The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World 9781803271644, 9781803271651, 1803271647

Table of contents :
Cover
Title Page
Copyright Page
Contents Page
List of Figures
Figure 1: Corinthian orientalizing jug (Munich, Antikensammlung).
Figure 2: Gypsum alabaster relief with garden. From Niniveh, North Palace, room H (London, The British Museum, Middle East Department).
Figure 3: Gold bowl found in the tomb of Yaba, wife of Tiglat-Pileser III (Baghdad, Iraq Museum).
Figure 4: Samian cup, Paris (Louvre, DAGER).
Figure 5: The Priam Painter, amphora from Caere (Rome, National Museum of Villa Giulia).
Figure 6: Cover slab of the Diver’s tomb from Paestum (National Archaeological Museum of Paestum).
Figure 7: The Achilles Painter, lekythos (Munich, Antikensammlung).
Figure 8: The Attic Phiale Painter, krater (Rome, The Vatican Museums, Museo Gregoriano Profano).
Figure 9: Relief from Daphni (Athens, The National Archaeological Museum).
Figure 10: Reverse of coin type of Megara struck in Antonine times with running Artemis, inspired by Strongylion’s Artemis at Megara (London, The British Museum: Department of Coins).
Figure 11: The Eretria Painter, epinetron (Athens, The National Archaeological Museum).
Figure 12: The Meidias Painter, hydria (London, The British Museum).
Figure 13: Pebble mosaic from Olynthus, Villa of Good Fortune (Greece).
Figure 14: Dresden Artemis, copy from Praxiteles’ Artemis at Megara (Dresden, Staatlische Kunstsammlungen, Skulpturensammlung).
Figure 15: Artemis on coin of Mantinea, inspired by Praxiteles’ Artemis at Mantinea (Athens, The Numismatic Museum).
Figure 16: The Versailles Artemis (Paris, Louvre, DAGER).
Figure 17: Artemis on coin of Anticyra, inspired by Praxiteles’ Artemis at Anticyra (Athens, The Numismatic Museum).
Figure 18: Artemis, bronze statuette close to the Malta type (Museo Nazionale Concordiese, Portogruaro).
Figure 19: Knidia Belvedere, copy from Praxiteles’ Aphrodite at Knidos (Rome, Vatican Museums).
Figure 20: Resting Satyr, copy from original statue by Praxiteles (Rome, Capitoline Museums).
Figure 21: Apollo Sauroctonus, copy from original statue by Praxiteles (Rome, Vatican Museums).
Figure 25: Praxiteles, Hermes carrying baby Dionysus (Olympia, Archaeological Museum).
Figure 26: Sleeping Eros (Turin, Museum of Antiquities).
Figure 27: The Lycian Sarcophagus from Sidon, hunting scene (Istanbul, Archaeological Museum).
Figure 28: The Satrap Sarcophagus from Sidon, hunting scene (Istanbul, Archaeological Museum).
Figure 29: The Nereids’ monument at Xanthus, hunting scene (London, The British Museum).
Figure 30: Hunting scene on the sarcophagus of Hecatomnus (Hecatomneion, Mylasa).
Figure 31: Hunting of the Calydonian boar, east pediment, temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (reconstruction drawing by Stewart 1977).
Figure 32: Hunting frieze, Royal tomb 2 at Vergina (reconstruction drawing by Franks 2012).
Figure 33: The Hesperides’ Painter, hydria (New York, The Metropolitan Museum).
Figure 34: The Circle of the Black Fury Painter, oinochoe (Malibu, Getty Museum).
Figure 35: The Black Fury Painter, krater (Boston, Museum of Fine Arts).
Figure 36: The Circle of the Chamay Painter, stamnos (Cabinet des médailles, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris).
