considering the events just before his arrival, the brief period that Tomás de la Plaza spent in Coatlán must have been challenging and even life-threatening. From south-central Oaxaca to the northwest in the Mixteca Alta, Don Tomás served in Tonalá, which had come under the Crown in 1544. He was cura capellán from August 30, 1547, to September 4, 1549, in Tonalá, where there were three subject towns (sujetos) and twenty-four estancias.22 In southern Oaxaca, Don Tomás found himself on the Pacific coast in Guamelula among the isolated Chontales, who spoke a language related to Yuman. The Chontales, living in scattered settlements, were vulnerable to exploitation by the Spaniards. Revolts took place in 1527 and then again in the 1560s. In 1531 Guamelula was taken for the Crown from the encomendero, Juan Hernández de Prado. This was a difficult parish for Don Tomás. He was there for a year, from September 16, 1550, to September 16, 1551. A church could have existed at the time, for in 1575 the church was rebuilt: “Huamelula, Po. License for the Indians of this village to plant a field of corn of 200 brazas, to help with the reconstruction of the church of this pueblo.”23 Tomás de la Plaza was back again in south-central Oaxaca, in Tetiquipa, held by Hernán Cortés until 1534, when it was taken by the Crown. Tetiquipa was so isolated in the mountains that a unique version of Zapotec was spoken. Don Tomás was in Tetiquipa from September 12, 1551, until September 16, 1554, where only a few years earlier, in 1547, the Zapotecs had rebelled against the Spaniards.24 Tomás de la Plaza served as cura capellán of Chinantla from November 3, 1554, to December 22, 1557. This region in north-central Oaxaca enjoyed a wealth of natural resources that was exploited by the Chinantecans. In 1520, when a Spanish gold-hunting expedition arrived, the Aztecs had only just lost control of the region, and the Chinantecans chose to support the Spaniards. Hernán Cortés claimed Chinantla and attempted to transfer it to his daughter’s dowry. In 1534, however, Chinantla was placed under the Crown, perhaps as a result of an uprising that was suppressed.25

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 23

In his will, Don Tomás lists among his possessions “a canopy bed of wood from the hills of the Chinanteca in Oaxaca.”26 The Relación geográfica of 1580 for Chinantla contains the following: “In the town and province of Chinantla are cedar trees and nacastles, which is a red wood the natives used in the ancient past to carve sieves for panning gold; they make beams, boards for tables, boxes, and benches; and to build their churches they make large beams they call madres, or supports for constructing their houses, and from the very thick ones they make canoes for travel on their rivers. And another tree called quavquavitl, that is like oak, is a very resinous and hard wood from which the natives make pillars to support their houses.”27 Most of the parishes in which Tomás de la Plaza served were under the Crown. The one exception was Guaspaltepec, where he was parish priest from July 2, 1558, to July 3, 1560.28 Don Tomás received an annual payment of 100 pesos from the Real Hacienda and was given an additional 50 to 90 pesos by the widow of the encomendero of Guaspaltepec, Jorge Alvarado, Luisa de Estrada.29 According to John F. Schwaller, some curacies were more lucrative and sought after: While cities could provide a significant attraction for secular priests, other Spanish settlements, such as the mining districts and major ports, also had their benefits. In these areas the secular priest, as vicar and beneficiado, had little immediate supervision; he merely had to live in a fashion appropriate to his professional status. Moreover, these zones tended to have a great potential for the acquisition of wealth. Secular priests could, and did, participate in the local economy and also could receive alms and bequests from their wealthy parishioners.30

The 1580 illustration accompanying the Relación geográfica for Nochistlán is of interest because it depicts the parish where Don Tomás had served twenty years earlier.31 As parish priest in Nochistlán from January 27, 1561, to January 27, 1563, Don Tomás assisted in moving the population from a preconquest hilltop site to its new location: “The cabecera of Nochistlán was originally atop a low hill, but was moved c. 1561 to its final site in the valley below. Within a very small area were four estancias (named in 1550) which were congregated at the new site.”32 This process of congregation was not completed until after July 1563, under the subsequent parish priest.33 The map of Nochistlán is a simple line drawing of a Spanish grid plan, with footprints in the zócalo (town square) that designate the town as a market center. Two buildings in the plan have ornamental friezes: the

24  •  The Casa del Deán

church has a stepped fret, and one of the houses, a row of discs.34 The façade of the church is differentiated by the bell in an arch-pierced gable (espadaña), an ornamental frieze, an arched opening, and placement on the zócalo.35 The author of the Relación geográfica for Nochistlán wrote in 1581: “In this village, there is only one church known as Our Lady of Ascensión in which there is not one chapel.”36 Tomás de la Plaza could have supervised the construction of a church or chapel at the time of the relocation of Nochistlán.37 After 1566 the parish was turned over to the Dominicans. The church, as it appears in the 1580 map, was probably built by the Dominicans on the site of the early church already in existence at the time of their arrival. In June 1561 Fray Bernardo de Alburquerque was named bishop of the diocese of Oaxaca.38 One month later he wrote a letter to the king, with a request that Tomás de la Plaza serve in the Treasury of the Cathedral in Mexico City: I bring to your attention that, in the Cathedral church in Mexico, there is a vacancy now in the position of Treasurer, as a result of the death of Don Rafael de Cervantes, [and] that this position, by which your Majesty is served, would be well-filled by Father Thomás de la Plasa [sic], for he is a good priest, honest in his life and habits, and of noble and clean descent on his father’s as well as mother’s side, and [he is] a native of Spain, born and raised there and well-taught. He served your Majesty in Florida five years, and in this Diocese of Oaxaca, he has served as a priest sixteen years, where he has generated and borne much fruit through his good example and doctrine among the Spaniards as well as among the Indians, for he speaks Nahuatl. He is a son of this church in Oaxaca, for which, and for his service and virtue, he deserves to be rewarded, remunerated, and honored here [in Oaxaca] where at present there does not appear to me to be a position [for him] because there is nothing that would prove appropriate for such a person.39

This election did not take place. Tomás de la Plaza remained in the diocese of Oaxaca, nominated in 1564 to the position of visitador general.40 He served in that capacity only briefly before his move to the diocese of Tlaxcala. Elected dean of the cathedral in Puebla, he maintained connections to priests with whom he had served and with several of the communities in Oaxaca. Marked by his experiences in remote parishes, as dean he continued to build spiritual and cultural bridges to the indigenous congregations in his charge.

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 25

Cathedr a l De a n Tomás de la Plaza became dean of the cathedral in Puebla on May 19, 1564, at a time of great transition in church governance.41 Existing documents provide the scope of his responsibilities as dean, including the detailed report of the Third Mexican Provincial Council, which Don Tomás attended in 1585.42 The report contains the duties required of clerics in New Spain, including those of a cathedral dean. This description provides an overview of what Don Tomás’s role would have been as dean of the cathedral in Puebla from 1564 until his death in 1587: The Dean who in this church will be the primary dignitary after the Bishop cares for and provides for the Divine office and all other aspects pertaining to the worship of God, as much in the choir as at the altar, in processions within and outside the church, in the business of the convent, the church, or the cabildo, wherever people congregate to pray; [that] all is performed well and appropriately, with the quietude, modesty, and honesty that is befitting; [and] to whom will belong also the right to allow those who wish to leave the Church, for whatever reason which they must specify, through no other mode.43

The council report, the cathedral archives, and the archives of Puebla’s Cabildo identify Don Tomas’s many administrative duties as they related to his large staff, the planning and implementation of religious festivals and processions, and his participation in the Holy Office of the Inquisition. During two intervals, in the absence of a bishop in 1570–1573 and 1576–1578, Don Tomás de la Plaza was the highest prelate in the Diocese of Tlaxcala. Thus it fell upon him during those years to make critical decisions as administrator. Perhaps one of his most important roles was to supervise the cathedral’s architect and oversee the cathedral’s design and partial construction. The Dean as Administrator

Post-Tridentine reform included the adoption of the Roman Rite in order to create liturgical uniformity. Pope Pio V published the Catecismo romano in 1566; the Breviarium romanum in 1568; and the Missale romanum in 1570. In the absence of a bishop in 1573, Don Tomás and the Cathedral Cabildo ordered that all clerics of the Diocese of Tlaxcala were obligated to use the new breviary under threat of excommunication or heavy fines. After only a few days, the Roman Rite was adopted for the cathedral’s liturgy. Considering the complex functions and responsibilities of the cathedral clergy, the need for one voice and greater uniformity in the teachings of the church became essential.44

26  •  The Casa del Deán

While Don Tomás oversaw all religious services and processions that took place in the cathedral, he was also the administrator of a large staff. According to the 1571 Relación del distrito y pueblos del Obispado de Tlaxcala, in the absence of a bishop (sede vacante), the dean, Don Tomás de la Plaza, had taken on responsibilities that would normally have fallen under the bishop’s purview. In 1571 bachiller Don Fernando Pacheco was the archdeacon (arcediano); bachiller Don Alonso Pérez de Andrada was serving as chapelmaster (chantre); bachiller Don Juan de Velasco served as schoolmaster (maestrescuela); and Don Bernardino Maldonado was the treasurer (tesorero). There were nine canons (canónigos): Pedro Hernández Canillas, bachiller Alvaro de Vega, Andrés de la Serna, bachiller Juan Francisco, Francisco García, Antonio de Vera, Alonso de Leyva, Antón García Endrino, and Alonso Jiménez. The racioneros were Don Gaspar Ochoa de Elexalde and Pedro García Martínez.45 Information concerning the backgrounds, duties, and salaries for these officers of the church is provided in the Patronato report of 1582.46 There were five dignidades, who were the upper clergymen and members of the Puebla Cathedral Cabildo. Directly below the dean, the most powerful officer of the cathedral chapter was the archdeacon (arcediano), who split the celebration of the canonical hours with the dean. The archdeacon could step in as dean if death intervened.47 In 1582 the archdeacon was Don Fernando Pacheco of Puebla.48 His uncle, Francisco Gutiérrez de León, retired as archdeacon in favor of his nephew, who appeared at the Spanish royal court to validate the renunciation of the office (renuncia).49 The chapelmaster from 1566 to 1570 was Juan de Victoria, a musician and composer, who was known especially for his incidental music written to accompany religious theatrical productions.50 As chapelmaster, he would have overseen the divine services, those activities supportive of the liturgy.51 Because of the deteriorated condition of the cathedral building, the chapelmaster probably kept the music in his possession. Puebla’s cathedral today holds one of the most extensive collections of sixteenth-century choral and polyphonic music in Latin America. Much of the music would have been copied and recopied over time. While probably acquired over several centuries, the collection reveals that the music performed during Don Tomás’s tenure as dean (1564– 1587) was written by a large number of international composers. Among the Spaniards were Francisco and Pedro Guerrero, Cristóbal Morales, Juan Navarro, and Tomás Luis de Victoria. The cathedral owns seventeen settings for the Mass by the Italian Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina. The collection also includes a number of liturgical compositions by Hernando Franco, the most important and prolific New World composer and chapelmaster in Mexico City’s Cathedral in 1575–1585. The works in the inventory, many of which are in four or eight voices, include Masses, psalms, motets, hymns, the Magnificat, and secular songs.52 Beyond his

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 27

duties as dean, Don Tomás must have been a music lover and performer, for he owned two musical instruments and a book of music, probably villancicos (songs in the vernacular). The schoolmaster in 1582 was Don Francisco de Beteta.53 The fifth dignidad was the treasurer. This position was vacant at the time of the Patronato report but was occupied by Dr. Don Juan de Cervantes in 1585.54 The report indicates that the cathedral had ten canons in 1582, including Don Tomás de la Plaza’s nephew, Pedro Gómez de Espinosa.55 According to the report, Gaspar Ochoa de Elexalde and his brother, Antón García Endrino, were both serving as canons of the cathedral.56 Another canon, Alfonso Fernández de Santiago, is listed in the 1582 Patronato report as the commissary of the Sacred Office of the Inquisition.57 According to Schwaller, the canons were the “real work force of most cathedral chapters.” Their pay was one-third that of the dean, archdeacon, or schoolmaster, which led many of these priests to other work within the church.58 Schwaller has also made the point that it was not unusual to find in these cathedral chapters in Mexico “uncles who succeed in having nephews appointed to cathedrals and brothers who followed one another through the hierarchy.”59 Ruth Pike has written about this kind of activity in Spain, which set the precedent for the way things were done in the New World: “The widespread practice of nepotism and pluralism in the Sevillian church enabled certain families to acquire for themselves the best canonries and prebends.” Benefices were passed along from one brother to the next, from uncle to nephew and, occasionally, from father to son. In sixteenth-century Seville, most members of the church hierarchy came from among the elite, though not from the high nobility. Many held higher degrees, the licentiate and doctorate, and were graduates of the universities in Salamanca, Alcalá de Henares, Osuna, or Seville.60 In 1582 the cathedral had four racioneros who were designated by Bishop Romano to perform specific duties, including subcantor (sochantre) and organist.61 The staff also included six capellanes (clerics supported by capellanías) and six acolytes or altar boys (acolitos). The Puebla Cathedral had a sacristan and a secretary of the Cabildo. The accountant for the mill and the hospital (ecónomo de la fábrica y el hospital) and a superintendent or caretaker (mayordomo) were on staff, as were the dog chaser (perrero) and the grounds sweeper (barrendero).62 The bishop, dean, and members of the Cabildo belonged to the Confraternity of the Immaculate Conception (Cofradía de La Purísima Concepción). The cofradía was a voluntary religious mutual aid sodality, benefiting members of guilds and other groups. The cofradías operated under an ordenanza (charter) issued by church, municipal, or royal authority. These sodalities provided a Christian burial and masses for the dead for their members. They inspired communal solidarity and law and order through the observance of religious obligations throughout the year. According to George Foster,

28  •  The Casa del Deán

Cofradías . . . were very important in Spanish America. Many were associated with religious orders, and had as a primary function the care and support of hospitals. Friars and priests encouraged the organization of sacramental cofradías among Indians, as a means of propagating the faith, caring for church images, and ensuring colorful religious festivals. Indian love of pageantry was satisfied through the impressive observances of the day of the patron saint of each village, and the processions of Holy Week and Corpus Christi.63

The original location of the Confraternity of the Immaculate Conception was in the Hospital of San Juan de Letrán before the confraternity’s chapel was moved to the cathedral in 1567. The care for the sick at San Juan de Letrán remained a focus of the confraternity. Another of the oldest in the city was the Confraternity of the Holy Sacrament (Cofradía del Santísimo Sacramento). Members of this confraternity participated in the celebration of Corpus Christi and assisted at Mass. The number of confraternities in Puebla was large compared to other communities in New Spain, and their members’ contributions were of great significance in almost all aspects of the spiritual life of Puebla. In turn, the members received the assurance of a proper burial and prayers for the intercession of the Virgin Mary and the saints on their behalf.64 Religious Celebrations

The murals in the formal salons of the dean’s residence, the sibyls on horseback and the Triumph figures on carts, relate directly to Don Tomás’s role as dean (fig. 1.1). The feast of Corpus Christi, one of many festivals that would have been within his purview, was celebrated with elaborate processions involving participants from all aspects of public, religious, and communal life. The sixteenth-century accounts of Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta and Motolinía describe arcades made up of hundreds of arches covered in flowers, ornamented chapels and altars, elaborate floats, costumes, banners, music, drama, and dance. Motolinía recalls with admiration that in 1538 the Tlaxcalans constructed three mountains, each serving as a backdrop for a religious play: the Temptation of Christ, St. Francis’s Sermon to the Birds, and Abraham’s Sacrifice of Isaac.65 For most of the sixteenth century, the celebration of Corpus Christi in Puebla was primarily the responsibility of the ecclesiastical Cabildo, with the participation of various cofradías (religious brotherhoods), each representing a trade guild or a community. Each year one of the clerics (canónigos y racioneros) on the cathedral staff was tasked with the supervision of the procession, religious plays (comedias), and the musical program. Among those chosen was Canon Antonio de Vera. Canon de Vera would have paid the play’s author and actors and for the masks and costumes used in the production, while the city’s Cabildo traditionally

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 29

1.1. Sibylla Tiburtina, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

30  •  The Casa del Deán

would have paid for the scenery. The plays were enacted in the cathedral, although in the latter part of the century the performances moved to the cathedral’s atrium, where platforms and seating were constructed before the western portal (Puerta del Perdón). The choir provided musical accompaniment for the procession and the comedias, for which special chansonetas (small songs) and motets were written (fig. 1.2).66 The celebration included dances, allegorical carts, music, and masquerades. These manifestations of public worship revealed the diversity of Puebla’s population, for the participants wore costumes, sang, and danced according to the traditions of their origin, whether Tlaxcalan, Texcocan, European, or African.67 Each year the city’s Cabildo provided a donation to the cathedral. In the latter part of the sixteenth century, the cofradías, representing various trades, were required by the Cabildo to participate and carried their banners in the procession. Citizens were asked to sweep their streets; adorn their houses and doorways; and prepare altars at each intersection along the path of the procession.68 In a letter dated June 17, 1586, the viceroy, Don Alvaro Manrique de Zúñiga, reminded the city’s Cabildo that the feast of Corpus Christi had been celebrated in the past with solemnity and impressive beauty in Puebla. Acknowledging the current poverty of the city, the viceroy suggested that the Cabildo follow the lead of Mexico City and request half of the cost from trade organizations made up of journeymen and artisans.69 The Cabildo’s public announcement that year reflected the viceroy’s mandate: “Agreement that the Feast of Corpus Christi should be organized, as in all years past, by the Cabildo; however since [the Cabildo] has no money, the costs will be absorbed this year and in following years by tavern keepers, bakers, and all those who are involved in technical work. In this way, it will be possible to sponsor comedias and dances as has been the custom.”70 The Inquisition

On November 10, 1571, the Cabildo of Puebla de los Angeles received a royal order signed by King Philip II, formally instituting the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Mexico: Transmission of a royal decree signed by the King in Madrid on August 16, 1570, made by Jerónimo Zurita, secretary, which notifies the cabildo of the city of Los Angeles of the necessity of establishing a tribunal of the sacred office of the Inquisition, naming in the roles of apostolic inquisitors Doctor Pedro Moya de Contreras and Lic. Juan de Cervantes and all the officials whom they name. It is ordered that all of these [officials] will be permitted to exercise the protocol of obedience.71

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 31

1.2. The Triumphs of Chastity and Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs

32  •  The Casa del Deán

Previously, the Inquisition had been administered with autonomy by the bishops. The king’s royal order designating Pedro Moya de Contreras as first inquisitor in Mexico led to greater control of the affairs of the church by the Crown.72 A few years after becoming cathedral dean, Don Tomás was required to serve as a judge in a trial that took place within the earlier, less restrictive administrative structure of the episcopal Inquisition. On September 24, 1567, Padre Pedro Ortiz de Zúñiga, a curate of the Puebla cathedral, was brought before the tribunal by Bishop Fernando de Villagómez. Accused of taking advantage of a widow in his role as her confessor, Pedro Ortiz was tried under the dean, Don Tomás, who served as juéz provisor and vicario general (provisional judge and representative).73

While Fernando de Villagómez remained bishop until his death in 1570, he was apparently absent from the diocese of Tlaxcala in 1567– 1568, replaced in his role as juéz provisor by Don Tomás de la Plaza.74 After Villagómez’s death and before the arrival of the new bishop on October 21, 1572, Don Tomás convened the Cathedral Cabildo to recommend the appointment of Francisco Cervantes Salazar as ordinario (ordinary) of the Holy Office.75 That same year Hierónimo Pacheco, archdeacon of Puebla’s cathedral, was named a commissary from the diocese of Tlaxcala. In 1574 Pacheco received orders to gather prohibited books and to take Pedro Rodríguez de la Rosa and Juan Rojas as prisoners. On October 29, 1574, however, the Holy Office in Mexico City accepted the archdeacon’s resignation as commissary. Pacheco’s renuncia

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 33

may explain why Bishop Ruiz de Morales y Molina asked for a replacement for Don Tomás de la Plaza as cathedral dean in January 1575 so that he could succeed Pacheco in the role of commissary: I received [the letter] from Your Holinesses and, with it, your favor, and especially that which is related to the archdeacon, because, as much as I love him for his goodness, I desire even more to see him relieved of something which so fatigues him, and thus, using the favor which Your Holinesses have given me to find a successor, I believe that this should be the dean Don Tomás de la Plaza since he is a person who performs with great care whatever I require of him. Although the chapelmaster has all of the qualities that are required for this [position], he is somewhat lax and indecisive in his work. The Archdeacon is sending Your Holiness the genealogy of the dean so that, in relation to it, you have the information [you need]. I am not sending [the document] because I am outside the city. . . . from Guacachula, January 17, 1575.76

No verification has been found that Don Tomás became commissary, except that he remained cathedral dean until his death in 1587. On June 16, 1576, the Sacred Office of the Inquisition sent a letter to the very Reverend Sr. D. Hierónimo Pacheco. As commissary of the Sacred Inquisition in Puebla, Pacheco was directed to take confiscated books to a place far from the public eye and to burn them.77 The Cathedral Church

During the years when Don Tomás de la Plaza served as dean, the attempts at constructing a new cathedral church were thwarted in large part by frequent changes in leadership, coupled with mounting costs.78 The planning and supervision for the construction of the cathedral were under the purview of the bishop of Tlaxcala. At several points in Don Tomás de la Plaza’s career, however, he stepped into the role of the highest prelate in the diocese. Bishop Fernando de Villagómez died on December 3, 1570, almost three years before the arrival of Antonio Ruiz de Morales y Molina. Ruiz de Morales y Molina served from October 1573 until his death in July 1576, and Diego Romano de Gobea did not come to take his place until December 1578.79 Thus, from 1570 to 1573 and 1576 to 1578, Don Tomás was the one person who could have overseen the construction of the cathedral church. In 1564 architect Claudio de Arciniega and a group of inspectors came from Mexico City a year after the chapelmaster Alonso Pérez solicited the Audiencia for six thousand ducats to rebuild the cathedral. Arciniega confirmed that the current structure was in such a deteriorated

34  •  The Casa del Deán

state that it should no longer be repaired but needed replacing and estimated a much greater cost. The cathedral bought several properties from 1562 to 1571. The most important purchase, the houses of Alonso Martín Partidor for four thousand pesos, was made in 1572. This money was taken from the funds of the Hospital de San Pedro because of the extraordinary poverty of the cathedral.80 Tomás de la Plaza arrived in 1564, the year the builder (albañil) Francisco Doro was hired to make repairs to the old building. This work was completed in 1568, and Doro was let go in 1571. In spite of the repairs, the cathedral building continued to deteriorate. In a letter dated December 30, 1570, announcing the death of the bishop Don Fernando de Villagómez on December 3, 1570, Tomás de la Plaza, with the ecclesiastical Cabildo, requested much-needed funds from Philip II. The dean’s description of the cathedral reveals a building in such dreadful condition that it had become a threat to the priests and the congregation. The church, the dean writes, is so poor that it has no ornaments, chalices, nor an appropriate cross, nor books, nor other objects of notable necessity and need; that [the cathedral building] having been poorly planned from the beginning, built on a weak foundation of stone and dead earth [tierra muerta] and upon weak and faultily placed pillars, that most are at the point of collapsing and several have had to be replaced; what pertains to your nine and a half has been spent and is spent, as well as the two that your Majesty gave in mercy and charity, and there is no point in repairing and restoring the cracks and ruins that appear every day; and many times [the church building] has been at the point of causing serious harm when the people are gathered near the places that have caved in, if God had not interceded in time so that there was no one present in the church; thus [the church] is poor and in need, so much so that there can be no restoration or repair without a donation from your Majesty.81

The author of the Relación del distrito y pueblos del Obispado de Tlaxcala wrote in 1571: “The first people who came to this city founded the Cathedral church; they built it on only one lot which the city provided, with few donations and of poor materials and, in this way, what began as illconceived is [now] not worthy of repair.”82 In 1573 Canon Antón García Endrino requested that the city’s Cabildo announce to the populace that no one should attempt to climb the cathedral tower because of its perilous condition.83 An act of the ecclesiastical Cabildo on January 24, 1575, designated Juan de Cigorondo, resident of Mexico City, as construction supervisor (obrero mayor); Francisco Gutiérrez as superintendent (mayordomo)

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 35

and surveyor (aparejador); and Francisco Becerra as architect (maestro mayor) for the new cathedral.84 On November 11, 1575, Becerra and Cigorondo presented to Don Tomás and his Cabildo “the drawing and model, for the constructed exterior and interior, and the conditions for this specified work.”85 From 1576 to 1578 Don Tomás would have directed the architect, Francisco Becerra, who did not leave Puebla until 1580: “On August 21, 1576, Becerra was named Obrero Mayor by the [Ecclesiastical] Cabildo in the absence of the Bishop, and [the Cabildo] continued to designate him as such for the years 1577 and 1578. Thus, along with being responsible for the technical aspects, he would have taken charge of administering [the project].”86 Becerra was renting a place to live in Puebla while supervising the work on the cathedral. He also began serving as the architect or master of works (alarife) in 1576 for the city’s Cabildo.87 The death of Bishop Ruiz de Morales y Molina in 1576 allowed for the demolition of the bishop’s residence, making space available for the new cathedral building. Work began on the foundation according to Becerra’s plan. On May 11, 1576, the viceroy gave permission for a street to be closed for construction. The old cathedral building was abandoned, and services were moved to the Santa Vera Cruz. Once the plan was presented and accepted by the dean and Cabildo, work progressed rapidly. After Becerra’s departure for Peru in 1580 and until the end of the century, however, the administration and construction of the new cathedral was interrupted several times.88 When Diego Romano de Gobea (1578– 1607) arrived, the diocese had been without a bishop for three years. Ten years later, neither cathedral building was available for services.89 Don Tomás confronted numerous difficulties after Becerra’s departure and during his last years as dean: “The laying of the foundation for the new Cathedral was begun in 1575, with great enthusiasm on the part of civil and ecclesiastical dignitaries, but it advanced so slowly and with such profit in its administration, construction was suspended, leaving only the option for the people of Puebla to be resigned to a continuation of the repairs to the old Cathedral.”90 On April 26, 1585, Don Tomás and the Cathedral Cabildo required of Fray Diego de Valadés that he represent them in Rome in all matters related to the cathedral. In their name, Valadés was to give thanks and request concessions, indulgences, and bulls of the pope. This remarkable document in the cathedral archives indicates the continued long-term relationship that Valadés had with the diocese of Tlaxcala.91 The Cathedral Cabildo made a request on February 26, 1587, that the city’s Cabildo provide one hundred pesos toward construction costs in the cathedral, to include finishing the vault and nave.92 Shortly after Don Tomás’s death, on March 21, 1588, the Holy Sacrament was returned from the Santa Vera Cruz, and services resumed in the cathedral.93 After changes to the Becerra plan by architect Juan Gómez Trasmonte from

36  •  The Casa del Deán

1634 to 1636, the new and present cathedral was eventually completed under the supervision of Bishop Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza and dedicated in 1649.94 La Capilla San Pedro de los Indios

In 1545 the Capilla San Pedro de los Indios was constructed in the cathedral’s atrium. Patterned after the open chapels of the Franciscans, the Capilla San Pedro had an altar, making it possible for the indigenous population of the city to hear Mass on Sundays and feast days when the cathedral was particularly crowded.95 In autumn of 1577 the Cathedral Cabildo designated a canon, fluent in Nahuatl and other languages, to serve as priest to the Amerindians in Puebla.96 As a result of a controversy that arose among the members of the Cabildo, Don Tomás suggested delaying the decision in light of the imminent arrival of the new bishop. The Cabildo voted instead to move forward and chose Padres Luis de la Peña and Tomás Ruiz as pastors to the Amerindian congregation. Both clerics were fluent in Nahuatl. The 1582 Patronato indicated that Tomás Ruiz was still serving as a curate in the cathedral because of his ability to confess and preach in Nahuatl.97 In April 1577, again in the absence of the bishop, Don Tomás and the ecclesiastical Cabildo established that all of the beneficiados (secular priests with incomes) in the diocese were to be required to show fluency in the indigenous language of their parish within a year or lose their benefice. This requirement was a fairly early response in New Spain to the post-Tridentine reforms, for it took place several years before Philip II’s royal cédula, stating that the archbishop could no longer appoint a priest who was unable to speak the language of his congregation.98 D on Tomá s a nd Hi s Fa m ily After his advancement to the position of cathedral dean in 1564, Don Tomás de la Plaza began the process of bringing his nephews and nieces to New Spain (fig. 1.3). The first, Pedro Gómez de Espinosa from Alburquerque in Extremadura, was the son of Miguel Pérez Espinosa and Don Tomás’s sister, Doña Teresa Alvaréz de la Plaza, who was no longer living. On October 22, 1569, Pedro Gómez was in Seville, requesting a license to join his uncle in New Spain. At this time, Francisco Tejeda of Puebla was present among other witnesses, including Pedro’s uncle and Don Tomas’s brother-in-law, Francisco Izguerra. They acknowledged that Don Tomás de la Plaza had committed to paying for his nephew’s transport to Mexico.99 From 1575 to 1578 Pedro Gómez de Espinosa was a priest in Tlacotalpa in the diocese of Tlaxcala.100 In 1582 he was serving as a canon in the Cabildo of the Puebla Cathedral, where his uncle was dean. From the

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 37

1.3. Don Tomás de la Plaza’s coat of arms, east wall, Salon of the Sibyls

38  •  The Casa del Deán

1582 Patronato report comes the following: “Pedro Gómez de Espinosa, native of the town of Alburquerque in the diocese of Badajoz, has been a priest for eleven years. He served in Indian parishes because he could speak Nahuatl. He has been a canon for four years. He reads Latin and has had two courses in canonical law at the university of Salamanca. He is forty-two.”101 In a letter to his sister, Doña Leonor de la Plaza, and her husband, Francisco Izguerra, in 1574 Don Tomás mentions that he had instituted the process of bringing his two nieces, Catalina and Juana de Espinosa, to Puebla and was sending canon Antonio de Vera to escort them and their two female servants on the voyage.102 Don Tomás was also sending for Doña Leonor’s son, Diego Tomás Izguerra: “It is more important that he be able and virtuous even though he lacks a year or two before he can be a priest. Send him to me, your honor, because, during this period, he will focus on improving himself in his studies and in learning Nahuatl so that later in saying mass, he will be provided a parish, where he can earn enough to feed himself and help his sisters. And this business is of such importance as it has been and is for Espinosa, who is so well placed here that he alone will be able to help his sisters marry, if God gives him good health.”103 It became the responsibility of Pedro Gómez de Espinosa and his cousin Diego Tomás Izguerra, who arrived in 1575, to assist Don Tomás in paying for dowries for Pedro’s sisters, Catalina and Juana de Espinosa, and Diego Tomás’s sisters, Teresa and María. From March 24, 1575, to

August 14, 1578, Pedro Gómez de Espinosa was the first priest to hold the benefice at the church in Tlacotalpa in central Veracruz.104 This post was taken up by Tomás de la Plaza from October 1, 1578, to January 1, 1584. The nephew Tomás is listed in the Patronato report of 1581 as a cleric in the diocese of Tlaxcala: “Thomas de la Plaza, native of Alburquerque, diocese of Badajoz. Presbyter for four years. He does not know much grammar [the study of Latin] nor has he been but three years among the Indians in this area. His church is Alvarado’s where the benefice was provided him by the Viceroy. His understanding of Nahuatl is middling.”105 The parish of Tlacotalpa was brought under the aegis of the Crown in 1541 and was made a corregimiento at the same time. The language spoken by the Amerindians in Tlacotalpa was Nahuatl. Most interesting was the gradual increase in the African population until 1600, when the area became predominantly African in origin.106 When Don Tomás insured a benefice for his nephews at Tlacotalpa, he was taking immediate and full advantage of the 1574 passage of the Ordenanza del Patronazgo. Archbishop Pedro Moya de Contreras instituted the new system, which brought about greater centralization and control by the Spanish king over the church in New Spain. The Ordenanza del Patronazgo dramatically increased the number of benefices at urban and rural parishes, thus providing stable salaries for the secular priests. As noted earlier, only the king held the authority to fill ecclesiastical benefices, but the bishops were best placed to judge the priest’s aptitude for the benefice. The candidate was presented in a chain of command that led from the local bishop to the viceroy by way of the archbishop. The viceroy then certified the appointment as the representative of the king. Once the priest was installed, he could hold the benefice “in perpetuity.”107 Many of Don Tomás de la Plaza’s nephews and nieces found their way to the New World as a result of his generosity and support. Pedro Gómez de Espinosa’s brother, Licenciado Tomás Espinosa de la Plaza, became an attorney (fiscal) for the Real Audiencia in Guatemala on May 13, 1581.108 In Don Tomás’s will, which he wrote in 1587 close to the end of his life, he set up a foundation (capellanía) and provided a list of family members who were to succeed one another as the patron of the capellanía.109 The patron was required to collect the rental income from the inherited property. From this fund the patron was to pay a chaplain (capellán) to say Mass in Don Tomas’s memory as well as for related expenses, including wine, ornaments, and candles. Depending on the amount of rent collected, the number of Masses could be increased until said daily, not only honoring Don Tomás but for the souls of departed family members in purgatory and on saints’ feast days. With the future in mind, the patron could apply funds toward the upkeep of the property.

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 39

Don Tomás also established two other capellanías with a one-time donation of approximately one thousand pesos each, one in memory of Diego de Trujillo, the other for Antonio de Santa Cruz, who served as a secular priest in Tetiquipa and Guamelula, as had Don Tomás.110 The first patron for Don Tomás’s capellanía was his niece Doña Catalina de Espinosa. To this responsibility was added another charge. Doña Catalina was required to care for a child whose arrival in the household under unexplained circumstances has raised the question of parentage. In his will, Don Tomás de la Plaza generously provided for a child, Juana: I direct that a girl whom they call Juana be raised by Catalina de Gusman whom God placed in my house in a mysterious way. Two thousand pesos de oro comun to assist in her marriage or so that she may become a nun when she is of age. . . . I direct that when the said Juana reaches the age of two and a half, that she be taken from Catalina de Gusman and handed over and placed under the care and governance of my niece Doña Cathalina de Espinossa and with her and in her service and company she be raised until she becomes of age, and for all of this, the said Juana should have and give to the said Doña Cathalina de Espinossa the obedience and respect that she would have owed and given her own mother. And the said Catalina de Gusman should be given one hundred pesos at the time the baby girl is taken from her. And always, my nephews and nieces, you should befriend her because she deserves it and I owe it to her.111

The patronage of the capellanía, upon the death of Doña Catalina, was to go to her brother, Canon Pedro Gómez de Espinosa. Upon Pedro’s death, the capellanía was to devolve upon his brother, Licenciado Tomás Espinosa de la Plaza, fiscal of the Real Audiencia of Guatemala.112 Doña Juana de Escobar, wife of Don Antonio de Velázquez and sister of Doña Catalina de Espinosa, was designated to come after Licenciado Tomás. Following Doña Juana was her cousin, Doña Teresa Izguerra, wife of Gerónimo Pérez Aparisipo. Doña María Izguerra, wife of Don Juan López Mellado and sister of Doña Teresa, was the last to be listed.113 According to Don Tomás, the legitimate children of Doña Catalina Izguerra, who was the sister of Doña Teresa and Doña María and living in Spain, could be inheritors of the capellanía.114 In his will of 1587, Don Tomás mentions the death of Diego Tomás Izguerra, brother of Teresa, María, and Catalina Izguerra.115 It appears that the devolution of the capellanía took a different course than envisioned by Don Tomás. In a city Cabildo act dated September 23, 1605, Don Juan López Mellado paid one hundred pesos for water rights for his residence. In the document, the house is described as having been owned by Don Tómas de la Plaza: “Petition presented by Don

40  •  The Casa del Deán

Juan Mellado, Alcalde Ordinario, of this city where it is indicated that he owns a residence that belonged to Don Tomás de la Plaza, on the street that goes from the Cathedral to the monastery of Nuestra Señora del Carmen and because it is an important residence, for its adornment and service there is need to provide fresh water. For this he solicits permission, taking on most of the cost.”116 Contemporaneously, in 1604, Licenciado Tomás Espinosa de la Plaza was appearing in several Puebla Cabildo documents as a fiscal of the Real Audiencia in Mexico and was the Audiencia’s escribano mayor a year later.117 Canónigo Pedro Gómez de Espinosa, brother of Licenciado Tomás Espinosa de la Plaza and Doña Catalina and Doña Juana de Espinosa, died in 1625. In his will, Pedro names Licenciado Tomás de Espinosa, “fiscal de Su Majestad en la Real Audiencia de Mexico, su hermano,” as one of his heirs.118 How then had Don Juan López Mellado received the capellanía before the deaths of his wife’s cousins? The answer lies in a Cabildo act dated April 9, 1607, in which Don Juan Mellado renewed his permission to bring city water to his residence: “Permission to run a water pipe to Juan López Mellado, from the residence that belonged to the Dean Don Tomás de la Plaza and which he bought from the heirs of Antonio de Espinoza. The above will take water from the well that is on the corner of the Cathedral and this will be done and paid for by the said Juan López Mellado.”119 This document of 1607 reveals that Don Juan Mellado and his wife Doña María Izguerra had purchased the capellanía from the heirs of Antonio de Espinosa.120 Don Juan López Mellado was wealthy and powerful enough to afford the acquisition of Don Tomás’s residence. In 1584 he assisted Don Tomás in acquiring a loan to make improvements in the residence.121 An act of the Cabildo from 1581 names him the owner of a mill. In 1603, 1606, and 1608 he was elected alcalde (judge) of Mesta, an association of sheep and cattle farmers, for the diocese of Tlaxcala.122 At this time, it was noted that he was an owner of livestock. Not only was Don Juan referred to as an alcalde, but in 1605 he was elected to a judgeship. In the same year, he was made alcalde ordinario (judge of civil and criminal cases) and named to the Santa Hermandad.123 The various legal instruments that deal with the Casa del Deán, as it devolved over centuries, indicate that Don Tomás de la Plaza initiated the capellanía but trace ownership from Don Juan López Mellado and his wife, Doña María Izguerra. The descendants of Don Juan received the benefice of the capellanía through the family of Mellado de la Plaza y Rivadeneira. In 1826 it devolved to Doña María Guadalupe Venegas, wife of Capt. Don Manuel Pérez de Salazar. In 1831 the Pérez Salazar family inherited the house, and in this manner the Casa del Deán descended directly from Don Tomás de la Plaza to the final private owner, Francisco Pérez Salazar y Solana.124

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 41

In his will, Tomás de la Plaza reflects upon his family and his past as motivation for establishing the capellanía: “This residence is the greatest part of all that I was able to acquire in my youthful wanderings and in my life; thus I give to God what God has given me for the good of my soul and for the souls of my loved ones who have died, and in this way relieve my conscience and honor my poor parents.”125 After becoming cathedral dean, Don Tomás used his position of power to provide dowries for his nieces and employment for his nephews. He poured all of his resources into his residence, which became a source of income for his family and the church. D on Tom á s’s Libr a ry a nd His Collections Don Tomás de la Plaza’s will provides glimpses of social practices in the sixteenth century. His listing of possessions represents what he most prized.126 He had arrived with the de Soto expedition at the age of nineteen; thus everything that he owned at the time of death he had acquired while in Mexico. The people mentioned in the will were within his most intimate circle, his family and the friends he had made over a lifetime in the church. Don Tomás’s possessions, his library, and the mural cycle he commissioned all provide a sense of his intellectual life as a cleric in New Spain. A large portion of the will is taken up with recording various outstanding loans that Don Tomás had received or had made. Money lending and exchange apparently took place privately. Without a central banking system, lending among family members and friends was the norm.127 One unexplained debt is reflective of the dean’s ties to the Mixtec region: “I declare that I owe forty or fifty pesos of gold to the community in the town of Tilantongo, which is in the Mixteca Alta in the diocese of Oaxaca. I require that they be paid.”128 Another indication of that ongoing relationship is the financial interaction between Don Tomás and Juan de Larios. Larios was a secular priest holding a benefice in Acatlán-Piaxtla in the Mixteca Baja, although part of the diocese of Tlaxcala. Both Plaza and Larios owed each other money, and Larios served as one of the executors of Don Tomás’s will.129 In order of value, the will’s inventory places Don Tomás’s slave holdings as equivalent to his house and silver. He had seven black slaves and names them: Juan Bran, a woman named Beattris, and a couple, Francisco and María, with three children, María, Diego, and Catalina.130 The list of decorative tableware in silver is extensive.131 Among Don Tomás’s possessions were a large, heavily chased and costly pitcher with a lid, a smaller pitcher, a three-piece salero (possibly a set of cruets), a fuente (circular tray with a raised border and center), a footed bowl, three heavy French candlesticks, a lidded goblet in vermeil silver, a large jar

42  •  The Casa del Deán

mostly of silver, six plates, three bowls, a pair of scissors for snuffing candles, a large serving spoon, two small forks, fifty small spoons, two shakers (one for sugar and the other for dried chiles), and a seal. Since there were silversmiths in Puebla, it is likely that some of these objects were made in Mexico. The elegant interior was matched by its furnishings. Beds with gilding and fine textile hangings appear in the inventory. Don Tomás owned two desks, one of which was painted. Among the furnishings were fourteen common Mexican chairs and five tables, one of which was described as large. A small bed was carved of wood from the hills in the Chinanteca region of Oaxaca, where he had served as a parish priest. A tapestry hanging before a door, several rugs, and a folding screen enhanced what must have been a formal setting.132 His possessions also included a broadsword, a sword, and a compass. In the cathedral sacristy, Don Tomás kept two locked wooden boxes, the contents of which were to go to his nephew, Canon Pedro Gómez de Espinosa. These included items that he had used when celebrating the Eucharist, a chalice of vermeil silver, and several purifiers. After Canon Pedro Gómez’s death, the chalice and two boxes could be sold to benefit the capellanía.133 The Library

In Don Tomás de la Plaza’s will is a listing of the contents of his library at the time of his death.134 This inventory of books provides insight into his intellectual life beyond what can be deduced from the mural cycle. At the University in Salamanca, Don Tomás had studied Latin, rhetoric, arithmetic, and geometry, and the library indicates his continued interest in those areas. The traditional curriculum that he would have followed included the seven Liberal Arts leading to the bachiller: the trivia—grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic, and the quadrivia—arithmetic, geometry, astronomy, and music. The foundation for the study of geometry was Euclidean and for mathematics Pythagorean, while rhetoric was based on the works of Cicero and Quintilian.135 The two volumes of Aristotle’s writings in Don Tomás’s library relate to his university experience, especially to his study of dialectic and rhetoric. The ongoing emphasis on Aristotelian concepts in education and in practice is evident in a 1641 conferral of the bachillerato at the Real Universidad de México: “he was prepared for and received his degree from the said faculty and was given the level for sufficiency and with this, the license to occupy a faculty chair and lecture on the works of Aristotle and those of other philosophers and authors.” According to J. Benedict Warren, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, “the Aristotelian content of the system of studies must have remained fairly steady.”136

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 43

The first of the Aristotelian works owned by Don Tomás, “libro yntitulado aristotilis,” may have been one of several compendia of Aristotle’s writings imported in 1576. The following title appears in the list of books delivered from a book dealer in Seville in 1576 to Alonso Losa, a merchant in Mexico City: “Opera Aristoteles, de Novi, en un tomo, yn folio (1 en 33, 1 en 34 reales).”137 The other related title from Don Tomás’s library is Aristotle’s Ethics, “libro yntitulado hetica de aristotelis.” A book owned by Don Tomás that was probably in many libraries in New Spain, “un libro yntitulado calpino,” is a dictionary by Ambrogio Calepino. The author, an Augustinian with an interest in humanist studies, produced a Latin dictionary in 1502 that went through numerous revisions.138 There is evidence that Calepino’s dictionary was a desirable import into the New World. A 1571 inventory of the library at the Colegio Imperial de Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco lists two copies of Ambrosio Calepino’s Vocabulario.139 Among the titles in the 1576 shipment are a “Calepino de cinco lenguas, ynpreso en Enveres, en 49 reales” and seven “Bocabularios de quatro linguas a 5 reales.”140 Another dictionary, “libro yntitulado diccionarion,” was most likely the Dictionarium of Antonio de Lebrija (also known as Antonio de Nebrija), a Latin to Spanish dictionary. The edition held by Don Tomás could have been published in Granada by Sancho de Lebrixa in 1544 or in Antwerp by Ioanne Latius in 1553.141 The listing in the will “libro yntitulado espejo de conciencia en rromance” can be identified as the Espejo de la conciencia. The copy most likely owned by Don Tomás was published in Seville by Juan Cromberger in 1543 or 1548.142 The title “libro yntitulado suma sibe aurea” is the Summa casuum conscientiae, aurea armilla dicta from 1550. The Summa was the most significant work of Bartolomeo Fumo, a Dominican who became a general inquisitor near Piacenza in the first half of the sixteenth century. The book is a summary of moral problems for use by confessors.143 This book occurs four times in the inventory of the Colegio Imperial de Santa Cruz library. These copies were published in Toledo (1554), Paris (1561), Lyon (1566), and Venice (1570). The titles are variations on the Paris edition, Summa, sive aurea armilla Bartholomaei Fumi.144 One title that can be compared to the listing, “libro yntitulado summa sacramentorun eclesi,” appears in the 1576 shipment to Alonso Losa: two “Sumas de Sacramento, papelones a 4 reales.” This book may have been the Summa sacramentorum of either Francisco de Vitoria or Tomás de Chaves.145 Don Tomás owned three books written by Juan Pérez de Moya: the Aritmética práctica, Tratado de matemáticas, and Tratado de geometría práctica y speculativa. These are listed in the inventory as “libro yntitulado aritmetica practica,” “un libro tratado de matematicas,” and “otro tratado de jumetria y especulativa.” The last was published in Alcala in 1573.146

44  •  The Casa del Deán

Several titles are related to Don Tomás’s vocation: “libro tratatus zacerdotali,” “libro de causas matrimoniales,” “libro yntitulado salmos nim capateribus,” and “dos brebiarios e un divinio.” The “libro yntitulado al principio de canones” is an introduction to ecclesiastical or canon law.147 Another book with an identification that can only be suggested is “libro diccionario eclesiastico.” Two copies of a “Bocabulario eclesiastico, un folio a 7 reales [Rodrigo Fernández de Santaella, Vocabularium ecclesiasticum]” appear in the 1576 shipment. A copy of the Vocabulario eclesiástico is in the 1571 inventory of the university library at Tlatelolco.148 One possibility for Don Tomás’s “libro yntitulado alegorica” is in the university library inventory, the Allegoriarum in vtrunq testamentum libri decem by Hugo de San Victore, which was published in Paris in 1517.149 According to the inventory, Don Tomás owned “un libro de canto,” a book of music that could have been a collection of villancicos and other secular songs, probably written for vihuela.150 His friends were musicians, so it is not unlikely that they would have gathered in the evening for informal performances. A significant title in Don Tomás’s library is “libro yntitulado catalogos del alçobispo baldes,” The author, Fernando de Valdés, was archbishop of Seville and inquisitor general in 1546 and held the title of president of the Royal Council of the Inquisition.151 His work Catalagus librorum reprobatorum went through several editions from 1551 to 1559.152 A valuable volume for this particular library, it would have enumerated books that were banned by the Inquisition. Another title in Don Tomás’s library concerned with the Inquisition is “libro memorial aprobados y rreprobados por la santa inquisicion.” A copy of the Cathallogus librorum qui prohibentur mandato Illustrissimi Reverend. D. D. Fernandinadi de Valdes published in 1559 is in the collection of the Palafox Library in Puebla. The catalogue is bound with several other works, including the Index librorum prohibitorum, dated 1564, and a handwritten list of prohibited books. The Cathallogus has extensive notations in the margins, which seem to update the listings and allow for the book’s continued use. The Index librorum prohibitorum is marked up in the same handwriting. The Palafox Library acquired these books from the Colegio de San Juan, founded by Juan de Larios, who donated his library to the colegio at the time of his death in 1596. Larios would have had little need for the two titles, because he was a parish priest and not an officer of the Inquisition. Don Tomás, however, served as an ecclesiastical judge appointed by the bishop (juez provisor) in 1567–1568 and was considered for the role of commissary in 1575. He supervised several members of the ecclesiastical Cabildo who were commissaries of the Sacred Office in Puebla. Thus the books could have passed directly from Don Tomás’s possession into the cathedral library or indirectly from Don Tomás to Juan de Larios, who then donated them to the Colegio de San Juan.

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 45

Don Tomás’s inventory of books reveals nothing controversial, perhaps because the threat of the Inquisition was ever-present. The atmosphere of wariness was pervasive in Mexico: “While censorship caused the withdrawal of many volumes from libraries, and created an atmosphere of caution in relationship to owning books, it did not halt the demand for them, but only complicated their acquisition.”153 The mural cycle indicates Tomás de la Plaza’s humanist leanings and the possibility that he participated in dialogues with peers who shared his interests. However, it would appear from the titles in his library that Don Tomás chose to be prudent in his selection, in light of the conservative spiritual and political environment.154 This may explain the absence of a copy of Petrarch’s Triumphs. The 1573 Breve of Gregorio XIII required that the Triumphos de Petrarca, published in Seville by Antonio de Obregón, was to be confiscated and the offending text concerning the Triumph of Time expunged. The Valladolid edition of 1541 was prohibited.155 A Collector’s Cabinet

Certain objects in the inventory suggest that Don Tomás may have developed a collector’s cabinet in the manner of a Renaissance gentleman. He owned two musical instruments made in Spain, a monocordio (an early spinet) and a vihuela (an early form of guitar), in their original boxes.156 In his tower room (recámara), he kept a retable of the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception. He owned an Agnus Dei in gold with a chain made by the Puebla silversmith Diego Hermoso and a rosary of carved coral with a cross, to which were attached bloodstone pendants representing drops of blood from Christ’s wounds. Don Tomás placed a high value on the Agnus Dei and the coral rosary, for he specified in his will that these pieces were not to be sold and were to follow the line of inheritance established for the capellanía.157 The most intriguing articles in this collection were several stone sculptures, among them a carved skull and a carved stone in the form of an axhead (hachuela): “Several bloodstones and others, among them, a beautifully carved Indian hachuela and another round [stone] in the shape of a skull and this one is of the Indians of Tetela. Give it to the racionero Juan de Luján so that he can return it to the owner because he knows him and, according to [ Juan de Luján], he can contact the Indian who owns it and hand [the stone sculpture] over to him.”158 Don Tomás’s request to have the pre-Columbian carved skull and a ball-game hacha returned at the time of his death to the original owner, an Indian, is a conundrum. He asks this favor of Juan de Luján, who was a parish priest in Tetela from February 1, 1567, to December 12, 1570, after being in Acatlán for a year (August 1, 1565–August 1, 1566).159 Juan de Luján was one of four executors (albaceas) of the will for Don Tomás and at the time was a racionero of the cathedral.160

46  •  The Casa del Deán

According to the 1582 Patronato report, Juan de Luján was born in Mexico and grew up in service to the church in Oaxaca from the time he was eight. It is possible that Luján could have been an Amerindian or mestizo. The report recommends that Luján should not be removed from indigenous parishes because of his remarkable ability to speak, understand, and preach in Nahuatl and Zapotec. He may have been sent to Hueytlalpa for this reason in April 1569. Hueytlalpa was a Totonacan community, although the majority spoke Nahuatl.161 Juan de Luján spent most of his life in the Sierra Norte in the eastern part of the current state of Puebla.162 The request made of Luján by Don Tomás sheds some light on the relationship between secular priests and their congregations. Was the original owner of the pre-Columbian carvings the cacique of Tetela? The carved skull seems to have been valued as a work of art. The hachuela was probably related to the ball game and from the Terminal Classic period in Veracruz and Puebla (AD 900–1100). Thus these objects would have been considered valuable by the principal to whom they belonged. In his will, Don Tomás requests the return of numerous sculptures in his possession to their rightful owners at the time of his death: “I have in my possession many important sculptures that belong to Juan Larios, beneficiado, and to others. I request the return of all of these to their owners, with a receipt stating from whence they came because, in my accounts, I am obligated to return them.”163 These artworks, which could have been pre-Columbian or Christian, did not belong to Don Tomás but were on loan from friends, mostly from Juan de Larios, one of three executors of the will. In light of Don Tomás’s various interests, one could speculate who might have been invited to spend an evening participating in musical performances or in conversation, discussing the murals, and viewing his collection. Don Tomás probably included among his peers his nephew Pedro Gómez de Espinosa and Juan de Luján as well as Manuel Varela, to whom he refers in the will as his loyal friend. His neighbor Antonio de Vera was the person with whom he entrusted his two nieces, Catalina and Juana de Espinosa, on their journey from Spain to Puebla.164 A priest for twenty years, de Vera had served as a racionero and canon of the cathedral. Although de Vera had not received a degree, he was a gifted chorister, a basso profundo, who could sing in plainsong and with the accompaniment of the organ. In 1582, de Vera was serving as chapelmaster under his friend the dean.165 To appreciate this friendship fully, we return to the will. Don Tomás, in making his final requests of the executors, focused on completing the ordering of his finances, the establishment of the capellanía, and ensuring a secure future for his family and the young girl Juana. For this last responsibility, he singled out Antonio de Vera, his closest friend, to whom he had confided his conscience and who knew him better than anyone.166

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 47

There is every possibility that Juan de Larios could have assisted Don Tomás de la Plaza in creating the iconographic program for the murals in the Casa del Deán. Larios was probably the most educated of Don Tomas’s friends. A native of Mexico, he had studied the arts without receiving a degree. Larios is said to have been very well read in Latin and rhetoric, however, and exceptionally knowledgeable in the humanities, sacred scripture, and all aspects of the study of ethics. He had been a professor (catedrático) at the University of Mexico. Larios held a benefice (ecclesiastical office with salary) in Acatlán, where Nahuatl and Mixtec were both spoken, from June 20, 1576, to January 1, 1581, and January 8, 1582, to October 11, 1596. According to the 1582 Patronato report, Larios surpassed all other friars and priests in his grasp of the Mixtec language and was also fluent in Nahuatl. The report concludes: “[Larios] is such a good minister that he should not be taken from among the Indians and, although he is a mestizo, he is virtuous.”167 On December 15, 1595, Juan de Larios announced to the Cathedral Cabildo his donation of over $100,000 for the founding of the Colegio de San Juan.168 In another act of generosity, Juan de Larios willed his library to the colegio for use by students and the cathedral clergy and staff. The 260 books were sent to the Sacred Office of the Inquisition for expurgation on December 10, 1614, after which they were not to be removed from the college library. It seems likely that among these books were several from Don Tomás de la Plaza’s library that found their way into the Palafox Library. Larios established two capellanías to fund the salaries of the rector and vice-rector of the colegio. Looking forward, Larios asked that his bones be moved from the existing cathedral to the chapel of the new cathedral that was once again under construction in 1596, the date of his will. An indication of the long-standing interrelationships within the circle that had gathered around Don Tomás is the 1596 listing of the Cathedral Cabildo, which includes Bishop Diego Romano de Gobea, Don Tomas’s nephew, Canon Pedro Gómez de Espinosa, and Archdeacon Don Fernando Pacheco.169 Conclusion The discovery of the books in the Palafox Library that could have belonged to Don Tomás de la Plaza places him at the center of the church’s transformation in New Spain. As dean, Don Tomás held a position of authority in the Holy Office of the Inquisition. He numbered among his friends a group of secular priests. Within this circle were Juan de Luján, most likely an Indian or mestizo, and Juan de Larios, a renowned mestizo linguist and lecturer who established a college for priests committed to serving in indigenous parishes. It appears that Don Tomás and his associates considered themselves citizens of Mexico.

48  •  The Casa del Deán

Don Tomás’s possessions are equally reflective of his life. He collected and displayed preconquest carved stones, including a Terminal Classic hachuela that he wanted returned upon his death to the Indian who had lent it to him through his friend Juan de Luján. The hachuela and carved skull pertain to the inclusion of emblematic animal figures in the Salon of the Triumphs. The Amerindians of the Tlaxcala-Puebla region must have maintained traditions extending into a distant past. The hachuela was produced centuries before Don Tomás’s lifetime, and the animal images in the mural are more reminiscent of classic Mayan art of the ninth century than of late fifteenth-century Aztec paintings and carvings. Don Tomás de la Plaza’s position as dean required him to supervise a large staff and to appoint clergy to positions within the church’s hierarchy. In this role, he did not forget his family: he assigned his nephews to parishes and found administrative posts for them. He planned and implemented all cathedral services, celebrations, and processions. He ministered to the indigenous congregations in Puebla and in the diocese of Tlaxcala. During his long tenure as dean, Don Tomás accepted the architect’s plan for the new cathedral and supervised the laying of its foundation. When construction of the new cathedral building was halted for lack of funds, Don Tomás was responsible for the remodeling of the old cathedral. For twenty-three years, Don Tomás assumed the responsibilities of the deanship and solved problems in the diocese with little fanfare.

Don Tomás de l a Pl aza  • 49

2.1. Casa del Deán portal

C H A P T E R

2

An Urban Palace �

T

Int roduct ion

he date 1580 and the words “Plaça Decanus” are inscribed on the entablature’s frieze over the balcony doorway of the Casa del Deán (fig. 2.1).1 According to the city’s first census in 1584, the house at the corner of 7 poniente and 16 de Septiembre belonged to Don Tomás de la Plaza, cathedral dean in Puebla. The census provides the contemporary location: “on the corner of the street that goes from the Public Plaza to the chapel of Nuestra Señora de los Remedios and adjoins, in one part, the residence of Catalina Hernández Endrino, widow, formerly the wife of Juan Ochoa de Lexalde, deceased, and [adjoins] in another part, with a street intervening, the residence of Pedro de Santa Cruz Polanco.”2 Don Tomás de la Plaza bought the property ca. 1565 from the widow of the conquistador Martín de Calahorra for one thousand pesos. This very early residence consisted of one floor and was described as having a porch across the front. The porch probably had a thatched roof, which was supported by wooden pilasters or an arcade. When Don Tomás built his urban residence on the site, he seems to have retained the placement of the original portal, resulting in a double entry.3 In his will, Don Tomás gives a description of the urban palace where he resided until his death in July 1587: “I declare that in this city of Los Angeles, on the street that runs from the plaza to [the chapel of] Nuestra Señora de los Remedios, I own a residence that borders, on the side toward the plaza, with the house of the Ochoas and, on the rear, with the houses of Canon Antonio de Vera, and on the other two sides that surround [the house], the principal corner of its tower [and] the royal road.”4

detail of figure 4.1

Very little survives of the Casa del Deán after the demolition that made way for a movie theater. In this chapter, church and state documents of the period and Spanish architectural precedents will provide the identity of the architect and builder. An attempt will be made to reconstruct the original appearance of the façade and residence by comparing them to drawings and descriptions of secular buildings constructed in the second half of the sixteenth century in Spain and the New World. A newly devised drawing of the façade will provide the opportunity to evaluate the Purist design originally conceived by Francisco Becerra (fig. 2.13). Pur ism a nd the Ca s a del De á n

2.2. Casa del Deán, southeast corner, showing windows in the two salons on the south wall

52  •  The Casa del Deán

The Renaissance façade of the Casa del Deán has been described by John McAndrew and Manuel Toussaint as elegantly restrained, a particularly fine example of the Purist style (fig. 2.2).5 This classicizing trend in Spanish architecture was the result of Italian influence in the royal court. In Mexico, Purism retained the dictates of the parent style: “The forms in the restricted repertory employed are classical and essentially architectural in character. . . . Preoccupation is more with the motive than with the whole; a number of Purist motives are assembled to make a Purist

2.3. Casa del Deán façade from the north

building. . . . Throughout, the focus of attention seems to be on the classical vocabulary, on the ‘correctness’ of specific items, carefully following the directions for their composition given in the classicistic treatises.”6 These ideals of classical architecture were disseminated in books by Leon Battista Alberti, Sebastiano Serlio, and Vitruvius that were shipped from Spain to Mexico.7 The first incidence of Purism was the Túmulo Imperial commemorating the death of Charles V. Architect Claudio de Arciniega designed the catafalque in 1559, and Francisco Cervantes de Salazar composed the artistic program. In this two-storied structure, Tuscan columns supported pediments that were ornamented with finials capped by orbs. This motif, borrowed from Serlio, whose illustrated volumes were first published in Spain in 1552, also occurs on the façade of the Casa del Deán.8 Purism as a style demanded minimal requirements for symmetry (fig. 2.3). The focus was on choosing and correctly interpreting the individual elements, and Serlio’s illustrated guide contributed to this method of architectural embellishment. Because of its practicality and adaptability, Serlio’s treatise on architecture served the Spanish and indigenous builders in New Spain especially well.9 In one of the few contemporary descriptions of sixteenth-century residences, Francisco Cervantes de Salazar, first professor of rhetoric at the Royal and Pontifical University of Mexico, wrote a series of dialogues for his students in the manner of the Spanish humanist philosopher Juan Luis Vives.10 In one conversation, two friends, Zuazo and Zamora, citizens of Mexico City, point out the more remarkable aspects of the capital to their guest Alfaro:

A n U r b a n Pa l a c e   •   5 3

Zamora: What do you think of the houses on both sides of the street, built so regularly and evenly that none varies a finger’s breadth from another? Alfaro: They are all magnificent and elaborate, and appropriate to the wealthiest and noblest citizens. Each so well constructed that one would call it a fortress, not a house. . . . Alfaro: The lintels and doorframes of the houses are not constructed of bricks or some cheap material, but of large stones artistically arranged, and over the lintels are the armorial insignia of the owners. Also, the roofs are flat, and the gutters, which are made of wood and tile, project from the eaves over the street.11

What Cervantes de Salazar describes through the voices of the characters in the dialogue is the urban palace of the elite in New Spain, a type of residence that developed in Seville, Salamanca, and other cities in Spain during the first half of the sixteenth century. This building type arose from the influence of the Italian Renaissance on traditional Moorish architectural forms. The original configuration of the Moorish residence adhered to a familial culture of intimacy and privacy. The façades were planar and undifferentiated, with doorways that did not open directly onto the inner patios. The dramatic change that took place in Spain upon the arrival of Italian classicism is most clearly manifested in the entry portals of the newly constructed elite residences. Derived from the Roman triumphal arch, these doorways announced the importance of the owner of the house. The classical ideal became linked to a new ostentation, with the triumphal entry as the introduction to an overarching humanist decorative scheme.12 The Casa de Pilatos in Seville makes for an appropriate comparison to the Casa del Deán in Puebla. In his travels, Don Fadrique Enríquez de Ribera was particularly taken by the palaces in Genoa. Don Fadrique discovered a source for Genoese marble to enhance the expansion of the Casa de Pilatos that he initiated in 1535. Italian marble columns, fountains, and portals were then superimposed on the plain walls of Islamic tradition.13 Don Fadrique developed a large library that included prints and drawings, books on religion, history, and geography, and works by classical and humanist authors, among them, four volumes of Petrarch’s writings. The mural cycles in the Casa de Pilatos and the Casa del Deán share the theme of triumphal entry based on Petrarch’s Triumphs that became pervasive in sixteenth-century Europe.14

54  •  The Casa del Deán

T he Faça de A 1918 cadastral drawing of the Casa del Deán indicates that the residence measured 50 varas (41.75 meters) along the eastern façade and 50 varas along the southern wall and was thus built on one of the original lots established at the time the city was founded in 1531 (fig. 2.4).15 The damage to the residence over the centuries has been so extensive that little remains of its original configuration. Unfortunately, the façade was not spared. A pair of large second-floor windows was added to either side of the formal entry, and the doorways at street level beneath the new windows were enlarged.16 Don Tomás’s coat of arms was possibly replaced; the gutters and trim along the roofline were removed and decorative trim was added (compare figs. 2.1 and 2.5).17 2.4. The 1918 cadastral drawings of the Casa del Deán, reproduced with permission from Dirk Bühler

A n U r b a n Pa l a c e   •   5 5

2.5. The façade before the almost complete demolition of the Casa del Deán, 1953–1954. Pál and Elizabeth Kelemen Collection, Box 23, Neg. #1016, Tulane University’s Latin American Library

Two maps of the main plaza in the capital, the “Planos de Tenochtitlán” of 1563 and 1596, provide elevations of the buildings lining the central square (zócalo).18 The stone façades that are described by Cervantes de Salazar and those that are depicted in the “Planos” of 1563 and 1596 furnish a contemporary context for Don Tomás’s residence in Puebla. The façade that most closely resembles that of the Casa del Deán belonged to the Mayorazgo de los Guerrero. The carved stone portals of both houses are flanked by Tuscan columns on paneled pedestals. The columns support entablatures that incorporate heavy overhanging cornices. The strong horizontal line of the entablature distinguishes between the wide public entry and the formal living quarters on the second

56  •  The Casa del Deán

floor. While the more attenuated columns continue the vertical line into the upper level in the Guerrero house, the Ionic columns on the front of the Casa del Deán are set in and the verticality of the lower columns extends into finials, which are placed on paneled pedestals like the columns below.19 On the frieze of the Casa del Deán (fig. 2.5) are carved the words: “May your coming and going be always in the name of Jesus.”20 This placement of a significant phrase above the doorway was not unusual, as it occurs on the portal of the Casa de Pilatos in Seville.21 The wrought ironwork for the central balcony is original to the Casa del Deán (fig. 2.6). The wrought iron supports for the balcony end in animal heads that resemble gargoyles or carved water spouts. Damage to the murals in the Salon of the Sibyls strongly indicates that the four large glass windows on the second floor are not original to the residence (fig. 4.30). After 1600 the murals painted by indigenous artists in Mesoamerican monasteries fell out of favor and were covered with whitewash.22 This change in style must also have taken place in the Casa del Deán. With the walls whitewashed in the Salon of the Sibyls, no one would have noticed that the murals were mutilated when the windows were enlarged. The carved stone intrados of the window facing south in the Salon of the Sibyls nearest the southeast corner is identical to that of the window in the Salon of the Triumphs. This same stone window arch is evident in the opening below and between the Cumaean and Tiburtine Sibyls that once may have communicated with the interior gallery (fig. 2.7). This type of arched opening no longer exists in the two large windows on the east wall, which are now squared off at the top, further indicating that the windows were enlarged (fig. 4.30).

left | 2.6. Original ironwork above the portal, Casa del Deán right | 2.7. The niche below the Cumaean and Tiburtine Sibyls, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

A n U r b a n Pa l a c e   •   5 7

bottom | 2.8. Upper portion of the portal, Casa del Deán top | 2.9. Exterior stone trim around the southfacing window, which contrasts with the bright blue color applied to the Casa del Deán’s façade in 2013

58  •  The Casa del Deán

On the façade, the four large windows still have the Moorish ogee arch, like the two center windows. These four windows also had pediments, for a ribbon of stone trim above these windows and the southfacing window resembles the trim just below the pediments of the two center windows (fig. 2.8). All of the windows originally had narrow stone sills like the two center windows. The stone sill on the south window has been replaced with a stone panel (fig. 2.9). All windows and the demolished entry beyond the portal had exterior soffits that no longer exist above the enlarged windows on the façade (figs. 2.8–2.11). The corner of the building does not line up with the original corner of the cut stone panels; thus the exterior wall must have been coated with stucco at a later date (fig. 2.2). Ornamental cut stone panels surround the south-facing window and continue around the southeast corner. Stone panels also would have surrounded the four windows on the façade. There is further proof that the windows on the façade were enlarged. It appears that the original carved stone jambs were removed and dropped below smaller stone jamb segments when these windows became double glass doors. The lower stone segments are of the same proportion and coloration as the jambs of the two windows at either side of the portal. With all the evidence, there is little doubt that the original façade was symmetrical but with much smaller windows. It should also be noted that the double glass doors resemble those on many seventeenthcentury façades in Puebla.23

In an early photograph of the Casa del Deán façade, the finials at the pinnacle of the two small window pediments extend above the roofline (fig. 2.5). This decorative element is original to the building and was borrowed from Serlio. This same photograph indicates that the original trim at the roofline was removed. The ornamental molding now along the upper edge of the façade was probably added when the murals were restored. The coat of arms that crowns the façade today, in its fragmentary state, was altered in the nineteenth century (fig. 1.3).24 A bookplate that belonged to Francisco Pérez de Salazar indicates the appearance of the carved stone shield and the pair of supporting lions before the ensemble was damaged during the 1910 Revolution. The emblems on the shield in the bookplate differ from those on the painted coat of arms in the Salon of the Sibyls. Historians Hugo Leicht and Alfonso Arrellano both suggest that the existing coat of arms belonged to the Pérez de Salazar family, replacing the coat of arms of Don Tomás. Castro Morales argues that the bookplate was a fantasy image by Pérez de Salazar and that the original coat of arms was never replaced. Pablo C. de Gante has pointed out that the vases on pedestals above the Ionic columns were later additions (fig. 2.8).25 Across from the Casa del Deán and the Church of La Concepción, at 16 de Septiembre, Number 2, is a residence built by Juan López Mellado, who married Don Tomás’s niece.26 The stone portal on this late sixteenthcentury façade has remained intact despite the addition of a third floor (fig. 2.12). This portal is unmistakably a replica of the entry designed by Becerra for Don Tomás. Its vigor and strength relate closely to the portals that Becerra designed in Spain before his arrival in Puebla. The later doorway provides clues to the original appearance of the Casa del Deán’s portal. It is now almost incontrovertible that the dean’s coat of arms was attached to a pediment. The heavy entablature above the second floor window would have supported the pediment, and the pinnacle of the triangle would have risen above the roofline. Damage to the stonework on either side of the urns reveals where the pediment was removed (figs. 2.1, 2.8). The cartouche is original, although with a change to the coat of arms. Proof of the originality of the cartouche is that the lions hold the escutcheon’s edge with their back paws. The two lions on the façade, which are rampant in the mural, were probably depicted crouching and leaning toward the cartouche in order to fit within the confines of the pediment (figs. 2.5, 2.8). The volutes are also original and would have extended into the pediment’s two lower corners. Today the shadow of the later coat of arms appears on the surface of the cartouche (fig. 2.1). Additionally, the depiction of the façade in the bookplate reveals that the urns had already been added and the pediment

top | 2.10. Original intrados over the now-demolished entry into the patio from the portal, Casa del Deán bottom | 2.11. South-facing window with the original exterior stone intrados and modern frame, Salon of the Triumphs

A n U r b a n Pa l a c e   •   5 9

Top | 2.12. Façade of Juan López Mellado’s late sixteenth-century residence Bottom | 2.13. Conjectural drawing of the Casa del Deán façade by Aaron Beattie, with Susan Schneider and Luisa DiPietro

60  •  The Casa del Deán

had been destroyed to make way for the new ensemble. The original pediment, resting on the heavy entablature as the crowning central focus of the entry, would have brought unity to the smaller window pediments. This configuration is much more accurate when considering the residences designed by Becerra in Spain (fig. 2.13).27 The R e sidence’s Pl a n The almost complete destruction of Don Tomas’s residence has left so little physical evidence that even changes made over the centuries have been lost. Without these clues available, it is difficult to re-create the original configuration of the house. Among the remnants of the Casa del Deán that survive are indications of a gracious and livable residence, reflective of the dean’s interests, his humanist theology, his Spanish ancestry, and his life-long experiences in New Spain. Like the elegant houses of Seville and Mexico City, the portal opened from the street onto a spacious main patio. Sixteenth-century houses in Puebla typically had two patios. The first was the place of entry and contained the well, where horses were fed and watered and guests were greeted. On the second level were the formal rooms and private living spaces of the family. The second patio contained a garden, baking ovens, a stable, and the servants’ living quarters. The kitchen was at the center between the two patios.28 The 1918 cadastral drawings of the Casa del Deán indicate the location of the main stairwell and the two patios (fig. 2.4). The configuration of the rooms, windows, and doors remains a matter of conjecture, however, because changes had long since taken place by the time the drawings were made. A photograph from before the demolition depicts a two-level arcade across the eastern side of the first patio supported by stone columns (fig. 2.14).29 The arcade brings to mind Cervantes de Salazar’s description of Doctor Pedro López’s patio in Mexico City, with its

garden and the stone columns that formed openings around the patio’s perimeter.30 The stairwell into Don Tomás’s private quarters was to the south in the entryway (zaguán). The photograph also reveals the placement of the well just north of the arched entry into the patio. The well continued to be the center of activity for the household into the twentieth century, as revealed in the photograph of the woman drawing water. The construction of rooms around a central patio seems to have been a tradition held by both Spaniards and Amerindians: “The typical dwelling in sixteenth-century New Spain was basically the Spanish house, deeply rooted in Roman tradition and enriched with Arabic elements.”31 The description of the palace of Xicotencatl, one of the four rulers of Tlaxcala at the time of the conquest, illustrates the importance of the central patio in day-to-day living in Mexico. It can only be speculated what might have been borrowed from native tradition and applied in the New World context. Perhaps, as in many instances, the Spaniards tended to adopt elements that they shared with the Mexicans, especially since almost every early colonial structure was built and ornamented by Amerindian artists and craftsmen.32 In his will, Don Tomás describes the southern and eastern sides of his house as open to the street from the tower and on the royal road.33 His inventory lists a retable of the Immaculate Conception that he kept in his bedroom in the tower.34 In an aerial photograph taken by Enrique Cervantes, the house can be seen on the opposite side of the street and one block to the right when facing the cathedral façade (fig. 2.15). The large tree in the first patio is visible, as is the tower at the center of the southern façade above the third salon to the west of the Salon of the Triumphs. The tower probably overlooked the first and second patios. The discovery of the existence of the tower containing two rooms allows a closer approximation of the original appearance of Don Tomás’s residence. Antecedents can be found in Salamanca, the late fifteenthcentury Palacio de los Alvarez Abarca and the mid-sixteenth-century Palacio de Monterrey (fig. 2.16). A tower was attached to the Guerrero residence in Mexico City: “The plaza is much enhanced by four towers, the two that are at the corners of the house built by the Marqués where the Viceroy and judges of the Audiencia live; of the house of Montejo and that of Juan Guerrero.”35 A tower connected to a house in Puebla, now known as the Casa de la Torrecilla, is extant.36 Privileged members of the gentry would have attached towers to their residences for the purpose of defense and as an expression of military might. By the mid-sixteenth century the tower was no longer required for defense and had become a symbol of wealth and social prestige.37 At the request of Don Tomás, his nephew, a cathedral canon, once supervised work on the residence. In his will, Don Tomás mentions that Canónigo Pedro Gómez de Espinosa owed him 1,400 pesos but that he

top | 2.14. The first patio of the Casa del Deán before demolition. Fototeca Constantino Reyes-Valerio, Coordinación Nacional de Monumentos Históricos, INAH bottom | 2.15. Aerial view of Puebla (ca. 1940) by Enrique Cervantes, showing the tower of the Casa del Deán. Efraín Castro Morales Collection

A n U r b a n Pa l a c e   •   6 1

2.16. The Palacio de Monterrey, Salamanca (mid-sixteenth century). Photograph by author

would allow the removal of 500 pesos from the debt for past services rendered. His nephew had accumulated this expense for improvements to the two elevated rooms between the Ochoa residence and the large salon in the Casa del Deán. These rooms would have been to the north of the entry portal but no longer exist in their original configuration.38 Only the two formal salons and the commercial spaces below have survived the demolition that made way for the movie theaters. Because evidence of mural paintings exists in the room to the west of the Salon of the Triumphs, it is possible that murals also covered these walls. T he De signer a nd Builder of the Ca s a del De á n The design of the Casa del Deán and its façade has been attributed to Francisco Becerra. According to George Kubler, Becerra was trained as an architect in Spain as a member of the “classicizing circle of Alonso Berruguete,” with attributable work in Trujillo, Extremadura. He arrived in Mexico in 1573. After leaving for Peru in 1580, he provided a resumé (informe de méritos y servicios) to the Audiencia in which he enumerated the buildings for which he claimed responsibility. Included among these works in Puebla were the choir of San Francisco, the cathedral, the monastery complexes of Santo Domingo and San Agustín, and the Colegio San Luis. He is also credited with some level of involvement in the plan and construction of several churches, including San Francisco Totimehuacán, San Juan Bautista Cuauhtinchán, Corpus Christi Tlalnepantla, San Pedro Cuitlahuac, and Natividad de Nuestra Señora Tepoztlán. Several people who knew of Becerra’s work gave testimony, among them, Alonso González, who attributed several private residences in Puebla to Becerra.39

62  •  The Casa del Deán

On January 24, 1575, Viceroy Martín Enríquez named Juan de Cigorondo, citizen of Mexico City, the construction supervisor (obrero mayor) for the cathedral in Puebla. Francisco Becerra was named as architect (maestro mayor), with a salary of five hundred pesos de oro, and Francisco de Gutiérrez as superintendent (mayordomo) and surveyor (aparejador) at four hundred pesos. The viceroy was funding the construction of the new cathedral building, and payments for construction material and salaries were to be dispensed by Cigorondo.40 It should be recalled that because of the absence of a bishop in 1576–1578, Don Tomás was the senior church official in Puebla during the cathedral’s construction.41 The best-documented of Becerra’s works in the Tlaxcala-Puebla area are the cathedral and the monastery churches of Cuauhtinchán and Totimehuacán. Becerra was in Puebla on August 17, 1574, to sign a contract with the indigenous leaders of Cuauhtinchán. He agreed to create a design and supervise the work on the monastery church until the project was finished.42 Two years later, Becerra, referred to as master stonemason (maestro de cantería), was signing a second contract with the ruling elite (principales) from Cuauhtinchán.43 An entry in the Libro de los guardianes of Cuauhtinchán validates the attribution of work on the cathedral in Puebla and the monastery churches of Cuauhtinchán and Totimehuacán to Becerra: “In the year 13 tochtli, three years ago, when Fray Diego de Lemos was guardian, the foundations were laid and the plan measured out for the new church. The church construction began on the Cathedral of Mexico and that of the city of Los Angeles [de Puebla] and that of Totomihuacan. The architect of Mexico City came to measure out [the church], the Spanish construction supervisor.”44 Cuauhtinchán should be considered prototypical of Becerra’s approach to architecture, a combined mix of late Gothic, mudéjar, and Purist elements. The façades of San Juan Bautista Cuauhtinchán and the Casa del Deán are both characterized by an adherence to the classical vocabulary. In the Franciscan churches of Cuauhtinchán and Totimehuacán and the chapel of the Franciscan monastery in Puebla, however, sections of the interiors were covered with groined vaulting.45 Becerra, the “architect” or master stonemason who routinely married Gothic tracery with Renaissance elements, could very well have produced a design for the façade of the Casa del Deán that would have allowed Moorish windows to coexist with classical pediments. Comparison of the portal of Don Tomás de la Plaza’s urban palace with the portal of Doña Isabel de Mendoza’s residence in Trujillo leaves little doubt that Becerra was the designer of the Casa del Deán.46 The unique corner entry was attributed to Becerra by Juan Ramiro of Trujillo when he gave testimony before the alcalde in Peru concerning Becerra’s previous work.47 In the Trujillo entry, the columns on either side of the

A n U r b a n Pa l a c e   •   6 3

second floor arched opening support a heavy entablature, with the top element of the entablature continuing as a frame for the pediment. Within the pediment is the family’s coat of arms. Directly above the columns are the finials capped by orbs and on paneled pedestals that appear on the Casa del Deán façade and in most of the portals designed by Becerra in Trujillo.48 Thus it can be concluded that Francisco Becerra produced a symmetrical design for the façade with classical pediments above Moorish windows. Don Tomás’s coat of arms was placed in a pediment above the second-floor window (fig. 2.13). This configuration would have provided unity to the various elements that seem to lack coherence and continuity today. Before Becerra became architect (maestro mayor) of the cathedral in January 1575, local stonemason Francisco Gutiérrez was already serving as construction supervisor (obrero mayor). The many church and city government documents that trace his activity lead to the assumption that Gutiérrez could have been responsible for the stonework and construction of the Casa del Deán. Francisco Gutiérrez became a citizen (vecino) of Puebla in 1551 and was referred to in the Acts of the Cabildo as “one who draws plans” (trazador) in 1556.49 On January 15, 1574, the city’s Cabildo recorded the following act: “The naming, as construction supervisor, public inspector, and keeper of weights and measures for the city, of Francisco Gutiérrez, construction supervisor for the city’s Cathedral.” The same day the city named Cristóbal Sánchez superintendent (mayordomo) for the city.50 In May 1575 a controversy developed when Sánchez was reinstated as master of works and keeper of weights and measures, with several members of the Cabildo insisting that Gutiérrez should continue in this role.51 On January 16, 1576, Francisco Becerra was named master of works and keeper of weights and measures for the city (alarife y fiel de la ciudad). In April of that year the viceroy named Gutiérrez superintendent (mayordomo) and technical supervisor (aparejador) of the cathedral. Gutiérrez was dismissed soon after on April 9, 1576, and Antonio Ortiz del Castillo was named to the position.52 From 1582 to 1584 Francisco Gutiérrez was referred to in numerous acts as architect (maestro mayor) of the cathedral.53 He must have been not only a stonecutter and stonemason but an entrepreneur as well, for he owned a stone quarry and in 1583 received permission to set up a furnace to create lime whitewash.54 He was involved in various projects for the city. A year after Becerra’s departure in 1580, the Cabildo voted in November 1581 to pay Gutiérrez fifty to sixty pesos, “for the work on the plan, arrangement, and the catafalque that is to be built for the canonical prayers [said] upon the death of the queen.”55 The respect in which he was held led to enactments by the Cabildo in 1583 and 1584: “Commission to Francisco Gutiérrez, construction supervisor of the Cathedral,

64  •  The Casa del Deán

and to Alonso Díaz to examine all skilled masons”; and “An agreement that Francisco Gutiérrez, ‘architect’ of the Cathedral, and Rodrigo Alonso, mason, consider the width and density that brick should have in order not to break.”56 The most important document indicating the possibility that Gutiérrez obtained, finished, and applied the stone for the façade of the Casa del Deán is the following act, dated April 13, 1584: “License to extract stone from a quarry located on the hill of San Cristóbal, to Francisco Gutiérrez, construction supervisor of the Cathedral, in order to produce doors and windows of stone.”57 While several years after the date of the Casa del Deán façade, the enactment reveals the kind of work that Gutiérrez was doing during this period. He was the master stonemason who was supervising the work on the cathedral when Don Tomás was building his residence.58 It should also be remembered that Don Tomás was directing construction of the cathedral in 1576–1578. The question of Francisco Gutiérrez’s identity and ancestry can only be approached indirectly from the available documents. An act of the Cabildo for October 13, 1586, reads: “License to Fray Pedro de San Hilerion, Prior of the Convent of Nuestra Señora de los Remedios, to remove stone from the hill of San Cristóbal, above the houses of the Indians, between the stone quarries of Francisco Gutiérrez and Juan de Ribas.”59 The hill of San Cristóbal was named for the young Tlaxcalan Indian boy who was martyred at the hands of his father in 1527.60 The long-standing indigenous presence in this barrio, up to the time when Gutiérrez maintained his quarry, is verified by Fernández Echeverría y Veytia: “No one knows how long the first chapel stood, only that, in around 1580, with permission from the city, the Indian residents of the barrio del Alto built that which has subsisted to this day.”61 It has been stated that Gutiérrez was a Spaniard.62 However, on March 18, 1583, when Gutiérrez was given permission to build a furnace on his property, he was living in San Pablo, an Amerindian barrio with its own indigenous governor, mayor (alcalde), and officials.63 In 1585 Gutiérrez owned property in the barrio of San José next to the house of two Indian women, Martha and Luisa.64 The evidence that the hill of San Cristóbal and the barrio of San Pablo were traditionally Amerindian compounds from the very earliest years in the city of Puebla raises the possibility that Francisco Gutiérrez could have been among the early Amerindian or mestizo master builders active in the colonial period.65 The quality of his work was validated by the commissions that he received, which were of the highest order. Possibly among them was the Casa del Deán.66 Francisco Gutiérrez died in 1586 and was replaced as master stonemason of the cathedral in Puebla (maestro mayor de cantería de la catedral de Puebla) on November 11, 1586, by Antonio Ortiz del Castillo.67 In February 1587 members of Puebla’s Cabildo provided funds to move the

A n U r b a n Pa l a c e   •   6 5

rebuilding of the nave and vaulting of the cathedral toward completion. During the period of construction, the Church of the Santa Vera Cruz had been serving as the cathedral.68 Almost a year later, in March 1588, on the feast day of the Annunciation, the Holy Sacrament was returned to the old cathedral building and services were reinstated.69 Conclusion Don Tomás de la Plaza died in 1587. The construction of his residence paralleled the work on the cathedral for which he had ultimate responsibility at certain points of his tenure as dean. His official interaction with the cathedral’s architect, Francisco Becerra, led to his contracting with Becerra to design his house. Francisco Gutiérrez, the leading stonemason in Puebla at the time, stepped into Becerra’s role as architect of the cathedral in 1582–1584 and could have constructed the Casa del Deán.