Figure 37: Coin struck by Pheneos, with Hermes holding the baby Arcas (Athens, Numismatic Museum).
Figure 38: Coin struck by Mantinea, with head of Callisto on the reverse (Athens, Numismatic Museum).
Figure 39: Wall-painting from the Augusteum, the so-called ‘Basilica of Herculaneum’ (Naples, National Archaeological Museum).
Figure 40: Symplegma of Silenus with Hermaphrodite (Dresden, Staatlische Kunstsammlungen, Skulpturensammlung).
Figure 41: The Woburn Abbey Dionysos (Woburn Abbey, UK).
Figure 42: Hermoupolis Magna, tomb of Petosiris, milking scene (Hermopolis Magna, Egypt).
Figure 43: Hermoupolis Magna, tomb of Petosiris, cattle’s scene (Hermopolis Magna, Egypt).
Figure 44: Landscape cup (Alexandria, Greek and Roman Museum).
Figure 45: Portland vase (London, The British Museum).
Figure 46: Pergamon, Altar, Telephos’ frieze, east side (reconstruction drawing by Seaman 2020).
Figure 47: Ptolemaic cup (drawing by Adriani 1959, Paris, Cabinet des médailles, Bibliothèque Nationale).
Figure 48: Pan with Daphnis (Naples, National Archaeological Museum, Farnese Collection).
Figure 49: ‘Invitation to Dance’ (Rome, Torlonia Collection).
Figure 50: Nymph with Satyr (Rome, Capitoline Museums).
Figure 51: Nymph with Satyr (‘The Ludovisi Group’) (Rome, Roman National Museum, Altemps Palace).
Figure 52: The Barberini Faun (Munich, Glyptothek).
Figure 53: ‘The Thorn-remover’ (the head being a 5th-c. BC original) (Rome, Capitoline Museums).
Figure 54: Satyr removing a thorn from Pan (Paris, Louvre).
Figure 55: Old shepherd with lamb (Rome, Capitoline Museums).
Figure 56: Plan of the ‘Villa of Mysteries’ (Pompeii, Italy).
Figure 57: Plan of the ‘Villa of Livia ad gallinas albas’, Rome.
Figure 58: Colour image of ancient Rome, with the parks (horti) shown in green.
Figure 64: Wall painting in atrium of the ‘Villa of Mysteries’ (Pompeii, Italy).
Figure 65: Wall painting in cubiculum of the villa of P. Fannius Synistor (Boscoreale, Italy).
Figure 66: Wall painting of the Villa of Agrippa Postumus (Boscotrecase, Italy).
Figure 67: Wall painting of the Villa of Agrippa Postumus (Boscotrecase, Italy).
Figure 68: Yellow frieze in the reception room of the House of Livia (Rome).
Figure 69: Wall painting in the Rome, ‘room of the Masks’, House of Augustus (Rome).
Figure 70: Wall painting in the villa under the Farnesina (Rome).
Figure 71: Wall painting from the ‘Villa of Livia ad gallinas albas’ at Rome (Rome, Roman National Museum).
Acknowledgements
Introduction
Escaping the community in Archaic Greece
The Homeric / Geometric period
The Orientalising period
The High and Late Archaic periods
The Early Classical Period
Historical and literary evidence
The visual evidence
The Mid Classical Period
The historical and literary evidence
The visual evidence
The Late Classical Period
The historical and literary evidence
The evidence in architecture and the visual arts
The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times
The Age of the Diadochi
Historical and literary evidence
The visual evidence
Evidence from the Roman world
The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times
The historical and mythical evidence
Visual evidence
The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times
The historical and literary evidence
Architecture and the visual arts
Bibliography
Index of testimonia