66  •  The Casa del Deán

C H A P T E R

3

The Artist as Tlapalli A RT A S R H E TO R I C

�

T

Int roduct ion

he indigenous and European elements in the Renaissance mural cycle of the Casa del Deán require a unique methodological approach in the interpretation of the style and meaning of the paintings and in the identification of the Master of the Sibyls and his assistants. In recent years, the word tequitqui, the Nahuatl word for tributario (tribute payer), has come into use to describe “la voz náhuatl,” the indigenous qualities in Mexican colonial art. The term was conceived by José Moreno Villa, who compared the Spaniards’ relationship with the indigenous peoples of New Spain to the relationship of the Spaniards to the Moors, from which emerged the mudéjar style.1 For many scholars, the word tequitqui refers to decorative elements or to the ornamental friezes that frame the central scenes in sixteenth-century murals. For others, tequitqui is a stylistic approach or a process of acculturation and syncretism. Clearly, the word is not universally accepted or adequate as a summation of style and iconography in sixteenth-century Mesoamerican art. In this chapter, the analysis of the Amerindian artist’s presence or hand in the Casa del Deán murals will reveal the interconnectedness between language and the image and the importance given to rhetoric by both Europeans and Amerindians. Sixteenth-century descriptions of the education received by indigenous artists can illuminate the theoretical bases for the curriculum and the setting in which the Casa del Deán artists could have acquired their ability to approach the mural cycle from two distinct visual cultures.

detail of figure 7.10

I propose that the Master of the Sibyls and his team of artists had already received training as tlacuilos and were then trained by Franciscans in a monastery near Puebla before being commissioned to paint the murals in the Casa del Deán.2 I would also suggest that the Franciscans in Mexico directly or indirectly adopted a formula for educating the artist, a method conceived by Leon Battista Alberti. In an approach inspired by Alberti, the preconquest outline of two-dimensional shapes became the line that could place figures in space and could create the third dimension as linear perspective. T l a pa l l i: The Deified He a rt The construction, stone by stone, of monasteries, residences, and public buildings and the embellishment of these structures can be attributed almost exclusively to indigenous artisans. There has been little agreement among scholars in their efforts to achieve a theoretical approach to these works or to find appropriate terminology. George Kubler dealt harshly with early colonial native artistic expression: “These utterances were like death cries, and their study pertains to eschatology, or the science of the end of things.”3 From a different perspective, Alfred Neumeyer found survival of the indigenous aesthetic in sixteenth-century painting and sculpture in the interpretations he refers to as “form adaptation”: “While the eye was looking at the European sample, the mind conducted the artisan’s hand into the traditional calligraphy.”4 Attitudes concerning the Mesoamerican early colonial experience vary across the spectrum. J. Jorge Klor de Alva borrows the term nepantlism from Miguel León-Portilla to signify a spiritual middle ground where the Aztecs found themselves after the conquest, caught between their “disfigured past” and an unassimilated Christianity. In Klor de Alva’s view, the diminished understanding of the Amerindian gods indicates more a loss of religious guidance than proof of spiritual conquest.5 If the conquest continues to be viewed as devastation so complete that the native voice was stilled, then the destruction will have been realized. In equal measure, when postconquest indigenous utterances are “discovered” and described as tequitqui, the artists are discredited: their work is viewed as ineffectual and at best tragic for its semblance of loss.6 Constantino Reyes-Valerio consigns to the indigenous artist the vital spark that distinguishes the art of Mexico from its antecedents in Spain: “If what emanated from the friar was the model, then what originated from the Indo-Christian artist was the desire to express what was in his soul.” Reyes-Valerio assesses the artist’s intent by conceding that idolatrous elements may have been incorporated and unheeded by the friars. At the same time, examples of syncretism increase as art historians become more adept at identifying them.7 Whether syncretic or atavistic,

68  •  The Casa del Deán

for Reyes-Valerio, the early colonial sculpture and mural paintings are forms of cultural and spiritual communication that could have existed only with the collaboration of the Amerindian. Carolyn Dean and Dana Leibsohn go one step further and recommend a more thorough investigation of archival documents and greater analyses of images, with an emphasis on process rather than the finished object: “What is at stake is the very real possibility that hybridity—in spite of current desires to identify and name it—may be largely invisible.”8 Similarly, William Taylor views cultural changes as an ongoing “incomplete process,” as opposed to being syncretic, which implies fusion and an end result. Taylor draws a distinction between faith and belief when he acknowledges that the Amerindians could accept Christian doctrine while retaining and incorporating aspects of their pre-Columbian religion.9 Taylor proposes that the Amerindians “innovated in order to maintain the familiar,” all the while considering themselves to be Christians within a basic religious framework provided by the local priests or friars.10 Taylor elaborates: “The great persistences within great changes in colonial Indian religions have more to do with habits of conception and ultimate concerns than specific practices and doctrine; that is, with faith more than belief.”11 Samuel Edgerton has described the construction of monasteries in New Spain as the imaginative and “promiscuous” combination of media and styles that drew native audiences, evoking in them a “profound and sincere feeling of ‘divine presence.’”12 The term Edgerton uses, “expedient selection,” is self-descriptive. The friars and the Amerindians made expedient selections when they chose motifs to serve as bearers of the new faith.13 Serge Gruzinski studies the Lienzo de Tlaxcala, the Códice Sierra, and other early colonial painted books and finds not merely the survival of indigenous iconography and style within the European context but a merging of the two traditions: “In the middle of the sixteenth century the Tlaxcaltec tlacuilo practised a mixed art.”14 Noting the mestizo qualities in the Casa del Deán murals, Gruzinski writes: “The convergence of the two worlds was not just a question of juxtaposition, masking, or transposition. It ultimately combined motifs and forms that, whatever their origin—local or European—had already been the object of one or several indigenous reinterpretations: the monkey did not come straight from the pre-Hispanic past, any more than the female centaur came straight from an Italian engraving. Neither was a pure product of the milieu in which it was conceived and disseminated.”15 Louise Burkhart has addressed the friars’ use of rhetorical forms in Nahuatl to communicate the Christian message.16 By shaping their teachings to accommodate indigenous culture, the friars assured the acceptance of Christianity by the native population. However, some orthodox

T h e A rt i s t a s T l a pa l l i   •   6 9

doctrines did not easily adapt to native understanding at what Burkhart terms a “dialogical frontier”; but, with doctrinal flexibility, the friars became partners with the Amerindians in the creation of distinctive syncretic religious concepts and beliefs.17 James Lockhart hypothesizes that the organizing principles of the altepetl were applied to almost all areas of Nahua life. The altepetl was a political aggregate of separate but fairly equal units, the calpolli, thus a modular rather than hierarchical structure. After the conquest, the altepetl survived and the indigenous groups retained their ethnicity. The church replaced the preconquest temple as the symbol for the altepetl.18 Lockhart emphasizes that the Spaniards did not dictate the process of change, particularly in language, for “indigenous culture was as important as intrusive culture in determining the form, sequence, and timing of adaptation.” The term that Lockhart uses to describe the process is “double mistaken identity,” in which cultural phenomena—municipal government, the monastic complexes, poetry, or sculpture—are perceived from the perspective of the viewer’s tradition, whether Spanish or indigenous. In either case, the one is unaware of the other’s interpretation. The pace of change proceeds gradually, with no active resistance, resulting in accommodations within both the Spanish and the Amerindian traditions, leading eventually to what is Mexican.19 According to Eleanor Wake, the European intrusion did not result in a confrontation of two religions but in a religious system that incorporated native traditional practices: “The ‘language’ of the Christian god— the mode and image in which the omniscient giver of life now chose to manifest himself—had to be embraced quickly, with his assistants and intercessors assigned their roles and the appropriate honors paid to all. In other words, Christian figures and symbols were being incorporated as functional entities into the parameters of native religious beliefs in accordance with the Indians’ understanding of Christianity and the way to approach it.”20 Wake conceives of rituals that summoned the Christian god and saints as “framing the sacred,” whether through offerings of food, dance, or flowers. The construction of churches and their embellishment with sculpture and mural painting continued the tradition of ritualized religious activities: “Where ‘art’ (in all its forms) and religion represented a constant and inseparable element of prehispanic life, ritual and image were the means through which religious belief was explained.”21 The evolution of the image in Mexico is intertwined with the evolution of language. Changes occurred when the spoken word was written down in alphabetic script and when visualized ideas were incorporated into new art forms. In spite of dramatic changes, an inherent quality survived. Neumeyer’s term “form adaptation” bears a close resemblance to cultural and religious processes described by Edgerton, Lockhart, and

70  •  The Casa del Deán

Burkhart. For Kubler and Klor de Alva, the tragic circumstances of the conquest led to devastation and loss. What seems a more historically accurate theoretical approach is the idea espoused by William Taylor and Eleanor Wake that many Amerindians made a spiritual commitment to Christianity, achieving an understanding of Christian doctrine on their own terms. Even as the pre-Hispanic past receded with every new generation, native thought and expression remained alive, not only in postconquest pictorial manuscripts, murals, and relief sculpture, but in Spanish transcriptions of indigenous dialects. The study of both the painted and written language provides opportunities for ongoing comparisons and evaluations of the relationship of language to image. Even though altered by the process of transliteration, native languages remain alive today because they have been read by the Amerindians themselves.22 The same can be said of the aesthetic and symbolic language of the Amerindians: the art of the past survived in a transforming adaptation. This remarkable and rich artistic legacy lies within the walls of hundreds of sixteenthcentury monasteries in Mexico. Some scholars suggest that this aesthetic current extended into the eighteenth century, exemplified by Mexico’s unique interpretation of the Baroque.23 Fray Diego Valadés observed the continuous use of pictograms after the arrival of the Spaniards: “Although lacking letters for writing, the Indians were still able to communicate what they wanted to say to each other through the use of certain figures and images.”24 Recent interpretations of Amerindian documents have had a dramatic effect on colonial Mesoamerican scholarship.25 The work of R. Joe Campbell concerning the morphology of Nahuatl has brought to light complex layers and nuances of meaning, demanding a more extensive approach to the study of language as it developed and changed visually after the conquest.26 In tlilli, in tlapalli, the Nahuatl words for “the black, the red,” refer both to the inks used by artists to create the images of the codices and to books and writing. According to Campbell, the context in which the words tlilli tlapalli are used establishes meaning. They can refer to a person who is “the wise one, in whose hands lay the books, the paintings; who preserved the writings, who possessed the knowledge, the tradition, the wisdom which hath been uttered.” Tlilli tlapalli can also mean “the one of noble lineage, a follower of the exemplary life.” While tlapalli is the Nahuatl word for red, the color of blood, it can be “the collective term for all the different colors—the clear, the good, the fine, the precious, the wonderful.”27 Thus, tlapalli, with its many references to art, metaphor, and knowledge, might be an appropriate substitute for the word tequitqui in defining Mexican colonial art.28 Miguel León-Portilla writes of the struggle of the Aztecs in confronting the fragile nature of life. The ancients concluded that if life experience

T h e A rt i s t a s T l a pa l l i   •   7 1

is like a dream, then truth must be sought beyond the tangible. The poetry of metaphor, arising from thoughts that are deeply felt within or inspired by cosmic vision, provides a glimpse of truth.29 It was the artist, the tlacuilo, who could communicate these truths to others.30 The artist, transformed into the “deified heart,” is a visionary who can transmit divine inspiration. In León-Portilla’s words, “Nahuatl philosophic thought thus revolved about an aesthetic conception of the universe and life, for art ‘made things divine,’ and only the divine was true. . . . The philosophy of metaphors did not pretend to explain the mystery completely, but it did lead man to feel that beauty was perhaps the only reality.”31 The wise men who spoke to Fray Bernardino de Sahagún described the artist as a descendant of the Toltecs: The good painter is a Toltec, an artist; He creates with red and black ink, With black water. . . . The good painter is wise, God is in his heart. He puts divinity into things; he converses with his own heart. He knows the colors, he applies them and shades them; he draws feet and faces, he puts in the shadows, he achieves perfection. He paints the colors of all the flowers, As if he were a Toltec. 32

Before and after the conquest, the tlacuilos wrote books by painting images. They became adept at transferring the black lines of European prints into monumental form on monastery walls and making the image a reflection of their spiritual vision. Tlapalli as metaphorical language is the inherent quality in sixteenth-century art that continues as an “incomplete process” into the twenty-first century.33 These “habits of conceiving the sacred” as metaphor define tlapalli as a more complex reading of sixteenth-century codices and mural and sculptural programs than is possible in the continued use of the term tequitqui.34 This more expansive analysis allows not only for the discovery of incidental pre-Columbian motifs but for a broader understanding of the conceptualization of the indigenous work of art. Because the artist is divinely inspired, his work can open the viewers’ eyes and minds to the sacred.

72  •  The Casa del Deán

Form a s Meta phor in E a r ly Coloni a l Pa inting The Nahua artist did not define space with a ground line but instead distributed forms across the page in a “spaceless landscape,” an approach Donald Robertson refers to as “the scattered attribute composition.” Heavy frame lines emphasize two-dimensionality, with overlapping only occasionally suggested by line. The artist applied color evenly within boundaries, thus creating forms that could easily be read.35 The most important features in the composition were gods or human beings. For each figure, the preconquest artist brought together separate component parts that provided the identity of the god or person.36 Buildings, plants, and place signs were all subordinated. A landscape was a group of signs, beginning with a basic place sign to which the tlacuilo added identifying qualifiers in the form of emblems.37 Elizabeth Boone sees the Testerian catechisms and the “cultural encyclopedias,” exemplified by the Codex Mendoza, as new genres that were invented in the colonial period.38 Like the Casa del Deán animals in cartouches, they are indigenous in form and European and indigenous in content. However, this distinction only begins to define the complexity of the cultural dialogue that is exemplified by these indigenous works. For the friars and their congregations, the Testerian catechism became the language of images that enabled the communication of a new theology.39 Jorge de Acosta’s Historia natural y moral de las Indias, first printed in 1590, includes sections possibly authored by Fray Juan de Tovar.40 Acosta writes of the period soon after the conquest: And I have seen . . . the prayers of the Pater Noster, Ave Maria as symbol, and the general confession [written] in the same manner [by images and characters] of the Indians. .  .  . For to signify the words “I, a sinner, do confess myself,” they paint an Indian kneeling at the feet of a religious, as one who confesses. . . . In this manner the whole confession is written by images, and where they lack images, they put characters as in what I have sinned, etc. From this one may conceive the liveliness of the ingenuity of the Indians. Since this method of writing prayers and matters of the faith was not taught them by the Spaniards, they could not have achieved it unless they had a particular conception of what they were taught.41

The Testerian manuscript that Tovar sent to Acosta was painted by a tlacuilo under a friar’s supervision. Gerónimo de Mendieta credits Fray Jacobo de Testera with the invention of the use of painted images to teach the articles of Christian faith to the Amerindians.42 The type of catechism

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sent to Acosta may have served as a prototype for the friars in the creation of the lienzos (painted cloths) used in teaching and for confession. In the upper left corner of Diego de Valadés’s image of the monastery patio (fig. 3.1), Fray Pedro de Gante, with pointer in hand, combines image and disquisition in order to teach “all of the arts.”43 These glyphlike forms painted on the lienzo bear a resemblance to Testerian writing.44 Diego Valadés describes the Franciscans’ method and ascribes to them its invention: The friars, having to preach to the Indians, use, in their sermons, admirable and almost unknown figures, to instill in the Indians the divine doctrine with great perfection and objectivity. With this end in mind, the friars have fabric panels on which are painted the principal points concerning the Christian religion, like the Symbols of the Apostles, the Decalogue, the Seven Capital Sins, with their numerous related sins and aggravating circumstances, the Seven Acts of Mercy, and the Seven Sacraments. . . . For the honor, which by rights we are vindicated in assuming as ours, that is, all those of the Order of St. Francis, is that we were the first to work painstakingly to adopt this new method of teaching.45

Valadés also comments on the Amerindians’ use of images in making their confessions: “They demonstrate their ingenuity even more when they are going to confess, by using a painting in which they indicate the ways they have offended God; and, in order to show the times they have repeated the sin, they place pebbles onto the drawing that represents the corresponding vices and virtues.”46 The resemblance of the lienzos by Valadés and the Testerian catechisms by Acosta and Tovar indicates that the two were linked. It also seems possible that Testera and de Gante were both finding ways to disseminate the use of this teaching method in the many monasteries in New Spain.47 In distinguishing the Testerian manuscripts or lienzos from the murals in the Casa del Deán, one need only point out that the audience for the murals was composed of Don Tomás’s peers, clerics, and members of the Spanish community in Puebla. The paintings in the Casa del Deán were not didactic but were meant to inspire learned discourse. It is worth noting, however, that the Testerian catechisms were written by Amerindians in a pictographic script at the behest of the friars, just as the animals in the Salon of the Triumphs were painted by indigenous artists as zoomorphic supernaturals with emblematic references to Christian themes.48 The lienzos and catechisms that adhered to the use of image as rhetorical disquisition within a Christian context became the model followed by the friars’ students in the Casa del Deán’s murals. At the same time, the indigenous approach to imagery in the Casa del Deán murals, apart from what the artists took directly from European sources, represents the

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3.1. Fray Diego Valadés, Retorica Cristiana, schematic of a monastery patio, 1579. Library of Congress Rare Book and Special Collections

Spanish patron’s acknowledgment of the pre-Hispanic pictorial tradition and his willingness to allow its inclusion in a mural cycle that would have been viewed primarily by Europeans. Thomas Cummins writes of the attempts by the Franciscans to find “a permeable and transparent referent through which the words of the other can pass . . . in order to be used as bearers of truth, as evidence, as historical fact, or as religious dogma.”49 The transcription of indigenous languages into alphabetic writing and the expanding adoption of spoken and written Spanish brought about dramatic changes in communication. The use of pictures, however, remained a valid and accepted form of documentation and intercultural dialogue: “[The pictorial images] constitute the location to which the act of looking by Europeans and natives could be mutually and simultaneously directed in order to establish agreement.”50

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Evidence is overwhelming that the pictorial image did remain a locus for intercultural communication because European Renaissance art was not simply mimetic but inherently mnemonic. Art served a rhetorical purpose as visual metaphor in both cultures.51 No better example can be cited than the murals in the Casa del Deán, where every image had symbolic references far beyond what was depicted, whether in the European or Amerindian visual vocabulary. Five hundred years later, as modern viewers, we might wonder at the meaning of a stag seated on a petate throne just as we might at the identity of a blindfolded woman holding a broken staff and riding on the back of a donkey (figs. 4.2, 7.10). R hetor ic a nd Im age Numerous works on rhetoric and language appear in the inventory of the Colegio Imperial de Santa Cruz’s library and in the ship registers of the fleet under Capt. Francisco Novoa Feijó that arrived in 1586. Among these are the writings of Cicero, Quintilian, and Aristotle; numerous books authored by Fray Luis de Granada, including his Ecclesiasticae rhetoricae; and the grammars and dictionaries of Antonio de Nebrija. Related texts include Virgil’s Aeneid and Eclogues, the Diálogos by Francisco Cervantes Salazar, St. Thomas Aquinas’s Summa Theologicae, Petrarch’s Triumphs, and Bernardino de Sahagún’s Psalmodia Cristiana.52 The discovery of Quintilian’s Institutio oratoria in 1416 and the publication of Aristotle’s On Rhetoric in 1477 were critical to the development of humanist thought. These two works and the pervasive influence of Cicero’s De oratore and De inventione rhetorica inspired the adoption of rhetoric as integral to the study of philosophy.53 In the sixteenth century ancient rhetoric, as it was reinterpreted by Renaissance philosophers and theologians, prevailed in education and literary expression. Spanish humanists Juan Luis Vives and Benito Arias Montano both included among their works texts concerning rhetoric, as did Nebrija, who wrote Artis rhetoricae compendiosa in 1515.54 The predominant question for these Christian humanist authors concerned the relationship between rhetoric and philosophy and between persuasion and abstract truth.55 From the early Renaissance, the preferred model for theologians and philosophers was Cicero’s ideal of wisdom with eloquence.56 The place held by rhetoric among the arts was a matter of concern among scholars in sixteenth-century Spain as in the rest of Europe.57 Influenced by the Ciceronian tradition, the Spanish Dominican Luis de Granada combined theology and persuasion in his Ecclesiasticae rhetoricae to enable preachers to inspire their congregations. Granada’s Breve tratado was a response to the challenges of converting the peoples of the New World, whom he assumed to be rational and thus capable of

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conversion.58 The vast extension of Christianity in the New World required techniques of preaching the gospel that were provided by the prescribed rules of rhetoric. The most important sixteenth-century work on rhetoric in the Americas was Diego Valadés’s Retorica Cristiana, published in Perugia in 1579. What distinguishes Valadés’s study from those by Luis de Granada and other contemporary Spanish authors is the dynamic of the illustrated text.59 The inclusion of images was directly linked to the import that Valadés gave to memoria, exceeding the other aspects of rhetoric.60 While natural memory is considered a gift from God and therefore incapable of improvement or change, artificial memory could be developed through the use of images. The source for much of Valadés’s theory of rhetoric was the Rhetorica ad Herennium, which was influential among Renaissance rhetoricians concerned with the improvement and application of memory.61 For Valadés, the visual image as a mnemonic device in the development of artificial memory was potentially universal in its application. His approach to memory differed from other theories, even though all were based on the sense of sight, in that Valadés’s predecessors had recommended mental imagery to the orator. The internally visualized image was advocated by Cicero, Quintilian, the author of Rhetorica ad Herennium, and Valadés’s contemporary Cosmas Rossellius, who published the Thesaurus artificiosae memoriae in Venice in 1579.62 While the illustrations were completely integrated with Valadés’s theoretical text, his choice to give prominence to memory joined the image to discourse. Valadés was led to his unique approach to rhetoric by his life in Mexico. He was born in Tlaxcala to Diego Valadés, a conquistador, and an indigenous mother and was thus a native-born mestizo. He joined the Franciscan order and studied at the Colegio de Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco.63 Having taught at San José de los Naturales under the guidance of Fray Pedro de Gante, Valadés was well placed to observe the mnemonic use of the image by the Mexica (Aztec) elite in public oratory and in private dialogue.64 In one of the conceptual engravings from Retorica Cristiana (fig. 3.2), a friar stands before a group of indigenous men and women, indicating with a pointer a large-scale depiction of the Crucifixion painted on a lienzo.65 Although the lienzo appears to be hanging on a wall, Valadés makes no distinction between the edges of the lienzo and the ground line on which the monk and the native congregants stand or kneel. The only characteristic that differentiates the painting from its observers is the relative size of the figures in the painted scene of Christ’s Passion. They are made to appear larger than life, while the Amerindians are set apart by their diminutive size, like patrons in a Flemish altarpiece.

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3.2. Fray Diego Valadés, Retorica Cristiana, Crucifixion, 1579. Library of Congress Rare Book and Special Collections

Diego Valadés’s engraving recalls a subject that was ubiquitous after the Council of Trent: the Mass of St. Gregory. Two early renditions are known to have been painted by indigenous artists in Franciscan monasteries, one of them in Cholula (fig. 3.3).66 During the celebration of the Eucharist by St. Gregory, the bread and wine are miraculously transformed at the altar into the Crucified Christ and instruments of the Passion, as a sign to the unbeliever.67 In the Mass of St. Gregory and in Valadés’s image, the participants witness the miracle of transubstantiation and are transformed by the experience. Significantly, in Valadés’s engraving, the place of transcendence is where reality merges with the image. The learning that is taking place as a result of the enhancement of the word has led to spiritual conversion.

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Valadés here dramatically reveals the impact of this innovative rhetorical mnemonic device, thus proving its successful application by the friars whom he credits with its invention. He depicts the native audience as no longer observers but transformed by the rhetoric of the image and the mystery of redemption. St. Thomas Aquinas’s precepts for memory from the Summa Theologica could have influenced the Franciscan model as described by Valadés. In his first precept, Aquinas recommends that the orator assume “similitudes” of things he wants to remember. According to Aquinas, the similitudes and images invented by the orator should be extraordinary, “because simple and spiritual intentions slip easily from the soul unless they are as it were linked to some corporeal similitudes, because human cognition is stronger in regard to the sensibilia. Whence the memorative (power) is placed in the sensitive (part) of the soul.”68 The image in Valadés’s theory, then, becomes the corporeal similitude that allows for the remembrance of “simple and spiritual intentions” in the soul. In 1547 Fray Andrés de Olmos transcribed the courtly speech of the Aztec elite in the Arte para aprender la lengua mexicana. Olmos included the Metaphors to illustrate the elegant use of language among Aztec principales.69 The Metaphors followed several general themes, primarily

3.3. The Mass of St. Gregory, cloister of San Gabriel, Cholula

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lineage, the duties and roles of the different classes of people, proper conduct, especially in a religious context, and proper speech.70 Olmos, in transcribing the Metaphors, found in rhetoric a meeting place of European and indigenous culture. “Rhetoric and Moral Philosophy,” book 6 of Bernardino de Sahagún’s General History of New Spain, is a collection of prayers to the gods delivered by priests and exhortations spoken by parents and elders. Sahagún recognized that public discourse was an integral part of political, social, and religious life among the Aztecs.71 In 1558–1561 Sahagún composed the Psalmodia Cristiana, which circulated among the Franciscan monasteries before its 1583 publication in Mexico by Pedro Ocharte.72 When Sahagún wrote the poems in Nahuatl, using indigenous modes of speech, he was recalling the ancient prayers to the gods that he had collected from the old and wise men for The General History of New Spain. Sahagún states in his prologue: Among the things of which the Indians of New Spain were very careful, one was the worship of their gods, who were many and to whom in various ways they paid honor and also [sang] praises extolling them in the temples and oratories day and night. .  .  . [I]n this volume, called Christian Psalmody, these canticles have been printed in the Nahuatl language so that [the Indians] will completely abandon the old canticles. . . . This work will be of great benefit both for them to praise God and His saints with Christian, Catholic praises, and for producing a catechism of matters concerning their Christianity, as well as for preachers, who will find in them many of the tools for preaching on the lives of the saints and the festivals of the entire year.73

The intention was for the Amerindian congregations to memorize and sing the psalms on feast days. Sahagún’s Psalmodia Cristiana is a pedagogical instrument, employing the Aztec rhetorical tradition of the memorized sung or spoken language of the metaphor to impart Christian doctrine and to assist the friars in improving their own oratory.74 Fray Pedro de Gante composed bead-prayers, which appear in his Doctrina cristiana en lengua mexicana (1553). These proto-rosary devotions to Christ and the Virgin Mary include recitations of the Lord’s Prayer, the Creed, and Ave Maria in combination with meditations on the chronological sequence of events in Christ’s life.75 Among the new congregants, jade was highly prized and its spiritual references were transferred to Christian iconography in psalms, prayers, and meditations.76 The “precious spiritual wristlet” may relate to Pedro de Gante’s meditational bead-prayers. The seven precious stones, in the following psalms from Sahagún’s Psalmodia Cristiana, lead the wearer through the Lord’s Prayer:

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Psalm 5 You who are a son of the holy Church, you who are a Christian: know and pay honor to your most marvelously precious spiritual wristlet, your bracelet, made, arranged, strung with seven precious stones, which your mother holy Church gives you. Our Father Who art in Heaven, may Your name be known everywhere, for it is surpassingly good. This, the beginning of your wristband, is a spiritual emerald-green jade. Psalm 6 This is a marvelous, precious wristband of yours, [made of] rounded, reed-like [stones], which comes to you from Heaven. God’s sons and those of the holy Church value it highly and take great care of it. Daily they adorn themselves with it; daily they pray with it; with it they call to God day and night. “With this bracelet that shimmers like precious jade, that smokes like turquoise, with [this] marvelously precious wristband that our Lord Jesus Christ Himself composed [and] arranged, the holy Gospel [with] what lies written in it has taught us how we are to pray to our beloved Father God Who is in Heaven.”77

The metaphorical language of the psalms, songs, and religious dramas performed in the monasteries influenced the development of visual metaphors in colonial murals. In the Casa del Deán, paired monkeys with intertwining tails, wearing jade bracelets and earspools, inhabit the frieze beneath the procession of the sibyls (fig. I.6). Sound scrolls issuing from their mouths indicate that the monkeys are speaking or singing. The seraphim that occupy the lower frieze wear jade pendants as a sign of preciousness (fig. I.7). For the artist of the murals, these jade ornaments were pre-Columbian elements that had already been given new Christian meanings, ones that were learned in the monastery.78 The ancient indigenous themes, along with their spiritual references, were retained by the new Christians and friars to continue serving as mnemonic devices. The pre-Columbian elements that occur in colonial murals or sculpted reliefs had already acquired several new layers of meaning.79 Thus indigenous motifs were accepted by Spanish and Amerindian viewers as appropriate representations of Christian precepts. Valadés describes the pervasive presence of the metaphor in the indigenous rhetorical tradition: “Neither do they ever lack for metaphors in their language.”80 Tlapalli, the metaphorical language of the Nahuas, remained alive in this new religious context, inextricably linked to Christianity. The challenge is in recognizing the power of the metaphor and its relationship to memory in both cultures and the resultant complexity in reading sixteenth-century art in New Spain.

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Education of the A m er indi a n A rtists While many indigenous artists and musicians received their training at San Juan de los Naturales or in the Augustinian school in Tiripitío, it is more likely that the Amerindian artists who painted the Casa del Deán murals were taught by Franciscans in the Tlaxcala-Puebla area. The murals contain stylistic and iconographic elements that occur in neighboring Franciscan monasteries: landscapes that extend into deep space, large-scale figures on the front plane, friezes that frame the main scenes, and the use of the rope motif, a Franciscan trope.81 The calmecac, where young men were trained for the priesthood, provided a model for the Franciscan schools. According to Sahagún, the Franciscans became aware that both young men and women had been brought into the temple schools to live, where they were disciplined and given religious and civic instruction. Inspired by this model, the friars gathered the youths into the monastic schools.82 Reyes-Valerio maintains that the arts were taught in the calmecac and finds proof in Fray Juan de Torquemada’s description of the Totonacan priests’ role in the worship of Cinteotl. The sequestered priests were engaged in writing with images, and the codices they produced were destined for use by the elder wise men, the calmecahuehuetque.83 These tlacuilos must have received a thorough education in the complexity of their religion, since they would have had to anticipate the wise men’s interpretations of each glyph and pictograph. Bishop Diego de Landa refers to a priestly elite among the Maya who taught sons of priests and lords the complexities of the calendar, the art of divination, and the reading and writing of text and characters.84 The intricacy of religious iconography also required careful preparation for those who were designated to become carvers and feather workers. Fray Diego de Durán provides a list of members of the priestly hierarchy, among them, the tecuacuiltin, those who carve statues.85 Motolinía writes that the sons of noble families in each community were brought into the monastery for instruction,86 as they had been in the calmecac. Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta describes these early schools: All of the monasteries in New Spain have a large patio in front of the church. . . . To one side of the church (which is usually on the north side, because to the south is the monastery), in all of the towns, a school is built where every working day the singers gather. . . . In the same school, in another part, or in the same part if it is large, the sons of prominent citizens are taught to read and write after they have learned the Christian doctrine, which is all that is taught to the poorer classes outside in the patio.87

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According to Sahagún, these young men, once educated, became assistants to the friars, translating and proselytizing.88 The lienzos used in the monastic schools were mostly painted by indigenous artists and apparently had antecedence in the calmecac.89 Mendieta writes: Some of the friars used a mode of preaching that was very successful with the Indians because it conformed to their custom of communicating everything with painting. . . . The friars had the Articles of the Faith painted on one lienzo, the Ten Commandments on another, and, on another, the Seven Sacraments, and whatever else they wanted of the Christian doctrine. And when the preacher wanted to preach about these commandments, he hung a screen with the commandments to one side near him, so that, with a staff like those carried by bailiffs, he could teach the part he wanted to. And in this manner he declared all of the Christian doctrine clearly and distinctly and very much according to his own way.90

Motolinía describes the course of study in the early schools, especially at the Colegio de Santa Cruz, for the sons of the principales. In the first year, the students learned to read and write in Latin and Spanish. During the second year, they learned by copying: “Ornamental capitals and Greek letters, lines and notes for both plain chant and figured music, everything they produce with ease.” The young men also compiled books, copying text, binding, and illuminating: “They have made wood engravings of such excellent design that all who see them are astonished to find them made so perfect the first time.”91 During the third year, the boys were taught to sing and to play musical instruments.92 The study of painting, initiated by Fray Pedro de Gante at San José de los Naturales, was incorporated at all levels, in the schools for mechanical arts and in the Colegio de Santa Cruz.93 The students acquired an understanding of European illusionism by copying prints and paintings: “After the arrival of the Flemish and Italian models and paintings which the Spaniards brought, excellent artists developed among the Indians. . . . Formerly the Indians knew only how to paint a flower or a bird or design. If they painted a man or a man on horseback, the proportions were poorly done. But now they paint well.”94 The curricula for the arts developed by the Franciscans had European antecedents. Leon Battista Alberti’s treatises, which appear in the 1586 ship register, could have been a major influence.95 His ideas concerning art theory in his work On Painting not only had an influence on other theorists, like Ludovico Dolce, Giorgio Vasari, and Giovanni Paolo Lomazzo, but would have been known among Spanish and Flemish humanists.96

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According to Alberti, painting was a course of study worthy of a lifetime’s commitment, as a divine force that contributed “to the most honourable delights of the soul and to the dignified beauty of things.” He turned to classical precedents, quoting Quintilian and Hermes Trismegistus, “building anew an art of painting.” Alberti’s desire to place painting among the arts was closely related to rhetorical theory: “[Alberti’s] textual reliance on Quintilian and especially on Cicero in this and contemporary works underscores his preoccupation with rhetoric and rhetoricians. He urges the painter, like the orator, to make a careful examination of the facts at his disposal, to organize them and to present them in such a way that they attract and hold the attention of the observer.”97 In words that define Alberti as a humanist and anticipate the place that art was to have a century later in the Fransciscans’ approach to teaching, Alberti wrote: “Some think that painting shaped the gods who were adored by the nations. It certainly was their greatest gift to mortals, for painting is most useful to that piety which joins us to the gods and keeps our souls full of religion.”98 For Alberti, the pedagogical role of painting was as significant as pedagogy was to the rhetorician. John Spencer clarifies this important point: “In both Albertian painting and in Ciceronian oratory the aim is to please, to move and to convince. In both cases the educative role is of the greatest importance and in both it is concealed from the audience.”99 Alberti believed that the telling of a religious or mythological story (istoria) required a mathematical and compositional approach that reflected the artist’s desire for what was appropriate and beautiful.100 The painter begins with the outlining of planes: “I should like youths who first come to painting to do as those who are taught to write. . . . First of all they should learn how to draw outlines of the planes well. . . . They should learn to join the planes together. Then they should learn each distinct form of each member and commit to memory whatever differences there may be in each member.”101 In Alberti’s order of painting, circumscription comes first, followed by composition, and then by the reception of light.102 The steps toward European illusionism in painting took place within circumscription— “the drawing of the outline”—and the intersection of planes, Alberti’s mathematically conceived one-point perspective.103 For the indigenous student in the monastic school, line led to the understanding of composition and of the impact of light on form in space. Line became transforming, moving from the pre-Columbian outline to the contours of planes in European illusionism. However, in spite of the dramatic change to the way in which form was depicted in space after the conquest, the image remained symbolic and expository.104 An interesting passage comes from the Relación de Tezcoco, written in 1582 by Juan Bautista Pomar, a mestizo whose maternal grandfather,

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Nezahualpilli, was king of Tezcoco.105 Pomar describes the inclusion of the mechanical arts in the curriculum for those of noble birth: The nobles attempted to learn, for their own activity and recreation, those certain arts and trades, such as painting, the working of wood, stone or gold, and the cutting of fine stones to give them the form and size they wanted, resembling animals, birds, and insects. .  .  . Others became stone-carvers or carpenters, and others were knowledgeable about the stars and the movement of the skies . . . and it is known that if they had had letters, many of nature’s secrets would have remained known, but since the paintings are not capable of retaining within themselves the memory of the things that are painted, they were not passed forward because, when the one died who had come closest to completing [the paintings], the meaning died with him.106

In 1570 Mendieta took to Spain a copy of the Contemptus Mundi of Thomas à Kempis, transcribed by a tlacuilo (native scribe) in Nahuatl, which Mendieta reported to have been remarkable for the grace and clarity of the written text.107 Here then was the new manuscript, produced in a monastery school with the same exacting supervision by a priest over content and style. As the sixteenth century progressed, the highly trained scholar-artists were replaced by artists who were not cognizant of the complex iconography and appropriate approach to form that had been taught in the calmecac. While the indigenous artists were gradually losing the crispness of line and attention to symbolic references in their manuscripts, the Casa del Deán artists were maintaining a preconquest style in the emblematic animals within cartouches. Their training allowed them to retain their visual traditions, but with new meanings and applications. A F r a nci sca n Scho ol in the T l axca l a-Puebl a R egion Constantino Reyes-Valerio contends that, considering the number of monastery walls covered with mural paintings, it would have been impossible for all of the artists to have been trained in only two schools, San José de los Naturales and the Augustinian school at Tiripitío.108 In the case of the Master of the Sibyls and his team, it is very likely that they were educated in a Franciscan school in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region. Franciscans who were prominent within the order in New Spain served as guardians on a rotating basis in the diocese of Tlaxcala. They remained active preachers, educators, and pastors until their deaths. Fray Jacobo de Testera was guardian at the monastery in Huejotzingo in 1532

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and Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta in Tlaxcala in 1585.109 The renowned linguist Fray Alonso de Molina was guardian at Tecamachalco in 1558.110 Also in Tecamachalco were two Franciscans who had taught at the Colegio de Santa Cruz in Tlatelolco, Andrés de Olmos and Francisco de Bustamante.111 Fray Diego Valadés, however, would have had the greatest impact on the development of the Franciscan schools. He was Fray Pedro de Gante’s student and assistant at San José de los Naturales. Valadés recalls how de Gante’s innovative teaching methods were taken beyond the walls of San José de los Naturales: “And then [the mechanical arts] are taught by one to the other.” In 1560–1562 Valadés taught and evangelized among the Chichimecs in northern Mexico and, upon his return, served as guardian in Tlaxcala. His presence in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region has been verified by the discovery that he was a member of a delegation to Huejotzingo in 1567.112 Valadés’s influence would undoubtedly have been felt in the Franciscan monasteries surrounding Puebla. There were several Franciscan schools in the region where the artists could have been trained. According to Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta, the monastery in Puebla housed forty friars and a school of the arts. Twentytwo Franciscans resided in the monastery at Cholula, where the focus in the school was on the study of grammar (Latin).113 In 1585 Antonio de Ciudad Real observed that “many friars reside in [the monastery], because there are always studies of the arts or of grammar.” In Tlaxcala, Ciudad Real reported that seven or eight friars were living in the monastery, which had a school of arts, with a friar designated as “lector de artes.”114 Diego Muñóz Camargo provides a description of the school buildings at the Franciscan monastery in Tlaxcala. Near the Chapel of San José are “the schools where the natives learn to read and to sing, and the friars take special care in teaching them.”115 Even considering the large number of friars in Puebla and Cholula, several pertinent factors point to Huejotzingo as the monastery where the Casa del Deán artists could have received their training. The most important reason for this choice is the presence of Fray Juan de Alameda, a designer and “architect.” Equally compelling is the strong stylistic resemblance between the murals in the cloister at San Martín, Huaquechula (ca. 1565–1570) and the Casa del Deán. These two mural cycles also resemble the murals at San Gabriel, Cholula, which were contemporaneous with those in the Casa del Deán.116 Fray Juan de Alameda arrived in Mexico in 1528 with Juan de Zumárraga, New Spain’s first bishop, and the linguist Andrés de Olmos.117 Mendieta provides Alameda’s biography: He soon learned the language of the natives, and understood it very well, and was able to speak with faith [in the language], preaching and hearing confessions. He moved the town of Huexotzingo

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(which at the time had forty thousand inhabitants) from the sloping ravines where it was [originally], to the location and site where it is today, and built the monastery there. . . . He lived a perilous and focused life, and was a great republican; as such, he embellished greatly the towns where he resided, of which there were many, among them the town of Tula, where he was guardian in 1539, and where he created order; in many things he provided enlightenment, as the natives of [Tula] have given testimony. He died ca. 1570 and is buried in the monastery of Huaquechula, whose church he had built.118

The earliest structure in Huejotzingo (1524–1529) consisted of an open three-aisled church, a cloister, and a school north of the present church, a complex resembling San José de los Naturales.119 Alameda arrived in Huejotzingo in 1529, at which time he instituted the process of congregation.120 Before leaving for Tula in 1539, Alameda must have been responsible for the initial planning and construction of the second church on the site of the first at Huejotzingo.121 The present church, posas (processional chapels), and cloister were constructed during the third stage, 1545–1580. This church followed the floor plan at Tula and Cholula.122 Documents have come to light that verify Fray Juan de Alameda’s presence in Huejotzingo in 1552. On October 31 of that year Puebla’s Cabildo gave permission to the Indians in Huejotzingo to quarry stone and construct houses and buildings within the town’s limits. They were also allowed to quarry stone for lime for the town hall.123 Not long afterward, members of the Cabildo of Puebla made a visit on November 22, 1552, to Huejotzingo, where they were met at the town’s boundary by the principales and by two friars, Juan de Alameda and Esteban de Solís, “in order to establish limits and to indicate the location where stone could be taken for construction in Huejotzingo. They marked the limits of this place.”124 Almost a year later, on September 23, 1553, the viceroy ordered royal officials to pay $200 toward the work on the Franciscan monastery in Huejotzingo.125 In the Matrícula de Huejotzinco of March 1560 (a census), Alameda is referred to as guardian of Huejotzingo. He was sixty years of age at the time and had been acquainted with the town for over thirty years. Previously he had been guardian for six years and had now returned to the office. He acknowledged in his testimony that he was well acquainted with many of the principales of Huejotzingo. His concern was with the legal status of the serfs (macehuales) who lived and worked on the land as tenant farmers (terrazgueros). An interesting feature of this testimony is that the documentation of ownership was in text and pictures, “está escrito y por pinturas.”126 One of Fray Juan de Alameda’s lasting contributions was the hydraulic system of aqueducts, clay pipes, wall channels, fountains, and wells for the monastery and plaza of Huejotzingo.127 Alameda and the Indians

T h e A rt i s t a s T l a pa l l i   •   8 7

who had worked with him on the hydraulic system in Huejotzingo were consequently in demand throughout the diocese.128 According to Kubler, “Fray Juan de Alameda taught the Indians of Huejotzingo the principles of hydrostatics in connection with the urbanization of Huaquechula; later in the century, in 1576, those specific Indians were needed by the civil authorities of Puebla because of their previous training.”129 The importation of trained artisans from Huejotzingo and Huaquechula to Puebla raises the possibility that the artist and his assistants who received the commission for the Casa del Deán murals were trained in Huejotzingo. Juan Gutiérrez de Bocanegra visited San Miguel, Huejotzingo, with a master stonemason from Puebla, Pedro de Vidana Vizcaíno, and filed a report on September 23, 1567. What he discovered was that only a portion of the materials had been acquired, so the church had not been vaulted. Fray Diego Valadés, also part of the delegation, in speaking to the people of Huejotzingo, found that they wanted to finish the church but lacked the resources because of the exorbitant tribute that they were forced to pay.130 Thus, it is evident that the church was not completed before the death of Fray Juan de Alameda. In fact, construction continued, according to a document dated 1572, indicating that master stonemason Alonso Ruiz was given responsibility for stonework at the monasteries of Huejotzingo and Cuauhtinchán. One supposition has been made that, while Francisco Becerra supervised the construction of San Juan Bautista Cuauhtinchán, he may also have had some participation in the construction of San Miguel, Huejotzingo, during the years he was in Puebla (1574 to 1580).131 This very tenuous connection suggests the possibility that Becerra could have assisted Don Tomás in identifying mural artists who had acquired their skills under Fray Juan de Alameda. M a ster of the Siby l s Because of the master painter’s adherence to indigenous forms, it can be assumed that he was a principal. The one indigenous artist who can be associated with a specific work of art in the sixteenth century was privileged: Juan Gersón, who painted scenes from the Old Testament and the Apocalypse at the Franciscan monastery of Tecamachalco near Puebla. Juan Gersón is referred to in the Anales de Tecamachalco as a tlacuilo and signed and dated the work in Nahuatl.132 In addition, in a document dated 1592, both Juan Gersón and his brother Tomás are given the title “indio principal.”133 Records indicate that Amerindian artists were working for Spanish and indigenous patrons soon after the conquest. The Tlaxcalan Acts of the Cabildo, whose members were from the native elite, record payment for an altarpiece on October 10, 1550. Artists were also commissioned by

88  •  The Casa del Deán

the Cabildo to produce secular murals, one on June 17, 1552: “A painting of Cortes’s arrival in Tlaxcala and the war and conquest is to be prepared for presentation to the emperor; two regidores are to oversee the project and arrange for artists’ supplies through the city’s majordomo and to choose the artists. At this point it is not decided whether the painting should be on tilmatly [cloth] or amate [paper].”134 The choice of materials indicates an Amerindian artist. Indigenous artists continued to work in their traditional forms in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region after the conquest. Mendieta described a calendar painting on the monastery’s portal at Cuauhtinchán: “With good reason, it was ordered that this calendar should be removed from everything . . . it is true that some of the old Indians and those who are still interested have even today within their memory the above-mentioned months and their names. And they have painted them in various locations; in particular, on the portal of the monastery at Cuauhtinchán.”135 In the Libro de los guardianes of Cuauhtinchán, a member of the Cabildo, Baltazar de Torres, is referred to as the calmecaua or calmecauatzin in 1555 and 1558.136 Considering that a teacher for the calmecac was serving as an elite member of the Cabildo, and preconquest imagery was painted on the portal of the monastery, it is likely that some artists in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region were still painting in the old manner of the Eastern Nahuas.137 In 1562 indigenous artists from Cholula were paid by Puebla’s Cabildo to provide the painting for the festival of Saint Michael.138 Contemporaneously, the Matrícula de Huejotzinco (1560) lists citizens of Huejotzingo and surrounding barrios and their vocations. Several tlacuilos appear, each depicted as a head in profile, with a line extending from the mouth to a hand holding a writing instrument or paintbrush. Above the pictograph is the person’s name in alphabetic writing in Nahuatl as well as his vocation, which is often incorporated into his name.139 According to the Matrícula de Huejotzinco, Pedro Tlamatzohualli and Juan Uilziquitl of San Juan Huejotzingo, Juan Tlacuilol of Santiago Xaltepetlapan, Diego Tlacuilol of Santa María Asunción Almoyahuacan, and Luys Tlacuillo of San Luis Coyotzinco were listed as tla[h]cuilohqui, those who paint or write. Pedro Temitle and Francisco Yaotl of San Felipe Teotlaltzinco were tlapalacuiloque, painters of colors, with their vocation visualized as a brush or writing instrument inserted in a container or as a hand holding the writing instrument. In another of the towns subject to Huejotzingo, Santa María Tetzmollocan, there were many feather workers and a Luqas Cuillol, who was a cuillol (painter). Juan Cuillol of San Felipe Teotlaltzinco was also a cuillol, his symbol a hand holding a writing instrument over a page filled with glyphs. This same glyph identifies Diego Amatlacuilol as an amatlacuilol (painter or writer on paper). Could one of these artists have been the Master of the Sibyls or a member of his team?140

T h e A rt i s t a s T l a pa l l i   •   8 9

3.4. Frieze and landscape, cloister chapel, San Martín, Huaquechula

90  •  The Casa del Deán

Before the arrival of the Spaniards, the city-states of Tlaxcala-Puebla had formed a confederation, made up of Huejotzingo, Cholula, Cuauhtinchán, Tepeyacac, Tecamachalco, Teohuacán, Cozcatlán, Teotitlán, and, in the Mixteca Alta, Coixtlahuaca. Bruce Byland and John Pohl have termed the relationships among these city states “alliance corridors,” which allowed for the development of a distinctive art style. Because of the heterogeneity of the confederation, Byland and Pohl speculate that the people of the Mixteca-Puebla rejected Zapotec hieroglyphics for a visual language that “facilitated information exchange,” an international style. They maintain that these alliances continued after the conquest, which would have had political, religious, and artistic implications.141 Another possible alliance corridor may have run through the Cuicatlán Cañada, the long river valley running north-south and connecting the valleys of Tehuacán, Nochistlán, and southern Oaxaca. This trade route and boat passages along the Atlantic shoreline could have brought the Mayas, Mixtecs, and Zapotecs into the Tlaxcala-Puebla region.142 While the spread of regional styles crossed linguistic borders, it would seem that changes in language would not have obviated the rhetorical interrelationship of the spoken word to codex image. As the styles traveled, they would have been accompanied by the use of rhetoric, for the two could not have been separated. The unity of style in the region after the conquest would have been due to political, economic, and social affiliations that had developed over centuries. Could the indigenous artists’ stylistic approach have been a balancing act between their training at San Miguel, Huejotzingo, and what they had learned as tlacuilos outside the monastery’s walls? Several works by the indigenous artists of Huaquechula and Huejotzingo survive, among them, the Matrícula, the Codex Monteleone, the Genealogía de Cuauhquechollan-Macuilxochitepec, and the circular Mapa de Cuauhquechollan.143 One of these, the landscape on the back of the Genealogía, bears a resemblance to the landscape in the cloister at Huaquechula (fig. 3.4). The line demarcating tlacuilo from painter becomes more indistinct the closer we come to an identity for the lead artist. At this point, he can be given a name: Master of the Sibyls; thus, he becomes a person, known to have worked diligently in order to attain a remarkable level of proficiency and expressiveness in the art of painting. Perhaps his name, like that of Juan Gersón, will be recovered from among the papers that relate to his patron, Don Tomás de la Plaza, which have not yet come to light.144 Serge Gruzinski poses a question that has relevance in the assessment of the Master of the Sibyls as painter of the murals in the Casa del Deán and San Martín, Huaquechula, and possibly as the tlacuilo of the Genealogía de Cuauhquechollan-Macuilxochitepec:

The arrival of landscape—most often in the form of mountainous contours painted with trees, which strangely recall Dürer’s gouaches —or even the suggestion of distant bluish and colour-gradated horizons betray the influence of European engraving and painting, and still more of the numerous frescoes that decorated churches and monasteries. . . . One even feels that, more than a “photographic” perception of the surroundings, [landscape] often constituted a supplementary sign to mark borders. Conversion to landscape or adoption of a neo-glyph? The question arises more than once.145

The Master of the Sibyls most likely collaborated with one or more artists. Before he and his assistants received the commission from Don Tomás de la Plaza, they probably painted the murals in the cloister of San Martín in Huaquechula.146 Fray Juan de Alameda served as guardian at San Martín on two different occasions and would have overseen the decoration of the monastery. The mural painting at Huaquechula that inspires comparison to those in the Casa del Deán is on the second floor of the cloister (fig. 3.5). A large figure of St. Paul occupies the foreground, with the story of his conversion and martyrdom in the landscape stretching out behind him (fig. 3.6). On the left, the rearing horse strongly resembles those in the Salon of the Sibyls and especially in the Salon of the Triumphs. The

left | 3.5. Cloister chapel dedicated to St. Paul, San Martín, Huaquechula right | 3.6. St. Paul, cloister chapel, San Martín, Huaquechula

T h e A rt i s t a s T l a pa l l i   •   9 1

3.7. Fallen soldier, Triumph of Time, Salon of the Triumphs

3.8. Landscape, portería, San Gabriel, Cholula

92  •  The Casa del Deán

fallen St. Paul in Roman dress is close to the figure of the soldier who lies beneath the cart that carries the Triumph of Time (fig. 3.7). The artist renders the Franciscan rope motif in similar fashion in both mural cycles. A resemblance in the handling of drapery worn by the foreground figures and of the trees and buildings in the landscape backgrounds also indicates the possibility that both murals were painted by the same hand. In the friezes, the artist uses cartouches with strapwork. The bird with its backward glance, the compote, pomegranates, and coiled serpents emerging from the foliage all are elements that appear in both mural cycles. The exotic creature at Huaquechula who wears a headdress of leaves calls to mind the repeating leaf-crowned face in the frieze of the Salon of the Triumphs (figs. I.8, 3.4). It has been noted that the landscape painted on the wall to the left of the scene of St. Paul’s conversion is close in style to the reverse of the Genealogía. The quick feathery brushstrokes indicate movement, suggesting a breezy, light-filled atmosphere that envelops and forms the plants in space. This same approach to atmospheric perspective can be discerned in portions of the murals in the Casa del Deán and in the mural

paintings in the cloister and portería at Cholula (fig. 3.8). In all of these works, buildings are treated as composites of hard lines, in contrast to the swaying plants that resemble flames and the sweeping strokes that suggest ground lines. Scattered in the landscape are human figures, animals, and birds that are small in comparison to the sibyls and their mounts (figs. I.5, 4.5). Birds light on rooftops and tree branches, and the woods are filled with jaguars, rabbits, deer, and other creatures native to central Mexico. A group of Amerindians on the slope between the Cumaean and Tiburtine Sibyls is depicted in outline form. The men, women, and children are not participants in the colorful religious procession; instead they are bathing in the river (fig. 3.9). Over the years, the blue color of the water has become more transparent, revealing the nakedness of the bathers. The woman washing her hair, the man and woman who are frontally nude, and the two young boys would originally have been standing or seated in the river. Very few indigenous works from either before or after the conquest depict everyday life in this informal fashion. The miniature animals and human figures and the birds that perch atop the trees are reminders that the tlacuilo was attempting to make the landscape resemble his own.

3.9. Amerindian bathers, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

T h e A rt i s t a s T l a pa l l i   •   9 3

Conclusion I sing the pictures of the book and see them spread out; I am an elegant bird For I make the codices speak Within the house of pictures.147

The complex interweaving of language and image dominated the discourse between the Spaniard and the Amerindian in the century after the conquest. Rhetorical practices among orators and artists from both cultural traditions enabled communication and enriched it with sensibilities that are worthy of our admiration today. A century before the conquest of Mexico, Alberti had written of painting as “a divine force.”148 In the sixteenth century, within the humanist circles of Western Europe, artists presented themselves as learned men, well versed in the liberal arts. In Tenochtitlan, Cholula, Huejotzingo, and Huaquechula, the tlacuilo, when he picked up his brush, was thought to have the ability to envision and communicate truth, “the deified heart.” The painter of the codices and lienzos used a visual metaphorical language, tlapalli, an inherent quality that defined Mesoamerican art before and after the conquest.149 This artistic idiom, tlapalli, transformed European art in New Spain. The work of the tlacuilo endures in fragmentary condition on the walls of hundreds of monasteries in Mexico. These paintings, like the murals in the Casa del Deán, reflect a time of remarkable artistic activity, when the tlacuilo, the Master of the Sibyls, trained in a Franciscan monastery, became an artist of the Renaissance and of the calmecac.

94  •  The Casa del Deán

C H A P T E R

4

Dic Tu Sibila THE SALON OF THE SIBYLS

�

O

Int roduct ion

nly a few sixteenth-century mural cycles in Mexico are as complete or as complex as the one adorning the Casa del Deán. When standing in the Salon of the Sibyls, the viewer is surrounded on all sides and in the midst of an event reflective of Don Tomás de la Plaza’s life and responsibilities as cathedral dean (fig. 4.1). The combination of indigenous and European emblems was contrived by Don Tomás, in collaboration with the Amerindian artist, as an intellectual exercise. Within his circle of friends, Don Tomás included learned priests who had served in indigenous parishes as he had, several of whom were born in Mexico. The challenge is to consider the creation of the iconographic program for this particular audience, an exercise requiring careful study of both the indigenous and European elements. The sibyls have acquired various identities, and Don Tomás de la Plaza’s version of their prophetic roles is unique. The different strands of influence reflected in the mural most likely arrived in New Spain from France, where they had coalesced and were available to Don Tomás in early printed books or prints published in Lyon and Paris. While these may have been the visual sources for Don Tomás’s mural program, I propose that a stray Flemish or German print may have found its way into Don Tomás’s possession. The paintings in the Salon of the Sibyls take on significance because the sibyls are riding on horseback rather than shown seated, holding a book, or in exotic dress. The discovery of the manuscript MS80 in the library of the cathedral in Córdoba verifies that the sibyls in the Casa del

detail of figure 4.16

4.1. The Sibyllae Persica, Europa, Cumaea, and Tiburtina in procession on the west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

96  •  The Casa del Deán

Deán mural are participants in a religious procession. The artist departed from the canon when he studied several images, whether taken from loose prints or book illustrations, in order to arrive at the final concept. The dualities of rejection and acceptance, faith and heterodoxy, sin and forgiveness, Jew and gentile, death and redemption, and vision and blindness are metaphorically represented in the mural as the divine light that illumines the darkness. Don Tomás chose as his theme Christ’s promise of redemption to the faithful, as prophesied by the sibyls, to be imparted in fearsome judgment at the end of time.

T he Siby l s In the Salon of the Sibyls, twelve elegantly attired women ride along a path in the mural’s foreground. In the lead is the personification of the Old Testament, the blindfolded Synagoga, astride a mule and carrying the tablets of the Law and a broken standard (fig. 4.2). Of the eleven women who follow only ten can be identified, for little remains of the last figure. The ten sibyls carry banners emblazoned with emblems that signify their prophecies (figs. 4.1, 4.21). The roundels that float above them contain the scenes from Christ’s Nativity and Passion that each of

Dic Tu Sibila  • 97

the sibyls has foretold, in the order of their occurrence. On the wall are inscribed the biblical citations that contain prophecies and descriptions of the episodes in Christ’s life. The sibyls ride in procession before the landscape in stately form, with their horses moving in a smart and elegant gait. They ride sidesaddle and hold reins attached to bridles that are embellished. Each horse varies by breed, color, or size, and each wears distinctive caparisons that are decorated and embroidered. These horses also appear to react to the small animals in the landscape. Each of the sibyls wears a variation of a costume adopted by Spanish aristocratic women in the first half of the sixteenth century. Known as the ropa, this overdress with padded rolls at the shoulders and puffed sleeves was buttoned at the top and open below to reveal a gown of patterned silk (figs. 1.1, 4.12). Adaptations of the Spanish ropa appeared all over 4.2. Synagoga, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls

98  •  The Casa del Deán

Europe. While most of the sibyls wear the ropa, their costumes are closer in appearance to French dress of the first half of the sixteenth century. In Spain, the soft flowing gown and open neckline were superseded in midcentury by a stiff bodice, high ruff, and cone-shaped skirt draped over a farthingale.1 The glances of several of the sibyls are directed outward into the room, drawing in the viewer. Each sibyl’s face is individualized, with some attention to age, as dictated by tradition (fig. 4.29). Their headdresses are as unique as their hairstyles. Several of the coronets are of precious material, perhaps of gold embellished with jewels. The sibyls’ capes and ribbons billow out behind them to indicate the forward movement of the procession. The elegance of the sibyls’ costumes contrasts with the working-class dress of the figures in the background (fig. 4.22). An Amerindian crosses a bridge over the river, carrying a traditional pack with a tumpline across his forehead (fig. 4.3).2 Mountains, blue in the distance, define the horizon and occasionally act as a transition from the landscape to an opening or doorway. In two instances, tiny figures, possibly soldiers carrying banners and arms, climb mountain paths. The inclusion of these figures and the use of the mountains as interstices also occur in the Salon of the Triumphs, an indication that the same artists were at work in both rooms. The interlocking matrix of lines lifted from European prints allowed the indigenous artist to make the transition from outlining two-dimensional shapes to delineating forms in space and mastering linear perspective. The alien northern European landscape serves as a backdrop for the sibyls, the text, and the roundels. While the native animals, plants, and birds are not fully integrated into the landscape, the approach taken by the Master of the Sibyls in representing these creatures displays a lightness and exuberance in his newly acquired ability to depict nature in the European manner (fig. 4.5). The landscape is continuous around the room, with walled towns at the edge of the forest or on the banks of a flowing river. One of the most significant results of the 2010 restoration is the restitution of the river as a major element in the landscape. Animals and birds drink and hunt at river’s edge. It is now evident that villages, farmland, and forests line its banks. Boats navigate its waters; and men, women, and children bathe in the river, their nudity originally hidden by the blue water (fig. 3.9). With the river, the Amerindian artist threads together all of the landscape features, attempting to contextualize the setting as he himself would have experienced it. Birds in flight inhabit the skies, and several perch jauntily in treetops and on roof peaks and chimneys. Behind the Cumaean Sibyl, a heron quietly waits near the river, while a forest bird with yellow head and breast is at rest, its blue wings folded but with no visible support (figs. 3.9, 4.1).

top | 4.3. A group climbing a mountain and an Amerindian carrying a pack with a tumpline, southwest corner, Salon of the Sibyls middle | 4.4. Bird in the lower frieze, Salon of the Sibyls bottom | 4.5. Animals in the landscape, Salon of the Sibyls

Dic Tu Sibila  • 99

Nearby, a bird with a topknot, curved beak, and long tail feathers flies over the houses and trees. It seems to be the quetzal, the same bird that appears in the frieze, associated with Xochipilli and the allied god, Macuilxochitl (fig. 4.4).3 The bird on the conical rooftop has the beak of a predator and the tufted erect neck feathers of an eagle.4 The deer that drinks from the river (fig. I.5) may be a reference to the first lines of Psalm 42: “As the hart longs for flowing streams, So longs my soul for thee, O God.”5 However, most of the animals and birds in the Salon of the Sibyls are not emblematic, for they resemble more closely the animals in the Florentine Codex (figs. I.5, 4.5). These illustrations, with their descriptions, seldom provide substantial information about the mythical aspects of the animals. The same can be said of the Relaciones geográficas and other colonial texts, which describe what the animals ate, their appearance and habitat, whether they were eaten or sacrificed, and how they were hunted by the Indians.6 While the Spaniards required realistic renderings and straightforward descriptions of the animals upon their arrival in the New World, they also brought with them a tradition of animal imagery that illustrated human traits. The mnemonic quality of these emblems became a cultural bridge soon after the conquest. Yet Amerindian renditions of animals in painting and sculpture evoke a much greater spiritual connection between the animals and humanity. In the Salon of the Sibyls frieze, the indigenous artist entered the realm of the supernatural in his depictions of the paired monkeys (fig. I.6). Sound scrolls issue from the monkeys’ mouths, and they wear jade bracelets and earrings. Jade as a symbolic reference to preciousness was fashioned into the jewelry worn by the monkeys and the seraphic putti in the frieze, just as jade pendants would have been worn by god impersonators or earthly rulers before the conquest. In pre-Columbian images of the monkey, Eduard Seler has noted that “the monkey was regarded chiefly as a mythological animal for, in most cases, it is ornamented with an ear pendant and in a few cases with a collar.”7 The monkey was related to Quetzalcoatl-Ehecatl and the second sun of Nahui Ehecatl (Four Wind) as well as to song and dance, sin and punishment, which were the purview of the god Xochipilli. Sculpted figures of the monkey before the conquest wear the insignia of one or the other of these gods. They are depicted with the cut-shell necklace and buccal mask of Ehecatl or holding flowers and dancing, with their tails curled around their bodies or along their backs.8 In the case of the pairs of monkeys in the Salon of the Sibyls frieze, their tails are curled and intertwined, and they wear the cut-shell rattle earrings of Xochipilli.9 Decades before 1580 motifs from the indigenous visual vocabulary intermingled with European emblems and became accepted forms of expression in the “new world.” The monkeys, with their indigenous preconquest accoutrements, can be compared to the centaurs of Greek

100  •  The Casa del Deán

mythology that accompany them in the frieze. The indigenous artist has appropriated the monkey and the centaur from two different cultures to make reference to feasting and sensuality in a Renaissance mural.10 The insects that crawl among the plants in the frieze also originated in the indigenous visual vocabulary (fig. 4.6). The artist carefully depicted the insect’s rounded body, the markings on the back and wings, the six legs, and the protruding mouth. Each part of the insect is dealt with separately to provide the viewer with its most identifiable aspects.11 These insects do not light on the leaves of the plants but occupy space near them, in the same way that emblems are arranged around a place glyph in a preconquest codex. Insects were integrated into the symbolism of the tonalamatl. The spider that appears in the Codex Borbonicus and the insects in the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer stylistically resemble the insects in the Salon of the Sibyls.12 The friezes above and below the sibyls contain conventional European motifs, among which are the cornucopia, urns, and pomegranates (fig. 4.7). The floral dragons and putti resemble their counterparts in the frieze at San Gabriel in Cholula (fig. 4.8). Into this setting in the Casa del Deán frieze the artist has inserted several indigenous plants. The

4.6. Insect in the frieze, Salon of the Sibyls

left | 4.7. Urn with pomegranates, flowers, and vines between putti in the frieze, Salon of the Sibyls bottom | 4.8. Frieze, cloister of San Gabriel, Cholula

Dic Tu Sibila  • 101

top | 4.9. Flowers (iopixochitl) in the lower frieze, Salon of the Sibyls bottom | 4.10. Soldier in the lower frieze, Salon of the Sibyls

manner in which he depicts them and places them in space is indicative of the training that he received from the Franciscans, blended with his own artistic traditions (fig. 4.1). The sources of his inspiration then invite comparison with the flowers depicted in the Mapa de Cuauhtinchán No. 2 and the Florentine Codex. The petals of the uitztecolxochitl broaden toward the outer edges. The calyx is cuplike, with anthers just visible above the petals. The teocuitlaxochitl’s stamen grows directly out of its center. The iopixochitl appears in the two friezes and in the lowest section of the mural beneath the painted archway. The petals extend back toward the stem, exposing the entire length of the stamens (fig. 4.9). Also in the lower section is the quauhyiexochitl, a shrub with narrow leaves and flowers at the end of each stem. The acuilloxochitl, with four petals all separated by sepals, appears in the friezes as well as in the lower section of the mural.13 The plants in the lowest register of the mural that alternate with images of soldiers in profiles (figs. 4.9, 4.10) probably grew on hillocks, as in the representations of One Flower in book 4 of the Florentine Codex and in section B of the Mapa de Cuauhtinchán No. 2.14 Water is a recurring theme in the mural cycle. Beneath the Cumaean and Tiburtine Sibyls is a niche that may originally have opened onto the portico or the stairway (fig. 2.7). Large scallop shells appear on a seagreen background, symbolic of the sacrament of Holy Baptism and of the pilgrim, both appropriate references to the life of Tomás de la Plaza. The shell was the attribute of the pilgrim saints James Major and Roch. John the Baptist is often depicted using a shell to baptize Christ. The shell also signifies the grave before the Resurrection.15 The scallop shells are emblems on Don Tomás’s coat of arms, represented twice in the Salon of the Sibyls and on the façade (fig. 1.3). Tr acing the Siby lline Or acle s Sibyls make several appearances in sixteenth-century New Spain, in the apse at San Agustín in Acolman and as a carved wooden figure from an altarpiece in Oaxaca (fig. 4.11).16 In 1595 the artist Alonso de Villasana’s paintings in the sanctuary of the Virgen de los Remedios in Cholula featured four sibyls associated with classical gods, the Virtues, biblical figures, scenes from the life of the Virgin, and miracles of healing.17 The pervasive acceptance of the sibyls as pagan prophets of Christ’s life and Passion by Spanish priests and theologians is evident in the short biography of Fray Alonso de Topas by Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta. Mendieta attributes the inspiration for Fray Alonso’s calling in the New World to an oracular figure: “If that woman were not an angel in the body of a woman then, at the very least, Our Father caused her to open her mouth, as in ancient times [when] He opened those of the Sibyls, and inspired her in what she needed to say.”18

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The earliest recorded sibylline oracles date to the late seventh century BC, contemporaneous with an increased interest in Apolline divination and the related development of oracle centers.19 Although each sibyl may have received her inspiration from Apollo, she retained her individuality, acting as a clairvoyant rather than as the god’s medium. She spoke in prophetic ecstasy, but these were not extemporaneously posed warnings. These prophecies were recorded in writing and circulated in book form: “the picture of the Sibyl with her book was the convention early established by the Greeks.”20 The oracles are in the form of poetry in hexameter verse, spoken by women who were especially adept at foretelling disastrous occurrences. This form of folk literature developed with a specific purpose: “It was not because [the sibyls’] grim forecasts contained any element of charm or wish fulfillment, but when a disaster happened, it was a comfort to feel that this was not simply some arbitrary catastrophe. It had been foreseen and foretold.”21 In the sixth century AD an anonymous Byzantine scholar collected the oracles that exist today as the Oracula Sibyllina. Twelve books had survived, the most important of which was book 3. Dating from the second century BC, the text of the third book contains references to Ptolemy Philometor, who commissioned Jewish scholars to gather the sibylline prophecies. The Jews produced oracles over several hundred years, imitating Greek literary forms, inspired by the reputation that the sibyls had acquired in the Hellenized Mediterranean world.22 According to Varro, a Roman scholar of the second century BC, the sibylline oracles were brought by the Cumaean Sibyl to the Roman king Tarquinius Priscus. When Augustus dedicated the Temple of Apollo on the Palatine in 28 BC the books were transferred, although in a fragmentary state, and were later augmented.23 The appropriation by the Romans of the Greek sibylline prophecies continued into the fourth century AD in the Divinae Institutiones written by Lactantius, a Christian who was the teacher of Constantine’s son Crispus in Trier.24 Lactantius quotes from several Roman authors, including Virgil and Varro. In the Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum, Varro had established the validity of the ten sibyls by relying on Greek and Roman written sources.25 Virgil may have had acquaintance with a version of book 3. In his Fourth Eclogue, the pastoral quality of the sibylline prophecies derived in all likelihood from the oracles contributed by the Hellenic Jews. The Messianic hopes of the prophets like Isaiah for a Golden Age in which, according to Virgil, “herds will not fear mighty lions” led to the Christian theologians’ fascination with Virgil’s references to the sibyls.26 The Cumaean Sibyl, introduced into Italy as early as the fifth century BC by Greek settlers, acquired aspects of prophecy that were related to early native Latin practices. She spoke from a cave that became a

bottom | 4.11. Carved wooden sculpture of a sibyl from a sixteenth-century altarpiece, Museo Regional de Oaxaca, Oaxaca. Photograph by author

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recognized oracle center among the Romans.27 Virgil’s characterization of the Cumaean Sibyl in the Fourth Eclogue achieved great recognition among Christians. The coming of the Golden Age is heralded with the appearance of the Virgin and a child, who is destined to be the ruler of the world, “made peaceful by the merits of his father.” The last great age the Sibyl told has come; The new order of centuries is born; The Virgin now returns, and the reign of Saturn; The new generation now comes down from heaven. Lucina, look with favor on this child, Lucina, goddess, pure—this child by whom The Age of Iron gives way to the Golden Age. Now is the time of your Apollo’s reign.28

By the sixth century AD the character of the prophecies that had been gathered into the Oracula Sibyllina had changed dramatically from the original oracles. Books 1 and 2 are primarily Christian and eschatological, composing a historical narrative that begins with the Creation and leads to the Last Judgment.29 As one scholar notes, The leaves of Cumae were lost in the wind, and the literary heritage of the pagan sibyl is meager indeed. The books collected in the Byzantine period are primarily Jewish and partly Christian in character. They included enough conventional sibylline verses about various catastrophes to lend credibility to the pseudonym under which they were published. But they also transformed the pagan oracles into a new literary form, characterized by a sweeping view of universal history and a concern with ethical teaching which was alien to the pagan sibyl.30

For the Christian apologists, it became less important to identify the sibyls’ places of origin: “The Jewish monotheism of the Oracula Sibyllina in their earliest forms laid them open to interpretation in Christian terms or even to Christian interpolation. So the idea could gradually develop that the Sibyls had been intended by God as the prophets to the Gentiles parallel to the Old Testament prophets who were God’s mouthpiece to the Jews.”31 One of the most frequently quoted oracles was recorded in Latin in the fifth century AD by St. Augustine of Hippo in The City of God. St. Augustine describes the Erythraean Sibyl, “who is known to have sung many things about Christ more plainly than the other Sibyls.” He cites, as the source for the Erythraean prophecy, Flaccianus, a proconsul and a learned man who, according to Augustine, discovered a Greek manuscript in which the first letters of the lines produce

104  •  The Casa del Deán

an acrostic with the meaning “Jesus Christ the Son of God, the Savior.” The dramatic poetry of the Judicii Signum: Tellus sudore madescet evokes the terrifying end to life on earth and Christ’s coming as the judge of souls: Judgment shall moisten the earth with the sweat of its standard, Ever enduring, behold the King shall come through the ages, Sent to be here in the flesh, and Judge at the last of the world. O God, the believing and faithless alike shall behold Thee Uplifted with saints, when at last the ages are ended. . . . Sounding the archangel’s trumpet shall peal down from heaven, Over the wicked who groan in their guilt and their manifold sorrows. Trembling, the earth shall be opened, revealing chaos and hell. 32

The text appears in similar form in book 8 of the Oracula Sibyllina, and both Lactantius and Eusebius had incorporated portions of this Greek oracle in their writings earlier in the fourth century.33 Centuries later, from the perspective of Christian theologians in the early Renaissance, St. Augustine had brought the sibyls into general acceptance with his characterization of the above oracle: “But this sibyl, whether she is the Erythraean, or, as some rather believe, the Cumaean, in her whole poem, of which this is a very small portion, not only has nothing that can relate to the worship of the false or feigned gods, but rather speaks against them and their worshippers in such a way that we might even think she ought to be reckoned among those who belong to the City of God.”34 One version of the Judicii Signum was later widely known in the West, commonly referred to as the pseudo-Augustinian sermon: “An author of the fifth or sixth century, perhaps Quodvultdeus, then incorporated the translation into the sermon Contra Judaeos, Paganos, et Arianos, the work which was to inspire in medieval times the Procession of Prophets.”35 The sibyls survived into the Middle Ages, incorporated into theological and scholarly discourse. In 1184 the mystic Joachim of Fiore, a Cistercian in Calabria, was asked by Pope Lucius III to interpret a sibylline text that in other contemporary manuscripts is entitled Sibilla Samia. The particular oracle brought to Joachim by Pope Lucius had belonged to Cardinal Mathias of Angers, who had served as a professor of canon law in Paris but was in Rome when he died.36 In medieval art the Tiburtine and Erythraean Sibyls, who prophesied the Last Judgment, were each represented singly. Jacobus de Voragine, in The Golden Legend, recalls the story of the sibyl who was brought from Tibur to Rome to name the successor of Emperor Augustus. As she and Augustus stood on the Capitoline Hill, a woman holding a child appeared in the sky and a voice spoke the words “Haec est ara coeli” (This is the altar of heaven).37

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The Early Christian divine correspondences between the Old and New Testaments and the sibylline oracles continued into the Middle Ages in the cathedral iconographic programs and the painted manuscripts. In the Biblia pauperum, each scene from the life of Christ was accompanied by two prefiguring events from the Old Testament and related text from the prophets. The Nativity and Passion cycles took precedence, ending with the Last Judgment rather than the Ascension. The woodcut edition of the Biblia pauperum was published in the mid-fifteenth century. The contemporaneous Speculum humanae salvationis added scenes from the lives of the Virgin and of Christ, with prefiguring scenes from the Old Testament and the oracles of the sibyls. In 1470–1480 the Biblia pauperum adopted a similar format. Printers in France published books of hours numbering in the thousands with woodcuts derived from the Biblia pauperum and the Speculum.38 The influence of these two books of illustrations in Flanders and Burgundy is evident in Jan van Eyck’s Ypres altarpiece dated 1440 and Rogier van der Weyden’s Bladelin altarpiece from 1460.39 A dramatic change in the appreciation and acceptance of the sibylline oracles took place in fifteenth-century Italy. Gemistos Pletho, a Byzantine Neoplatonic philosopher, brought a manuscript containing sibylline oracles in verse form to the Council of Florence in 1438–1439. These sibylline verses were later translated from the Greek by Marsilio Ficino in his Treatise on the Christian Religion.40 Of the greatest impact was the publication in Italy of Lactantius’s Divinae Institutiones in 1465. From the date of the first printing in Subiaco to the end of the century, fourteen editions of Lactantius were printed, a phenomenon that one scholar notes: “In the Divinae Institutiones of Lactantius were to be found the most explicit statement and strongest defense of the basic premises of the pagan-patristic symbiosis and harmony: pagan wisdom was the reasoned and inspired precursor of Christian doctrine; patristic theology was the conciliation and fulfillment of pagan philosophies.”41 The marble pavement of ten sibyls in the Duomo in Siena, dating to 1482–1483, was directly influenced by the Divinae Institutiones.42 Cardinal Giordano Orsini in 1425–1430 commissioned a different version of the sibyls to be painted in the entrance hall of his Roman palace. There were now twelve, and each sibyl was distinguished by her age and provided with a specific costume and attribute. The twelve oracles, which differ from those in Lactantius, are each matched by a passage from the prophets. This dialogue between sibyls and Old Testament prophets appears as text in Filippo Barbieri’s Discordantiae nonnullae inter sanctum Hieronymum et Augustinum, published in Italy in 1481. Barbieri provides not only the oracles of the sibyls and prophets but detailed descriptions of their costumes and attributes, as did Orsini.43

106  •  The Casa del Deán

A third interpretation can be found in a related series of engravings by Baccio Baldini, dated 1470–1480, which includes the twelve sibyls and twenty-four major and minor Old Testament prophets. The Latin oracle for each sibyl is complemented by four couplets in Italian. The oracles in Latin in the Baldini prints relate closely to Barbieri’s Discordantiae and are based originally on the Orsini palace murals. Emile Mâle has suggested that the eight lines in the vernacular link the print series to a mystery play, the Annunciation, attributed to Feo Belcari. Konrad Oberhuber considers it more likely that the play and the prints were dependent on still another source, a mystery play of the Nativity of Christ.44 The impact of Orsini’s palace decoration went beyond the borders of Italy. Two mid-fifteenth-century manuscripts in France, one at the Grande Séminaire of Liège, the other at the abbey of Tangerloo, describe the Orsini mural cycle.45 The development of printing allowed for the widespread influence of the Orsini cycle, providing the arrangement of the figures and their prophecies.46 Ten of the sibyls in both the manuscripts at Liège and Tangerloo follow Varro’s list in Lactantius, with the addition of Europa and Agrippa, as in the Italian ordering of the sibyls. The oracles in Latin in the Baldini prints relate but are not identical to those in Barbieri’s Discordantiae or the Orsini palace murals, which only survive in the two French manuscripts.47 The Rationarium Evangelistarum, a xylographic (wood engraving) album in the library at Sankt Gallen (Benedictine Abbey of St. Gall in Switzerland), brings us ever closer to a prototype for the sibyls in the Casa del Deán. On the left page, the sibyl is seated on a large throne set in a landscape. She is individualized by age, costume, and the attribute in her left hand. The oracle in Latin is on a scroll and is accompanied by a four-line passage in Latin below her. The opposite page is divided into two registers. The upper register contains a scene from the life of Christ; the lower depicts a prophet and an evangelist, holding scrolls with the related texts.48 The Rationarium Evangelistarum is thought to have been published in western central France because of its strong resemblance to a contemporary illuminated manuscript, Les Heures de Louis de Laval.49 These two works can be considered very original adaptations of several strands of influence. The theologian who contrived the program changed the focus of the oracles. The new emphasis placed on the events in Christ’s life, especially with the inclusion of the Passion, determined the order of the sibyls. The sibyls are represented with their attributes, the prophesied events from Christ’s Nativity and Passion, and the biblical texts.50 The Rationarium Evangelistarum also inspired the woodcuts produced in 1498 by Simon Vostre for the books of hours used in many of the dioceses in France.51

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The Rationarium Evangelistarum established a new concordance with the Old and New Testaments in France. This line of development continued with the woodcut series of the sibyls published ca. 1530 by Doen Pietersz. in Amsterdam. The seven sheets have ornamental frames enclosing paired female figures, beginning with the personification of Synagoga and the Erythraean Sibyl, followed by ten paired sibyls, and ending with the Phrygian Sibyl and Ecclesia Christi. These figures by Lucas van Leyden are accompanied by scenes from the life of Christ and personifications of the Virtues and Vices by Jacob Cornelisz. van Oostsanen. The texts below the sibyls, following a tradition established by Baldini, are in Latin and in the vernacular, in this case Dutch.52 The format of both the Rationarium Evangelistarum and the van Leyden series should bring to mind the concordances found in the Biblia pauperum and the Speculum humanae salvationis. In fact, the relationship was close, for Doen Pietersz. had just published a Biblia pauperum and reused several of the blocks by Jacob Cornelisz. for the sibyls series.53 Although the influence of the Orsini, Baldini, and Barbieri sibylline cycles was strong in most of Europe, the pictorial and iconographic development in France seemed to move away from the Italian emphasis on the Virgin and the virgin birth toward those prophecies that related to Christ’s life and resurrection. This difference could have resulted from influence of the recently published Divinae Institutiones on the Rationarium Evangelistarum. In book 4 Lactantius went to great lengths to demonstrate the power of the sibylline and biblical prophecies of Christ’s life: “So [the sibylline oracles] lay low for many generations, to be heeded only later, after Christ’s birth and passion had opened up the secrets, just as the prophets’ words were then also heeded. These words had been read by the Jews for over 1500 years, but even so they were not understood until after Christ had interpreted them in word and deed, for he was the one the prophets had proclaimed; but what they said could not be understood without everything being fulfilled.”54 Emile Mâle commented on the impact of the Divinae Institutiones: In spite of their vogue, the two series of the sibyls, of Filippo Barbieri and the Orsini palace, did not make our learned men forget Lactantius. The sibylline oracles recorded in the Divinae Institutiones were still read with respect; certain theologians, perhaps judging them to be more authentic, seemed even to prefer them. At the beginning of the sixteenth century . . . minds were divided about the Barbieri sibyls, the Orsini sibyls, and those of Lactantius. Consequently, the compromise at which literary men and artists arrived can be easily explained. Instead of setting these families of sibyls apart, they combined them. It was from this ingenious combination that our French sibyls, which differ so profoundly from the Italian, were born.55

108  •  The Casa del Deán

The predominance of French influence in the Casa del Deán murals seems to have been a choice made by Don Tomás to seek a greater “authenticity” for the role of the sibyls as oracles of Christ the Messiah. An important vehicle for the transmission of the French adaptation could have been the coronation of Charles I as king of Spain in 1516. Charles I had been duke of Burgundy (1506) and became Holy Roman Emperor as Charles V in 1519. His own illuminated book of hours was produced in Paris in 1510–1520 and closely corresponds with the Heures de Louis de Laval and the Simon Vostre books of hours.56 That these French books might have been the antecedents for the Casa del Deán murals will be discussed in the following pages. The Siby l s in Pro ce ssion: Liturgica l Dr a m a The most distinctive aspect of the Salon of the Sibyls is that the prophetesses are in procession and on horseback (fig. 4.1). Don Tomás de la Plaza and the Master of the Sibyls were undoubtedly influenced by religious processions and mystery plays that were part of church liturgy in the sixteenth century. As dean Don Tomás would have been responsible for the calendar of religious services and festivals enacted in the cathedral.57 The powerful impact that ritual drama had on the new indigenous Christians in Mexico has been documented by many contemporary observers. In the late 1530s, at the Franciscan monastery in Tlaxcala, the setting for the play The Fall of Adam and Eve must have required the effort and participation of hundreds of local Amerindian residents.58 While the incorporation of music and drama into religious ritual after the conquest was didactic and evangelical in purpose, these elaborate dramatic presentations were not isolated or unique but developed out of long-held communal practices brought to New Spain by the conquerors.59 Spain’s long history of including the sibylline oracles in liturgical drama began in the tenth century with a Mozarabic homiliarium, written near Burgos, containing the Contra Judaeos, Paganos, et Arianos. Known as the pseudo-Augustinian sermon, it was the source of several plays, including the Ordo Prophetarum and the Cantus Sibyllae. It is thought that the Judicii Signum was first set to music in Spain in the ninth or tenth century. Three tenth-century manuscripts, from Saint-Martial de Limoges and Lyon in France and Ripoll in Catalonia, provide musical accompaniment for the sibylline poem. First sung as melody or one voice, the poem was sung polyphonically with three or four voices in the fifteenth century.60 Catalonia was reconquered in the ninth century, and Charlemagne brought with him the Roman-French rite. This change linked Catalonia to France in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, when most of the Spanish peninsula was under Arab rule and Christians were still using the Mozarabic rite.61 Communication may have been direct between St. Martial

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in Limoges and the monastery of Santa María de Ripoll, which became an important center for the dissemination of early religious drama in Spain.62 The Ordo Prophetarum, containing the Old Testament prophecies and several lines from the Judicii Signum, was performed during matins on Christmas Eve in most of Europe.63 However, the full Cantus Sibyllae was traditionally performed at matins in Spain and, from the earliest times, in most of the important churches of Catalonia. The oldest version in the vernacular of the sibylline prophecy is dated 1260 and was found in the archives of the church of San Andrés del Torn in the province of Gerona in Catalonia.64 The Sibylla Erythraea performed the Judicii Signum in the darkest hour of the night, at two o’clock, the appointed time for matins. A thirteenth-century manuscript from Palencia in Castile records the following: “in the sixth lesson, when they have reached the verse that says, ‘Quod sibilla vaticinavit,’ after that verse is sung, let the lines of the sibyl ‘Judicii Signum’ be sung. And it is sung by four or six, two at a time, while the line ‘Judicii Signum’ is repeated by the choir.”65 The cathedral at Toledo holds several manuscripts that provide a picture of the Christmas Eve service over several centuries, beginning with the late fifteenth. In the earliest version, at the fourth lesson, the sibyl walks out of the sacristy led by the clerics carrying torches. Two other clerics are dressed as angels carrying unsheathed swords. After the sixth lesson is read during matins, the archdeacon turns to the sibyl and says, “Dic tu sibila,” and she sings her prophecy. The cathedral ledger shows an expenditure in 1453 for a headdress for the sibyl, and ledgers of the León Cathedral indicate payments for the sibyl’s costumes from the mid-fifteenth to the late sixteenth century. What these reveal is that after 1450 the sibylline oracle was read by someone impersonating the Sibylla Erythraea.66 During this same period, a complex and impressive ceremony took place in the cathedral of León on Christmas Eve: “[The Sibyl] arrived at the Cathedral, from a dependency of the same, very richly attired, beautifully made-up, and mounted on a well-harnessed horse, with the accompaniment of young people and drummers, singers of psalms, [musicians playing] trumpets, rattles, and rebecs.”67 This procession preceded the reading of the prophecy in the church by the sibyl. The tradition in León relates to the Casa del Deán murals in that the sibyl arrives in procession at the cathedral on horseback. Perhaps the most important discovery relating to the Salon of the Sibyls in the Casa del Deán has to do with a manuscript (MS80) held by the chapter library of the cathedral in Córdoba and dating to the early fifteenth century. The text of a Processio Sibyllarum and a passion play, the Planctus Passionis, are sandwiched between a grammar and a group of grammatical exercises. The text has now been identified as a student’s