Citation preview

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Antonio Corso

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Antonio Corso

Archaeopress Archaeology

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com ISBN 978-1-80327-164-4 ISBN 978-1-80327-165-1 (e-Pdf) © Antonio Corso and Archaeopress 2022

Cover: The Circle of the Black Fury Painter, oinochoe (Malibu, Getty Museum)

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

Contents List of Figures���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� ii Acknowledgements������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� v Introduction����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� vi Escaping the community in Archaic Greece���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 1 The Homeric / Geometric period���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������1 The Orientalising period������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������7 The High and Late Archaic periods����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������13 The Early Classical Period��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������21 Historical and literary evidence���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������21 The visual evidence������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������23 The Mid Classical Period����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������26 The historical and literary evidence��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������26 The visual evidence������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������45 The Late Classical Period���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������50 The historical and literary evidence��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������50 The evidence in architecture and the visual arts����������������������������������������������������������������������������62 The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times���������������������������������������������81 The Age of the Diadochi�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������81 Historical and literary evidence ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������85 The visual evidence��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 Evidence from the Roman world����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 108 The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times���������������������������������������������������������������������109 The historical and mythical evidence�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Visual evidence���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 138 The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times����������������������������������������������������������������������145 The historical and literary evidence����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 145 Architecture and the visual arts������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 156 Bibliography���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������167 Index of testimonia��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������179

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List of Figures Figure 1: Figure 2:

Corinthian orientalizing jug (Munich, Antikensammlung).�������������������������������� 9 Gypsum alabaster relief with garden. From Niniveh, North Palace, room H (London, The British Museum, Middle East Department).�������������������������������� 10 Figure 3: Gold bowl found in the tomb of Yaba, wife of Tiglat-Pileser III (Baghdad, Iraq Museum).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 11 Figure 4: Samian cup, Paris (Louvre, DAGER).���������������������������������������������������������������������� 19 Figure 5: The Priam Painter, amphora from Caere (Rome, National Museum of Villa Giulia).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 23 Figure 6: Cover slab of the Diver’s tomb from Paestum (National Archaeological Museum of Paestum).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 24 Figure 7: The Achilles Painter, lekythos (Munich, Antikensammlung).��������������������������� 45 Figure 8: The Attic Phiale Painter, krater (Rome, The Vatican Museums, Museo Gregoriano Profano).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 46 Figure 9: Relief from Daphni (Athens, The National Archaeological Museum).������������� 46 Figure 10: Reverse of coin type of Megara struck in Antonine times with running Artemis, inspired by Strongylion’s Artemis at Megara (London, The British Museum: Department of Coins).����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 Figure 11: The Eretria Painter, epinetron (Athens, The National Archaeological Museum).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 47 Figure 12: The Meidias Painter, hydria (London, The British Museum).���������������������������� 49 Figure 13: Pebble mosaic from Olynthus, Villa of Good Fortune (Greece).������������������������ 49 Figure 14: Dresden Artemis, copy from Praxiteles’ Artemis at Megara (Dresden, Staatlische Kunstsammlungen, Skulpturensammlung).������������������������������������ 62 Figure 15: Artemis on coin of Mantinea, inspired by Praxiteles’ Artemis at Mantinea (Athens, The Numismatic Museum).��������������������������������������������������������������������� 63 Figure 16: The Versailles Artemis (Paris, Louvre, DAGER).��������������������������������������������������� 64 Figure 17: Artemis on coin of Anticyra, inspired by Praxiteles’ Artemis at Anticyra (Athens, The Numismatic Museum).��������������������������������������������������������������������� 64 Figure 18: Artemis, bronze statuette close to the Malta type (Museo Nazionale Concordiese, Portogruaro). ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 65 Figure 19: Knidia Belvedere, copy from Praxiteles’ Aphrodite at Knidos (Rome, Vatican Museums).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 65 Figure 20: Resting Satyr, copy from original statue by Praxiteles (Rome, Capitoline Museums).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66 Figure 21: Apollo Sauroctonus, copy from original statue by Praxiteles (Rome, Vatican Museums).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 66 Figures 22-24: Orthostats from the base of Praxiteles’ triad of Artemis, Leto and Apollo (Athens, The National Archaeological Museum).������������������������������������������������ 67 Figure 25: Praxiteles, Hermes carrying baby Dionysus (Olympia, Archaeological Museum).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 68 Figure 26: Sleeping Eros (Turin, Museum of Antiquities).���������������������������������������������������� 69 Figure 27: The Lycian Sarcophagus from Sidon, hunting scene (Istanbul, Archaeological Museum).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 70 ii

Figure 28:

The Satrap Sarcophagus from Sidon, hunting scene (Istanbul, Archaeological Museum).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 71 Figure 29: The Nereids’ monument at Xanthus, hunting scene (London, The British Museum).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 72 Figure 30: Hunting scene on the sarcophagus of Hecatomnus (Hecatomneion, Mylasa).����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 72 Figure 31: Hunting of the Calydonian boar, east pediment, temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (reconstruction drawing by Stewart 1977).����������������������������������������������� 73 Figure 32: Hunting frieze, Royal tomb 2 at Vergina (reconstruction drawing by Franks 2012).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 73 Figure 33: The Hesperides’ Painter, hydria (New York, The Metropolitan Museum).����� 74 Figure 34: The Circle of the Black Fury Painter, oinochoe (Malibu, Getty Museum).������� 74 Figure 35: The Black Fury Painter, krater (Boston, Museum of Fine Arts).������������������������ 74 Figure 36: The Circle of the Chamay Painter, stamnos (Cabinet des médailles, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris).������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 74 Figure 37: Coin struck by Pheneos, with Hermes holding the baby Arcas (Athens, Numismatic Museum).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 77 Figure 38: Coin struck by Mantinea, with head of Callisto on the reverse (Athens, Numismatic Museum).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Figure 39: Wall-painting from the Augusteum, the so-called ‘Basilica of Herculaneum’ (Naples, National Archaeological Museum).�������������������������������������������������������� 79 Figure 40: Symplegma of Silenus with Hermaphrodite (Dresden, Staatlische Kunstsammlungen, Skulpturensammlung).��������������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 41: The Woburn Abbey Dionysos (Woburn Abbey, UK).�������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 42: Hermoupolis Magna, tomb of Petosiris, milking scene (Hermopolis Magna, Egypt).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 Figure 43: Hermoupolis Magna, tomb of Petosiris, cattle’s scene (Hermopolis Magna, Egypt).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106 Figure 44: Landscape cup (Alexandria, Greek and Roman Museum).������������������������������� 107 Figure 45: Portland vase (London, The British Museum).�������������������������������������������������� 107 Figure 46: Pergamon, Altar, Telephos’ frieze, east side (reconstruction drawing by Seaman 2020).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 138 Figure 47: Ptolemaic cup (drawing by Adriani 1959, Paris, Cabinet des médailles, Bibliothèque Nationale).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 140 Figure 48: Pan with Daphnis (Naples, National Archaeological Museum, Farnese Collection).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 141 Figure 49: ‘Invitation to Dance’ (Rome, Torlonia Collection).�������������������������������������������� 141 Figure 50: Nymph with Satyr (Rome, Capitoline Museums).��������������������������������������������� 142 Figure 51: Nymph with Satyr (‘The Ludovisi Group’) (Rome, Roman National Museum, Altemps Palace).������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 142 Figure 52: The Barberini Faun (Munich, Glyptothek).��������������������������������������������������������� 143 Figure 53: ‘The Thorn-remover’ (the head being a 5th-c. BC original) (Rome, Capitoline Museums).��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 143 Figure 54: Satyr removing a thorn from Pan (Paris, Louvre).�������������������������������������������� 143 Figure 55: Old shepherd with lamb (Rome, Capitoline Museums).����������������������������������� 144 Figure 56: Plan of the ‘Villa of Mysteries’ (Pompeii, Italy).������������������������������������������������ 157 Figure 57: Plan of the ‘Villa of Livia ad gallinas albas’, Rome.���������������������������������������������� 158 iii