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notebook (cuadernillo) and linked to the university town of Salamanca. It seems likely that the Procession of Sibyls, consisting of prophecies in Latin and Castilian, and the Passion play were a translation exercise for the student.68 What makes this manuscript so important is that it contains eleven sibyls, not just one, and the sibylline oracles resemble the oracles in Latin from the Baldini prints and the Orsini murals.69 There were probably twelve sibyls originally, the missing one being Cumaea or the Sibylla Cimmeria. Additionally, both the Processio Sibyllarum and the Planctus Passionis were “eminently actable.”70 This manuscript is earlier than or contemporaneous with the Orsini mural paintings in Rome, which are dated 1425–1430. In analyzing the direction of influence, one event brought the Spanish peninsula, France, and Italy into a complex political relationship. Two popes and two colleges of cardinals were elected during the Papal Schism. A Spanish cardinal, Pedro de Luna, became Benedict XIII in Avignon in 1394. At the Council of Constance in 1414–1418, Luna was forced to resign and fled to Spain.71 The Processio Sibyllarum is markedly different from all the recorded Spanish Christmas plays that include the oracle of the Sibylla Erythraea. The eleven sibyls in MS80 prophesy the virgin birth, as do the sibyls in the Orsini murals, relating them to a mystery play. Mystery plays that included the twelve sibyls had been performed in France from as early as the fourteenth century.72 The premise of the Procession of the Sibyls is elegant and courtly and allowed for a large cast of participants, perhaps on horseback, and in resplendent costumes. Significantly, what is lacking is the doomsday message of the traditional Christmas presentation. It is therefore possible that the script for the Processio Sibyllarum could have arisen out of the papal court at Avignon. The proximity and political ties to Spain would have allowed for the transmittal of the script from France to the university city of Salamanca. When the Great Schism came to an end and Martin V was elected pope in Rome, a prelate like Cardinal Orsini would have turned to the refurbishing and decoration of his palace, inspired by the script of a courtly religious drama. He would also have found the new interpretation appealing for its humanistic qualities. A century later Francesco Primaticcio was commissioned as one of the artists for the festival entry of Emperor Charles V into Fontainebleau in 1540. A group of drawings discovered in Stockholm indicate that Primaticcio designed hundreds of costumes for tournaments, masquerades, banquets, and royal entries that took place at the court of King Henry II and Catherine de’ Medici. Among Primaticcio’s costume sketches were representations of triumphal chariots, including Juno’s drawn by peacocks, a female personification riding a unicorn sidesaddle, the Fates, Saturn, and various woodland creatures, among the themes taken up in the murals at the Casa del Deán.73

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The widespread persistence of religious performance is evident in the Prophetiae Sibyllarum, twelve motets for four voices written by Orlande de Lassus ca. 1556 for Duke Albert of Bavaria. A contemporary of Don Tomás, Lassus wrote these musical settings for the oracles of the Discordantiae.74 While Don Tomás chose to emphasize the life of Christ and the biblical correspondences rather than the poetry of the oracles, he did retain the idealized version of the sibyls as courtly and elegantly costumed participants in a religious festival procession.75 The representation of the procession in the Casa del Deán is European except for occasional references to Xochipilli, the god of young corn and flowers, of feasting and pleasure, and patron of the day sign One Monkey.76 While purely rhetorical, all of the visual references in the painting must have related to the inclusion of the sibyls in the feast of Corpus Christi in Puebla, organized by the Cathedral Cabildo, the confraternity (cofradía) of Corpus Christi, and the city’s Cabildo.77 The city assisted in funding the festival and the plays enacted at the cathedral’s portal.78 Religious texts set to music in the form of villancicos and chanzonetas intermingled with dialogue in the plays (autos) written for this important event in the religious calendar.79 In 1586 documents related to the feast of Corpus Christi mention carts, dances, plays, and costumes.80 Amerindian leaders in Puebla organized the dances performed by the different indigenous cofradías according to their own particular traditions.81 All members of the community participated in a celebration that was transformed by its setting in the New World.82 The Siby l s in the Ca s a del De á n Mur a l s “The miraculous continuity of revelation” is Emile Mâle’s apt description of the correspondences drawn between the Old and New Testaments: among the twelve apostles, the twelve heroes of the Bible, and the twelve prophets and between paganism and Christianity. These same harmonies were sought among the arts. European artists and clerics who collaborated in designing the stained glass windows, books, and altarpieces borrowed images and concordances from the Biblia pauperum and the Rationarium Evangelistarum. Mâle cites a procession in Béthune that took place in 1562 in which the pages of the Biblia pauperum “came to life” as unmoving figures on processional floats.83 While Don Tomás de la Plaza drew primarily upon the French tradition in creating the program for the mural cycle in his residence, he chose to represent the sibyls in a manner that would accommodate his particular theological statement. The inclusion of texts from the Old and New Testaments and the representation of Christ’s Nativity and Passion came from a desire to validate correspondences between the Old Law and the life of Christ, as in Lactantius’s Divinae Institutiones, the Rationarium Evangelistarum, and Charles V’s book of hours. The influence of Orsini,

112  •  The Casa del Deán

Baldini, and Barbieri via France is evident in the specific attributes for each sibyl and in the presence of Europa and possibly Agrippa. The distinction by age recalls Barbieri’s detailed descriptions of the sibyls in the Discordantiae. The possible placement of Synagoga and Ecclesia Christi parenthetically with the sibyls relates to images printed in the Spanish Netherlands and France and exported to Spain and Mexico. Significantly, Don Tomás excluded oracular texts, whether from the Oracula Sibyllae, Baldini’s prints, or the Discordantiae, except for the biblical passages that dealt specifically with Christ’s life. The pictorial and iconographic source for Don Tomás de la Plaza’s mural program was created by an artist who found his inspiration in a French work, possibly the Rationarium or the Hours of Simon Vostre.84 In the Casa del Deán and in these illustrated works as well as in the illuminated books of hours (Charles V and Louis de Laval), the attributes and prophesied scenes are the same for the Erythraean, Samian, Persian, European, Tiburtine, Delphic, and Hellespontic sibyls. In comparing the Salon of the Sibyls with the Lucas van Leyden prints, the ordering of the sibyls is quite similar and both include Synagoga. The use of the words “le table” on the tablets held by Synagoga in the Casa del Deán, however, points to a French derivation for the image that inspired the mural painting. It should be noted that quotations in Charles V’s book of hours are in French and Latin, for the book was illuminated in Paris. The inclusion of Synagoga dramatizes the power of prophesy by creating a dichotomy (fig. I.4). The related biblical text for Synagoga is from Isaiah: “Therefore the Lord himself will give you a sign. Look, the young woman is with child and shall bear a son, and shall name him Immanuel.”85 In response to Isaiah’s directive to look, Synagoga instead leads with eyes blindfolded, personifying the Jews who were the first to receive the sign of God’s offer of salvation, which they refused to see and tragically rejected (fig. 4.2). In her folly, Synagoga carries the tablets inscribed with the commandments given by God to Moses with no desire to reconcile the Law to Christianity. Lactantius wrote: “They [the Jews] were blinded, and overwhelmed by an incurable madness; though they read these things every day they neither understood them nor could they take precautions against themselves.”86 As Maury Feld writes concerning Lactantius’s comparison of Jewish and pagan prophecy, “the coming of Christ represented God’s judgment and rejection of the Jews as the chosen people, and the concomitant transferal of that role to the followers of the Graeco-Roman oracles, philosophers and rhetoricians.”87 Historically, the image of Synagoga riding a mule and carrying a broken standard was represented in contraposition to Ecclesia in medieval stained glass and as carved stone figures on French and German church façades. In the church of San Petronio in Bologna, Giovanni da Modena painted a fresco in 1420 of the Triumph of the Church in which the right arm of the Living Cross crowns the personification of the church, who

Dic Tu Sibila  • 113

rides a lion, while the left arm implants a sword (of judgment) in the figure of Synagoga astride a mule.88 So pervasive was this iconographic model that it is not surprising to find it in a mural in Mexico. The Erythraean Sibyl follows Synagoga as her counterpart, for it is she who reveals the incarnation of God (figs. 4.12–4.13). The contraposition is heightened by the accompanying words of Isaiah: “The people who walked in darkness have seen a great light. . . . For a child has been born for us, a son given to us.”89 The Erythraean Sibyl had no greater advocate than St. Augustine for her revelation of Christ as God on earth. The saint considered her to have “sung many things about Christ more plainly than the other Sibyls.”90 According to Lactantius, “All [the] Sibyls, then, proclaim one god, but the Erythrean one does so pre-eminently; she is considered more celebrated than the rest.”91 The role of the Erythraean Sibyl in the Casa del Deán does not derive from her Christmas Eve reading of the Judicii Signum that took place in Spanish churches. She does not hold a book or quote from a mystery play concerning the virgin birth. Instead the Erythraean Sibyl participates in

right | 4.12. Sibylla Erythraea, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls below | 4.13. Annunciation, roundel above the Erythraean Sibyl, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls

114  •  The Casa del Deán

4.14. Sibylla Samia, south wall, Salon of the Sibyls

the procession, carrying a banner emblazoned with the lily as symbol of the Virgin’s purity, as in the Rationarium and van Leyden versions of the Annunciation. The text for the Samian Sibyl is the description of the Nativity of Christ from the second chapter of St. Luke, as it is in the Rationarium (fig. 4.14). The cradle on the banner is a traditional symbol for this sibyl and is usually accompanied by the Adoration of the Shepherds. The prophesied scene in the Casa del Deán demonstrates the convoluted journey taken by the sibyls to the New World. Mary, without Joseph present, kneels beside the Christ Child, who is lying in a simple cradle. The ox and ass smilingly attend in worshipful repose. The presence of the animals and the focus on Mary can be traced to the oracle of the Samian Sibyl in the Baldini prints: “Behold he comes forth precious and [yet] born a pauper, and the beasts will adore him.”92 The Persian Sibyl holds a lantern as in the Rationarium and van Leyden prints (fig. 4.15).93 The Virgin trampling the seven-headed beast of the Apocalypse in the Casa del Deán roundel and the verses from

Dic Tu Sibila  • 115

Revelation that describe her had been linked to the Sibylla Persica since the early fifteenth century, as is evident in the oracle for this sibyl in the Spanish manuscript MS80 and in the Baldini print: “Behold the beast will be trampled, and he will be conceived from the womb of the Virgin into the world, the salvation of the people” (appendix 2). The Sibylla Europa holds a sword (fig. 4.16), an emblematic reference to the Massacre of the Innocents, which led to the Holy Family’s Flight into Egypt, the scene in the roundel. In the Casa del Deán, the New Testament text develops the theme beyond the Nativity cycle. In the eighteenth chapter of St. John’s Gospel, the sword becomes the weapon that Simon Peter uses to cut off the ear of the high priest’s slave as Christ is arrested in the Garden of Gethsemane.94 This particular biblical quotation is one of several details in the mural cycle that might lead to identifying the visual source for the murals. The Song of Solomon is a traditional reference to the Virgin breastfeeding the Christ Child, the event usually prophesied by the Cimmerian Sibyl, as in Barbieri, the Rationarium, Charles V’s book of hours, and the Baldini and van Leyden prints.95 In the Rationarium and van Leyden 4.15. Sibylla Persica, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

116  •  The Casa del Deán

4.16. Sibylla Europa, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

series, the Cumaean Sibyl precedes the Sibylla Samia as the oracle of the Nativity. Don Tomás breaks with tradition and substitutes the Cumaean for the Cimmerian Sibyl. The banner emblem for the Cumaean Sibyl is related to the feeding horn that is held by the Cimmerian Sibyl in Charles V’s book of hours and in the van Leyden woodcut. Instead of the horn, the Amerindian artist has ingeniously painted the attribute as a teething ring, a cloth rag tied in a knot (fig. 4.17).96 This knot seems to also replicate the slipknot that was part of a ruler or deity’s headdress. Thus, for the indigenous artist, the slipknot became an emblem for Christ’s divinity.97 In keeping with the theme of Christ’s lowly birth and humanity, Mary appears in the roundel as the Madonna of Humility (fig. 4.18). The old woman in the background near the Cumaean Sibyl could be a reference to this sibyl (fig. 4.19). Ovid in his Metamorphoses repeats Virgil’s story of the Cumaean Sibyl when she acted as guide to Aeneas

Dic Tu Sibila  • 117

4.17. Sibylla Cumaea, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

top | 4.18. Madonna of Humility, roundel above the Cumaean Sibyl, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls bottom | 4.19. Solitary woman near the Cumaean Sibyl, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

118  •  The Casa del Deán

in his search for his father through the underworld. The sibyl tells Aeneas of her tragic decision to succumb when she is bribed by Phoebus with the promise of eternal life, only to forget to ask for eternal youth. As she shrinks away into decrepitude, she appropriately becomes merely a voice, “and by my voice I shall be known.”98 The Passion cycle is initiated by the Tiburtine Sibyl (fig. 1.1). The image of a severed hand on the sibyl’s banner refers to the Mocking of Christ, as does the quotation from Isaiah, “I gave my back to those who struck me, and my cheeks to those who pulled out the beard; I did not hide my face from insult and spitting” (fig. 4.20).99 The banner may resemble one of the ephemeral works of art painted or produced in feathers by Amerindian artisans for processions in Puebla (fig. 1.1).100 The brutal formality of the treatment of the hand is reminiscent of the Aztec stone sculpture of the goddess Coatlicue, who wears a necklace of hearts and severed hands.101 The unwavering presentation of the hand invokes the act of human sacrifice, whether in the context of preconquest religious beliefs or of Christianity.

The serpent underfoot usually accompanies the Persian Sibyl as a reference to the beast that confronts the Virgin of the Apocalypse. In the case of the Casa del Deán mural, the snake wrapped around a rodent is beneath the horse of the Tiburtine Sibyl. This image of an innocent victim, encircled by the serpent, may be a premonition of Christ’s Crucifixion, for the snake was often a reference to Satan and death.102 The Sibylla Cumana replaces the Sibylla Agrippina, a choice made by Don Tomás that is difficult to fathom (figs. 4.21, 4.22). One possibility is that the restorers wrote “Cumana” over “Agrippa,” an idea that is barely credible. The other possibility is that the restorers found the word “Cumana” above this sibyl because the original lettering for the Sibylla Agrippina had been worn away over time, only to reveal an error made in 1580–1584. An example of this kind of pentimento can be found beneath the deer in the portería at San Gabriel, Cholula (fig. 7.13). Adding further to the conundrum is the odd placement of the word “Prophetavit” very near the figure of the sibyl.

4.21. The Sibyllae Cumana, Delphica, and Hellespontica, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls

4.20. Mocking of Christ, roundel above the Tiburtine Sibyl, west wall, Salon of the Sibyls

Dic Tu Sibila  • 119

Above the Sibylla Cumana in the Salon of the Sibyls, the small scene of the Flagellation (fig. 4.23) is a minimalist interpretation of a print by Francesco Rosselli (ca. 1485–1495). Rosselli’s version (fig. 4.24) inspired a multitude of paintings, as in the cloister at Acolman. In the Flagellation in the Salon of the Sibyls and at Acolman, the floor is checkered and Christ is tied to a column (fig. 4.25). Christ turns slightly to his left in the three renditions, and the two men on either side of him hold the same positions. The Crowning of Thorns above the Delphic Sibyl (fig. 4.26) also resembles the version of this scene at Acolman. Christ is seated on a stone chest or casket, while two Roman soldiers hold lengths of thorn-covered branches that they are preparing to wrap around Christ’s head (fig. 4.27). The artist of the Casa del Deán mural has added the color of blood to the head of Christ and to the Crown of Thorns on the banner (fig. 4.28). The pose of Christ on the cross in the roundel above the Sibylla Hellespontica is quite like that of the crucified Christ at Acolman (fig. 4.29).

right | 4.22. Sibylla Cumana, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls below | 4.23. Flagellation, roundel above the Sibylla Cumana, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls

120  •  The Casa del Deán

The correlation of the Passion scenes in the two mural cycles has one possible explanation. The Rosselli prints that were the sources for the murals at Acolman belonged to a Passion print series.103 This Italian print series would also have inspired illustrations in printed books and single sheets with multiple scenes from the life of Christ. In order to accommodate the much-reduced format for each scene on a book page or as one of many on a single sheet, the engraver simplified and miniaturized the images. These book illustrations or single sheets would have inspired the Passion scenes in the Casa del Deán roundels. This process of miniaturization had already begun in Florence, where Rosselli was one of the artists participating in the development of Florentine book illumination in the late fifteenth century.104 Because of the changes to the Salon of the Sibyls over the years, the identification of the last two figures in the procession has been made difficult and a cause for conjecture (fig. 4.30). The identification of the last visible sibyl as the Phrygian is based on the image of the tomb that appears on her standard, as a reference to the Resurrection. In the Rationarium, this sibyl is paired with St. Matthew; interestingly, the text is not a description of the Resurrection but instead Christ’s own prophecy of his Passion and Resurrection.105 Because of the enlargement of the window and consequent destruction of a portion of the mural, the only aspect of the last figure in the procession that is visible is the front of the horse. This figure may have

left | 4.24. Flagellation attributed to Francesco Rosselli, engraving, ca. 1490–1500. © Trustees of the British Museum right | 4.25. Flagellation, cloister at San Agustín, Acolman

Dic Tu Sibila  • 121

Top left | 4.26. Crowning of Thorns, roundel above the Delphic Sibyl, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls top right | 4.27. Crowning of Thorns, cloister at San Agustín, Acolman right | 4.28. Sibylla Delphica, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls

122  •  The Casa del Deán

4.29. Sibylla Hellespontica, north wall, Salon of the Sibyls

been the Ecclesia Christi, which would have been an appropriate counter figure to Synagoga and a parallel to the Triumph of Eternity in the Salon of the Triumphs. Another possible configuration is that the final figure is the Sibylla Libyca who prophesies Christ’s Descent into Limbo in the van Leyden series, keeping the number of sibyls to eleven without the inclusion of the figure of Ecclesia Christi.106 This identification is difficult to argue, for the Descent into Limbo would not follow the Resurrection in the traditional depiction of the Passion series. In the Rationarium, however, the Libyan Sibyl follows the first sibyl, the Sibylla Persica. The Libyan Sibyl holds a torch and is accompanied by the image of the Apparition of the Virgin and Child to Augustus. The related quotation from Isaiah is in direct opposition to the blind Synagoga: “Arise, shine; for your light has come, and the glory of the Lord has risen upon you.” The quotations from St. John’s Gospel in the Rationarium are particularly relevant: “The true light, which enlightens everyone, was coming into the world”; and “‘I am the light of the world. Whoever follows me will

Dic Tu Sibila  • 123

4.30. Sibylla Phrygia, east wall, Salon of the Sibyls

124  •  The Casa del Deán

never walk in darkness but will have the light of life.’”107 The latter quotation appears with the Libyan Sibyl in Charles V’s book of hours, along with the sibyl indicating the Apparition of the Virgin and Child.108 The oracle of the Sibylla Libyca in MS80 is even more emphatically in contrast to Synagoga: “Behold the day will come and God will give light to all hidden things and untie the bonds of the Synagogue and will let loose the lips of men” (appendix 2). If the last figure in the Salon of the Sibyls was the Sibylla Libyca, the image in the roundel could have been the Virgin and Child surrounded by an aureole, a reference to Augustus’s vision.

Vi sua l Source s for the Siby l s Although in Spain the sibyls were primarily linked with religious drama surrounding the Nativity of Christ, it is more likely that their impersonators participated in the celebration of Holy Week in sixteenth-century Puebla. In a procession in Seville that took place on Good Friday, various figures from religious history were represented, among them, the sibyls with their attributes.109 In the border of a large petit-point embroidery dated to the late sixteenth century and considered northern European are twelve sibyls in elaborate costumes in procession on horseback. Like the Casa del Dean mural, this textile is a depiction of the religious processions that had become traditional in European towns and that were actually taking place contemporaneously with the two works of art. The standards carried by the sibyls in the Casa del Deán murals would have fluttered high above in order to identify each of the figures for the crowd of onlookers gathered to watch the procession as it wended its way through the streets.110 In the actual street festival, each sibyl might have paraded ahead of the cart that carried the prophesied scene. Sibyls were usually represented seated, wearing exotic costumes, with book or emblem in hand. However, Don Tomás wanted an idealized version of processions that he had directed in Puebla. His visual source for the sibyls was most likely a print series from the mid-sixteenth century. Christopher Columbus’s son, Ferdinand, a contemporary of Don Tomás, owned a large collection of prints that included several series depicting women on horseback, among them Jacob Cornelisz. van Oostsanen’s Procession of Dukes and Duchesses of Holland on Horseback (1518), Ten Amazonian Women, and Nine Famous Men and Women in Circles on Horseback. He also owned the Lucas van Leyden and Jacob Cornelisz. van Oostsanen work Twelve Sibyls and Personifications of Synagogue and Ecclesia.111 Inspired by the equestrian portraits of Jacob Cornelisz. van Oostsanen, his grandson Cornelis Anthonisz., along with Hans Liefrinck, produced a very popular series of fifty woodcut portraits of kings and queens in Antwerp in 1538–1548.112 The queens, Eleanora of France and Isabella of Portugal (fig. 4.31), strongly resemble the sibyls in the Casa del Deán murals as they ride sidesaddle on beautifully caparisoned horses before a blank background. This type of figure could have been adopted by the printmaker who produced the prototypes studied by Don Tomás de la Plaza and the Master of the Sibyls. This artist could have placed the equestrian figures in the foreground before a typical northern European landscape. However, it might have been the Mexican artist who was directed by Don Tomás to borrow from different print cycles. The artist would have taken images from various print series and book illustrations

Dic Tu Sibila  • 125

4.31. Equestrian portrait of Isabella of Portugal by Cornelis Anthonisz. Dutch, stencil-colored woodcut, 1535– 1540. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (RP-P-1932–172)

and then placed the female figures (now sibyls) across the front plane against the landscape background. Several elements substantiate this hypothesis—the roundels containing scenes from Christ’s life, the native animals, and the vignettes that appear twice in the background.113 The painted arcade in the lower border appears to have been damaged. The portion of the mural below the capitals of the columns was probably painted out before the twentieth century. A comparison to the nearly contemporary Sala Grande in the Casa del Fundador in Tunja, Colombia, allows for the reconstruction of the lower arcade. In the ceiling painting of the Casa del Fundador, plants alternate with animals in an emblematic program. The plants at Tunja grow on small hillocks, as they do in the Florentine Codex. This same format is entirely possible for the flowers in the Casa del Deán’s painted arcade.114 The military figures that occupy the lower border in the Salon of the Sibyls may also have come from a print series originating in northern Europe (fig. 4.10). The Master of the Sibyls adopted four different portrait heads and repeated them with slight variations around the perimeter of the room. These may have derived from a series like the Triumph of the Twelve Heroes of the Old Testament by the German printmaker George Pencz, in which the heroes are depicted in groups of four. They appear in profile and from the waist up, wearing exotic military armor and helmets.115 The incorporation of biblical heroes or Old Testament prophets would have been appropriate, considering the pictorial concordances in the French books of hours and the prints by Lucas van Leyden.116 This tradition is known to have continued in Mexico, evidenced in the Tlaxcala mural cycle, dating from only thirty years after the conquest. In 1550 an indigenous artist painted on the walls of the Tlaxcala Cabildo meeting room, the Nine Famous Men, now twelve with the addition of Christopher Columbus, Hernán Cortés, and Francisco Pizarro. These heroic figures of the New World, on horseback like the sibyls at the Casa del Deán, also carry their insignia, referring to the acts of bravery that had brought them fame.117 Conclusion Because Christianity is centered on canonical scripture, only history can be read to reveal the future, and prophecy has to concern itself with proof of the past. Thus, exegetical and living prophecy must coexist.118 Christ, in his words and acts and in his Resurrection, fulfills prophecy: “Think not that I have come to abolish the law and the prophets, I have come not to abolish them but to fulfill them. For truly, I say to you, till heaven and earth pass away, not an iota, not a dot, will pass from the law until all is accomplished.”119

126  •  The Casa del Deán

The sibylline oracles are history becoming prophecy, vaticinia ex eventu, wherein God chooses to reveal his plan.120 The sibyls and the Jewish seers foretold the coming of Christ just as the Spanish priests were bringing the Word to the indigenous people of the New World. The blindfolded Synagoga signifies the unwillingness on the part of the Jews to believe in Christ as the Messiah even when it was revealed to them by the prophets. In contrast, the sibylline oracles were manifested in the life of Christ, and the oracles reveal Christ’s victory over death. As Lactantius wrote of the sibylline and Old Testament prophecies, “That he is the son of God supreme and endowed with maximum power is demonstrated not just by what the prophets say, which is unanimous, but also by the predictions of Trismegistus and the prophecies of the Sibyls.”121 The period just before 1400 was critical to the evolution of the sibyls. In drama, art, and prophetic commentary, the sibyls increased in number. New approaches to prophecy and to correspondences with the sibylline oracles originated at this time in Italy, France, and Spain.122 In different strands of imagery, the sibyls prophesied the virgin birth and events in Christ’s life that culminated in his death and resurrection. The painted images of the sibyls on horseback, with their resplendent costumes and colorful banners, developed out of religious procession, especially during the Feast of Corpus Christi. In Spain the early fifteenthcentury manuscript MS80 was a prescription for the participation of the sibyls in religious processions and performances, strengthened by new ideas imported from Italy and France. Procession and performance defined much of liturgical worship in the late medieval period in Spain. Its movement and color allowed for communal involvement. This same dynamic of a shared religious experience had great implications in the evangelization among the indigenous peoples of the New World. Religious imagery in stained glass, on church façades in stone relief, and in processional carts with stationary figures, according to Charlotte Stern, often had “little to do with naturalistic representations and everything to do with images so charged with connotative power as to render linguistic intervention unnecessary.” These images were multivalent and a rhetorical challenge for the artist. They encompassed biblical text, emblems, multiple correspondences, music, dance, and the spoken word, as religious drama melded with procession.123 By the sixteenth century in Western Europe, the multiple meanings applied to the sibyls combined and extended into a variety of visual interpretations, with increased numbers of correspondences. The Burgundian duke who became Charles V brought with him an emphasis on the sibyls as oracles of Christ’s life and resurrection, in contrast to the traditional Christmas Eve readings in Spanish churches of the Judicii Signum, with its focus on the Last Judgment. Charles V’s reign may also have inspired greater pageantry in religious processions and mystery plays.

Dic Tu Sibila  • 127

In the Casa del Deán’s iconographic program, light is a metaphor signifying the presence of God and the willingness to see divine light as an act of faith. The inspiration of St. John’s first chapter had led St. Augustine to contemplate the idea of divine light in his Confessions: “The Word, God himself, is ‘the true light, which enlightens every man that comes into the world.’” According to St. Augustine, a faithful response to infinite and divine light engenders wisdom and grace: “He who knows the truth, knows that light, and he who knows it knows eternity.”124 In the Salon of the Sibyls, the faithful who open their eyes and souls to divine light are brought out of the darkness of idolatry and sin. For Don Tomás de la Plaza, the themes of prophecy and redemption resonated with apocalyptic meaning. From the time of the early Christian writers, the belief was that the work of salvation had to occur throughout the world before there could be hope for accomplishing the millennium.125 Don Tomás de la Plaza, as priest and dean, committed a lifetime to the hope that his indigenous congregations would be transformed by the divine light of their new faith.

128  •  The Casa del Deán

C H A P T E R

5

The Salon of the  Triumphs �

T

Int roduct ion

wo hundred and fifty years after Petrarch composed the Trionfi, his poem was visualized on the walls of an urban residence in Puebla, Mexico. The Triumphs murals in the Casa del Deán represent a visual expression of life as it was lived in sixteenth-century New Spain. Chapters 5, 6, and 7 will focus on the distinctive style and iconography of the murals in the Salon of the Triumphs, with an emphasis on the contributions of the Master of the Sibyls and his fellow artists, who were tlacuilos trained by the Franciscans. Chapter 5 is an overview of the murals and an exegesis of each of the Triumphs. The salvaje (Wild Man) is the subject of chapter 6, an attempt to discover the significance of the Wild Man in this particular context. Chapter 7 is an in-depth investigation of the emblematic animals that appear in cartouches in the friezes. Petrarch’s ingenious rhetorical invention (concetto), written in the vernacular, had already become a powerful influence in the work of European poets and artists.1 Petrarch won admiration particularly for his ability to provide a conceptualization of the victory of Christian faith over death that was palpable and sensual for the reader. Don Tomás de la Plaza developed his own interpretation when he directed the Master of the Sibyls to represent only five of the six Triumphs and to change their order. The Triumph of Fame does not appear in the mural, and Time precedes rather than follows Death (fig. 1.2). Three of the Triumphs are personified as women in white classical robes, while Death is a skeleton accompanied by the three Fates, and Time is envisioned as Saturn holding an hourglass.

detail of figure 5.2

5.1. The Triumph of Chastity, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs

130  •  The Casa del Deán

In the mural cycle, most of the steeds that pull the carts were not mentioned by Petrarch but had traditionally been linked with the Triumphs. The only description in the poem is of the horses drawing the fiery car carrying Cupid: “four steeds, whiter than whitest snow.” Unicorns pull Chastity’s chariot in reference to her virtue as a virgin (fig. 5.1). Petrarch relates Time’s swiftness of flight to the “four good steeds” carrying the Sun so rapidly that “not even thought could follow.”2 This “marvelous velocity” is represented by the two stags that draw Time’s chariot (fig. 3.7). In contrast, the figure of Death is pulled inexorably forward by two oxen (fig. 5.2). Don Tomás breaks with tradition in his depiction of Divinity (Eternity), whose chariot was normally led forward by the creatures symbolizing the four evangelists. The figure of Eternity is drawn by peacocks (fig. 5.3), emblematic of spiritual rebirth and of Christ’s Resurrection and the promise of immortality.3 The carts travel across a rock-strewn path in the foreground. The landscape behind them is continuous, with mountains or hills acting as intervals between the Triumphs. The depiction of the walled towns and castles in these mountain landscapes (fig. 1.2) resembles the vignettes that appear in the backgrounds of religious prints, whether as woodcut illustrations in books or as single sheets.

top | 5.2. The Triumph of Death and the funeral procession based on the 1541 edition of Petrarch’s Triumphs, southeast corner, Salon of the Triumphs bottom | 5.3. The Triumph of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs The Salon of the Triumphs  • 131

Top | 5.4. Supplicants led by a musician playing a lyre and two Wild Men fighting, west wall, Salon of the Triumphs Middle | 5.5. Gathering wood for a bonfire behind the Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs Bottom | 5.6. Game and castle in the background, Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs

132  •  The Casa del Deán

The first of the Triumphs, the personification of Love, moves before a tiny village in a green valley (fig. I.8). The artist has indicated the season of the year and the time of day. Petrarch opens the poem on a spring morning at dawn when he awakens and is reminded of falling in love with Laura and losing her in the month of April.4 Thus, the early morning sunlight is just visible behind the mountains in the mural. On the hillside beyond Love’s cart, four men in front of a large residence move in procession. The leading figure carries a lyre, while the others raise their arms as though in supplication (fig. 5.4). Before them, a Wild Man forcefully grasps another by the shoulder, both of them nude and covered with hair. Above a doorway, a hilltop stand of three trees amid lush vegetation is surrounded by mountains. On the other side of this hillside, young women carrying palms gather behind Chastity. The artist has ingeniously placed the group on either side of the corner of the room so that the space is continuous (fig. 5.1). In the distance behind Chastity, a city with an extended waterfront resembles a busy European seaport. Between Chastity and Time, a walled town on a mountaintop is approached by what seems to be a religious procession (fig. 1.2). The three supplicants have reappeared with a priest in the lead. In the sky are several birds that closely resemble those in the Salon of the Sibyls. In the landscape behind the winged figure of Saturn as Time, a family stands before a large country residence, observing a nobleman who directs a group of workers gathering wood for a bonfire (fig. 5.5). The men in the scene wear doublets with standing collars and attached skirts that flare above trunk hose. Their tall leather hats and swords worn in a noncombative setting are further indications of their high rank in society. This costume dates to ca. 1560.5 In another vignette, men dressed in similar fashion and holding poles appear to be playing a game, possibly on ice skates (fig. 5.6). Behind them, several men stand along the wall and tower of a palace with a thatched roof. A wild and sinister creature lurks before an outcropping in the transition from the Triumph of Time to the Triumph of Death (fig. 5.7). It is a salvaje (Wild Man), with horns growing from his forehead and his body covered with hair. The artist once again makes use of the corner as a spatial device. The Wild Man occupies a cave in a hillside on the east wall to the side of a painted niche. He faces the triumphal cart of Time as it advances toward him on the north wall. This wild hidden place is in contrast to the scene acted out on the hillside above the Wild Man’s cave. Several villagers, one with a pair of mules and a dog and another carrying a heavy load on his back, advance along the road toward a walled town (fig. 5.13). On the hillside above the niche and near the Wild Man’s cave, a monkey satyr plays the vihuela (guitar) and turns toward the bird perched on his shoulder (fig. I.9). These forest creatures are the focus of chapter 6.

Beyond the hillside occupied by the monkey satyr, a mountain town is visible behind the three Fates. In the background of the Triumph of Death, a funeral is taking place in a town center (fig. 5.2). A man prepares the burial plot as the funeral procession approaches. This scene was taken from Antonio de Obregón’s 1541 edition of Petrarch’s Triumphs (fig. 5.14). In a continuation of the landscape of the Triumph of Death, a procession passes before another walled town at the intersection of the east and south walls (fig. 5.2). Several figures are carrying large water jugs and foodstuffs, most likely the last of the participants in the funerary procession. The figure of Eternity floats above a valley surrounded by mountains (fig. 5.3). She makes her way through a sky filled with clouds and lit by stars. The stars, now visible as a result of the restoration, resemble those on the painted vaults of the cloister chapels at Huaquechula. In the distance through the mist, a village can be perceived in the valley. Just outside the town, a villager wielding an ax chops at a stump. Framing the main scenes in the Salon of the Triumphs are rinceaux, initially inspired by European prints or book illustrations (figs. 5.3, 5.8). Dragons have acquired rattlesnake rattles, however, and the birds closely resemble the eagles (quauhtli) in the cloister frieze at San Gabriel in Cholula (fig. 5.9) and in book 11 of Sahagún’s Florentine Codex.6 The frieze at Cholula was inspired by the title page from the Biblia Sacra cum

Top | 5.7. The Wild Man (salvaje), northeast corner, Salon of the Triumphs Middle | 5.8. Frieze with animal cartouche, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs Bottom | 5.9. Frieze, cloister, San Gabriel, Cholula

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 133

glossa ordinaria published in Lyon, France, by Ioannis Mareschal. A copy of this bible, which was originally in the library of San Francisco, Puebla, now resides in the Biblioteca Palafoxiana in Puebla.7 These visual transcriptions would have originated in the traditions and imaginations of the Amerindian artists as they interpreted the European images. The cartouches in the borders contain animals involved in human activities (fig. 5.8). Each animal may relate thematically to the Triumphs, a concept that will be considered below. The interpretation of the animals’ significance is dependent on their proper identification and the emblematic symbols that surround them. While some of the animals may have been copied directly from European sources, most appear to be native to Mesoamerica, their meanings made more complex in light of cultural syncretism. The animals will be discussed at length in chapter 7. Petr a rch ’s T riumphs a nd Spectacle Liter ac y A leader, conquering and supreme, I saw, Such as triumphal chariots used to bear To glorious honor on the Capitol. . . . And I, desirous evermore to learn, Lifted my weary eyes, and gazed upon This scene, so wondrous and so beautiful. Four steeds I saw, whiter than whitest snow, And on a fiery car a cruel youth With bow in hand and arrows at his side. No fear had he, nor armor wore, nor shield, But on his shoulders he had two great wings Of a thousand hues; his body was all bare. And round about were mortals beyond count: Some of them were but captives, some were slain, And some were wounded by his pungent arrows.8 Petrarch, Triumph of Love

The Triumphs emerged from the classical tradition of the conquering general’s heroic entry into Rome. The text most often consulted for descriptions of these Roman triumphs was Livy’s Historia ab urbe condita.9 The military quality of conquest and the notion of a ruler’s victorious entry provide a note of irony in the poem. In five of the triumphs that take place on earth, all of humanity is subject to defeat, a result of the ephemeral nature of life itself. And, at the last, all are offered the ultimate triumph over death:

134  •  The Casa del Deán

Five of these Triumphs on the earth below We have beheld, and at the end, the sixth, God willing, we shall see in heaven above.10

Biblical passages as sources for the iconography of the triumphs include Ezekiel’s chariot, which is in concordance with the triumphant appearance of the “King of kings and Lord of lords” in the Revelation to St. John.11 The four creatures that draw the prophet Ezekiel’s chariot appear again in the Apocalypse as symbols for the four evangelists.12 The most powerful biblical description of a chariot is from the second Book of Kings, in which Elijah is taken up to heaven at the center of a whirlwind in a chariot of fire.13 These historical precedents, both classical and biblical, were equally seductive for Dante in the Purgatorio from his Commedia Divina. Dante describes a miraculous vision, the personified Church Triumphant, in a chariot surrounded by the four creatures from the Book of Ezekiel.14 Petrarch’s concept of triumph was inspiration for Francesco Colonna’s Hypnerotomachia Poliphili, first published in 1499. This exotic novel, with its vivid descriptions and illustrations, influenced the development and appearance of public processions and representations of triumphs.15 Another powerful literary source for artistic imagery was Savonarola’s Triumphus Crucis, published in 1497. Christ, the Man of Sorrows, rides in a chariot and displays his wounds, surrounded by the symbols of the Passion. As Erwin Panofsky has noted, “Savonarola seems indeed to be the first to have visualized Christ in person as a triumphator ‘all’antica.’”16 The triumphs entered popular culture through public religious processions and triumphal entries of kings and princes. The Italian predilection for royal entries was swiftly exported. In 1443 King Alfonso of Catalonia arrived in Naples in a gilded chariot drawn by white horses and shaded by a cloth of gold. The Florentines in Naples contributed a chariot carrying the personification of Fortuna, accompanied by seven Virtues on horseback. The Catalans followed, “with mock horses fastened in front and behind them, fighting a mock battle with mock Turks. Then came a gigantic tower, whose door was guarded by an angel with a drawn sword. On it were four Virtues, who each greeted the King with a song.”17 The sequence of triumphs devised by Petrarch evokes the dynamic of the procession itself as not only highly symbolic but with narrative qualities. The parade passes by before the viewers in the same way that the triumphs follow in an order expressive of Petrarch’s loss and mourning. Domenico Pietropaolo has turned his attention to formal aspects of the reception of spectacles and how they might be applied to scholarly investigations of literary descriptions like Petrarch’s Triumphs: “Spectacular literacy is that species of the phenomenon in which the signs are units of spectacular discourse rather than words. . . . The pragmatics of

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 135

processional discourse concerns . . . a direct encounter with a community of observers and not an encounter mediated by poetic language. In the context of Petrarch’s Triumphs, which are linguistic representations of spectacle rather than spectacle itself, the observer is not external but internal to the text and ultimately coincides with its narrative voice.”18 Pietropaolo confronts the relationship of time and space by setting forth what he terms the three temporal dimensions of the present moment: actuality, recollection, and expectation. As the procession moves through the street, what is past and what is anticipated are perceived simultaneously.19 Thus, when time and space intersect, the act of observing involves the construction of narrative. The single most telling aspect of the Casa del Deán murals is that all the participants are in procession. The sibyls on horseback and allegorical figures riding in chariots could have been in a triumphal procession or religious pageant in any major sixteenth-century European city. Among Francesco Primaticcio’s drawings for festivals at Fontainebleau were the Three Fates, a Wild Man on horseback, Saturn as Time, and Juno in her chariot drawn by peacocks.20 Festivals and triumphal entries served social, political, and religious purposes, as in the case of Charles V, holy Roman emperor and champion of Christianity, who used them on a grand scale: “By the time of his abdication in 1555, every educated person within Europe must have been familiar with the rhetoric and imagery of Sacred Empire.”21 Love of pageantry extended into the New World, an aspect of both cultures that could be shared. In 1585 the citizens of Tlaxcala prepared for a formal visit from the viceroy, a time when Tomás de la Plaza could very well have been in attendance: Prior to [the viceroy’s] arrival the people constructed a wooden castle of several stories with quarters and vantage points for simulated warfare. Their plan was to dress as Spaniards, Tlaxcalans, and Chichimecs and to present a battle scene. When the viceroy came, they offered him the keys and requested the preservation of their fueros. An army of Indians dressed as Spaniards and Tlaxcalans accompanied his entrance. Finally four old men, garbed as the four “kings” of conquest times with crowns on their heads, addressed sonnets to him in Spanish.22

The Im pact on the A rts Petrarch’s Triumphs were especially beguiling for artists, as variations on the theme abounded: Triumphs of the Seasons, the Virtues, and Old Testament Heroes. The transmutation from image to pageant and again to image reached its height in the sixteenth century. Tapestries, frescoed

136  •  The Casa del Deán

walls, pottery, painted glass, marble, bronze and ivory sculpture, books, and prints were favored media for the depiction of festivals, triumphs, and pageants, providing permanence for what had been ephemeral events.23 The festival organizers consulted the Biblia pauperum, emblem books, and humanist and classical writings to devise the complex layers of meanings that publicly unfolded.24 At the Augustinian convento in Meztitlán, indigenous artists painted a Triumph of Chastity and a Triumph of Patience, both of which were taken from prints by Maarten van Heemskerck.25 The first edition of Petrarch’s Triumphs in Castilian was published in 1512 in Logroño with translation from the Italian by Antonio de Obregón.26 The cosmic vision revealed in the commentaries on the Triumphs by Bernardo da Pietro Lapini da Montalcino and translated by Obregón was influenced by Marcilio Ficino’s Commentary on Plato’s Symposium. Ficino integrated a Neoplatonic conception of the universe with Christian theology that included a hierarchy of perfection and a macrocosmos that was reflected in the human body.27 The impact of humanism was also made evident by Petrarch’s use of the vernacular: “Neoplatonism assured the spiritual equality of all languages since it viewed them as manifestations of the human soul, and thus all equally worthy of being directed toward God. Besides their impact on the diffusion of humanist learning, the vernacular languages were crucial to the development of a national consciousness.”28 The 1581 translation into Castilian of the Triumphs by Hernando de Hozes, originally published in 1554, was shipped to the New World in 1586.29 Several editions of the Triumphs are on the Inquisition lists because of heretical statements made in the commentaries. The 1541 version of the Triumphs published in Valladolid in the vernacular was banned in Mexico. For the Obregón translation published in Seville, the officer of the Inquisition provided the specific folio on which the offending text was to be found.30 Don Tomás did not list a copy of Petrarch’s Triumphs in his inventory, possibly because the edition he owned was one of those outlawed. A funeral taking place in the townscape behind the figure of Death indicates that the artist borrowed from the illustration of the Triumph of Death in the 1541 Obregón translation (figs. 5.2, 5.14). The difference in dimension is remarkable to contemplate, considering that the indigenous artist transformed a tiny background scene in the book into a significant element in the landscape setting of the Triumph of Death. The simple lines of the printed version are enlarged and embellished with color and detail by the artist, although the participants in the funerary procession remain as silhouettes. The Triumphs in the Casa del Deán resemble tapestries hung on the walls. Don Tomás lists a tapestry with figures in the inventory of his will,

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 137

which he describes as “una ante puerta de figuras,” and “un tapis que sirbio de antepuerta” (appendix 1).31 Possibly the tapestry was a depiction of the Triumph of Fame, which is missing from the mural cycle. There were tapestries in private and conventual collections in sixteenth-century Mexico. Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta writes of Fray Juan de Zumárraga, first archbishop of Mexico (1528–1548): “The tapestries and draperies in his residence were numerous, and resembled good books, for they were greatly inspired by learning, and sources of erudition without pretension.”32 The Tr ium ph a l Scene s The Triumph of Love

The personification of Love in the Casa del Deán is clothed in a simple white robe (fig. I.8) and seated in a chariot pulled by two spirited horses “whiter than whitest snow.”33 Love’s chariot glides across the rocky terrain, leaving for dead those whom she has conquered—a king, a soldier, a friar, and a young woman. The serene pastoral landscape, with its atmospheric blues and greens and soft linear transitions, provides a sharp contrast to the rock-strewn hard earth of the foreground. The seasons play a role in Petrarch’s Triumphs, inspiring the treatment of the landscape setting in the Casa del Deán murals, for April was the month in which Petrarch met and fell in love with Laura and the month in which she died. In the Triumph of Love, Taurus represents the spring, and Aurora, Tithonus’s youthful bride, the dawn. The fleeting image of Aurora may refer to Laura’s brief life: The sun was warming one and the other horn Of Taurus and Tithonus’ youthful bride Sped in the coolness to her wonted station. 34

Don Tomás clearly followed literary and visual traditions when they adhered to the statement that he wished to make. While the blindfolded Cupid played the role of Love Triumphant in most of the illustrated editions, in the Casa del Deán painting Cupid makes his appearance instead as a tiny figure perched on the chariot behind the female personification of Love. The nude winged Eros is masked and armed (fig. I.8).35 Petrarch’s choice of the winged Cupid had become so ubiquitous in the works of Renaissance artists and poets that few illustrators of the Triumphs differentiated between a Cupid that was blindfolded and one who could see. However, a distinction was made between the two in the context of the Counter-Reformation, with the Blind Cupid representing profane,

138  •  The Casa del Deán

sensual love and the Seeing Cupid signifying divine love.36 In the Casa del Deán mural, the Cupid is masked rather than blindfolded and thus has conquered through a reasoned response to sensuality.37 In the 1541 Spanish edition of Los Triunfos, Antonio de Obregón comments at length on the characteristics of the figure of Love, whom Petrarch had described as “a cruel youth.” His conquests are beyond counting, for he has yet to find a true adversary: “No fear hath he, nor armor wore, nor shield.” According to Obregón, the soul is composed of two distinct aspects, reason and sensuality, and reason itself can have two responses. On the one hand, reason allows for the understanding of superior and eternal concepts; on the other, reason provides the soul with the ability to seek virtue in earthly experience. Thus, reason can conquer the desires of the senses. Obregón looked to Aristotle’s Ethics to make his point concerning virtue: when a man is able to surpass his humanity (his sensuality), he can approach his divine nature.38 The dual nature of love enters into the question of whether to identify the female figure in the mural painting as Venus.39 A century earlier Marsilio Ficino, attempting to integrate Platonic philosophical concepts with Christian theology, conceived of love as the essential aspect of God’s interaction with humanity: “According to Ficino, amore is only another name for that self-reverting current (circuitus spiritualis) from God to the world and from the world to God. The loving individual inserts himself into this mystical current.”40 In the Neoplatonic scheme envisioned by Ficino, the desire for a higher understanding of the sublime leads to a love that manifests itself in beauty. This beauty exists on earth in two aspects, symbolized as the twin Venuses: love that is celestial or natural, as originally identified and discussed in Plato’s Symposium. Erwin Panofsky remarks on this duality: While the celestial Venus is pure intelligentia, the other Venus is a vis generandi which . . . gives life and shape to the things in nature and thereby makes the intelligible beauty accessible to our perception and imagination. Either Venus is accompanied by a congenial Eros or Amor who is rightly considered her son because each form of beauty begets a corresponding form of love. The celestial love or amor divinus possesses itself of the highest faculty in man, i.e., the Mind or intellect, and impels it to contemplate the intelligible splendour of divine beauty. The son of the other Venus, the amor vulgaris, takes hold of the intermediary faculties in man, i.e., imagination and sensual perception, and impels him to procreate a likeness of divine beauty in the physical world.41

In Obregón’s translation, when humans are consumed by their earthly desires, their reason is blinded and they are almost incapable of perceiving

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5.10. The 1541 Spanish edition of Petrarch’s Triumphs, The Triumph of Love. Fiske Petrarch Collection, Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library

heavenly virtue.42 Considering Don Tomás’s library holdings, it is more likely that he was inspired by the writings of Aristotle, although he was undoubtedly aware of Neoplatonic approaches to Christian theology. The conceptualization of the dual nature of love was a guiding principle in the development of meaning for the figure of Love Triumphant in the Casa del Deán painting. In Titian’s Sacred and Profane Love, dated 1515, Sublime or Sacred Love lifts a flaming vessel toward the heavens.43 The clothed triumphal figure in the Casa del Deán holds a scepter in her right hand and raises up a flaming heart, symbol of impassioned spirituality, with her left.44 She is the personification of Divine Love, with allusions to the figure of the celestial Venus. The masked Eros, or amor vulgaris, is able to perceive the sacred in human experience, but it is Sublime Love who reigns serenely and triumphantly over all forms of love. It is intriguing to find that in the illustration from the 1541 edition of the Triumphs a winged heart floats before the blindfolded Eros (fig. 5.10). The reality of love’s conflicted nature led in 1544 to the prohibition in Mexico of any sort of costumed dancing during the festival of Corpus Christi. Archbishop Juan de Zumárraga set forth a treatise on the proper and reverential manner of celebrating this devotional event, with the following codicil: “And something of great irreverence and shamelessness, it seems that, before the Most Holy Sacrament, men in disguise and in women’s costumes go dancing and leaping about, swaying in an immodest and lascivious manner, making a din that drowns out the Church choirs, representing profane triumphs, like that of the God of Love, so immodest, and even to those persons without modesty, so shameful to see.”45 Thus, forty years before the Casa del Deán murals were painted, Eros reigned over his subjects as part of a significant religious procession. In Neoplatonic thought, those who were led to sensual pleasures and debauchery abandoned beauty and fell into amore ferinus (bestial love).46 In the Salon of the Triumphs, a jaguar and badger reveal their aggressive nature, a Wild Man lurks in the shadows of a rocky landscape, and a monkey satyr strums the vihuela (figs. I.10, 7.9, 5.7, I.9). Directly in front of the figure of Love are two quarreling Wild Men (fig. 5.4). Completely absorbed in the sensual and lowest aspects of life, these forest creatures serve as warnings to raise one’s sights to the promise of divine truth and beauty as fulfilled in the Triumph of Eternity. The Triumph of Chastity

In the Casa del Deán, the narrative of the procession does not involve the conquest of each of the personified aspects of life, as in many of the representations of this series. In the mural, Chastity does not trample Love but continues the quest for a higher spiritual and intellectual plane

140  •  The Casa del Deán

(fig. 5.1). The focus of this iconographic program is on the drama of life’s choices and demands, always with the promise of the ultimate victory over death. A stand of three trees on a green hillside is painted above what was an original doorway that allowed access to the third salon. The hillside marks the transition to the next allegory, introduced by a group of female figures depicted at the northwest corner of the Salon of the Triumphs. These are the Virtues who assist Chastity in her triumph over Love: With her, and arméd, was the glorious host Of all the radiant virtues that were hers, Hands held in hands that clasped them, two by two. Honor and Modesty were in the van, A noble pair of virtues excellent, That set her high above all other women; Prudence and Moderation were near by, Benignity and Gladness of Heart— Glory and Perseverance in the rear; Foresight and Graciousness were at the sides, And Courtesy therewith, and Purity, Desire for Honor, and Fear of Shame. A Thoughtfulness mature in spite of Youth, And, in concord rarely to be found, Beauty supreme at one with Chastity. 47

The figures of Chastity and the Virtues carry palms of victory. The chariot is drawn by a pair of unicorns, an allusion to female chastity (fig. 5.1).48 Like the personification of Love, Chastity “wore, that day, a gown of white.”49 At some point, between Chastity and the unicorns, considerable damage to the mural produced a large opening in the wall and a crack extending into the upper frieze. The monk beneath Chastity’s triumphal cart is apparently a copy of the monk conquered by Love and was painted into the mural during the 1955 restoration (fig. 5.11). A large and prosperous town rises in the distance on the far side of a river. Its many towers are possible references to the Immaculate Conception or the chastity of St. Barbara.50 The harbor is filled with small boats and a large three-mast oceangoing vessel. The triumph now had come, in the warmth of Spring, To Baia’s shore, where beat the salty waves, And landed there, and turned to the right hand. 51

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 141

5.11. The Triumph of Chastity before the 1955 restoration, photograph, Abelardo Carrillo y Ganiel, 1953–1954. Fototeca Constantino Reyes-Valerio, Coordinación Nacional de Monumentos Históricos, INAH

The animal in a cartouche above the figure of Chastity is an ermine (fig. 7.5). This symbol of purity, an appropriate attribute for Chastity,52 is described by Petrarch: The banner of their victory displayed An ermine white upon a field of green, Wearing a chain of topaz and of gold. 53

The mirror the ermine holds in his paws is a reference to virtuous love and prudence.54 In this uniquely personal interpretation of the Triumphs by Don Tomás de la Plaza, Chastity is that “Virtue that never doth forsake the good.”55 This virtue, which “kindles pure desires within the heart,”56 is the sacred vow of the priest, to overcome earthly appetites to enact his spiritual calling. In Obregón’s translation, the figure of Chastity is interchangeable with the “Madonna Laura.” In the great battle that ends with the conquest of Cupid, reason overtakes the sensual appetites that cause humankind to ignore the divine. The Virtues assist in the victory and become the qualities of divine grace.57 The Triumph of Time

Time is represented by the winged Saturn, with his hourglass at his side (frontispiece, fig. 1.2). He uses a cane to support himself while he holds up his son in the horrifying act of devouring him. As Erwin Panofsky has written, “Petrarch’s Time was not an abstract philosophical principle but a concrete alarming power.”58 Saturn’s belt is tied in a native slipknot, which, before the conquest, appeared as a loincloth tie or as part of a ruler or deity’s headdress.59

142  •  The Casa del Deán

According to Eleanor Wake, the slipknot may have been an indicator of virility. She comments on the reason for its appearance in colonial murals: “If European originals were modified, however slightly, and/or native signs and symbols inserted, it was because those originals did not adequately express the meaning of Christianity as understood by the native population.”60 The slipknot then becomes a potent crossover statement about the one male personification of the Triumphs. Most curious is the depiction of one of Time’s conquered victims, a winged figure beneath the wheel of Time’s cart (fig. 5.12). Considering that angels were thought to occupy the celestial sphere and were thus immortal, this angel could be Azazel, described in the apocryphal Book of Enoch. Enoch wrote of several rebel angels who came to earth with evil intent. One of them, Azazel, taught men to make weapons and to love war and women to adorn themselves to seduce men, bringing about godlessness among all of humanity. God directed Archangel Raphael: Bind Azazel hand and foot, and cast him into the darkness: and make an opening in the desert, which is in Dudael, and cast him therein. And place upon him rough and jagged rocks, and cover him with darkness, and let him abide there forever, and cover his face that he may not see light. And on the day of the great judgment he shall be cast into the fire. And heal the earth which the angels have corrupted, and proclaim the healing of the earth, that they may heal the plague, and that all the children of men may not perish through all the secret things that the Watchers have disclosed and have taught their sons. And the whole earth has been corrupted through the works that were taught by Azazel: to him ascribe all sin.61 5.12. An angel beneath the wheels of the Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 143

Time’s conquest of the angel Azazel would seem appropriate for the iconographic program of this mural cycle, considering the successive plagues that caused unparalleled death and misery among the peoples of the New World. The conquest of Azazel would also indicate the ultimate fate for those who would reject Christ’s teachings. This winged creature has one other possible identity. In numerous illustrated editions of the Triumphs, the personification of Fame is a woman given wings. A Triumphs series represented in stained glass roundels along with the preparatory sketches has been attributed variously to Pieter Coecke van Aelst (1502–1550) and his workshop or to one of his followers. This Flemish painter and tapestry designer was court artist to Charles V. While the angelic creature in the Salon of the Triumphs has none of the accoutrements of Fame, in the drawing and roundel by Coecke van Aelst the female figure of Fame lies beneath Time’s chariot with her trumpets broken and destroyed, alongside Roman battle gear.62 While these two versions of the Triumphs are similar, they both probably derived from a third source. In his description of the Triumph of Time, Petrarch writes of Phoebus in his quadriga with his “four good steeds,” moving with great speed, a reminder of the brevity of life.63 In the mural, the chariot of Time is drawn by stags, known for their swiftness. The destructive force of personified Time is represented by his advanced age and crippled body. The cannibalistic act is the consumption of all that is created. Saturn’s astrological characterization depicts him as sinister and melancholy, cold and dry, responsible for all forms of natural disasters.64 From destruction comes the revelation of Truth, veritas filia temporis. The fleeting passage of time forces the rejection of all that is vain: Watching his marvelous velocity, This life of ours deeper in meanness seemed Than it had once seemed high in dignity. An arrant vanity it now appeared To set one’s heart on things that Time may press, For while one thinks to hold them they are gone.65

By placing Time before Death, Don Tomás de la Plaza has characterized life before its end. In his version of the Triumphs, Fame does not vanquish Death or give meaning to life. It is nothing more than “arrant vanity” or human pride: “The Sun, victorious o’er the human mind, Will still revolve, and Fame will fade away.”66 It is Time that qualifies life, admonishing and unflinchingly pointing toward the truth of salvation.67

144  •  The Casa del Deán

The Triumph of Death

Death, a frightening skeletal apparition, holds his scythe aloft as he drives his team of oxen (fig. 5.13). His chariot rolls forward as Death indiscriminately brings an end to life for people of all ages, from the poor and powerless to those who have enjoyed earthly success. The three Greek goddesses of Fate, the Moerae, accompany the figure of Death. According to Hesiod, the Fates were the daughters of Night and sisters of the goddesses of Death. Clotho, who holds the spindle on its distaff, weaves the thread of life, and Lachesis decides upon its length. Lachesis holds the thread as Atropos prepares to cut it, determining each person’s destiny.68 A funeral cortege moves toward a circular walled enclosure in a village set into the middle ground of the landscape (fig. 5.2). A tall tower at the center of the wall could represent those that were constructed in Tlaxcala and Tepeaca at the behest of Don Francisco Verdugo. These early colonial towers were meant to serve as symbols of Spanish imperial justice and power.69 A tower also appears in Don Tomás’s coat of arms.

5.13. The Triumph of Death, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 145

5.14. The 1541 Spanish edition of Petrarch’s Triumphs, The Triumph of Death. Fiske Petrarch Collection, Division of Rare and Manuscript Collections, Cornell University Library

In the depiction of the funerary scene, the artist found inspiration in the 1541 Obregón edition of Los Triunfos (fig. 5.14). In both renditions of the burial, a procession of mourners accompanying the casket arrives at the entrance to a circular burial ground where a man has prepared the gravesite. The tower in the 1541 print is part of the church complex, while the tower in the mural painting has been set apart but embellished with signs of the cross. In comparison to the 1541 Obregón version, Coecke van Aelst’s triumphant figure of Death is accompanied by the Moerae as in the Casa del Deán mural. The inclusion of the Fates was a visual trope for Flemish and French artists. A tapestry in the Metropolitan Museum of Art that was originally purchased by the Spanish queen Isabel in 1504 represents the personification of Fame conquering the three Fates as Death.70 The visual link to the printed page provides the opportunity to compare the mural painting to a fairly contemporary analysis of the poem. In Obregón’s translation, death merely separates the soul from the body. At the time of her death, Laura achieved a state of being in which death was no longer a consideration. Those who have lived a good life do not fear death: thus all men are admonished to contemplate the inevitability of death in order to avoid sin. The greatest fame on earth is achieved by those who lead virtuous lives.71

The Triumph of Eternity/Ecclesia

The allegorical figure of Eternity/Ecclesia displays a queenly manner (fig. 5.3). With her scepter in her right hand, she gestures to the peacocks as they draw her aloft into the clouds. She is surrounded by stars that are much like those in the ceilings of the cloister chapels at Huaquechula (figs. 3.5–3.6). At the back of Eternity’s chariot, lit torches are set upon Solomonic columns. The bird’s-eye view of the landscape allows the observer the same perspective as that of Eternity. Clouds barely rise above the grass-covered mountain in the foreground, while in the middle distance a village can be seen in the valley below. The mountains in the far distance are softened by a blue atmospheric haze. For centuries the Virgin as Queen of Heaven was envisioned as the Church Triumphant. An early treatment of the subject is the twelfthcentury Hortus Deliciarum, in which the Virgin appears as both Ecclesia and the Queen of Heaven, surrounded by a hierarchy of bishops, friars, kings, and prophets.72 In a thirteenth-century mosaic in Rome’s Santa Maria Maggiore, Christ crowns the Virgin with his right hand and holds a book in his left, in which is written, “Come, my Chosen One, and be seated upon my throne.” The River Jordan, as a reference to the sacrament of Holy Baptism, flows through the foreground of the scene. A hart at the river’s edge from Psalm 42 connotes the desire for union with God.73

146  •  The Casa del Deán

A tapestry from Chaumont in the Loire Valley (1500–1510) is one of the earliest examples of yet another aspect of this already iconic figure (fig. 5.15). Two angels crown the Virgin as she sits enthroned in the Garden of Paradise, surrounded by angelic musicians. According to the inscription on the banner in the upper right corner of the tapestry, Ecclesia assumes the identity of the Triumph of Eternity: Nothing triumphing by due authority Remains permanent and durable. Nothing is permanent beneath the firmament, But above us triumphs Eternity.74

Contemporaneously, Titian painted a fresco in his residence, the Triumph of Faith, and in 1511 produced a woodcut based on the painting. Rather than casting Christ as the Man of Sorrows, as in Savonarola’s Triumphus Crucis, Titian has Him riding in majesty, carrying a scepter and seated on a celestial globe, as the Eternal Christ.75 The four creatures symbolizing the evangelists pull the chariot, while the four doctors of the church push the wheels forward. Pressed into a shallow foreground, the crowd consists of prophets and sibyls, apostles, saints, and martyrs.76 In the illustrated editions of Petrarch’s Triumphs and in most depictions of the subject on cassoni and in print series, the Triumph of Eternity is evoked by the image of the Trinity or Christ in Majesty. These representations, which have their origins in Italy and are possibly reflective of the influence of Titian’s print, were widespread throughout Europe in 5.15. The Triumph of Eternity (from the Chateau de Chaumont Tapestry), France (Lyon?), 1500– 1510, tapestry weave, silk and wool, 319.30 × 377.60 cm. The Cleveland Museum of Art, Gift of various donors by exchange (1960.176.1)

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 147

the first half of the sixteenth century. However, the crowned Virgin as the Triumph of Eternity depicted in the Chaumont tapestry is without precedent.77 The identity of the female personification in the Casa del Deán murals now comes into question. Should she be considered the Triumph of Eternity as in Petrarch’s poem or has she taken on another role or guise in the iconographic program constructed by Don Tomás de la Plaza? The answer lies in visual clues, the most important of which are the Solomonic columns that form part of the chariot. The twelve antique twisted columns that were placed in Old St. Peter’s in Rome were, according to legend, brought from the Temple of Solomon by the Emperor Constantine. The temple was the prototype for the church and, on another level, presages the Heavenly Jerusalem. Solomonic or Eucharistic architecture signifies the establishment of the Heavenly Jerusalem on earth at the end of time.78 In the Casa del Deán, the allegorical figure floating above the clouds is the Triumph of Eternity/Ecclesia. As Eternity, she escapes the confines of the earth and triumphs over Time. Her role as Queen of Heaven is validated by specific classicizing symbolic references. Peacocks draw her chariot, and she is defined by the crown she wears and the scepter she carries. This female figure is Juno, who reigns in Olympus as the consort of Jupiter.79 In northern Europe, particularly in the Lowlands, “preference was given at an early stage to Triumphs of a more didactic kind, in line with the somewhat austere allegories of the Rhetoricians. Abstract ideas, clad in allegorical forms, are seen in procession in triumphal cars, but the original idea of victory is to a large extent lost.”80 The emblematic approach to this specific subject is apparent in the works that were precedents for Peter Paul Rubens’s designs for the Eucharist tapestries and were contemporaneous with the mural cycle in Puebla. A drawing attributed to Jan van der Straet (ca. 1590–1595) is entitled The Triumph of the Holy Scriptures and the Church. Following tradition, the chariot is drawn by the four symbols of the evangelists, but the triumphal figure is a female personification of the church.81 Commissioned in 1590 by Albert and Isabella in Brussels, Otto van Veen painted six panels representing the Triumph of the Catholic Church.82 Ecclesia is a female personification in all of the paintings. In the Triumph of Verbum Dei and Ecclesia, also known as Christ’s Investiture of the Church, the apocalyptic double-edged sword extends from the mouth of Christ as he places a book representing the Word of the Lord into the lap of Ecclesia, the crowned Queen of Heaven. Surrounded by the four writers of the epistles, Peter, Paul, James, and John the Evangelist, the chariot is drawn by the symbols of the four authors of the gospels.83

148  •  The Casa del Deán

None of these works had a direct influence on the murals, but the development of symbolic references to the Church Triumphant and to the Eucharist as the essential path to redemption is reflective of CounterReformation rhetoric. Among the canons and decrees of the Council of Trent was the designation of the feast of Corpus Christi as an appropriate and solemn veneration of the Sacred Sacrament. It was also envisioned as the celebration of truth, the unique property of the universal church in its triumph over falsehood and heresy.84 The triumphal figure in the Casa del Deán can be considered an example of a new allegorical model for Ecclesia, whose creation in the Spanish Netherlands in the mid-sixteenth century led to Rubens’s Triumph of the Eucharist. In the mid-seventeenth century prints of this composition had great influence in New Spain, as attested by the existence of large-scale painted renditions of Rubens’s work hanging in the cathedrals of Mexico and Puebla.85 A work that also sheds light on the mural program in the Casa del Deán resides in the Library of Congress: a manuscript in Nahuatl titled El Juicio final (The Final Judgment). Dated 1678, the play Nexcuitilmachiotl Motenhua Juicio Final is thought to be a late copy of El Juicio final attributed to Fray Andrés de Olmos and performed in Tlatelolco and Mexico-Tenochtitlán in the 1530s.86 According to Daniel Mosquera, this Nahuatl drama allegorizes aspects of paganism, a practice that was pervasive in the early colonial period. Nahuatl tendencies toward a fatalistic approach to life were incorporated into Christian eschatology: “The idea of a Second Advent played a significant role in much of the Franciscan campaign of evangelization, especially in their adaptation of Christian eschatology to Nahua indoctrination.”87 These eschatological and penitential themes can also be viewed as related to sibylline oracular literature, as in the reading of the Judicii Signum on Christmas Eve. One of the parts in El Juicio final is spoken by the Holy Church. This allegorical figure’s lines, along with those of Time and Death, are worth comparing to the appearance of their counterparts in the Salon of the Triumphs. The play begins with the sound of trumpets as the heavens open and St. Michael appears: Michael: “Fear it, be scared to death, for the day of judgment will happen to you. . . . It makes people faint with fright. So then, emend your lives. The day of judgment is about to happen to you. It is the time, it is the moment, now.”

As the trumpets sound again, Penance, Time, the Holy Church, Confession, and Death appear onstage. As they speak about the judgment that is imminent, the dialogue provides a closely related parallel to the iconographic program in the Salon of the Triumphs.

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 149

Time: I am Time. I am one day’s time of the sacred word. Our lord God gave and assigned to me the charge that every day I be guarding them, taking care of them, calling out to them, reminding them of things day and night. Not for an instant do I close my lips. I am crying out into their ears so that they will remember their creator, their maker, the deity, the ruler, God. I induce them to cry out to him, to praise him, to serve him, to do as our lord God wants. I cry out to them to go to his home, to praise him, to serve him, to ask him to give them his precious grace. Holy Church: I am the compassionate mother of the one who appointed me, my precious son Jesus Christ, so that here on account of the people of earth I am always weeping, especially when one of them dies. Therefore I spill my tears. I beseech my precious mother, sacred fountain of utter happiness, to have compassion for them, to illuminate his creatures. . . . I am sad for their sakes. May they come, and may they come to emend their lives, may they pray. They will receive compassion. And may they weep and be sad because of their sins, their defects. . . . Death: I am the constable, I am the appointee, I am the messenger of the all-powerful one who is seated in heaven and here on earth. He is sending out sunbeams, filling up everywhere in heaven and everywhere in the world. And may the people of the earth be certain that tomorrow or the day after the precious child of God will come down. He is coming to judge the living and the dead. . . . Holy Church: I am the sacred light of the complete faith. I illuminate, in a sacred way I shed light for all Christians, so that they will come and I will purify them. They are very dizzy in the head with sins. If they will weep and be sad my precious son, Jesus Christ, will pardon them and give them the kingdom of heaven.

As the play progresses, the Antichrist appears, “to deceive the Living and the Dead”: Antichrist: Now I have come. Fulfill my precious words.

As the heavenly choir sings the Te Deum Laudamus, the Antichrist is forced off the stage. In the midst of the dramatic sound and light of fireworks, Christ appears and commands St. Michael: “Summon the living and those who were dead. Let them gather together here before me so that I will make an accounting of them, of when they still lived on earth.” The judgment proceeds, and the play ends with the entrance of the priest:

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Priest: O my beloved children! O Christians, O creations of God! Now you have seen an ominous marvel! It is correct. It is written in the sacred book. Be prudent! Rouse yourselves, look at yourselves in the mirror. . . . Tomorrow or the next day, the day of judgment is going to happen. Just pray to our lord, Jesus Christ, and to the noblewoman, Saint Mary, that she pray to her beloved honored child, Jesus Christ, so that afterward you will merit and obtain joyfulness in heaven, glory. May it so be done. Ave Maria.88

In the 1541 edition of Petrarch’s Triumphs, to which Don Tomás must have referred, is a summation of the Triumphs: The human soul, joined to the body during the first state, is subject to appetite as we have seen in the triumph of love; in the second state, we see [the soul] transformed by reason, as in the triumph of chastity. In the third state we see [the soul] subject to death as in the third triumph; then we see [the soul] return to life in the manner of the fourth triumph [of fame]; then we discern time’s triumph over fame, for the fifth is the triumph of time; thus transformed from one state to the other as we have witnessed; what follows is the sixth state, so invariable and resolute, and that is the triumph of eternity following the universal judgment; at which point the soul will achieve total perfection in the firmament, or as a result of sin, suffer in Hell for eternity.89

The Triumph of Eternity/Ecclesia who rides across the sky in the scene depicted on the walls of the Salon of the Triumphs is beyond time and place. She is the personification of the church and the keeper of the Holy Sacraments; she is the Virgin Mother and Queen of Heaven; she is Juno and the embodiment of eternity; and she is the promise of redemption. In their oracles, the sibyls acknowledge the central role of the Virgin: as the mother of Christ, she becomes the church, “which feeds her children, whose lap is a refuge, in whose womb is the model of life.” Significantly, the personification of the holy church in the drama is the compassionate mother of Christ and at the same time prays to her “precious mother.”90 The narrative of the processions that make their way through the two salons of the Casa del Deán thus ends in serenity and peace. What began with the blindfolded Synagoga reaches its culmination in the Triumph of Ecclesia. In eschatological terms, the Second Coming of Christ was to be preceded by the conversion of Synagoga, in order to achieve the spiritual perfection of the Augustinian City of God.91 The theme for the mural cycle is built upon the concepts of prefiguration in the Salon of the Sibyls and of fulfillment in the Salon of the Triumphs.92 The knowledge of the future beyond human experience

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 151

involves conceiving of history as divinely determined. An eschatological and apocalyptic view of God’s plan can only be communicated through a celestial mediator and then written down by the visionary who has received the divine revelation. This concept of a predetermined history can be characterized as teleological, a cosmic battle between good and evil. At the root of this apocalyptic view are the assurance of God’s continuous presence and the promise of redemption: “Human beings remain free to choose whether they will side with the forces of good or those of evil in the final struggle that will infallibly result in the divine intervention that guarantees the triumph of righteousness. . . . The consolatory function of apocalyptic eschatology is evident in the divine promise of coming judgment upon the wicked and the triumph of the just. . . . Judgment and vindication are always divine interventions.”93 Christ spoke of himself as the fulfillment of Old Testament prophecy: “‘Think not that I have come to abolish the law and the prophets, I have come not to abolish them but to fulfill them.’”94 Always blindfolded, Synagoga had ignored the words of her own prophets. The truth was ever-present, the signs recognized by the sibyls: Dies Irae, Dies Illa Days of wrath and doom impending, David’s word with Sibyl’s blending! Heaven and earth in ashes ending! Oh, what fear man’s bosom rendeth, When from Heaven the judge descendeth, On whose sentence all dependeth! Wondrous sound the trumpet flingeth, Through earth’s sepulchre it ringeth, All before the throne it bringeth.95

The year 1492 brought the drama of the Last Days into the present. The conquest of the Moors, the ejection of the Jews, and the discovery of the New World were the signs that pointed to the imminent arrival of the millennium, when Christ would reign on earth for a thousand years before the Final Days, as foretold in St. John’s Revelation: “They came to life, and reigned with Christ a thousand years. The rest of the dead did not come to life until the thousand years were ended.”96 The twelfth-century mystic Joachim of Fiore developed an exegesis based on concordances between the Old and New Testaments as well as a considerable analysis of the Revelation to St. John. In the Expositio Apocalypsis, Joachim describes the millennial reign on earth of Christ and the saints, characterized by universal ecumenism and peace.97 Joachim had a profound influence on Christopher Columbus’s apocalyptic sense

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of mission and on the Observant Franciscans who were the first to evangelize in the New World.98 The signs of the foelicissimum tempus were at hand: the conversion of the Jews; the conquest and conversion of the infidels; the gathering into one flock under one shepherd by the Angelic Pope aided by the Last World Emperor.99 Conclusion The prophetic and eschatological themes that pervade the murals in the Casa del Deán are complex cultural symbols incorporating multiple and interconnecting layers of meaning.100 From a distance, knowledge and understanding of these meanings can be approximated with an awareness of the cultural setting in which the murals were painted. The paintings reveal a willingness on the part of the program’s author to draw from various sources in order to create a unique statement. The culmination of the Casa del Deán mural cycle in the Triumph of Eternity/Ecclesia reveals a shared conceptualization on the part of the dean of the cathedral, Don Tomás de la Plaza, and the Master of the Sibyls that they were participants in an unfolding cosmic drama. It is of great significance that the triumphal figure of Eternity/Ecclesia, the Queen of Heaven and Mother of Christ, is represented as an indigenous woman (fig. I.11). In the Psalmodia Cristiana, Fray Bernardino de Sahagún and the indigenous elite who assisted him wrote psalms in Nahuatl to be sung or performed in the month of May for the feast of Corpus Christi. Through the celebration of the Holy Eucharist, Christians of the Old and New Worlds could hope to become inheritors of divine redemption: Our salvation came about when His precious blood was shed, when His precious body suffered. And it now becomes our sacred food, the riches of the soul. . . . A great miracle was wrought when through the sacred words tortillas became sacred flesh and wine became sacred blood. And now it comes about each day. It is the riches of the soul. Our eyes cannot see, our hands cannot know this wonder. Only all faith is needed.101

The Salon of the Triumphs  • 153

detail of figure 5.3

C H A P T E R

6

The Wil d Man in the Salon  of the Triumphs �

W

Int roduct ion

hen the doorway was cut between the Salon of the Sibyls and the Salon of the Triumphs, the carpenter had little regard for the impact that the opening would have on the mural paintings in both rooms (fig. 5.13). Considering the damage, the new door most likely predates the discovery of the murals in 1935. In the Salon of the Triumphs, the opening destroyed most of a trompe l’oeil marble niche and a portion of the painted landscape. The doorway in the Salon of the Triumphs is in the east wall, just south of the intersection with the north wall. Toward this corner on the north wall, the stags that pull Saturn’s chariot advance and overtake the soldiers, friars, and ladies conquered by this frightful personification of Time (fig. 3.7). At a right angle to Time’s chariot, the artist ingeniously manipulated the wall surfaces and the composition itself by painting a rock formation, a cave set into a hillside, on the east wall. Before the cave and hidden in shadow stands a Wild Man, distinguished by the hair or fur covering his body, his taloned hands, and the menacing horn above his human face (fig. 5.7).1 He stares intently out of the darkness at the edge of the wilderness toward Time’s chariot. While Time appears invincible and threatening, the Wild Man seems unperturbed, as though he were beyond Time’s reach and unaffected by the looming imminence of death. Above the cave on the hillside, a wide roadway passes through a verdant landscape. Small groups of people dance or walk up the road toward the town that sits at the top of the hill, with mountains in the distance (fig. 5.13). Vignettes like this one act as interludes between the Triumphs and as gentle transitions where architectural openings occur in the Salon

detail of figure I.8

of the Triumphs. Toward the south, on a hillside above the painted niche, a satyr with a monkey face and tail is seated, leaning against a tree-trunk (fig. I.9). He plays the vihuela and turns to look at a bird perched on his right shoulder. While the satyr and his companion the Wild Man do not seem to be visually linked to the Triumphs, their significance in the context of sixteenth-century Mexico is discussed here in order to appreciate their inclusion in this mural cycle. The characterization of the Wild Man evolved in Europe over centuries, resulting in his appearance in the New World under various guises. Wild Men stand guard on the façades of the Casa de Montejo in Mérida and the Royal Chapel in Tlaxcala and are depicted in Fray Diego de Durán’s history of New Spain. The question is whether any or all of these representations are related to the Nahuas’ conceptualization of the Chichimecs as the primitive people to the north of Mexico’s Central Valley. I argue that the Wild Man in the Salon of the Triumphs was more likely a personification of evil, a threatening and cautionary presence. For Don Tomás, the Wild Man represented those who would defy the teachings of Christ and thus existed outside the Christian community. A ntecedents of the S at y r a nd Wild Ma n The association of the monkey and satyr is not unique to the Casa del Deán murals. This relationship originated in book 7 of Pliny’s Natural History. The monkey satyr later appeared in medieval bestiaries up to the fifteenth century, at which point artists and writers turned once again to the classical and Arcadian rendition of the satyr as a goat-man.2 In the Salon of the Triumphs, the representation of the satyr recalls images of Orpheus, who mesmerized the birds and wild animals with the music of his lyre just before he was brutally murdered by the Ciconian women. Like the Wild Man, these frenzied creatures of Thrace knew no bounds to their madness when they silenced the music and poetry of Orpheus.3 In the Casa del Deán, the imagery of the monkey was probably chosen because it was more familiar to the indigenous artist. Bernardino de Sahagún’s informants in the Florentine Codex describe the monkey as a forest-dweller with human features and behavioral traits, linked to Xochipilli.4 In the Salon of the Triumphs, the monkey satyr becomes a referent to dance, song, and sinfulness from the point of view of Spaniards and Amerindians.5 Wrapped in mystery, the Wild Man had acquired multiple levels of meaning over centuries, a complex of cultural imaginings that only increased in the New World setting. The origins of the myths related to the Wild Man define him. The Greeks personified the malevolent side of human nature as wild creatures—the satyrs, maenads, centaurs, and

156  •  The Casa del Deán

cyclops. The confrontation between Ulysses and Polyphemus, the hideous creature given to outrageous antisocial behavior, drunkenness, and cannibalism, signified a confrontation between civility and bestiality.6 The depiction of Saturn consuming his young defies every cultural norm. The wild creature or antithetical Other was offered up as a recurring opportunity to reassess civilized life. In the Republic, Plato defined the tyrant with characteristics of the Other: “He is prepared to commit all kinds of detestable crimes. He does not deprive himself and, in a word, surrenders to an extreme madness and shamelessness. .  .  . Inside each one of us, even the most respected and reputed, exist those wild terrible desires, untied by norms.”7 Before defeat at the hands of his son Jupiter, Saturn ruled over a Golden Age when people lived by the hunt and resided in caves before they were farmers and lived in towns. This period, while considered primitive, was occasionally idealized for its rude innocence, a vision of the past not too distant from the Aztecs’ concept of the Chichimecs. The Wild Men and Women of the Golden Age shared characteristics with the fauns, nymphs, and satyrs of the forest. In Virgil’s Aeneid, King Evander, son of Hermes and an Arcadian nymph and founder of Rome’s citadel, speaks to Aeneas, son of Anchises and Aphrodite, as they walk through Rome: Native Fauns and Nymphs once lived in these forests, and a race of men sprung from the trunks of sturdy oaks, who had no rules or customs, could neither yoke the ox nor lay up supplies, nor save what they had gleaned. But boughs of trees and the rough fare of hunters fed them.8

Reigning over the forest creatures were the Greek woodland deities Silenus, Dionysus, and Artemis, and their Roman counterparts, Bacchus and Diana. The Greeks seem to have made more of a distinction between civilized man and the barbarian than between human and animal. They, and later the Romans, imagined a host of creatures that crossed the line between humans and beasts. From these unique species mixtures emerged heroic figures like Evander and Aeneas, the Minotaur, and the lascivious woodland creatures that acted without conscience or self-control. These fauns and satyrs, in their time, served the same purpose as the Wild Man would for Christians during the Middle Ages.9 The Jewish concept of wildness differed from that of the Greeks in that it was synonymous, in large part, with place: “Nature assumes the aspect of a chaotic and violent enemy against which man must struggle to win back his proper humanity or godlike nature.”10 Eden was the paradigm of the world in harmony, while the wilderness outside the gates of the Garden of Eden represented the locus of accursedness, where all of humanity suffered exile from God. The Hebrews achieved reconciliation

The Wild Man in the Salon of the Triumphs  • 157

through a committed faithfulness to God and adherence to the Covenant. Thus wildness was a terrible physical and spiritual isolation, representing the most difficult challenges imaginable to faith and morality: “wilderness can appear in the very heart of a human being, as insanity, sin, evil—any condition that reflects a falling away of man from God.”11 In classical antiquity the wilderness was the setting in which the Wild Man lived. For the Jews, the desert was the evocation of wildness: “the desert of the Old Testament was a place of trial, temptation, sin, and punishment; but also, at the same time, it was a haven for contemplation, refuge, and redemption.” Isaiah pronounces: “A voice cries out: ‘In the wilderness prepare the way of the Lord, make straight in the desert a highway for our God.’” Distant and removed from the distractions of civilization, the enlightened John the Baptist quotes Isaiah when he steps out of the desert wilderness to baptize Christ as the Son of God. Before embarking on his ministry, Christ enters the wilderness to confront the demons that could dwell in the heart of any man or woman.12 The Wild M a n in Ne w Spa in In sixteenth-century Mexico, even after centuries of Christian scriptural hermeneutics, the Jewish notion of wilderness persisted. It was in the world outside of paradise where humanity constantly sought reconciliation with God. On April 13, 1539, the Tlaxcalans, with Motolinía’s guidance, produced an extravagant religious play (auto sacramental) in Nahuatl, The Fall of Man. The Amerindians went to great lengths to create a paradise that was as reflective of their own ideal world as it was of the Genesis story. Fruit trees were filled with birds, and flowers were formed of gold and feathers. Numerous birds and animals, along with boys in animal costume, populated paradise. At the center was the Tree of Knowledge, from which flowed four rivers, as described in Genesis and reminiscent of the indigenous cosmos with its axis mundi and four directions.13 After God condemned Adam and Eve to their fate, angels appeared, bringing two garments made of animal skins with which they covered the nakedness of the two who had sinned.14 Upon their expulsion from Eden, Adam and Eve wept at beholding their fate, cast out into a world of suffering and death. They were threatened by poisonous serpents and thorny plants in a landscape setting created by the Tlaxcalans to vividly contrast with the Garden of Eden. This accursed state in which the first couple found themselves was assuaged by the reappearance of ministering angels who taught Adam to cultivate the land and Eve to make clothing.15 The animal-skin garments that they cast off represented not only their original sin and fall from grace but life without the benefit of civilization. These symbolic references were particularly nuanced, considering the setting in which

158  •  The Casa del Deán

the play was taking place. The Tlaxcalan actors and audience, who were newly Christianized, could very well have related the rude dress of Adam and Eve to their own origin stories, of Chichimecs dressed in animal skins as hunters and not as cultivators of the land. In the Middle Ages the fur-covered Wild Man’s resemblance to predatory animals was influenced by Greek and Roman depictions of Hercules wearing a lion skin and carrying a club.16 The Wild Man’s brute strength and the hair that covered his body represented aspects of his animal nature and placed him in the forests and caves that were his habitat.17 A major source for the medieval rendition of the Wild Man was St. Jerome’s translation of a phrase in Isaiah, which reads: “and one hairy creature will shout at the other.” In his commentary, Jerome compared the hairy beings to demons, satyrs, and incubi. For Sts. Jerome and Augustine, the wilderness creatures were characterized by their insatiable sexual appetites.18 St. Augustine acknowledged the wildness that lurked within the souls of all humanity and rejected the idea of the Wild Man as a separate being. He found a place in the City of God for the most degraded among them. In this Neoplatonic vision, what God created was perfect, and His mercy was infinite. Therefore, the Wild Man’s bestial state was brought on by the depredations of sin and, according to church doctrine, even the most depraved could seek and receive forgiveness.19 The character and appearance of the medieval Wild Man resulted from the merging of the pre-Christian myths of the French, Germans, and Anglo-Saxons with those of the Graeco-Roman tradition. In twelfthcentury literature, the Wild Man inhabited remote places. He was a hunter, and his formidable strength made him dominant over all other creatures. This monstrous figure was hideous in appearance and abnormally tall, although he was considered a changeling and could shrink to the size of a dwarf. Slothful and disordered, he wandered in confusion and was unable to articulate thoughts. He verged on madness and was capable of the most heinous acts, including chaotic violence, cannibalism, rape, infanticide, and incest. He acted outside Christian norms, without conscience. Mostly a solitary creature, he skirted the edges of civilization, hostile to humanity and a constant threat to the individual.20 St. Thomas Aquinas made a distinction between animal and human souls: “Evidently man alone comprehends universals.”21 According to Aquinas, the animal responds to life according to its needs, not disciplined by reason. The animal’s soul desires without understanding, whereas humans yearn for union with God in the hope of redemption. This distinction conjured up in the medieval imagination a vision of the Other that was ever more threatening: “that one might regress to a condition in which the very chance of salvation might be lost.” The church, however, would not have allowed even the contemplation of this fearsome possibility.22