Figure 58: Colour image of ancient Rome, with the parks (horti) shown in green.�������� 159 Figures 59-61: ‘The Grimani Reliefs’ (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum and Palestrina, National Archaeological Museum).���������������������������������������������������������������������� 160 Figures 62-63: Wall painting in cubiculum of the villa of P. Fannius Synistor (Boscoreale, Italy).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 161 Figure 64: Wall painting in atrium of the ‘Villa of Mysteries’ (Pompeii, Italy).��������������� 162 Figure 65: Wall painting in cubiculum of the villa of P. Fannius Synistor (Boscoreale, Italy).�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 162 Figure 66: Wall painting of the Villa of Agrippa Postumus (Boscotrecase, Italy).���������� 163 Figure 67: Wall painting of the Villa of Agrippa Postumus (Boscotrecase, Italy).���������� 163 Figure 68: Yellow frieze in the reception room of the House of Livia (Rome).���������������� 164 Figure 69: Wall painting in the Rome, ‘room of the Masks’, House of Augustus (Rome).���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 165 Figure 70: Wall painting in the villa under the Farnesina (Rome).����������������������������������� 165 Figure 71: Wall painting from the ‘Villa of Livia ad gallinas albas’ at Rome (Rome, Roman National Museum). ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 166

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Acknowledgements The author wishes to thank the Lord Marks Charitable Trust, the Onassis Foundation, the Kanellopoulos Foundation and the Norwegian Institute of Athens for the grants which have enabled this research and have led to this book. Thanks are due to Lady Dr Marina Marks, Dr S. Papadimitriou, Dr Eleni Korka and to Prof. Jorunn Økland for their assistance in obteining these grants. Two of these funds were channeled through the Society for Messenian Archaeological Studies, and my sincere thanks are due to Prof. Petros Themelis for facilitating this. Finally, the Kostopoulos Foundation decided a grant in my favor which was channeled through the International Arcadian Society. I thank both these institutions and in particular Dr. Strongyli and Dr. Kaltezioti. Early versions of my study were submitted to the Hermitage, St Petersburg, the University of Cambridge, and the Norwegian Institute at Athens. I am most grateful indeed to Dr Anna Trofimova, Dr Nigel Spivey, and to Prof. Jorunn Økland for invitating me to do so. This book was written in Athens, within the company of a stimulating community of scholars devoted to this unique city’s Classical Antiquity. I would like to thank all the members of this community for helping to provide the intellectual environment that so nourishes a perceptive scholar. Athens, 14 December, 2021

v

Introduction The Peloponnesian region of Arcadia has for long time been regarded as a land of green groves and meadows, where peaceful shepherds lived unburdened by the problems and negative influences generated by the city life. Although the notion of this idealized land became so iconic in European culture, as far as this author knows there is no publication which explains in detail why and how this notion was born, developed and established itself in our mainstream culture: most scholars who studied this concept have argued that this ‘Arcadian Dream’ was no more than an ‘invention’ of Virgil.1 The following chapters seek to show both that this conclusion is unsopportable, and that what was involved instead was a long process from Archaic to Late Hellenistic times.

1

Sparse and unsystematic references to the harmonious and peaceful concept of Arcadia in Ancient Greece con be found, inter alia, in Hannah 1986: 86-105; Himmelmann 1996: 193-202; Jones 2010, passim; Casanova and Egea 2012: 6-19 and Moroth 2013: 133-322.

vi

Chapter 1

Escaping the community in Archaic Greece The Homeric / Geometric period It is necessary to begin this research by considering how loneliness is regarded in Homer. Indeed, in the Iliad the ideal of the hero is to be the best of warriors, and thus to have an excellent reputation within his own community of army camrades.1 Accordingly, loneliness has a negative connotation. Achilles is lonely after he decided to absent himself from his army at Troy: he stood idle in sore grief among the ships (Iliad 2: 686694; 771-779; 4: 512-513; 11: 600-601), a situation nobody would wish to share. Even Philoctetes is lonely, laying suffering grevious pains on Lemnus (Iliad 2: 719-724). Bellerophon, when he came to be hated by the gods, wandered alone over the Aleian plain, devouring his own soul (Iliad 6: 200-202). Odysseus is also left alone in the battlefield (Iliad 11: 401-411), this being regarded as a negative sign. In the Odyssey, Laertes lives alone, far from the town of Ithaca, in the countryside, where he endures a painful life (Odyssey 1: 187-193; 11: 187-196 and 24: 226-234, 248-250). Equally Odysseus, when he is held in captivity on Ogygia, would linger on the shore, weeping and overcome by grief (Odyssey 5: 81-83, 151-158). Thus loneliness is viewed as a negative situation also in the Odyssey. The opinion that everybody finds a decent life only in her/his community prevails in this poem, which is why Odysseus refuses even the immortality and a life without concerns on Ogygia at the side of the nymph Calypso, in order to go back to Ithaca - the only place in the world where his existence makes sense. However the Odyssey is important also because it offers a description of a wonderful island, far away from the world experienced by the ordinary public of this poem, and which has only positive features. In fact, during his wanderings Odysseus arrives at an island – an island of goats – that is the first idealized landscape of the ancient literature (Odyssey 9: 116-162): There is a fertile island that stretches slantwise outside the harbor, neither close to the shore of the land of the Cyclopes, nor yet far off, well-wooden. On it live wild goats innumerable, for no traffic of men prevents them, nor do hunters come there, men who suffer hardship in the woodland as they course over the peaks of the mountains. Neither with flocks is it occupied, nor with plowed lands, but unsown and untilled all 1 For the social dimension and value of the Homeric hero, see e. g. Martin 2011: 315-317 and Cairns 2011: 367-369, 790792 and 919-922.

1

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World its days it is bereft of mankind, but feeds the bleating goats. For the Cyclopes have at hand no ships with vermilion cheeks, nor are there ship-wrights in their land who might build them well-benched ships, which could perform all their wants, passing to the cities of other men, as men often cross the sea in ships to visit one another – craftsmen, who would have made of this island a well arranged settlement for them. For the island is not at all a poor one, but would bear all things in season. On it are meadows by the shores of the grey sea, well–watered meadows and soft, where vines would never fail, and in it level plouwland, from which they might reap from season to season very deep harvests, so rich is the soil beneath; and in it, too, is a harbor giving safe anchorage, where there is no need of moorings, either to throw out anchor stones or to make fast stern cables, but one may beach one’s ship and wait until the sailors’ minds bid them put out, and the breezes blow fair. Now at the head of the harbor a spring of bright water flows out from beneath a cave, and round about it poplars grow. There we sailed in, and some god guided us through the murky night; for there was no light to see, but a mist lay deep about the ships and the moon showed no light from heaven, but was shut in by clouds. Then no man’s eyes beheld that island, nor did we see the long waves rolling on the beach, until we ran our well benched ships on the shore. And when we had beached the ships we lowered all the sails and ourselves disembarked on the shore of the sea, and there we fell asleep and waited for the bright Dawn. As soon as early Dawn appeared, the rosy–fingered, we roamed throughout the island, marveling at it; and the Nymphs, the daughters of Zeus who bears the aegis, roused the mountain goats, that my comrades might have something of which to make their meal. Instantly we took from the ships our curved bows and long javelins, and forming three groups we took to shooting; and at once the god gave us a bag to satisfy our hearts. The ships that followed we were twelve, and to each nine goats fell by lot, but for me alone they chose out ten. So, then all day long till set of sun we sat feasting on abundant meat and sweet wine.2 The secure harbor, the spring, the meadows, the wandering goats and finally the nymphs make this landscape an ideal one. Despite that, Odysseus and his companions opted not to remain but tried to return to their homelands as soon as possible. Thus in the Odyssey the perfect land is not yet so appealing to constitute a valid alternative to the homelands of the characters in the poem: the latter being better than any other territory. More generally, the wanderings of Odysseus bring to the fore ‘dreamy’ landscapes, far from the Greek world, with groves, meadows, game, springs of fresh water and opportunities for female seduction (Circe, Calypso, nymphs). However, these remote places are at the same time insidious, full of traps (see especially the tricks of Circe), and thus a lengthy residence there is ultimately undesirable.3 Finally, Homer (Odyssey 6: 102-109) says that ‘Artemis, the archer, roves over the mountains, along the ridges of lofty Taygetus or Erymanthus, joying in the pursuit of boars and swift deer, and with her sport the wood-Nymphs, the daughters of Zeus who bears the aegis, and Leto is 2 3

Translation by Murray 2014. On utopic landscapes in the Odyssey, see Clay 2011: 916-918. About Homeric gardens, Farrar 2016: 88-89.