The Wild Man in the Salon of the Triumphs  • 159

The writings of Sts. Augustine and Thomas Aquinas that focused on the human soul were undoubtedly influential in the Sublimus Dei, the papal bull dated May 29, 1537, concerning the enslavement and evangelization of the Amerindians. Pope Paul III introduced this important document by stating that humans differed from all other creatures in the desire to be face to face with God and to know the joy of redemption. He emphasized that all humanity, without exception, could achieve this state of grace. The pope denounced those who would enslave the Indians as brute animals on the pretext that they were incapable of becoming Christians. His message was unequivocal: no one could deprive the Amerindians of their freedoms or of their Christian faith. Thus the Indians had to be provided with the opportunity to hear and receive the word of God.23 The cause of the Amerindian was taken up by the Dominican Fray Bartolomé de las Casas. His expressions of outrage at the acts of unmitigated cruelty on the part of the Spanish conquerors toward the Indians have resounded into the twenty-first century. In 1542 he wrote: “In practice, the only rights these perfidious crusaders have earned which can be upheld in human, divine, or natural law are the right to eternal damnation and the right to answer for the offences and the harm they have done to the Spanish Crown.”24 In 1550–1551 Fray Bartolomé’s debate with Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda in Valladolid brought about a formal political and spiritual acknowledgment in Spain of the Indians’ plight and their humanity.25 The Wild Man’s presence in the Casa del Deán and in other settings in Mesoamerica hinged on changes to the myth that had taken place in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. While the Wild Man was still considered outside the Christian norm, his sinfulness became less a matter of a lack of conscience and more a lack of intent. The common belief was that the Wild Man committed these violent and lustful acts in ignorance. He was known for his deep understanding of animals and was said to have taught animal husbandry to peasant farmers. His character began to take on qualities of the Golden Age and of the satyrs and fauns, indicative of the renewed interest in classical literature and art.26 This benevolent savage appeared on the façades of churches and palaces in cities all over Spain. As in most of Europe, Wild Men were incorporated into Spanish aristocratic and royal heraldry. Beginning in the late fourteenth century, hundreds of European aristocratic families chose Wild Men to guard their coats of arms: “The purpose of stationing the Wild Man as a retainer outside the shield rather than an emblem within it was probably a talismanic one, based upon the thought that a creature as overwhelmingly strong as the Wild Man could surely be trusted to protect and defend the escutcheon.”27 It is thus no surprise to find Wild Men acting as sentinels on the façade of the Casa de Montejo in Mérida, Yucatán. They are bearded, nude, and

160  •  The Casa del Deán

covered with hair, carrying large clubs fashioned from tree trunks. On the façade of the Royal Chapel in Tlaxcala, two Wild Men, bearded and nude, defend the imperial coat of arms (fig. 6.1). They grasp large flowering tree branches in one hand and support the escutcheon in the other. Most curious of all manifestations of the Wild Man phenomenon in Mesoamerica is the hunt described by Bernal Díaz de Castillo. This large-scale event took place in the Plaza Mayor of Mexico-Tenochtitlán in 1539 to celebrate the peace accord between Francis I of France and Charles V of Spain. The forest setting created by the Indians incorporated a variety of trees, even trees that had rotted and fallen. Deer, rabbits, foxes, and small jaguars were kept in a corral in the center of the forest. Two groups of Wild Men converged when the corral was opened and the animals were set free. As the hunt progressed, the two groups of Wild Men began to argue and fight. After the staged fight ended, the two groups of Wild Men disappeared into the forest.28 Díaz del Castillo does not elaborate further on the performance. Several staged tableaux in Europe might shed light on a possible interpretation of the hunt in Mexico. The French celebrated the arrival in Paris of Henry VI of England (1431) with a battle of Wild Men that took place in an artificial forest setting. Not long afterward, a similar event occurred when Charles V entered Bruges. In 1545 the arrival of a cardinal in Toledo was celebrated with a dance of Wild Men.29 These demonstrations of brutish behavior would have been viewed in opposition to virtuous rulership. In a performance before Queen Elizabeth of England in 1575, a fully costumed Wild Man spoke the following lines: “Oh queen, I must confesse it is not without cause these civile people so rejoice, that you should give them lawes.”30 In 1539 the viceroy had adopted the trope of Wild Men engaged in a hunt and mock battle in a wilderness setting that had become a regular 6.1. The Wild Men guarding the imperial coat of arms, Tlaxcala. Photograph by author

The Wild Man in the Salon of the Triumphs  • 161

6.2. Templo Mayor dedication, Fray Diego de Durán, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas de Tierra Firme, Mexico, 1867–1880. Library of Congress Rare Book and Special Collections ( Jay I. Kislak Collection)

162  •  The Casa del Deán

part of European royal spectacle. The hundreds of Amerindians who created the forest on the plaza could have been aware that the dark forest filled with Wild Men was meant to be seen in contraposition to good government. At the same time, for the indigenous participants, the tableau could have evoked recollections of preconquest ritual warfare and the ambivalent figure of the Chichimec. Jeanette Favrot Peterson compares the 1539 ritual hunt to the festival of Quecholli honoring Camaxtli, in which participants appeared “nude except for breechcloths, smeared their bodies with parallel stripes of white paint in the likeness of Mixcoatl-Camaxtli and recreated their nomadic past by sleeping in rude grass shelters. Issuing cries and shrieks the warriors who were impersonating their ancient deity, tracked down their prey, killing with their bows and arrows deer, rabbits, pumas, squirrels, and snakes.”31 While many groups in central Mexico claimed descent from the nomadic tribes to the north, the Chichimecs were viewed as barbaric, often represented wearing animal skins or as seminude and carrying the bows and arrows of the hunter. During the staged hunt in the wilderness setting on the plaza, the Nahuas might have recalled the artificial forests constructed for the festival honoring Tlaloc.32 As Patricia Lopes Don observes, “In festivals, we often find these cultural debris from a previous time, floating about in a sea of traditions, detached from their original semantic meanings, and isolated from their initial communal intents; and so it was with the Indian festival. By the end of the sixteenth century, the construction of the artificial forest on the Plaza Mayor had become a regular, anticipated feature of the entrance ceremonies for the new viceroy.”33 The Wild Man appears in one other guise in Mesoamerica. In Fray Diego de Durán’s illustrated history of the Aztecs, his indigenous informants describe the dedication of the Templo Mayor in Tenochtitlán. In 1487 the Aztec king Ahuitzotl invited the kings of Tacuba, Tezcoco, and Tlacaelel to participate in the ceremony and commanded the presence of all citizens from the surrounding communities. The moment arrived, and the four kings began to cut open the chests of sacrificial victims. When they tired from their exertions, the kings asked the priests to take over their duties. After four days, 8,400 had been killed and their blood and hearts lifted up to the gods Huitzilopochtli and Tlaloc.34 How then to represent a scene of such carnage? The Amerindian illustrator placed the pyramid squarely in the center of the composition (fig. 6.2). The two temples at the summit are larger than normal scale in order to better view the ceremony of sacrifice. Blood flows down the pyramid stairs. The priests and their victims are visible, as are several fiendish creatures resembling serpents, perhaps representing demons or Aztec gods. Flanking the temples and floating aboveground are a Wild Man and Woman. Traditionally represented, they are covered with hair

save for their navels. This wild couple evokes the actions of the kings and priests, but not as demons, for that part has already been taken by the serpentine creatures. The Wild Man and Woman gesture toward the sacrifice, not as participants, but as personifications of evil.35 The symbolic references related to clothing made from animal skins occasionally converge in sixteenth-century Mexican art, whether they originated in European or indigenous settings. In the first illustration in Durán’s Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas de Tierra Firme, a man and woman wearing animal skins are seated in a cave (fig. 6.3). Before them is a bowl containing cactus fruit gathered in the wild. In the foreground, two men in animal skins stand on either side of a nopal cactus, holding bows and arrows. The caption for plate 1 reads: “The Aztecs in their ‘Chichimec’ state, before starting on the migration to the Valley of Mexico.”36 This image has long been considered part of the Aztecs’ origin story yet brings to mind portrayals of Adam and Eve with Cain and Abel after the Fall. The illustration is related to Durán’s first chapter, in which he introduces his theory that the Indians descended from one of the ten lost tribes of Israel.37 Could this depiction of the first couple have originated in a merging of preconquest mythology and an auto sacramental? After the conquest, indigenous informants spoke of the Chichimecs as both the antecedents and the antithesis of Aztec high culture. Just as Saturn’s relationship to his son Jupiter resembles that of the Chichimecs to the Aztecs, so the characteristics assigned to the Chichimecs are similar to those of the wild creatures in Virgil’s Aeneid. Durán describes the Chichimecs as “brutal, savage men .  .  . wild and rustic.” They slept in caves, “without any heed for sowing, cultivating, or gathering. They did not worry about the morrow but ate what they had hunted each day. . . . They adored no gods and had no kind of ritual, nor did they recognize any ruler. They lived a carefree life according to natural law.”38 According to Sahagún’s informants, there were three types of Chichimecs, all of whom were wanderers. They lived in the wild and hunted with bows and arrows. Their ability as tanners was directly related to the animal-skin clothing they were known to wear: “And they cured skins; they were tanners; for all the clothing of the Chichimeca was of skins, and the skirts of their women were of skins.”39 In a related passage in the Popol Vuh, the ancestors of the Quichés are described as mountain people, who “didn’t show their faces, they had no homes. . . . they were all alike in dressing with hides. There were no clothes of the better kinds. They were in patches, they were adorned with mere animal hides. They were poor.”40 Once the process of evangelism had begun, the Wild Man became the embodiment of what was not civilized in the New World: “When men were uncertain as to the precise quality of their sensed humanity, they appealed to the concept of wildness to designate an area of subhumanity

6.3. The first couple, Fray Diego de Durán, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España e Islas de Tierra Firme, Mexico, 1867–1880. Library of Congress Rare Book and Special Collections ( Jay I. Kislak Collection)

The Wild Man in the Salon of the Triumphs  • 163

that was characterized by everything they hoped they were not.”41 This dichotomy made its appearance in Mexico during the celebration of the viceroy’s arrival in 1585 that Don Tomás undoubtedly attended. The citizens of Tlaxcala, dressed as Spaniards and Tlaxcalans, performed a battle scene in which they also portrayed the enemy, the Chichimecs. For both the Tlaxcalans and the Spaniards, the Chichimecs were inhabitants of the wilderness, where they existed without the benefits of civilization or religion. In all probability, the Tlaxcalan nobles made this distinction in order to align themselves with the Spanish elite. It would also seem that the tlacuilos began to adhere more closely in their postconquest codices and lienzos to the European model of the Wild Man in representing the Chichimecs by exaggerating certain characteristics and physical aspects. Conclusion In describing the development of the Wild Man concept, complexes of symbols can “shift and change in response to the changing patterns of human behavior.” As Hayden White notes, the Wild Man originates at the point of cultural psychic anxiety.42 Thus the cleric in the New World was compelled to create a new Wild Man in response to his exotic otherworldly, non-European experience. In the Casa del Deán, the entire mural cycle represents the New World. In a cartouche supported by centaurs, a rabbit holds preconquest writing implements. This emblem is as much a part of the accepted norm for Don Tomás and his friends as the image of Saturn as Time or Juno fused with the Virgin Mary as the Queen of Heaven. The scene taking place in the background behind the Triumph of Time could be related thematically with the presence of the Wild Man. A group is preparing a bonfire, possibly the Bonfire of St. John the Baptist. The festival was a celebration of the saint’s birth on June 24 at the time of the summer solstice. According to Jacobus de Voragine, the ancient tradition of burning animal bones during the summer solstice was linked to the burning of St. John’s bones by the infidels: “There are animals called dragons, which fly in the air, swim in water, walk on land; and sometimes when they travel through the air they are lustfully aroused and drop their sperm into wells and flowing waters. This causes a year of plague. A preventive against this danger was invented that consisted of making a bonfire of the bones of animals, the smoke from which drove the dragons away. Since this was usually done around the time of Saint John’s feast day, some people continue to observe the custom.”43 According to Hayden White, wild creatures like the salvaje, the Chichimec, the monkey satyr, male and female centaurs, and the blindfolded Cupid exist in their new context as “conceptual designators of existentially contrived values and norms.”44 In the Casa del Deán, the Wild Man

164  •  The Casa del Deán

continues to take the part of the Other, the embodiment of a concept designating wrongful acts against God and humanity (fig. 5.7). At Don Tomás’s direction, this same Wild Man could have participated in religious processions in Puebla during Holy Week or the Festival of Corpus Christi. Michel de Montaigne’s Des Cannibales was written in 1580, the same date carved on the façade of Don Tomás de la Plaza’s residence. Purportedly writing an essay on cannibalism in Brazil, Montaigne used the opportunity to turn a mirror on ethnocentrism in Europe. Like Bartolomé de las Casas, he decried the evil actions of Christians. Their behavior was all the more damnable in that it originated in a self-serving judgment against those whom the Europeans would deem barbaric. Like Fray Diego de Durán, Montaigne idealized the carefree life of the Amerindians under “natural law.” He opined: I do not believe . . . that there is anything barbarous or savage about [the Brazilians], except that we all call barbarous anything that is contrary to our own habits. . . . I am not so anxious that we should note the horrible savagery of these acts [cannibalism] as concerned that, whilst judging their faults so correctly, we should be so blind to our own. I consider it more barbarous to eat a man alive than to eat him dead; to tear by rack and torture a body still full of feeling, to roast it by degrees, and then give it to be trampled and eaten by dogs and swine—a practice which we have not only read about but seen within recent memory, not between ancient enemies, but between neighbours and fellow-citizens and, what is worse, under the cloak of piety and religion—than to roast and eat a man after he is dead.45

In the Renaissance writings of Montaigne, Shakespeare, Ludovico Ariosto, and others, “ideas, madness, dreams—began to threaten the world with its transformation into a raw reality.”46 Don Tomás and his peers in Mexico concerned themselves with sustaining the new cultural norms, religious beliefs, and practices that could lead to reconciliation. The central feature of their evangelism became the power of redemption through Christ. After the incarnation, salvation was afforded to all people. The New World Wild Man in the Casa del Deán mural acts as a consistent and very real reminder of what exists outside the Christian spiritual realm. The Wild Man, staring down the fast-approaching chariot of Time, feels neither remorse for his actions nor the desire for communion with God. For this reason, he cannot be ignored. He personifies the stark reality of evil. His presence, like that of the specter of Death, makes redemption ever more desirable for all humanity.

The Wild Man in the Salon of the Triumphs  • 165

C H A P T E R

7

Amerindian Iconography THE DREAM OF A WORD

� Int roduct ion The dean of Puebla’s cathedral, Don Tomás de la Plaza, commissioned Amerindians to paint the mural cycle in his urban residence and found merit in the artists’ inclusion of indigenous motifs. While the world created by the artists in the Casa del Deán murals may seem predominantly European in concept and style, a transformation had taken place that incorporates the spirit of the indigenous past. What infuses a number of these painted images is the manifestation of the divine on earth as it was perceived and visually interpreted before the arrival of the Spaniards. The upper and lower friezes in the Salon of the Triumphs incorporate dragons that have acquired the rattles of a rattlesnake and cartouches that display animals performing human activities (figs. 5.3, 5.12, 5.13). Books of emblems published in Europe were available in Mexico, and, while the concept and form of the cartouches in the Casa del Deán friezes might be similar, the animals are entirely unique.1 The emblematic aspects that define these animals are the subject of this chapter. Because it can be assumed that the artist was cognizant of the meaning given to these animal emblems before the conquest, their identification rests on comparisons to animal imagery particularly in the preconquest art and poetry of the eastern Nahua region.2 T he A rt i st ’s A n t ecedents For the ancestors of the Master of the Sibyls and his team, the gods were amalgams of forces and attributes, whether similar or opposed, that could break apart and reconfigure. They could appear in various species

detail of figure I.8

or as processes. In Alfredo López Austin’s words, “The gods are multifunctional, and therefore can be classified as ancestors, dueños, patrons, celestial gods, creators, forces concealed in earthly beings, powers of nature, times, rulers of the dead.”3 The Cantares mexicanos, recorded soon after the conquest by Fray Bernardino de Sahagún, sheds light on the dynamic relationship among earthly beings and the gods. A Dialogue of Flower and Song is the recollection of a discussion among nobles concerning the origin and significance of the arts that took place in the palace of the ruler of Huejotzingo in 1490: “For a moment here in Huexotzinco, I, Lord Tecayehuatzin, intertwined the jades, the quetzal plumes, I brought the lords together, I surrounded the nobles with nothing but flowers.”4 Tlapalteuccitzin, a prince of Huejotzingo who is one of the participants in the dialogue, transforms reality in his poem with metaphor in order to give expression to the creative experience: “I go flying, I compose something, I sing the flowers, the butterflies of song. .  .  . I come from that which is above us; I, the quechol, bird of the verdant time, have descended, I have arrived on earth, opening my wings in the place of the drums.” Ayocuan, poet and philosopher of Tlaxcala, refers to his own “golden house of painted books.” He then extends an invitation, which expresses the interweaving of metaphorical imagery with speech: “Friends, listen to the dream of a word.” Tlapalteuccitzin has become the flamingo or roseate spoonbill (quechol) and sings the flowers, the poems, the butterflies of song.5 His metaphors are concerned with the qualities of nature—the mystical scent of flowers, the butterfly’s flight of colors, the lifted wings of the quechol, the deep green of precious jade.6 The continuous process of transformation invokes a reality that exists in the imagination. Tlapalteuccitzin is flying into other realms, reaching beyond his physicality, in order to bring back the songs of the spirit from that imagined place.7 Nezahualcoyotl, fifteenth-century poet and ruler of Texcoco, also erases barriers between stone and humanity, feathers and poetry: “Ah, yes: I am happy, I, prince Nezahualcoyotl, gathering jewels, wide plumes of quetzal, I contemplate the faces of jades: they are the princes! I gaze into the faces of eagles and jaguars, and behold the faces of jades and jewels!” This prince describes how he himself is transformed as he attempts to achieve a higher spirituality: “I am a hawk. My heart longs for Life Giver God’s glory.”8 The A nim a l s in the S a lon of the Tr iumph s While most of the animals in the Salon of the Triumphs frieze are naturally wild creatures, they are shown seated and in human poses.9 Each animal in a cartouche holds a musical instrument or a chalice, a mirror,

168  •  The Casa del Deán

or writing tools (fig. 7.1). Elements that are pre-Columbian in origin include the jade and shell jewelry that some of the animals wear, water symbols, sound and floral scrolls, weapons, the petate thrones, carved bone writing implements, and the Cholula cups, some with stirring sticks or straws. In their depictions of the animals, the Master of the Sibyls and his assistants maintained their traditional style to give expression to new religious beliefs. The artists incorporated motifs derived from the past that were central to the rhetorical nature of the mural cycle, emblems that were meant to be read.10 Eleanor Wake considers the ocelocoatl at Cacaxtla as the source for the dragon-like serpents in the Triumphs frieze. A millennium separates these works of art, but the relationship between the two mural cycles gives weight to the argument that the Casa del Deán artists were from the Tlaxcala-Puebla area and that the Cacaxtla murals could have remained in the cultural (visual) memory for centuries.11 Pre-Columbian religious codices provided diviner priests with carefully organized compositions within prescribed fields. Fray Juan de Torquemada wrote that among the Totonacs the painting of the codices was the responsibility of elders who were widowed. The codices were then given to the most knowledgeable of the priests, who referred to them during presentations.12 The tlacuilos of the codices painted figures, icons, or actors, which they then characterized and developed by adding abstract symbols and indexes. According to Elizabeth Boone, “Very many images function not just to represent their object but to encode by analogy, metonymy, and metaphor.”13 Cultural specificity, context, and association of the calendrical elements, the actors, the scenic markers, symbols, and signifiers provide syntax. Thus, for the artist who painted the tonalamatl (divinatory almanac) and the priest who read it, the complexity of the imagery required extensive education at the calmecac. Regional variations did exist, for the artists and priests in the different calmecacs followed distinctive visual traditions. However, all of the surviving almanacs share much the same interpretation of the tonalpohualli, the 260-day sacred year. The tonalamatl was a universal reference based on a system of correspondences. It was written in sacred speech (nahuallatolli). As Boone points out, “the images in the divinatory codices bring forth the presence and actions of beings and essences that are not otherwise knowable to the senses, and they do this in highly marked ways. We can understand this graphic, religious language as an interdependent but parallel discourse to the divine and sacred speech of the Mexican priests and diviners.”14 The animals in the cartouches have their antecedents in the tonalamatl and in myths that were built upon layers of tradition and interpretation at the time of the conquest. According to López Austin, “The stories narrate beliefs about the nature of the inchoative processes. Sometimes

7.1. Coyote, upper frieze above window, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs

Amerindian Iconography  • 169

the subject matter is the inauguration of the complexity of the universe; at other times, the origin of the coat of a mammal or the plumage of a bird.” The ongoing exegesis of the original stories is reflective of increasingly complex beliefs: “Mythic adventures, with their wealth of characters and episodes, with their intense explicitness, cloak a more serious and profound subject. . . . The perception of believers is based on an everpresent interpretation of the innumerable manifestations of mythic beliefs, as well as their background in a particular, select tradition formed by experts on the sacred.”15 The inscription of myths in the tonalamatl canonized the multivalent and ancient narratives so that what was originally spoken was written in a manner that inspired rhetoric and thus a return to speech. Sahagún’s collaborators described the emphasis on the relationship between the spoken word and the image in the calmecac: “Most especially was there teaching of good discourse. . . . Especially was there teaching of songs which they called the gods’ songs inscribed in books. And especially was there teaching of the count of days, the book of dreams, and the book of years.”16 The creation of the images allowed the tlacuilos to expand upon aspects of the story that might otherwise have remained untold. The artist could illustrate ritual accoutrements—the vast array of headdresses and costumes, petate or leopard-skin thrones, the colors of the painted faces, jewelry, weapons, and musical instruments. López Austin provides as an example the four mythical opossums in the Dresden Codex that serve as sky-bearers: “The importance of these four characters . . . extends further than a mythic narrative explaining their presence—if, in fact, such a narrative existed. The image—their finery of spiral shells, their jewels, their bonnets, their fans, the glyphs on the cenote above which two of them stand—indicates a myth-belief complex, difficult to transmit by myth-narration.”17 The mythical aspects of the animals evolved from the observation of their physical characteristics. The animals’ feet, ears, tail, and teeth were carefully rendered and sometimes exaggerated, all according to tradition. The animals’ lifestyle gained significance, whether they were nocturnal or a predator, lived above or below ground, or produced sound. Depictions of zoomorphic supernaturals were not only about their nature but about what those characteristics implied. These observed attributes mirrored human traits during a newborn’s bathing and naming ceremony. A child born on the day One Deer, a good sign, would achieve greatness as a leader or warrior but might approach life with timidity.18 The animals in the Salon of the Triumphs are not related to calendrical day signs; they are actors, like the calendrical patrons. Each of these animal actors is defined by costume, gestures, attributes, and accompanying symbols. While the animals have been observed in nature, their

170  •  The Casa del Deán

attributes—the ears and tails, fangs or teeth, whether carnivore or herbivore, stealthy or adept at mimicry, ferocious or thieving—are meant to indicate the relationship that these zoomorphic supernaturals have with humanity in a new religious context. The antecedents of the animals in the Salon of the Triumphs are the Olmec jaguar and bird transformation figures, the ubiquitous feathered serpent, the seated deer in Tomb 125 at Monte Albán, the trecena (13day period) patrons Huehuecoyotl and Xolotl, and the phantasmagoric animals painted on Mayan pots. The Casa del Deán mural paintings, like the surviving version of the Popol Vuh, are separated from the Mayan Classic period by eight centuries, yet the Mayan scribe and the Casa del Deán painter continued to depict animals as artists and supernaturals. Alfredo López Austin asks a question that gets to the very heart of the analysis of these animals in cartouches: “The gods are usually human in form, or human in some features, even in the many instances where they are pictured in animal form. The opossum is often portrayed in a human posture. Does this betray the presence of a nearly human god within the animal?”19 It is clear that the instinctual and physical aspects of these animals are vital to their divine character and identity. Elizabeth Benson rightly states that many of these animals were not gods: “Although we speak of a monkey god and a jaguar god, there were probably no animal deities as such—that is, people did not worship jaguars and monkeys.” However, as Benson points out, it is almost indisputable that these animals should be identified as zoomorphic supernaturals, especially when considered in light of the Mayan concept of the way (spirit companion) or the central Mexican nahual: “Animals had supernatural personas or identities, and a god might have one or more animal manifestations or avatars. Gods often had animal attributes that distinguish them in art from ordinary mortals. In myth, a god or culture hero could take on appropriate animal forms to accomplish a certain task. . . . Moreover, animals could be intermediaries with the gods. They were alter egos or nahuales, familiars of human beings, into which a human being might transform him or herself.”20 On Late Classic Mayan vases, artists depicted wildly imaginative creatures inhabiting a surreal dream world; in one case, the vision and scribe appear as one.21 Like poets, the tlacuilos acquired prestige and status when they drew upon their powers to conceive of and depict the mystical nature of the nahuales and other supernaturals.22 In central Mexico in the century before the conquest, Tlapalteuccitzin became a quechol and Nezahualcoyotl a hawk. The practice of the way or nahual continued into the twentieth century. In 1903 the widow of the last Mazatec cacique of Chilchotla, Oaxaca, commented in an interview: “Upon election, each cacique chose a ‘holy animal’ to represent him, and this animal was given a place of honor in the village church of

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Chilchotla; the animals included snakes, tigers, eagles, alligators, and black dogs, these last being considered especially important.”23 The dream sequences involving the way that are so often represented on Mayan vases appear infrequently in central Mexican art. These vase paintings were closely allied to the Maya book. The destruction of indigenous books across Mesoamerica at the time of the conquest has left us with a limited understanding of these mystical animals.24 Sahagún’s informants mentioned three types of books: the count of days, the book of dreams, and the book of years. Could the books of dreams have incorporated images that inspired or were inspired by visionary poetry? Two events indicate the possibility that these books of dreams may have existed in central Mexico and were destroyed by the Spaniards: the gathering in Huejotzingo in 1490 at which Xayacamach compliments his host Lord Tecayehuatzin: “The house of the singing books is truly your house”; and the feast organized by Don Hernando, Lord of Coatlán, in 1544 at which he and his invited peers ate, drank, performed auto-sacrifice, and painted books.25 The rich symbolic visual tradition of the precolonial cultures in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region is rooted in the mythic qualities that characterize the animals in the Salon of the Triumphs. The artists continued to try to make sense of the universe through the lens of their past as they made their way into the new world. As López Austin has suggested, myth is intimately associated with daily life, a slow uninterrupted invention that attempts to bring order through reconciliation with an imagined cosmos: “Belief crystallizes into great organizing principles such as the Mesoamerican calendar, the general explanation of the cosmic mechanism, a guide for conduct, and the synthesis of the classifications and their myths. Belief can be synthesized. There is a single order for everything. Only through order and by discovering the mysteries of the classifications can humans understand the kinds of beings in this world and their processes. The efficacy of human action depends on that understanding.”26 Jaguar

The jaguar, seated on the ground above the Triumph of Love, has sharp teeth, an unusually short tail, three extended front claws and a dew claw, pointed ears that are set back on its head, and a stout, spotted fur-covered body (fig. I.10). A sound scroll emanates from its open mouth that is not embellished, perhaps a growl. The jaguar holds a macuahuitl, a wooden sword with sharp obsidian blades attached along the edges. The small round shield ornamented with eagle down balls (ihuiteteyo chimalli) rests against the jaguar’s body and back legs. The first animal to be described in the Florentine Codex is the ocelotl (jaguar). Noble, proud, and cautious in nature, it was considered “the lord,

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the ruler of the animals.” With its teeth bared and claws extended, the jaguar was a ferocious hunter that growled, snarled, and roared “like the blowing of trumpets.” According to Sahagún’s informant, when the jaguar is shot by a hunter, it leaps up and then falls to the ground, where it remains seated like a human: “It sits up as it first was. It fixes its eyes upwards; it does not close them as it dies. It just remains looking; it seems to be alive.” The jaguar is specifically referred to in the Florentine Codex as a nahual of great power. The transformation of the shaman or priest-ruler into a jaguar occurred among the Olmecs almost three thousand years before Sahagún transcribed this description: “The conjurers went about carrying its hide—the hide of its forehead and of its chest, and its tail, its nose, and its claws, and its heart, and its fangs, and its snout. It is said that they went about their tasks with them—that with them they did daring deeds, that because of them they were feared; that with them they were daring. Truly they went about restored. The names of these are conjurers, guardians of tradition, debasers of people.”27 This fearsome predator gave nobility and ferocity to those who would take on its identity. Jaguar pelts were worn by rulers and were draped over thrones. A rearing jaguar is depicted on the south jamb of Tomb 1 at San Juan Ixcaquixtla, a Terminal Classic Mixteca Baja site in the southern portion of the state of Puebla.28 This creature can be compared to the seated deer at the entrance of Mixtec Tomb 125 at Monte Albán. Interestingly, both of these animals reappear at San Gabriel in Cholula on either side of the entrance leading from the portería into the cloister (figs. 7.2, 7.13).29 Aztec warriors acquired jaguar or eagle status according to their prowess on the battlefield.30 The eagle down ball shield held by the jaguar in the Casa del Deán appears numerous times in the Codex Mendoza as an emblem of warfare and conquest. At the center of the map of Tenochtitlán, the eagle down ball shield occurs beneath the eagle and nopal, indicating that the Aztecs were great warriors and conquerors.31 The jaguar was a zoomorphic supernatural, with many cosmological and calendrical associations. In the Leyenda de los soles, the description of the sun’s participation in the creation of earth and its inhabitants begins with Nahui Ocelotl (Four Jaguar), the first of the five suns to exist and the first to perish.32 The jaguar is the fourteenth day sign in the tonalamatl, whose patron is Tlazolteotl.33 One Jaguar, at the beginning of the second trecena, was a malevolent day sign, “one of fierce beasts.” Those born under this sign might be valiant but would die in war or be taken as slaves. Only through vigilance and fasting could a person escape the misery that was the lot of those born on this day.34 Tepeyollotl, one of the Lords of the Night, was an aspect of Tezcatlipoca and could take on the jaguar’s form in his association with caves and the underworld. As the guardian of the west, the jaguar devoured

7.2. Jaguar, portería, San Gabriel, Cholula

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the sun and was the cause of solar eclipses. Elizabeth Boone explains the relationship of the jaguar to the underworld, in opposition to the eagle, the predator of the air: They were paired as sub-divine beings who offered themselves up in the legend of the creation of the sun, which tells how the eagle and jaguar jumped into the sacrificial hearth to encourage the sun and moon to move through the heavens. The eagle was singed, and the jaguar was sooted, which accounts for the eagle’s black-tipped wings and the jaguar’s black spots. . . . The eagle-jaguar pairing additionally exists as an antithesis; for when the eagle stands as the sun and daylight, the jaguar (a nocturnal predator) stands as night and the underworld. This night or underworld jaguar is manifest as Tepeyollotl (“Hill Heart”), the jaguar god of the underworld.35

Centuries earlier at Cacaxtla, a Terminal Classic site in Tlaxcala near Puebla, murals in the Maya style with influence from Teotihuacán depict an Eagle Lord and Jaguar Lord. Sky emblems are attached to the jaguar and earth emblems to the eagle. The jaguar is related to night, mountain water, and the water lily, while the eagle is related to day, seawater, the shell, and wind.36 A cosmic battle involving jaguar and coyote knights, centaurs, and combatants clothed in loincloths takes place in mural paintings adorning the church of San Miguel Arcángel in Ixmiquilpan, Hidalgo. The most important aspect of the mural, in comparison to the jaguar in the Salon of the Triumphs, appears on the south wall beneath the choir just inside the entrance to the church. In the lunette above the battle scene, two jaguars are depicted in opposition, each facing a large eagle with wings outspread. The seated jaguar holds a bow and arrows and wears a large feather headdress. It emits two embellished sound scrolls from an open snarling mouth. The eagle and jaguar appear in opposition in one of the carved stone cartouches on the façade, and two jaguars flank the eagle in another.37 This duality occurs in the carved stone coat of arms at the center of the fountain at Tochimilco, Puebla, with images of both the eagle and seated snarling jaguar with sound scroll. In the murals of San Miguel Arcángel, Ixmiquilpan, and the Casa del Deán, the armed and ferocious anthropomorphic jaguar entered the Christian iconographic canon. The battle that rages on the walls of San Miguel is one of spiritual combat that involves all of humanity. In the upper register of the mural in the undercroft, the jaguars flank the eagle, which is rising with outstretched wings, a possible reference to the Resurrection or Ascension of Christ.38 In the Salon of the Triumphs, the dichotomy drawn between Sublime and Profane Love seems to be reflected in the frieze. The jaguar, armed

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like Mars, the god of war, and the figure of Eros, is in opposition to the ermine, which holds a mirror, a traditional symbol of virtuous love.39 The image of the jaguar above the Triumph of Love, holding implements of warfare, brings to mind Petrarch’s description of his own transformation: I, who had been as wild as the forest deer, Was swiftly tamed, even as all the rest Of those who suffered in Love’s servitude.40

Rabbit

Below the figure of the Triumph of Love is an unusual rendering of a rabbit (fig. 7.3).41 The creature is seated in a human pose, holding writing implements wrapped in paper or cloth, and resting its back paws on either side of a book or codex. The long ears, whiskers, rounded nose, and longer back legs are characteristics of a rabbit. All over Mesoamerica stories abound concerning the seated rabbit’s silhouette on the surface of the moon. The rabbit curls itself into the Ushaped vessel of the moon in the Codex Borgia and sits in the lap of the Moon Goddess on a Mayan vase.42 From the Florentine Codex comes the following summation of the creation of the sun and moon: “It is told that [the gods] were only at play with [the moon]. They struck his face with [the rabbit]; they wounded his face with it—they maimed it. The gods thus dimmed his face. Thereafter [the moon] came to arise and come forth.”43 In central Mexico One Rabbit was one of the year signs, the sign of the South. The earth was thought to have been born in the year One Rabbit.44 The rabbit was the eighth day sign, and those born on the day One Rabbit “were ample providers, good workers, and rich.”45 The patroness was Mayahuel, goddess of the agave plant, the source of the alcoholic drink pulque. Strong ties existed among the rabbit, the moon, and the drinking of pulque: “And of Two Rabbit, which followed [One Deer], it was said that he who was then born was a great drunkard.” Sahagún’s informants elaborate: “Because in many ways the wine showed its power, it was called the Four Hundred Rabbits; for very few did it affect favorably. And when, it was said, the day Two Rabbit set in, then was celebrated the feast day of the principal wine god, who was called Izquitecatl.”46 Several of the animals in cartouches in the Salon of the Triumphs are depicted holding vessels for drinking “wine” or pulque, a reference to the Sacrament of the Holy Eucharist (figs. 7.7, 7.10). The rabbit in the Salon of the Triumphs recalls the rabbit scribes depicted on Classic Mayan polychrome vases. One of the best known is the rabbit scribe seated below the throne of God L on the Princeton Mayan

7.3. Rabbit, lower frieze below the Triumph of Love, west wall, Salon of the Triumphs

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vase (fig. 7.4). Not so typical is the long, thin hairy tail of the rabbit in the cartouche. This tail seems to extend from the body to the side, where the short fluff of a tail normally would have been. The rabbit’s strange appendage is possibly an attached monkey tail, a further reference to the rabbit’s role as scribe. The monkey scribe occurs in the Salon of the Triumphs in the upper frieze between the Triumphs of Chastity and Time (fig. 7.6). These representations have several precedents. The monkey scribes were the divine patrons of Mayan artists and scribes. On a Mayan circular plate (K1491), a rabbit lies on its back, holding a paint container in its paws for the monkey scribe. The monkey sits before the rabbit, preparing to write with an instrument that resembles the one on the Princeton vase. On a Chamá Late Classic Mayan vase in the University of Pennsylvania Museum, the rabbit is seated in profile, with a glyph inscribed on its ear and a monkey tail held in place in its waistband.47 Ermine

One distinctly European emblematic figure is the ermine in the cartouche above the Triumph of Chastity (fig. 7.5). Petrarch directly linked the ermine with the figure of Chastity: Returning from their noble victory The lovely lady with her chosen few. . . . The banner of their victory displayed An ermine white upon a field of green, Wearing a chain of topaz and of gold.48

top | 7.4. The Princeton Maya vase, showing Hero Twins as magicians and a rabbit scribe, Classic Maya, AD 600–800, 22 cm ht. × 16.3 cm diam. Princeton University Art Museum, Gift of the Hans A. Widenmann and Dorothy Widenmann Foundation (PUAM#y1975–17) bottom | 7.5. Ermine, upper frieze above the Triumph of Chastity, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs

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According to legend, the ermine would lose its life if its white fur were soiled. Thus the ermine became an emblem for the noble pursuit of virtue even if it led to the ultimate sacrifice.49 In Obregón’s 1541 translation of the Triumphs, he compares the ermine to the saints and martyrs who chose corporeal death over the fouling of the innocence of their souls.50 The ermine in the Casa del Deán mural is not entirely European in its handling, for it is seated on a petate throne and resembles a squirrel, an animal well-known to the indigenous painter. The creature holds in its front paws what appears to be a mirror. This speculum sine macula (spotless mirror) was emblematic of the Virgin Mary’s virtue and the purity of her soul, a proper reference to Chastity’s victory: “Her weapons none save purity of heart.”51 Before the conquest, the mirror had a lengthy history as an oracle in Mesoamerica.52

The Monkey Scribe

The cartouche above and between the Triumphs of Chastity and Time contains the image of a monkey as a scribe (fig. 7.6).53 The monkey is seated on a box, which is crudely drawn, perhaps a modern attempt to replace the original petate throne. In its left hand, this animal scribe holds a feather quill with a sharpened point and writes on what seems to be an accordion-fold codex.54 Before the monkey is a vessel with a cover, most likely for cacao. Lidded vessels have been found with hieroglyphic texts, indicating their use for cacao at feasts and celebrations in the Mayan royal courts.55 In central Mexico, the monkey (ozomatli) was the eleventh day sign, whose patron was Xochipilli.56 According to the Florentine Codex, a person born on the day One Monkey would be “of good standing, friendly, amiable, and happy, given to music and other arts. . . . And he who was then born they regarded favorably. They said that if it were a man who was then born, he would entertain others and give them solace. Nowhere would he be hated; everyone would be his friend. And [he would be], perchance, a singer, a dancer, or a scribe; he would produce some work of art.”57 An important surviving source for the identification of this figure of the monkey scribe in the Salon of the Triumphs is the Popol Vuh. In this centuries-old creation story, the Hero Twins, Hunahpu and Xbalanque, are born to Blood Moon. Their half-brothers, One Monkey and One Artisan, displayed great cruelty toward Hunahpu and Xbalanque, so the younger brothers tricked their older siblings and turned them into monkeys: “One Monkey and One Artisan were lost then, they became animals, and this is now their place forever.” Yet One Monkey and One Artisan were considered great musicians, writers, and artists, thus supernatural patrons of the arts: “So they were prayed to by the flautists and singers among the ancient people, and the writers and carvers prayed to them.”58 The monkey scribes on a Mayan cylindrical pot from the New Orleans Museum of Art are human in form, with exaggerated monkey facial features, “characterized by hideous jaws and teeth, and a snake-like tongue.” They are neither monkeys nor humans but supernaturals, the divine patrons of the Mayan scribes. The twins could appear on Mayan vases as the human figure known as the “Printout God,” or as howler monkeys with human bodies, in pairs, either dancing or writing (fig. 7.11). The monkey version of the twins as scribes is a day sign in the Long Count calendar.59 In central Mexico, the monkey wears the accoutrements of each of two different gods, Xochipilli and Quetzalcoatl. Xochipilli was the god of dance, music, and feasting. For the Aztecs, Quetzalcoatl was a wise priest

7.6. Monkey scribe, upper frieze above niche, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs

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and the patron of artists and the calmecac. Among the Mixtecs, Quetzalcoatl as Lord Nine Wind was known as a manuscript painter.60 In the Codex Bodley, Lord Wind, Carrier of the Bone Flute, was one of four ambassadors from Lord Four Jaguar of Cholula who traveled to meet with Lord Eight Deer in Tilantongo. Lord Wind appears as a monkey in the guise of Quetzalcoatl-Ehecatl.61 An Aztec sculpture of a monkey represents the animal dancing and in the guise of Ehecatl. The monkeys with curling tails in the Salon of the Sibyls wear the earrings of Xochipilli (fig. I.6). As has been demonstrated, this is one of several emblematic references to Xochipilli in the Casa del Deán mural cycle. These various correspondences among the Nahuas and Mixtecs call to mind the monkey scribes of the Late Classic Mayan world, the distant antecedents of the monkey scribe in the Salon of the Triumphs. Lion

7.7. Lion, upper frieze above the Triumph of Time, north wall, Salon of the Triumphs

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The lion appears above the steeds of Time, seated on the ground, holding a goblet with a drinking tube in its front paws (fig. 7.7). While this animal is one of few in the Salon of the Triumphs directly inspired by a European book illustration or loose print, the artist could have had the puma or jaguar in mind. The feline was a dominant presence in preconquest religious iconography.62 The artist’s depiction of the lion strongly resembles another unique interpretation of a European model, the paired unicorns over the doorway of the portería at Cholula (fig. 3.8). These unicorns have the body, tail, claws, and mane of a lion. The legendary submission of the lion represents the victory of piety, reverence, and docility over the uncontrolled brutishness of a wild beast. The prophet Isaiah foretells the coming of the peaceful kingdom, ushered in by the arrival of the Messiah: “The wolf shall live with the lamb, the leopard shall lie down with the kid, the calf and the lion and the fatling together, and a little child shall lead them.”63 Most likely the lion in the Casa del Deán is a reference to Christ’s Passion and Resurrection: “Medieval bestiaries underscore the animal’s many qualities. . . . It used to be believed that the lioness gave birth to lifeless cubs, which remained in that state until the father came on the third day to breathe life into them by blowing on their muzzles. This phenomenon, of course, was interpreted as a symbol of the Resurrection of Christ.”64 The chalices held by the lion and the deer strongly resemble a postconquest vessel discovered in a grave in Acatzingo, Puebla. This Cholulastyle pottery goblet is ornamented with birds, flowers, and jade emblems, symbolizing preciousness.65 A second Cholula goblet is decorated with a jaguar-skin pattern (fig. 7.8). In the Florentine Codex it is noted that before the conquest “divine wine” or pulque was drunk from a vessel

through a straw or drinking tube: “Into the wine dipped the drinking tubes, extending from it so that those who sampled the wine stood drinking it.”66 The goblet with its straw held by the lion was meant for drinking pulque, a reference to the wine of the Holy Eucharist.67 Badger

The badger opens its mouth to bare its teeth with a snarl (fig. 7.9). The animal’s sound scroll, like that of the jaguar, is without embellishment. The elongated snout, dark coloration around the eyes, claws, small rounded ears, sharp teeth, short tail, and heavy fur are characteristic of this animal. The badger was called ground coyote (tlalcoiotl): “It runs about the villages, on the plains. It is not born among the crags, but just somewhere underground. Tlalcoyotl means the not distant coyote, which only emerges among house settlements, among us.”68 It should also be noted that the badger hibernates, a possible reference to the Resurrection. The animal in the cartouche uses its front paws to thrust a writing tool through a scroll, a distinct act of aggression. The badger was known to exhibit aggressive behavior toward humans when confronted. The image of this animal is in the northeast corner of the room beneath the Wild Man, who himself stands before a cave in a rocky landscape. The Wild Man and the badger lurk dangerously close to humanity yet reject the influence or taming benefits of civilization in favor of their wild and savage state. The Stag and the Living Water

Few animals appear in as many guises and settings as the deer in Mesoamerica. Because the deer was a major food source, the hunt was ritualized and became the focus of myth. Mayan ballplayers were depicted wearing deer headdresses in emulation of the Hero Twin who represented the sun.69 In the Codex Borgia, the deer bears the sun, while the rabbit bears the moon.70 The deer is the seventh day sign in the central Mexican calendar; the patron is Tlaloc, the god of rain and lightning.71 In the Codex Borgia, Codex Vaticanus B, and Codex Tudela, the twenty day signs are distributed across the flayed skin of a deer, each placed near the body part that characterizes the day sign. As Elizabeth Boone notes, “the Borgia [deerskin] has within its widely open mouth the face mask of Xochipilli or Macuilxochitl, gods of flowers, song, dance, and pleasure.” The reference is to flowery or sacred speech.72 Among the Nahuas, Piltzintecuhtli, an avatar of Xochipilli, was thought to transform himself into a deer.73 The bicephalic deer that becomes a woman, Mimich, in the Leyenda de los soles is represented at Mitla with a sound scroll and attached feathers and wearing cascabeles (bells). The hunter god of the Tlaxcalans and

top | 7.8. Cholula footed vessel. Copyright © Justin Kerr, file no. 7848 bottom | 7.9. Badger, lower frieze, northeast corner, Salon of the Triumphs

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7.10. Deer, upper frieze above the Triumph of Death, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs

7.11. Maya polychrome vase: animals bringing offerings to Itzamná. Copyright © Justin Kerr, file no. 3413

180  •  The Casa del Deán

Huejotzincans, Mixcoatl-Camaxtli, shoots arrows at Mimich. He brings her to earth and then fathers Ce Acatl Quetzalcoatl. This same legend from the Anales de Cuauhtitlán has an interesting variation. Chimalman is impregnated by swallowing a chalchiuhuitl (jewel of carved jade), and Quetzalcoatl is born nine years after the death of his father, MixcoatlCamaxtli. Michel Graulich points out the resemblance of this story to the impregnation of Xquic in the Popol Vuh, an indication of the extraordinary range of this legend.74 The stag in the cartouche above the Triumph of Death is seated on a petate throne with its upper legs raised and hooves curled inward to resemble hands (fig. 7.10).75 From its mouth issues an elaborate sound scroll, embellished with a floral motif, implying poetry or song. The deer wears a necklace of cascabeles and, along its back appear symbols for water: a shell and two chalchiuhuitls. A footed cup is set down before the stag. All of the elements are carefully distributed across the two-dimensional surface of the cartouche in a format described by Donald Robertson as “the scattered attribute composition.”76 The seated deer occurs in many cultural settings. A seated deer with feathers along its back appears at the entrance of Mixtec Tomb 125 at Monte Albán.77 On the Mayan polychrome vase K3413, two monkey scribes hover over a codex that they are painting near a seated deer surrounded by cacao pods (fig. 7.11). From central Veracruz comes a Late Classic carved marble hacha in the Dumbarton Oaks collection that relates to both the Mayan ball game and the deer emblem in the Casa del Deán (fig. 7.12). This supernatural anthropomorphized deer seems to be part of a headdress. The deer, wearing feathers and a large necklace, gestures toward two jade symbols. The eyes of the man and the deer are closed, but the jade and feather emblem near the deer’s open mouth indicates sound.

The Master of the Sibyls has chosen to illuminate in his own traditional visual language a Christian theme that is already richly layered after centuries of biblical hermeneutics. The deer image is an emblematic representation of Psalm 42, expressing a desire for the living waters, for the knowledge and presence of God that are met by the sacrifice of His son.78 As the hart longs for flowing streams, So longs my soul for thee, O God. My soul thirsts for God, for the living God. When shall I come and behold the face of God?79

The goblet placed before the stag could be either a ceramic cup or a vessel made from a gourd. Sahagún’s native informants describe the tecomate: “Then, in his house, the ruler was served his chocolate . . . in a painted gourd vessel, with a stopper also painted with a design, and [having] a beater; or in a painted gourd, smoky [in color], from neighboring lands, with a gourd stopper.”80 The base of a Cholula ceramic pedestal bowl is painted with geometric patterns, like the footed cup held by the deer in the cartouche (fig. 7.10).81 The tecomate was a “sacred cup” and appears in the Florentine Codex illustrations as a vessel with a stirring stick.82 The drinking of chocolate was considered a privilege of the ruling class, and chocolate was among the burial offerings at the time of an Aztec ruler’s death.83 Those who were not among the elite risked death if they drank chocolate without permission.84 In the Florentine Codex the word cacao is linked with the phrase “heart, blood.”85 The relationship of blood to chocolate acquires yet another important association in a passage from the Chilam Balam de Chumayel. The speaker presents a riddle: “Son, bring me two yellow animals—one animal that is cooked, the other, with its head severed, for drinking its blood.” The answer to the riddle is quite pertinent to the interpretation of the deer emblem in the Salon of the Triumphs, for the son is being asked to bring the speaker “a yellow deer and a jícara that holds chocolate.”86 A related artwork, the polychrome footed tecomate from Cholula in Mexico’s National Museum of Anthropology, is decorated with images of a deer and several circular precious jade emblems, symbols for water, maize, blood, and the heart. The continued representation of the deer in Cholula occurs in the portería at San Gabriel, now in a Christian context (fig. 7.13). It is also possible that the deer is drinking pulque with a straw like those described in the Florentine Codex.87 This sacred cup in the Casa del Deán cartouche, whether it held chocolate or pulque, is a reference to the chalice of the Holy Eucharist. Eleanor Wake writes that Amerindian

top | 7.12. Carved marble hacha with deer, AD 900– 1100. Dumbarton Oaks, Pre-Columbian Collection, Washington, D.C. bottom | 7.13. Deer, portería, San Gabriel, Cholula

Amerindian Iconography  • 181

Christians associated pulque with Christ, related to the mythological drunkenness of the gods. It was thought that the gods were brought back or resurrected from death when they awakened from the effects of alcohol: “In the myth of the voluntary sacrifice of the major pulque deity Ometochtli at the hands of Tezcatlipoca, the deity ‘dies’ to make himself eternal but also so that humans can safely partake of the drink in excess. In other words, like the deity, humans can be eternally resurrected.” After the conquest, Tlaxcallans replaced pulque with chocolate: “Replacement of pulque with chocolate drink in rites for the dead suggests that the Tlaxcallan Indians, at least, had renounced drunkenness at major Christian festivals.”88 The cascabeles on the deer’s necklace replicate the soft sounds of flowing water. Shells and jewels carved of jade are unquestionably emblems for water. The sacred goblet and the water symbols surrounding the deer allude to the two sacraments endowed by Christ that enable Christians to confront the specters of sin and death. Christ elucidates for Nicodemus the spiritual cleansing of the water of Holy Baptism: “unless one is born of water and the Spirit, he cannot enter the kingdom of God.”89 Words carved into an early baptismal font at Tecali near Puebla read: “Aqua benedicta sit nobis salus et vita, et perducat nos in vitam aeternam” (May this holy water give to us salvation and life and bring us to eternal life).90 The power that the sacrament of Holy Baptism had over the people of Mexico was profound. Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta wrote of the remarkable faith among the Amerindian Christians in the curative power of holy water, to the point that baptismal fonts outside of the church had to be covered or the holy water brought inside.91 According to Motolinía, more than 4 or 5 million Amerindians had been baptized by 1536. He speculated on a possible connection between the Christian sacrament and the preconquest ritual bathing of children at birth.92 This idea was not so implausible: according to Diego Muñoz Camargo, a spring on the grounds of the Franciscan monastery in Tlaxcala was called “Chalchiuatl” by the Tlaxcalans, the Nahuatl word for precious jade water. Newborns were brought to the spring for ritual bathing “in the manner of baptism,” purifying them of misfortune. At this spring in the place called Chalchiuapan, other ceremonies required offerings of sweet-smelling perfumes and of blood sacrifice.93 Perhaps a more likely and yet controversial biblical source for the stag emblem is John’s first epistle: “This is he who came by water and blood, Jesus Christ, not with the water only but with the water and the blood. And the Spirit is the witness, because the Spirit is the truth. There are three witnesses, the Spirit, the water, and the blood; and these three agree.”94

182  •  The Casa del Deán

In the humanist center of Spain in Alcalá, Cardinal Francisco Ximénez de Cisneros established a university. In 1502 Cisneros initiated the compilation of the Complutensian Polyglot Bible, published in 1522. The six volumes included the Old Testament in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin and the New Testament in Greek and Latin.95 Only a short time before, in 1516, Desiderius Erasmus had published a translation of the New Testament from Greek to Latin; because he could not find a precedent in the Greek manuscripts available to him, he omitted the text that preceded I John 5:6: “For there are three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost: and these three are the one.”96 In Spain, however, this scriptural support for the Trinity was retained in the polyglot version, a controversial choice because the Greek was actually a retranslation of the Latin Vulgate.97 In this passage from St. John’s Epistle, which was thought to represent the Trinity metaphorically, the Spirit was witness that Christ “came by water and blood.” With the water of the sacrament of Holy Baptism and the blood of the Crucifixion manifested in the sacrament of the Eucharist, Christ triumphs over death, bringing eternal life.98 This message of salvation was visualized in a sixteenth-century mural in the Augustinian convent at Metztitlán. Christ is crucified on a tree whose branches encircle roundels framing depictions of the sacraments. The seventh, Holy Baptism, is represented by the fountain at the base of the tree into which blood and water flow from the wound in Christ’s side.99 The mural at Santos Reyes in Metztitlán, inspired by a European print, and the stag cartouche at the Casa del Deán, which adheres to indigenous iconography and aesthetics, both represent the triumph over death and the promise of salvation. Two Coatimundis

A Post-Classic Veracruz vessel in the shape of a seated coati (fig. 7.16) closely resembles the animal in the cartouche below the Triumph of Death, thus allowing an identification of the creature as a coatimundi (fig. 7.14).100 On a Mayan vase (K8832) representing a sacrifice scene, a coati is lying on its back before a priest. Like the animal in the cartouche, the snout is narrow and long, the ears are set back against the head, and the tail is long and curled, with tufts of hair at the tip. The animal also wears a jade necklace. The Great White Coati makes its appearance in the Popol Vuh as the counterpart of the Great White Peccary. They help the Hero Twins bring about the death of Seven Macaw: “The genius of the grandmother, the genius of the grandfather did its work when they took back their [Hunahpu’s] arm; it was implanted and the break got well again. Just as they

7.14. Coatimundi, lower frieze below the Triumph of Death, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs

Amerindian Iconography  • 183

top | 7.15. Coatimundi, lower frieze below the Triumph of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs bottom | 7.16. Veracruz vessel in the shape of a coatimundi, 18.6 cm. Copyright © Justin Kerr, file no. 6474

184  •  The Casa del Deán

had wished the death of Seven Macaw, so they brought it about. They had seen evil in his self-magnification.”101 The coati has an equally significant role in the ball game played by Xbalanque and Hunahpu in Xibalba (the underworld, the Place of the Dead). When a bat removes Hunahpu’s head, Xbalanque calls on all of the animals to bring their particular foods forward: “There’s the one who only brought earth, on through the varied foods of the animals, small and great, until the very last one remained: the coati. He brought a squash, bumping along with his snout as he came. And this became the simulated head of Hunahpu. His eyes were carved right away, then brains came from the thinker, from the sky.”102 The coati at the Casa del Deán drinks from an ornamented gourd cup and holds a bag in its left paw. A similar animal appears in the cartouche beneath the Triumph of Eternity (fig. 7.15), but with one difference— the creature beneath the Triumph of Death wears a jade necklace. Unfortunately its snout, once obscured by damage to the mural, has now been repainted as short and rounded (fig. 7.17). These changes made at various points in the life of the mural and the fact that there are two representations of the coati raise the question of proper identification for these animals. I would argue that either one could originally have been a coati. These two animals in the Casa del Deán are drinking chocolate from gourd cups and holding bags containing cacao beans. The act of drinking chocolate was an invocation of the divine. According to the Florentine Codex, when a group of merchants assembled for feasting, “the sacred cups came forth [with] chocolate.” The gods received offerings of chocolate before the guests were served. The host then presented gifts of tortoise shell cups, cacao beans, “sacred ear” spice, and stirring sticks.103 A depiction of the god of cacao appears on a Mayan limestone bowl, carved to resemble a calabash. Hieroglyphs indicate that the bowl was meant for ixim te/el kakaw, meaning “maize-tree-like cacao.” The Maize God is linked to cacao: “Maize was the principal food of the Maya and cacao the preferred food of the gods, and Classic and Post Classic period beliefs indicate that the Maize God was resurrected from, variously, a maize plant, a calabash tree, or a cacao tree.”104 The placement of the animals beneath Death and Eternity in the Salon of the Triumphs could speak to the transformational and ritualistic nature of the sacrificial wine-chocolate-blood drink as a reminder of Christ’s conquest over death. The cups resemble those in the Codex Borgia (folios 3, 4, 68) and in the Cholula pyramid mural paintings, leading to the possibility that they could have been meant for pulque. In the Codex Borgia, Mayahuel, goddess of maguey, drinks pulque from a similar gourd cup.105 As with chocolate, ritual and rank dictated the drinking of pulque at religious festivals and gatherings of the elite.106

Coyote

The coyote is seated on a petate throne, focusing on an open music book and playing a flute, which seems to be of European origin (fig. 7.1).107 In the Florentine Codex, the coiotl is described as “long-furred, shaggy, bushy, woolly; bushy-tailed, pointed-eared; large-muzzled, a rather slender, blackish, soft one; spindle-legged; curved of claw. Very black are its claws. It is cunning and astute.”108 The coyote in the Casa del Deán closely resembles the Aztec sculpted stone coyotes in the National Museum of Anthropology, with their small pointed ears, elongated tapering snouts, open mouths, tails, and full manes (figs. 7.18, 7.19). In the Casa del Deán, the combination of the large mane, elongated snout, long tail, and musical instrument inspires comparison to the carved wooden postconquest drum in the shape of a coyote in the National Museum of Anthropology (fig. 7.20). The coyote’s howling becomes the significant trait transcribed into the drum’s form. When the drum is struck, the sound emanates from the coyote’s open mouth, just as in the Casa del Deán, when the coyote plays the flute. The feather workers of Amantlán worshipped their god Coyotl Inaual and created a coyote costume for the god’s impersonator to wear during the festival.109 The other important supernatural manifestation of this animal is Huehuecoyotl, who governed the fourth day, Lizard, and the fourth trecena, beginning with One Flower. Those born on this date would be happy, “given to song and joy.”110 Opossum

The opossum in the Salon of the Triumphs is of the genus Didelphis and could be either a common or Virginia opossum, both of which are found all over Mexico (fig. 7.21).111 The opossum (tlacuatzin or tlacuatl) is known for its almost human “hands,” cleverness and thievery, nocturnal habits, and large appetite, especially for corn and the juice of the maguey.112 Other remarkable attributes are the female’s marsupial pouch and double sexual organs and the male’s bifurcated penis.113 The opossum in the cartouche is covered with fur, except for its hairless, curling prehensile tail. It has an elongated snout and small ears and paws that resemble hands.114 The opossum wears a doublet with a high collar that just reveals the collar of the jubón (undershirt). This Spanish costume was adopted by the elite throughout Western Europe in the mid-sixteenth century.115 The opossum is seated on the ground and plays a small guitar. Mesoamericans considered the opossum a mediator between the lower world as a cave dweller and the upper world as a climber into the highest tree branches.116 Its thieving nature led the opossum to steal fire at the time of earth’s creation and to bring it to humans. The opossum is

top | 7.17. Coatimundi before the 2010 restoration, lower frieze below the Triumph of Death, east wall, Salon of the Triumphs bottom | 7.18. Coyote before the 2010 restoration, upper frieze above window, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs

Amerindian Iconography  • 185

also considered to have stolen pulque and given it to humans.117 Its theft of fire links this animal with Quetzalcoatl, who, as the Lord of the Dawn, brings light and life out of the Region of the Dead.118 The black line and color surrounding the opossum’s eye led Sahagún’s informants to remark that “its face is [as if] painted.”119 Thus the opossum’s natural markings could have inspired comparison to the painted face of Tezcatlipoca. In the Tlaxcala-Puebla region, the opossum is associated with Tezcatlipoca. The Codex Fejérváry-Mayer contains the opossum almanac on folios 38b-43b, a tonalpohualli that follows an apparent narrative in six scenes.120 The actor is an opossum that wears the pectoral and other paraphernalia of Tezcatlipoca. This animal is victorious over an adversary, whose body and precious blood it consumes. On folio 41, the opossum is decapitated, and its head is replaced by a serpent. The sixth folio (43) places the opossum before a crossroads as it advances along a nocturnal pathway of stars. Above this scene is a ritual that also involves a crossroads. The six scenes could be the mythic narrative for the ritual, perhaps related to the opossum’s nocturnal habits. Surrounding the crossroads are five associated dates, all of which are sacred to merchants. The final page, folio 44, seems to be a summary of the previous six scenes. Tezcatlipoca is at the center of the page and from him the twenty trecenas spiral out in all directions. A more direct relationship between Tezcatlipoca and the opossum is indicated in the travel almanac (folios 30b–32b) and the maize plant almanac (folios 33a–34a) of the Codex Fejérváry-Mayer. The maize plant almanac is a compressed tonalpohualli on two pages, made up of four temple scenes. A god makes an offering to a related cult figure that resides in each temple. In the first of these scenes, the temple is crowned by white feathers in the form of smoke, related to Tezcatlipoca’s smoking mirror.

top | 7.19. Sculpture of coyote, Late PostClassic, fifteenth century, National Museum of Anthropology, Mexico City. Photograph by author

186  •  The Casa del Deán

bottom | 7.20. Postconquest carved wooden drum shaped like a coyote, sixteenth century, National Museum of Anthropology, Mexico City. Photograph by author

Tezcatlipoca presents an offering to an enthroned opossum.121 This enthroned opossum appears in the same temple on folio 30b. In front of the temple on folio 30b is the symbol of the crossroads, another reference to the ritual of the crossroads on folio 43, which seems to link Tezcatlipoca, the opossum, and the merchants. The Tlaxcala-Puebla region, east of Popocatepetl and Ixtaccihuatl, was inhabited by numerous cultural groups, speaking a variety of languages. Quetzalcoatl was worshiped in Cholula, and a cult center for Tezcatlipoca was located in the vicinity of nearby Atlixco. This region was an important mercantile corridor, with major trade centers—Cholula, Huejotzingo, Tlaxcala, Tehuacán, Tochtépec, and Coixtlahuaca.122 The Codex Fejérváry-Mayer, known as the tonalamatl of the merchants (pochteca), is thought to have been painted in the tropical lowlands of the Gulf Coast, in the area of Teotitlán del Camino or Tochtépec.123 The Mazatecs lived in the region east of Teotitlán del Camino and incorporated an opossum in several myths, according to López Austin. In the Mazatec story of the creation of the sun and moon, an old woman who had possession of the light held a fiesta, attended by the moon and sun. The old woman threw the moon’s decapitated head into a cooking pot and stood watch. In order to distract her, the opossum played a small guitar while a dog carried off the kettle. “Then the opossum, because he can withstand many blows, went running through the patio where the fire was burning, set his tail on fire and distributed it. That is why his tail has a scorched appearance.”124 The Mazatec myth throws light on certain important aspects of the opossum in the Salon of the Triumphs. Several of the animals in the cartouches play musical instruments, but the artist made the choice to give the guitar to the opossum. The guitar arrived with the Spaniards, so the relationship between the Mazatec myth and the mural might seem tenuous, but it is not an impossible one. Fray Juan de Torquemada noted the Indians’ remarkable aptitude for European liturgical music and how quickly they mastered the ability to produce the rebecs, flutes, kettledrums, trumpets, and guitars that they had learned to play.125 One characteristic of the greatest significance in the interpretation of this emblematic subject is the ability of the opossum to “withstand many blows.” The opossum is known to feign death in order to ward off an attack. Once danger has passed, the animal revives or resurrects itself.126 This ability to come back from the dead is reflective of the theme that is central to the mural cycle: Christ’s victory over death in the Resurrection brings the gift of redemption and eternal life to all believers. For this reason, the artist chose to place the opossum above the triumphal figure of Eternity.

7.21. Opossum, upper frieze above the Triumph of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs

Amerindian Iconography  • 187

Javelina

top | 7.22. Javelina, upper frieze above the Triumph of Eternity, south wall, Salon of the Triumphs bottom | 7.23. Lidded tetrapod bowl with paddler and peccaries, Maya culture, Early Classic period, southern Maya lowlands, Mexico or Guatemala, ca. AD 200–450, 30.48 × 23.495 cm. Dallas Museum of Art, The Roberta Coke Camp Fund (1988.82.A-B)

188  •  The Casa del Deán

The animal in the cartouche above the Triumph of Eternity is meant to be a peccary (javalina, coiametl).127 It is characterized by its snout, sharp teeth, pointed ears, curling tail, and cloven hooves (fig. 7.22). The animal’s overall appearance is closer to a European pig than to a javalina. The javalina in the Florentine Codex is depicted in much the same manner, with the same tail, teeth, snout, eyes, ears, and front and back hooves as the peccary in the Triumphs mural. This ambivalence is reflected in the Florentine Codex description: “It is quite like [yet at the same time] unlike, dissimilar to, the pig which comes from Castile. . . . Its food is acorns, American cherries, maize, roots, fruit, just like what a pig eats. Hence they call the peccary a pig.”128 The wild boar was incorporated into Mayan mythology, making its appearance in the Dresden Codex as a constellation.129 The emblem for this constellation (two peccaries mating as Gemini) occurs on the north wall of Room 2 at Bonampak.130 In the Codex Tro, the seated javelina is the rain bringer of the south. The wild boar is also a participant in the Hero Twins’ story. Great White Peccary was the grandfather and Great White Coati the grandmother, invoked by Hunahpu and Xbalanque to retrieve the arm of Hunahpu from Seven Macaw.131 In numerous Mayan vases that depict the underworld, especially in a funerary context, four peccary heads are the supports, referring to the wild boars’ role as pillars in the four quadrants of the cosmos. In a fine example from the Dallas Museum of Art, stars appear in the peccary’s eyes, identifying the heads with the constellation Gemini (fig. 7.23). On the lid of the vessel is a human figure paddling a canoe, representing the soul making its way through the waters of the underworld. This iconographic formula envisions the experience of life after death, an appropriate subject to place near the Triumph of Eternity.132 In the Casa del Deán mural, the peccary holds a beater above a large bowl very much like the Cholula polychrome urn in the collection of the Museum of the American Indian and in the jar pictured in figure 7.24.133 These vessels are ornamented with stepped fret patterns, bird heads, and chalchihuitl emblems. In two central Mexican codices, Laud and Ríos, Mayahuel, the goddess of the maguey plant, holds a similar large vessel filled with foaming pulque. Fray Diego Durán refers to octli (pulque) as wine, “a special offering to the gods,” and states: “I am afraid that even today—to judge by the love the natives feel for pulque, craving it as they do—there may be some supernatural intent.”134

Conclusion The Master of the Sibyls and the artists who painted the animal emblems in the Salon of the Triumphs and the paired monkeys in the Salon of the Sibyls received their training in a Franciscan monastery. Concurrently, they mastered the emblematic language of their own people, the Eastern Nahuas. Their ancestors had absorbed the visual culture of the Mayans, Totonacs, and Mixtecs and had developed their own unique stylistic and iconographic language. The Tlaxcala-Puebla region continued to be a crossroads for trade and a center of artistic production in ceramics, largescale stone sculpture, and painted books and murals. Relational systems of correspondence were a vital part of both Spanish and Nahuatl theology. After the conquest, these tendencies crossed over cultural lines. In Don Tomás de la Plaza’s urban palace, Amerindian representations of animals as scribes, artists, dancers, and musicians bear strong associations with the god Xochipilli and possibly with the book of dreams. Pulque is “divine wine,” and chocolate is sipped from a sacred cup. The chalices are gourd or ceramic vessels ornamented by local artisans with images of flowers, birds, and precious jade symbols. Wine becomes blood, which is transformed into a regenerative essence. The animals in the Casa del Deán mural paintings survived as supernaturals. In this role they provide the thematic text that parallels the procession of the equally iconic Triumphs and Sibyls. In Nahua belief, all earthly beings contain the essence of the divine.135 Thus it should come as no surprise that these zoomorphic creatures in the Casa del Deán participate in enacting and celebrating Christian transformation. The cathedral dean had the indigenous artists replicate on the walls of his residence the celebration of the Feast of Corpus Christi, for which he would have been responsible. This special day in the Christian liturgical calendar called forth the efforts of choirs, musicians, and actors and the artistry of feather workers, painters, sculptors, and flower arrangers.136 The procession each year in Puebla might have included sibyls on horseback with their banners, the Triumph of Eternity enthroned on a cart, and Amerindian dancers wearing costumes embellished with ancient emblems encoding Christian meaning. In the Salon of the Triumphs, the animals represent the spiritual focus of this event, as expressed in the psalm for Corpus Christi by Sahagún: “The food of angels became the food of men.”137

7.24. Polychrome ceramic pulque jar, 33 cm ht., Late Post-Classic. Copyright © Justin Kerr, file no. 7188

Amerindian Iconography  • 189

Conclusion �

T

he violent and dramatic discovery of the mural paintings in the third salon has left but fragmentary evidence of the subject. Little can be perceived from the photographs, taken so quickly and under such trying circumstances. What emerge are images of clouds, the stars, emblems of the zodiac, and several barely visible figures, perhaps personifications of the planets.1 Don Tomás de la Plaza’s vision of the cosmos would have been a factor in his choice of this subject, and it is most likely that the theme was based on his readings. An analysis of books in his library that are particularly related to the topic might illuminate his choice and provide a better sense of his intellectual interests, both theological and philosophical. The study of the subject as a reflection of the written word can lead to a greater appreciation for the interweaving of themes and provide an overarching concept for the mural cycle. Don Tomás’s library contained the works of Aristotle and several volumes written by Juan Pérez de Moya: the Tratado de geometría práctica y speculativa, Tratado de matemáticas, and Aritmética práctica. Don Tomás listed a compass and a Carta de nabegar among his possessions.2 During his lifetime, astronomy was primarily a mathematical science and was closely allied with navigation and cartography. In a typical university curriculum, the quadrivium consisted of the study of arithmetic, geometry, musical theory, and astronomy and would have included readings from Aristotle’s On the Heavens and Metaphysics and Ptolemy’s Almagest.3 For Don Tomás and his peers, the cosmological and spiritual hierarchy that emanated from God had its origin in Aristotle’s conceptualization of the universe. According to Aristotle, the earth was at the center. Everything below the moon’s sphere was formed out of the four elements, earth, water, air, and fire. These elements in the terrestrial region

detail of figure c.1

were subject to decay and change, while the celestial bodies and the heavens were composed of a fifth element: ether, a pure and changeless substance. Aristotle wrote in On the Heavens: “All men have some conception of the nature of the gods, and all who believe in the existence of gods at all, whether barbarian or Greek, agree in allotting the highest place to the deity, surely because they suppose that immortal is linked with immortal. . . . Implying that the primary body is something else beyond earth, fire, air, and water, they gave the highest place a name of its own, aither, derived from the fact that it ‘runs always’ for an eternity of time.”4 Aristotle and Ptolemy concurred that the earth was motionless at the center of a series of spheres. Each of the seven “wandering stars” or planets had its own sphere in the following order: the Moon (Diana), Mercury, Venus, the Sun (Apollo), Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. Outside of the planetary spheres was the Primum Mobile (Prime Mover). The outermost sphere making up the Prime Mover was invisible and motionless, inhabited by the angels among the fixed stars. The sixteenth-century concept of tightly nested concentric circles followed the Aristotelian model, but with modifications to conform to Christian beliefs. An image of the cosmos, with the earth at its center, the seven planetary spheres, and the celestial sphere appears in the Retorica Cristiana by Fray Diego de Valadés, Don Tomás de la Plaza’s contemporary (fig. C.1). The focus of Valadés’s illustration is on the Trinity surrounded by angels in the celestial sphere and with His creation arranged below in hierarchical fashion. Along the right side of the page, the rebel angels fall into the fiery pit where Satan reigns.5 Another of Don Tomás’s contemporaries, Juan Pérez de Moya, describes the zodiac as a circle that exists in the sphere of the Prime Mover, in the eighth sky with the fixed stars.6 The observations of the sun’s daily movements and the moon’s phases and the relationship of the sun and moon to the zodiac were measured on earth as time. The year was divided into seasons, months, weeks, and days. Each season was influenced by the changes in the four elements wrought by the celestial bodies.7 According to Joscelyn Godwin, Astronomically speaking, the journey of the earth around the sun makes the latter appear to travel in a circle, once a year, against a revolving background of fixed stars. These stars are conventionally grouped into a zodiac (or “zoo”) of twelve animal constellations. Astrologically speaking, as the sun stays for a month in each constellation, his rays are affected by the qualities of that sign and have a corresponding effect on the earth. Thus the zodiac is hierarchically above the planets, and indeed its stars belong, in the Ptolemaic system, to the Eighth Sphere, which is the region of the Blest.8

192  •  The Casa del Deán

C.1. The hierarchy of beings: Diego de Valadés, Retorica Cristiana. Library of Congress Rare Book and Special Collections

For Pérez de Moya (and Don Tomás), the answer to the question of why the stars were made lies in the moment of their creation. The first reason the stars appear in the sky is to provide light, especially at the time of a new moon. The second reason for their creation is that the stars ornament and beautify because, as is observable, the night sky is filled with stars and is beautiful and pleasing. God from the highest firmament gave the stars to the world so that there would be beauty, for through the appreciation of corporeal beauty, humanity is able to contemplate the spiritual and infinite beauty of the Creator. The third reason for the creation of the stars is for their impact on generation (creation or origination), conservation (growth), and corruption (death) of all things on earth.9

conclusion  • 193

It would have been Don Tomás’s understanding that the planets and stars impart change on earth but are themselves changeless. Time had no place in the celestial sphere, for it was the human measure of change on earth. Don Tomás’s expectation would have been that death and time would no longer exist on earth after the judgment of the souls. The sibyls had prophesied the coming of the millennium, and their prophesy was read each year on the eve of Christ’s birth. As Petrarch was inspired to write, The sun no more will pause in the Bull or the Fish, Through whose diversities the work of man Is born or dies, increases or grows less. . . . All that encumbers us and weighs us down, “Yesterday” and “tomorrow,” “morn” and “eve,” “Before” and “soon,” will pass like fleeting shadows.10

Don Tomás’s library reveals that he was a humanist with an interest in mathematics and astronomy. Having lived in Mexico for over thirty-five years, he was undoubtedly aware of and had studied the Mesoamerican calendar, used by almost every indigenous group to measure time and to prognosticate. Europeans showed an avid interest in the Amerindian calendar. Valadés provides an illustration and interpretation in his Retorica Cristiana, and Fray Gerónimo de Mendieta describes the indigenous calendar that was incorporated into the mural cycle in the portería at San Juan Bautista in Cuauhtinchán.11 In the Salon of the Triumphs, Venus appears as the Triumph of Love, Saturn is the frightening apparition of Time, and Juno, the Queen of Heaven, is the Triumph of the Church. This personification of Eternity/ Ecclesia rides in her cart surrounded by the stars in the celestial sphere. The swift passage of earthly time has become irrelevant and death has been conquered, for in the heavens all is changeless. Eternity/Ecclesia gestures, indicating the beauty of God’s perfection, as imagined by Petrarch: I saw the sun, the heavens, and the stars And the land and sea unmade, and made again More beauteous and more joyous than before.12

The figure of Eternity/Ecclesia embodies the church, which offers the sacraments of Holy Baptism and the Holy Eucharist to those who hope for redemption. All of humanity is given the free will to strive for a glimpse of perfection during a lifetime. In the Triumph of Eternity, Petrarch speaks of his own yearning, and these lines summarize one of the themes expressed in the Casa del Deán mural cycle:

194  •  The Casa del Deán

When I had seen that nothing under heaven Is firm and stable, in dismay I turned To my heart and asked: “Wherein hast thou thy trust?” “In the Lord,” the answer came, “Who keepeth ever His covenant with one who trusts in Him.”13

In the mural cycle conceived by Don Tomás de la Plaza, the reception of grace begins with a willingness to perceive divine light, as represented in the Salon of the Sibyls. The triumphal figure of Eternity/Ecclesia is visible in the celestial sphere among the stars. The depredations of earthly life, Death and Time, are vanquished, just as Christ made manifest with His Resurrection. At the end of time, the divine essence of the celestial sphere, the immovable stars grouped into constellations and the zodiacal band, God’s spiritual realm of angels, prophets, and saints all will become one with the earth, as foretold in the Revelation to St. John: “And I saw the holy city, the new Jerusalem, coming down out of heaven from God, prepared as a bride adorned for her husband. And I heard a loud voice from the throne saying, ‘See, the home of God is among mortals.’”14

conclusion  • 195

Don Tomás de la Plaza’s Last Will and Testament: El Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza

appendix i

page 1 1. 1587 anos [al margen derecho: 1646] 2. 3. testamento del dean 4. don tomas de la plaza 5. [rúbrica] 6. Joan de luxan Racionero de esta sancta 7. yglesia y albacea de don thomas de 8. la plaça dean desta sancta yglesia digo 9. quel susodicho es pasado desta presente 10. vida y por su fin i muerte dexo su testa 11. mento y ultima voluntad el cual queda 12. cerrado y para que se bea lo que en el manda 13. y donde se manda enterrar con viene v[uestra] m[erced] le 14. mande abrir con la solemnidad que per[roto] 15. se permite.— 16. Por tanto como [d]e v. m. servidor suplico man[roto] 17. que el dicho testamento se abra y p[ara—roto] 18. el dicho efecto mande a Juan de billa f[ranca—roto] 19. escribano público desta ciudad ante quien se cerro [roto] 20. dicho testamento le de y entregue a v.m. 21. como a juez competente y a quien toca abrir 22. el dicho testamento con penas e censuras 23. que por ello v.m. le ponga y pido justicia.