2

Escaping the community in Archaic Greece glad at heart—high above them all Artemis holds her head and brows, and easily may she be known, though all are fair’.4 In this passage for the first time NW Arcadia, where Mt Erymanthus5 is located, is regarded as being renowned for its woodland, mountains, and wild animals; it is also the haunt of the goddess Artemis and beautiful nymphs – i. e. the idealisation of Arcadia is found already in Homer! The importance of Arcadia for Homer is argued also by the anecdote which would lead to the death of the poet: Homer was supposed to have addressed fishermen from Arcadia, who retorted with an enigmatic reply (Anonymous, Anthologia Graeca 9: 448). Utopian places are not unknown in the Homeric Hymns.6 In the ‘Hymn to Dionysus’ (no. 1: 9-24) the poet describes the far away site of Nysa7, where Dionysus was born: There is a place Nysa, a mountain most high, burgeoning with forest, in a distant part of Phoenicia, almost at the waters of Egypt. No one crosses there by ships, for it has no harbor where curvy–tipped ships can ride: a steep cliff encloses it all round to a great height. But it grows lovely and delicious things in abundance … lovely pastures.8 This ideal place is shielded from humans - the barrier constituted by a steep cliff makes it inaccessible, moreover there is no harbour. This place denied to mortals has only positive features: a high mountain, a forest, lovely grass, abundance of fruit and pastures. Moreover it is a divine landscape, Dionysus was born there. In contrast to the ideal landscapes in the Odyssey, Nysa in this hymn has no sinister features, however it is a forbidden garden: people cannot go there and enjoy it. Equally the meadow where Persephone picks flowers with the daughters of Ocean in the ‘Hymn of Demeter’ (2: 5-16) has an overtone of idyllic about it: [Persephone] ‘frolicked away from Demeter of the golden sword and resplendent fruit, with the deep–bosomed daughters of Ocean, picking flowers across the soft meadow, roses and saffron and lovely violets, iris and hyacinth, and narcissus, that Earth put forth as a snare for the maiden with eyes like buds …. It shone wondrously, an awe–inspiring thing to see both for the immortal gods and for mortal men. From its root a hundred heads grew up, and a perfumed odor: the whole broad sky above and the whole earth smiled, and the salty swell of the sea. In amazement she reached out with both hands to take the pretty plaything’.9 This meadow is a perfect earthly paradise: it offers the most beautiful flowers, both earth and sea are ‘smiling’, and the appealing daughters of Ocean, together with Persephone, can be found there picking flowers. Despite this dreamy appearance, this ideal landscape is a trap for Persephone, because very soon Hades will kidnap her and bring her to the Underworld. 4

Translation Murray 2014. See also Chariton, 6. 4. 6 and Aelian, De natura animalium 3. 27. On this mountain see Lienau 1998: 105. On Homeric Hymns, see West 2014, with selective previous bibliography. 7 On Nysa, see Siewert 2000: 1074-1075. 8 Translation West 2014. 9 Translation West 2014. See also verses 417-429 of the same hymn. 5 6