24. El Racionero 25. Joan de luxan

PA L E O G R A P H Y B Y PENNY MORRILL AND J. B E N E D I C T WA R R E N

page 2 1. En la ciudad de los angeles en los ocho dias del mes de julio de 2. myll quinientos e ochenta e siete años ante el bachiller 3. garcia rodriguez maldonado probisor en este obis 4. pado de tlaxcala pareció el racionero juan de luxan 5. como albasea quel dicho ser de don tomas de la plaza de 6. an que fue de la catedral de tlaxcala e presento 7. esta peticion e por el dicho probisor vista mando 8. que se notifique a juan de billa franca escribano publico 9. desta cibdad ante quien el dicho testamento 10. se zerro que luego sin dillacion0 alguna lo de y entregue 11. para que se abra y publique an†e el dicho probisor 12. como juez competente de la causa so pena de 13. descomunion mayor late sentencie en la cual 14. yo fato [ipso facto] yncurra lo contrario haciendo y ansi lo man 15. do + 16. El canonigo maldonado[rubrica]  Ante mi Antonio Rodrigues notario publico [rubrica] 17. En el dicho dia mes y ano dicho yo el escribano yuso 18. escrito doy fe que notifique a juan de billa franca

19. escribano publico desta cibdad el auto arriba con 20. tenido el qual dixo bi[?] antel como tal escri 21. bano publico desta cibdad don tomas de la plaza dean 22. de la catedral de tlaxcala hiço y otorgo an 23. tel su testamento cerrado y el lo tiene en su 24. poder el qual se a de abrir ante la Real Jus 25. ticia como su magistad lo manda y abierto esta presto 26. de dar al senor probisor yodos los treslados que quysiera 27. sin yntereses alguno y en quanto al auto que le 28. manda en que se le de luego el dicho testamento apelo 29. para ante su magestad su presidente y oydores de la Real 30. audiencia de mexico y ante quien y con derecho debe de la 31. fuerza quel dicho sr. prebisor le haze y que mandando 32. el alcalde gregorio de barientos que esta presen 33. te que de el testamento cerrado como esta, esta 34. presto de lo dar y pide al notario que se lo notifique page 3 1. al dicho alcalde y ansi lo do[?] por su despuesta 2. y lo firmo siendo testigos el racionero juan de ortega 3. y el canonigo espinosa 4. Juan de villa franca [rubrica] 5.  ante  mi Antonio Rodrigues notario publico [rubrica] 6. En el dicho dia mes y ano dicho yo el notario nostre al 7. dicho prebisor lo Respondido por el dicho juan de billa fran

198  •  The Casa del Deán

8. ca el qual aviendo lo bisto dixo que sin embargo 9. de su Respuesta lo declaraba e declaro por publico 10. escomulgado y como tal mandaba e mando a al 11. bar yanez freile presbitero lo declare por tal 12. y lo ponga en la tablilla y ansi lo mando 13.  x  ante my Antonio Rodrigues notario publico [rubrica] 14. 15. en el dicho dia mes y ano dicho antel dicho probisor parecio 16. el dicho juan de billa franca y dixo que atento que el a sido 17. declarado por escomulgado el por Redemir su [roto] 18. çion encurria en la dicha dicha pena de descomunio [roto] 19. presto de escribir como se bio el dicho testam [roto] 20. trego zerrado y sellado como estaba al dicho probi[sor—roto] 21. como lo entrego y de lo hecho autuado en esta e aud[roto] 22. por testamonio y ansi doy fe yo el dicho notario que esibio [roto] 23. go   el dicho testamento 24. Juan de villa franca [rubrica] 25. Doy fe dello 26. Antonio Rodrigues 27. notario publico [rubrica]

6. ro juan de Luxan el dixo quel dean don tomas de la plaza 7. es difunto y hizo e otorgo su testamento ce 8. rrado y sellado y porque el entiende que es su albazea e 9. tiene en el otras cosas que le pertenecen pide 10. al dicho probisor lo abra y publique que y le mande 11. dar un treslado o dos o mas los que fueren 12. nezesarios sobre que pidio Justicia y lo firmo 13. ante my el Racionero 14. juan de luxan 15. antonio rodriguez 16. notario publico 17. En el dicho dia el dicho probisor mando que de ynforma 18. çion como el dicho dean es muerto y pasado des 19. ta presente vida y parezcan los testigos 20. instrumentales del dicho testamento 21. Y reconozcan sus firmas y esto hecho su 22. [se]nor [?] probera justicia y ansi lo mando 23. + El canonigo maldonado   ante my 24. Antonio Rodriguez 25. notario publico 26. En el dicho dia mes y año dicho el dicho racionero juan de lu page 4 27. xan presento por testigo al cano 1. En la ciudad de los angeles en ocho nigo pedro go dias del mes de 28. mez despinosa el qual juro en ver 2. Julio de myll quinientos e ochenta bis sazerdotis e siete años 29. que dira verdad de lo que supiere e 3. ante el bachiller garcía rodriguez le fuere pregun maldonado 30. tado e aviendo jurado dixo que era 4. canonigo de la catedral de tlaxcala el es uno de los testigos e probisor 31. ynstrumentales del dicho testa 5. en este obispado de tlaxcala paremento y se ha 32. llo presente al otorgamiento del y ció el racione tiene alli fir

33. mado de su nombre y a por tal su firma reconoz[ia] 34. e reconocio la firma donde dize el canonigo es 35. pinosa y asi mismo sabe porque lo a visto quel dicho 36. don tomas de la plaza dean es ya difunto e pasa 37. do desta presente vida porque le a visto 38. y es cierto e verdadero y es la verdad para el page 5 1. juramento que fecho tiene en que se afirmo e 2. retifico e lo firmo de su nombre 3. El canonigo espinosa.   ante my 4. antonio rodriguez 5. notario publico 6. En el dicho dia mes y ano dicho el dicho [tachado—pedro gomez 7. despinosa canonigo] racionero juan de luxan de la catedral presento 8. por testigo a geronimo de salazar residente en 9. esta ciudad del qual se tomo e recibio juramen 10. to en forma devida de derecho so cargo del 11. qual prometio de dezir verdad e aviendo 12. jurado dixo queste testigo es uno de los ynstru 13. mentales que se hallo al otorgamiento del dicho 14. testamento que otorgo ante juan de billa 15. franca escribano publico de esta ciudad y asi en el dicho 16. otorgamiento tiene firmado su nombre ques don[de di] 17. ze geronimo de salazar y por tal su firma la [re] 18. conoze e reconozio y asi mismo a oido dezir

19. por publico e notorio quel dicho dean don tomas de la 20. plaza es difunto y pasado desta presente 21. vida y asi mismo a oido doblar por el y es 22. la verdad para el juramento que el fecho 23. tiene en el qual se afirmo e ratifico e 24. declaro ser ser de hedad de diez y ocho años 25. y lo firmo de su nombre. Ba testado do dezia pedro gom[es des] 26. pinosa. No vala. Y entre renglones do dize racionero juan de luxan vala. 27. geronimo salazar [rubrica] 28. ante my 29. antonio rodriguez 30. notario publico 31. En el dicho dia mes y ano dicho el dicho racionero juan 32. de luxan para la dicha informacion presento 33. por testigo a juan hernandez cantor de la catedral 34. del qual se tomo recibio juramento en 35. firma de derecho por dios e por santa maria 36. e por vna senal de cruz su cargo del qual page 6 1. prometio de dezir verdad e aviendo jurado 2. dixo que este testigo es uno de los ynstrumenta 3. les que se hallaron presentes al tiempo quel dicho don 4. tomas de la plaza dean otorgo su testa 5. mento cerrado ante juan de villafranca 6. escribano publico desta ciudad el qual es el pro

7. pio que se le a mostrado y en el este testigo tiene fir 8. mado su nombre que es don dize juan hernandez e por tal 9. su firma la reconoce e reconozio y asi mis 10. mo este testigo sabe porque lo a visto por vista de ojos 11. que el dicho dean don tomas de la plaza es 12. difunto e pasado de esta presente vida 13. y por el a oido hablar y es la verdad para el ju 14. ramento que fecho tiene en que afirmo 15. e ratifico y declaro ser de la edad de 16. diez y seis años y lo firmo de su nombre 17. juan hernandez   ante mi 18. Antonio Hernandez 19. notario publico 20. En el dicho dia mes y ano dicho para que conste de [la] 21. muerte y fallecimiento del dicho dean el dicho ra 22. cionero Juan de luxan presento por testigo al padre 23. pedro hernandez camilla presbitero el qual juro en 24. vervi sazerdote que dira verdad de lo que supiere e le 25. fuere preguntado e aviendo jurado dixo 26. que este testigo sabe porque lo a visto por vista de 27. ojos quel dean don tomas de la plaza es difunto 28. e pasado de esta presente vida y asi esta ten 29. dido en uno de sus aposentos puesto a punto 30. para lo llevar a enterrar e esteo es publico y no 31. torio y la verdad para el juramento que hecho

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32. tiene y lo firmo de su nombre 33. Ante mi 34. Antonio Hernandez Juan hernandez 35.  notario public  camilla page 7 1. En el dicho dia mes y ano dicho antel dicho probisor 2. parecio el dicho racionero Juan de luxan e dixo 3. quel a dado bastante ynformacion de como 4. el dicho dean don tomas de la plaza es difun 5. to e pasado desta presente vida y ansi mesmo 6. an jurado los testigos ynstrumentales 7. que se an podido hallar de los que estubieron 8. al otorgamiento del dicho testamento 9. y de presente no se pueden hallar mas 10. por lo qual porque con el peligro la tardan 11. ——pidia al dicho probisor mande abrirse 12. dicho testamento y ber lo quen el se 13. contiene e para su complimiento se le 14. den los treslados que a su derecho convengan e 15. pudieren autorizados en publica forma e lo firmo 16. El Racionero 17. Juan de luxan 18. Ante my 19. Antonio Hernandez 20. notario publico 21. En el dicho dia mes y año dicho visto por el dicho 22. probisor la ynformacion e pedimento hecho 23. por el dicho racionero juan de luxan e que por ello

200  •  The Casa del Deán

24. consta es publico y notorio quel dean don to 25. mas de la plaza es ya difunto e pasado des 26. ta presente vida dixo que mandaba e man 27. do quel dicho testamento se abra e 28. publique e del se den los treslados que las par 29. tes pidieren a[u]torizados en publica fiorma y a 30. si lo mando 31. ante mi 32. antonio hernandez 33. notario publico 34. E luego el dicho probisor tomo en sus manos el dicho 35. testamento el qual estaba cerrado 36. y sellado y firmado y signado de juan de villa 37. franca escribano publico el qual yo el dicho antonio

page 9 1. En la ciudad de los angeles de la nueva espana veynte y ocho dias del mes de mayo de mill e quinientos y ochenta e siete anos ante mi juan de villa franca el 2. escribano publico del numero de esta dicha ciudad y testigos yuso escriptos estando en las casas de la morada de don thomas de la plaza dean de la catedral de este obis 3. pado de tlaxcala parecido el dicho don thomas de la plaza echado en una cama enfermo del cuerpo sano de la boluntad y en su libre juicio, entendimiento 4. y cumplida memoria a lo que parecia y creyendo como dixo creer en el misterio de la santisima trinidad padre hijo y espiritu santo y en todo lo demas 5. que tiene y cree la santa madre yglesia de roma. Como bueno y page 8 fiel cristiano dio y presento a mi el 1. ?? dicho escribano este escritura cer 2. de averse abierto el dicho probisor rada y cellada la qual con 6. dixo que era su testamento, postre 3. unas tixeras corto los hilos del ra y ultima boluntad en la qual dicho tes dexa nombrados e postura albace 4. tamento el qual parece estar escrito [a y h—borrón]erederos y lo que 5. en beinte tres hojas enteras al cabo se a de hazer de 7. por su anima despues de su falleci 6. las quales una firma que dize dean miento la qual dixo estar escrita en de tlax veynte e tres hojas [enteras—bor 7. cala siendo testigos juan leones rón] y una plana de papel al sacristan 8. fin de todo lo qual esta firmado de 8. mayor de la catedral y el padre su firma y como tal su testamento pedro hernandes la otorgaba y otorgo quiere y es su 9. camyllas y hernan bazquez vecino boluntad. Que no se abra, lea ni desta publique 10. ciudad 9. en manera alguna hasta que sea 11. + muerto y pasado de esta presente 12. El canonigo Maldonado vida que entonces se a de abrir 13. ante my y publicar con la solemnidad de 14. Antonio Hernandez derecho y reboca 15. Notario Publico 10. otros quales quier testamentos y codicilios que aya hecho y

otorgado antes de este para que no balgan ni agan fee saluo este que 11. al presente / otorga en el qual es acavada su ultima e postrimera voluntad y como tal quiere se guarde e cumpla segund y como en el 12. se contiene y asi lo dixo y otorgo e firmo de su nombre y el dicho otorgamiento al qual yo el dicho escribano doy fee que conosco siendo testigos luys de san lloreynte e 13. geronimo salazar y alonso vela thenorio y el canonigo pedro gomez de espinoza e pedro calderon y don juan lopez mellado y juan hernandez 14. vecinos desta dicha ciudad 15. dean de tlaxcala [rúbrica]    el canonigo espinosa    pedro calderon vargas    don juan lopez mellado testigo geronimo    de salazar [rúbrica]    alonso vela thenorio [rúbrica]  juan hernandez   [rúbrica] 16. luis de san lloreynte [rúbrica] 17. Y yo juan de villa franca escribano publico del numero desta dicha ciudad de los angeles por su magestad doy fe que lo suso 18. dicho fiz escrebir e por ende fiz aqui este mio signo   que es a tal 19. juan de villa franca [rúbrica]    [signo] en testimonio de verdad 20. escribano publico 10 9r 1. testamento 2. Yn Dey nomine amen sepan quantos esta carta 3. de testamento vieren como yo thomas 4. de la plaça clerigo presbitero dean

5. que soy en esta santa yglesia cathedral 6. de la ciudad de los angeles obispado de 7. tlaxcala en la nueva españa / natural 8. de la villa de alburquerque en el 9. rreyno de castilla en exttremadura 10. hijo legitimo de diego tomas de la plaça 11. natural de la villa de caceres e 12. de catalina de goes natural de la 13. dicha villa de alburquerque diffuntos 14. que sean en gloria estando enfermo 15. del cuerpo. Y en mi libre juicio, eso y en 16. tendimyento y cumplida memoria 17. tal qual dios nuestro señor fue servido 18. de mie dar y creyendo como firme e 19. verdaderamente creo en el mysterio 20. de la ssantissima ttrenidad Padre hijo 21. y espiritu santo tres personas 22. un solo dios verdadero y en 23. todo aquello que tiene y cree la santa 24. madre yglesia de Roma y the 25. miendome de la muerte que es 26. cossa natural a toda persona biviente 27. e deseando poner mi anima 28. en la mas libre e llana carrera 29. para la llegar a mi señor Jesu 30. Cristo y tomando por my ynter 31. cesora la serenyssima Reyna de los 32. angeles madre de dios y señora nues 33. ttra / que rruegue / a su hijo presioso 34. por mi anima pecadora / la quiera 35. llevar a su santa gloria / para_do[nde]

109v 1. ffue criada, otorogo  e conosco por esta carta 2. que hago e ordeno my testamento en 3. la forma e manera siquiente 4. ¶ Primeramente encomiendo mi anima 5. a dios nuestro senor que la crio E Re 6. dimio por su presiosisima sangre 7. y el cuerpo a la tierra de que fue formado 8. ¶ yten mando que quando ffuere la 9. voluntad de dios nuettro senor de 10. mi llevar de lesta pressente vida mi 11. cuerpo sea enterrado en la yglesia 12. catedral de esta ciudad de los angeles 13. en la sepultera / que como a dean 14. de la dicha yglesia me pertenece 15. ¶ yten mando que acompañen mi cuerpo 16. todos los sacerdotes e capellanes que 17. en esta dicha ciudad se hallaren E pu 18. dieren ser auidos [habidos] y se les pague la 19. lymosna aconstumbrada 20. ¶ yten Mando que mi entierro sea de 21. cabildo conforme al statuto que 22. mis hermanos capitulares de la dicha 23. yglesia tienen hordenado y la myssa 24. sea offrendada de pan vino y cera 25. como se tiene y a thenido de costumbre 26. con los demas capitulares. A cuyos 27. entierros yo me e hallado 28. ¶ yten Mando que el dia de my en 29. terramiento si fuere ora decente 30. para desir mysa la digan todos 31. los sacerdotes que se hallaren

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11 0r 1. en el y si la dixeren a tiempo que lo pue 2. dan hacer salgan con su rresponso a la sepul 3. tura / si esto no huviere lugar por 4. aver sido en la tarde hagase otro dia siguiente 5. con seys tomines de limosna de cada misa 6. ¶ yten Mando se digan por mi anima e 7. por las animas de mis padres pa 8. rientes amigos e bienhechores e per 9. sonas a quien soy en algun cargo cien 10. myssas rresadas / de las quales se cun 11. plan el dia de mi enterramiento todas 12. las que ffuere posible en los monesterios 13. de esta ciudad y las rrestantes se digan 14. en la yglesia mayor de esta ciudad en 15. el altar de la yndulgencia las mas y las 16. que en el dicho altar de la Yndulgencia 17. no se pudieren dezir se digan en otros 18. altares quales quier de la dicha yglesia 19. cuya distribuycion sea a voluntad de 20. mys alvaceas con la limosna acost 21. tumbrada 22. ¶ yten mando a las mandas forsosas 23. e a cada una dellas un tomin de oro 24. comun / con que las aparto de qualquier 25. derecho y action que tengan a mys bienes 26. ¶ yten mando que de mys bienes se den

202  •  The Casa del Deán

27. en limosna al ospital de nuesttra sra 28. abocasion de San Juan de lettran des 29. ta ciudad cinco pesos de oro comun por 30. que my anima goze de las yndulgencias 31. a el concendidas 32. ¶ yten mando en limosna para la cera 33. de la coffradia del santissimo sacra 34. mento desta ciudad que se sirve 11 0 v 1. en la dicha cathedral cinco pesos de oro 2. comun e se paguen de mys bienes 3. [Al margen: Monjas] ¶ yten mando en limosna por dicta 4. men y arbitrio de mi conciencia al 5. monesterio de las monjas de 6. santa catherina de sena de esta ciudad 7. cinquenta pesos de oro comun y se le paguen 8. de mis bienes 9. [Al margen: S Joseph] ¶ yten mando para la obra de la yglesia 10. de san joseph de esta ciudad quarenta pesos 11. de oro commun que se paguen de mys bienes 12. [Al margen: Capilla de concepcion—En otra letra: diose ____ para se paguen al mayordomo della] ¶ yten mando a la capilla de la conception 13. de nuesttra senora questa en la catre 14. dal desta ciudad veynte e quatro pesos 15. de oro comun los dies y ocho porque 16. se los devo y los seys en limosna y se 17. paguen de mis bienes

18. [Al margen: El Carmen] ¶ yten mando al monesterio del carmen 19. de nuesttra senora de los rremedios des 20. ta ciudad en limosna e por dictamen 21. e arbitrio de mi consciencia cinquen 22. ta pesos de oro comun y se paguen de 23. mis bienes 24. [Al margen: La Vera Cruz] ¶ yten mando a la iglesia de la Santa Vera Cruz 25. desta ciudad en limosna cinco pesos 26. de oro comun y se les paguen de mis bienes 27. [Al margen: S. Sebastian] ¶ yten mando a la iglesia de San Sebastian 28. de esta ciudad ottros cinco pesos 29. de oro comun en limosna e se pa 30. guen de mis bienes 31. [Al margen: S. Cosme] ¶ yten mando a la yglesia de san cosme e 32. san damian desta ciudad cinco pesos 33. se paguen de mis bienes 111r 1. [Al margen: Pobres de caridad] ¶ yten mando a los pobres de la 2. caridad desta ciudad cinco pesos 3. de oro comun en limosna 4. [Al margen: Pobres de carcel] ¶ yten mando a los pobres de la carcel 5. otros cinco pesos de oro comun e se paguen 6. de mis bienes 7. [Al margen: Huerffana] ¶ yten mando que se rreserven mil pesos 8. de oro comun para que se den de li 9. mosna / a una huerffana la que les 10. pareciere a mis alvaceas segun 11. mi yntencion y obligacion como los dichos

12. la tienen entendida para ayuda a casa 13. rla o metella monja y estos dichos 14. myll pessos no le sean enttregados 15. hasta tanto que tenga efecto lo uno 16. o lo ottro y en el enttre tanto se ve 17. neffisien a lo seguro para que la dicha 18. huerffana tenga dellos algun apro 19. vechamiento para sus necesidades 20. con el qual se le acuda e si acontece 21. ciere morir la dicha huerffana antes 22. de tomar estado de cassada o 23. monja los dichos myll pesos buel 24. van a el ttonco para que se arrimen 25. e adjudiquen a la capellania 26. de mis cassas prencipales 27. de que adelante se hara mencion 28. mas siendo cassada o monja 29. el dia que tuviere efecto qual 30. quiera de los dos estados se le en 31. ttreguen la posesion e señorio 32. de los dichos myll pessos para que 33. dellos disponga / a su voluntad 34. como cossa propia suya que desde 35. agora por tal se la concedo 36. [Al margen: Ynes de Vega] ¶ yten mando que quatro cientos pesos 37. que ynes de vega me deve / que yo por ella 1 11 v 1. pague a / [tachado]  manuel varela. Que 2. se los avia prestado con que conpro e pago una 3. negra que se dize antona de gregorio rromano 4. que se cobren e se le den a la susodicha huerfana o [la?] 5. propia negra que esta ypotecada a esta deuda 6. como paresce por escritura publica que dello 7. tengo que paso ante diego de barça. escribano de su majestad 8. y asi rescividos los dichos quattro cientos pesos

9. o la negra haga de lo uno o de lo ottro desde 10. luego sin dilacion alguna su voluntad para 11. su servicio e para ayuda a la dote de monja o de 12. cassada lo que mas bien lestuviere e le pareciere 13. como de cossa propia e que por tal se la do[y] 14. y entrego desde luego sin condicion alguna. 15. [en margen: ynes de vega] ¶ yten mando que ottros quattro cientos pesos que 16. ynes de vega me devia / por escritura publica que 17. passo ante toriuio de medíanilla escribano de ottra 18. negra que le vendi en esa quantia que se de 19. zia beattris que no se le pidan porque me 20. la volvio por mala e no los deue que yo resciui 21. la dicha negra e por mia la envie a vender 22. a mexico a antonio martinez caldera que aya 23. gloria / encaminada por manuel varela e la dicha 24. negra se vendio a un clerigo que se dize antonio valien 25. te y en ella se perdieron cien pesos a mi quenta. 26. [en margen: Juana niña] ¶ yten mando a una niña que se dize 27. Juana que la cria Catalina de guz 28. man que dios me la echo en mi cassa 29. por un caso esttraño / dos myll pesos 30. de oro comun para ayuda a su casamiento 31. o para meterse monja quando sea de 32. hedad y hasta entonces no se le den

33. ny enttreguen sino que 34. se echen a censo adjudicados 35. e yncorporados a la suso dicha capella 36. nia de mis casas prencipales 37. de la qual como dicho es ade 38. lante se hara mencion 39. bastante e de los re 40. ditos de los dichos 41. Va testado ynes de. no vale 112r 1. dos myll pesos se vaya proveyendo y susten 2. tando la dicha muchacha hasta hedad de quinze 3. anos o dies y seis que pueda tomar estado 4. de monja o cassada y en tal tiempo y co 5. yuntura para lo uno o Para lo otrose le 6. cunplan los dichos dos myll pesos. Aunque para 7. ello esté totalmente la capellania si 8. menester fuere / y siendo monja paga 9. de su dote / comun / como las demas La rres 10. ta se quede a la capellania para augmen 11. to della / Y si fuere cassada y muriere 12. sin hijos todos los dichos dos myll pesos 13. vuelvan al tronco y se queden para 14. augmento de la dicha capellania / y si 15. tuviere hijos y estos murieren sin pasar 16. adelante la generacion Es mi voluntad 17. que el padre de los tales hijos / no herede / de 18. ellos los dichos dos myll pesos sino que 19. buelvan al ttronco para augmento

Appendix I  • 203

20. de la dicha capellania, Como dicho es 21. y adelante se dira para que estos dineros 22. no vengan en poder ageno sino que los 23. goze su dueno. El mas justifficado como a 24. qui se pretende y debe pretender. 25. ¶ Yten Mando que quando la dicha Juana 26. sea de hedad de dos anos y medio Luego sea 27. quitada a la dicha catalina de guz 28. man y enttregada e puesta devajo 29. del dominio de govierno de mi sobrina 30. dona catalina de espinossa y con ella 31. y en su servicio y compania se crie hasta 32. que tome estado para todo lo qual La dicha 33. Juana tenga y guarde / a la dicha dona catalina 34. La obediencia y rrespecto que a su 35. propia madre deve E puede thener 11 2v 1. que a todo esto la obligo con el derecho e 2. fuerça y rigor que de hija a madre 3. y de madre a hija mas puede y deve 4. valer / y si antes de Poner en estado 5. la dicha muchacha muriere La dicha dona 6. catalina se pida y alcance sea rrecibida 7. en el monesterio de las monjas de 8. Santa Catalina de Sena desta ciudad don 9. de pagando un tanto en cada un ano 10. se crie sin salir de alli hasta que salga 11. para entregalle a su marido o se

204  •  The Casa del Deán

12. quede perpetuamente siendo monja 13. y a la dicha catalina de guzman se le den 14. cien pesos el dia que se le quitare la nina 15. e siempre mys sobrinos le hagan buena 16. amystad porque ella lo meresce e yo 17. se lo devo 18. ¶ deudas que devo 19. ¶ Yten declaro que devo ciento y cinquenta pesos 20. a Juana Munoz hija de canonygo Juan 21. munoz cavallero que aya gloria que 22. pedro rrodriguez cavallero La llevo 23. de esta ciudad a castilla a la villa 24. de alburquerque / en titulo e 25. nombre de su sobrina como lo hera y lo es 26. mando que a su rriesgo se le enbien 27. y si la dicha fuere muerta los ayan y here 28. den sus hijos e si no los tuviere los 29. ayan y hereden los hijos deol dicho pedro rro 30. drigues cavallero y si estos no huuyere 31. los ayan sus herederos e ffaltando 32. herederos se haga e ynstituya de 33. ellos una capellania por el anima 34. de Juan Munoz cavallero y sus 11 3 r 1. diffuntos e se cobre la cedula que 2. dellos hize 3. ¶ Yten declaro que e thenido y tengo quentas co 4. rrientes con Juan Larios beneffisiado que 5. al pressente es de la provincia de acatlan 6. e piaztlan en la misteca baja e hasta 7. oy dia de la fecha y otorgamiento este my testa

8. mento le podre dever dosientos e cin 9. quenta pesos poco mas o menos 10. entrando en ellos una cedula que le hize 11. de mil pesos que me presto / e porque 12. en estas quentas por el poder que 13. tengo genralissimo para cobrancças e 14. gastos / del susodicho / voy Recivien 15. do e pagando casi de ordinario dineros 16. que por el dicho Juan Larios cobro y gasto 17. me rremito a las quentas que con la dicha 18. tengo en my libro a ffojas dies e seis 19. y de alli adelante para que se le 20. paguen de mis bienes Lo que por ellas 21. fuere alacancçado y si no le alcancçare 22. se cobren del dicho que por esta razon 23. y dubda se pondra esta clausula asi 24. mysmo en las deudas que a mi me 25. devieren porque esta en continjencia 26. que pueda ser 27. ¶ Yten declaro que devo ochenta pesos 28. a antonio de menesse hijo del canonigo 29. antonio de santa cruz que aya gloria 30. porque su padre en su testamento 31. le mando ciento de los quales ninguna 32. cossa se le conto al muchacho En los gas 33. tos que con el se hizieron en su cri 34. ança e doctrina porquesto por 35. el amistad del padre / E Por limos 36. na se hazia y solo se le contaron veynte pesos

11 3v 1. que se le compraron de cossas que 2. huvo menester quando asento con don 3. Antonio Velasques de Cuellar 4. para le servir E asi le reste devien 5. do los dichos ochenta pesos por que 6. contra lo rresciuido de los bienes del 7. dicho canonigo santa cruz me descar 8. gue con los dichos cien pesos rreser 9. vandolos E my para dallos al mu 10. chacho en su tiempo E lugar convenyente 11. ¶ Yten declaro que devo otros 12. cien pesos a ottro muchacho hermano 13. del susodicho antonio de menesse 14. por la misma rrazon ya dicha en la 15. clausula antes de esta y digo que 16. a este muchacho no le conosco y que 17. dara rrazon del juan gomes çorita 18. vecino de guajaca e si por ventura El dicho 19. juan gomes con el poder que por ello 20. a thenido huuiere dado de la hazienda 21. del dicho su padre Los cien mesos al dicho 22. muchacho estaran bien dados y en 23. tal casso Los ciento que yo devo e rre 24. serue en mi poder para darselos 25. pues no a de ser pagado dos vezes 26. seran para augmento a la capellania 27. del dicho canonygo como heredera 28. del rremanyente de sus bienes 29. cumplido su testamento a el qual 30. me rremito que era en mi poder 31. con la rrazon de cunplimyento 32. de todas las mandas E par 33. ticularidades en el conthenidas

34. ¶ Yten declaro que juntamente 35. con don juan lopes mellado mi sobrino 36. tome a censo sobre mis cassas y el sobre 114r 1. sus haciendas las que tiene fuera del mayo 2. rasgo dos myll e ttres cientos pesos de los 3. padres dominicos por mano de fray 4. juan carasco los quales eran e fue 5. ron para solo el dicho don juan y a el 6. se le enttregaron para alivio de sus 7. deudas e asi my senora dona maria de 8. san jusepe su madre e dona maria ezguerra 9. su mujer y el dicho don juan se me obli 10. garon todos con sus esquimos y es 11. tancias de vacas que rredimirian 12. el censo e que yo no lastaria cossa 13. alguna lo qual hasta agora no esta ffecho 14. mando que mis albaceas aprieten al 15. dicho don juan e a los demans a que lo 16. rrediman conforme a la escriptura 17. que dello me tienen hecha para que 18. las dichas mis cassas queden livres de 19. esta obligacion / estos heran quattro 20. myll e ttresientos pesos y los dos myll por 21. los quales yo solo me obligue / estan 22. x ya rredimidos y pagado lo corrido como 23. paresce por la escritura chancelada 24. e carta de pago del dicho fray juan

25. carrasco que passo ante marcos Rodriguez 26. escrivano publico que era en my poder 27. y asi rrestan los dos myll e ttrezientos 28. pesos en esta clausula declarados 29. que no estan rredemidos e se deve 30. el censo dellos corrido desde 31. dies E seis de diziemre del ano de 32. ochenta e seis porque hasta alli todo 33. lo attrassado esta pagado 34. ¶ Yten declaro que todas las 35. quentas que con el dicho don juan 36. e thenido de dineros suyos e que 37. ayan enttrado en my poder 38. quedan rresumidas con lo susodicho 39. tachado / pe / no vale. 114v 1. en la clausula proxima antes de esta 2. porque ninguna cossa e rrecivido para 3. mi sino para solo pagar lo que a el to 4. caba con su acuerdo E de todo le tengo 5. dado quenta E ninguna cossa le devo 6. ¶ Yten declaro que devo [tachado: a] nicolas 7. de la parra / las medicinas que me 8. a dado para my persona e negros de 9. poco tiempo a esta parte porque lo 10. attrassado esta pagado mando que se 11. haga la quenta y se le pague lo que jus 12. tamente se le deviere / sin pesadum 13. bre alguna / porque Ultra de develle 14. lo que es suyo se le deve la mytad / y porqua

Appendix I  • 205

15. en lo attrassado ay alguna duda y a yn 16. portunacion de alonso de la parra 17. que aya gloria yo le hize cierta cedula 18. conttra toda my voluntad. Por solo dalle 19. contento / y la amystad grande que 20. con el tenia y tengo con toda su cassa / y esta 21. tienen oy dia conttra mi sin mas ffun 22. damento de rrazon que a que aqueste 23. digo que se le den veynte o ttreynta 24. pesos para quitar dubdas y confusio 25. nes dello attrassado y me rres 26. tituyan mi cedula y me den 27. por libre de todas quentas como 28. es justa rrazon / y enttre amigos cristiana 29. mente se deve hazer 30. ¶ Yten declaro que tengo en my poder 31. muchas escripturas de ynpor 32. tancia que tocan al benefficiado 33. juan larios y a ottras personas 34. mando que todas se vean / E se den 35. a sus duenos con carta de pago 36. de como las rreciven porque 37. en mis cuentas estoy obligado al 38. enttrego dellas

8. conciencia mando que si algunas parescieren 9. en poca / o mucha cantidad con bas 10. tante prueva y rrazon de como son 11. ciertas devidas E por pagar se paguen 12. e no de ottra manera 13. deudas que me deven 14. ¶ declaro que la yglesia y masa de los diesmos 15. della deste obispado asi de cossas atrasadas 16. como corrientes con el tiempo pressente / me de 17. ven todo lo que / por quenta del contador 18. paresciere pertenescerme de todo ge 19. nero de diesmos y divisiones lo qual 20. se rremite a la rrazon que dello el dicho 21. contador dara / que tiene quenta con todo lo 22. que a cada uno se deve y con lo rresciuido e 23. por rrescivir. 24. ¶ Yten declaro que de una escriptura quel 25. canonygo espinosa tiene conttra un Juan 26. Viscaynao y de cierto rresto que deue un 27. geronimo bonyffaz y de otto resto 15 r que 1. ¶ Yten declaro que devo cuarenta y 28. deve diego lopes çapatio que solia 2. cinco pesos de oro comun a una ser comunidad del 29. corredor me pertenescen Los tres 3. pueblo de tilantongo que es en la quin 4. mysteca alta del obispado de 30. tos de todo lo que se cobrare guaxaca 31. ¶ Yten declaro que andres duran y 5. mando que se le paguen su hijo 6. Yten declaro que no me acuerdo 32. gaspar fernandes yndios panaderos dever 33. conocidos me deven mas de quat 7. ottras deudas E por descargo de tro cientos my 34. pesos como parescera por my libro a ho

206  •  The Casa del Deán

35. jas ciento y ochenta de ttrigo de atrisco E 36. Vii 115v 1. de san pablo que an llevado E lle 2. van de mi casa en este ano de ochenta 3. y siete a dies y a doce tomynes hanega 4. porque como van sacando el _____ del 5. dicho trigo Lo an de yr / en pagando / se rre 6. mite la rrazon presisa dello al dicho 7. my libro en el lugar ya citado porque 8. alli se hallara presisamente lo que 9. huvieren llevado y pagado y rrestaren 10. deviendo que aqui no se puede 11. poner mas claridad que esta como esta dicho 12. ¶ Yten declaro que hernando de Chaues 13. e su mujer me deven myll pesos de 14. prencipal que les di a censo sobre 15. las casas de su morada e sobre el moli 16. no y batan que ahora es de pastrana 17. con mas lo corrido que paresciere 18. no aver pagado del dicho censo el qual 19. corre desde el catorze de marzo del 20. de ano de setenta E siete que se hizo 21. la escriptura ante juan de villafranca 22. escribano publico E desde entonces acla 23. Lo que a pagado / es dos anos cumplidos 24. enteramente / por mano de myguel 25. destanga / e dozientos e noven 26. ta pesos quatto tomynes e nueve granos

27. por mano de pasttrana quel con 28. pro el molino y lo hizo batan e 29. dozientos pesos que pago por 30. Exencion que se le hizo aunque ffue 31. excentado en catorze pesos E dos 32. tomynes e tres granos. E por es 33. caparse de las costas ttrazo 34. tacitamente los dichos dozientos 35. pesos y le toco lo que hasta agora 36. a pagado E deve La Resta del lo 37. corrido hasta agora e devera lo que 38. Emendado E van pa / vale

23. los myll pesos por mi y los ottros myll 24. por liceniciado tomas spinosa de la 25. plaça  ffiscal por su majestad en 26. la rreal audiencia de guathemala 27. de los quales dos myll pesos e de 28. ttrenta e cinco pesos dos tomynes 29. mas me tiene ffecha una cedula 30. simple pido que el dicho don juan 31. hagale escriptura publica con dineros 32. pressentes do los dichos dos myll pesos 33. E de todo lo demas que a recibido 11 6r 34. para la seguridad de la dote de la 1. fuere corriendo hasta que se haga 35. dicha my sobrina la 36. ¶ yten declaro que bartolome 2. cobranca que ffacil sera de hazer Rodriguez 3. la quenta a rrazon de catorze myll 37. de ffuenlabrada / deve a censo el pren 4. myllar que son / sesenta e un pesos 38. VIII e 5. tres tomynes y cinco granos en 116v cada 1. cipal quatto cientos e seis pesos 6. un ano 2. de oro comun // con lo corrido 7. yten declaro como ya esta dicho en desde 8. las deudas que devo que podria ser 3. el dia que se hizo la escriptura 9. que el benefficiado Juan de larios 4. e se obligaron el y marta dias de me 5. vargas su mujer / sobre sus 10. deviese dineros e pido que assi prencipales 11. como se an de ver nuestras quen 6. posesiones 12. tas para si le devo y que quantidad 7. yten declaro que alonso duran 13. se vean para si me deve / e si le 8. rregidor desta ciudad deve quinyen deviere 9. tos e quatto pesos de prencipal 14. se lo paguen / y si me deviere se 10. a censo. Sobre las casas de su cobre morada 15. del dicho que con ffacilidad 11. con lo corrido desde el dia que se 16. pagara / con rrazon de lo hizo procedido 12. la escriptura 17. de la mula / que era en su 13. ¶ yten declaro que el canonygo an 18. poder para que la venda 14. tonio de vera me deve ttres sientos 19. ¶ yten declaro que yo tengo pa e 20. gados a don juan lopez mellado my 15. un pesos e dos tomines. E tres sobrino granos 21. dos myll pesos en tostones para la 16. con mas seys cucharas de Plata que 22. dote de dona maria su mujer my 17. hasta agora no se les a puesto presobrina cio los

18. ciento e veynte y cinco pesos de 19. Los susodichos me deve como a heredero 20. de Xil garcia fallecido/ o dona Calderon 21. del rresto de una escriptura/de 22. mayor quantia de un negro que 23. compro del dicho diffunto que aya 24. gloria que coferio a las casas que 25. ttoco con la baçana porque lo 26. demas a cumplimiento desta escrip 27. tura yo lo pague al dicho rraodonna 28. como por las cartas de pago en 29. ella conthenidas paresce e lo 30. cargue a el dicho canonygo en nuesttras 31. quentas particulares e 32. los ciento y setenta e seis pesos 33. dos tomines y ttres granos rrestan 34. tes a cumplimiento desta clausula 35. me los deve por nuesttras 36. quentas comunes / particulares 37. En do un ne / vale 117r 1. mando que no le sea dado pesa 2. dumbre sino que lebremente 3. haga su voluntad 4. ¶ yten declaro que el canonygo pedro gomez 5. de espinossa mi sobrino me deve / myll 6. e quatto cientos pesos largos / de los 7. quales quitados quinyentos e tantos 8. pesos que dize gasto en los dos aposen 9. tos altos que estan enttre la casa 10. de los ochoas E nuesttra sala grande 11. le rruego y encargo que de la rresta 12. eche sete cientos pesos a censo para 13. arrimar a la capillania desta cassa 14. pues el es el segundo que la a de gozar

Appendix I  • 207

15. y le hacer bien para si mysmo e des 16. pues del a de correr por nuestto 17. linaje. 18. ¶ yten declaro que el licenciado tomas 19. de espinossa de la plaça my sobrino 20. ffiscal que al pressente es por su magestad 21. en la rreal audiencia de guatemala 22. me deve quatto cientos pesos 23. e lastado por el en paga que hize 24. a don juan lopes mellado en cum 25. plimiento de los myll pesos que el 26. dicho ffiscal le mando para la dote 27. de dona maria yzguerra y en 28. paga que hice a pedro buzon de algunos 29. ffletes de mar y tierra los quales 30. quatto cientos pesos con ottros 31. setecientos mas le ruego y encargo 32. que pues que puede los de los 33. quatto cientos para ayuda 34. a cumplimiento deste testamento y los 35. setecientos pesos rrestantes para 36. que se echen censos arrimados 11 7v 1. e yncorporados con la capellania des 2. ta cassa prencipal pues a de correr 3. por nuestto linaje / y no queriendo los 4. dichos canonygo espinossa e licenciado 5. su hermano hazerme plazer enesto 6. que les ruego y encargo. digo que no se les 7. de / pesadumbre sino que libremente 8. hagan en todo su voluntad quedan 9. do sola su conciencia por jues de 10. lo que les pido 11. ¶ Yten declaro que ffui ffiador 12. de dona maria de san josephe E de don

208  •  The Casa del Deán

13. juan mi sobrino que entregarian a juan 14. Barranco de la tresquila de este 15. año de ochenta e siete todas las arro 16. vas de lana que montasen quatto 17. myll pesos que les pago adelan 18. tados e que de todo lo que les faltasen 19. de enttregar e le volveria yo su dinero 20. y ultra desto se obligaron los dichos 21. dona maria e don juan su hijo que 22. lo que ffaltasen de enttregar el dicho 23. juan varranco lo pudiese conprar 24. de lanas en qualquiera parte 25. que las hallase e mas gusto le 26. diesse e al prescio que se con 27. certasse el qual si excediesse de 28. nueve tomines arrova a como ellos 29. le thenian vendido le pagarian 30. toda la demassia y que a su quen 31. ta costa e daño fuese la tal conpra 32. digo que pues juan barranco tiene 33. tan seguro su negocio conttra los pren 34. cipales vendedores porque yo 35. no vendi que se ttrate con el que 36. en casso que lo tal subseda 37. si dios me huviere llevado de esta 38. vida no proceda conttra mys bienes. 118 r 1. sino conttra los prencipales deudores 2. con los quales se tenga cuidado de ad 3. vertirlos y animallos a que cunplan 4. enteramente como lo deven con el 5. dicho juan barranco pues les dio 6. adelantados los dichos quatto 7. myll pesos para rremedio de sus deu 8. das e necesidades que en esto

9. se gastaron todos por libranças myas 10. fechas por horden y memorias del 11. dicho don Juan lopez mellado firmado 12. de su nombre como siempre se a hecho 13. en todo 14. ¶ Yten declaro que ffui ffiador jun 15. ttamente con el canonigo espinosa de 16. tomas de la plaça yzguerra que 17. aya gloria hermano de dona Theressa 18. de siete myll pesos que a la dicha su her 19. mana mando quando la cassamos 20. con geronimo peres aparicio y el 21. dicho tomas de la plaça murio sin 22. pagar cossa alguna e vino a quedar 23. la viuda e carga de los dichos siete 24. myll pesos sobre el canonygo es 25. pinossa e sobre mi ygualmente por 26. concierto que sobre hello se hizo aun 27. que estavamos obligados de 28. mancomun con el canonygo antonio 29. de vera por ffiador lo qual se rredujo 30. como tengo dicho por concierto al canony 31. go espinossa y a mi solos cada uno por 32. la mytad de los dichos siete myll pesos 33. y el dicho geronimo peres de los dichos 34. ttres myll e quinyentos pesos que 35. quedaron a mi cargo cobro de mi dos 36. myll e quinyentos quarenta e un 37. pesos e tres tomines como firmado 118v 1. de su nombre en my libro paresce a 2. hojas quarenta e quatto al fin de la primera

3. plana / E del canonygo espinosa qui 4. nyentos pesos e aviendo llegado a este 5. punto con la cobranza murio e des 6. pues de su ffin e muerte la dicha dona 7. Teressa nos hizo rremysion de la rresta 8. a cumplimiento de los dichos siete myll pesos 9. que su hermano le a mandado como dicho es 10. al canonygo de tres myll pesos y a mi de myll 11. aunque no heran sino novecientos 12. cinquenta e ocho pesos e cinco tomines los 13. que conttra mi corrian y en rrazon des 14. ta declaracion digo que lo que yo 15. mande / a la dicha dona Teresa que fue 16. ron myll pesos de mi libre voluntad 17. que de estos ni de ottros muchos mas 18. que gaste en su venida e pague en 19. su cassamyento no ttrato sino que 20. los tengo por bien gastados y dados 21. para que dellos en vida y en muerte 22. disponga a su voluntad mas de 23. los dos myll e quinyentos que e lastado 24. y pagado por su hermano para ella mys 25. ma / digo que no es rrazon que ella 26. me quite a my lo que su propio her 27. mano le devia o le prometio por 28. cassalla / porque no le prometi 29. tal ny fue myntencion y voluntad 30. pagar un tomin mas my mas de 31. los dichos myll pesos lo qual consta 32. por escritura publica que el dicho 33. tomas de la plaça hermano de la 34. dicha dona theresa me hiso ante mar

35. cos rrodrigues escribano de su magestad y al presente 36. publico e del cabildo de que 37. no lastaria cossa alguna de los 38. dichos siete myll pesos y si lo las 39. tase lo pagaria el por su persona e 40. bienes y no enbargante esto el 119r 1. dicho geronimo peres cobro de my 2. contra toda mi voluntad no devien 3. dolo yo los dichos dos myll e quinyentos 4. pesos e conttra toda rrazon porque 5. nos dixo al canonygo espinosa y a mi 6. para hazernos obligar que no 7. pedia / aquella seguridad si no 8. para cumplir con sus deudas porque 9. no dixesen que se las acia a lum 10. bre de pajas e que aun a los ottra 11. ños no solia se hazer mas quanto mas 12. a sus deudas sino lo atacara la muer 13. te llevaua camino de cobrallo todo 14. lo qual considero mexor la dicha 15. dona theresa porque luego que murio 16. el dicho su marido como de cossa que 17. a ella pertenescia hizo rremysion 18. de la rresta como dicho es / y porque 19. yo en lo lastado quede agraviado 20. en dos myll pesos mas que el canonygo 21. espinossa / digo e Resumio que 22. de los dos myll e quinyentos pesos que 23. asi laste se quede la dicha dona teresa 24. con buena conciencia con los quinyen 25. tos de ellos que son ottros tantos 26. como el canonygo espinossa / lasto

27. de los quales pueda disponer 28. a su voluntad como de los myll que 29. libremente le mande e pague e 30. que los dos myll rrestantes le pido 31. rrequiero y encargo ante dios e las 32. gentes que me los buelva e 33. pague e no pueda disponer 34. dellos en vida ni en muerte 35. e si en la vida no los pudiere 36. pagar que en la muerte se acuerde 37. que no son suyos sino ajenos e como 119v 1. tales los reserve e no dis 2. ponga dellos en manera alguna 3. sino que descargue su conciencia 4. e anima e la de su marido gero 5. nimo peres apariscio que le hizo 6. mucho bien e mellos mande 7. rrestituyr porque son mios e como 8. tales los e de aver / e mando que 9. como rremamente de mis bienes se 10. haga dellos lo que hultima 11. mente por este mi testamento 12. quedare determinado e para aug 13. mento de la capellania de mi casa 14. prencipal que a de correr por 15. Nuestto linaje 16. ¶ Yten declaro que alonso martin 17. X po con todos me deve del ano de 18. ochenta e seis proximo pasado 19. la parte que me caue y lo a su cargo 20. pagar de la capellania de Juan 21. de sesar que servimos el ca 22. nonygo antonio de vera e yo el qual 23. Dira lo que es con mas lo corrido 24. deste ano de ochenta e siete 25. Yten declaro que manuel varela 26. Tiene oy dia en su poder myll e 27. dozientos pesos mios poco mas o menos 28. que el dira presisamente lo que es 29. e se estara por su declaracion 30. porque es hombre de conffianca A 31. migo leal y buen cristiano y estoy

Appendix I  • 209

32. satisffecho que dira verdad 33. Tendra cuidado del recoximiento 34. E cobrança deste dinero y acudir 35. con ello a mys alvaceas para que 36. dellos se haga mi voluntad y en 37. tiendo que abra cedula e rrrecaudo 38. deste dinero porque el dicho 12 0r 1. manuel varela me dixo que 2. la queria hazer y lo hara acordandoles 3. y a la cobrança mys alvaceas como con mis 4. vienes 5. ¶ Yten declaro que por tercería del 6. dicho manuel varela—enbie a me 7. xico una negra que se dize beatris 8. a antonio nunes caldera para que 9. la vendiese y el dicho antonio nu 10. nes caldera la vendio a un clerigo 11. de panuco honbre honrrado e pren 12. cipal que se dize antonio valiente 13. en ttrezientos pesos de oro comun 14. del dicho Antonio Valiente le escriuio 15. que esto hera asi verdad e que los 16. pagaria para san Juan cuya carta 17. en que esto se contiene escri 18. ta a manuel varela tengo yo en 19. my escriptorio / y pidio carta de 20. venta mia de confirmacion de 21. la venta que antonio nunez caldera 22. que aya gloria hizo para entera 23. satisffaccion del negocio y este des 24. pacho se le a enviado al dicho 25. antonio valiente a mexico a casa 26. de alvaro rrodriguez de azevedo donde 27. possa / asi que estos trezientos 28. pesos an de venir asi mysmo por 29. mano de manuel varela 30. de lo qual tendrian cuidado mys 31. alvaseas para que al tiempo se 32. cobren ese haga dellos my voluntad 33. ¶ Yten declaro que al presente

210  •  The Casa del Deán

34. no me acuerdo que me devan 35. ottra cossa hasta que vea todos 36. mys papeles los quales vistos 37. y si ottra cossa se ofresciere se pondra A 38. delante 12 0 v 1. Memoria de los bienes que 2. tengo que servira de ynventro 3. ¶ declaro que tengo por bienes mios 4. propios las deudas que me deven 5. que tengo declaradas y mando que 6. lo que dellas se pudiere cobrar se cobre 7. e asegure / en la qual con brevedad se pon 8. ga la deligencia posible para que 9. mas presto se cumpla este my 10. testamento y hultima volun 11. tad. 12. Yten declaro que tengo en esta ciudad 13. de los angeles en la calle que 14. viene de la plaça y va a nuesttra 15. senora de los rremedios unas casas 16. prencipales de mi morada que 17. por la vanda de la plaça confi 18. nan con casas de los ochoas e por 19. las espaldas con casas del canonygo 20. antonio de vera e por las ottras 21. dos partes que rrodean la es 22. quina prencipal de su torre [y] calle 23. rreales 24. ¶ Yten declaro que tengo siete 25. piessas de negros el uno que se dize 26. Juan bran e una negra que se dize 27. beattris de la qual esta ya ffecha 28. mencion que se envio a antonio 29. nunez caldera la vendiese e otto 30. negro que se dize ffrancisco y ottra negra 31. mujer del dicho francisco que se dize

32. Maria y una hija de los dichos 33. que se dize maria de hedad 34. de diez y ocho anos poco mas o 35. menos e ottro hijo de los dichos 36. que se dize diego de hedad de 37. quinze anos poco mas o menos 38. E ottra hija de los dichos que 121r 1. se dize catalina de hedad de doze anos 2. poco mas o menos 3. Yten declaro que tengo al present 4. las piesas de plata siguientes 5. PLATA 6. ¶ un xarro grande con su tapadera 7. piesa costossa de mucha hechura que 8. creo pessa / onze marcos y no a servido 9. ¶ otto xarro de quatto marcos 10. ¶ una ffuente de siete o a ocho marcos 11. ¶ un salero de tres piesas que pesa 12. quatto marcos 13. ¶ una taça de pie alto de tornillo 14. de tres a quattro marcos 15. ¶ una copa dorada con su sobrecapa 16. ¶ tres candeleros grandes 17. de cassi a quatto marcos cada uno 18. ¶ un ffrasco de a siete marcos poco 19. mas o menos de plata 20. ¶ seys platillos de a marco y medio 21. ¶ tres escudillas de a marco y medio 22. ¶ unas tixeras de despavilar de 23. seys onças 24. ¶ una cuchara grande para sacar la co 25. mida en la messa 26. ¶ cinco cucharas chicas rruines e di 27. ferentes 28. ¶ dos açucareros que pesaran cada uno 29. dos marcos poco mas o menos

30. con sus tapaderas agujeradas 31. que el uno sirve de açucar y el otto 32. de chile seco 33. ¶ E asi destas piesas de plata como 34. de las demas no se pone aqui pre 35. sisamente que pesan porque al 36. pressente no lo se sino poco mas 37. o menos segun la noticia que en 38. conffuso dellas tengo quando sea 39. menester el peso dira la verdad y servira

30. ¶ Yten una cama de damasco blanco 31. de la tierra con las goteras e rro 32. dapies labrados de texido de blanco 33. e negro hecha que a servido algun tiempo 34. y a sido lavada 35. Yten veinte e .quatto piernas 36. de una rredesilla de la tierra 37. que dizen salitre para hazer

1 21 v 1. lo dicho para que no se pierdan 2. ¶ Yten declaro que tengo un sello de 3. plata de torno muy buen obrado 4. con su manesulla de marffil y dos tte 5. nedores pequeños 6. ¶ Yten declaro que tengo una mula 7. que conpre de las moneda[s] del chan 8. tre / negra / que costo ciento e qua 9. renta pesos 10. Yten declaro que tengo una cama 11. dorada con su rropa de grana 12. de la tierra sobrecama rodapies 13. e sobremesa / todo guarnecido 14. con rraso e passamanos e fflue___ 15. del mysmo color. 16. Yten dos escritorios uno grande 17. de ataraçea e otto mediano 18. pintado 19. Yten ottra mula que enbie al 20. venefficio de acatlan Juan Larios para 21. que la echase al canpo porque 22. estava torpe de los bracos con co 23. mysion de que en mejorando la 24. vendiese por lo que hallase / Estarse 25. en este casso / por lo que el dicho 26. benefficiado Juan Larios e su her 27. mano martin larios dixeren 28. como ya esta dicho e declarado 29. en otto lugar

122r 1. ottra cama e pavellon 2. ¶ Yten alguna cantidad de cuerpos 3. de libros de latin e rromance 4. de los quales mis alvaceas 5. haran ynventario 6. Yten dos caxones de madera 7. en la sacristia de la catedral el 8. uno sobre el otto y del bajo tiene 9. la llave el sacristan Juan Leones 10. e del alto que es pintado la tengo yo 11. e dentto un calix de plata 12. dorado a trechos y la copa por 13. de dentto y algunos puriffi 14. cadores y amitos de que yo sien 15. pre uso quando digo myssa 16. Yten un / montante y un espada 17. de Juanes de la orta 18. Yten una rromana de tres pilones 19. ¶ Yten un conpas de una sesma de largo e 20. dos chaças con sus canoncillos a los 21. lados 22. ¶ Yten dos sillas de mula con dos gual 23. diapas e guarnisiones duplicadas 24. unas nuevas e ottras ttraydas 25. ¶ cinco caxas una ensayalada e quatro 26. de madera descubierta con sus 27. llaves / E dentto dellas muchas 28. menudencias de ropa blanca 29. de pano rruan de coffre rruan

30. de ffardo y ottras cossas que 31. quedan a disposision de mis al 32. vaceas como adelante se dira 33. ¶ tres sobremesas viejas dos de 34. pano azul de la tierra e una nueva 35. de castilla guarnescida con una 36. valenciana de terciopelo car 37. mesi 38. una cama de pavellon de madera 122v 1. del cerro de chinantla de guajaca 2. ¶ docena e media de sillas de sen 3. tar de las communes de mexico 4. ¶ un rretablo de la concepcion de nues 5. ttra senora que era puesto en 6. my rrrecamara de la torre 7. ¶ un rrosario de corales con la cruz 8. de lo mesmo con los estremos de 9. piedra de sangre 10. ¶ zinco mesas la una grande de tres 11. varas de largo E la ottra de dos E media 12. E las chicas de a vara e media 13. poco mas/ 14. ¶ un monacordio y una vijuela la 15. brada buenas piesas castellanas 16. en sus caxas 17. ¶ rropa de mi vestir de pano y rro 18. pa blanca que no se pone aqui cada 19. cossa por si porque adelante se dira 20. lo que se a de hazer 21. ¶ dos baras e media de paño azul 22. de la tierra 23. ¶ una capa de coro de sarga de seda 24. vieja que a servido muchos anos 25. ¶ una partessana e una alavarda 26. ¶ algunas piedras de yzada y de sangre 27. y ottras enttre las quales ay una 28. muy aventaxada de hechura de 29. una hachuela de los yndios y ottra 30. rredonda de ffigura de cabeza 31. de muerte y esta es de los yn 32. dios de tetela darse a al rracio

Appendix I  • 211

123 v 1. Y asi lo doy a dios que me lo dio para 2. bien de mi anima E de las de mys 3. diffuntos e descargo de mi concien 4. cia e algun rremedio y honra de 12 3r 5. parientes pobres e digo que la 1. ¶ Yten ottras muchas menuden 6. carga de las misas en cada un 2. cias de servicio de my persona E 7. ano sea las que tassado o sabido el de 8. alquiler de las dichas casas vas 3. la cassa E de la cossina de que 9. tare tomando para cada myssa 4. adelante se dira lo que dello haran 10. pesso e medio de oro comun 5. mys alvaceas 11. de limosna como yo desde agora 6. Yten un agnus dei de oro que de 12. para entonces se lo senalo e solo 13. aplico e porque a esta capellania 7. oro tiene de peso segun al presente 14. se a de yr sienpre arrimando e apli 8. paresce siento y ochenta pesos 15. cando rrenta con que se augmente 9. poco mas o menos con su cadena 16. como a my universal heredera y 10. sensilla sin la hechura / que hasta ade 11. agora no se lo que costara / porque 17. lante se dira en la distribucion de 12. no esta acavado. tiene rrescividos 18. bienes y ultima rresolucion deste 13. el platero hasta oy los ciento e 19. testamento / digo que como se ochen 20. fuera aumentando la rrenta se 14. ta pesos E fecho cedula dellos vayan 15. el qual platero se llama diego 21. augmentando la mysas hasta llegar 16. hermosso 22. a una mysa cada dia si la rren 17. Ystituciones de Capellanias 23. ta lo sufriere / E de aqui no se 18. [Capellania] primeramente ordeno 24. pueda pasar sino que si mas rren e ynstituyo 25. ta huviere se rreparta/e añada 19. desde la ora de mi ffin y muerte 26. por limosna a cada missa lo que le 20. para sienpre xamas ad perpe 27. cupiere e sea / lo que fuere rre 21. tuan rrey memorian una cape 28. servando lo que convenga para los 22. llania sobre mys casas prencipa 29. rreparos de la dicha cassa e cuando 23. les susodichas e declaradas las 30. la rrenta llegue a tal fortuna y a 24. quales no puedan ser vendidas 31. bundancia que cada dia se diga una 25. ny enajunadas aunque paresca 32. mysa sera en los domingos de la tri 26. para mejora y aprovechamiento 33. nidad y en los lunes de los animas 27. de su valor porque hellas 34. con ttres oraciones la primera por 28. mismas e lo que valen e valieren 35. my e la segunda deus venis largitor 29. perpetuamente esto todo quiero 36. y la tercera fidelium deus con sus 30. y es mi voluntad que sea de la ca 37. correspondientes en el pro 31. pellania con ymutable y noto 38. ceso de la missa y en los martes 32. ria propiedad y memoria de mis 33. ttravajos y nombre pues estas 12 4 r 34. casas son la mayor parte de 1. sera la missa de todos santos que 35. todo lo que en la peregrinacion des 36. de mi jubentud y vida pude 2. pues de la de las animas que estan adquerir 33. nero Juan de Luxan para que 34. se la de a su dueno porque lo 35. conosce y por aviso suyo se podra 36. llamar al yndio cuya es y darse la 37. a el en su mano

212  •  The Casa del Deán

3. en purgatorio penando se sigue bien 4. la de las que ya estan en el cielo 5. gozando de gloria y en los myercoles 6. del espiritu santo y los jueves 7. del nombre de Jesus / y los vier 8. nes de la cruz y los sabados de la 9. conception de nuesttra senora 10. E con qualquiera de estas mysas 11. se haga conmemoracion del santo 12. sinple e semiduple de aquel dia 13. excepto en la de diffuntos 14. porque no se permite e quando 15. fuere ffiesta duplex digase la mysa 16. della / con / conmemoracion de la 17. votiba para el tal dia aqui señalada 18. e mientras no llegare la rrenta 19. a que cada dia se diga una mysa 20. Diganse las que la rrenta alcan 21. çare / por el horden e dias que 22. aqui van señalados dandole al dia 23. en que la missa se dixere la 24. que al tal dia se le senala y en 25. todas thener consideracion a que 26. se dizen por my e por los bibos e 27. muertos que me tocan e por des 28. cargo de mi conciencia e senalo 29. por ffiestas duplices aunque 30. no lo sean anidiendolas a las que 31. lo son / La de san blas san cosmo e 32. san damian san hilarion / santa 33. lusia e santa apolonia para 34. que estas misas se digan en 35. sus dias con conmemoracion 36. de las votivas susodichas 37. como dicho es y a la yglesia por la 38. cera e vino / y ornamento que a de dar 39. para las dichas misas mando que 124v 1. se le den quatto pesos de limosna 2. en cada un ano por rrazon de una misa 3. cada semana e diziendose dos mysas



4. se le den ocho e diziendose ttres 5. mysas se le den doze / e asi con 6. cada missa quatto pesos mas hasta 7. llegar a veynte e ocho pesos por ano 8. que sera diziendose una missa 9. cada dia que vienen aser siete 10. cada semana que siete vezes quatto 11. son veynte e ocho e de aqui no a de 12. passar por la condicion 13. arriva rreferida / e al patton 14. se le daran en sus prencipios 15. de qualesquiera mysas que 16. se digan seys pesos en cada un 17. ano e quando se digan todas se le 18. daran diez pesos al qual se le encarga 19. el cuidado de que se digan 20. e cunplan y el reparo e 21. mejorar de las dichas casas para 22. la permanencia y perpetuydad 23. de la dicha capellania como el 24. ofysio de patton le obliga e como yo 25. hago e debo hazer la tal conffi 26. ança porque esta es my ynten 27. cion e voluntad 28. [otra cap] Yten ordeno e ynstituyo ottra 29. capellania por el anima de diego 30. de ttuxillo sacerdote que aya 31. gloria e de sus padres pa 32. rientes e bienhechores e descargo 33. de su conciencia con cargo de 34. una missa cada semana para lo 35. senalo myll pesos de prencipal 36. de que ya esta hecha mencion 37. que estan echados a censo 12 5r 1. sobre las casas de hernando de chavez 2. y el molino e batan quel dicho ben 3. dio a pasttrana para que del rredito 4. de los dichos myll pesos se den qua 5. tto pesos a la iglesia en cada un ano

6. por el recaudo que a de dar para 7. las misas de cera ornamento 8. e vino y ottros quatto pesos al 9. patton e la rresta la aya e lleve 10. el capellan enteramente 11. con la obligacion susodicha de 12. una missa en cada semana 13. ¶ Yten por el poder que tengo del 14. canonygo antonio de santa cruz que 15. aya gloria como consta e paresce por su 16. testamento ordeno ffundo e 17. ynstituyo la capellania de que 18. alli se hace mencion por el anima 19. del dicho canonygo y de sus pa 20. dres parientes e bienhechores e 21. descargo de su conciencia con cargo 22. de una missa cada semana para 23. lo qual senalo nueve cientos e 24. dies pesos de prencipal de 25. que ya esta hecha mencion que los qui 26. nyentos e quatto pesos dellos 27. estan echados a censo sobre las casas 28. de alonso duran rregidor de esta 29. ciudad e los quatto cientos e seis 30. pesos rrestantes a cumplimiento de 31. los dichos nove cientos e dies pesos es 32. tan echados a censo sobre el batan 33. e hacienda de bartolome Miguel 34. ffuenlabrada para que del 35. rredito de los dichos nove cien 36. tos e dies pesos se den quatto 37. pesos a la iglesia por el recaudo 38. que a de dar para las misas / de 39. cera ornamento y vino y ottros 125v 1. quatto pesos al patrron e la rres 2. ta la aya e lleve el capellan 3. enteramente / con la obligacion 4. susodicha e carga de una mysa en 5. cada semana perpetuamente

6. nombramiento de capellanes y patrones 7. para la capellania primera de mis casas 8. Nombro por patton e capellan 9. a dona catalina de espinossa mi sobrina 10. con libertad que las missas de la dicha 11. capellania las pueda mandar dezir 12. a çaserdotes virtuossos que a ella 13. le paresciere dandoles la limosna 14. acostumbrada / e quedandose ella 15. con la rresta e despues de los dichos 16. de la dicha dona catalina my sobrina 17. si fuere bibo el canonygo espinossa 18. su hermano y mi sobrino sea pattron 19. e capellan para mandar dezir las 20. mysas con la mysma libertad que la 21. dicha dona catalina su hermana e 22. por ffin e muerte del dicho canonygo 23. pedro gomes de espinosa subseda e 24. sea pattron e capellan de la dicha 25. capellania el licenciado tomas de 26. espinosa de la plaça que al presen 27. te es ffiscal de su majestad en la rreal 28. audiencia de guatemala e por 29. ffin e muerte del dicho ffiscal sea 30. pattron y capellan dona Juana 31. de escobar muger de don antonio 32. Velasques de cuellar e por 33. ffin e muerte de la dicha dona Juana 34. sea dona theresa Izguerra patron 35. e capellan / muger que ffue de geroni 36. mo perez aparisio e por ffin e muerte 37. de la dicha dona theresa sea patron 38. e capellan dona Maria Ezguerra 39. su hermana muger de don Juan

Appendix I  • 213

12 6r 1. Lopez Mellado los quales por este horden 2. vayan subcediendo en el dicho patto 3. nasgo e capellania e manden dezir 4. las mysas con la libertad susodicha 5. las quales se digan / en la cathedral des 6. ta ciudad donde mi cuerpo a de ser 7. enterrado porque en todo es esta 8. my voluntad e con estas condiciones 9. ynstituyo ordeno y fundo la dicha 10. capellania e despues de los 11. dichos a los quales todos senalo 12. por parientes en ygual grado 13. corra la capellania por sus subse 14. sores sin differencia alguna e aviendo 15. varones seran sienpre preferidos 16. a las henbras. faltando varones 17. corra por las mugeres y en los varo 18. nes en ygual grado / sean preffe 19. ridos los sacerdotes y en los sacer 20. dotes sean preferidos los mas aviles 21. y virtuossos y en avilidad sin 22. virtud y virtud sin abilidad sea pre 23. fferida la virtud aviendo satis 24. ffacion de lo uno y de lo ottro en lo 25. qual no aya pleitos sino deter 26. minacion de tres hombres de sien 27. cia e consiencia que para ello se se 28. ñalen e lo mismo se entienda con 29. las mugeres / si en ellas subsce 30. diere en lo tocante a vicio y virtud 31. ¶ y asi mismo es mi voluntad que 32. agora sean varones o henbras los 33. subcesores que quando en ygual 34. grado huviere opositores que seteris [caeteris] 35. paribus o quien huviere usado de 36. este apellido plaça sea preffe 37. rido e quien subcediere no avien 38. do lo ussado que desde el dia 39. que tomare la posescion e subcesion

214  •  The Casa del Deán

126 v 1. Lo usse su pena de perdella 2. y que quede vaca para que passe 3. adelante e se de a un nino o nina 4. rresin nacidos y en tal casso el pa 5. dre o madre tutor o pariente 6. mas cercano de conffiança sea 7. pattron o capellan como dicho es 8. por via de ministerio y tutoria 9. hasta que el nino o nina tengan hedad 10. e dicrecion para hazerlo por 11. sus personas / e si lo que dios 12. no permita se quebrase el hilo de 13. la generacion y ffaltase succeso 14. res por linea rrecta ligitimos 15. de legitimo mattrimonio de to 16. dos los aqui declarados es my volun 17. tad quel dean e cabildo desta 18. cathedral de tlaxcala sea 19. capellan e patton desta ca 20. pellania e digan las mysas 21. por su rrueda rresadas / a la ora de 22. prima con un rresponso a la sali 23. da del altar asi mysmo rresado 24. por el propio capitular celebrante 25. e las tres oraciones de que 26. se avissa en la missa de diffun 27. tos ya senalada para los 28. lunes e con lymosna ygual para 29. todos e con cargo de un ani 30. versario en cada un ano dia de 31. santo tomas apostol despues 32. de sus segundas visperas—la 33. vixilia y el dia siguiente la missa 34. y si ffuere domingo se quede para 35. el lunes y pido e Requiero 36. ante dios a los dichos capitulares 37. que pues se juntan a ley por 38. abogados yntercesores y sufraxio 12 7 r 1. de animas para con dios que es 2. ten con la atencion e devocion 3. que tal minysterio e conffiança que 4. de sus mercedes se haze les obliga

5. para que ninguno ffalte mando se 6. dividan el propio dia del aniversario 7. enttre los que a el se hallacen cin 8. quenta pesos de oro comun sin 9. diminuycion de las missas que se 10. podrian dezir e dirian entrando 11. los dichos cinquenta pesos sin quitaselos 12. de la paga e distribuycion 13. dellas al modo de los cien pesos 14. que se dan e dividen en los may 15. tines de navidad y rresurrection 16. que solo se dan porque todos acu 17. dan a ellos y no por esso ay dimi 18. nuycion en las missas conven 19. tuales y officios de todo el ano 20. y asi la division de estos cinquen 21. ta pesos se a de hacer enttre los 22. pressentes / Al aniversario no 23. por erection ni por numero 24. de personas sino por las misas 25. que cada uno en aquel ano huuiere 26. dicho pues es limosna dellas y es 27. to sera lo que perderan los ausentes 28. y si por esta rrazon se desgustaren 29. e fueren de acuerdo de no decir 30. el aniversario mando que los 31. dichos cinquenta pesos sean qui 32. tados de la dicha capellania 33. y se den a los padres carmelitos 34. para que me digan cien mysas 35. en cada un ano—e adquerido 36. y poseydo el dicho pattronazgo 37. e capellania por los dichos 127v 1. dean e cabildo se entiendan o ser 2. perpetuo sino por el tiempo huuiere 3. delante de subcesor por linea rrecta 4. [tachado: el qual sie] / de legitimo mattrimonio 5. el qual siendo avido e theniendo 6. del noticia luego se le rreserve e guar

7. de su derecho e posesion do quiera 8. que eatuviere como sea en esse rreyno 9. de esta nueva españa / e porque 10. las condiciones e ynclinaciones cos 11. tumbres e conciencias de los honbres 12. son differentes y dubdosas y en 13. mandar dezir las misas los cape 14. llanes e pattones fuera del dean 15. e cabildo podrian thener descuydo 16. no aviendo obligacion / a que conste como 17. se dizen / y los dichos dean e cabildo 18. tienen derecho al dicho pattronazgo 19. e capellania y es cossa posible venir 20. a su poder perpetuamenthe ese 21. pido y encargo e doy poder desde 22. agora para sienpre jamas que 23. pidan quenta a los capellanes e 24. pattrones de como las mysas se 25. dizen e se satisffagan dello y 26. los dichos capellanes y patrones obligo 27. a que se la den / y sea visto los 28. dichos capellanes e pattrones auer 29. cumplido con dar cartas de pago 30. de los sacerdotes a quien huvieren 31. mandado decir las mysas 32. y esta quenta quiero y es mi vo 33. luntad que los dichos mys patto 34. nes e capellanes tengan cuidado 35. de dalla e la den en cada un 36. ano a los dichos dean e cabildo 37. sin que se la pidan e si fuere tal 38. su descuido que esten dos anos con 39. tinuados e yntepolados sin dalla 40. tachado el qual sie no vale/ 12 8r 1. mando que por ottras tantos pierdan 2. la dicha capellania e pattonazgo e lo ha

3. zen e sirvan los dichos dean e cabildo 4. como esta dicho e declarado—E cumplidos 5. los dichos dos anos se la buelvan a los dichos 6. mys pattones y capellanes quedando 7. subjetos a la mysma pena tantas 8. quantas vezes se descuydaren E 9. cayeren en ella / y si venido el dicho 10. pattonazgo y capellania a ser poseydo 11. de los dichos dean e cabildo agora sea 12. por tienpo yntierpolado o perpetuamente 13. por ffalta de subcesor y quisieren por 14. rrespetos e amistades de los senores 15. obispos rremitir su derecho e servicio 16. de la dicha capellania para dalla 17. a algun pariente / pribado o criado 18. destas e tales obispos ora sea 19. o no sea / capitular la tal persona / mando 20. que el capitular o capitulares 21. que ffueren de tal boto pierdan 22. la dicha capellania e que de ese 23. conffirme e sea de solos los demas 24. como sea la mayor parte del cabildo 25. para que por cabildo se sirva e no 26. siendo asi mando que la dicha capella 27. nia se page e de / a los padres 28. carmelitas en la casa de nues 29. ttra senora de los rremedios des 30. ta ciudad con las condisiones suso 31. dichas / y si carmelitas no acepta 32. ren se de a dominicos y si no / domi 33. nicos a franciscos / e si no 34. franciscos los agustinos hasta hallar

35. quien acepte guardando este orden 36. preffixiendo sienpre los preceden 37. tes a los subsequentes 38. ¶ En la capellania que ordeno 128v 1. y ffundo e ynstituyo por diego de ttuxillo 2. como en la mia susodicha / nombro 3. pattron a el canonygo espinossa 4. e a los demas subcesores por el mys 5. mo horden hasta venir a parar en el 6. dean e cabildo desta santa yglesia o rreli 7. giossos susodichos en la clausula proxi 8. ma antes desta / e por capellan nonbro 9. asi mysmo al dicho canonygo espinosa / e des 10. pues del a los sacerdotes que por 11. linea rreta fueren sucediendo de 12. mi linaje de las personas e con 13. las condiciones que en la susodicha 14. clausula van declaradas hasta lle 15. gar al dean e cabildo e rreligiosos 16. con declaracion y ecebcion que en 17. qual quiera tienpo que huviere pa 18. rientes de diego de ttuxillo dentto 19. de tercero grado que en esta ciudad 20. rresida se le de la dicha capellania 21. para que la sirva en esta yglesia e 22. si este [?] pariente hisiere ausencia 23. que no por eso la pierda sino que 24. cada e quando que buelva se le de 25. y enttre tanto el patton ya dicho 26. nonbre el sacerdote que a el le pares 27. ciere para que la sirva o la tome 28. el dicho patton a su cargo para ser 29. villa siendo sacerdote / e si en algun 30. tienpo se offresciere quererse 31. ordenar algun pariente del dicho

Appendix I  • 215

32. diego de ttuxillo en el grado 33. susodicho no estando la capellania 34. ocupada / con otto pariente que 35. con el susodicho titulo e condicion 36. la possea // que el dicho ordenante 37. se peda ordenar y ordene 38. a titulo della / y se le de y entregue 39. en siendo de misa con las condisio 40. nes susodichas

11. sino servirse dellos en memoria mia 12. y quando ffaltasen los subcesores le 13. gitimos por linea rreta en tal 14. caso se vendan para augmento a la dicha 15. capellania y asi mysmo los caxones e 16. calix que estan en la sacristia 17. no se vendan sino que el canonygo 12 9r es 1. ¶ Yten la capellania que hordeno 18. pinossa por sus dias los huze e se fundo 19. sirva dellos e despues de sus 2. e ystituyo por el canonygo antonio 20. dias se vendan para augmento de 21. de la dicha capellania y las rropas 3. santa cruz segun por el testamento 22. de mi vestir de pano raja 4. paresce era nombrado patton seda—lienzo 5. por el dicho diffinito que es el dean 23. y de ottra qualquier manera y de cabildo libros 6. despues de mis dias y asi para 24. e menudencias de servycio de entonces 25. my persona cassa e cossina / se 7. ny en pattonazgo ni en capellan no quede tengo 26. al arbittrio y dispusision del 8. que ttratar porque el cabildo hara canonygo lo que 27. Antonio de Vera y de dona catalina 9. le paresciere / mas agora myentras 28. de espinosa e del canonygo espi yo bibo 29. nossa / para que las cossas de estas 10. desde la hecha deste mi testamento 30. que ffueren de provecho para cun 129 v e 31. plimyento deste my testamento 11. antes muchos dias ques desde que 1. que esta en poder de diego her 32. e ultima voluntad y augmento de la 12. se echaron a censo los dineros de la 33. dicha capellania con todo lo demas moso platero 13. dicha capellania digo e tengo 2. con su cadena y el rrosario de 34. ques dicho e lo que mas paresciere nombrado corales ser mio 14. y si es necesario agora de nuevo 3. que estas dos piesas quiero y y es 35. y pertenescerme en qualquier justa nonbro por mi manera 15. capellan al susodicho canonygo 4. voluntad que se den a dona 36. se venda e de toda la quantia que espi catalina dello 16. nossa para que la sirva e sea a su 5. de espinosa mi sobrina pattrona pri 37. se hiziere se vaya cunpliendo e cun cargo 6. mera e susesora de la dicha 38. pla todo lo dicho e determinado 17. perpetuamente desde el dia que se capellania que 18. ynpusieron los novecientos e dies 7. e despues della corran las dichas 39. se haga e si ffaltare alguna cossa 19. pesos a censo rreferidos en las 8. piesas por los pattrones e subce para el causulas 9. sores que subcedieren sin que 40. cumplimiento dello que lo vayan 20. de la ynstitucion desta cape ninguno quitando 21. llania con las condiciones propias 10. las pueda enasenar ttocar ny 22. de la susodicha capellania de diego vender

216  •  The Casa del Deán

23. de ttuxillo para con los parientes 24. del dicho canonygo santa cruz si 25. vinyeren en algun tienpo a rresidir 26. en esta ciudad que sean preferidos 27. e se les guarde su derecho como dicho es 28. ¶ Distribuycion de Bienes y Refformacion de Algunas Cosas 29. Yten mando que cobradas todas las deudas suso 30. dichas ante todas cossas se pague lo 31. que debo y de lo rrestante se vaya cun 32. pliendo por su horden todo lo attras 33. escripto e contado en este my testamento 34. hasta lo que la tal cobrança e coantia pu 35. diere alcançar y asi mysmo se bendan 36. los dichos mys bienes ecepto las casas 37. de la capellania que como ya esta dicho 38. no se an de vender y ecepto el agnus dei

13 0r 1. de las mandas proporcionadamente porque 2. de las deudas no a lugar de quitarse 3. cossa alguna e si sobrare algo cumplido 4. lo susodicho sea todo para augmento de la 5. dicha capellania de mis casas e luego se 6. eche a censo sobre buenas e seguras po 7. sesiones e se yncorpore en la capellania 8. con perpetuidad quenta e rrazon para 9. todo lo advertido en las clausulas 10. dello ttratan e lo mysmo se hara 11. de todo lo que ffuere cayendo y bacando 12. por rremanente de mis bienes como 13. en las dichas clausulas esta dicho 14. que todo y de todo quiero y es my voluntad 15. que la dicha capellania sea universal 16. heredera / para la qual ultra de los 17. subcesores que tengo nombrados señalo 18. a los hijos legitimos e de legitimo mattri 19. monio de dona catalina Ezguerra 20. que esta en españa hermana ligitima 21. de dona theresa y de dona maria ques 22. tan aca / a los quales si los huviere ya 23. portaren a esta tierra los llamo a la 24. subcesion de la dicha capellania en el 25. mismo lugar e parentesco de los hijos 26. de mis sobrinos que aca estan porque 27. todos son mis sobrinos en ygual grado.

28. ¶ Asi mysmo porque en las dos clausulas 29. que rruego y encargo al canonygo espinosa añada 30. a esta capellania sete cientos pesos 31. y al licenciado espinossa que ultra de los 32. quatto cientos pesos alli conthenidos 33. que son para el cumplimiento de este testa 34. mento añada ottos sete cientos pesos 35. como al canonygo su hermano para que los 36. unos e los ottros se echen a censo e yn 37. corporen perpetuamente en la capellania 38. se lo pido en las dichas clausulas con tanto 39. rrespeto e comedimyento como si no me los 40. deviesen digo e declaro en este lugar que 41. ne les pido su hazienda sino la mia e que 42. no la pido para mi sino para ellos pues 130v 1. dona catalina y el canonygo espinosa son 2. los primeros que lo an de gozar y para que 3. este suffragio de los muertos y onor de los 4. vivos de nuestto linaje, quede mas yllus 5. trado e mejorado y estimado a lo qual pido 6. que se tenga la consideracion y rrespeto 7. que tan buena ytencion e pretencion 8. obliga a todos los que les toca / y si los dichos

9. canonygo espinosa e licenciado plaça me 10. nospresciaren mi ruego e deritto de 11. dos anos no lo huuieren cumplido con la fir 12. meza propiedad e perpetuidad que a la cape 13. llania conviene y esta dicha en esta clausula y en 14. las demas que della se ttratan seran con 15. rrazon jusgados por yndignos de la sub 16. cesion de la capellania. E yo por 17. talle les juzgo y desde agora los doy 18. por excluydos della / a ellos y a sus 19. subcesores si no cumplieren mi voluntad 20. e rruego como aqui se contiene ultra de 21. que ante dios no les perdono lo que asi 22. me deven sino que perpetuamente 23. los dexo obligados a que me lo paguen 24. para que dello se haga my voluntad 25. e lo mysmo se entienda de doña the 26. resa si se attreuiere conttra su conciencia 27. e anima a no pagar me los dos myll pesos en 28. su clausula declarados que no se 29. los perdono ante dios y que per 30. petuamente la dexo obligada a que me 31. los pague para que dellos se haga my 32. voluntad e no lo haziendo ultra de 33. lo susodicho la doy por exluyda a ella y a 34. sus subcesores como a los dos arriva 35. dichos de la subcesion del dicho patto 36. nazgo e capellania y aunque yo

Appendix I  • 217

37. entiendo dellos que sin este rrigor 38. me hizieran este plazer e dieran contento 39. en ottras mayores cossas aunque 40. fueran de muy mayor difficuldad usso 41. del dicho rrigor y lo declaro con yndusttria 1 31 r 1. porque me paresce convenyente para que 2. con mas cuidado deligencia e seguridad 3. se ponga en effeto mi justa pretencion 4. porque las hultimas determinacio 5. nes de la vida que se cierran e con 6. cluyen con la muerte no conviene quedar 7. dubdosas ny sujetas a discuidos tibiezas 8. dilaciones mudanças o voluntad en 9. conttrario como en los bibos lo podria aver 10. pues ninguno es tan justificado que se es 11. cape de estas ocasiones 12. Albaceas  E para cunplir e pagar este mi testamento 13. E las mandas e causas en el conthenidos 14. dexo e nombro por mis alvaceas e 15. testamentarios al canonygo antonio 16. de vera e al canonygo pedro gomes des 17. pinosa e al rracionero Juan de lu 18. xan e a juan larios benefficiado de aca 19. tlan e piaztla e a todos quattro e 20. a cada uno ynsolidun doy poder 21. cunplido tal qual de derecho se requiere 22. para que entren en mis bienes e 23. tomen tanta parte dellos que fuere 24. menescer / e los vendan e rre

218  •  The Casa del Deán

25. maten en publica almoneda 26. o ffuera della y cunplan e pa 27. gen este dicho my testamento e tal 28. qual ellos lo hizieren por mi anima 29. tal depare dios nuesttro senor 30. quien por las suyas lo haga / e por 31. que muchas de las cossas deste 32. my testamento son de tal calidad 33. que en muy largos tienpos venidos 34. tienen nescesidad de quien le 35. duela e vuelua por ellas quiero 36. y es my voluntad que el dicho albace 37. azgo no tenga limite de tienpo se 38. nalado sino que ualga y sea por las 39. vidas de los que quedan senalados 13 1 v 1. por tales albaceas para que 2. en todo tienpo acudan a lo que convenga 3. e se offreciere / y para que con mas _____ 4. e cuidado se guarda e cunpla todo lo en 5. este my testamento conthenido sin que aya 6. descuydo quiero que despues de 7. my ffallecimiento los dichos mys alvaceas saquen 8. treslado del y lo tengan en su poder 9. y ottro treslado autorizado se ponga y esté 10. de manyfiesto a la continua en el 11. cabildo de la catedral desta ciudad en 12. poder del secretario y en el archibo don 13. de eran los papeles de la yglesia y 14. otto treslado tenga en su poder 15. el dicho canonygo antonio de vera // e 16. porque con quien mas ffamyliarmente 17. e comunicado mi conciencia e mas saue 18. della / es el canonygo antonio

19. de vera pido rruego y encargo a los 20. demas albaceas tengan y estimen 21. en mucho su parescer porque 22. ulttra / de que entiendo sera con 23. fforme a mi voluntad tengole por tan 24. celoso de acertar e amigo de xtiani 25. dad e rrazon que merescera se le tenga 26. este rrespeto al qual asymysmo por 27. todo lo dicho nombro y senalo por 28. particular tutor de la susodicha 29. nina Juana para en todas sus 30. ocasiones hasta tomar estado. 31. E cumplido e pagado este dicho my 32. testamento e las mandas e clausu 33. las en el conthenidas de todo el rre 34. manente que quedare e fincare de 35. todos mys bienes derechos y actiones 36. dexo e nombro por mi heredera 37. universal a la dicha mi capellania 132r 1. para que haya y herede todos los dichos mys 2. bienes e se cunpla e guarde mi voluntad 3. como dicho es _________ 4. E por esta carta rreboco y anulo y doy 5. por ningunos e de ningund iffeto en acer 6. todos e qualesquier testamentos mandas 7. e cobdicilios que yo haya fecho e ortogado 8. por escripto e por palabra / o en ottra 9. manera alguna antes deste para que 10. no valgan ni haganse e salvo este que al 11. pressente hago y otorgo el qual quiero 12. valga por mi testamento e por mi 13. cobdicilio y en aquella via e forma

14. que de derecho mejor aya lugar / en testi 15. monio de lo qual lo otorgue / ante el 16. escrivano e testigos conthenidos por de fuera 17. porque esté el testamento cerrado e den 18. tto del no a de yr sino sola my firma 19. la qual quiero que valga como este 20. testamento ffuera avierto con escri 21. vano e testigos pressentes a todo lo en el 22. conthenido ques ffecho para my 23. en lo secreto e cerrado en veynte 24. e ocho dias del mes de mayo de myl 25. e quinyentos e ochenta y siete anos 26. y para por de ffuera / el dia que 27. parescera por la fecha / e testimonio 28. escriuano a la qual me rre 29. mito; 30. dean de tlaxcala 31. Va escripto en veynte e tres hojas de papel enteras de la letra 32. Y esta plana 33. Signature 13 2v 1. Ynventario de los Bienes de 2. el Dean don Tomas de la Plaça 13 3r 1. Ynbentario de los bienes que quedaron por 2. fin e muerte de don tomas de la plaza 3. dean que fue de la Cathedral de tlaxcala 4. fecho por my el canonygo pedro gomez 5. de espinosa como su albasea y tes 6. tamentario y ba cierto 7. e verdadero a todo my saber 8. y entender y si otra cosa binyere

9. a my noticia lo dare por menoria e 10. manefestare cada que a my noticia benyere 11. ¶ Primeramente las casas de su morada que son en esta ciudad en esquina 12. linde con casas de el canonygo antonio garcia y por otra parte casas del canonygo 13. bera 14. ¶ Yten siete pieças de esclabos llamados Francisco y maria su mujer y tres 15. hijos suyos llamados maria catalina y diego y juan bran y beatriz 16. la qual esta bendida en mexico en trez cientos pesos y no se an pagado 17. Plata 18. ¶ Yten un jarro grande con su tapadera de plata 19. ¶ Yten otra jarra de plata comun 20. ¶ Yten una fuente de plata 21. ¶ Yten un salero de plata de tres pieças 22. ¶ Yten una taça de pie alta de plata 23. ¶ Yten una copa dorada con su sobre copa 24. ¶ Yten tres candeleros grandes de plata 25. ¶ Yten un frasco de plata 26. ¶ Yten  seis platillos de plata 27. ¶ Yten tres escudillas de plata 28. ¶ Yten unas tijeras de despabilar de plata 29. ¶ Yten una cuchara grande y tres pequenas de plata 30. ¶ Yten dos açucareros de plata 31. ¶ Yten un sello de plata 32. ¶ _____ 133v 1. ¶ Yten  una mula negra 2. ¶ Yten una cama dorada con sus cortinas de grana de la 3. tierra y sin rrodapies sobre cama 4. ¶ Yten dos escritorios el uno de ataraçea e otro pintado

5. ¶ Yten otra mula negra que esta en el partido de juan la 6. rios 7. ¶ Yten  una cama de algodon adamascada 8. ¶ Yten beinte y dos piernas de mantas de algodon para 9. cama de rredecilla que se dize caliztle 10. ¶ Yten dos caxones de madera que estan en la sacristia que 11. dexa el uso dellos al canonigo espinosa 12. ¶ Yten un caliz de plata dorada a trechos con algunos purifica 13. dores y admitos que tambien deja el uso dellos al dicho canonygo 14. ¶ Yten un montante y una espada 15. ¶ Yten una rromana con tres pilones 16. ¶ Yten un conpas 17. ¶ Yten cinco caxas de madera la una ensayalada con sus llabes 18. ¶ Yten tres sobre mesas una azul y dos coloradas 19. ¶ Yten una cama de madera pequena de cedro 20. ¶ Yten catorze sillas comunes de mexico 21. ¶ Yten un retablo de nuestra senora de la conçicion 22. ¶ Yten un rrosario de corales 23. ¶ Yten cinco mesas la una grande y las demas pequenas 24. y medianas 25. ¶ Yten un monacordio 26. ¶ Yten una bijuela 27. ¶ Yten dos baras y media de pano azul de la tierra 28. ¶ Yten una capa de coro de sarga de seda bieja 29. ¶ Yten una partesana y una alabarda 30. ¶ Yten un anus dey de oro con su cadena 31. ¶ Yten una alfonbra pequena de quinze palmos 32. ¶ Yten una ante puerta de figuras.

Appendix I  • 219

13 4r 1. ¶ Yten un tapis que sirbio de antepuerta 2. ¶ Yten la mayor parte el açucar que le dividieron de lo de 3. Oriçaba 4. ¶ Yten una pipa de vino lleno 5. ¶ Yten quatro panos de corte biejos que estan en poder del rraçio 6. nero Juan de Luxan 7. ¶ Yten tres guadamecis biejos que estan en poder del dicho rraçionero 8. Libros ¶ Yten un libro yntitulado calipino 9. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado salmos nim capateribus 10. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado evelidis 11. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado espejo de conciencia en rromance 12. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado diccionarion 13. ¶ Yten dos brebiarios e un divinio 14. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado alegorica 15. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado suma sibe aurea 16. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado suma sacramentorun eclesi 17. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado aritmetica practica 18. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado aristotilis 19. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado al principio de canones 20. ¶ Yten otro libro tratado brebe de emotomia 21. ¶ Yten otro libro tratatus çacerdotalis 22. ¶ Yten otro libro de causas matrimonialis 23. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado de catalobos 24. del arçobispo baldes 25. ¶ Yten otro libro memorial aprobados y rreprobados por la santa

220  •  The Casa del Deán

26. ynquision 27. ¶ Yten un libro de canto 28. ¶ Yten un libro tratado de matematicas 29. ¶ Yten otro libro tratado de jumetria y especulativa 30. ¶ Yten otro libro diccionario eclesiastico 31. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado hetica de aristotiles 32. ¶ Yten otro libro yntitulado copia de acentos 33. ¶ Yten una declaracion de una carta de nabegar

16. deste obispado ansi de cosas atrasadas como corrientes con el tien 17. po presente lo que parecera y pareciere por los dibisiones y quenta 18. del contador de la santa yglesia que le pertenece de sus prebenda 19. de todos los diezmos y otras cosas 20. ¶ Yten deve pedro bizcaino ciento y beinte y cinco pesos de oro comun que esta 21. obligado al canonygo espinosa de plazo pasado el qual quebro su credito 22. y se huyo y ausento y desta deuda 134 v si se cobrare u paereciere en algun 1. ¶ Yten un manteo y sotana de rraza 23. tienpo le pertenece al dicho difcasi nuebos y su saja de copro funto tres quintos della 2. pio 24. ¶ Yten debe diego lopez çapatero 3. ¶ Yten tres sotanas y dos manteos diffunto y sus bienes y heredores traidos trein 4. ¶ Yten una taca de pano negro 25. ta y cinco pesos de rresto de una guarnecida de terciopelo escritura questa en poder del 5. ¶ Yten un herruero traido de pano 26. canonygo espinosa de la qual negro pertenece tres quintos de lo que se 6. ¶ Yten unos calcones gregescos cobrare nuebos 27. la qual es dita perdida 7. ¶ Yten dos jubones de olanda 28. ¶ Yten dixo que el dicho difunto 8. ¶ Yten debe al dicho diffunto el declara por su testamento que canonygo francisco de rreinoso 29. el licenciado tomas de espinosa fiscal de su magistad en su rreal trez cientos 9. y quarenta y tantos pesos por audien deuda de plazo por cumplir 30. cia de guatimala declara que le 10. ¶ Yten le debe hernando de chabes debe cuatro cientos pesos declaro y dona maria de oliberos su mujer 31. los por bienes de lo dicho diffunto 11. ochenta y cinco pesos y quatro to- 32. ¶ Yten ynbentario por bienes del dicho diffunto mill y duzientos mines de lo corrido del censo que pesos con 12. tra ellos tiene los catorze pesos y 33. que dize por clausula de su testaun tomin de rresto de una xecumento tener en poder de 34. manuel barela de lo qual no ay rrecion de 13. duzientos catorze pesos y las setencaudo ninguno ta y un pesos y tres tomines de lo 135r corrido de 14. un ano ques todo lo dicho. 1. ¶ Yten ynbentario por bienes 15. ¶ Yten le debe la santa yglesia y del dicho diffunto duzientos y masa de los diezmos generales cinquenta pesos

2. que declara por un codicio que hizo ante Juan de Villafranca escribano publico 3. en diez y ocho del mes de junio pasado deste ano que le deben 4. los bienes y heredores de gaspar maldonado por escritura que presento 5. pedro gomez rubio ante la justicia ordinaria desta ciudad puede 6. aver mas de seis anos por ante juan de villafranca alcalde 7. ¶ Yten ynbentario por bienes del dicho diffunto ciento y sesenta pesos 8. que andres duran yndio parece deverle por quenta de su libro y de 9. resto della como por el parece 10. ¶ Yten ynbentario por bienes del dicho diffunto los pesos de oro que pare 11. ciere debersele por la parte de la capellania que le cupo deste ultimo 12. ano que es la de Juan de lujan y la paga della es a cargo de alonso 13. martin cristo con todos como el dicho diffunto lo declara y ansi mismo 14. es a cargo de antonio de peralta la paga de la dicha capellania 15. Yten declara quel dicho diffunto por clausula de su testamento dize 16. quel canonigo espinosa le debe mill y quatro cientos pesos largos 17. y dellos se le an de descontar quinientos y tantos pesos que gasto 18. en los aposentos que hizo 19. ¶ Yten una silla de la mula con dos pares de guarniciones de paño 20. y su freno 21. todos los quales dichos bienes quedaron por fin e muer 22. te del dicho don tomas de la plaza dean, 23. Juro en veruis sazerdotis que es cierto y verdadero 24. este ynbentario y que de presente no tengo

25. noticia de / otros bienes y si dellos la tu 26. biere delante dare dello noticias lo firmoe 27. el canonygo espinosa 28. Y en la ciudad de los angeles en diez y siete dias del 29. mes de Julio de myll e quinientos e ochenta e siete anos 30. antel bachiller garcia rrodriguez maldonado 31. probisor en este obispado de tlaxcala pareçio el 32. canonygo pedro gomez de espinosa como albazea 33. de don tomas de la plaza dean de la catedral 135v 1. de tlaxcala e presenta este ynbenta 2. rio jurado en forma y dixo ser de los bienes 3. quel dicho dean dexo y que es zierto y verdade 4. ro y que de presente no tiene ciencia de otros 5. bienes del dicho difunto y que cada e quanto que 6. a su noticia binyiere / otros quales quier 7. bienes que perezieren ser suyos los mani 8. festara y el señor probisor lo ubo por 9. presentado y lo firmo 10. el canonigo maldonado 11. Ante mi 12. Antonio Hernandez 13. Notario publico [rúbrica] 136r 1. ¶ Diego Dias presbitero bicario de las monjas de santa cata 2. lina de sena desta ciudad digo que por el testamento 3. que hizo y otorgo el dean don tomas de la plaza debajo

4. de cuia dispucicion murio mando por una clausula del 5. al dicho conbento cinquenta pesos en limosna y para los cobrar 6. de los albaceas del dicho dean tengo necesidad de un tres 7. lado autorizado de la dicha clausula con pie y cabesa 8. del dicho testamento 9. ¶ A vuestra merced pido y suplico mande al presente notrario en cu 10. yo poder esta el dicho testamento me la de en publica forma 11. que yo estoy presto pagalles sus derechos y pido 12. justicia 13. diego diaz vela [rúbrica] 14. En la ciudad de los Angeles en beynte y un dias del mes de agosto de 15. mill y quinientos y ochenta y siete anos antel bachiller garcia 16. rodrigues maldonado provisor en esteo [sic] obispado de tlaxcala 17. La presento el contenido y por el dicho provisor visto mando 18. que citado uno de los alvaceas del dean don tomas de la plaza se 19. le de al dicho diego dias la clausula del testamento segun 20. y como la pide y asi lo proveyo y mando 21. ante mi 22. Antonio Hernandez 23. Notario publico [rúbrica] 136v 1. [En el margen: citacion] En la ciudad de los angeles en beinte e cinco dias del 2. mes de agosto de myll e quinientos e ochenta e siete anos 3. Yo el notario publico yuso escrito doy fe que cite al canonygo 4. antonio de bera como albazea del dean don 5. tomas de la plaza para lo contenydo en es

Appendix I  • 221

6. ta peticion atras contenyda el qual dixo 7. que lo oia 8. Doy fe dello 9. Antonio Hernandez 10. Notario publico [rúbrica]

15. segun y como la pide, y asi lo proveyo y mando el canonigo maldonado 16. ante mi antonio hernandez notario publico 17. citacion   En la ciudad de los angeles en beinte e cinco dias del 13 7r mes de agosto de myll 1. Diego dias Presbitero bicario de las 18. y quinyentos ochenta e ciete anos monjas de Santa catalina de sena yo el notario publico yusobscrito 2. desta ciudad digo, que por El tesdoy fe que cite al tamento que hizo y otorgo el dean 19. canonigo antonio de vera como albasea del dean don Tomas de la don tomas 3. de la plaça debajo de cuia displaza 20. para lo contenido en esta peticion pucicion murio mando por una atras contenida El qual dixo que lo clausula 4. del al dicho conbento cinquenta oia pesos en limosna y Para los cobrar 21. don [sic—doy] fe dello ante mi ande los al tonio hernandez notario publico 5. baceas del dicho dean tengo nece- 22. yn dey nomine amen Sepan quancidad de un tteslado autorizado de tos esta carta de testamento vieren 23. como yo canonigo tomas de la la dicha 6. clausula con pie y cabeza del dicho plaza clerigo presbiterio y dean que testamento soy en esta san 7. a vuestra merced pido y suplico 24. ta yglesia catedral de la ciudad de mande al presente notario en cuyo los angeles obispado de tlaxcala de 25. la nueba españa natural de la villa poder esta el 8. dicho testamento me la de en pude alburquerque en el rreyno blica forma que you estoi presto de 26. de castilla en esttemadura hijo legitimo de diego tomas de la plaza paga 9. lles sus derechos y pido justicia 27. natural de la villa de caceres y de diego dias vela catalina de goes natural de la 10. En la ciudad de los angeles en venti 28. dicha villa de alburquerque difuny un dias del mes de agosto en myll tos que sean en gloria estando 29. enfermo del cuerpo y en mi libre y quinientos 11. y ochenta y siete años ante El juisio seso y entendimiento y bachiller garcia rrodrigues maldocumpli 30. da memoria tal cual dios nuestto nado pro 12. visor en este / obispado de taxcala senor fue servir de me la dar la presento el contenido, y por el 31. y creiendo como firme y verdad 13. dicho provisor visto mando que eramente creo en el mysterio de la sitado uno de los alvaseas del dean 32. santysima ttinidad padre hijo y esdon piritu santo / tres personas y un 14. Tomas de la plaza se le de al 33. solo dios verdadero y en todo dicho diego dias la clausula del aquello que tiene y cre la santa testamento madre 34. yglesia de roma y temiendome de la muerte ques cosa natu

222  •  The Casa del Deán

137v 1. ral a toda persona vivente y deseando poner mi anima en la mas libre 2. y llana llana para la llegar a mi senor Jesucristo y tomando por my 3. yntercesora a la serenissima rreyna de los angeles madre de dios y se 4. nora nuestta que rruegue / a su hijo precioso por my anima pecadora la quiera 5. llevar a su Santa gloria para do fue criada / otorgo e conosco por esta carta 6. que hago / E ordeno mi testamento en la form y manera siguiente 7. y entte las / demas clausulas del dicho testamento esta una del tenor 8. siguiente 9. Clausula   Yten mando en linosna por esta mi arbittrio de mi concencia 10. al monesterio de las monjas de santa catalina de sena desta ciudad 11. cinquenta pesos de / oro comun y se le paguen de mis bienes. 12. E para cunplir E pagar este mi testamento e las mandas e causas 13. en el contenidas dexo E nonbro por mis albaceas y testamentarios 14. al canonigo antonio de vera y al canonigo pedro gomes despinosa 15. y al rrasionero Juan de Luxan e a juan larios beneficiado de acatlan 16. e piastla y a todos quatto y a cada uno yn solidun doy poder cun 17. Plido tal qual de derecho se rrquiere para que entren en mis bienes 18. E tomen tanta parte dellos que fuere menester e los vendan y rre 19. matenes [sic] en publica almoneda y fuera della y cunplan y pagen 20. este dicho mi testamento e tal qual ellos lo hizieren por mi anima 21. tal dexare dios nuestto senor quien por las suyas lo haga y por

22. que munchas de las cosas de este mi testamento son de tal caledad que 23. en muy largos tienpos venideros tienen nececidad de quien le 24. duela y vuelba por ellos quiero y es mi boluntad quel dicho albaçeaz 25. go no tenga limites del tienpo senalado sino que valgan y sean 26. por las vidas de los que quedan senalados por tales albaceas para 27. que en todo tienpo acudan a lo que convenga / y se ofreciere y para 28. que con mas efeto y cuidado se guarda e cunpla todo lo en este 29. mi testamento contenido sin que aya descuido quiero que des 30. pues de mi fallecimyento los dichos mis albaceas saquen tteslado 31. del y lo tengan en su poder y otto tteslado autorizado se pon 32. ga y este de manifiesto a la continua en el cabildo de la 33. cattedral desta ciudad en poder del secretario y en el archibo 34. adonde estan los papeles de la yglesia y otto tteslado 13 8r 1. tenga en su poder el dicho canonigo antonio de vera / e porque con quien 2. mas familiarmente e comunicado mi conciencia y mas sabe de 3. lla. es el canonigo antonio de vera pido rruego y encargo a los de 4. mas albaceas tengan y estimen en mucho su parecer porque 5. Ultta. de que entiendo sera conforme a mi boluntad, tengole 6. por tan celoso de acetar y amigo de cristiandad y rrazon 7. que merecera se le tenga. este rrespeto al qual ansimismo 8. por todo lo dicho numero y senalo por Particular tutor de la 9. susodicha nona Juana para en todas sus / ocasiones hasta tomar

10. estado 11. Y Cunplido y pagado este dicho mi testamento y las mandas 12. y clausulas. en el contenidas. de todo el rremamente 13. que quedare y fincare de todos mis bienes derechos E a 14. uciones dexo E nombro por mi heredera huniversal 15. a la dicha mi capellania para que haya y erede todos 16. los dichos mis bienes y se cunpla y guarde mi boluntad como 17. dicho es 18. E por esta carta rreboco y anulo y doy Por ningunos e de 19. ningun effeto. e valor todos y quales quier testamentos 20. mandas y codicilios que yo aya fecho e otorgado por escrito 21. o por palabra / o en otta manera alguna antes deste 22. para que no balgan ni hagan fe, e salvo este que al presen 23. te hago y otorgo el qual quiero valga por mi testamento 24. y por mi codicilio y en aquella via e forma que de 25. derecho mejor aya lugar, en testimonio de lo qual 26. lo / otorgue ante el escribano y testtigos contenidos por de fuera 27. porque es testamento cerrado y dentto del no a de 28. aver sino sola mi firma, la qual quiero que valga 29. como si este testamento fuera avierto con escrivano y testigos 30. presentes a todo lo en el contenido ques fecho para 31. mi en lo secreto y serrado en veinte y ocho dias del 138v 1. mes de mayo de mill y quinyentos y ochenta y siete años para por de 2. fuera / el dia que paresciera por la fecha e testimonio del

3. escribano a la qual me rremyto. dean de tlaxcala 4. En La ciudad de los angeles de la nueba espana En veinti y ocho dias del mes de mayo de 5. mill y quinyentos y ochenta e siete años ante mi Juan de Villafranca escribano publico del 6. numero desta dicha ciudad y testigos yuso escritos estando en las ca 7. sas del amorada de don tomas de la plaça dean de la cathe 8. dal deste / obispado de tlaxcala pareció el dean don tomas 9. de la plaza echado en una cama enfermo del cuerpo 10. sano de la boluntad y en su libre juizio entendimiento y cun 11. plida memoria a lo que parecia y creiendo como dixo crer 12. en el misterio de la santissima trinidad, padre hijo y espiri 13. tu santo y en todo lo demas que tiene y cree la santa ma 14. dre yglesia de rroma / como bueno y fiel cristiano dio y presento a mi 15. el dicho escribano esta escritura cerrada y sellada la qual dixo que hera 16. su testamento postrera y ultima boluntad en la qual dexa nombra 17. do s sepoltura albaceas y herederos y lo que se ha de hazer por su ani 18. ma despues de su fallecimiento la qual dixo estar escrita en 19. veinte e ttes hojas enteras y una plana de papel al fin de toda 20. lo qual esta firmado de su firma y como tal su testamento 21. la otorgava y otorgo, quiere y es su boluntad que no se habra 22. lea ni publique en manera alguna hasta que se a muer 23. to y pasado desta presente vida que entonces se ha de 24. abrir y publicar con la solenidada de derecho y rreboca

Appendix I  • 223

25. ottas qualesquier testamentos y codicilios que habra 26. fecho y otorgado antes deste para que no balgan 27. ny agan fe e salvo 0. este que al presente / otorga en el 28. qual es acavada su ultima e posttimera boluntad 29. E como tal quiere se guarde y cunpla segun y como en el 30. se contiene y asi lo dixo y otorgo y firmo de su nonbre y el dicho 31. otorgante al qual yo el dicho escribano doy fe que conosco sien 32. do testigos luis de san lloreinte e geronimo de salazar y alonso bela the

13. da en mi poder e va cierto e verdadero en fe de lo qual fize a 14. qui my signo a tal 15. en testimonio de verdad 16. [signo] Deo Duce 17. Antonio hernandes [rúbrica] 18. notario publico 19. En La ciudad de los angeles en beinti y seys dias del mes de agosto de 20. myll y quinientos y ochenta y siete años ante e bachiller garcia rrodrigues 21. maldonado provisor en este / obispado de tlaxcala parecio 22. diego dias bela presbitero bicario de las monjas y conben 23. to de santa catalina de sena desta 1 39 r ciudad E presento esta 1. norio y el canonigo pedro gomez 24. clausula del testamento que hizo e despinosa y pedro calderon ordeno el dean don 2. y don Juan Lopez mellado y Juan 25. tomas de la plaça debaxo de cuia hernandes vecinos desta dicha dispucicion murio 3. ciudad dean de tlaxcala el canonigo 26. y dixo que según della consta el espinosa pedro calde dicho dean don tomas de la 4. ron vargas. don Juan lopez mellado 27. plaça mando, en limosna a las ditestigo geronimo de salazar alonso chas monjas y conbento 28. cinquenta pesos de horo comun y be 5. la tenorio Juan hernandez luis de para que sus albaceas se los den s[an] lloreynte e yo Juan de 29. y pagen pidio de su merced le 6. Villafranca escribano publico del mande dar su mandamiento forma numero desta ciudad de los an 7. geles por su magestad doy fe que lo 139 v susodicho hize escrivir y por 1. y pidio justicia y por el dicho pro 8. ende fize aqui este mio signo. ques visor visto mando que se le de a tal en testimonio de ver 2. el qual se le dio contta los canoni 9. dad juan de villafranca escribano gos antonio de bera publico. ba enmendado y bala 3. y pedro gomez despinosa para que 10. e yo antonyo hernandes notario se los den y paguen por autoridad apostolico e publico 4. El canonigo maldonado 5. Ante my de 11. la audiencia episcopal y obispado 6. Antonyo hernandes de tlaxcala lo fize 7. notario publico [rubrica] 12. escrebir e lo correg. e conserte con el original que que

224  •  The Casa del Deán

Sibylline Oracles and Attributes

appendix ii

MS80—Salamanca, Early Fifteenth Century (Collection Cathedral Library, Córdoba) tiburt ina “Nasçera Christus im Bellem e sea denunciado en Ungaria regente tauro pacifico / bien aventurada madre cuyas tetas le daran leche.” “Christ will be born in Bethlehem and announced in Ungaria [Nazareth?] in the reign of the peaceful bull [Emperor Augustus], most blessed mother whose breasts will provide him milk.”

libica “Ecce verna el dia e alumbrara el Señor las cosas oscuras e desatarse am / los ligamientos de la Signaguoga e dexarse am los labrios de los onbres.” “Behold the day will come and God will give light to all hidden things and untie the bonds of the Synagogue and will let loose the lips of men.” pe r s i a “Ahe o bestia seras follada e sera aumentada en el mundo e del gremio de la / Virgem la salud de la gente sera.”

er it r e a “Del muy alto habitaculo celeste acato Dios los sus homildes, e nascera / de la Virgem el Fijo en la cuna de la tierra en los postrimeros dias.”

“Behold the beast will be trampled, and he will be conceived from the womb of the Virgin into the world, the salvation of the people.”

“The prophet will be born of a Virgin without [carnal] knowledge of a man.”

agr ip ina “Circumdabit alvus maternus et flebit Deus et leticia semiterna.”

cum a na “From his celestial home on high, God “En la ultima hedat de los siglos looks down upon his humble ones, and nascera la ordem del mundo tu / señala este nino que a de nasçer.” his Son will be born of a Virgin in the cradle of the earth in the latest days.” “In the last age of the centuries will be born an ordering of the world; you del fica reveal [with] this child that is about to “Nascera el propheta de la Virgem sin be born.” ayuntamiento de varon.”

fr igi a “Fflagelara Dios a los poderosos de la tierra e el Alto verna del cielo e / sera denunciada la Virgem en los valles de los desiertos.” “God will flog the powerful of the earth, and the Most High will come from heaven, and the Virgin will be announced in the valleys of the deserts.”

“[Her] maternal womb will envelop [him], and God will mourn, and [then] eternal joy.” e rup i a “Veniet ille et dominabitur quousque de utero Virginis fuerit egressus.” “He will come and he will rule; and he will emerge from the Virgin’s womb.”

s a na “Ecce veniet dives de paupercula et bestie terrarum adorabunt eum.”

ery thr a e a “Morte moretur tribus diebus somno suscepto et mo(x) ab inferis egresu ad lucem veniet primus.”

“Behold, he will come forth precious in his poverty; and the beasts of the earth “In death he succumbs for three days, as if asleep, but soon, arising from the will adore him.” dead, he comes forward into the light.” de s pont ica samia “Ihesuschristus nascetur de casta.” “Ecce veniet dives et e paupere nasce“Jesus Christ is born of a pure tur et beelue eum adorabunt.” woman.”1 “Behold he comes forth precious and [yet] born a pauper, and the beasts will Baccio Baldini Engravings— adore him.” Florence, 1470–1475 cum a na per s ica “Iam redit et virgo redeunt saturnia “Ecce Filius Dei beeluam equitans regna: Iam nova progeines celo demitDominus universi cuius quias gentium titur alto.” salutis in virgine erit et fiet nobis hoc Verbum palpabile.” “Now the virgin returns, Saturn’s kingdoms return: Now a new race is sent “Behold the Son of God, riding a beast, down from high heaven.” the Lord of the Universe. The way of salvation of nations shall be brought helle s p on tica about by a Virgin, and for us this Word “Ex eccelso habitaculo respexit Deus will be revealed.” humiles et in terris novissimis diebus ex hebrea virgine nascetur.” libyca “Ecce venietem diem et latentia aperi“From his home on high, God looked entem tenebit gremio gentium Regina.” upon the humble; and in the darkness, in the latest times, he shall be born “Behold the day is coming, and the from a Hebrew virgin.” Queen of Nations will hold in her lap him who will open hidden things.” phrygi a “Veneit desuper filius dei et firmdel phica abitur in celo consilium et virgo “Nascetur propheta e Virgine absque annunciabitur.” humana corruptione.” “The son of God shall come from “A prophet shall be born of a Virgin above, and a plan will be confirmed without human corruption.” in heaven; and a virgin will be cim mer i a announced.” “In pueritia sua cum facie pulcherrima t iburtina puerum nutriet suo lacte, id est lacte “Nascetur in bettelem in nazaret ancelitus misso.” nuntiabitur regnante quieto tauro.” “In her youthfulness with such a beau“While the peaceful bull [Emperor Autiful face, she nurtured the boy with gustus] reigns, he will be born in Bethher milk, that is, by milk secretly [dilehem and announced in Nazareth.” vinely] sent.”

226  •  The Casa del Deán

e uropa “Veniet colles et montes transiens et in paupertate regnans eum (cum) silentio dominabitus et e virginis vase exiliet.” “He will come, crossing hills and mountains, and reigning in poverty; in silence will he rule, and he will leap forth from the womb of the virgin.” agr ip pa “Hoc verbum invisibile tangiet permittet et tanquam radicies germinabit.” “By an invisible [power], this word permits [itself] to be touchable and as such will germinate roots.”2

Rationarium Evangelistarum—1477 persian Lantern, with serpent underfoot; Apparition of the Virgin and Child indicated by a sibyl to Abraham; John 7; Psalms 81:5; John 8:58 libya n Candle; Apparition of the Virgin and Child to Augustus; John 8:12; Isaiah 60:1; John 1:9 e ry thr a e a n Flower; The Annunciation; Luke 1:26, 38; Luke 1:31; Isaiah: 7:14 cu m a e a n Symbol of maternity; The Nativity; Luke 2:14; Psalms 25:1; Isaiah 9:6; Luke 2:7 samian Cradle; Adoration of the Shepherds; Psalms 68:30; Isaiah 1:3; Luke 2:7 ci m m e r i a n Horn for milk; Virgin breast-feeding Christ Child; Psalms 101:10; Isaiah 7:15; Luke 11:27

europa Sword; Flight into Egypt; Psalms 54:8; Hosea 11:1; Matthew 2:13 t iburtin e Severed hand; Mocking of Christ; Isaiah 50:6; Psalms 68:8; Mark 14:65 agr ippa Whip; Flagellation of Christ; Psalms 37:18; Psalms 128:3; Matthew 27:26 del phic Crown of thorns; Crowning of Thorns; Psalms: 2:6; Lamentations 2:14; John 19:2 hel l e s pon t ica Cross; Crucifixion; John 11:32; Psalms 21:17; John 19:17–18 phrygi a n Banner of resurrection; Resurrection; Psalms 3:6; Sophonie 3:8; Matthew 20:193

Book of Hours of Charles V ery t hr a e a a n d cum a e a Erythraea: Rose in hand; small figures in sky of Annunciation Cumaea: Bowl in hand; small figures in the sky of Nativity Isaiah, St. Luke “La sibila erichee acorde au profete aussi ala postre comme une vierge si doibt concevoir dieu” “La sibile si dit que une vierge si doibt enfanter dieu en concordant ala postre et prophete” Opposite page Annunciation; below are prophets per s i a Lantern; Virgin of the Apocalypse; small figure of Virgin and child trampling beast; age 30; David, Psalms 81; St. John, John’s Gospel 1

libya Lighted candle; Virgin and Child surrounded by rays of light; age 23; Isaiah, Isaiah 60; St. John, St. John’s Gospel 1 “Ego sum lux mundi” s a m i a a n d ci m m e r i a Samia: Cradle; Nativity Isaiah, St. Luke Cimmeria: Feeding Horn; Virgin nursing Christ Child Isaiah, St. Luke e uropa a n d tiburtin e Europa: Sword; Flight into Egypt David, St. Matthew Tiburtine: Severed hand; Mocking of Christ David, St. Mark agr ip pa a n d de lp hic Agrippa: Whip; Flagellation of Christ David, St. Matthew Delphic: Crown of thorns; Crowning of Thorns Jeremiah, St. John he lle s p on tica a n d p hrygi a Hellespontica: Cross, Crucifixion David, St. John Phrygia: Cross with banner of Resurrection; Resurrection Joel, St. Matthew4

Lucas van Leyden Woodcuts— Holland, ca. 1530 s y nago ga Broken spear, blindfold, tablets of the Law; Abraham and Isaac e ry thr a e a n Lily; Annunciation cum a e a n Symbol of maternity; Nativity

samian Crib; Adoration of the Shepherds persian Lantern; Virgin of Apocalypse libya n Lighted torch; Christ in Limbo e uropa Sword; Flight into Egypt ci m m e r i a Horn for milk; Mother and Child with Angels tibe rtin e Severed hand; Mocking of Christ agr ip pa Whip; Flagellation of Christ de lp hic Crown of thorns; Crowning of Thorns he lle s p on tica Cross; Christ Crucified p hrygi a n Cross; Resurrection e ccle s i a chr i sti Female personification of the Church, holding a Crucifix and the Book of the four Gospels; Virgin Crowned in Heaven5

Sibyls in the Casa del Deán s y nago ga VETUS TESTAMENTU ISAI 7 Broken standard with tablets of the Law; no roundel; holds in her left hand, “Le Table Mose.” She is blindfolded Isaiah 7:14 e ry thr a e a SIBILLA ERITHREA AETATE 20 PROPHETAVIT 9 Lily; Annunciation to the Virgin; age 20 Isaiah 9:6

“Antequam Abraham fuit ego sum”

Appendix II  • 227

s a mi a SIBILLA SAMIA ET AETA EX PROPHE LV. 2 Cradle; Virgin and Child with ox and ass; age ? Luke 2:6–7 per s ica S. PESICA AETA 30 PROPHE PS. 16 APOC. 12 Lantern; Virgin of the Apocalypse trampling seven-headed beast; age 30 Psalms 16:11 Revelation to St. John 12:1–5 europa S. EUROPA AETA 15 PROHE ISIA 19 IOA 18 Sword; Flight into Egypt; age 15 Isaiah 19:20–21 John 18:10 cuma e a VMOEA AETA 18 PROPHETAVIT CANT 4 LUC 22 Teething knot; Virgin and Child; age 18 Song of Solomon 4:5–7 Luke 2:12 tiburtina S. TIBVRTINA AETA 22 PROPHETAVIT ISAI 50 Severed hand; Mocking of Christ; age 22 Isaiah 50:6

228  •  The Casa del Deán

cu m a na S. CUMANA AETA 30 PROPHE IOA 19 Whip; Flagellation of Christ; age 30 John 19:1 de lphica S. DEL AETA 20 PROPHE IOA 19 Crown of thorns; Crowning of Thorns; age 20 John 19:2 he lle s p on tica S. HELLESPONTICA AETA 50 PROPHETAVIT OSEE 13 Cross; Crucifixion; age 50 Hosea 13:14 phrygi a ATE_4 HETAVIT I0 20 Tomb; roundel without image; age_4 John 20:1–10 l ibyca or e ccle s i a chr i sti? Only the horse’s head remains of this figure

Documenting Don Tomás de la Plaza’s Capellanía

appendix iii

PA L E O G R A P H Y B Y A RT U R O C Ó R D O VA D U R A N A

Archivo General de Notarías de Puebla (AGNP) 1632. AGNP, Notaría 4, protocolos de 1632, f.s.n. Testamento de Juan López Mellado en que nombró como sus herederos, por partes iguales a sus hijas y nietos. Doña Ana Mellado de la Plaza casó con el capitán Don Gaspar de Aguila, caballero del habito de Santiago y alcalde mayor de la villa de Carrión en el valle de Atlixco; Doña María Izguerra casó con Don Juan Velázquez de Salazar, ya difunto; y Doña Leonor y Doña Juana eran religiosas profesas en el convento de San Jerónimo, Puebla. Juan Mellado Velázquez de Salazar, hijo de doña María Izguerra y Don Juan Velázquez de Salazar, fue el sucesor del mayorazgo.

1686. Segunda cuenta que dio el Lic. Don Fernando de la Plaza Rivadeneyra, Presbytero, del Patronato del deán.

1773–1785: Patronato de Don Tomás de la Plaza, contiene una certificación del contador en borrador que da mucha noticia de las cláusulas de su fundación del escrivano ante quien se otorgó y día de su otorgamiento (fojas 1–3). Se mencionan a varios de sus Patronos, entre ellos a don Miguel de Rivadeneira de la Plaza, capitán de Dragones del Regimiento de México y al Lic. don Luis Bernardo López Mellado de la Plaza Rivadeneyra y San José. Antes lo fue el Lic. Gaspar de Rivadeneyra. Debido a que el primero de los personajes mencionados solicitó un traslado de las escrituras fundacionales del patronato laico, el contador de los Aniversarios, Capellanías Archivo del Venerable Cabildo de y Obras Pías de la iglesia catedral, la Catedral de Puebla (AVCCP), don Joseph de Arce y Quirós, dio fe Patronato y Obra Pía de Don de que en el archivo a su cargo existía Tomás de la Plaza, 1680–1831 una copia del testamento bajo cuya disposición falleció el deán, otorgado 1680. Quenta del patronato de don ante el escribano Juan de Villafranca Tomás de la Plaza, desde 1.12. 1679 el 28.5.1587, el cual dejó cerrado; y hasta 31.12.1680, a cargo de doña desde sus cláusulas de la foja 15 en adeFrancisca de Peralta y Castilla, viuda del capitán don Joseph López Mellado, lante, consta que por dote principal a quien sucedió como albacea y patro- de dicho Patronato laico, consignó el valor de las casas que fueron de su mona de la capellanía. rada y que las misas se pagasen a razón 1682. Quenta del Patronato del deán de 12 reales; y que conforme se fuese hasta 31.3.1682, que fue la final que dio aumentando la renta, se aumentase doña Francisca de Peralta. su número hasta llegar a una en cada un día, acudiendo con la limosna que 1684. Primera cuenta que dio el Lic. don Fernando de la Plaza Rivadeneyra, según ella se hiciese lugar, con reserva de lo necesario para reparos de la finca, Presbytero, del Patronato del deán.

asignando por esto 10 pesos en cada un año de Patronato, al venerable deán y cabildo; y a la foja 20v. establece que su celebración se haga en la iglesia catedral porque en ella había de ser sepultado el fundador. . . . 1787. Cuenta de lo perteneciente a la capellanía. Se incluye un poder general dado en 1762 por don Antonio Joachín de Riba de Neyra, del Consejo de Su Magestad y su Oydor en la Real Audiencia de México, a favor del Sr. Dr. Don Joseph Duarte Burón canónigo doctoral de la santa yglesia cathedral de esta dicha ciudad y a don Gregorio de Mendizabal, Escrivano real, público y de cabildo, y con la precisa facultad de que le substituyan en don Antonio Miguel García del Valle, Procurador de la Curia Eclesiásticas y del Convento de Señoras Religiosas Recoletas de Santa Rosa de esta dicha ciudad.

1788. Cuenta de las misas de la capellanía, dada por don Miguel Puchet como apoderado del Presbítero Don Luis Mellado de la Plaza y Rivadeneira, actual patrono y capellán. 1788. Quarta Cuenta de las misas de Don Thomás de la Plaza, dada por Don Miguel Puchet y Herrera, apoderado del señor presbítero don Luis Mellado de la Plaza. 1791. Quinta quenta de la capellanía, que ha presentado don Miguel Puchet y Herrera como apoderado del presbítero don Luis Mellado de la Plaza y Rivadeneyra.

1825–1826. No. 28. Quaderno en que se comprende la cuenta de los arrendamientos de las casas pertenecientes a la capellanía y patronato laico de Don Tomás de la Plaza, que ha servido el Muy Ylustre y Venerable Señor Deán y Cavildo, en la vacante por fallecimiento de Don Joaquín Obando, desde 28.5.1825 hasta 13.6.1826, una división de 400 pesos, otra de 620 pesos 5 reales, de los propios de las expresadas casas en el tiempo referido, cuyas cantidades se imbirtieron en las misas y demás pensiones que se expresan en dichas cuentas.

1831. Copia de la cuenta que dío a Don Manuel Pérez Zalasar, de lo que 1791–1793. Sexta quenta de las misas de la capellanía, que ha presentado don cobró y gastó de su cuenta de las casas de la Capellanía Laica. Liborio de Alarcón, como apoderado del presbítero don Luis Mellado. 1831. Cuenta general de los productos 1795. Séptima quenta de las misas de la de las 4 casas, pertenecientes a la capelcapellanía que ha presentado don José lanía laica, que ha estado sirviendo el Ylustre y Venerable Señor Deán y CaYgnacio Estrada, como apoderado del 1762–1785. 13 Divisiones de cuentas vildo, y su distribusión desde 4.6.1829 presbítero don Luis Mella[do]. de la capellanía. hasta 8.5.1831. Son 4 Divisiones. 1797. Octava quenta de la capellanía, 1780. Foja suelta en la que se hace constar haber entregado a don Manuel presentada por don Joseph Ygnacio de Patronato laico fundado por el Gómez Mauleón, la cantidad de 4,103 Estrada, como apoderado del presDeán Tomás de la Plaza en las pesos y 10 granos que resultaron de al- bítero don Luis Mellado de la Plaza y Actas de Cabildo (AC) de los cance en las cuentas que de los últimos Rivadeneyra. Libros (Lib.) del Archivo del 5 años se dieron de la Obra pía y Patro1805–1807. Cuenta del Patronato Cabildo Catedralicio de Puebla nato de Tomás de la Plaza. Layco que fundó Don Thomás de la (ACCP) Plaza. 1782. Tercera y última cuenta que da (22.09.1635) Como patrones que son Don Francisco Espino Barros, al Lic. 1811 y 1813. Cuenta presentada por el del patronazgo que dejó el deán Tomás Don Gerónimo Aramburu, Presbítero, Presbìtero Don Luiz Mellado, del Pade la Plaza, en razón del cumplimiento administrador de la obra pía de don tronato Layco. Tomás de la Plaza, como dentro se exde las misas que se deben decir en cada presa. La cuenta se la da a don Mariano 1816. Cuenta sobre la capellanía y pasemana y lo demás que tiene obligación Raudón, nuevo administrador nombra- tronato laico, de lo que produjeron las don Gaspar del Águila, caballero de do por el deán y cabildo de la catedral. casas en los 110 días que el Venerable Santiago, como persona que goza del mayorazgo, que ha muchos años que Cavildo de esta Santa Yglesia Cathe1785–1786. Primera cuenta de lo dral, sirvió este beneficio en la vacante no da cuenta. Nombraron al canónigo perteneciente a la capellanía, dada por por el fallecimiento del Presvítero Don Lic. Agustín Sedano para que le pida parte de don Luis Mellado de la Plaza Luiz Mellado de la Plaza y Rivadeneira, cuentas (ACCP, AC, Lib. 10, f. 78). y Rivadeneyra, capellán y patrono de como dentro se expresa. ella.

230  •  The Casa del Deán

(14.10.1636) Que el canónigo Lic. Agustín Sedano y Mendoza, tome cuentas a D. Gaspar del Águila, caballero de Santiago y alcalde ordinario, de las misas que tiene obligación de haber mandado decir cada año, conforme al patronazgo que posee del deán Tomás de la Plaza, por haber muchos años que no da cuenta (ACCP, AC, Lib. 10, f. 132v). (27.05.1639) Que el provisor pida cuentas a D. Gaspar del Águila, caballero de Santiago y alcalde mayor de la villa de Atrisco, como persona a cuyo cargo está el patronazgo del deán Tomás de la Plaza, de las misas que tiene obligación de mandar decir todos los días de la semana, por haber muchos días que no se dan cuenta, teniendo obligación de darlas cada 2 años (ACCP, AC, Lib. 10, f. 309v). (26.10.1657) Lic. Juan de la Plaza y Rivadeneyra, pide se nombren alarifes que tasen las obras y mejoras de las casas del patronato del deán Tomás de la Plaza, por haber gastado mucho en ellas, y que se declare no deber pagar la décima a la fábrica, atento a haberse dejado de decir las misas por los reparos conforme a su fundación, por no tener obligación de pagarla (ACCP, AC, Lib. 14, f. 63v). (20.04.1668) Que informe el administrador de la fábrica a quien toca la cobranza de la décima y en la contaduría se reconozcan las cartas de pago que presenta de las misas que ha mandado decir D. José Mellado de la Plaza y Rivadeneyra, de la dotación de la capellanía que instituyó el deán Tomás de la Plaza, de que es patrón, que ofrece pagar 56 pesos, 28 por lo atrasado y 28 por lo corriente, de los 532 pesos que debe a la fábrica, procedidos de la décima de la capellanía. En 24.04.1668,

se aceptó su propuesta, obligándose a la paga de los 532 pesos que debe, pagando 50 del débito y 28 de los que fueren corriendo (ACCP, AC, Lib. 15, ff. 404v y 405v).

doctoral Dr. Juan de Jáuregui y Barcena, para que en compañía del Lic. Alonso de Vargas, digan las misas y gocen la renta (ACCP, AC, Lib. 19, f. 111).

(13.12.1684) Aprobaron las cuentas que tienen dadas el Lic. Fernando de la Plaza Rivadeneyra, presbítero, y Da. Francisca de Castilla Peralta, su madre, del patronato del deán Tomás de la Plaza, cumpliendo cada uno por lo que toca a su obligación en orden a las misas que se deben decir (ACCP, AC, Lib. 18, f. 197v).

(18.07.1692) Se concedió la gracia al Lic. Bernardino de la Plaza Rivadeneyra, de entrar en el servicio de la capellanía y patronato de legos que instituyó y fundó el deán Tomás de la Plaza, su tío, cumpliendo con la obligación de las cláusulas y corriendo la cuenta desde que declaró tocar al cabildo su servicio, por no haber cobrado cantidad alguna a los inquilinos los capitulares que se nombraron, y se embarazó por la ejecución que hizo en las fincas el convento de Santo Domingo y siendo necesario se desista el procurador de esta iglesia de las diligencias que se principiaron (ACCP, AC, Lib. 19, f. 192v).

(10.12.1686) Ajustada la cuenta de las misas que se deben decir por el Lic. Fernando de la Plaza, como patrón de la capellanía y patronato laico del deán Tomás de la Plaza, se le de certificación de que ha cumplido con su obligación (ACCP, AC, Lib. 18, f. 283v). (23.07.1688) Memorial del Lic. Fernando Pablo de Rivadeneyra, en que se desiste del servicio y obligación de las misas en el patronato de legos del deán de la Plaza, que con los demás recaudos se entregue al Dr. Francisco Flores de Valdés, para que reconocidos pida lo que convenga. Se le hubo por desistido el. 20.08.1688, exhibiendo en la contaduría las cartas de pago de las misas de su obligación (ACCP, AC, Lib. 18, f. 362v y 365v). (05.12.1690) Que se notifique al Cap. Juan Mellado de San José, actual patrono de la capellanía del deán Tomás de la Plaza, de cuenta del patronato por el atraso en que se halla (ACCP, AC, Lib. 19, f. 90). (03.04.1691) Admitieron la renuncia y dejación que hizo el Lic. Bartolomé de Vargas Solórzano, de la capellanía del patronato del Dr. Tomás de la Plaza, y en su lugar se nombró el canónigo

(29.04.1698) Que se notifique al Lic. Bernardino de la Plaza y Rivadeneyra, usufructuario del patronato del deán Tomás de la Plaza, que dentro de un mes de cuenta de dicho patronato y exhiba los recibos de las misas que se deben decir en esta iglesia y en su ausencia a su podatario (ACCP, AC, Lib. 20, f. 86). (19.07.1698) Por constar del despacho que presentó el Lic. Fernando Pablo de Rivadeneyra, tener exhibidos ante el Obispo los 2,000 pesos y hecho el depósito en forma y tocarle al cabildo como patrono dar el recibo a dicho licenciado, como a quien se aplicaron las haciendas libres de sus padres, con cargo de pagar esta deuda, por el presente decreto se le da comisión y facultad al canónigo doctoral Dr. Juan de Jáuregui Bárcena, para que junto con el Lic. Bernardino de la Plaza Rivadeneyra, usufructuario de dicho patronato,

Appendix IiI  • 231

otorguen recibo y den por libres los bienes de esta deuda, y se le amoneste al dicho Bernardino solicite finca donde imponerse a censo, que se ha de agregar al dicho patronato (ACCP, AC, Lib. 20, f. 99). (26.09.1698) En cuanto a lo pedido por el Lic. Bernardino de Rivadeneyra y de la Plaza, usufructuario del patronato del deán Tomás de la Plaza, acerca de redimir 2,300 pesos de censo que están cargados obre las fincas de dicho patronato a favor del convento de religiosos dominicos de Tejupan, sobre ordenar el Obispo informe el cabildo. Dijeron que es útil y conveniente al patronato la redención, porque el deán los impuso sobre sus fincas, pero por una de sus cláusulas de testamento declara no tomó el dinero para sí, sino que fue amistad que hizo a un fulano Mellado, de quien tuvo escritura de indemnidad ordenando se compela la redención y por noticias que después hubo, dichos 2,300 pesos entraron en poder de D. Gaspar de Rivadeneyra, el Viejo, quien pagó durante mucho tiempo los réditos y ordenó no se redimiesen de los bienes libres que dejó, pasando este cargo a D. Fernando Ventura de Rivadeneyra, así que el Obispo se sirva mandar al dicho Lic. Bernardino que dentro de 20 días haga la diligencia judicial, contra el dicho D. Fernando Ventura de Rivadeneyra, para que exhiba o asegure fincados los dichos 2,300 pesos, para que se incorpore en el patronato, y de que ha pasado dicho término (ACCP, AC, Lib. 20, f. 109) (31.10.1698) Lic. Bernardino de Rivadeneyra y de la Plaza, capellán actual y usufructuario del patronato del deán ponga demanda al albacea y tenedor de los bienes de D. Gaspar de Rivadeneyra, el Viejo, por los 2,300 pesos que entraron en su poder y

232  •  The Casa del Deán

tocaban al principal del censo de los religiosos de Tejupa, haciendo todas las diligencias necesarias, presentando en su justificación las cláusulas del testamento y demás instrumentos, siguiendo la causa hasta que se reintegre dicha cantidad al patronato (ACCP, AC, Lib. 20, f. 113v). (31.08.1708) Lic. Miguel Francisco de Rivadeneyra y de la Plaza, cura de San Martín, jurisdicción de Tlaxcala, dijo misas del patronato (ACCP, AC, Lib. 21, f. 232). (02.09.1712) D. Miguel Francisco de Rivadeneyra y Plaza, de las misas del patronato del deán (ACCP, AC, Lib. 22, f. 30). (26.10.1714) Cuenta al Lic. Agustín Francisco de Rivadeneyra del patronato del deán (ACCP, AC, Lib. 22, f. 128v). (02.10.1716) Se remite al doctoral para que informe lo pedido por el Lic. Miguel de Alcalá, para que resuelva el cabildo en vista a los instrumentos del patronato del deán Tomás de la Plaza, sobre los 2,000 pesos que pide en nombre de D. Luís Monrroy, presbítero, patrono del patronato para reedificar sus fincas (ACCP, AC, Lib. 22, f. 349). (03.10.1758) Vistas las cláusulas de fundación del patronato y capellanía del deán Tomás de la Plaza, donde se declara pertenecer al deán y cabildo la celebración de las misas, en tanto que estuviese vacante dicha capellanía; dijeron debe observarse el auto del juez de testamentos y capellanías, respecto a que las misas se han celebrado puntualmente no ha lugar lo pedido por el Lic. Gaspar de Rivadeneyra y de la Plaza, que si tuviere algún derecho lo alegue ante dicho juez, quien deberá suspender poner en turno a los capitulares para la celebración de las misas

desde el 26.9.1758 en que presentó su memorial, dando noticia hallarse declarado capellán de dicho patronato. Y porque el fundador dejó mandado que todos los capellanes deberían dar cuenta al deán y cabildo, cada año de haber cumplido las misas por sí o por otro presbítero, bajo la pena de perder 2 años el servicio y goce de la capellanía, que se ha experimentado la total omisión, lo que deberá tenerse presente en la contaduría, para que se observe y también si se reparan oportunamente las fincas, por haberse tenido noticia que una de ellas se halla muy deteriorada y en peligro de padecer total ruina. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 33, f. 259v). (11.08.1795) Se aprobaron las cuentas que presentó el presbítero D. Luís Mellado, del vínculo que posee y fundó el deán Tomás de la Plaza. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 51, f. 203) (07.07.1801) Aprobaron las cuentas que presentó el presbítero Luís Mellado de la Plaza, que ha cumplido con las cargas del patronato del deán Tomás de la Plaza, en el bienio de 01.06.1799 a 30.05.1801 (ACCP, AC, Lib. 53, f. 183v). (16.08.1816) Se hizo presente el fallecimiento del presbítero Luis Mellado de la Plaza, por cuyo motivo estaba vacante el patronato laico del deán Tomás de la Plaza; que se vean por el secretario las actas y demás documentos sobre quien en las vacantes del vínculo deben desempeñar las misas. En 20.08.1816, vistos los documentos acordaron que las misas las vayan diciendo por turno los capitulares, regulada la limosna como dispuso el fundador (ACCP, AC, Lib. 58, ff. 38 y 38v). (22.11.1816) Oficio del Provisor Lic. y Mtro. José María Troncoso, participando haber declarado patrono de la memoria de misas del deán Tomás

de la Plaza, al caballero D. Joaquín de Ovando y Rivadeneyra, en virtud de haber justificado su parentesco con Da. María Izguerra, de quien resultaba ser su sexto nieto; se acordó que el superintendente de aniversarios dé providencia de que se le entreguen las casas del patronato laico, y hechas cuentas de lo que han producido en el tiempo de la vacante, se haga el repartimiento para las misas. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 58, f. 61) (23.02.1821) Hizo presente el superintendente de aniversarios, que el caballero D. Joaquín de Ovando, hacía 4 años que era poseedor del vinculo que fundó el deán Tomás de la Plaza y no había presentado las cuentas de las misas y décima que correspondía al cabildo de acuerdo a la escritura, debiéndola hacer anualmente, so pena de que quien la omitiera incurriera en la de prescribir los réditos de las fincas y administrarlas el cabildo por igual tiempo de la omisión; que se informe al doctoral (ACCP, AC, Lib. 59, f. 190). (10.06.1825) Informó el secretario que el superintendente de aniversarios, le hizo presente que habiendo fallecido D. Joaquín Ovando, que obtenía en vínculo que estableció el deán Tomás de la Plaza, había reclamado se entregasen las casas para que las administrase la oficina de aniversarios mientras se nombraba sucesor. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 61, f. 180) (20.06.1826) Leyeron oficio del Provisor, del día 14, donde avisa se había declarado por patrona de la memoria de misas que estableció el deán Tomas de la Plaza a Da. María Guadalupe Venegas, esposa del Cap. D. Manuel Pérez de Salazar; que se pase al superintendente de aniversarios para hacer entrega de las casas de la vinculación a la interesada (ACCP, AC, Lib. 61, f. 287v).

(21.08.1827) Se leyó escrito de D. Manuel Pérez de Salazar, con el que presentó las cuentas la fundación del patronato laico impuesto por el deán Tomás de la Plaza, correspondientes al primer anual corrido desde 14.06.1827 del año pasado. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 62, f. 82). (27.01.1829) Se leyó informe del superintendente de aniversarios del expediente de las cuentas del patronato laico del deán Tomás de la Plaza y obtiene en propiedad Da. María Guadalupe Venegas, esposa de D. Manuel Pérez Salazar Méndez Mont, aprobándolas. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 62, f. 251v). (12.06.1829) Dio cuenta el secretario que se habían entregado las fincas del patronato laico del deán de la Plaza, entre tanto se declaraba quien debía ser el sucesor del vínculo, pues su última poseedora Da. María Guadalupe Venegas, esposa del Cap. Manuel Salazar Méndez Mont, había fallecido. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 7). (13.05.1831) Se leyó oficio del alcalde 4º de la municipalidad, del pasado 9, en que se dice que habiendo cedido el provisor el conocimiento de los autos del patronato laico del deán Tomás de la Plaza, el tribunal había declarado la cesación de dicho patronato, por lo que suplicaba al cabildo mandase entregar a D. Manuel José Pérez de Salazar las casas sobre que se halla impuesto. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 178v). (17.05.1831) Sobre la pretensión del tribunal 4º se dio vista del informe del superintendente de aniversarios y se acordó se pasase con la escritura de fundación y los antecedentes al abogado doctoral, para que pidiese lo que creyese oportuno. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 179).

(14.06.1831) Se dio vista al informe del abogado doctoral acerca de la entrega de las casas en que se reconoce el capital del patronato del deán Tomás de la Plaza, con protesta de quedar a salvo los derechos del cabildo para lo favorable que pueda ocurrir; más como en los tramites seguidos en el expediente antes de la declaración del juez no se contó el cabildo, siendo el patrono, se acordó se pase el expediente al provisor manifestando lo extraño que es al cabildo la entrega de las casas por no tener los conocimientos previos que se requieren y pidiéndole un informe por entero de todo lo ocurrido. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 185v). (17.05.1831) Sobre la pretensión del tribunal 4º se dio vista del informe del superintendente de aniversarios y se acordó se pasase con la escritura de fundación y los antecedentes al abogado doctoral, para que pidiese lo que creyese oportuno. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 179). (14.06.1831) Se dio vista al informe del abogado doctoral acerca de la entrega de las casas en que se reconoce el capital del patronato del deán Tomás de la Plaza, con protesta de quedar a salvo los derechos del cabildo para lo favorable que pueda ocurrir; más como en los tramites seguidos en el expediente antes de la declaración del juez no se contó el cabildo, siendo el patrono, se acordó se pase el expediente al provisor manifestando lo extraño que es al cabildo la entrega de las casas por no tener los conocimientos previos que se requieren y pidiéndole un informe por entero de todo lo ocurrido. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 185v) (17.06.1831) Oficio de Manuel Pérez Salazar, acompañando las cuentas que manifiestan haber cumplido con la carga de las misas del patronato laico

Appendix IiI  • 233

del deán Tomás de la Plaza; se acordó se pasen a la contaduría de aniversarios para su revisión y para que informe el superintendente. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 186). (28.06.1831) Visto el informe del superintendente, donde se manifiestan ser exactas y conformes a la fundación, se aprobaron las cuentas de misas y décima pertenecientes al patronato laico del deán Tomás de la Plaza, que entregó D. Manuel Pérez Salazar. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 188). (22.07.1831) Se vio informe del provisor sobre el vínculo de patronato laico del deán Tomás de la Plaza y los dos expedientes relativos al patronato, se acordó se pasara todo al superintendente de aniversarios. (ACCP, AC, Lib. 63, f. 198).

Libro de Censos No. 1 (1585–1590) en el Archivo General Municipal de Puebla (AGMP) agm p, l . 1 ( 2 6 8 ) s igue La raçón de la quenta que da el canónigo Pedro Gómez de Espinosa, por su hermana doña Cathalina de Espinosa, Patrona que quedó del deán don Thomás de la Plaça, assí de los dineros que están puestos a censo como del alquiler de las casas donde vive la dicha Patrona.

[Al margen izquierdo: çenso principal: 2, 155 pesos 7 tomines. Rédito de cada año: CLIIII pesos 0 tomines]. Paresçe que para aclaraçión y raçón de haber estas quentas justificadas, fueron vistos por los señores canónigos Antón Garçía Endrino y Alonso Hernán(18.04.1834) D. Manuel Pérez Salazar, dez de Santiago, nombrados por los presentó los documentos que comseñores deán y cabildo. Los çensos prueban haber cumplido los años que se ympusieron van ympuestos de 1832 y 1833, con la carga de maíz del remaniente de bienes que queday décima anexa al vínculo del deán ron del deán don Thomás de la Plaça, Tomás de la Plaza; se acordó, se pase a que sea en gloria, uno de los quales la contaduría, para que se ministren los dichos çensos es de quantía de 2 mil y documentos necesarios para la protec- 155 pesos y 7 tomines de tipuzque de ción de Pérez Salazar. (ACCP, AC, Lib. prinçipal, sobre la estançia de ovejas 64, f. 62v). que tiene Alonso Rodríguez Cano; que este çenso se ympuso a 24 días del mes (08.05.1835) D. Manuel Pérez de de abril del año de 88, ante Marcos Salazar, presentó los documentos que Rodrígues, escrivano de cabildo. Y a acreditan haber cumplido con las carrentado hasta fin de diziembre del año gas que le impone el patronato laico del de 91, 565 pesos de oro común, a raçón deán Tomás de la Plaza, comprensivo cada un año de 154 pesos escasos. de un año y 11 meses corridos desde 01.07.1833, hasta 30.4.1834; se acordó [Al margen izquierdo: Prinçipal: 1,400 paren en la contaduría de aniversarios. pesos 0 tomines. Rédito de cada año: (ACCP, AC, Lib. 64, f. 114v). C pesos 0 tomines]. Otro çenso está ympuesto sobre una casa-obraje de Pedro de Angulo y su muger, Ynés de Ochoa, esquina con esquina de las casas de Diego de Espinosa, familiar del Sancto Ofiçio, que es de 1400 pesos

234  •  The Casa del Deán

de tipuzque de prinçipal y de réditos 100 pesos; a corrido y se ympuso a 3 días del mes de diziembre del año de 88 ante Melchor de Molina, escrivano público, que hasta fin del año de 91, a corrido y montado el rédito del dicho çenso, a raçón de 100 pesos de tipuzque por año, 308 pesos escasos. [Al margen izquierdo: Prinçipal: 700 pesos 0 tomines. Rédito de cada año: L pesos 0 tomines]. Asimismo ay otro çenso sobre las casas de Lucas Hernández y su muger, Ysabel Ochoa, que son en la Calle de los Mesones, el qual ympuso el dicho canónigo Pedro de Espinosa, para cumplir la manda del testamento del dicho deán don Thomás de la Plaça, en que manda ponga 700 pesos de oro de tipuzque de prinçipal para gozar el Patronazgo y acreçentamyento del y de la capellanía. El qual dicho çenso es de 700 pesos de tipuzque de principal, que de réditos son en cada un año 50 pesos. Ympusose el dicho çenso en 20 días del mes de febrero de año de 88 ante Marcos Rodríguez, escrivano de cabildo. Monta lo corrido del dicho çenso hasta fin del año de 91, 193 pesos. [Al margen: Alquiler de casas: CL pesos 0 tomines]. Ultra de esto, a los dichos señores canónigos les paresçió, por muchas consideraçiones que tuvieron de tasar el alquiler de las casas. Y assí, considerando las personas que de presente viven en ellas y que parte de las dichas casas está ocupada con una mujer que cría una huérfana que el dicho deán dexó se criase. Y por esto y lo dicho mandaron y ordenaron que fuesen 150 pesos de tipuzque el alquiler de cada un año, que hasta el fin del año de 91, son 4 años y medio desde el día que el dicho deán murió y montan 670 pesos.

[Al margen: Miszas dichas hasta fin del año de 1591: DCCCCXLVIII miszas]. Suma y monta 1736 pesos de tepuzque, de los quales se bajan y quitan 313 pesos y quatro tomines de tepuzque que el dicho canónigo Pedro de Espinosa presentó de gastos por un memorial que en nombre de la dicha su hermana doña Catalina de Espinosa truxo y presentó firmado de ambos; los quales, quitados de los dichos 1736 pesos, restan y quedan 1422 pesos y 4 tomines. Y paresçe que los dichos 1422 pesos y 4 tomines montan 948 miszas, a raçón cada misza de 12 reales de limosna como el dicho deán, que sea en gloria, dexó mandado se pa [L. 1 (269)] gasen por su testamento, las quales dichas miszas paresçió por cartas de pago que presentó haverse dicho hasta fin de el dicho año de 91, con lo qual paresçe haver cumplido la dicha doña Cathalina de Espinosa con la obligación que tiene conforme a el dicho testamento. Y ansí nos, los dichos jueçes contadores por la comisión que tenemos de los dichos señores deán y cabildo, en el dicho nombre aprobamos y ratificamos las dichas quentas para que hagan fe en todo tiempo por constarnos, como nos consta, de la verdad en ellas contenida y lo firmamos de nuestros nombres, en presencia del contador y secretario de cabildo Francisco Hurtado, que fueron fechas y acabadas en ocho días del mes de abril de 1592. El canónigo Santiago [firmado], el canónigo Antón García Endrino [rubricado]. Ante mí: Francisco Hurtado [rubricado]. Segunda quenta perteneciente al año de 92, pasa a foja 142. [f. 142 f.] En la ciudad de los Ángeles desta Nueva España, 12 días del mes de mayo 1593, por comisión del deán y cabildo de este obispado

de Tlaxcala por ante mí, Francisco Hurtado, notario apostólico y contador deste dicho obispado, de que doy fe y secretario del cavildo, se cometió a los canónigos Antón Garçía Endrino y Alonso Hernández de Santiago para que tomen quenta, en presençia del canónigo Antonio de Vera, del albaçea y testamento, que es de la espusición del ánima del deán don Tomás de la Plaça, que sea en gloria, así de lo que a rentado los réditos de los çensos que están ynpuestos para el benefiçio y bienes del alma como de la limosna, y otros gastos que se an gastado así en las mysas que se an dicho por la dicha ánima como en otros gastos generales y particulares que en bien de la dicha ánima se an distribuydo, la qual dicha quenta se toma a doña Catalina de Espinosa, patrona y capellana que es del dicho deán, según se contiene y declara por cláusula de testamento que el dicho deán hizo, a que se remyte esta partida; y en su nombre se resçibe la dicha quenta al canónigo Pedro Gómez de Espinosa, su hermano, al qual, estando presente, se le hizo el cargo siguiente: Cargo: Primeramente se le haze cargo de 454 pesos de oro común que lo valieron y montaron 4256 pesos de oro común, que están puestos a censo como se contiene y declara a fojas 133 deste libro, donde por razón bastante se declara particularmente sobre que está ynpuesto cada censo; y adbiertese que el çenso que tenía Lucas Hernández se mudó y se puso en las posesiones que tiene Alvar Yanes y los 150 pesos restantes a cumplimiento a los pesos que de esta partida se ponen y cargan por el alquiler de las casas que dexó el deán en que viven la dicha doña Catalina de Espinosa y canónigo Espinosa.

Por manera que el cargo que se le haze al dicho canónigo Pedro Gómez de Espinosa, en nombre de la dicha doña Catalina de Espinosa, suma y monta 454 pesos de oro común y estos pesos se le cargan por el año de 92. Y así, estando el dicho canónigo Espinosa presente, açe[p]tó este dicho cargo con que se les reciba el descargo que tienen que dar. Y así lo dixo y firmó de su nonbre. El canónigo Espinosa [rubricado]. Descargo: Primeramente dio en descargo 270 pesos y 2 tomines de oro común que para por un memorial firmado de doña Catalina de Espinosa y canónigo Espinosa haverse [L. 1 (287)] gastado en reparos y adobios nesçesarios en la casa del dicho deán y en dar de bestir a una huérfana en el testamento contenido; que todo fue visto y exsaminado por los dichos juezes contadores y albaçea y[n]testamentario, los quales aprobaron esta partida y mandaron que así se pase en quenta. Yten, se le resçiben en quenta 193 pesos y 6 tomines de oro común, por razón de 130 mysas que an dicho, según paresçe por las cartas de pago de las personas que dixeron las dichas misas, firmadas de los sacerdotes que las dixeron, que fueron vistas y esaminadas por los dichos juezes y albaçeas. Por manera que suma y monta el descargo que dio el dicho canónigo Pedro Gómez de Espinosa, en nombre de la dicha doña Catalina de Espinosa, su hermana, 454 pesos que queda ajustado el descargo con cargo del año de 1592. Por manera que lo que toca al año de 92 queda resumido y ajustado el cargo con el descargo, y se advierte y a de entender que las demás mysas que el dicho canónigo Espinosa tiene en cédulas dichas en el año de 90 son para el año de 93. Y con esta declaraçíon lo

Appendix IiI  • 235

firmaron de sus nonbres oy dicho día. Canónigo Vera [rubricado], el canónigo Antón García Endrino [rubricado], el canónigo Santiago [rubricado], el canónigo Espinosa [rubricado]. Francisco Hurtado, contador [rubricado].

Archivo General Municipal de Puebla (agmp) AGMP, LCe. No. 1, ff. 250 r. [Al margen: El deán contra Hernando de Chávez/Molino]. Otro censo sobre el molino no. 55 que otorgó Hernando de Cháves y doña María de Oliveros, su mujer, a favor de don Tomás de la Plaça, de mil pesos de oro común, sobre unas cassas en la Calle de la Rascona y se otorgó en 14 de março de 1577, por certificación de Villafranca, a foxas 94. AGMP, LCe. No. 1, ff. [Al margen: El señor deán, don Thomás, qontra Bartholomé Rodríguez y su mujer / Batán]. Otro censo que otorgó Bartolomé Rodríguez y Marta Díaz a favor de don Tomás de la Plaza, de 406 pesos de principal, impuestos sobre unas casas y un batán de dos ruedas y quatro pilas de batanar paños y sayales, en términos del pueblo de Totomehuacán, linde por la parte de arriba con batán de Alonso Gómez e por la parte de abaxo con la puenyte e camino que va desta çiiudad al dicho pueblo, y se otorgó ante Mediavilla, escrivano, en 29.7.1586, por el libro, a foxas 106. [Al margen: este censo está chancelado por escritura por este libro, a foxas 106, a que me remito, fecho en 8 de septiembre de 1590. Marcos Rodríguez]

236  •  The Casa del Deán

AGMP, LCe. No. 1, ff. 258 v. no. ARPPyCP, LCe. No. 1, ff. 250 r. [Al margen: El deán contra Hernando de Chávez/ Molino]. 152. [Al margen: Francisco Pérez de las Heras y fray Juan Carrasco qonttra el deán y don Juan López Mellado/Tierras. Este censo está chanzelado. Véase su registro a foxa 76]. Otro censo que otorgaron el deán don Tomás de la Plaça y don Juan López Mellado, en favor de fray Pedro de las Eras, de la orden de Santo Domingo, vicario del convento de la dicha orden del pueblo de Texupa, en la mixteca alta, y de fray Juan Rasco[n] en su nombre, de 2300 pesos de oro común de principal, impuestos sobre unas casas principales del dicho deán y sobre 4 caballerías de tierra de pan llevar del dicho don Juan López, que son en el valle de San Pablo, en la puente que llaman de las chichimecas, lindan con estançia de la Rinconada y tierras de Juan Loçano; y sobre 7 caballerías de tierra de pan llevar del dicho Juan López, en términos del pueblo de Nopaluca, linde de unas con otras y por la otra parte con tierras de Francisco de Merlo y por la otra con el dicho pueblo. Y se otorgó ante Marcos Rodríguez, en 16.12.1584, paresce por certificación, a foxas 75 y por reagistro a foxas 76. AGMP, LCe. No. 1, ff. 258 v. no. ARPPyCP, LCe. No. 1, ff. 250 r.-250 v. [Al margen: Juan Barranco qontra don Juan López y su mujer y Bartolomé Rodríguez y doña María de San Jusepe / Este censo está chanselado, bease su registro a foxas 134, / tierras, batanes, sitio de estancia, Estancia de ganado mayor y Estancia de ganado menor].

Nos. 152, 153, 50, 143, 154, 155 y 156. Otro censo sobre las tierras No. 152 y No. 153, y sobre los batanes y sitio de molino No. 50 y No. 143, que otorgaron don Juan López Mellado y doña María Yzguerra, su muger; y Gerónimo Rodríguez de Fuenlabrada y doña María de San Jusepe, biuda, a favor de Juan Barranco, de 3600 pesos de oro común de principal, ynpuestos sobre dichos bienes y sobre un sitio de estançia de ganado menor en términos de Tepeaca, linde con la estançia de una capilla y con estancia de Pedro López de Olibares; y sobre una estançia con cantidad de ganado mayor en el río de Albarado, en términos de Coçamaluapa; y sobre 15 sitios de estançia, linde con la dicha estançia y con el río de Albarado y arroyo de Coapa; y sobre la parte que a la dicha doña María de San Josepe perteneçe en la estançia del Pinillo, donde está enterada en su docte, que es en término de Tlaxcala, linde estançia de don Antonio de Reynosso y estançia de Alonsso de Benabides, y sobre 20,000 cabeças de ganado obejuno que ay en la dicha estançia. Y se otorgó ante Marcos Rodrígues, en 23.9.1587, por el libro a foxas 134.

notes

In trodu ct ion

5. Maza 1953, 1954; Fuentes García 2007, 60–62; Castro Morales 2013. 1. “Otra vez la Casa del Deán” 1992. 6. Infrared photographs of the murals Gastón García Cantú, José Manuel Brito, were taken in 1974, indicating few changJosé Antonio Pérez Rivero, Miguel Marín es. Helga von Kügelgen (1979, 211) Hisman, Saturnino Téllez, and Héctor states: “Las fotos infrarojas hechas por Silva Andraca were the scholars who diIrma Groth en 1974 . . . demuestran que rected the students to the discovery. se han cambiado varios detalles pero no 2. The story of saving the murals lo fundamental de las pinturas. Algunas comes from various sources, including inscripciones/denominaciones en el my interviews with Fernando Ramírez cuarto de las sibilas son dudosas, se Osorio, Ramón Pablo Loreto, and Arq. pueden reconstruir por medio de la Ignacio Ibarra, coordinator of Historic tradición iconográfica.” Monuments for INAH in Puebla, as well 7. Palm 1973b, 1974; Kügelgen 1979, as newspaper clippings graciously pro1999, 2013; Sebastián López 1992b; vided by Sr. Loreto: Loreto 1960; “En la Gruzinski 1994; A. Arellano 1996; MoCasa del Deán” 1983; “Otra vez la Casa rales Folguera 2008. del Deán” 1992; Arana Méndez 1999; 8. Schwaller 1987, 32–33. Architectural historian Pablo C. de Gante Víctor Arellano 1999; and “La Casa del 9. See appendix I for Don Tomás de la (1954, 65–66) had this to say about the Deán” 1999. Also see Gastón García Plaza’s will. house and murals: Cantú, “Testimonios de la Barbarie,” 10. See AGMP (Archivo General MuNovedades: México en la Cultura 240 (OcLa Casa de Deán, tan importante para nicipal de Puebla), Lce. No. 1, folio 258v. tober 25, 1953). nuestra arquitectura civil del siglo no. ARPPyCP, Lce. No. 1, folio 250r, in 3. See appendix III for a history XVI, estuvo en estos días—¡quién lo appendix III. of Don Tomás de la Plaza’s capellanía creyera!—a punto de caer bajo la pi 11. Simon Pereyns was one of the (foundation). queta del más bajo mercantilismo. La Europeans active in the Puebla area. His 4. See Maza 1954. Carlos de Ovando indignación y las vehementes protesoeuvre includes the retable at Huejot(Pérez Salazar 1963, 18–19, 46, 221 n. 2) tas de los ciudadanos cultos lograron zingo dated 1588. Nicolás de Tejeda was wrote: salvar, por un verdadero milagro, esta working as a painter in 1558. His presjoya del siglo de la Conquista. Pero no Aunque es indiscutible que el señor ence and vocation are verified by an act sólo escapóse de la demolición, sino Pérez Salazar descubrió por primera of the city’s Cabildo dated July 8, 1558: que tuvo la suerte de atraer mayor aten- “Merced de titulo de vecendad a Nicolas vez las pinturas al fresco de la Casa del ción por parte de los amantes del arte, Deán algunas personas erróneomente de Tejeda, pintor.” Actas del Cabildo, ficha tanto así que al explorar cuidadosahan considerado que éstas fueron no. 05653, vol. 08, document 51, asunto mente el interior de esta vieja mansión, 02, date 7/8/1558, folio 45f. Only numdescubiertas hasta el año de 1953, cosa se descubrieron pinturas murales de completamente falsa. bers are listed in future references to the sumo interés en varios de sus salones. Al ser descubiertas las pinturas, Actas del Cabildo. Una capa de cal varias veces secular por el señor Pérez Salazar, éste mandó 12. Gibson 1952, 142–157, 161–167. las protegía contra las depredaciones a 13. Fernández del Castillo 1982, 360– tomar algunas fotografías y después que son expuestas tantas obras de arte ordenó cubrir nuevamente con todo 362, 470–471. Also see Marchi and Van medio olvidadas. cuidado los frescos para que pudieran Miegroet 2000. conservarse, esto con el fin de evitarse dificultades por estar amenazado de un juicio de nacionalización de la casa, que infundadamente promovió el gobierno federal, alegando que dicho inmueble perteneció al clero. El eminente crítico de arte español don Diego Angulo Iñiguez, conoció las pinturas de la Casa del Deán en el año de 1934, cuando estuvo en Puebla y le fueron mostradas por el señor Pérez Salazar; el mismo señor Angulo habla de ellas y publica una fotografía del archivo del señor Pérez Salazar, en el tomo II, de su Historia del arte hispanoamericano, Salvat Editores, S.A., España, 1950, pp. 368 y 370.

14. Seigel 1968, 46. 15. Navarrete 1994, 1. 16. These photographs are in the possession of Efraín Castro Morales. 17. Interview of Fernando Ramírez Osorio by the author, January 2001. 18. Peterson 1993, 45; Edgerton 2001, 133. 19. Maza 1954, 20–31. 20. A public announcement on the INAH website noted the October 2010 formal reopening of the Casa del Deán after the year-long restoration: http:// www.inah.gob.mx/index.php/english -press-releases/57-restoration/4638 -puebla-16th-century-mural-paintings -recover-their-splendor. There is controversy concerning the restoration: some believe that the murals have lost the depth of color from the sixteenth century as a result of over-cleaning. Chapter One 1. Mendieta 1973, 1:xxvii. Written during a two-year stay in Spain in a letter to Fray Francisco de Guzmán, the paragraph continues: “soy tan hijo de aquella tierra de Indias en el deseo y procuración de su bien della, ni pido otra merced sino que . . . encargue [a los franciscanos de México] que como a tal hijo de allá me tengan por parcionero de sus sacrificios u oraciones, y que cuando oyeren que soy difunto me digan las missas que por los frailes que allá fallecen acostumbran decir.” All translations are by the author unless otherwise stated. 2. Maza 1968, 34. 3. The one exception was the entry for the Casa del Deán written by Hugo Leicht (1986, 273–274). In compiling the biography of Don Tomás de la Plaza, I am particularly indebted to three people for their assistance in discovering the primary material that has contributed to a much more comprehensive understanding of his life story. John F. Schwaller has directed me to related

2 3 8   •   N o t e s t o Pa g e s 1 2 – 2 2

parts of the Patronato file on Puebla in the Archivo de Indias in Seville and has answered many questions. Montserrat Galí Boadella at the Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla generously provided the transcription by Teresa Arenas of Don Tomás de la Plaza’s last will and testament. I also wish to thank J. Benedict Warren, who has patiently helped me to read the will in its original format and to decipher other sixteenthcentury texts. 4. AGI, Patronato 183, No. 1, R. 3, 1, 1. “Primeramente el deanato que al presente tiene y posee don Tomás de la Plaza natural de la villa de Alburquerque obispado de Badajoz estudio Latinidad, Rethorica, aritmetica y geometria en la universidad de Salamanca. Paso con los demas que vinieron a la conquista de la Florida ano de 38. Vino a nueba spana fin del de 43. Leyo gramatica en la ciudad de guaxaca. Ordenose de sacerdote ano de 45. Sirvio 20 anos partidos entre yndios en el dicho obispado. Supo las lenguas Mexicana y mixteca y siendo Visitador general de aquel obispado el ano de 64, le hizo su magistad merced de la dicha Dignidad de Dean y desde entonces ha que la sirve con buen cuydado y diligencia, es hombre de 63 anos.” 5. I would like to thank Dr. J. Benedict Warren and Ricardo León Alanís for this interpretation. 6. Schwaller 1987, 31–32. 7. Ida Altman (2000, 3) has written: “The extremeño emigrants and their families were closely associated with the ‘heroic’ age of early Spanish American history. They include larger-than-life individuals such as Francisco Pizarro and his brothers; key officials like fray Nicolás de Ovando, early governor of Hispaniola and relative of Lic. Juan de Ovando; powerful encomenderos and representatives of important families of the provincial nobility who were much aware of (and concerned about) their privileged status; and influential artisans such as the

architect Francisco Becerra, all of whom had entourages of relatives and retainers, many of them from their hometowns and ‘tierra.’” 8. Weckmann 1992, 211. 9. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 109r. 10. United States de Soto Expedition Commission: Final Report 1939, 349–377. 11. Clayton, Knight, and Moore 1993, 539. 12. Clayton, Knight, and Moore 1993, 549–550. The United States de Soto Expedition Commission: Final Report (1939, 336) compares three different accounts of the expedition. 13. Martínez Sola 1998, 156, 176– 178. Bishop Bernardo de Alburquerque’s family name was Holgado. In 1534 he entered the Convent of San Esteban in Salamanca, where he studied until he left for New Spain in 1540. 14. Gerhard 1993, 8–9; Weckmann 1992, 353–357; Poole 1987, 226. A corregidor was a Spanish official in charge of a district or province. 15. Schwaller 1981, vii–ix, 1987, 67–71. 16. Terraciano 2001, 71. 17. Gerhard 1993, 48, 50–51; Schwaller 1981, 388. The Relación geográfica for Teozapotlán is in the Real Academia de la Historia (RAH), Madrid (Papeles de la Nueva España 1905, 4:190– 195). Also see Cline 1972–1975, 12:202, 222, 290, 351. According to Gerhard, a cabecera was an indigenous governmental and tribute collection center; an estancia was an outlying subordinate settlement; and a pueblo sujeto was a subject town of the cabecera. The friars created these designations soon after the conquest. Existing principal communities became cabeceras. The outlying subordinate settlements were known as barrios if nearby and sujetos or estancias if at a distance from the cabecera. Gerhard writes: “Royal commands of 1551 and 1558 ordered all the surviving natives to be

congregated in pueblos of European design near the monasteries. . . . Many Indians in outlying estancias were convinced by persuasion or force to abandon their ancestral homesites and move either to a cabecera or to a concentrated pueblo sujeto.” This process of congregación continued into the seventeenth century (Gerhard 1993, 26–27, 407–408). 18. The Relación for Coatlán is found in Papeles de la Nueva España 1905, 4:131–137. Also see Schwaller 1981, xix, 79; Gerhard 1993, 187–190; Terraciano 2001, 462, note 170. The Dominicans had given over the parish to the seculars in 1538. 19. Gerhard 1992, 483, #2091, Nov. 6, 1551, 1993, 188. 20. Gerhard 1993, 407. A cacique or tlatoani was a hereditary indigenous ruler. 21. Terraciano 2001, 253, 261, 263– 264, 268, 272–273, 278, 281 (quotation). 22. Gerhard 1993, 128–132; Schwaller 1981, xlvii, 434–435; Suma de visitas, Paso y Troncoso, 1905: nos. 131, 659, 753, 784. 23. Gerhard 1993, 123–125. The Relación geográfica for Guamelula is lost; Cline 1972–1975, 12:86, 203; Spores 1975: 49, no. 615. “Huamelula, Po. Licencia a los naturales de este pueblo, para hacer una sementera de maíz de doscientas brazas, para ayudar a la reedificación de la iglesia de este pueblo.” A braza is equivalent to a fathom, approximately six feet. 24. Gerhard 1993, 71–73; Schwaller 1981, 363, xlii. Also see Cline 1972– 1975, 12:201, 222, 291, 353. 25. Gerhard 1993, 300–304; Schwaller 1981, xviii, 62–63. The Relación geográfica for Chinantla is in the RAH. Cline 1972–1975, 12:185, 202, 222, 332; Papeles de la Nueva España 1905, 4:58–68. 26. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 122r–122v in appendix I. 27. Papeles de la Nueva España 1905,

4:64–67. The nacastle or guanacaste is a conacaste tree; its Latin name is Enterolobium cyclocarpum. Chinantla was renowned for another plant resource: cacao. The author of the Relación geográfica also notes that before the conquest the Chinantecans had taken gold from rivers and wells. 28. Gerhard 1993, 85–87. A brief report for Guaspaltepec is in the Ovando series (García Pimentel 1904, 67, 81– 82). The Relación geográfica is lost (Cline 1972–1975, 12:203, 205). 29. Schwaller 1981, xxiv, 134. “El cura recibía unos 100 pesos de minas de la Real Hacienda y entre 50 y 90 del encomendero, Jorge de Alvarado y su viuda Luisa de Estrada.” Also see Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 9:16. 30. Schwaller 1987, 138–139. 31. The Relación geográfica for Nochistlán is in the RAH. Gerhard 1993, 199–202; Cline 1972–1975, 12:92, 202, 222, 270, 287, 343; Kubler 1948, 1:92, fig. 24. 32. Gerhard 1993, 202 (quotation), 408. 33. Spores 1992, 34, no. 68. “El Acordado sobre la Junta de los de Nochistlan Dirigido al Corregidor con Parecer del Vicario en Sus Propios Términos,” July 10, 1563. 34. Kiracofe 1996, 220, 222, 243–245; Terraciano 2001, 261–265. The disc frieze is considered a symbolic reference to status and political power; this particular frieze could indicate the house of the ruler (tecpan). Near Nochistlán in Teposcolula, a tecpan with a disc frieze has been identified as the Casa de la Cacica. 35. McAndrew 1965, 154–156. Codex Nuttall 1975; Toussaint 1967, 42–43, figs. 35, 52. The stepped fret occurs in Mixtec paintings before the conquest and probably indicates that a building was significant. Public structures like the pyramid/temple or the tecpan would have been distinguished by architectural ornamentation. Variations in the friezes

could also lead to the conclusion that they served as additional emblematic elements in the representation of a particular town or city-state. The frieze can be compared to the painted frieze at the Augustinian monastery in Culhuacán. See Wake 2010, 111–113. 36. Papeles de la Nueva España 1905, 4:211; Terraciano 2001, 118, 120. 37. Terraciano 2001, 27. 38. Martínez Sola 1998, 299. 39. Martínez Sola 1998, 471. 40. The visitador general was an ecclesiastical official who did tours of inspection of the parishes in the diocese (Poole 1987, 231). 41. Mauleón Rodríguez (2013, 51–52) has published the text from the Archivo del Cabildo de la Catedral de Puebla, describing Don Tomás’s presentation to the Cathedral Cabildo as the new dean. 42. Concilio III 1870, 188. 43. Concilio III 1870, xx. 44. Peña Espinosa 2005, 85, 92–93. 45. Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 14:72–73. In his Epistolario Paso y Troncoso provides the transcription for a document in the AGI (Papeles de Simancas, Indiferente general, Est. 58, caj. 6, leg. 1). This Relación del distrito y pueblos del Obispado de Tlaxcala is described as anonymous and undated. It is signed by the chapelmaster Alonso Pérez de Andrada for the dean, Don Tomás de la Plaza. I believe that this report was written in January 1571, soon after Bishop Fernando de Villagómez’s death (December 3, 1570). This same document appears in García Pimentel 1904. 46. The Patronato report also gives the salary for each of the members of the cathedral chapter, with the dignidades receiving double the amount received by the canons and racioneros (AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/4–5). 47. Schwaller 1987, 33. 48. AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/1–2.

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49. Hierónimo Pacheco is named in documents dated 1572, 1574, and 1576 as both archdeacon and commissary (comisario) for the Sacred Office of the Inquisition in Puebla. The 1582 Patronato report states that Don Fernando Pacheco was a priest for twenty years and archdeacon for seventeen; thus it would seem that Hierónimo and Fernando were one and the same person. AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/1. On November 3, 1564, Fernando Pacheco was named arcediano of the Cathedral of Tlaxcala (AGI, Signatura: Contratación 5787, N. 1, L. 4, 202v–203, 11/03/1564). Fernando appears as the arcediano in the 1585 Concilio III Provincial Mexicano. He is Fernando in Puebla’s Actas del Cabildo: ficha 09043, vol. 0011, doc. 185, asunto 02, date 2/23/84, folio ant. 0151v, folio actual 0160v; and, using numbers only, 12816, 13, 811, 05, 4/30/1604, 261v, 261v. He is Hierónimo in the Inquisition documents group at the Archivo General de la Nación (AGN): 1572, vol. 82, exp. 24, fojas 2; 1574, vol. 78, exp. 8, fojas 14.7. See Schwaller 1987, 39–41, concerning nepotism in Puebla among Pacheco family members in the almost inherited post of arcediano. 50. Mauleón Rodríguez 1995, 104, 124. 51. Peña Espinosa 2005, 95. In 1572 the cathedral archives record that Pérez de Andrada as chapelmaster led the singing for all the Hours. 52. Stevenson 1954, 69–78; Catalyne 1966, 75–90; Marín López 2008, 575–596. 53. AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/2; Schwaller 1987, 46–47; Peña Espinosa 2005, 184–185; Poole 1987, 195–201. In the spring of 1581 Beteta arrived from Michoacán to become schoolmaster, only to find that the bishop Don Diego Romano was unwilling to grant the benefice because he lacked a university degree. Beteta went to the Audiencia to appeal the decision. The court ruled

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that the appointment had been a monarch’s order and must stand. Beteta left for Spain in 1586 to represent the bishops in their efforts to obtain approval of the acts of the Third Provincial Council from the king and the pope. The pope’s response in 1589 was the bull Romanum Pontificem. After the approbation of the decrees in Rome, Beteta received from the pope a twenty-year monopoly to print the council documents in Mexico, in appreciation for his efforts. This printing did not occur until 1622, long after Beteta’s monopoly had expired. Beteta also returned to Mexico with relics for the cathedral in Puebla (AGI, Signatura: MP-Bulas-Breves, 387, 31/10/1589; AGI, Signatura: Pasajeros, L. 7, E. 671; AGI, Signatura: Contratación, 5233, N. 57, 16/07/1590; AGI, Signatura: Contratación, 5233, N. 59; Pasajeros, L. 2, E. 3917). 54. Concilio III 1870, 189; AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/2. “Propone las siguientes personas para las vacantes eclesiasticas que se citan: Lic. Don Juan de Cervantes, para tesorero de Tlaxcala” (AGI, Signatura: Indiferente, 740, N. 242). 55. AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/2–3. 56. Schwaller 1987, 54; AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/3. According to Schwaller, another brother, Pedro Ochoa de Elexalde, had a benefice in the PueblaTlaxcala diocese. 57. AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/3; Fernández del Castillo 1982, 337–347. 58. Schwaller 1987, 51. 59. Schwaller 1987, 53. 60. Pike 1972, 55, 60–61. 61. AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/3–4; Schwaller 1987, 58. 62. Schwaller 1987, 64. Schwaller describes the functions of these positions: “Below the cathedral chapter existed a very complex staff of individuals who served the cathedral. The bull of erection

mandated the creation of some of these offices, while others were created by the cathedral chapter. All of them had fixed salaries, either based on the bull or stipulated by the chapter. With the exception of the curates of the cathedrals, all of them served at the pleasure of the chapter. The cathedral curates . . . fell under the authority of the bishop. The bull of erection provided for the following officials: an organist, a secretary, a herald, a sacristan, and a perrero. The last official had the obligation of keeping stray dogs out of the cathedral.” 63. Foster 1960, 11–26. 64. According to Fernández Echeverría y Veytia (1992, 133–134), “se halla sentado por hermano el Illmo. Señor Dn. Fernando de Villagómez, en cuyo tiempo se transladó y todo el Cabildo comenzando del Señor Deán Dn. Tomás de la Plaza. Esta ilustre Archicofradía subsistió en el Hospital hasta el año de 1567 que se transladó a la Santa Iglesia Catedral primera y la situó el Señor Dn. Fernando de Villagómez en la Capilla del Sagrario, donde colocaron una hermosa imagen de bulto de la Purísima Concepción que se dice haberla traído consigo el mismo señor Obispo y endonádola a la Cofradía.” 65. Motolinía 1971, 113–114, 99– 101; Mendieta 1973, 2:49–52. 66. Peña Espinosa 2005, 173–175. 67. Peña Espinosa 2005, 176. Also see Katzew 2011, 155–158. 68. Actas del Cabildo, 08160, 10, 290, 02, 5/23/1577, 216v, 217v; 083696, 11, 29, 02, 6/1/1579, 30v, 30v; 08522, 11, 57, 02, 5/20/1580, 58f, 58f; 08523, 11, 57, 03, 5/20/1580, 58f, 58f; 08632, 11, 84, 02, 4/21/1581, 80f, 80f; 08640, 11, 86, 03, 5/5/1581, 81v, 81v; 08817, 11, 130, 02, 5/28/1582, 115f; 08902, 11, 148, A16, 1/2/1583, 122f, 129f; 09292, 12, 18, 02, 6/17/1585, 15f, 15f. 69. María y Campos 1978, 112–113. 70. Actas del Cabildo, 09459, 12, 59, 02, 5/24/1586, 47f, 49f: “Acuerdo para

que la fiesta de Corpus Christi sea organizada, como todos los años, por el cabildo; pero como este no tiene dinero, los gastos correrán por este año y los próximos, a cargo de los taberneros, panaderos, y de todos los que tienen oficios mecánicos. Así, ya se podrán realizar las comedias y danzas como es costumbre.” Also see Actas del Cabildo 09451, 12, 56, 04, 4/30/1586, 45v, 47v: “Pregon para que en la procesion de Corpus Christi y su ochavario de este año, todos los obrajeros salgan con su pendon y candelas y que los oficiales de todos los oficios salgan en ella, so pean de 50 pesos de oro comun. Que se nombren a los veedores de los obrajeros para que participen en la procesion. Ademas, se indico que se aderecen las casas y puertas y que en las encrucijadas se coloquen los altares como es costumbre.” The year following the dean’s death, the cabildo agreed to pay 150 pesos to Diego Lozano for his role in the comedia that was to take place in the cathedral (Actas del Cabildo 09783, 12, 129, 05, 5/31/1588, 114f–114v). 71. Actas del Cabildo, 07566, 10, 144, 02, 11/10/1571, 95f, 97f. “Traslado de una cedula real firmada por el Rey en Madrid en 16 de agosto de 1570, hecha por Jerónimo Zurita, secretario, en la que notifica al cabildo de la ciudad de los angeles, la necesidad de establecer el tribunal del santo oficio de la Inquisición, nombrando para ello como inquisidores apostólicos al doctor Pedro Moya de Contreras, al Lic. Juan de Cervantes y todos los oficiales que ellos nombraren. Se ordena que a todos ellos se les permita ejercer protócolo de obedecimiento.” 72. Poole 1987, 28–29. 73. AGN, Inquisición, vol. 34, expediente 29, foja 98. “Proceso y autos de la justicia de esta ciudad de Los Angeles contra el P. Pedro Ortiz de Zúñiga, cura de esta santa iglesia, sobre ciertas cosas que se le oponen en razón de estar amancebado. Juez: el dean Don Tomás de la Plaza, en comisión del

ilustrísimo Rdmo. Sr. Don Fernando de Villa Gómez, Obispo de este Obispado.” Pedro Ortiz de Zúñiga was a vicario in Xonotla in 1571 (Paso y Troncoso 1939– 1942, 76). 74. Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:33–35, 133–134, 592. 75. Fernández del Castillo 1982, 552–553; Poole 1987, 229. According to Poole, an ordinary was “an ecclesiastical official who exercised jurisdiction in his own name, not that of another.” It is recorded that no bishop was in residence for the diocese of Tlaxcala from 1571 to 1573 and 1576 to 1578 (Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:182–186; Leicht 1986, 274–275). 76. AGN, Inquisición, vol. 86, expediente 29, foja 1. 77. Fernández del Castillo 1982, 247, 337–347. 78. In the Papeles de visita dated ca. 1575, the author mentions a vacancy of five years between Bishops Martín Sarmiento de Hojacastro and Fernando de Villagómez as well as a current vacancy in the bishopric (García Pimentel 1904, 2). 79. Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 11:109; Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:182–186; Leicht 1986, 274–275. 80. Leicht 1986, 142. “El acta del Cabildo Eclesiástico del 18 de enero de 1572 reza: ‘Las casas que fueron de Alonso Martín Partidor están en la parte principal del sitio donde la Iglesia Catedral de esta Ciudad se ha de edificar, y en el suelo de ellas de necesidad se ha de hacer la capilla mayor, y que por no tener la iglesia dinero ni posibilidad para las poder comprar por ser la fábrica (rentas) de ella tan pobre que aún para los gastos ordinarios de vino y cera y otras necesidades no puede suplir, fue forzoso comprar la dicha casa con los dineros del hospital de S. Pedro que es el de la Catedral.’” 81. Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 11:109–110.

82. Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 14:71. 83. Castro Morales 1970, 54. 84. According to Efraín Castro Morales (1960, 13, 16–17), “El 24 de enero de 1575 le fué otorgado [Becerra] por el virrey D. Martín Enríquez el título de ‘Maestro Mayor de la Catedral de Puebla,’ en compañía de Juan de Cigorondo, que a su vez recibió el de ‘Obrero Mayor,’ y por su acompañado, mayordomo e aparejador a Francisco Gutiérrez.” See Marco Dorta 1951, 36–37, 68, 249– 250, for a transcription of the original document. 85. Leicht 1986, 142. “La traza y modelo y monteo ansí por de afuera como por de dentro y condiciones de la dicha obra.” Leicht provides the rest of the wording in the contract, that the work should relate to “‘todo lo que su Excelencia (el virrey) y la Real Audiencia manda hacer en ella,’ pidiendo ellos que se les señalase el lugar para abrir los cimientos.” Also see Toussaint 1954, 64–65. 86. Castro Morales 1960, 18. 87. Actas del Cabildo, 08030, 10, 256, 04, 1/16/1576, 194f-194v. 88. Castro Morales 1960, 17–18. 89. Marco Dorta 1951, 80–83; 308– 310; Leicht 1986, 185. Upon the death of the cathedral’s maestro mayor, Francisco Gutiérrez, the viceroy named Antonio Ortiz del Castillo as his replacement on November 11, 1586. After briefly occupying the office, Ortiz del Castillo was replaced by Luis de Arciniega. 90. Castro Morales 1970, 47–49. Also see Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:54–57. 91. Mauleón Rodríguez 2013, 54; Archivo del Cabildo de la Catedral de Puebla, Actas Capitulares, libro sin número, folio 110r, 4/26/1585: “se diese poder al Padre fray Diego Valadés para los negocios pertenescientes al dicho cabildo y a esta dicha yglesia, para que en el dicho nombre pueda en el corte romana pedir gracias, concebciones, indulgencias

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y bulas, y otras muchas cosas a Su Sanctidad. Y se le dio el dicho poder.” 92. “Acuerdo para que de los propios de la ciudad se den 100 pesos de oro común para la construcción de la iglesia, pues aún le falta por concluir la bóveda y la nave mayor, y que momentáneamente la Catedral quede de la ermita de la Santa Veracruz” (Actas del Cabildo, 09652, 12, 91, 02, 2/26/87, 89v–90f). In 1587 the church was required not only to pay the Indians who were working on the cathedral’s construction but also to provide them with lunch daily (AGN, General de Parte document group, vol. 3, exp. 249, foja 110v, 1587). 93. Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:55, 185–186. Castro Morales (1960, 18) writes: “La construcción de la Nueva Catedral prosiguió de la partida de Francisco Becerra con cierta rapidez, pero a finales del siglo XVI avanzaba con lentitud, hasta que el 26 de mayo de 1626 se suspendió totalmente.” 94. Toussaint 1967, 109, 182–184; Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:64–176; Leicht 1986, 141–157. See Castro Morales (1963) on the role of the architect Juan Gómez Trasmonte. 95. Castro Morales 1970, 54; Peña Espinosa 2005, 112. 96. Leicht 1986, 60. 97. Cathedral Archives, Cabildo records, 53v–54f, September 10, 1577; 56v, November 22, 1577; AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/2/1. In 1571 Luis de la Peña was in Mistepec: “es vicario del [Mistepec] Luis de Peña clérigo, lengua misteca y mexicana y por ella se les enseña la doctrina distan las estancias de la dicha cabecera a dos y a tres leguas” (Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 14:90). See Schwaller (1981, 486, 564). Luis de la Peña was in Zacapoaztla early, May 1, 1567, to May 1, 1568. Like Juan de Larios, he spent time in Icpatepec, Jan. 1, 1570 to Feb. 7, 1571. Also see Peña Espinosa 2005, 111–113.

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98. Cathedral Archives, Cabildo records, 49v, April 2, 1577; Poole 1987, 53–55; Peña Espinosa 2005, 113. 99. AGI, Indiferente, 2052, No. 40, 1, 1–10, 1569; Pasajeros, L. 5, 2504, 21/8/1570; Signatura de Procedencia— Contratación 5537, L. 3, F. 401v; Catálogo de Pasajeros a Indias, vol. V. 100. Schwaller 1981, 413. 101. AGI, Patronato, 183, N. 1, R. 3, 1, 3. 102. Otte 1966, 13–14, n. 20; AGI, Signatura: Pasajeros, L. 5, E. 3514, 25/10/1574, Contratación 5222, N.3, R. 4, F. 13. 103. Otte 1966, 51. “Expediente de concesión de licencia para pasar a Tlaxcala (México) a favor de Diego Tomás de Yzguerra, natural y vecino de Alburquerque, hijo de Francisco Yzguerra y de Leonor de la Plaza, para ir a estar en compañia de Tomas de la Plaza” (AGI Signatura: Indiferente, 2056, N. 56). “Real Cedula a los oficiales de la Casa de Contratación dando licencia a Diego Tomas Izguerra para pasar a Nueva España acudiendo a la llamada del Dean de Tlaxcala” (AGI Signatura: Indiferente, 1968, L. 20, F. 119, 20/04/75). 104. Schwaller 1981, xlv, 413. 105. AGI, Patronato, 183, N. 1, R. 3, 2, 4. 106. Gerhard 1993, 360–362. Also see Cline 1972–1975, 12:202, 219. 107. Schwaller 1987, 83–87. 108. “Propone personas para vacantes seculares: Para fiscal de la Audiencia de Guatemala: al licenciado Tomas de Espinosa” (AGI Signatura: Indiferente, 739, N. 326, 13/05/1581). In his will Don Tomás reminds canónigo Pedro Gómez de Espinosa and licenciado Tomás de Espinosa de la Plaza (fiscal for the Real Audiencia de Guatemala), Pedro’s brother, of their financial obligations to him (Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 117r–117v). 109. Appendix III. Poole (1987, 225) provides a definition for the capellanía:

“Chaplaincy; a foundation whose revenues supported a cleric in return for the celebration of a specified number of masses.” In New Spain the capellanía was a bequest of property or capital to the church. The capellanía could take the form of an interest-bearing mortgage loan or rental income, resulting in control by the church over real estate holdings and the funding of a chaplaincy. At the same time, the capellanía was a trust fund for descendants of the founder, who expected it to last into perpetuity (Costeloe 1976, 604–606; Knowlton 1968, 427). 110. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 123r–125v; Schwaller 1981, 99, 363. 111. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 111v–112r. At the request of the dean and ecclesiastical Cabildo in 1593, several priests made an inspection to ensure that Don Tomás’s requests concerning the capellanía were being met. They took note of the rent payments as well as the costs incurred by Doña Catalina de Espinosa, specifically to clothe and care for the orphan Juana. See appendix III. 112. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 117v. According to Poole (1987, 227) a fiscal is a “Crown attorney. In civil cases he represented the royal interests and in criminal cases was a prosecutor.” 113. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 125v–126r. 114. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 130r. 115. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 118r. 116. Actas del Cabildo, 13147, 13, 887, 05, 9/23/1605, 314v. 117. Actas del Cabildo, 12802, 13, 808, 02, 3/27/1604, 259v–260v; 12853, 13, 823, 01, 7/10/1604, 268v; 13208, 13, 902, 02, 12/29/1605, 324v–325v. See Weckmann (1992, 468) for responsibilities of the escribano.

118. AGI, Signatura: Contratación, 362A–B, No. 8, 1625, Bienes de difuntos: Pedro Gómez de Espinosa. 119. Actas del Cabildo, 13499, 14, 063, 02, 4/9/1607, 39v–40v. 120. AGI, Indiferente, 2052, No. 40, 1, 6. 121. Appendix III; AGMP, LCe. no. 1, folio 258 v, no. ARPPyCP, LCe. no. 1, folio 250r (6.12.1584). 122. Actas del Cabildo, 12378, 13, 722, 03, 1/1/1603, 207v; 13217, 14, 001, A03, 1/1/1606, 1f; 13642, 14, 101, 02, 1/1/1608, 0058f–0059f. 123. Actas del Cabildo, 13019, 13, 858, 02, 2/26/1605, 295f; 13009, 13, 855, 03, 2/5/1605, 294f; 13099, 13, 878, 02, 7/29/1605, 306v; 12959, 13, 850, 02, 1/3/1605, 289v; 13117, 13, 881, 02, 8/18/1605, 310v; 12956, 13, 849, 02, 1/1/1605, 289v. See Weckmann (1992, 464–465) on the Santa Hermandad: “The Holy Brotherhood (Santa Hermandad) of New Spain, a body formed for rural supervision, administered a sort of summary and itinerant justice.” It was tied to the Mesta because of the need for volunteer guards to protect livestock. See appendix III; AGMP, LCe. no. 1, folios 258v, no. ARPPyCP, LCe. no. 1, folios 250 r–250 v. 124. Appendix III; Leicht 1986, 273–274. 125. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 123r–123v. 126. See appendix I. 127. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 112v–120v, 134v–135r. 128. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 115r. Tilantongo’s history unfolds in the 1584 Mapa de Teozacoalco, interpreted by Alfonso Caso in “El Mapa de Teozacoalco,” Cuadernos Americanos 8, no. 5 (1949): 145–181. Also see Alfonso Caso’s Exploraciones en Oaxaca, quinta y sexta temporada, 1936–1937, Instituto Panamericano de Geografía e Historia, 34 (Mexico City, 1938); and more recently Byland and Pohl 1994.

129. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 113r, 114v, 116r, 131r. The dynastic history of Acatlán is represented in the Codex Tulane. The codex was produced in the latter part of the sixteenth century during Larios’s time in Acatlán as a priest. See Smith and Parmenter 1991. 130. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 120v–121r. 131. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 121r–121v. 132. Mendieta 1973, ch. 28, 2:168. In describing Fray Juan de Zumárraga, Mendieta says: “Los tapices y paños de su casa eran muchos y buenos libros, porque eran amicísimos de letras y de los que las tenían con humildad.” 133. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 129v. 134. The list appears on folio 134r of the Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza. 135. Weckmann 1992, 496–497. 136. This very helpful information was received in correspondence with Dr. J. Benedict Warren: “le criaba y hacía tal bachiller en la dicha facultad y le daba el dicho grado por suficiencia y con la licencia para subir en cátedra y exponer en ella a Aristóteles y a los demás filósofos y autores.” The sources are Grado de bachiller en artes de Joseph Botello, Real Universidad de México, 14 de enero de 1641, AGN, Ramo Universidad, vol. 167, f. 399; and Grado de bachiller en artes de Basilio Botello de Movellán, Real Universidad de México, 21 de enero de 1717, AGN, Ramo Universidad, vol. 150, exp. 240, f. 616v. 137. Leonard 1949, 29. 138. The New Catholic Encyclopedia (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1967), 2:1070. 139. Mathes 1985, 30. 140. Leonard 1949, 25. Palau y Dulcet’s Manual del librero hispano-americano (1948–1977, 3:57) provides a full title for one edition that was published as two volumes in 1550, in six languages.

141. Both editions are held by the Hispanic Society of America library. 142. Palau y Dulcet 1948–1977, 5:130–131. There were several editions, including the 1525 version published in Segovia: Espejo de conciencia que trata de todos los estados assi ecclesiasticos como seglares para regir y examinar sus conciencias. 143. Palau y Dulcet (1948–1977) lists several editions, cited either as Bartholomaei Fumi Placentini ordinis praedica. ac haereticae prauitatis Inquisitoris Summa: quae aurea armilla inscribitur or as Summa, sive aurea armilla. 144. Mathes 1985, 61, 63–65. The 1586 shipment list from Seville includes an edition that was published in Antwerp in 1576 (Kügelgen 1973, 55). 145. Leonard 1949, 33. 146. The Hispanic Society of America’s library holds this book in its collection. Don Tomás also owned a Carta de nabegar. 147. According to J. Benedict Warren (correspondence, June 2001), there was no degree in civil law: those who received a law degree, whether civil or canonical, studied derecho canónico (the law of the church). 148. Mathes 1985, 30; Leonard 1949, 25. 149. Mathes 1985, 54. Some titles in Don Tomas’s will are too general to be identified properly: “libro yntitulado evalidis,” “libro yntitulado tratado brebe de emotomia,” and “libro yntitulado copia de acentos.” 150. Thanks to Gustavo Mauleón Rodríguez for this suggestion. 151. The New Catholic Encyclopedia 1967, 14:514. 152. Palau y Dulcet 1948–1977, 25:7–8. 153. Mathes 1985, 33–35. 154. As Mathes (1985, 20) has pointed out, “Even highly educated prelates ran afoul of censorship.”

N o t e s t o Pa g e s 4 1 – 4 6   •   2 4 3

155. Fernández de Castillo 1982, 245–246, 323. 156. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 122v. 157. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 123r, 129r–129v. 158. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 121r–123r, 133r–134v. See fig. 7.12, a Terminal Classic Veracruz hacha (AD 900–1100). 159. After Tetela, Luján was in Hueytlalpa in 1569–1570. He went to Xicontepec in 1571 and was in Tlatlauquitepec in February 25, 1575 to December 31, 1576, and July 9, 1577 to November 14, 1584 (Schwaller 1981, 356, 547–548). In the 1571 Relación, Juan de Luján, lengua mexicana, was the vicario in Xicontepec (Chicontepec) and thus responsible for the congregations in Xalpantepeque, Pantepec, and Ameluca (Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 14:74–75). “Propone personas para algunas dignidades y cargos eclesiasticos vacenantes en Indias: Para un beneficio curado de Tulauquitepeque, en el obispado de Tlaxcala, a Juan de Luxan” (AGI, Signatura: Indiferente, 739, N. 46, 16/01/1578). 160. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, 4, 6, 7, folios 122v, 131r, 134r, 137v. 161. See Mota y Escobar 1989, 64–65, for Hueytlalpa. Fray Andrés de Olmos established the monastery in 1539, which the Franciscans occupied until 1567, two years before Luján’s arrival (García Martínez 1987, 127). While in Hueytlalpa, Luján wrote the 1570 report: “The Vicar who at present holds the post for your Most Reverend Honor, glory to God, as your Honor has been informed, I am a Nahuatl speaker and I understand [the language], for I was raised speaking it, and this particular language is the one spoken by the natives of this province and partido; children and adults speak [Nahuatl] and understand it . . . The cabecera Ueitalpa, which is where the vicar resides, has communicants in outlying

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communities, although they are not congregated because they live in the mountains and ravines; thus they have no location in which to congregate. There are eight hundred confirmed persons, not counting their children, and they speak two languages, as I mentioned earlier, Totonac and Mexican (Nahuatl).” Papeles de Nueva España 1905, 5:213–214. 162. AGN, grupo documental General de Parte, vol. 2, Expedientes 584–586, folios 117v–118r, Feb. 28, 1580. Luján had a political confrontation while in Tlatlauquitepec with the leadership of the subject town, Zacapoastla. On February 28, 1580, the corregidor warned Luján not to intervene in the elections, but to allow the naturales to proceed freely with their voting. 163. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 114v. 164. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 116v, 118r, 119v, 120r, 120v, 131r, 133r; Schwaller 1987, 32. 165. AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/2. In the 1571 Relación, Antonio de Vera, clérigo lengua mexicana, was the vicario in Tistla (Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 14:96). See Mauleón Rodríguez’s extensive essay (2013, 47–140) on Antonio de Vera. Remarkably, this priest owned an African slave, Juan de Vera, who was paid by the cathedral as a singer and musician. 166. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 131v. 167. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 114v, 116r, 121v, 131r; Schwaller 1981, 5–6; AGI, Patronato 183, N. 1, R. 3/1/6. Larios was in Ipactepec in early 1571 (Paso y Troncoso 1939–1942, 14:91). On December 2, 1578, King Philip II, by royal cédula, suggested that Archbishop Moya de Contreras not ordain mestizos until the matter had been studied (Philip II to Moya de Contreras, Dec. 2, 1578, No. 95, in the Hans P. Kraus Collection of Latin American Manuscripts, Library of Congress, Washington,

D.C.; also see Poole 1987, 55). 168. Testamento de Juan de Larios (in the Centro de Estudios de Historia de México, Chimalistac, Mexico City), folio 1v; Leicht 1986, 78, 125. Noting the lack of a seminary or college in the diocese, Larios states in his will that, “considering the great need that these provinces of New Spain have for clerics to assist and teach native Indians of the region, with this document . . . I institute, found, and donate an ecclesiastical seminary college in the said city of Los Angeles for the service of the said Cathedral.” Minor mistakes appear in Leight’s text. Larios died in 1596, and the school was dedicated to St. John the Evangelist from the beginning. Also see Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:185, 568. 169. Testamento de Juan de Larios, folio 3v. Chapter T wo 1. A document in the Archivo General Municipal de Puebla (AGMP, LCe., No. 1, folio 250r) indicates that Don Tomás de la Plaza was putting together the financing for the construction of the house in March 1577. This document is summarized in appendix III. Leicht (1986, 273) puts Don Tomás’s death a few days before December 15, 1589. However, the last will and testament, which Don Tomás signed on May 28, 1587, is followed by an inventory made by his nephew and the executor of his estate, Pedro Gómez de Espinosa, dated July 17, 1587 (Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 132v–135r). 2. Leicht 1986, 273, n. 1: “en esquina en la calle que va de la Plaza Pública a la ermita de Ntra. Sra. de los Remedios e linda por una parte con casas de Catalina Hernández Endrino, viuda, mujer que fué de Juan Ochoa de Lexalde, defunto, e por la otra parte, calle en-medio, con casas de Pedro de Santa Cruz Polanco.” 3. This information about the early

history of the building was provided by Puebla historians Gustavo Mauleón Rodríguez and Arturo Córdova Durana. In the “Last Will and Testament of Francisca de Herrera,” widow of Martín de Calahorra, dated 1583, in the Archivo General de Notarías del Estado de Puebla (AGNEP), Protocolos de Toribio de Mediavilla, she states: “E quando me casé no llevé a su poder vienes ningunos y los vienes que en my poder quedaron del dicho my marido fueron una esclava con dos hijos pequeños y unas casas que se vendieron al deán desta çibdad en myl pesos, y otras casas que apresçiaron en otros myl pesos, que fueron por todas dos myl pesos, y el muevle de casa.” Also see Castro Morales 2013, 20–23; Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, ch. 11, 1:129–137; López de Villaseñor 2001, 69–70, 283; and Actas del Cabildo, ficha no. 39, vol. 03, doc. 06, asunto 06, date 3/3/1533, folio ant. 5v, actual 7f: “Merced de titulo de vecindad otorgado Martin de Calahorra.” 4. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 120v. See Leicht (1986, 414, n. 1) for the use of the plural form of “casa”: “El plural ‘casas’ denotando un solo edificio es un provincialismo mexicano muy usado en la época colonial.” 5. McAndrew and Toussaint 1942, 324; Toussaint 1967, 115; Kubler 1948, 1:123–124, 2:410. 6. McAndrew and Toussaint 1942, 312. 7. Several copies of Vitruvius’s and Alberti’s books on architecture are listed in a 1585 shipment from Spain (Fernández del Castillo 1982, 263–281). Works by Vitruvius, Serlio, and Alberti are listed in a large book shipment in 1586 (Kügelgen 1973, 30, 88, 98). 8. Toussaint 1967, 115; notes by Edmundo O’Gorman in Cervantes de Salazar 1975, xli; Serlio 1996, 161. 9. Introduction by Vaughan Hart and Peter Hicks in Serlio 1996, xxiv: “The principles outlined by Serlio in the first

four books were intended to be universally applicable, irrespective of local styles and building materials.” 10. Introduction by Carlos Eduardo Castañeda in Cervantes de Salazar 1970, 1–3. Also see notes by Edmundo O’Gorman, Cervantes de Salazar 1975, xxx–xxxi, xxxiv–xxxvi. Before coming to the New World in 1553, Cervantes had translated Juan Luis Vives’s dialogues into Spanish and written commentaries on them, which he then developed after his arrival into the dialogues that describe Mexico City and the new university. 11. Cervantes de Salazar 1970, 38–39, 50. 12. Lleó Cañal 1979b, 32–33, 41. 13. Lleó Cañal 1998, 32. Lleó Cañal comments on the design for the portal chosen by Don Fadrique: “The model clearly derives from Genoese examples that Don Fadrique must have seen during his stay in the city, like the portal of the Palazzo Pagano d’Oria or those of the palaces in the Piazza San Siro and Piazza Porta Vecchia. . . . All of these elements, the triumphal arch, the decoration all’antica, the appropriate marble, constitute a stimulating innovation in Seville particularly in respect to the private building.” 14. Lleó Cañal 1994, 185; 1998, 23–24, 35–36. In the Casa de Pilatos, the Seasons, riding in triumphal chariots, are adaptations of a print series by Flemish artist Pieter Coecke van Aelst. Don Fadrique’s guardarropa or Wünderkammern housed a collection of musical instruments, works of art, and books of drawings. The murals and library “revelan una profesión de fe en la cultura clásica.” 15. Bühler 2001, 44. “La Casa del Deán ocupa exactamente 50 por 50 varas castellanas partiendo de su planta original.” See Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, ch. 2, 1:211. 16. Bühler 2001, 405.

17. Bühler 2001, 134–135. 18. Kubler 1948, 1:194, fig. 64; Sartor 1992, 30–31, 48–50; Arellano 1996, 26. The best description of the Guerrero house is by Toussaint (1967, 123, fig. 11): “It is a perfect example of the Plateresque house; its portal is sumptuous, framed by columns with complete entablature, and over this a great window of wrought iron with Renaissance detail, also flanked by columns. . . . Undoubtedly this was the appearance of the houses of Mexico City at the end of the sixteenth century, and from it we can reconstruct them in imagination.” 19. Also compare the portal of the Casa del Deán to that of the Colegio del Arzobispo Fonseca in Salamanca. 20. Leicht 1986, 273. “Semper sit in nomine JHU ingressus et egressus.” 21. Lleó Cañal 1998, 32. 22. Peterson 1993, 2–3. 23. There are numerous examples of seventeenth-century façades in Bühler 2001. See the residence of Agustín Arrieta (cat. no. 704, 410–411), and the following two houses, cat. nos. 705–706, 412–415. 24. Leicht 1986, 414. Concerning the coat of arms on the Casa del Deán’s façade, Leicht writes: “Mal conservado está el mas antiguo, el de la casa del deán Tomás de la Plaza, Calle del Obispado. Agrego aquí que acaba de descubrirse la inscripción que esta abajo del escudo y que reza: ‘PLAÇA DECANUS 1580.’” 25. Leicht 1986, 224; Arellano 1996, 27–28; C. de Gante 1954, 65. See Arellano (1996, 117) for an image of the bookplate. Castro Morales 2013, 33, n. 111. 26. According to the will of Don Juan López Mellado, written in August 28, 1624, and closed in 1632 upon his death, his principal residence was the Casa del Deán. He also owned other houses in the area: “Menciona como casas principales de su morada las que estaban esquina con esquina de la iglesia de la Limpia

N o t e s t o Pa g e s 5 1 – 5 9   •   2 4 5

Concepción de la ciudad de Puebla (mejor conocidas como Casas del deán) y otras a su linde en la calle que va de la plaza pública al convento de Nuestra Señora del Carmen, junto con otras más que tenía en la misma calle de La Concepción, inmuebles que tenía tasadas en más de 40,000 pesos.” 27. Solís Rodríguez 1973. 28. Bühler 2001, 190–191. 29. Arellano 1996, 22–24, figs. 4–5. 30. Cervantes de Salazar 1978, 48. 31. Weckmann 1992, 581–582. 32. Muñoz Camargo 2000, 60–64. 33. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 120v. 34. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 122v. In the inventory is the following: “un rretablo de la concepcion de nuesttra senora que era puesto en my rrecamara de la torre.” 35. Cervantes de Salazar 1971, 1:337. “Adornan mucho la plaza cuatro torres; las dos que están a las esquinas de la casa donde el Virrey e Oidores viven, que hizo el Marqués; de la casa de Montejo y la de Juan Guerrero.” This description corresponds to the “Plano de Tenochtitlán” of 1596. 36. Leicht 1986, 454. 37. Alberti (1988, 257) wrote ca. 1450: “Watchtowers provide an excellent ornament, if sited in a suitable position and built on appropriate lines; if grouped closely together, they make an imposing sight from afar. Yet I cannot commend the mania prevalent two hundred years ago for building towers even in the smallest of towns. It seemed that no head of a family could be without a tower; as a result, forests of towers sprouted up everywhere.” 38. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folio 117r. 39. Kubler 1948, 123; Medina Lima 1995, 53. Enrique Marco Dorta (1951, 254–302) provides a transcription of the “Información de méritos y servicios pedida por Becerra. Interrogatorio

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y prueba testifical—2 abril 1585,” which lists the buildings he worked on in the Puebla region. Also see Castro Morales 1960, 15. 40. Marco Dorta 1951, 249–250. 41. Castro Morales 1960, 18. 42. Castro Morales 1960, 12. 43. Castro Morales 1960, 14. Also see Reyes García (1974, 39) for a reference to this document in the Archivo General de Notarías de Puebla. The entry in the Libro de los Guardianes of Cuauhtinchán for nueve acatl or 1579 (Medina Lima 1995, 59) reads: “Entonces se techó la cúpula de la capilla de la iglesia. Por autorización de nuestro amado padre fray Pedro de Torres, se doró, no todo, [sino] sólo la parte donde está colocado el Sacramento [Sagrario].” In 1584 Antonio Ciudad Real reported on the condition of the monastery churches in Totimehuacán and Cuauhtinchán (Ciudad Real 1976, 1:187). In both cases, the buildings had not been completely roofed. 44. Medina Lima 1995, 53. “En el año trece tochtli, hace ya tres años, siendo guardián fray Diego de Lemos, se cimentó y se midió la iglesia; el templo grande, la iglesia nueva. También entonces se empezó [a construir] la iglesia grande, la iglesia mayor de México, y la de la ciudad de los Angeles y la de Totomihuacan. El arquitecto de México vino a medirla, el español obrero mayor.” 45. Castro Morales 1960, 20–24. 46. Solís Rodríguez 1973, 328; Marco Dorta 1951, 102–106. 47. Marco Dorta 1951, 295–297; Solís Rodríguez 1973, 328. 48. Among the buildings said to be designed by Becerra in or near Trujillo with pediments containing coats of arms and ornamented with three finials are the Portada de la Dehesa de las Yeguas, the church of Santa Domingo’s doorway into the sacristy, and the portal of the Palacio de Santa María (Solís Rodríguez 1973).

49. Actas del Cabildo, 04214, 06, 155, 03, 3/23/1551, 133v–134v; 05365, 07, 102, 06, 7/20/1556, 123v–125f. 50. Actas del Cabildo, 07773, 10, 196, 04, 1/15/1574, 132v–133f; 07771, 196, 196, 02, 01/15/1574, 132v. 51. Actas del Cabildo, 07927, 10, 235, 03, 05/09/1575, 165f–165v. 52. Marco Dorta 1951, 305–306. 53. Actas del Cabildo, 09140, 11, 210, 04, 8/31/1584, 184v–185f. 54. Actas del Cabildo, 08776, 11, 117, 02, 2/23/1582, 108v: “Licencia para sacar piedra a Francisco Gutierrez, maestro de la obra de la iglesia, en el cerro de Manzanilla donde sacan piedra los indios de Cholula.” Actas del Cabildo, 08938, 11, 157, 05, 3/18/1583, 135f: “Licencia otorgada a Francisco Gutierrez, maestro mayor para que pueda construir un horno de cal en sus solares ubicados en el barrio de San Pablo.” Actas del Cabildo, 09140, 11, 210, 04, 8/31/1584, 184v– 185f: “Ratificación de pedrera a Francisco Gutierrez, maestro de la Catedral de Tlaxcala, ubicada en el cerro de San Cristóbal.” 55. Actas del Cabildo, 08726, 11, 105, 08, 11/13/1581, 100f. Anna of Austria, wife of Philip II, died on October 26, 1580. 56. Actas del Cabildo, 08939, 11, 157, 06, 3/18/1583, 135f; 09103, 11, 199, 03, 6/8/1584, 171v. 57. Actas del Cabildo, 09065, 11, 190, 06, 4/13/1584, 163v–164f. Castro Morales (2013, 25) provides the following, although without documentation: “En el ámbito civil, Gutiérrez contató en 1574 la construcción de un corredor en las casas de Diego Pérez de los Ríos y, en 1583, con José Sandoval, la edificación de unas casas en la calle de San Pedro (hoy 4 Norte 200).” In relation to construction in Puebla, Motolinía wrote (1951, 321–322, 1971, ch. 64, 266–267): “The city has very rich stone quarries. These are so close to the city that at less than a crossbow shot one can obtain as

much stone as one desires, both for the purpose of dressing it and for the purpose of making lime. . . . What should be noted especially is that the city has a quarry of excellent white stone and, when they quarry it to almost one and a half or twice the height of a man below the ground, it is of much better quality. With this stone they make elegant pillars and portals and door frames.” 58. A master carpenter in Mexico City with the name Francisco Gutiérrez appears with Francisco Becerra in a document dated 1573. Both were asked to provide testimony concerning the ruinous condition of Santo Domingo in Mexico City. Gutiérrez stated that he was forty-eight years of age, a Spaniard, and a citizen of the capital. He had worked as a carpenter in the monastery for eight years and had been director of works related to carpentry for the last six. Some historians have linked the master carpenter in Mexico City to the master stonemason in Puebla. The facts belie the common identity of these two men. The carpenter had been living and working in the Dominican monastery from 1565 to 1573. In 1556 the stonemason was referred to as a citizen of Puebla and a designer or “one who draws plans” (trazador). He was living in Puebla, where he owned property according to Cabildo records dated 1558–1573. In 1556 Gutiérrez, trazador, received two solares near the barrio of San Sebastian. Actas del Cabildo 05337, 12, 101, 08, 7/17/1556, 119v–120v; 05365, 12, 102, 06, 7/20/1556, 123v–125f; 05696, 08, 62, 05, 9/16/1558, 56v; 07135, 10, 47, 05, 9/9/1567, 35v; 07213, 10, 64, 06, 4/1/1568, 47f; 07797, 10, 203, 02, 6/15/1573, 136v. 59. Actas del Cabildo, 09588, 12, 76, 02, 10/13/1586, 76f. According to Dr. Hugo Leicht (1986, 217), the hill of San Cristóbal was an area where stonemasons lived and worked over many years. He writes of the Chapel of San Cristóbal:

“En los tiempos del obispo Palafox (1640–1649) oían misa en la capilla los obreros que trabajaban en las canteras para terminar la fábrica de la Catedral.” 60. Motolinía 1951, 303–308; 1971, 102, 251–255, 486–495, 497, 501; Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 1:203, 88, 202–206, 2:303–304. According to Fernández Echeverría y Veytia, it was Motolinía who built a chapel on the hillside and gave the hill its name. 61. Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 1:205–206. 62. Castro Morales (2004, 74–75) states that Gutiérrez’s son Luis was also a stonemason. 63. Leicht 1986, 415–420. Actas del Cabildo 02533, 05, 22, 02, 4/21/1545, 23v–27f. In 1545 Martín Sánchez, nativeborn Indian of Mexico and master stonemason, was a resident of the barrio of San Pablo. That year, Sánchez built the system that carried water from the hill of San Cristóbal to the plaza. 64. Actas del Cabildo, 09370, 12, 37, 11, 11/29/1585, 32f–34v. 65. In 1558 the Indians of Texcoco residing in the barrio of San Pablo were ordered to build their tecpan or government center (Actas del Cabildo 05610, 08, 38, 05, 3/17/1558, 37v). In 1561 and 1562 Pedro García, Indian carpenter, was named alcalde of the barrio de San Pablo (Actas del Cabildo 06199, 08, 191, 04, 1/1/1562, 0147v; and 06120, 08, 173, 02, 7/28/1561, 132v–135f). Also see López de Villaseñor 2001, 110–111, 118. Indian alcaldes from this barrio and from the barrios of San Francisco and San Sebastián Cholula continued to be elected in the sixteenth century. 66. In Mariano Cuevas’s history of the church in Mexico (1928, 3:68), he quotes the records of the Cathedral Cabildo: “Está fuera de toda duda que el primer arquitecto de la obra fué Francisco Becerra, constructor según Cean Bermúdez, de muchas otras iglesias y conventos. Bermúdez prueba su

aserto con las frases documentales del nombramiento de Becerra, que fué por enero de 1585, donde se lee: ‘Asímismo nombró Don Martín Enríquez por maestro mayor de la dicha obra a Francisco Becerra, con quinientos pesos de dicho oro común de salario en cada un año; y por su compañero, mayordomo y aparejador de la dicho obra a Francisco Gutierrez con cuatrocientos pesos del dicho oro, cada año, de los cuales goce desde que se comenzara la dicha obra y le sean librados y pagados por el dicho Juan de Cigorondo.’” 67. Marco Dorta 1951, 81, 308–309. Francisco Gutiérrez’s death was also recorded in Actas del Cabildo, 09712, 12, 110, 02, 11/13/1587, 101v. 68. Actas del Cabildo, 09652, 12, 91, 02, 2/26/1587, 89v–90f. Also see Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:54–56. 69. Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:55. Chapter Thr ee 1. Vargas Lugo 1986, 710. 2. Wake 2010, 175–176. 3. Kubler 1961, 14, 17–30. 4. Neumeyer 1948, 109–110. 5. Klor de Alva 1982, 347–349, 353– 357, 363. In a similar vein, Jeanette Favrot Peterson (1993, 7–8) prefers not to use the term tequitqui. She considers the native artistic elements to exist within a setting so dominated by European imagery that their original meaning “is indeterminable from our perspective because they are isolated from a relevant context.” 6. Vargas Lugo 1986, 710; Weismann 1950, 11. Vargas Lugo has reservations concerning the use of the term tequitqui, as does Weismann, who advises that it should be used with thoughtful restraint. Dean and Leibsohn (2003, 15) have written about the visibility and invisibility of hybridity: “We can state with certainty that the deception of visibility

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also permits the denial of indigenous activity in building the colonial world: in too many instances it re-pacifies Indians, marginalizes them, and characterizes them as victims rather than survivors.” 7. Reyes-Valerio 1986, 713, 719–724. 8. Reyes-Valerio 1986, 725; Dean and Leibsohn 2003, 21, 23. 9. Taylor 1996, 59–60. 10. Taylor 1996, 61. 11. Taylor 1996, 62. 12. Edgerton 2001, 2–3. 13. Edgerton 2001, 2, 55–61. 14. Gruzinski 1993, ch. 1, 23. 15. Gruzinski 2002, 128–129. 16. Burkhart 1989, 11–12. 17. Burkhart 1989, 184–185, 189– 191. Burkhart (1998, 361–381) contends that these uniquely indigenous expressions of Christianity served to maintain the status of the Indians as colonial objects. 18. Lockhart 1992, 16–18, 27–30, 206, 357. 19. Lockhart 1992, 429, 434, 445. 20. Wake 2010, 6, 59, 60–61, 67. 21. Wake 2010, 88, 93. 22. Karttunen 1983, xvii–xviii. 23. See Manuel Toussaint’s chapter (1967, 275–302) on Baroque religious architecture; Taylor’s “incomplete process” (1996, 61); Weismann 1950, 129; and Wake 2010, 174. 24. Valadés 1989, 233. 25. See Schwaller 1981, 1987; Klor de Alva 1982; Klor de Alva et al. 1988; Burkhart 1989, 1996; Lockhart 1991, 1992. 26. See Campbell 1985. 27. Private correspondence with R. Joe Campbell, July 2001. In Maxwell and Hanson (1992, 38), tlapalli refers to “‘writing, books, wisdom.’ It appears in the Olmos Metaphors as an active metaphor for ‘vital fluids, blood, heritage.’” Also see Sullivan (1997, 228): “And thus were the customs said to be established: as with the warp thread, as with a measuring rod, as with a model. Thus was it said: ‘The way of life is [according

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to] the black, the red [writings].’” In her footnote to this text, Sullivan writes: “Tlillotoc tlapalotoc: a metaphor meaning the traditions and way of life of the ancestors. Tlilli tlapalli, ‘the black, the red,’ connoted the pictorial books in which the traditions were recorded.” 28. Wake 2010, 176–177. “When indigenous artists at Acolman, Tepeapulco, and elsewhere painted their murals in black and red, is it possible that they were effectively rewriting the alphabetical text of the Christian teomoxtli in pictographic form?” 29. León-Portilla 1963, 178–179. 30. No better example exists than the relationship that developed between Motecuhzoma and the tlacuilo from Xochimilco, Quilatzli, upon the arrival of the Spaniards (Durán 1994, 505–507). 31. León-Portilla 1963, 175, 182. 32. León-Portilla 1963, 172–173. 33. Weismann 1950, 2. 34. Taylor 1996, 60–62 (quotation). 35. Robertson 1994, 16–17, 61, 65– 66; Edgerton 2001, 145–153. 36. The description in Robertson 1994 coincides with Lockhart 1992, 15. 37. Robertson 1994, 22. 38. Boone 1998, 155. 39. Wake 2010, 174–176. 40. Warren 1973, 80–81. 41. Acosta 2003, 384–385; Glass 1975, 284. This quotation correlates with Tovar’s statement to Acosta (Kubler and Gibson 1951, 78): “I send to you the orations of the Pater Noster, etc., and of the general confession, and other matters of our faith, as the ancients wrote and learned them by their characters, which were sent to me by the old men of Texcoco and Tula.” 42. According to Mendieta (1973, 2:187), Testera could not preach in the native languages at first, so he began using lienzos (fabric screens), painted with “the mysteries of the faith.” Accompanying Testera was a native speaker who was able to translate for him as he spoke.

John Glass (1975, 285) differentiates the lienzos from the Testerian manuscripts, which are “pictorial catechisms, painted in mixed mnemonic, rebus, ideographic, and phonetic systems.” Making this distinction is perplexing, because Testera is credited with the invention of the pedagogical religious paintings by his contemporaries and not for the catechisms that are in “Testerian writing.” 43. Valadés 1989, 477. Valadés says of Pedro de Gante: “A los principios, les enseñaba todas las artes mecánicas que se estilan entre nosotros Pedro de Gante, varón de mucha piedad . . . las cuales artes, con facilidad y en breve tiempo dominaban, por razón de la diligencia y fervor con que él mismo se las proponía. Y ya después se las enseñan unos a otros, sin buscar lucro o retribución.” 44. Glass 1975, 284; manuscripts 806 on 288 and 818–820 on 292. Two Testerian manuscripts have survived with Pedro de Gante’s signature. 45. Valadés 1989, 237. 46. Valadés 1989, 239. 47. See Wake 2010, 78–80. 48. See chapter 7. 49. Cummins 1995, 152. 50. Cummins 1995, 153, 172. 51. Jaime Lara (2004, 7) has written: “One aspect of the affinity between the Nahuas and the friars was the structure of Native American and European linguistics and imagery, namely, the use of metaphoric language and visual metaphor.” 52. See ship registers in Kügelgen 1973a and the library inventory in Mathes 1985. Francisco Fernández del Castillo (1982, 263–281) has published a list of books in forty boxes shipped in 1585 by Benito Boyer in Spain to Diego Navarro Maldonado in Mexico. Among the books listed are the Summa Theologicae of St. Thomas Aquinas, works on architecture by Alberti, Serlio, and Vitruvius, Luis de Granada’s Ecclesiasticae rhetoricae, the Triumphs of Petrarch,

and works by Virgil, Ovid, Cicero, Luis Vivas, Seneca, and St. Augustine. Irving A. Leonard (1949, 19–29) describes a large book sale in 1576 in Mexico City by Alonso Losa to Pablo García and Pedro de Trujillo that included twelve copies of Juan de Mal Lara’s Principios de retórica. 53. Abbott 1996, 1; Aristotle 1991, 308; Seigel 1968, 31–32, 61. 54. Abbott 1996, 1, 8. 55. Seigel 1968, xi, xiv. 56. Seigel 1968, 34–35, 60–61, 177. 57. Abbott 1996, 8. “The Ciceronian conception of the orator, endowed with both eloquence and wisdom, as the agent of civilization became a widely accepted cultural ideal of Renaissance humanism. . . . Thus, in Spain, as in all of Europe, rhetoric was a central intellectual and cultural concern.” 58. Abbott 1996, 10–14. 59. Abbott 1996, 45–46. 60. Yates 1966, 5. 61. Abbott 1996, 52–53; Edgerton 2001, 115–118. See Parshall (1999) on the influence of the Ad Herennium. He concurs (466) with the view of Mary Carruthers that the interest in memory techniques in the Late Middle Ages may have been related to monastic meditational practices: “Words and pictures operated not as representations or replicas of something actual, but rather as signs meant to establish recollection. And recollection, the act of calling up a memory, is inherently an act of internal visualization, of image-making.” 62. Yates 1966, 5, 122–123. 63. Edgerton 2001, 116; Abbott 1996, 42–44; Vetancurt 1971, (Menologio franciscano), 142. 64. Abbott (1996, 55–56) writes: “Valadés’s elevation of memory was surely a result of his experience among the Mexica, a people for whom the cultivation of memory was inseparable from their symbol system. . . . Before Valadés’s Retorica Cristiana, illustrations had rarely, if ever, been so integral to a work on

rhetoric. This is no doubt in part because of Valadés’s exceptional artistic ability. But it was also because his New World experience had convinced him that actual images must be joined with mental images for persuasion to be more effective. Again, among the Indians the screens used by the Franciscans were more than clever devices; they were essential to the rhetorical process. They worked where words alone could not.” 65. Mendieta (1973, bk. 3, ch. 29, 1:151) provides a description of this teaching method that is remarkable for its resemblance to the illustration by Valadés. 66. Toussaint 1936, 17. 67. Hardison 1969, 35–38. The story of Pope Gregory is told in the Golden Legend (Voragine 1993, 1:171–184). 68. Yates 1966, 72–75. Several editions of Thomas Aquinas’s writings were in the library at the Colegio Imperial de Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco (Mathes 1985, 53, 55). 69. Maxwell and Hanson 1992, 1. “The Metaphors illustrated literary tropes common to Aztec courtly speech and provided missionaries with building blocks to communicate Christian theology through indigenous images. The Nahuatl tropes, written by a native speaker under the supervision and dictation of Olmos, reveal indigenous structures and hierarchies that provide a window on prehispanic mentality and on early colonial interactions between the two cultures.” 70. Maxwell and Hanson 1992, 24. 71. Abbott 1996, 28–29. Abbott argues, and I would agree, that Sahagún may have found rhetoric to be “a point of mutual contact between two worlds.” Here is a fuller version of Abbott’s (1996, 32) statement on this point: “So ingrained was the rhetorical tradition in Renaissance education and culture that its practice by the natives of the New World could only be a sign

of the civilized status of these peoples. Sahagún’s careful preservation of the speeches of the ancients indicates a genuine admiration of Mexican oratory and a conviction that these speeches not only reveal the native mind but also represent a point of mutual contact between two worlds, which appeared to have so few shared traditions.” 72. Sahagún 1993, xv–xvi. See Motolinía (1951, 245–246, 1971, ch. 51, 189) for use of verse and song to teach “the articles of Faith and the Sacraments.” 73. Sahagún 1993, 7–8. 74. Sahagún 1993, xviii–xix. 75. Mulhare and Sell 2002, 217– 226. Don Francisco Placido, governor of Xiquipilco, wrote a jewel song for Christ’s nativity in 1553 (Bierhorst 1985, 98, 255): “Let’s have jade jewels, gold jewels—your rosaries!” 76. According to Miller and Taube (1997, 101–102), jade was identified with “water, sky, vegetation, even life itself.” In Maxwell and Hanson (1992, 36), chalchiuhuitl (jade) was a metaphor for “wealth, jewels, lord, protector, precious or exalted thing.” 77. Sahagún 1993, 21–23. It is enlightening to compare this psalm to a passage from book 6 of the Florentine Codex (1950–1982, ch. 16, 83). An “elderly dignitary, well skilled in speech,” is responding to the ruler: “Here the sons, the noble sons, the precious ones, the precious green stones, the precious bracelets, the sons of our lords, and the descendants of Topiltzin Quetzalcoatl— those under his spell—take it, receive it.” 78. According to Muñoz Camargo (2000, 191), water-bringers (tlaloque) were known as angels in Tlaxcala after the conquest. Wake comments (2010, 206): “Clearer reworking of angels specifically as tlaloque or pulque deities is in evidence in colonial native art.” 79. We might consider Samuel Edgerton’s term “expedient selection”

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(Edgerton 2001) in defining this use of indigenous imagery. 80. Valadés 1989, part 2, ch. 21, 209. 81. See Edgerton (2001, 145) for the rope motif. 82. Reyes-Valerio 1989, chs. 3–4; Florentine Codex 1950–1982, chs. 39–40, 6:209–218, 209 n. 1. Sahagún writes that “it was said they put the male in the calmecac to be a priest, to be penitent, to live cleanly, to live peacefully, to live chastely, to abstain from vice and filth.” The original Spanish text for the Florentine Codex refers to the calmecac as “el monesterio.” Sahagún (2002, 2:922–924) compares the monastic schools to the calmecac, where children were sent to live and to be trained with strong discipline from the time they were very young. 83. Reyes-Valerio 1989, 51, 58–59, 61; Torquemada 1975–1979, bk. 9, ch. 8, 3:267–268. 84. According to Fray Diego de Landa (2005, 38), “They used to write their books on a long sheet folded in pleats that was held closed between two boards that they would make very fine; they wrote on one side and on the other, in accordance with the folds. . . . Some important chiefs were versed in these matters out of curiosity, and thus were more highly regarded, but they did not practice them publicly.” 85. Durán 1994, 155–156. 86. Motolinía 1951, 301, 1971, ch. 61, 249, 439. “In the beginning, when the Franciscans came to save the souls of the Indians, it seemed expedient to them that the sons of the Indian lords and chiefs be gathered in the friaries. . . . In the first year that the Franciscans settled in the city of Tlaxcallan, they assembled the sons of the lords and chief persons in order to teach them the doctrine of our holy Faith.” Also see Ricard 1966, 209; Reyes-Valerio 1989, 78–79. 87. Mendieta 1973, bk. 4, ch. 16, 2:43. 88. Sahagún (2002, 2:926–927) writes: “In the beginning, the boys

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helped us greatly, those whom we educated in the schools as well as those we taught in the patio, because we educated the sons of the elite in our schools in the manner of the past; there we taught them to read, write, and sing; and we taught Christian doctrine to the sons of the poor in the patio. . . . These youths were of great service in this capacity, those within the house [monastery] helped even more, to destroy the idolatrous rites that were practiced during the night.” Also see Motolinía 1951, 312. 89. Reyes-Valerio 1989, 95. 90. Mendieta 1973, bk. 3, ch. 29, 1:151. 91. Motolinía 1951, 295–296, 1971, ch. 59, 2:236. See Mendieta 1973, bk. 4, ch. 14, 2:39; Sahagún 2002, 921. 92. Motolinía 1951, 295–297, 1971, ch. 59, 235–239. 93. Steck 1944, 25. Antonio de Ciudad Real (1976, 1:113) writes that “fray Pedro de Gante . . . enseñó a los indios mexicanos demás de la doctrina cristiana y policía que tienen, los oficios mecánicos que agora usan, y leer y escribir, cantar y pintar y otras cosas.” 94. Motolinía 1951, 299, 1971, ch. 60, 240; Mendieta 1973, bk. 4, ch. 12, 2:34. Also see Mendieta 1973, bk. 4, ch. 13, 2:36–37. 95. Kügelgen 1973a, 30 no. 8. 96. See Lee (1940) for Alberti’s influence in European art theory. 97. Spencer 1965, 26, 43–44. Lee (1940, 219) notes: “The Renaissance critics had, in fact, their invitation to compare painting with oratory in Quintilian’s own observation that it is no wonder that gesture in oratory has a powerful effect on the mind, when the silent gestures in a painting can so penetrate to the heart that they seem to surpass in efficacy the power of speech itself.” 98. Alberti 1966, 63–65. See also Kubler 1948, 1:97–102. 99. Spencer 1965, 26. Also see Lee 1940, 227.

100. Alberti 1966, 74, 96. See Lee (1940, 230–231, 234–235) for the role of decorum in art theory. For Renaissance Christian and preconquest artists, rules governed decorum, especially in the reliance on the past and in the artistic interpretation of theological truths. 101. Alberti 1966, 72, 92. 102. Lee (1940, 264) elaborates on Alberti’s recommended procedure: “first the drawing of figures in outline; second the indication of planes within the outline; third, the rendering in color wherein the painter must be aware of the relation of color to light.” The use of the print by artists is reflected in a sermon given by Girolamo Savonarola and quoted by Landau and Parshall (1994, 297): “If a pupil has a print from the painter, which he has to paint, if he does not follow the order of that print the painter says: ‘You have made a mistake.’ So too God in his concerns wished to make a print so that whoever falls away from that order is at fault, and will be punished thereafter.” 103. Alberti 1966, 21, 68. 104. Edgerton (2001, 124–127) hypothesizes that the use of black-andwhite images had pedagogical and theological implications. 105. Pomar 1941, vii-viii; Cline 1972–1975, 15:355. 106. Pomar 1941, 38–39. Pomar expressed what he anticipated as the unfortunate loss of past knowledge once the artists, who had been trained in the ancient traditions, were gone. See also Robertson 1973, 244, and 1994, 36–37. 107. Mendieta 1973, bk. 4, ch. 14, 2:39. 108. Reyes-Valerio 1989, 130. 109. Hirschberg 1978, 209. As comisario general (Ciudad Real 1976, 74) Ponce chose Mendieta as guardian at Tlaxcala over the present “lector de artes.” Mendieta is described as “viejo, honrado y principal, y buena lengua mexicana” and as “un navatlato” (one who speaks Nahuatl) (92).

110. Anales de Tecamachalco 1903, 25; Ricard 1966, 101, 290. See Mathes 1985, 77–80, for the works of Alonso de Molina. Also see Mendieta 1973, bk. 5, ch. 2:48, 199, Descripción, 287. The presence of Molina and Andrés de Olmos in Tecamachalco reveals the importance of the town for the study of the language of the Popolocas who lived in the area. 111. Anales de Tecamachalco 1903, 10, 26, 28; Kubler 1948, 2:472; Torquemada 1975–1979, 3:114, 372–375, 555; Mendieta 1973, bk. 5, ch. 53, 2:211, Descripción, 282. Andrés de Olmos was guardian in 1543. Bustamante taught rhetoric, logic, and philosophy at the Colegio de Santa Cruz and was comisario general in 1547 and 1561 as well as provincial of the Franciscans in 1555 and 1560. Bustamante was in Tecamachalco teaching in the monastery in 1558 and 1559. 112. Centro de Estudios de Historia de México de CONDUMEX, Fondo XVI–1: Manuscritos E. A. Cervantes, Ciudad de Puebla 1531–1598, No. 3, 1567; Maza 1945, 23. See Valadés 1989, 477: “Y ya después se las enseñan unos a otros, sin buscar lucro o retribución.” 113. Mendieta 1973, Descripción, 2:283, 285. Ciudad Real (1976, 1:86) reports that there were colegios connected to the monasteries of the Dominicans and the Jesuits in Puebla. Contemporaneously (ca. 1575), in the Papeles de visita, the Augustinian monastery was said to house a school of the Arts and Theology (García Pimentel 1904, 121). 114. Ciudad Real 1976, 1:74, 85. 115. Muñoz Camargo 2000, 52: “las escuelas donde los naturales aprenden a leer y a cantar, y los religiosos tienen especial cuidado de enseñarlos. Estas casas son de maravillosa traza y hechura, todas de piedra y argamasa, y arquería de piedra blanca labrada a lo romano.” 116. Kubler 1948, 2:365; Maza 1959, 69–70. 117. Kubler 1948, 1:11, 117.

118. Mendieta 1973, bk. 5, ch. 36, 2:181. 119. Córdova Tello 1992, 45–62. Motolinía was serving as visitador and juez comisionario in Huejotzingo, Tepeaca, and Huaquechula and guardian of Huejotzingo in 1529. 120. Kubler 1948, 2:234. 121. Córdova Tello 1992, 62–90. Fray Jacopo de Testera was guardian in 1532. Archaeologist Mario Córdova Tello believes that this three-nave church, with its open chapel and school, dates to 1530–1545. 122. All of these plans may have been inspired by the church built for Charles V at Yuste in 1508–1525. Kubler 1948, 2:234–235; Córdova Tello 1992, 102, 104; Gerhard 1992, nos. 1140, 1142; Mendieta 1973, bk. 5, ch. 37, 2:181. At Huejotzingo, two dates are carved on the walls of the capillas posas, “1550” in the northeast and “1556” in the northwest. Several viceregal mandates accompanied this building activity, indicating that attempts at congregation were revived. On August 22, 1552, the viceroy authorized the people of Huejotzingo to go to the site of their town, a place called Texoquipan. On September 12, 1552, the language became more forceful: the viceroy gave orders, compelling all the Indians of Huejotzingo to return to the town. 123. Actas del Cabildo, 04636, 06, 222, 02, 10/31/1552, 208f, 215f. 124. Actas del Cabildo, 04649, 06, 226, 02, 11/22/1552, 212f., 219f. 125. Gerhard 1992, no. 1225. 126. Transcription and commentary by Prem 1974, 7–8, 497–499. 127. Córdova Tello 1992, 90–100. See Actas del Cabildo, 02533, 05, 22, 02, 4/21/1545, 23v–27f, for a reference to the system in Huejotzingo. 128. Medina Lima 1995, 47–49. The Libro de los guardianes of Cuauhtinchán records the following in 1555: “In the year eleven acatl the site of the town of Cuauhtinchán was changed, and the

town or the ancient house in ueuecalli remained. Here was initiated the construction of the canal that comes from Atzontli by the new guardian fray Juan de Alameda. . . . This aforementioned guardian was the first who came to initiate the guardianship; for this reason he left Tepeyaca where he heard the mass.” 129. Kubler 1948, 1:153–154. Also see Weismann 1950, 196–197. 130. Centro de Estudios de Historia de México de CONDUMEX, Fondo XVI–1: Manuscritos E. A. Cervantes, Ciudad de Puebla 1531–1598, No. 3, 1567. 131. Córdova Tello 1992, 108–109; Castro Morales 1980, 14–16. 132. Anales de Tecamachalco 1903, 30–31; Camelo Arredondo, Gurría Lacroix, and Reyes-Valerio 1964, 14. 133. Chávez Orozco 1953, 2:127. See Gibson 1952, 142–144. C. H. Haring (1963, 200) writes: “Where on the continent the Spaniards found a genuine native nobility, they did not try to abolish it as might have been expected, but rather encouraged its survival. Chiefs might receive the privilege of riding a horse, or bearing arms, or being addressed as ‘don.’” 134. Lockhart, Berdan, and Anderson 1986, 49, 51, 58; Cervantes de Salazar 1971, 281; Gibson 1952, 146, 165, 247– 253; Cline 1972–1975, 14:214–217. 135. Mendieta 1973, bk. 2, ch. 14, 1:61. 136. Medina Lima 1995, 47, 49. 137. Pohl 2004, 41. “The Eastern Nahuas settled in and around the plain of Puebla to the east of the Basin of Mexico.” Also see Nicholson’s essay (Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1994), in which he reiterates his conviction that the Borgia Group was painted in the Tlaxcala-Puebla region. This codex and ceramics style was centered specifically in Cholula, which was a major religious and market site for most of Mesoamerica.

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138. Actas del Cabildo, 06372, 08, 230, 02, 10/2/1562, 171v–173v. “Libramiento de 20 pesos a los indios de Cholula quienes trajeron la pintura para la fiesta de San Miguel.” 139. Prem 1974, 11–12, 576v, 816v, 885v. 140. Prem 1974, 487v, 505r, 526r, 576v, 606v, 784v, 811r, 816v, 829r, 885v, 904v; Karttunen 1983. 141. Byland and Pohl 1994, 193–197; also Pohl 1994. 142. Pohl (2004, 41–43) has written about the trade relationship between the Eastern Nahuas and the Mixtecs. 143. Cline 1972–1975, 14:116–117. 144. Castro Morales 1970, 64. Further proof does exist that indigenous artists were named in contracts and financial statements in the sixteenth century. Castro Morales has found the names of artists who worked in the cathedral in Puebla in archival records: “Tenemos noticia de que en 1595 colaboraban haciendo algunas pinturas los artistas indígenas Francisco, Diego, Gaspar, Tomás, Miguel, Domingo, Baltasar Jerónimo, Andrés, y Juan Felipe.” 145. Gruzinski 1993, 42–43. 146. In her description of a frieze fragment in Puebla, Estrada de Gerlero (1990, 267) writes (Mexico: Splendors of Thirty Centuries 1990, 267): “The painters of these murals—Indians, for the most part—worked as traveling teams directed by a tlacuilotecuhtli (senior painter) or by a Spanish master. They were trained in the monastery schools of mechanical arts and were from the earliest times skilled in copying from engravings which were brought in considerable quantities from Europe.” 147. León-Portilla 1986, 111. 148. Alberti 1966, 63–65. For affirmation, Alberti turned to Trismegistus, who believed that “painting and sculpture were born at the same time as religion.” 149. In book 6 of the Florentine Codex is the explication of the Indian metaphor of the black and red: “it was said: ‘Do not

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let the red and the black of the ancients perish!’ This means the traditions. Or: ‘Why do you destroy the way of life, the black and the red of our grandfathers, the ancients?’” (León-Portilla and Shorris 2001, 274–275). Chapter Four 1. Boucher 1967, 220–242. 2. A similar figure appears in the mural at the Franciscan monastery in Zacatlán de las Manzanas, Puebla, a detail pointed out to me by Julieta Domínguez. 3. Seler 1996, 5:225–232, 266; Matos Moctezuma and Solís Olguín 2002, 425; Aguilera 1985, 56–57. 4. Seler 1996, 5:237–245. 5. See chapter 7 concerning the deer emblem in the Salon of the Triumphs. 6. Motolinía 1971, 69, 373; Durán 1994, 16, 205; the Relaciónes of Tepeaca and Coyatitlanapa, Puebla, in Papeles de la Nueva España 1905, 5:38–40, 92–93. 7. Seler 1996, 5:170. The earring sometimes appears as an abbreviation for the monkey day sign (Boone 2007, 38). 8. Matos Moctezuma and Solís Olguín 2002, 168, fig. 90, 178, fig. 100, 179, fig. 101, 180–181, fig. 102, 194, fig. 116. 9. In Don Tomás de la Plaza’s world, the celebration of Christ’s sacrifice and resurrection was accompanied by the music of Xochipilli, as is evident in this quotation from Sahagún’s Psalmodia Cristiana: “Let the golden upright drum, the turquoise drum, the lordly flowers arise; let there be glorying [in them], let there be [their] adorning. Let the golden wreaths of flowers be taken up; let them be worn. Let the turquoise gourd-like rattles stir. Let the golden flute sound clearly; let it flame forth. Let our song, our words sound clearly everywhere. Let us with pleasure, with joy, sing songs about the wondrous works of our God, our Lord Jesus” (Sahagún 1993, 113). 10. Kollmann 1987, 227, 231; Hall 1979, 22.

11. See Miller’s introduction to the Codex Nuttall (1975, xi) for more on this approach to form. 12. Codex Borbonicus 1981, folios 8–10, 19; Codex Fejérváry-Mayer 1994, folio 5. 13. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 11, 203, ills. 686 and 688, 206, ill. 696, 208, ill. 703, 209, ill. 708. 14. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 23, ills. 14 and 22 for One Flower and Eight Flower. Gruzinski (1994, 164) identifies the plant between the two monkeys as the poyomatli, a narcotic or inebriant plant associated with visions of the future. Also see Bye and Linares 2007, 255–280. 15. Hall 1979, 280; Impelluso 2004, 328, 351–353. 16. Sebastián López, Mesa Figueroa, and Gisbert de Mesa 1985, 179. See Dotson 1979 on the Augustinian inspiration for Michelangelo’s ceiling paintings. 17. Gómez de Orozco 1946, 66, 71–80. 18. Mendieta 1973, ch. 51, 2:205. 19. Parke 1988, 58–59. 20. Parke 1988, 9, 18. Plutarch quotes Heraclitus, providing the earliest reference to the sibyls’ style: “But Sibylla with raving mouth, uttering things without laughter and without charm of sight or scent, reaches a thousand years by her voice on account of the god.” Sixthcentury dramatists Aristophanes and Euripides describe the chresmologoi (tellers of oracles) who traveled the eastern Mediterranean in search of oracular prophecies and created a form of folk literature. 21. Parke 1988, 18, 24–27, 51. In the fourth century BC Heraclides identified the sibyls with particular sites. Three of the female prophets, the Sibyl of Marpessus (Hellespontine) from near Troy, Sibyl of Erythrae (Herophile), and Sibyl of Delphi, appear in later works by Varro and Clement of Alexandria, quoting Heraclides.

22. Parke 1988, 6. 23. Parke 1988, 19, 130, 139, 141, 149–150 n. 11. On Varro, also refer to Potter 1994, 78–79. Closely related to this event is the passage from the Aeneid in which Virgil has Aeneas vow to build a shrine dedicated to the Cumaean Sibyl (Virgil 1964, 116, bk. 6, lines 65–73). 24. Seyffert 1961, 342; Lactantius 2007, 1–3. Caecilius Firmianus Lactantius lived ca. 250–325. 25. Potter (1994, 78) writes: “Most of our evidence for the Sibyls comes from writers in the Augustan age or later”; and “Unlike Phlegon, Plutarch, and Pausanias, Varro has used works of literature rather than oracular texts to compile this list.” Lactantius (2007, 70–71) quotes Varro concerning the sibyls that there were ten in number: Sibyllae Persia, Libya, Delphi, Cimmeria, Erythrae, Samia, Cumae, Hellespont, Phrygia, and Tibur. Lactantius also quoted Pausanias, the travel writer of the Roman world in the second century AD, who approached the study of the sibyls by going to the places with which they were identified. Among the most interesting of his descriptions, Pausanias reports that the Hebrew Sibyl, also known as the Egyptian or Babylonian, was said to have been the wife of Noah’s son and to have been aboard the Ark. This identification suggests the possibility that Pausanias may also have been familiar with the oracles collected in Alexandria (Parke 1988, 41–43, 45; Potter 1994, 79–81). See the image of the ark in the Heures de Louis de Laval (Morales Folguera 2008, 92). 26. Parke 1988, 144–147. 27. The complex story of the Cumaean Sibyl’s origins is reviewed by Parke (1988, ch. 4, 71–94). Aeneas is warned in the Aeneid that he should avoid a second unique form of pronouncement, in which the sibyl writes her prophecies on leaves: “But when the door is opened and a light breeze stirs them, the delicate leaves are scattered all around the cave;

the Sibyl never thinks to catch them as they flutter, or to rearrange them into coherent order” (Virgil 1964, 60, bk. 3, lines 448–451, 116, bk. 6, lines 74–76). 28. Virgil 1999, 29. 29. Potter 1994, 88–90. Milton Terry (The Sibylline Oracles 1890, 15), who translated the oracles into English, writes: “Our Sibylline books are found to contain Greek, Jewish, and Christian elements. The oldest portions appear to be the work of an Alexandrian Jew, who probably made use of various fragments of the old Greek and Roman Sibyllines which were current in his day. This work was probably enlarged by later writers and then taken up by Christian enthusiasts, who turned it to account in their assaults upon heathenism. The result is that, after various revisions and alterations and additions, we have twelve books, which exhibit little coherency.” 30. Collins 1997, 197. 31. Parke 1988, 46. 32. Augustine 1993, 628–629, bk. 18, ch. 23. I have quoted only a fragment of the entire text. These verses had appeared in Greek a century earlier in the Oratio Constantini ad Sanctorum Coetum of Eusebius of Caesarea. 33. The Sibylline Oracles 1890, 185–187. 34. Augustine 1993, 630, bk. 18, ch. 23. Other early Christian writers—Justin Martyr, Clement of Alexandria, and the bishop of Antioch, St. Theophilus—refer to the sibyls as inspired authorities, at times equating them with the prophets. See Parke 1988, 160–161; The Sibylline Oracles 1890, 14–145. 35. Donovan 1958, 165. Also see Young 1933, 2:126–131, for the text of the pseudo-Augustinian sermon Sermo beati Augustini episcopi de natale domini. 36. Mâle 1986, 237; Dronke 1990, 11–12; McGinn 1985, 22–24, 42 n. 73; Reeves 1969, 4. Joachim’s interpretation appears in his Expositio de prophetia ignota and is political in nature. There

are three manuscripts of the Expositio. The one consulted by Marjorie Reeves is the Expositio Anonymae Romae repertae anno 1184. Reeves (1969, 4–5 n. 4) has commented on the prophecy: “It is, indeed, the kind of oracle which could be applied to many periods and there seems no reason why it should not have been a twelfth-century production belonging to the group of Sibylline oracles just then coming into vogue.” 37. Voragine 1993, 1:40–41; Mâle 1986, 237–238. 38. Mâle 1986, 216, 220–221, 228–229. 39. Mâle 1986, 222; Panofsky 1966, 1:190–191, 276–278. 40. Feld 1985, 309–310; Panofsky 1967, 140–141. Ficino extolled the worth of the oracles in his advocacy of the contemplative life, maintaining that they would lead to an intuitive perception of the divine. In Ficino’s scheme, this form of contemplation produced a furor divinus, or transforming ecstasy, “most powerful and sublime” (Panofsky 1967, 140) like that experienced by the sibyls, the prophets, and Christian mystics. 41. Feld 1985, 306–307. 42. Dronke 1990, 3–4; Seznec 1961, 21. 43. Mâle 1986, 240–242. 44. Levenson, Oberhuber, and Sheehan 1973, 22. 45. The Grande Séminaire of Liège holds the Prophetie XII sibillarum de incarnatione Christi, which is a description of the murals in Cardinal Giordano Orsini’s Roman palace. The manuscript at the abbey of Tangerloo is the Sequuntur Sibille sicut depicte sunt Rome in Camera Reverendissimi Cardinalis de Ursinis. 46. Hélin 1936, 349–359. The descriptions are significant because the mural paintings are no longer extant. 47. Clercq 1978–1979, 108–117; Levenson, Oberhuber, and Sheehan 1973, 22–25.

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48. The Rationarium Evangelistarum can be compared to a booklet authored by Jost Eychman and published in 1493 in Heidelberg, now in the University Library in Uppsala, Sweden. While Barbieri and Eychman may have borrowed from a common source, Eychman took an innovative step in creating a concordance of the sibylline oracles with the Old and New Testaments. He included scriptural references, along with the oracles, the attributes, and elements of the costumes (Clercq 1979b, 98–101). 49. Morales Folguera 2008, 90–98; Clercq 1979b, 110–111. The Heures is in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. 50. Clercq 1979a, 12, 1979b, 106– 107; Wind 1976, 526 n. 31. 51. Clercq 1979b, 107–111; Morales Folguera 2008, 83–98. Mâle (1986, 253) writes: “We know what favor the charming little books of Vérard and Vostre found. They were adapted to the use of a large number of dioceses in France: thus, the images of the sibyls were known everywhere. Painters, glass painters, and sculptors were provided with a guide which told them what attribute belonged to each sibyl. This explains the close resemblance between widely separated works of art.” The 1498 edition of the Book of Hours of Simon Vostre in the Rosenwald Collection at the Library of Congress is illustrated on almost every page with images of the sibyls. 52. Jacobowitz and Stepanek 1983, 228–230; Filedtkok 1996, 238. 53. Jacobowitz and Stepanek 1983, 228; Filedtkok 1996, 238–251. 54. Lactantius 2007, 251–252. 55. Mâle 1986, 246. Among the holdings in the Library of Congress Rare Book Room is the Vaticinium Sibillae Eritheae: Diuina reuelatio Erythree Sibylle cum comentariis, by Luis de Tovar, dated 1508. The ten sibyls from Varro’s list appear in the text. 56. Morales Folguera 2008, 236–237.

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57. In the painting Procession of the Maidens of Sablon in Brussels by Anton Sallaert (1580–1650) in the Sabauda Gallery, Turin, Italy, participants on horseback hold banners high, carts transport religious statues, and the street is lined with large painted canvases. 58. Motolinía 1951, 156–159, 1971, ch. 35, 104–106; Ravicz 1970, 51–57; García Icazbalceta 1968, 2:320–325. 59. Stern 1996, 73–91; Young 1933, 2:420–421. In the thirteenth century, the Decretals of Pope Gregory IX became the source for the Siete partidas imposed by Alfonso X of Castile. These rules allowed for performances that were considered appropriate to the liturgy. In 1473 the Council of Aranda prohibited theatrical presentations that might detract from the sacraments. These types of decrees continued to be implemented into the sixteenth century, indicating that they were not upheld all that successfully. As Charlotte Stern (1996, 89) points out, “While the number of edicts multiplies after the Council of Aranda, all of them imply that the plays and other diversions that the Church sought to regulate were well-established customs at the time the edicts were promulgated.” 60. Donovan 1958, 165–166; Stern 1996, 39; López Yepes 1977, 548. 61. According to Donovan (1958, 20), the Mozarabic rite was the liturgy practiced by Christians under Arab rule. However, the unique aspects of the liturgy, the choices of music and ceremonies and the placement of prayers, were already in place in Spain before the Arab conquest. 62. Donovan (1958, 168) writes: “When the practice of liturgical plays developed, the important Catalan monastery of Ripoll was not only flourishing and famous for its music school, but it was in intimate contact with precisely those French monasteries commonly associated with the early production of these plays.”

63. Donovan (1958, 17, 176–180) provides the text of a thirteenth-century Ordo Prophetarum performed in Laon. Included among the prophets are Virgil, Moses, the Sibylla, and Elizabeth, the mother of John the Baptist. Also see Young 1933, ch. 21, 2:125–171, in which he provides the text of the pseudoAugustinian sermon, several scripts, and a description of the Ordo Prophetarum. 64. Donovan 1958, 160. As Donovan (1958, 115) also points out, “In many of the Prophet Plays, the Sibyl spoke only several lines, but at Gerona, as in most Spanish churches, she sang her entire prophecy.” See López Yepes (1977, 551– 553) for the text of the Canto de la Sibila de San Andrés del Torn. 65. Young 1933, 1:74; Stern 1996, 32–33 (quotation); Donovan 1958, 201–216. A fourteenth-century ordinary from Palencia includes the Judicii Signum with instructions concerning its dramatic presentation in the sixth lesson during matins on Christmas Eve. Numerous fourteenth- and fifteenth-century breviaries containing the sibylline verses reside today in cathedral collections in Gerona, Toledo, Vich, and other Spanish cities. 66. Stern 1996, 120–122; Donovan 1958, 42, 46–47. The angels carrying swords are borrowed from the pseudoAugustinian sermon. In the late sixteenth century Juan Cháves de Arcayos recorded the various religious services at the cathedral in Toledo. Felipe Fernández Vallejo, the cathedral canon, wrote a history of the cathedral in 1785 that includes a section entitled Disertación VI, sobre las representaciones poéticas en el templo, y Sybila de la noche de Navidad. This script of the play for Christmas Eve, based in part on the Arcayos manuscript, was accompanied by a pen and ink drawing of the sibyl and four figures. These manuscripts separated by two hundred years, the drawing, and the fifteenthcentury description all speak to the mystical and fearsome quality of the

prophecy. After each verse that the sibyl sang, the angels clanged their swords together three times, and the choir answered the sibyl with the refrain “Juicio fuerte sera dado cruel y de muerte.” Donovan 1958, 39–41, 181–185; Gillet 1940, 272–276; Stern 1996, 204–205. Donovan provides the script from the Arcayos manuscript and Gillet the script from the Vallejo text. The title for the Vallejos manuscript is Memorias I: Disertaciones que podrán servir al que escriba la historia de la iglesia de Toledo desde el año MLXXXV en que conquistó dicha ciudad el rei don Alonso VI. De Castilla. The title of the Arcayos work is Casos sucedidos en diversos tiempos en la Santa Iglesia de Toledo desde el año de 1433 sacada de los Libros Capitulares. 67. Aebischer 1950, 265; Stern 1996, 205. “[La Sibila] llegaba a la Catedral, desde una dependencia de la misma, vestida con gran riqueza, bien pintada y montada en bien enjaezado caballo, con mucho acompañamiento de mozos y tambores, salterios, trompetas, sonajas, y rabeles” (Rodríguez 1947, 23). 68. Stern 1996, 39–41. 69. See Stern 1996, 40. Stern points out that Feliciano Delgado identified the manuscript with Salamanca and noted its relationship to the Discordantiae. 70. Stern 1996, 41. 71. Ansley 1946, 1077, 1313, 1338– 1339. Spanish influence continued with the election of the Spanish pope Alexander VI (1492–1503). 72. Levenson, Oberhuber, and Sheehan 1973, 25. A choir of twelve sibyls appears in the Mystère d’Octavien et de Sibylle Tiburtine. 73. Hall 1976, 353–377. 74. Weller 1999, 495–496. The manuscript partbooks, illustrated with miniatures of the sibyls, were apparently for Duke Albert’s private use, for they were not published until after 1600. 75. García Icazbalceta 1968, 2:349. It is not known whether male or female

impersonators would have worn the costumes of the twelve sibyls in Puebla. 76. Boone 2007, 42. 77. Actas del Cabildo, 08160, 10, 290, 02, 5/23/1577, 216v, 217v: “Libramiento de 40 pesos de oro comun al mayordomo de la cofradia de Corpus Christi, limosna para la ayuda a la celebracion de la fiesta. El pago lo hara el mayordomo del cabildo.” 78. Actas del Cabildo, 05126, 07, 063, 02, 6/7/1555, 66f, 67f; 09662, 12, 056, 04, 4/30/1586, 89f, 91f. 79. Marín López 2008, 584–585. 80. Actas del Cabildo, 09451, 12, 94, 04, 4/1/1587, 45v, 47v; 09459, 12, 59, 02, 5/24/1586, 47f, 49f. “Acuerdo para que la fiesta de Corpus Christi sea organizada, como todos los años, por el cabildo; pero como este no tiene dinero, los gastos correran por este año y los proximos, a cargo de los taberneros, panaderos, y de todos los que tienen oficios mecanicos. Asi, ya se podran realizar las comedias y danzas como es costumbre.” Actas del Cabildo, 09534, 12, 71, 04, 8/22/1586, 63v, 65v. “Libramiento a Francisco de Torres, Alferez, por 125 pesos de oro comun por la comision que tuvo como representante de la ciudad en las fiestas de Corpus Christi, asi como en su octava y en las comedias de este año.” 81. María y Campos 1978, 108–109, 159, 202. In 1599 and 1616 Puebla’s Cabildo called upon the governor of the Indians to organize three different dances from each of the barrios: “La jurisdicción del gobernador de indios se extendía a los naturales de todos los barrios y era independiente de la municipal. En la jura del rey, el gobernador de la república de los naturales llevaba el estandarte real de la misma y prestaba juramento igual al del alférez real. En las ceremonias de la catedral, el estandarte de la república de naturales estaba al lado de la epístola, frente al de la ciudad que estaba al lado del evangelio. Esta jurisdicción de los naturales fue suprimida por la Constitución

de Cádiz de 1812.” The standards in the Puebla Cathedral may have represented the indigenous confraternities. According to Louise Burkhart (1996, 81–83), Nahua confraternities “organized festivals, sometimes staging dramas, and sponsored charitable works, including hospitals. Nahua fraternities were not associated with occupational specialties, as in Spain, but instead were foci of community and neighborhood groupings. These religious sodalities appealed to Nahuas because of their collective and voluntary nature. Their members enjoyed some measure of control over local affairs, with the prestige that accrued to such leadership, and also benefited from a network of mutual support.” 82. María y Campos 1978, 159. On May 13, 1608, in Mexico City, the celebration included comedias and “las danzas españolas, negros, indios, mulatos y todo lo demás que fuere necesario.” 83. Mâle 1986, 229, 233. 84. See Mâle (1986, 246–254) for his exhaustive treatment of this book of hours. In his summary (Mâle 1986, 253) he writes: We now see how the French sibyls differed from the Italian. The sibyls of the Orsini palace and those of Filippo Barbieri foretold only one event: the coming of a Savior who would be miraculously born of a Virgin. The new sibyls were much more knowledgeable: they spoke not only of the supernatural birth of the Son of God, but also of his infancy, his sufferings, his death and resurrection. Lactantius completed the Orsini palace inscriptions. The attributes our sibyls carry have particular meanings: they foretell in abridged form the life of Christ. They are not placed haphazardly, but in logical order: first come those who foretold that a Savior would be born; then those who spoke of his birth and infancy; and lastly, those who spoke of his Passion, death, and resurrection.

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85. Isaiah 7:14. 86. Lactantius 2007, 260. 87. Feld 1985, 309. Concerning Moses, Lactantius (2007, 262) wrote that “the old testament which was given through Moses was not perfect, and he would consummate the one which he was keeping to be given through Christ. As for the house of Judah and of Israel, he does not mean the Jews: he had deposed them; he means us whom he summoned from among the nations to be adopted in their place, and were called the sons of the Jews.” 88. See Timmerman 2001, 141–160. 89. Isaiah 9:2, 6. 90. Augustine 1993, 628, bk. 18, ch. 23. 91. Lactantius 2007, 71. 92. See appendix II. 93. Morales Folguera 2008, 84, 92, 238–239. In the Heures de Louis de Laval, the Persian sibyl leads the sibyls, and the accompanying scene is the apparition of the Virgin and Child above Abraham and the sibyl, with Christ’s assertion on the banner: “Before Abraham was, I am,” as in Charles V’s book of hours. Below the apparition in the Heures de Louis de Leval are David with his harp, referring to the psalm, and St. John, who quotes Christ’s statement. In Charles V’s book of hours, the Apocalyptic Virgin and child appear with the banner. 94. John 18:10–11. 95. Song of Solomon, 4:5–7. 96. Kügelgen 1999, 1:393. 97. For more on the preconquest slipknot, see the description of Saturn’s belt in chapter 5. 98. Ovid 1955, 314–315. 99. Isaiah 50:6. 100. Reau 1956, pt. 1, 2:427. For other examples of the severed hand related to Christ’s Passion, see the mural painting of the Mass of St. Gregory at the Franciscan convent of San Francisco in Tepeapulco and the Symbols of the Passion on the façade of San Juan Bautista at Coixtlahuaca, Oaxaca.

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101. Pasztory 1983, 157–161. 102. Hall 1979, 285. 103. Levenson, Oberhuber, and Sheehan 1973, ch. 4, 47–62. 104. Levenson, Oberhuber, and Sheehan 1973, 59; McDonald 2004, nos. 2370–2373, 2:428–429. Ferdinand Columbus owned many of these singlesheet prints that incorporate multiple scenes from the lives of Christ, the Virgin, and the saints. According to Morales Folguera (2008, 100–101), “El panorama [en Francia] va a cambiar en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI, ya que a partir de esa época se aprecia una clara influencia de los modelos italianos, que coincide con el reinado del monarca Enrique III. . . . El autor de los grabados Jean Rabel pertenece al grupo de grabadores franceses de la segunda mitad del siglo XVI, que siguen modelos italianos más antiguos, que difundieron por Europa los grabadores florentinos Francesco Rosselli (1448–1513) y Baccio Baldini (h. 1436–1487).” 105. The description of the Resurrection is in Matthew 28:1–3. The text in the Rationarium is Matthew 20:19. 106. Kügelgen 1999, 1:391–394; Arellano 1996, 63–65. 107. Isaiah 60:1, John 1:9, 8:12. 108. Morales Folguera 2008, 239. 109. Kügelgen 1999, 1:401. See also Marsh’s description (Husenbeth 1882, 405–406): “To this day, in the religious processions during Holy Week at Seville, the Sibyls form prominent figures.” Marsh also includes the twelfth-century Laetabundus, Exultet fidelis chorus, attributed to St. Bernard: “Esay sings His fame, / Synagogues proclaim, / Yet ’tis still the same, / They are blind.” This verse is followed by “Heathen seers amain / Chanted all in vain: / Never Sibyl’s strain / Faith could find.” 110. Kügelgen 1999, 1:399. This petit point, measuring 252 by 191 centimeters, was in the Galerie Blondel Deroyan in Paris.

111. McDonald 2004, nos. 1779– 1788, 2:317–319, no. 2734, 499–500, no. 2757, 505, no. 2760, 505–506. Ferdinand Columbus also owned The Twelve Kings of Israel (no. 2712, 2:493–494) and several versions of The Nine Worthies (no. 285, 2:487, nos. 2687 and 2688, 487–488). 112. Landau and Parshall 1994, 221; Vorstenportretten 1972, 48, 50. These portraits seem to have been printed in large quantities, for they were colored with stencils. 113. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, ill. 10:115. 114. Sebastián López, Mesa Figueroa, Gisbert de Mesa 1985, 280–287; Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 23, ill. 14 and ill. 22 for One Flower and Eight Flower. 115. Hollstein et al. 1991, 31:138–141. 116. Jacobowitz and Stepanek 1983, 154–157; Hollstein et al. 1991, 31:137–141. 117. Muñoz Camargo 2000, 47–48. 118. Potter 1994, 214–216. 119. Matthew 5:17. 120. McGinn 1985, 52–53. 121. Lactantius 2007, 232. 122. Mâle 1986, 237. Scholars were aware of Lactantius before the publication of Divinae Institutiones in 1465. In the thirteenth century Vincent of Beauvais mentions the ten sibyls from Varro’s list. 123. Stern 1996, 270. As Stern points out, “[Procession] later became the governing structure of the Ordo Prophetarum and the Processio Sibyllarum.” 124. Augustine 1960, 168–171, 284. St. Augustine’s De civitate Dei and Cicero’s De oratore were published in Subiaco contemporaneously with Lactantius’s Divinae Institutiones. Meredith J. Gill (2005, 18–19 and ch. 4: “Augustine’s Light”) remarks on the choice of these three works as the first books to be published in Subiaco: “The oracular evidence of pagan times indicated the

advent of Christ and affirmed Christian truths. This historical perspective was a profoundly Augustinian one, and it must have been deeply congenial, not to mention useful, to Roman humanists. Equally sympathetic to them would have been Lactantius’s belief that rhetoric leads to wisdom, in accord with Cicero’s De oratore. . . . More than this, wisdom, for Lactantius, was pointless without an aspiration to immortality, and for that Christianity was the only hope.” 125. McGinn 1985, 59. Chapter Five 1. Petrarch 1962, v–vi. Petrarch began composing the Triumphs in 1340 and considered the poem unfinished at his death in 1374. 2. Petrarch 1962, 95–96. 3. Hall 1979, 238; Impelluso 2004, 309–312. 4. Petrarch 1962, 5. 5. Boucher 1967, 224–230. 6. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 11,40–41, figs. 114–120. 7. The full title of the bible in the Biblioteca Palafoxiana is Bibla Sacra: cum glossa ordinaria/primum quidem a Strabo Fuldensi; collecta et postilia Nicolás de Lyra; additionibus Pauli Burgensis; ac Mathiae Thoryngi; per Franciscum FeuArdentium; Joannem Dradaeum; Jacobum De Cuilly (Lugduni: s.n., 1590). This Bible was initially published in Lugduni (Lyon, France) in 1529 by Ioannis Mareschal. A copy resides in the National Library of Scotland (Bibliae cum glossa ordinaria: et expositione literali & morali Reverendi patris Nicolai Lyrani). An image of this title page appears in Alexander Nesbitt, 200 Decorative Title-Pages (New York: Dover Publications, 1964), plate 34. 8. Petrarch 1962, 5–6. 9. Strong 1984, 44. 10. Petrarch 1962, 112. 11. Ezekiel 1:4–28 Revelation 19:11– 16. See also Knipping 1974, 55.

12. Ezekiel 1:10; Revelation 4:6–8. 13. 2 Kings 2:9–12. Near Puebla, in Cholula, Huejotzingo, and Tecali, are representations of the miraculous vision of St. Francis in a chariot of fire. St. Francis is portrayed as the new Elijah. According to Joaquín Montes Bardo (1998, 287–289), this event signifies Elijah’s prophecies related to the salvation of the pagans and the Last Days. 14. Dante 1950, 365–367. Dante wrote his Commedia in Italian in the early fourteenth century. Giovanni Boccaccio, in his Amorosa visione, also written in the vernacular somewhat later in the midfourteenth century, describes a triumph based on classical sources. Also see Knipping 1974, 55. 15. Strong 1984, 45–46. The Library of Congress Rare Book Room holds an edition from 1499 (see the bibliography). 16. Scribner 1982, 66–67; Panofsky 1969, 59. 17. Hughes 1997, 101. 18. Pietropaolo 1990, 359. 19. Pietropaolo 1990, 361. 20. Hall 1976, 353–377. 21. Strong 1984, 74–75, 80. 22. Gibson 1952, 147 (quotation); Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 2:79–80. At a much later date, but related to Don Tomás’s deanship, was the festive dedication of the cathedral in Puebla upon its completion in 1649, presided over by Bishop Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza: This afternoon, festivities planned by the Noblest of Cities began, for which the principal plaza was enclosed with scaffolding and in the center was built a Castle in which fought various troops, attacking and defending, dressed as Spaniards and Indians of various Nations, some wearing animal skins and their costumes adorned with feathers according to their tradition, who executed with skill the various skirmishes and attacks. Then two costumed

troops entered on horseback, dressed as Christians and Moors with a large number of attendants on foot, all richly dressed, who performed with equal skill the team events, games, and tourneys and having concluded, a Triumphal Chariot entered the plaza, dedicated to the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception, whose sacred image was placed in the upper section and at whose feet was a choir of musicians, very well-dressed, that, to the sound of a large group of instruments, sang elegies to the sacred Mystery, moving around the plaza until after nightfall.

23. Essling 1902, 127. 24. Mâle 1986, 233. 25. Palm 1973a. 26. A copy of the 1512 Obregón edition is found in the Hispanic Society in New York. The 1541 edition is held by Cornell University Library’s Rare Books and Manuscripts Division. The 1541 edition may have been in Don Tomás’s possession, although it does not appear in his Will and Testament. Anne J. Cruz (1990, 310) comments on the Obregón translation: “Despite its cancionero style, Obregón’s translation testifies to the literary revolution in Spain brought about by the diffusion of texts, the new humanistic currents and, above all, by the contact and confrontation with Italian language and culture.” 27. Cruz 1990, 312; Panofsky 1967, ch. 5, 129–169. Panofsky describes Ficino’s conception of humanity as the link between God and the world: “Man’s Reason, illuminated by his Mind, can be applied to the task of perfecting human life and destiny on earth; and his Mind can directly penetrate the realm of eternal truth and beauty.” The influence that Ficino had on the Obregón edition of the Triumphs appears to have been considerable. 28. Cruz 1990, 308. Ignacio Navarrete (1994, 15) makes the point that Spain was the first unified nation-state in

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Europe and thus had attained a selfconscious national literature at an early stage. 29. Kügelgen 1973a, 81. Also see Cruz 1990, 317–320. 30. Fernández Echeverría y Veytia 1992, 246, 323, 486–487, 501. 31. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 133v–134r. 32. Mendieta 1973, ch. 28, 2:168. 33. Petrarch 1962, 6. 34. Petrarch 1962, 5; Hall 1979, 36, 314. 35. Petrarch 1962, 6. 36. Panofsky 1967, 121–128. 37. See Panofsky 1967, 102–128. 38. Petrarch 1962, 6; Petrarca 1541, folios XVv, XLVIIr: “nuestra anima contiene en si dos partes principales que son razon y sensualidad: la razon tiene dos partes: la una es por la que viene a conocimiento de las cosas superiores y eternas: y la otra es por quien se endereza al uso conveniente de las cosas temporales: de donde acaece que cuando alguna cosa se presenta a la voluntad: la sensualidad la desea: y la razon revoca: y así de la mala elección no nace un remordimiento congoroso a la consciencia por la contradicción que la razón hace a la sensualidad.” 39. Sebastián 1992b, 110. A variation on the theme appears in a sixteenthcentury Sri Lankan ivory plaque. Divine Love stands triumphantly on the recumbent figure of the blindfolded Cupid. Divine Love resembles Diana except for the addition of a crown and wings. She stands near the figure of the crucified Christ, pointing her arrow to the place on his side where he was pierced. In the background, surrounding Divine Love, the faithful are gathered (Levenson 2007, 271, fig. I-41). 40. Panofsky 1967, 141. 41. Panofsky 1967, 142–143. 42. Petrarca 1541, folio VIIv: “Por donde queriendo nuestro Salvador atraer los judios al verdadero conocimiento dice en Sant Juan: Andad ante que la luz

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os dire: porque los que andan en oscuridad no saben por donde van. A esta misma sentencia es conforme la consideración de los morales porque siendo la luz cualidad afijada en los cuerpos celestiales. . . . Assi que por esto govierna el apetito y se ciega la razon pa no poder considerar las cosas del cielo.” To elucidate, Obregón quotes from Ovid’s Metamorphoses: “Todos los animales traen sus cabezas inclinadas a la tierra: a solo el hombre dió Dios el rostro levantado al cielo pa considerar las de arriba con su entendimiento.” 43. Panofsky 1969, 115. 44. Ferguson 1974, 48–49; Hall 1979, 146. 45. García Icazbalceta 1968, 2:349. In that same year the archbishop authorized the publication in Tenochtitlán of Denis the Carthusian’s treatise on processions. Archbishop Zumárraga’s addendum reads: “en otras muchas partes se haze la procesion del sanctissimo sacramento dia de Corpus Christi sin estos juegos y danzas que aca se acostumbran en nuestra España. Y aunque en otras tierras se pudiesse hazer sin culpa: parece que en esta no se sufre por los Naturales nuevos en la fe. Los quales como tenian por costumbre de celebrar sus fiestas de sus ydolos con bayles y danzas pensarian que en aquello consistia lo principal de la sanctificacion de las fiestas de Dios Nuestro Señor y de sus sanctos.” The Thacher Collection of the Library of Congress holds a copy of this particular edition of Dionisio Rickel Carturano’s Compendio breve que tracta de la manera de como se han de hazer las processiones. 46. Panofsky 1967, 138, 143–144. 47. Petrarch 1962, 42. 48. Hall 1979, 231–232, 327–328. 49. Petrarch 1962, 44. 50. Hall 1979, 306. 51. Petrarch 1962, 46. The next lines read: “Thence, passing by the Sibyl’s ancient cave, / Twixt Monte Barbaro and the Avernian Lake / Straight to Linterno was its onward course.”

52. Hall 1979, 115. 53. Petrarch 1962, 54. 54. Sebastián López 1992b, 111, 1995, 72–75; Palm 1973b, 59; Sebastián López, Mesa Figueroa, and Gisbert de Mesa 1985, 275–289. This kind of animal imagery is not unique to the Casa del Deán. Two private residences in Tunja, Colombia, with late sixteenth-century murals that are still intact are the House of the Scribe, Juan de Vargas, and the House of the Founder of Tunja, Gonzalo Suárez Rondón. In both cases, the animals are emblematic, representing Christian humanist themes. 55. Petrarch 1962, 41. 56. Petrarch 1962, 46. 57. Petrarca 1541: folio Lr. “Prosigue el poeta y dice . . . la grandissima excelencia y perfection que demonstraba este noble exercito en el venir y repugnar contra amor / diciendo que Laura juntamente con sus virtudes singulares procedia con tanta excelencia y furia contra amor y con tal favor del cielo y de las animas bienaventuradas: que el no surgio la vista de tan admirable cosa.” 58. Panofsky 1967, 79–80. 59. Nicholson and Quiñones Keber 1983, 80–81, fig. 22, for an image of the maxtlatl (male loincloth). 60. Wake 2010, 178–179. The slipknot appears on a galloping horse at San Gabriel, Cholula, and perhaps is represented on the banner of the Cumaean Sibyl. 61. Charles 2004, Book of Enoch, section 1, 8–11. “(1) And Azazel taught men to make swords, and knives, and shields, and breastplates, and made known to them the metals of the earth and the art of working them, and bracelets, and ornaments, and the use of antimony, and the beautifying of the eyelids, and all kinds of costly stones, and all (2) coloring tinctures. And there arose much godlessness, and they committed fornication, and they (3) were led astray, and became corrupt in all their ways.” I wish

to thank Samuel Edgerton for this identification of the Fallen Angel, Azazel. 62. Husband 1995, 158–165. 63. In a related work, The Rising of the Sun, an engraving by Giulio Bonasone (active in Rome, 1531–1574), the winged figure of Saturn accompanies Apollo and the Horae across the sky, with the figures of the zodiac encircling them. The Illustrated Bartsch: Italian Masters of the Sixteenth Century, vol. 28 (New York: Abaris Books, 1985): 305, fig. 99. 64. Panofsky 1967, 76–77. 65. Petrarch 1962, 96. 66. Petrarch 1962, 99. 67. Petrarca 1541, folio CXLVr. 68. Seyffert 1961, 307–308; Hall 1979, 302. 69. Weckmann 1992, 370, 457, 594. 70. Trapp 2003, 171–200; Husband 1995, 158–165; Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin (Fall 1999): 24–25. 71. Petrarca 1541, folios LXIIIr–LXIVr. 72. Schiller 1971, 1:288–289. See also Panofsky 1966, 145–146. 73. Jameson 1895, 106–110: “Veni, Electa mia, et ponam te in thronum meum.” Panofsky (1966, 145–148) interprets Jan van Eyck’s Madonna in the Church, a work that illustrates the complexity of Late Gothic Mariological symbolism: “In order to lend artistic expression to this mysterious and manyleveled identity of Virgin and Mother, Mother and Daughter, Daughter and Bride, Queen of Heaven and Church on Earth, an image had been devised which may be described as ‘the Virgin Mary in a church and as the Church.’” On her hem appear the following words: “It [meaning: Divine Wisdom as diffused in the Universal Church and embodied in the Virgin Mary] is more beautiful than the sun and above the whole order (dispositio) of the stars. Being compared with the [natural] light, she is found before it. She is the brightness of eternal light, and the flawless mirror of God’s majesty.”

74. Shepherd 1961, 158–159 (quotation), 172–173. The tapestry is in the collection of the Cleveland Museum of Art. 75. Scribner 1982, 67; Panofsky 1969, 59. 76. As Panofsky (1969, 59) has pointed out, “the chariot clearly marks the dividing line between the eras before and after Grace.” 77. Dorothy G. Shepherd (1961, 172–173) cites another related example: a manuscript illustrated with ink drawings, number 5066 in the Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal in Paris. 78. As Nora de Poorter (1978, 171– 176 [quotation on 176]) has observed, “The church itself thus becomes a forecourt of paradise. Through the power of the Eucharist . . . the believer is able to see and experience in advance the blessedness that he is destined to enjoy forever.” See Scribner 1982, 135–136. 79. Hall 1979, 182, 238; Seyffert 1961, 337; Impelluso 2004, 309–312. 80. Poorter 1978, 199. 81. The drawing by van der Straet is in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Pieter Coecke van Aelst’s drawing for the Triumph of Divinity was of a female personification but was then replaced in the stained glass roundel with Christ in Triumph. Both works are in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. 82. Sutton 1993, 14–15. De Poorter published an image of a lost tapestry (1978, plate 76, described on 201) dated ca. 1520–1530, entitled The Triumph of Faith, in which the Virgin Mary is enthroned, holding in her right hand a model of a church and in her left the cross of the Resurrection. 83. Van Veen’s title for the series of six panels was Fundamenta et Principia Fidei et Catholicae Religionis in Sex Triumphales Carrus Dispartita. De Poorter (1978) has switched titles for the Triumphs in plates 71 and 72. See 199–200 for descriptions. Refer also to Vogl 1987; Knipping 1974, 57. For the biblical references concerning the sword, see Revelation 1:16, 2:12, 16.

84. Poorter 1978, 165. 85. See Burke 1992, 59–63; Toussaint 1967, 238–241. Baltazar Echave Riojas’s version of the Triumph of the Eucharist, dated 1675, is in the sacristy of the Cathedral of Puebla. In 1685 Cristóbal de Villalpando painted a version for the cathedral in Mexico, and in 1695 Nicolás Rodríguez Juárez painted one for the Church of Carmen de Celaya in Guanajuato. 86. Ricard 1966, 47–88, 195; Horcasitas 2004, 1:698, 701–702. 87. Mosquera 2004, 71–78. Daniel Mosquera (2004, 83, n. 36), in his analysis of El Juicio final, writes: “The drama is referenced in chronicles and in most historical studies of evangelization in New Spain, which suggests the possibility that several reenactments occurred at least in Tlatelolco and Mexico City between 1531 and 1539.” 88. Sell and Burkhart with Spira 2004, 190–209. Also see Ravicz 1970, 141– 156; Horcasitas 2004, 1:703–735. 89. The Obregón 1541 edition of Los Triunfos (Petrarca 1541, folio CLr) provides a summary of the Triumphs: El anima humana que siendo unida al cuerpo en la primera edad vimos ser subjecta al apetito como mostramos en el triumpho de amor: la vimos despues mudada al segundo estado que es el de la razon como vimos en el triumpho de castidad. En el tercero estado la vimos subjecta a muerte como hallamos en el triumpho tercero: despues la vimos tornado en vida por la forma segun en el quarto triumpho leymos: despues hallamos triumphar el tiempo de la fama/que es el quinto triumpho del tiempo: assi que mudada de un estado en otro variable como avemos visto: siguese el sesto estado invariable y firme que es el de la eternidad despues del juyzio universal: donde el anima tendra entera perfeccion en la firmeza: porque sera unida con el cuerpo y

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defuera sera o por meritos glorificada en el cielo: o por pecados penada en el infierno para siempre.

90. Dotson 1979, 427. 91. Panofsky 1969, 65; Schiller 1971, plates 133, 134, 139, 140. In a visual tradition that developed over centuries, counterimages of Synagoga and Ecclesia occurred on church façades. At St. Elizabeth’s Church in Marburg, two elegant figures stand opposed in stained glass windows from the thirteenth century. In a fifteenth-century Bible moralisée, Synagoga is depicted at the time of her death, attended by Christ, Ecclesia, and the evangelists. 92. Dotson 1979, 209. 93. McGinn 1985, 51–54. Also see Potter 1994, 214–216. Obregón wrote in the 1541 edition (Petrarca 1541): “El hombre no debe perder la esperanza: mas considerar que de continuo estan abiertos los brazos de la misericordia divina a quien sale de pecado. . . . Nunca fueron tarde las gracias divinas: tanto que con limpia voluntad y puro corazon se demanden: de manera que la demanda sea conjunta con la fe y la esperanza: porque siendo asi de necessario ha de ser junta con ellas la ardentisima caridad.” 94. Matthew 5:17; also in Luke 16:17; Mark 13:31. 95. Montes Bardo 1998, 180. Thanks to Dr. Samuel Edgerton for the English translation. 96. Revelation 20:1–10. 97. McGinn 1985, 154–155. 98. Marie Tanner (1993, 127) describes the millenarian beliefs held by Christopher Columbus: Columbus interpreted the Spanish discovery of the New World as only part of a larger providential plan; such a plan was first indicated when Saint James led Charlemagne to Spain to indicate the site on which Jerusalem and Mount Sion were to be rebuilt. He expressed this belief in a letter to

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Ferdinand and Isabella: “Not unworthily nor without reason, Most Splendid Rulers, do I assert that greater things are reserved for you, when we read that Joachim the Calabrian abbot predicted that the future ruler ‘who would rebuild the Temple of Jerusalem must rise from Spain.’” See Phelan 1972 for an in-depth study of the millenarian beliefs of the Franciscans who came to the New World.

99. Reeves 1969, 237. Tanner (1993, 119–130) writes on Charles V’s election as Holy Roman Emperor in 1519: “Possessed of the title Holy Roman emperor, of a domain which exceeded that of ancient Rome, surrounded by imperial rhetoric and attired in imperial regalia, Charles V was perceived as the individual towards whom the history of Revelation had been pointing for more than a millennium. . . . Charles’s Spanish heritage conceded to him both the titles emperor of Byzantium and king of Jerusalem. With the latter title came a particularly auspicious insignia to support his status as the Last World Emperor.” 100. McGinn 1985, 103. 101. Sahagún 1993, 173. Chapter Six 1. Compare the Wild Man in the Casa del Deán to the Devil in Albrecht Dürer’s Knight, Death, and the Devil. 2. Grootkerk 1987, 213–214. The satyr is an ape in Bartholomaeus Anglicus’s encyclopedic De proprietatibus rerum. 3. Ovid 1955, 246–248. Orpheus is often represented seated before a tree with birds and animals approaching as he plays the lute or vihuela. A contemporary example is a print owned by the Metropolitan Museum of Art, Orpheus Charming the Animals, by Peregrino da Cesena (Italian, Bologna, active 1490–1520). For Charles V’s entry into Bruges, one

of the carts carried Orpheus playing for the woodland creatures with Wild Men standing outside the enclosed garden (Strong 1973, 25). Gustavo Mauleón Rodríguez will be publishing an article on the relationship of the monkey satyr to Orpheus. 4. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, 11:14. 5. Seler 1996, 5:170. 6. Bartra (1994, 26–29) elaborates: “The wild cyclops represents an implosion, a primeval void. . . . Ulysses evokes the Wild Man and creates him as an exciting paradox, that, in its autarchy, becomes symbolic of the human need to communicate with the Other.” 7. Bartra 1994, 32, quoting from the Republic. 8. Virgil 1964, 8:313–318. 9. Bartra 1994, 34–35; White 1972, 24–25. 10. White 1972, 12. 11. White 1972, 12–14. 12. Bartra 1994, 47–58; Isaiah 40:3, Matthew 3, 4:1–11; Voragine 1993, 1:374–383. 13. Genesis 2:9–14. 14. Genesis 3:21. 15. Motolinía 1971, 105–106. 16. Images of Hercules, wearing leaves or animal skins and carrying a club, appear in late sixteenth-century murals in Tunja, Colombia. Both are in private residences, the Casa de Vargas and the Casa del Escribano (Sebastián López, Mesa Figueroa, and Gisbert de Mesa 1985, vol. 28, fig. 293; Soria 1956, fig. 16). 17. Bartra 1994, 90. 18. Quoted in Bernheimer 1952, 96– 97; Bartra 1994, 35. 19. White 1972, 16–18; Augustine 1993, book 12, paragraphs 22–23, 406– 407. Concerning the origins of humans and animals and their potential for sin and redemption, St. Augustine wrote: And God was not ignorant that man would sin, and that, being himself made subject now to death, he would

propagate men doomed to die, and that these mortals would run to such enormities of sin, that even the beasts devoid of rational will, and who were created in numbers from the waters and the earth, would live more securely and peaceably with their own kind than men, who had been propagated from one individual for the very purpose of commending concord. For not even lions and dragons have ever waged with their kind such wars as men have waged with one another. But God foresaw also that by His grace a people would be called to adoption, and that they, being justified by the remission of their sins, would be united by the Holy Ghost to the holy angels in eternal peace, the last enemy, death, being destroyed; and He knew that this people would derive profit from the consideration that God had caused all men to be derived from one, for the sake of showing how highly he prizes unity in a multitude. God then made man in His own image. For He created for him a soul endowed with reason and intelligence, so that he might excell all the creatures of the earth, air, and sea, which were not so gifted.

20. White 1972, 19–22; Bernheimer 1952, 11–12, 20, 43–44; Bartra 1994, chapter on the ethnography of the medieval Wild Man, 85–125. 21. Aquinas 2002, 74, 90–93. Aquinas writes of the human soul: Furthermore, it is evident that a man is said to be living because he has a vegetative soul; that he is called an animal because he has a sensitive soul; and that he is a man because he has an intellectual soul. . . . But this is impossible. . . . The human soul, which is the noblest of all forms of matter, attains to the highest level of elevation, where it enjoys an activity that is independent of the concurrence of corporeal matter. Yet, since the same soul includes the

perfection of the lower levels, it also has activities in which corporeal matter shares.

22. White 1972, 18–19. 23. Cuevas 1928, 1:235–237. Bartra (1994, 160–161) quotes Columbus at the point of discovery, remarking on the humanity of the Indian: “‘In these islands I have not discovered monstrous men, as many believed, but instead a people of a very pleasant deference.’” 24. Las Casas 1992, 53–54. 25. Robe 1972, 46–47. 26. White 1972, 22–23. 27. Bernheimer 1952, 177–181. 28. Díaz del Castillo 1989, 821–823. 29. Bernheimer 1952, 69–70. 30. Bartra 1994, 181–182. 31. Peterson 2007, 356–359. 32. Peterson 2007, 347. Peterson states: “Mock combat was a common and bicultural component in máscaras, equally prominent in European Renaissance festivals and in the rich ceremonial life of the Aztecs.” 33. Lopes Don 1997, 33–34. 34. Durán 2002, 402–408. 35. Motolinía 1971, ch. 49, 152. Motolinía provides a translation for the word tlacatecolutl: “hombre que anda de noche gimiendo o espantando, hombre nocturno espantoso.” Is this terrifying creature from the indigenous tradition or the result of synthesis with the European Wild Man? 36. Durán 1994, plate 1. 37. Durán 1994, 3–4. 38. Durán 1994, 16. 39. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, 11:1770–1773. 40. Popol Vuh 1996, 150, 152, 293. 41. White 1972, 5. In 1945 Antonio Raymundo, a Chinanteco of Santa Rosa in the state of Puebla, relayed to Roberto Weitlaner (1981, 197–198) the story of the murders of several hunters by a salvaje. This same Wild Man was seen by the people of San Felipe, who, although armed, were unable to kill him.

42. White 1972, 6. 43. Voragine 1993, 1:335–336. Traditionally, the births of Christ and St. John the Baptist were directly related to the solstices: St. John’s as the days became shorter and Christ’s as the days lengthened. 44. White 1972, 6. 45. Montaigne 1993, 108, 113. See Bartra 1994, ch. 7, 171–202, on Montaigne and his contemporaries. 46. Bartra 1994, 199. Multiple copies of Ludovico Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso were imported into Mexico in 1586 (Kügelgen 1973a, 34). Chapter Seven 1. A 1550 edition of Alciati was published in Lyons. 2. For previous identifications of the animals, see Palm 1973b, 1974; Arrellano 1996, 78, 95–97. 3. López Austin 1993, 149–151. 4. León-Portilla and Shorris 2001, 81–91. Tecayehuatzin invited rulers, poets, and sages of the region near Huejotzingo. 5. Graulich (1997, 191) notes that the roseate spoonbill’s feathers were a solar ornament. 6. Frances Karttunen (1992, 206) provides the name for the bird with brilliant plumage, quechol, which refers to the “characteristic sweeping motion of its neck.” 7. According to Stone (2011, 1, 3), these transformational experiences may have been shamanic trances, induced by entheogens (hallucinogens): “During trances, the corporeal is reported to fall away, and gravity’s weight is replaced by a feeling of soaring flight. Plants, animals, and humans merge and exchange identities with one’s human self in rapid flashes of transformation, and a shared animation pervades all things, even remaking death itself within the larger cosmic flux.” Also see John Pohl, Sorcerers of the Fifth

N o t e s t o Pa g e s 1 5 9 – 1 6 8   •   2 6 1

Heaven: Nahua Art and Ritual of Ancient Southern Mexico (Princeton: Program in Latin American Studies, Princeton University, 2007). 8. Curl 2005, 19, 29. 9. This analysis was inspired by the work of Elizabeth Benson and Pilar Ascensio and by their guidance and good advice. 10. Codex Borgia 1993, 69. “Las esculturas y las pinturas precoloniales no retratan ‘ídolos,’ sino son verdaderos textos, y de ellos aún falta mucho por aprenderse.” 11. Pohl 2004, 41; Wake 2010, 207–209. 12. Reyes-Valerio 2000, 68–69. 13. Boone 2007, 33–35, 232–233. 14. Boone 2007, 3–4. Referring to the Mesoamerican calendar, López Austin (1993, 117) has written: “Time is the invisible and personified matter.” 15. López Austin 1993, 252–253. 16. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 3, 67. According to Motolinía (1971, 5), there were five types of books: “el primero hablaba de los años y tiempos; el segundo de los días y fiestas que tenían en todo el año; el tercero que habla de los sueños y de los agüeros, embaimientos y vanidades en que creían; el cuarto era del bautismo y nombres que daban a los niños; el quinto es de los ritos, ceremonias y agüeros que tenían en los matrimonios.” See also Durán 1971, ch. 2, 394–404; Berdan and Anawalt 1997, 231. 17. López Austin 1993, 90. 18. Boone 2007, 29–31. 19. López Austin 1993, 145. 20. Benson 1997, 18. 21. Miller and Martin 2004, fig. 42b, 123. 22. Miller and Martin 2004, 126, 157. See López Austin 1993, 142–143 on nagualism. 23. Cline 1970, 285; Gerhard 1993, 309. 24. Miller and Martin 2004, 127.

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25. León-Portilla and Shorris 2001, 88. 26. López Austin 1993, 175, 179. In William Barnes’s FAMSI (Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies) 2003 report, “Icons of Empire,” he notes that the indigenous artist of the document Confirmation des élections de Calpan, dated 1578 (BNP MS73), was intermingling European and Amerindian signs and symbols, revealing that “artists were adopting aspects of a new visual language, but only where the newer symbols could be equated with the old” (19). Also see Cline 1972–1975, 14:55, 57, 101. 27. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 11, 1–3. 28. Cervantes Rosado et al., 2005, 64–69. 29. A jaguar sculpture guards the gate at San Francisco Totimehuacán in the state of Puebla (Lara 2008, 262). Two facing snarling jaguars are repeated in a carved stone arch over the entrance to the church at Tepeapulco. In this frieze, the jaguars, with sound scrolls, are ridden by putti, one of which resembles a monkey. 30. Motolinía 1971, 339. 31. Codex Mendoza 1992, 2:7–9, 132– 139 (folios 2r, 64r, 65r, 67r). The shield with eagle down balls appears as an emblem of war and conquest on folios 2v, 3v, 4v, 5v, 7v, 10r, 12r, 13r, and 15v and is carried by a warrior on folio 67r. 32. León-Portilla and Shorris 2001, 55. 33. Boone 2007, 105. 34. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 5–6. 35. Boone 2007, 41, 62 (quotation); Seler 1996, 5:176; Miller and Taube 1997, 102–105. 36. McVicker 1985, 97. Donald McVicker believes that the imagery conveys mediation: “What the murals are communicating on one level is that Mexican eagles are as closely associated

symbolically with the lowlands as are Mayan jaguars with the highlands; that Tezcatlipoca-Tlaloc is as relevant to lands with overabundant moisture as Quetzalcoatl is to semi-arid areas.” 37. Reyes-Valerio 2000, 287–303. 38. Lara 2004, 86–89. 39. Impelluso 2004, 238–241. 40. Petrarch 1962, 27. Another reference to the deer as a tamed wild beast is in the Psalmodia Cristiana (Sahagún 1993, 293): “[St. Jerome] said: I shall be counted as a deer of Jesus Christ our Lord. As deer were near Him at the time that He was born, so shall I be near Him in His place of birth.” The deer in this psalm are substitutions for the ox and ass, animals that were unknown to the Amerindians until the arrival of the Spaniards. 41. Reid 2009, 43–44, plate 1. 42. Miller and Martin 2004, 96; Schele and Miller 1986, 308. 43. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 7, ch. 2, 3–8. The full account of the creation of the sun and moon appears after the summary. The same story appears in the appendix of bk. 7, 42–58. Also see López Austin 1996, 1–7. 44. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 127–129, bk. 7, 21–24. Also Boone 2007, 61–62, 121–132, for a description of the directional almanac in the Codex Borgia. 45. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 3, ch. 38, 127. 46. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 11, 15–17. Also Seler 1996, bk. V, 203; Boone 2007, 105. 47. Other Mayan vases (K3061 and K1208) depict the rabbit with an attached monkey tail. 48. Petrarch 1962, 53–54. 49. Hall 1979, 115. 50. Petrarca 1541, folios LXIv-LXIIr. “Y ni mas ni menos el hombre es que el armiño quando la razon señorea sobre el apetito porque naturalmente consciente el armiño venir en poder de los cazadores

y morir antes que ensuziar su gran blancura. . . . Cosa muy luenga de contar seria quantos santos y martires confintieron la muerte corporal por no ensuziar la inocencia del animo.” 51. Hall 1979, 210–211; Petrarch 1962, 53. 52. Miller and Martin 2004, 43–46. 53. Reid 2009, 184–185, plate 19. 54. A monkey scribe appears on the pulpit in the Augustinian convent church in Acolman. According to Schele and Miller (1986, 38–39), the primary tool used in writing and painting was a brush. 55. Fields and Reents-Budet 2005, 208–209, plate 103, 211–213, plate 107, 214–217, plate 112. 56. Boone 2007, 105; Miller and Taube 1997, 117. 57. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, ch. 22, 81–82. 58. Popol Vuh 1996, 104–108. Dennis Tedlock (Popol Vuh 1996, 250) provides the following interpretation: “In these two sets of skills, writing is grouped with the performing arts rather than with handicrafts. This points to its close association with oral recitation.” Elizabeth Benson (1997, 60) writes: “The Hero Twins turn their artistic older brothers into monkeys . . . perhaps to point out that artists are pushed aside by activists. Howler monkeys have a remarkable voice and a range of vocalizations, which may account for musical associations.” 59. Schele and Miller 1986, 52. Coe (2004, 239–240) writes: “There can be no doubt that the Monkey Scribes were the principal patrons of the arts, including writing, not only among the Maya but elsewhere in Mesoamerica.” 60. Boone 2000, 27. 61. Codex Bodley 2005, 39, 62–63, folio 10. 62. Benson 1997, 45–51. 63. Isaiah 11:6–10. 64. Impelluso 2004, 213 (quotation)–217, 368–373; also see Hall 1979, 193.

65. The Cholula goblet is in the collection of the Staatliches Museum für Völkerkunde in Munich. It appeared in the catalog Aztecs (Matos Moctezuma and Solís Olguín 2002, 268, 452, fig. 213); and in Pohl 2003, 202–203. Compare to the goblets in the Florentine Codex 1950–1982 (bk. 9, fig. 24). 66. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 17. Also see Bye and Linares 2007, 257. 67. Durán 1994, 186. In her commentary concerning divine wine, Doris Heyden writes, “The Divine Liquor could have been pulque or chocolate.” 68. Seler 1996, 5:197; Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 11, 8 (quotation). 69. Benson 1997, 35. From the Popol Vuh (1996, 141): “the two boys ascended this way, here into the middle of the light, and they ascended straight on into the sky, and the sun belongs to one and the moon to the other.” See Popol Vuh 1996, 287; and Graulich 1997, 152–154, for two different views on the question of which twin represents the sun. Examples of Mayan vases with ballplayers wearing deer headdresses are K792, K1209, K1871, K2022, K2731, K2803, K5937, and K2912. 70. Codex Borgia 1993, 33; Graulich 1997, 153; López Austin 1996, 39–41. 71. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 9–10. 72. Boone 2007, 78–81, 105, 107 (quotation)–109; Miller and Taube 1997, 166–167. A flowering stem extends from a deer’s mouth on Maya vase K8622. 73. Pohl 2003, 205. 74. Seler 1996, 5:218; Graulich 1997, 169–180; Benson 1997, 34; Boone 2007, 42. 75. Reid 2009, 289–290, plate 44. 76. Robertson 1994, 61. 77. Fuente et al. 1999, 148. 78. In the seventh chapter of the Gospel of St. John (7:37–38), Christ refers to Moses (Numbers 20:2–13) striking

the rock from which water miraculously springs forth: “On the last day of the feast, the great day, Jesus stood up and proclaimed, ‘If any one thirst, let him come to me and drink. He who believes in me, as the scripture has said, Out of his heart shall flow rivers of living water.’” Palm (1973b, 61–62) recognized the meaning of the emblem, although I do not completely agree with his analysis, especially his identification of the cup as a mortar. 79. Psalm 42:1–6. For other references to the river of God’s blessings, see Genesis 2:10; Psalm 46:4; Ezekiel 47:1; John 4:10–14; Revelation 22:1–5. 80. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 8, ch. 13, 39–40. 81. A footed gourd cup in the Codex Mendoza (folio 68r) is ornamented with geometric patterns on the rim and the base (Berdan and Anawalt 1997, 218–220). A Cholula bowl in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York is ornamented with three jaguars with flint knives along their backs and tails. 82. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 9, ch. 6, 28, ill. 24; bk. 10, ills. 59, 68. 83. Durán 1994, 293–294, 435. See also García Icazbalceta’s history of chocolate in Mexico (1968, 1:323–331): “En los tiempos antiguos sólo los señores y principales le consumían en bebida.” 84. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 6, 256. Muñoz Camargo (2000, 75) writes that one of the restrictions under the dominance of the Aztec conquerors was that the Tlaxcaltecans were not allowed to drink chocolate. 85. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 6, ch. 43, 256. 86. Chilam Balam de Chumayel 2003, ch. 11, 114. “Hijo, tráeme dos animales amarillos, uno guisado y el otro con la cabeza cortada para beber su sangre. El venado amarillo y la jícara en que hay chocolate.” 87. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 17.

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88. Wake 2010, 71, 214. 89. John 3:5. See also Isaiah 12:3–4; Romans 6:3–5; and especially Revelations 7:17, where there is an important reference to the Sacrificial Lamb and the living waters in Paradise: “For the Lamb in the midst of the throne will be their shepherd, and he will guide them to springs of living water; and God will wipe away every tear from their eyes.” 90. Montes Bardo 1998, 59. 91. Mendieta 1973, bk. 4, ch. 18, 2:48–49. “En las vigilias de las Pascuas de Flores y del Espíritu Santo, cuando se bendice la pila del bautismo, es cosa de ver la gente que acude con sus jarros y vasos para llevar de aquella agua bendita, que no es posible repartirla por entonces, ni poner en ella el olio y crisma hasta la tarde, por la grande apretura en que se ponen unos a otros por haberla primero. Y por poca que se dé a cada uno, es menester tener allí apercibidas y llenas las hidras de las bodas de Caná de Galilea, para reinchir muchas veces la pila.” 92. Motolinía 1951, 179–181, 187, 1971, ch. 35, 115–128. Motolinía (1951, 182–183, 1971, ch. 35, 122) states: “We know by actual count that during the past Lent of the year 1536, in the province of Tepeyacac, more than sixty thousand souls received baptism.” When controversy arose over the baptizing of so many in so short a time, a papal bull arrived in New Spain in 1539, stating that the full preparation and rite of Holy Baptism had to be followed for each individual except for cases of “urgent necessity.” Motolinía reports that adherence to the rule lasted only three or four months: “Then, in one friary which is situated on a plain called Quecholac, the friars resolved to baptize all who applied for the Sacrament, regardless of what the bishops had directed” (Motolinía 1951, 189 n. 13). Motolinía was one of the friars present at Quecholac, now the town of Tecamachalco. In the 1971 edition (Motolinía 1971, ch. 35, 126), Edmundo

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O’Gorman believes that the location was Huaquechula. 93. Muñoz Camargo 2000, 55. As Muñoz Camargo (2000, 97) points out, “tiene la ciudad de Tlaxcala de la invocación de la Asunción de N[uestr] a S[eño]ra, que por otro nombre llaman Chalchihuapan.” 94. John 5:6–8. Thanks to Dr. Samuel Edgerton for directing me to this text and to the controversy that surrounded it. 95. Rummel 1999, 56–65; Welte 1999, 120–122; Olin 1990, 5–7. 96. Edward Gibbon’s “The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire” 2000, 24–25. 97. Rummel 1999, 64. 98. John concludes in this epistle: “He who has the Son has life; he who has not the Son of God has not life” ( John 5:12). During the Holy Eucharist, water, the element related to Christ’s humanity, is mixed with wine, related to His divinity (Ferguson 1974, 45). 99. John 19:32–37; Sebastián López, Mesa Figueroa, and Gisbert de Mesa 1985, 194–196. Also Edgerton, correspondence, February 2001. 100. Reid 2009, 265–266, plate 37. 101. Popol Vuh 1996, 77–81. 102. Popol Vuh 1996, 125–127. 103. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 9, 27–28. 104. Fields and Reents-Budet 2006, 206–207. The bowl is in the collection of Dumbarton Oaks. 105. Pohl 2004, 43. Pohl describes an image of Xochiquetzal on a Cholula bowl with a bag that Pohl believes holds tobacco. 106. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 11–13, 117–119, fig. 14. 107. Reid 2009, 259, plate 34. 108. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 11, 6. The coyote acquired a tail after the restoration (fig. 7.18). 109. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 9, 83–85.

110. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 4, 23. 111. Elizabeth Benson suggested this identification. Reid 2009, 43–44, plate 1. 112. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 11, ch. 1, 11–12. 113. López Austin 1993, 234, 237. 114. Seler 1996, 5:197. 115. Boucher 1967, 228–230. 116. López Austin 1993, 235; Seler 1996 5:200. 117. López Austin 1993, 92–96, 122–123. 118. López Austin 1993, 238–243. 119. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 11, 11. 120. Seler (1996, 5:196–200) has identified the series of six images as the passage of the opossum through the underworld or the night sky. López Austin (1993, 224–225) writes that the decapitation of the opossum may relate to the moon. He also notes: Given the twilight and nocturnal habits of both animals [the coyote and opossum], the question remains whether one represents the evening twilight and the other the half-light just before dawn. If this is so, the opossum would be the animal coming from the night and emerging into the morning light, while the coyote, coming from the day, announces the coming of darkness at sunset. The two animals would thus be intermediaries between solar light and night, but with opposite signs, the opossum born in darkness, the bearer of light, and the coyote born in the day, the bearer of darkness.

121. Leon-Portilla 2004, 78, 84, 94–107; Boone 2007, 246. According to Seler (1996, 5:197) the opossum in a temple also occurs in the Codex Vaticanus B. He identifies both as lord of the lower region. Seler believes that the temple is the house of the north. He points out (Seler 1996, 5:200) that the opossum appears in the Mayan codices: “In the

Dresden, pages 25–28, above the regents of the been-e’tznab-akbal-lamat years, it is pictured, attired as a dancer, with a belt of hanging rattling shells, rattles, bound at ankles, ring of bells in left hand, rattle board and copal pouch in right hand, and bearing on a back frame the regent of the new year.” 122. Boone 2007, 225. 123. Boone 2007, 229. 124. López Austin 1993, 230–231. López Austin (1993, 225) notes the connection between the opossum and the moon mythic complex. 125. Torquemada 1975–1979, 5:320. 126. López Austin 1993, 231, 235. Elizabeth Benson (1997, 66) writes: “Its ability to ‘play possum’ may be a reason that, in the New Year’s pages in the Maya Codex Dresden, this animal is a metaphor for the dying and reviving year.” 127. Reid 2009, 287–288, plate 43. 128. Florentine Codex 1950–1982, bk. 11, 10. 129. Seler 1996, 5:209, 212. A seated peccary appears on the Maya vase K8076. 130. Schele and Miller 1986, 217. 131. Popol Vuh 1996, 79; Seler 1996, 5:212. 132. Fields and Reents-Budet 2006, 128–129, 146, 242, 252–253. Also see Schele and Miller 1986, 267, 280, plate 105, 289. 133. The large bowl from the Museum of the American Indian appears in Nicholson and Quiñones-Keber 1983, fig. 79, 165. See folio 25 of the Codex Vindobonensis Mexicanus I and folio 82 of Codex Nuttall for images of a beater with a vessel of foaming pulque. 134. Durán 1971, 310, 446. 135. López Austin 1997, 28–40. 136. Burkhart 1996, 80; Motolinía 1971, 99–101, 479–483. The Corpus Christi celebration that took place in Tlaxcala in 1538 was remarkable for the multitude of costumes in featherwork, the hundreds of flower-bedecked

archways and altars, the choirs accompanied by musicians, and the autos sacramentales. 137. Sahagún 1993, 173. Conclusion 1. These themes have been identified by Efraín Castro Morales. 2. Testamento de Don Tomás de la Plaza, folios 122r, 134r; North 2008, 277–287; Evans 1998, 22. 3. Evans 1998, 23, 399–400. 4. Evans 1998, 36–37, 42–44, 247; Lindberg 2007, 277; Aristotle 2001, bk. 1, ch. 3, 403 (quotation)–404, bk. 1, ch. 12, 424–428, bk. 2, chs. 13–14, 428–437. The destructive force of time is vividly personified in the figure of Saturn in the Salon of the Triumphs. 5. Lindberg 2007, 257–261. 6. Pérez de Moya 1573, 12. Zodiaco, es un circulo de los mayores de la Sphera, imaginado en el primer mobil. Mas como en este cielo, ni en el nono, no aya señales, por donde la vista humana pueda en ellos demarcar los signos, y destinguir, fingese en el octavo cielo con las estrellas fijas, que aunque estan mas abajo con las señales que en este estáse imaginan en los altos y bajos. Y porque este circulo del Zodiaco esta de tal manera atravesado en el cielo, que con la linea Ecliptica que por medio de su latitud se finge pasar, llega al tropico de Cancro con una parte, y con la otra al de Capricornio, llegan doce mas con el un extremo suyo hacia el un Polo que hacia el otro en la una parte, y en la otra hace con el otro polo lo contrario.



7. Pérez de Moya 1573, 12–13: Y porque considerando los antiguos que en todo el tiempo del curso del sol (que es un año) la Luna hacia con el sinodo, o conjunction doce veces, por eso repartieron todo el año en doce

meses. Y por consiguiente este circulo en doce partes llamando a cada una dellas Signo, tambien porque el discurso del Sol por el Zodiaco hace la diversidad de los quatro tiempos del año, Verano, Esstio, Otoño, y Invierno, cada uno de los cuales responde a uno de los elementos, convienen a saber. El fuego, que es caliente y seco al Estio. El Ayre, que es caliente y humido, al Verano. El Agua que es humida y fria al Invierno. La Tierra, que es fria y seca al Otoño. Conforme a razon y orden fue, que cada quarta deste circulo del Zodiaco correspondiese a la quarta del año, y porque cada una de las qualidades destos quatro tiempos tiene aumento, estado, y diminucion, fue necesario que cada quarta del Zodiaco se repartiese en tres partes, y asi multiplicados tres por quatro, resulta el numero de doce (que es el de los signos en que decimos ser el Zodiaco repartido). Y porque en cada signo se detiene el Sol en pasarle un mes, repartieron despues cada uno en trenta partes iguales, las cuales por que por ellas el Sol como por escalones va subiendo y bajando en la vuelta que con su movimiento propio da, los Latinos los llamaron grados. Asi que como del Sol tengamos el año, y por su movimiento causada la diversidad de los dias y noches, asi de la Luna tenemos los meses, porque quien ay que no vea que de la Luna nueva a la otra es un mes y de la misma, a cuando esta llena es el mes mediado (que es quando esta en oposicion con el Sol). Y cuando la Luna esta mediada de luz, que es en el aspecto que dicen quartil, es una semana, de lo qual paresce claro la naturaleza con el movimiento de las dos luminares, y con la diversidad de la luz que en la Luna parece aver querido enseñar a los hombres la diversidad del año en meses, semanas, y dias, y asi queda repartido el Zodiaco (segun su ambito) en doce partes que dicen Signos y cada signo en treinta partes que

N o t e s t o Pa g e s 1 8 7 – 1 9 2   •   2 6 5

se dicen Grados, y porque multiplicando doce por treinta resultan 360, por tanto los Cosmographos y Astronomos dividen todo circulo en 360 grados, los nombres de los signos son Aries, Taurus, Gemini, Cancer, Leo, Virgo, Libra, Scorpius, Sagitarius, Capricornius, Aquarius, Picis.

See James Evans’s excellent discourse on planetary theory (1998, ch. 7). Evans provides a table for the progress of the sun through the zodiac (96). 8. Godwin 2004, 48, 60. 9. This process of creation, growth, and decay is observed in nature, agriculture, and in the human life cycle. Pérez de Moya 1573, 41: Suelese preguntar, para que fueron criadas las estrellas, y porque tantas. A esta duda resondiendo muchos autores ponen varias causas, de las cuales solamente dire tres que pone el Tostado. La primera dice, que fueron necessarias para servir de parte de luz, porque aunque la Luna es luminaria para alumbrar de noche (como en el principio del Genesis se lee) como no siempre paresca, y no paresciendo, y no aviendo estrellas, quedara la noche demasiadamente oscura, y tal que no conviniera a la vida de los animales irracionales y porque aunque la Luna paresca, no siempre bastaria tanto su luz, como basta con el ayuda de las estrellas. La segunda causa las estrellas son necesarias para ornar y hermosear, porque siendo el cielo lleno de estrellas, es la noche mas hermosa y agradable, que cuando no se veen, y con ellas parece el mundo pintado, y Dios ultra de la firmeza que el mundo dio, quiso que fuesse hermoso: porque por la hermosura corporal de la criatura, conociesemos la hermosura spiritual del criador. La tercera, las estrellas fueron criadas por el provecho, porque ellas y todos los demas cuerpos Celestiales hazen influencias en el mundo,

2 6 6   •   N o t e s t o Pa g e s 1 9 2 – 2 2 7

necessarias para la generacion, y conservacion, y corrupcion de las cosas.

10. Petrarch 1962, 108–109. 11. Mendieta 1973, 1, bk. 2, ch. 14, 1:61; Valadés 1989, 251, for his rendition of the Aztec calendar. 12. Petrarch 1962, 108; Revelation 21:1–8. 13. Petrarch 1962, 107; Proverbs 3:5–6. 14. Revelation 21:2–3. In the commentary on the Triumph of Eternity, Antonio de Obregón writes: “Assi que despues del juyzio firmando fe el cielo no aura mas tiempo variable: y entonces todo nuestro gozo / feliciada y perfeccion dependera solamente de la vision divina: la qual tiene en si toda cosa presente: y por esto sera a nosotros presente y entera la gloria y bienaventuranza: y por esto no tendra nuestro entender impedimiento alguno: porque contemplando a Dios veremos en el todas las cosas presentes: puesto que sean / o passadas / o por venir” (Petrarca 1541, folio CLVIr). Ap pen dix II 1. These oracles can be compared to the Latin texts in the Baldini prints. Levenson, Oberhuber, and Sheehan 1973, 27–36; López Yepes 1977, 559–561. Baldini’s Sibylla Hellespontica speaks Eritrea’s prophecy. Libica’s prophecy is from Virgil. The Latin to English translations were provided by Samuel Edgerton. 2. Levenson, Oberhuber, and Sheehan 1973, 22–39. Thanks to Dr. Samuel Edgerton for the English translation of the Cimmerian, Erythraean, Samian, Tiburtine, and Agrippa oracles. The identification of the “peaceful bull” as the Emperor Augustus can be verified by comparing the Baldini text to the following in Barbieri: “Nascetur Xristus in Bethleem et annunciabitur in Nazareth, regente Tauro pacifico, findatore

quietis. O felix mater cujus ubera illum lactabunt!” Emile Mâle (1986, 242, 504 n. 147) explains further: “According to J. J. Boussard, Tractatus de divinatione et magicis, Oppenheim, 1611, p. 215, this taurus pacificus refers to the Emperor Augustus.” And he continues (1986, 504 n. 153): “The text which inspired Barbieri says: Postquam Taurus pacificus, sub levi mugitu, climata turbata concludet, illis diebus agnus caelestis veniet. This peaceful bull seems quite clearly to denote the emperor Augustus.” The Libyan, Persian, Delphic, Cumaean, Hellespontine, Phrygian, and European oracles were translated by Konrad Oberhuber (Levenson, Oberhuber, and Sheehan, 1973, 22–38). See Mâle (1986, 240–242) for the full text from the Discordantiae. 3. Clercq 1978–1979, 106–107; Wind 1976, 526 n. 31. 4. Morales Folguera 2008, 236–241. 5. Filedtkok 1996, 238–251.

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Serlio, Sebastiano. 1996. Sebastiano Serlio on Architecture: Books I–V of “Tutte l’opere d’architettura et prospetiva.” Translated with introduction and commentary by Vaughan Hart and Peter Hicks. New Haven: Yale University Press. Seyffert, Oskar. 1961. Dictionary of Classical Antiquities. Revised and edited by Henry Nettleship and J. E. Sandys. Cleveland and New York: World Publishing Company. Spencer, John R. 1965. “Ut Rhetorica Pictura: A Study in Quattrocento Theory of Painting.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 20 (reprint of 1957 edition): 26–44. Tanner, Marie. 1993. The Last Descendant of Aeneas: The Hapsburgs and the Mythic Image of the Emperor. New Haven: Yale University Press. Taylor, Henry Osborne. 1962. The Medieval Mind. 2 vols. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Trapp, J. B. 2003. Studies of Petrarch and His Influence. London: Pindar Press. Vasari, Giorgio. 1977. Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects. Vols. 1–3. New York: Abrams. Virgil. 1964. The Aeneid. Translated with introduction by James H. Mantinband. New York: Frederick Ungar Publishing Co. ———. 1999. The Eclogues of Virgil. Translation by David Ferry. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Voragine, Jacobus de. 1993. The Golden Legend: Readings on the Saints. Translated by William Granger Ryan. 2 vols. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Weitenkampf, Frank. 1938. The Illustrated Book. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Welte, Michael. 1999. “The Problem of the Manuscript Basis for the Earliest Printed Editions of the Greek New Testament.” In The Bible as Book: The First Printed Editions, ed. Paul Saenger and Kimberly van Kampen, 117–123.

London: British Library and Oak Knoll Press. Wojcik, Jan, and Raymond-Jean Frontain, editors. 1984. Poetic Prophecy in Western Literature. London: Associated University Presses. Yates, Frances Amelia. 1966. The Art of Memory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Incunabul a and R ar e Book s Alcalá, Francisco Xavier de. 1715/1716. Descripción en bosquexo de . . . la Puebla de los Angeles: y . . . el Obispado de Puebla. MSS M-M 8. Berkeley: University of California at Berkeley. Alciato, Andrea. 1550. Emblemata. Lyons. Archivo General de Indias. Indiferente General 2056, N. 40. 1569–1575. Correspondence concerning the permission for Don Tomás de la Plaza’s nephews and nieces to emigrate to Mexico. ———. Indiferente General 2056, N. 56, Cartas 15–16. Letters from Tomás de la Plaza to sister Leonor de la Plaza; to brother-in-law Francisco Izguerra. ———. Patronato, 183, N.1, R.3. 1582. Clerics in the Diocese of Tlaxcala. Barbieri, Filippo de’. 1481. Discordantiae Doctorum Hieronymi et Augustini. Rome: Joannes Philippus de Lignamine, Dec. 1. Library of Congress Rare Book Collection, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection. ———. ca. 1482. Discordantiae Doctorum Hieronymi et Augustini. Rome: Georg Herolt and Sixtus Riessinger. Library of Congress Rare Book Collection, Lessing J. Rosenwald Collection. Blondel, David. 1661. A Treatise of the Sibyls, So Highly Celebrated, As Well by the Antient Heathens, As the Holy Fathers, of the Church. London: Printed by T. R. for the author. Library of Congress Rare Book Collection, Pre1801 Collection.

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index

Acatzingo, Puebla, 178–179 Acolman, San Agustín, Mexico, 102, 120– 121, 248n28, 263n54, figs. 4.25, 4.27 Acosta, Jorge de, 7, 73–74, 248n41 Aeneas, 117–118, 157, 253n23, 253n27 Alameda, Fray Juan de, 17, 86–88, 91, 251n128 Alberti, Leon Battista, 8, 53, 68, 83–84, 94, 245n7, 246n37, 248n52, 250n96, 250n102, 252n148 Albuquerque, Fray Bernardo de (Bishop of Oaxaca), 21, 25, 238n13 alliance corridors, 14–15, 90 Amerindian barrios in Puebla, 255n81; San Cristóbal, 65, 246n54; San Francisco, 247n65; San José, 65; San Pablo, 65, 246n54, 247n63, 247n65; San Sebastian, 247n58 Anales de Cuauhtitlán, 180 Anales de Tecamachalco, 88, 251nn110–111 Angulo Iñiguez, Diego, 1, 237n4 Annunciation to Mary, 66, 107, 114–115, 226, 227, figs. I.4, 4.12, 4.13 Anthonisz., Cornelis, 125, fig. 4.31 Aquinas, Thomas, 76, 79, 159–160, 248n52, 249n68, 261n21 Arciniega, Claudio de, 34–35, 53 Aristotle, 8, 43–44, 76, 139, 140, 191–192, 265n4 Augustine of Hippo, St., and Sibyls, 104–105, 114, 128, 253n32, 253n34, 256–257n124; and wildness in humanity, 159, 160, 260n19 auto sacramental, 112, 158, 163, 265n136 Ayocuan, Tlaxcalan poet, 168 Azazel (rebel angel), 143–144, 258n61 badger, 140, 179, fig. 7.9 Baldini, Baccio, 107, 108, 111, 112–113, 115– 117, 226, 256n104, 266nn1–2 Baptism: Amerindian ritual, 182; Christian, 17, 102, 146, 182–183, 194, 264n92 Barbieri, Filippo, 106, 107, 108, 112–113, 116–117, 254n48, 255n84, 266n2

Becerra, Francisco, 6, 20, 35–37, 52, 59–60, 62–64, 66, 88, 238n7, 241n84, 242n93, 246n39, 246n48, 247n58, 247n66 beneficios (beneficiados), 5, 24, 28, 37, 38–39, 41, 42, 47, 48, 240n53, 240n56, 244n159 Beteta, Francisco de, 28, 240n53 Biblia pauperum, 106, 108, 112, 137 Biblia sacra cum glossa ordinaria (Ioannis Mareschal), 133–134, 257n7 Biblioteca Palafoxiana, 5, 45, 48, 134, 257n7 Bonfire of St. John the Baptist, 132, 164, fig. 5.5 book of dreams, 170, 172, 189 Book of Enoch (apocryphal), 143, 258n61 Bravo y Cid de León, David, 1, 2 C. (Ceuleneer) de Gante, Pablo, 1, 59, 237n4 cacao (chocolate), 177, 180, 181–182, 184, 189, 239n27, 263n67, 263nn83–84, 263n86, figs. 7.6, 7.7, 7.10, 7.11 Cacaxtla, Tlaxcala, 169, 174 calmecac, 8, 14–15, 82–83, 85, 89, 94, 169, 170, 177–178, 250n82 Camaxtli, 162. See also Mixcoatl-Camaxtli Cantares mexicanos (Fray Bernardino de Sahagún), 168 capellanía, 20, 28, 39–42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 203–205, 208, 209, 212–218, 221, 223, 229–236, 242n109, 242n111 Capilla San Pedro de los Indios, 37 Casa del Deán: façade, 2–3, 5, 6, 55–60, 63–64, 65, 102, 245n24, figs. I.2, 2.1, 2.3, 2.5, 2.6, 2.8; Moorish influence on, 54, 58, 63, 64; reconstruction drawing of, 6, 52–53, 63–64, 245n23, fig. 2.13; Renaissance classicizing influence on, 52–54, 62–63; restoration of, 2. See also Becerra, Francisco; Gutiérrez, Francisco; Purism in Renaissance architecture Casa del Fundador, Tunja, Colombia, 126, 258n54, 260n16 Casa de Montejo, Mérida, Yucatán, 156, 160–161 Casa de Pilatos, Seville, 54, 57, 245n14

Castro Morales, Efraín, 1, 2, 15, 59 centaurs, 11, 69, 100–101, 156–157, 164, 174, figs. I.4, 4.1 Cervantes Salazar, Francisco, 7, 33, 53–54, 56, 60–61, 76, 245n10, 246n35 Charles V Book of Hours, 112–113, 116, 117, 124, 127, 227, 256n93 Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, 53, 109, 111, 127, 136, 144, 161, 251n122, 260n99, 260n3 (chap. 6) Chichimecs, 86, 136, 156, 157, 158–159, 162, 163–165 Chilam Balam de Chumayel, 181, 263n86 Chinantla, 23, 24, 211, 239n25, 239n27 Cholula, Puebla, 89, 90, 94, 102, 169, 178– 179, 181, 184, 187, 188, 246n54, 247n65, 251n137, 252n138, 263n65, 263n81, 264n105; San Gabriel, 78, 86, 87, 92–93, 101, 119, 133–134, 173, 178, 257n13, 258n60, figs. 3.3, 3.8, 4.8, 5.9, 7.2, 7.8, 7.13 Chontales, 23 Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 8, 43, 76, 77, 84, 248n52, 249n57, 256n124 Cigorondo, Juan de, 35–36, 63, 241n84, 247n66 Coatimundi, 183–184, 188, figs. 7.14, 7.15, 7.16, 7.17 Coatlán, Oaxaca, 22–23, 172, 239n18 coat of arms, Plaza, 6, 55, 59–60, 64, 102, 145, 245n24, figs. 1.3, 2.1, 4.1, 4.30 Codex Bodley, 178 Codex Borbonicus, 101 Codex Borgia, 175, 179, 184, 251n137, 262n10, 262n44 Codex Dresden, 170, 188, 264–265n121, 265n126 Codex Fejérváry-Mayer, 101, 186–187 Codex Laud, 188 Codex Mendoza, 73, 173, 262n31, 263n81 Codex Monteleone, 90 Codex Ríos, 188 Códice Sierra, 69 Codex Tro, 188 Codex Tudela, 179

Codex Vaticanus B, 179, 264–265n121 Coecke, van Aelst, Pieter, 144, 146, 245n14, 259n81 Coixtlahuaca, Oaxaca, 90, 187, 256n100 Colegio de San Juan, Puebla, 45, 48 Colegio de Santa Cruz, Tlatelolco, 44, 45, 76, 77, 83, 86, 249n68, 251n111 comedia, 29–30, 31, 240–241n70, 255n80, 255n82 Comité Defensor del Patrimonio Cultural Poblano, 2 confraternities, 28–29, 112, 255n81 Contra Judaeos, Paganos, et Arianos, 105, 109 Cornelisz van Oostsanen, Jacob, 108, 125 Corpus Christi, Feast of, 29, 31, 112, 127, 140, 149, 153, 189, 240n70, 255n77, 255n80, 258n45, 265n136 Cortés de Monroy y Pizarro, Hernán, 23, 89, 126 Council of Trent, 5, 78, 149 Counter-Reformation, 11, 138–139, 149 coyote, 174, 179, 185, 264n108, 264n120, figs. 7.1, 7.18, 7.19, 7.20 Crowning of Thorns, 120–121, 227, 228, figs. 4.21, 4.26, 4.27, 4.28 Crucifixion of Christ, 77–79, 119, 120–121, 183, 227, 228, figs. 3.2, 4.21, 4.29 Cuauhtinchán, San Juan Bautista, Puebla, 6, 62, 63, 88, 89, 90, 102, 194, 246n43, 251n128 Dante (Durante degli Alighieri), 135, 257n14 deer, 93, 100, 119, 161, 162, 171, 173, 175, 178, 179–183, 262n40, 263n69, 263n72, figs. 5.13, 7.10, 7.11, 7.12, 7.13; Lord Eight Deer, 178; One Deer, 170, 175 Durán, Fray Diego de, 82, 156, 162, 163, 165, 188, 263n67, figs. 6.2, 6.3 eagle, 100, 133–134, 168, 171–172, 173, 174, 262n36 eagle down ball shield, 172, 173, 262n31 Ecclesia Christi, 108, 113, 122–123, 227, 228 encomendero (encomienda), 21, 22, 23, 24, 238n7, 239n29 Enríquez de Almanza, Viceroy Don Martín, 63, 241n84, 247n66 Erasmus, Desiderius, 183 ermine, 142, 174–175, 176, figs. 1.2, 7.5 Eros (Cupid), 130, 138–139, 140, 142, 164– 165, 174–175, 258n39, figs. I.8, 5.10 Esparza, Antonio, 2

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Espinosa, Catalina de, 38, 40, 41, 42, 47, 204, 213, 216, 217, 235, 242n111 Espinosa de la Plaza, Licenciado Tomás, 39, 40, 41, 208, 213, 217, 220, 242n108 Estrada, Luisa de (widow of Jorge Alvarado), 24, 239n29 Ezekiel’s chariot, 135 façade of Juan López Mellado’s residence, 6, 59, 245n26, fig. 2.12 Fates (Clotho, Lachesis, and Atropos), 111, 129, 133, 136, 145, 146, fig. 5.13 Ficino, Marsilio, 106, 137, 139, 253n40, 257n27 Fiore, Joachim of, 105, 152 Flagellation of Christ, 120–121, 227, 228, figs. 4.21, 4.22, 4.23, 4.24, 4.25 Flight into Egypt, 116, 227, 228, figs. 4.1, 4.16 Florentine Codex, 100, 102, 126, 133–134, 156, 172–173, 175, 177, 178–179, 181–182, 184, 185, 188, 249n77, 250n82, 252n149, 262n43, 263n65, 264n108 Franciscan architecture, 37, 63, 86–87, 244n161, 252n2 Franciscan rope motif, 17, 82, 92 Franciscans as educators, 7, 8, 15, 17, 20, 68, 73–76, 77–88, 92–93, 94, 101–102, 109, 129, 149, 189, 249n64, 250n86, 251n111 French influence, 99, 107–109, 112–113, 126, 146, 161, 252n62, 255n84 frieze: Casa del Deán façade, 51, 57, figs. 2.5, 2.13; Casa del Deán interior, 11, 51, 81, 82, 92, 100–102, 133–134, 141, 167, 168– 169, 174–175, 176–188, 262n29, figs. I.6, I.7, I.10, 4.4, 4.6, 4.7, 4.9, 4.10, 5.8, 7.1, 7.2, 7.5, 7.6, 7.7, 7.9, 7.10, 7.14, 7.15, 7.17, 7.18, 7.21, 7.22; Nochistlán, 24–25, 239nn34–35; San Gabriel, Cholula, 101– 102, 133–134, figs. 4.8, 5.9; San Martín, Huaquechula, 92, fig. 3.4 Gante, Fray Pedro de, 19, 74, 77, 80–81, 83, 86, 248nn43–44, 250n93 García Cantú, Gastón, 1–2, 237n1 Geneología de Cuauhquechollan-Macuilxochitepec, 90–91 Gersón, Juan, and brother Tomás (tlacuilos), 88, 90 Gómez de Espinosa, Pedro, 28, 37–39, 40, 41, 43, 47, 48, 61–62, 221, 234, 235, 242n108, 244n1

Granada, Luis de, 76–77, 248–249n52 Guamelula, Oaxaca, 22, 23, 40, 239n23 Guaspaltepec, Oaxaca, 24, 239n28 Gutiérrez, Francisco, 6, 35–36, 63–66, 241n84, 241n89, 246n54, 246n57, 247n58, 247n62, 247nn66–67 Heavenly Jerusalem, 148, 195, 260nn98–99 Heemskerck, Maarten van, 137 Hernando, Don, Lord of Coatlán, 22–23, 172 Holy Eucharist, Sacrament of, 17, 149, 153, 175, 178–179, 181–182, 183, 194, 259n78, 264n98 Hortus Deliciarum, 146–147, fig. 5.15 Huaquechula, San Martín, Puebla, 17, 86–88, 90–92, 94, 133, 146, 251n119, 264n92, figs. 3.4, 3.5, 3.6 Huehuecoyotl, 171, 185 Huejotzingo, Puebla, 17, 89, 94, 168, 172, 187, 261n4; San Miguel Arcángel, 17, 85, 86, 87–88, 90, 179–180, 237n11, 251n119, 251nn121–122, 257n13 Hueytlalpa(n), Puebla, 47, 244n159, 161 hunt by Wild Men, staged in Tenochtitlán, 161–162 Hypnerotomachia poliphili (Francesco Colonna), 135 Inquisition, Holy Office of, 5, 20, 22, 26, 28, 31–34, 45–46, 48, 137, 240n49 Italian influence: on architecture, 52, 54; on art, 69, 83, 107, 108, 121, 255n84, 256n104, 257n26 Ixmiquilpan, Hidalgo, San Miguel Arcángel, 174 Izguerra, María, 6, 40, 41, 229, 233 Izquitecatl, 175 jade, 11, 80–81, 100, 168–169, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 189, 249nn75–76, figs. I.6, I.7; Chalchiuapan, 182, 264n93; Chalchiuatl, 182; Chalchiuitl, 180, 188, 249n76 jaguar, 93, 140, 161, 168, 171, 172–175, 178, 179, 262n29, 262n36, 263n81, figs. I.10, 7.2; One Jaguar and Four Jaguar, 173 javelina (peccary) 183–184, 188, 265n129, figs. 5.3, 7.22, 7.23 Judicii Signum, 104–105, 109, 110, 114, 127, 149, 254n65 Juicio Final, 149–151, 259n87 Juno, 111, 136, 148, 151, 164, 194

Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus, 103, 105, 106–107, 108, 112–113, 114, 127, 253n25, 255n84, 256n87, 256n122, 256n124 Larios, Juan de, 42, 45, 47, 48, 204, 206, 207, 211, 218, 222, 242n97, 243n129, 244nn167–168 Last World Emperor, 152–153, 260n99 Leyden, Lucas Hugensz van, 108, 113, 115– 117, 123, 125, 126, 227 Leyenda de los soles, 173, 179 Liberal Arts, trivia and quadrivia, 20, 43, 191, 238n4 Liefrinck, Hans, 125 lienzo, painted, 69, 73–74, 77, 83, 94, 164, 248n42, fig. 3.2 Lienzo de Tlaxcala, 69 lion: coat of arms, 59, figs. 1.3, 2.1, 4.1, 4.30; emblem, 113–114, 178–179, figs. 1.2, 7.7 liturgical drama, 11, 14, 29, 81, 109–112, 127, 149–151, 255n81, 259n87 López Mellado, Don Juan, 6, 40, 41, 59, 201, 207, 208, 214, 224, 229, 236, 245n26 Luján, Juan de, 46, 47, 48, 49, 221, 244n159, 244nn161–162 Macuilxochitl, 100, 179 manuscript MS80, 95–96, 110–111, 116, 124, 127, 225 Mapa de Cuauhquechollan, 90 Massacre of the Innocents, 116 Mass of St. Gregory, 78, 256n100, fig. 3.3 Master of the Sibyls, 4, 7, 8, 18, 67–68, 85, 88–94, 99, 109, 125, 126, 129, 153, 167, 169, 181, 189 Matrícula de Huejotzinco, 87, 89, 90 Mayahuel, 175, 184, 188 Maza, Francisco de la, 1, 2 Mazatecs, 171–172, 187 Mendieta, Gerónimo de, 7, 8, 19, 29, 73–74, 89, 102, 138, 182, 194, 238n1, 243n132, 250n109, 264n91; on Franciscan pedagogy, 82–83, 85–87, 248n42, 249n65 Mendoza, Viceroy Don Antonio de, 21 metaphorical imagery, 4, 7, 17, 71–76, 79–81, 94, 96, 128, 168, 169, 183, 248n27, 248n51, 249n69, 249n76, 252n149, 265n126 Meztitlán, Santos Reyes, Hidalgo, 137 millenarianism, 128, 152, 194, 260nn98–99 Mimich, 179–180 Mixcoatl-Camaxtli, 162, 179–180

Mixteca Alta, 22–23, 42, 90 Mixteca Baja, 42, 173 Mocking of Christ, 118, 227, 228, fig. 4.20 monkey, 11, 69, 81, 100–101, 156, 171, 176, 177–178, 180, 189, 252n7, 252n14, 262n29, 262n47, 263n54, 263nn58–59, figs. I.6, 7.6, 7.11; One Monkey, 112, 177 monkey satyr, 14, 132, 133, 140, 156, 164, 260n3, fig. I.9 Montaigne, Michel de, 165 Monte Albán, Oaxaca, 171, 173, 180 Moorish architecture, 54, 58, 61, 63, 64 Motolinía (Fray Toribio de Benavente), 7, 246n57, 247n60, 251n119, 261n35, 262n16; and baptisms, 182, 264n92; and Franciscan pedagogy, 8, 82, 83, 249n72, 250n86; and religious festivals, 29, 158, 265n136 Moya de Contreras, Archbishop Pedro, 31– 32, 39, 241n71, 244n167 mudéjar, 63, 67 Muñoz Camargo, Diego, 7, 86, 182, 249n78, 251n115, 263n84, 264n93 Nativity and Passion cycles, 9, 97–98, 106, 107, 112, 116, 125 Nativity of Christ, 107, 115, 116–117, 226, 227, 249n75, figs. I.4, 4.14 Neoplatonism, 106, 137, 139, 140, 159 Nezahualcoyotl, 168, 171 Nochistlán, 4, 24–25, 90, 239n31, 239nn33–34 Obregón, Antonio de, 14, 46, 133, 137, 139– 140, 142, 146, 176, 257nn26–27, 258n42, 259n89, 260n93, 266n14 Observant Franciscans, 153 O’Gorman, Juan, 2 Olmos, Fray Andrés de, 7, 19, 79–80, 86, 149, 244n161, 248n27, 249n69, 251nn110–111 Olmos, Fray Pedro de, 22 Ometochtli, 182 opossum, 170, 171, 185–187, 264n120, 264n121, 265n124, 126, figs. 5.3, 7.21 Oracula Sibyllina, 103, 104, 105, 113 Ordenanza del Patronazgo, 39 Ordo Prophetarum, 109, 110, 254n63, 256n123 Orpheus, 156, 260n3 Orsini, Cardinal Giordano, 106–107, 108, 111, 112–113, 253n45, 255n84

Pacheco, Hierónimo or Fernando, 27, 33–34, 48, 240n49 Palafox y Mendoza, Bishop Don Juan de, 37, 247n59, 257n22 Papal Schism at Avignon, 111 peacock, 111, 130, 136, 146, 148, fig. 5.3 Pérez de Moya, Juan, 44, 191, 192, 193, 265nn6–7, 266n9 Pérez Salazar Méndez Mont, Capt. Don Manuel, 41, 233, 234 Pérez Salazar y de Haro, Francisco, 1, 41, 237n4 Pérez Salazar y Solana, Francisco, 1, 41 petate throne, 76, 169, 170, 176, 177, 180, 185, figs. 7.1, 7.10, 7.18 Petrarch, 12, 13, 14, 46, 54, 76, 129, 130, 132, 133, 134–138, 139, 142, 144, 147, 148, 151, 175, 176, 194–195, 248n52, 257n1, 258n38, 258nn51–57 Philip II, 31, 35, 37, 244nn167 Planos de Tenochtitlán, 56, 246n35 Plato, 139, 157 Plaza, Tomás de la: and cathedral building, 6, 20, 26, 34–37, 49, 62–66, 242n92, 247n66, 252n144; as cathedral dean, 5, 15, 18, 19, 20, 26–37, 42, 49, 95, 189, 239n41, 239n46, 240n53, 240n62, 240n70, 240n89; and cathedral music, 20, 27–28; and cathedral religious festivals, 29–30, 49, 109, 112, 153, 255n82, 257n22; and collection and library, 16, 42–49, 191–195; and Hernando de Soto expedition, 4, 20, 21, 42; and Inquisition, 5, 20, 22, 26, 28, 31–34, 45–46, 48, 137, 240n49; and mural cycle, 4, 6, 13–14, 18, 20, 91, 95, 102, 109, 112, 113, 117, 119, 125, 129, 130, 138, 142, 144, 148, 151, 153, 156, 167, 189, 191, 195; as parish priest in Oaxaca, 4, 5, 18, 19, 20–25, 42, 43, 243n128. See also capellanía; Casa del Deán Popol Vuh, 163, 171, 177, 179–180, 183, 261n40, 263n58 posas, 87 Primaticcio, Francesco, 111, 136 procession, 8–9, 10, 11, 14, 81, 118, 135–136, 148, 151, 189, 254n57, 256n123, 258n45; liturgical, 26–27, 29–31, 49, 95–96, 109, 110–111, 112, 125, 127, 140, 165; sibyls in, 98–99, 114–115, 121, 256n109; Triumphs in, 132, 133, 137, 140–141, 146 Processio Sibyllarum, 110–111, 256n123

index  • 295

Psalmodia Cristiana (Bernardino de Sahagún) 76, 80–81, 153, 252n9, 262n40 Ptolemy, 191, 192 pulque, 175, 184, 185–186, 188, 249n78, 263n67, 265n133; as Eucharistic wine, 178–179, 181–182, 189, fig. 7.24 Purism in Renaissance architecture, 5, 6, 52–54, 63 Quecholli, festival of, 162 Quetzalcoatl, 100, 177–178, 180, 186, 187, 249n77, 262n36; Ce Acatl, 180; Lord Nine Wind, 178; Quetzalcoatl-Ehecatl, 100, 178 Quintilian, 43, 76, 77, 84, 250n97 rabbit, 93, 161, 162, 164, 175–176, 179, 262n47, figs. 7.3, 7.4; Four Hundred Rabbits, 175; One Rabbit and Two Rabbit, 175 Rationarium Evangelistarum, 107–108, 112– 113, 115–117, 121, 123–124, 226–227, 254n48, 256n105 rattlesnake (serpent), 92, 119, 133, 158, 162– 163, 167, 169, 226 Relación del distrito y pueblos del Obispado de Tlaxcala (1571), 27, 35, 239n45, 244n159, 244n165 Relaciones geográficas, 24–25, 84–85, 100, 238n17, 239n18, 239n23, 239n25, 239nn27–28, 239n31, 252n6 Resurrection of Christ, 17, 102, 108, 121, 123, 126, 127, 130, 174, 178, 179, 187, 195, 227, 252n9, 255n84, 256n105, 259n82 Retorica Cristiana (Diego de Valadés), 77–78, 192, 194, 249n64, figs. 3.1, 3.2, C.1 rhetoric, art of, 4, 7, 8, 20, 43, 48, 53, 67, 69–70, 74–75, 76–81, 84, 90, 94, 112– 113, 127, 129, 136, 148–149, 169–170, 248n52, 249n57, 249n64, 249n71, 251n111, 256n124, 260n99 rinceaux, 3, 11, 14–15, 133–134, figs. 3.4, 4.7, 4.8, 5.8, 5.9 Rodríguez, Gen. Abelardo, 1 Romano de Gobea, Bishop Diego, 28, 34, 36, 48, 240n53 Roman rite, 5, 26 ropa (overdress), 98–99 Rosselli, Francesco, 14, 120–121, 256n104, fig. 4.24 Royal Chapel, Tlaxcala, 156, 161, fig. 6.1

296  •  The Casa del Deán

Rubens, Peter Paul, 14, 148, 149 Ruiz de Morales y Molina, Bishop Antonio, 34, 36 Sahagún, Fray Bernardino de, 7, 19, 76, 133– 134, 189; and Franciscan pedagogy, 82– 83, 250n82, 250n88; and Nahua emblems and iconography, 153, 156, 163, 173, 175, 181, 186, 252n9, 262n40; and rhetoric among the Nahuas, 80–81, 170, 249n71, 249n77; on tlacuilos, 72, 168, 172. See also Cantares mexicanos; Florentine Codex; Psalmodia Cristiana San Francisco, Puebla, 62, 63, 86 San José de los Naturales, Mexico, 77, 83, 85, 86, 87 San Juan Ixcaquixtla, Puebla, 173 Santa Cruz, Antonio de, 40, 204, 213 Saturn, 104, 111, 129, 132, 136, 142, 144, 155, 157, 163, 164, 192, 194, 226, 256n97, 259n63, 265n4, figs. Frontispiece, 1.2 Savonarola, Girolamo (Triumphus Crucis), 135, 147, 250n102 Serlio, Sebastiano, 53, 59, 245n7, 245n9, 248n52 shell, 102, figs. 1.3, 2.7, 4.1; preconquest, 100, 169, 170, 174, 180, 182, 184, 264n121, fig. I.6 Sibylla Agrippina, 107, 112–113, 119, 225, 226, 227, 266n2 Sibylla Cumaea, 93, 99–100, 103–104, 105, 111, 116–118, 226, 227, 228, 253n23, 253n25, 253n27, 258n60, 266n2, figs. 4.1, 4.17 Sibylla Cumana, 119–120, 225, 226, 228, figs. I.5, 4.21, 4.22 Sibylla Delphica, 113, 120, 226, 227, 228, 253n25, 266n2, figs. 4.21, 4.28 Sibylla Erythraea, 104–105, 108, 110, 111, 113, 114–115, 226, 227, 252n21, 253n25, 254n55, 266n2, figs. I.4, 4.12 Sibylla Europa, 10, 107, 113, 116, 226, 227, 228, 266n2, figs. 4.1, 4.16 Sibylla Hellespontica, 113, 120–121, 226, 227, 228, 252n21, 253n25, 266n1, figs. 4.21, 4.29 Sibylla Libyca, 123, 124, 225, 226, 227, 228, 253n25, 266nn1–2, fig. 4.30 Sibylla Persica, 10, 113, 115–116, 119, 123, 225, 226, 227, 228, 253n25, 256n93, 266n2, figs. 4.1, 4.15 Sibylla Phrygia, 108, 121, 226, 227, 228, 253n25, fig. 4.30

Sibylla Samia, 105, 113, 115, 117, 226, 227, 228, 253n25, 266n2, figs. I.4, 4.14 Sibylla Tiburtina, 10, 105, 113, 118, 119, 225, 226, 227, 228, 253n25, 255n72, 266n2, figs. I.5, 1.1, 4.1 slipknot, 117, 142–143, 228, 256n97, 258n60, figs. Frontispiece, 1.2, 4.17 Solomonic columns, 146, 148 Speculum humanae salvationis, 10, 106, 108 Synagoga (Old Testament), 8–9, 10, 17, 97, 104, 106–107, 108, 110, 113–114, 123– 124, 126, 127, 151, 152, 225, 227, 256n87, 256n109, 260n91, figs. I.4, 4.2 Tecamachalco, Puebla, 86, 88, 90, 251nn110– 111, 264n92 Tecayehuatzin, Lord of Huejotzingo, 168, 172, 261n4 tecomate, 180, 181, 184, 189, figs. 7.7, 7.8, 7.10, 7.14, 7.15 Teozapotlán, (Zaachila) Oaxaca, 22, 238n17 Tepeapulco, Hidalgo, 248n28, 256n100, 262n29 Tepeyollotl, 173–174 Tepoztlán, Natividad de Nuestra Señora, Morelos, 62 tequitqui, 67, 68, 71, 72, 247nn5–6 Testera, Fray Jacobo de, 19, 73–74, 85–86, 248n42, 251n121 Testerian catechism, 73–74, 248n42, 248n44 Tetela de Ocampo, Puebla, 46, 47, 211–212 Tetiquipa, Oaxaca, 22, 23, 40 Texcoco (Tezcoco), 31, 84–85, 162, 168, 247n65, 248n41 Tezcatlipoca, 173–174, 181–182, 186–187, 262n36 Third Mexican Provincial Council (1585), 26, 240n53 Tilantongo, Oaxaca, 42, 178, 206, 243n128 Titian, Sacred and Profane Love, 140; Triumph of Faith, 147–148 Tlacotalpa, Veracruz, 37, 38–39 tlacuilo, 6, 7, 8, 17, 68, 69, 72, 73–74, 82, 85, 88–89, 90, 93, 94, 129, 164, 169, 170, 171, 248n30, 252n146 Tlalnepantla, Corpus Christi, Mexico, 62 Tlaloc, 162, 179, 262n36 tlapalli, 68–72, 81, 94, 248n27 Tlapalteuccitzin, prince in Huejotzingo, 168, 171 Tlatlauquitepec, Puebla, 244n159, 244n162 Tlaxcala, Acts of the Cabildo, 88–89

Tlaxcala, Diocese of, 25, 26, 27, 33, 34, 35, 36, 37, 39, 41, 42, 49, 86, 239n45, 240n49, 240n54, 240n56, 241n75, 244n159, 250n109 Tlaxcala and Tlaxcalans, 7, 29, 31, 61, 65, 77, 88–89, 109, 126, 136, 145–146, 156, 158–159, 161, 164, 168, 174, 179–180, 182, 249n78, 264n93, 265n136 Tlaxcala-Puebla region, 7, 8, 15, 17, 49, 63, 82, 85–86, 89, 90, 169, 172, 186, 187, 189, 251n137 Tlazolteotl, 173 Tochimilco, Puebla, 174 Tonalá, Oaxaca, 23 tonalamatl (calendar), 7, 89, 101, 169–171, 172, 173, 177, 179, 187, 194, 262n14, 266n11 tonalpohualli, 169, 186–187 Totimehuacán, San Francisco, Puebla, 62, 63, 246n43, 262n29 Totonac presence in Puebla, 46–47, 49, 82, 169, 189, 244n161. See also Hueytlalpa(n); Tetela de Ocampo; Tlatlauquitepec Toussaint, Manuel, 2, 52, 239n35, 245n18, 248n23 Tovar, Fray Juan de, 19, 73–74, 248n41 Tower, Casa del Deán, 6, 46, 51, 61, 246n37, fig. 2.15; emblem, 145–146 Trismegistus, 84, 127, 252n148 Triumph of Chastity, 12–14, 130, 132, 137, 140–142, 151, 176, figs. 1.2, 5.1, 5.11 Triumph of Death, 12–14, 129, 130, 132, 133, 137, 144, 145–146, 149–150, 151, 155, 165, 184, 195, figs. 5.2, 5.13, 5.14 Triumph of Eternity (Eternity/Ecclesia), 12–14, 17–18, 123, 128, 130, 133, 140,

146–148, 151, 153, 184, 187, 188, 189, 194–195, 266n14, figs. I.11, 5.3 Triumph of Fame, 12, 129, 138, 144, 146, 151 Triumph of Love, 12–14, 132, 134, 138–140, 141, 151, 174–175, 194, 258n39, figs. I.8, 5.10 Triumph of Time, 12–14, 46, 92, 129, 130, 132, 142–144, 148, 149–150, 151, 155, 164, 194, 195, figs. Frontispiece, 1.2, 3.7, 5.5, 5.6, 5.12 Trujillo, Diego de, 40 Túmulo Imperial of Charles V, Mexico City, 53

Villagómez, Bishop Don Fernando de, 32, 33, 34, 35, 239n45, 240n64, 241n78 Virgil: on sibylline prophecies, 103–104, 117–118, 253n23, 253n27, 254n63, 266n1; and texts related to rhetoric, 76, 248–249n52; on wild creatures of Golden Age, 157, 163 Virgin of the Apocalypse, 115–116, 119, 227, 228, figs. 4.1, 4.15 Virtues who accompany Chastity, 102, 135, 136, 141, 142, figs. I.8, 1.2 Vitruvius Pollio, Marcus, 53, 245n7, 248n52 Vostre, Simon, Book of Hours, 107, 109, 113, 254n51

unicorn, 111, 130, 141, 178, figs. 5.1, 5.11 Valadés, Diego de, 7; and Retorica Cristiana, 8, 71, 74, 77–79, 81, 192–194, 248n43, 249nn64–65, 251n112, 266n11, figs. 3.1, 3.2, C.1; in Tlaxcala-Puebla region, 17, 36, 86, 88, 241n91 Van Veen, Otto (Triumph of the Catholic Church), 148–149, 259n83 Varela, Manuel, 47, 203, 209, 210 Varro, Marcus Terentius, 103, 107, 252n21, 253n25, 254n55, 256n122 Venegas, Doña María Guadalupe, 41, 233 Venus as the personification of Love, 139– 140, 194 Vera, Antonio de, 27, 29, 38, 47, 51, 207, 208, 209, 210, 216, 218, 222, 223, 235, 244n165 Victoria, Juan de, 27 vihuela (guitar): owned by Don Tomás de la Plaza, 45, 46; played by the monkey satyr, 14, 132, 140, 155–156, 260n3, fig. I.9; played by the opossum, 185, 187, fig. 7.21

Wild Man (salvaje), 14, 129, 132, 136, 140, 155–165, 179, 260n1, 260n6, 261n20, 261n35, 261n41, figs. 5.7, 5.13, 6.1, 6.2, 6.3 Xibalba, 184 Ximénez de Cisneros, Cardinal Francisco, 183 Xochipilli, related to the quetzal and monkey, 100, 156, 177–178; God of feasting, 112, 179, 189, 252n9 Xolotl, 171 zodiac, 15, 191, 192, 195, 265n6, 265n7 zoomorphic supernaturals, 74, 170, 171, 173, 189 Zumárraga, Fray Juan de (Archbishop), 86, 138, 140, 243n132, 258n45

index  • 297