3

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Finally, even in this case, this landscape is denied to mortals: none could even conceive to have consorted with the divine girls who gathered flowers in that meadow. In the fourth Homeric hymn, addressed to Hermes, this god is defined ‘lord of Cyllene and of Arcadia burgeoning with flocks’ (v. 2): this expression implies that Arcadia had the fame as pastoral region already in Homeric times. Vv. 228-232 are also relevant to our study: Apollo ‘to well-forested Cyllene sped and the deep, rocky cave, beset with shade …The lovely hill smelled sweetly and a flock of sleek sheep grazed’.10 Here we have already crucial components of the traditional Arcadian landscape: hills, forests, caves and flocks of sheep. The good smell contributes to the idealization of this landscape, inhabited by beautiful nymphs, as Maia, and by gods as Hermes. A completely different view point is found in Hesiod’s Works and Days. The Ascraean poet has a very negative view of the city and community in which he lives. The agora is a place where people gossip a good deal and love stirring up quarrels (Works: 29). The quarrels are judged in the courts by ‘kings’ (basileis) who are easily bribed (Works: 38-39; 219-224, 248-264). Hesiod’s view of his contemporary society is particularly gloomy (Works: 174-201): ‘men never rest from labour and sorrow by day, and from perishing by night; and the gods shall lay sore trouble upon them, etc’. Although a nearly utopic notion of city is also described (Works: 225237), the community experienced by the poet is much worse (Works: 238-247): ‘for those who practice violence and cruel deeds far–seeing Zeus, the son of Cronos, ordains a punishment. Often even a whole city suffers for a bad man who sins and devises presuntuous deeds, and the son of Cronos lays great trouble upon the people, famine and plague together, so that the men perish away, and their women do not bear children, and their houses become few … and … the son of Cronos either destroys their wide army, or their walls, or else makes an end of their ships on the sea’.11 In this context, being righteous is a disadvantage (Works: 270-272): ‘may neither I myself be righteous among men, nor my son – for then it is a bad thing to be righteous – if indeed the unrighteous shall have the greater right-’.12 This negative opinion applies also to women (Theogony: 571-613 and Works: 60-105). The poet is particularly outspoken in Works: 373-375: ‘do not let a woman with a projecting bottom coax and cozen and deceive you: she is after your barn. The man who trusts womankind trusts deceivers’.13 No surprise then that Hesiod tries to escape such a stressful environment and seek rest and joy in a landscape where there are no other human beings, but good food and wine is abundant, as well as shade, cool spring, and where freshing Zephyrus blows. This situation already has an idyllic flavour (Works: 582-596): ‘When the artichoke flowers, and the chirping grass-hopper sits in a tree and pours down his shrill song continually from under his wings in the season of wearisome heat, then goats are plumpest and wine sweetest; women are most wanton, but men are feeblest, because Sirius parches head and knees and the skin is dry through heat. 10

Translation West 2014. Translation Most 2014. 12 Translation Most 2014. 13 Translation Most 2014, with an amendment. 11

4

Escaping the community in Archaic Greece But at that time let me have a shady rock and wine of Biblis, a clot of curds and milk of goats that are reaching the end of their lactation with the flesh of a heifer fed in the woods, that has never calved, and of firstling kids; then also let me drink bright wine, sitting in the shade, when my heart is satisfied with food, and so, turning my head to face the fresh Zephyr, from the everflowing spring which pours down unfouled thrice pour an offering of water, but make a fourth libation of wine’.14 Hesiod is the first Greek poet to reveal both a dislike of the life in the polis and a desire to stay, alone, in the countryside, far from society. Thus we find him at the start of a long process that will lead to what is referred to the ‘Arcadian Dream’. Additionally Phlegon of Tralles15 informs us that Hesiod, Dicaearchus, Clearchus and Callimachus are the authorities to report that Tiresias sees snakes copulating on Mt. Cyllene16 in Arcadia, and after striking one of them is changed from a man to a woman. The same story is reported by Hyginus17 who probably uses the same sources: On Mount Cyllene Tiresias, son of Everes, a shepherd, is said to have struck with his staff, or trampled on, snakes which were coupling. Because of this he was changed to a woman. Later, advised by an oracle, he trampled on the snakes in the same place, and returned to his former sex. At this same time there was a joking dispute between Jupiter and Juno as to whether man or woman derived more pleasure from the act of love. They took Tiresias as judge, since he had been both man and woman. When he decided in Jupiter’s favour, Juno with the back of her hand angrily blinded him, but Jupiter because of this gave him seven lives to live, and made him a seer wiser than other mortals.18 Apollodorus 2. 2. 2, informs us that Hesiod was also the primary authority of the legend of the daughters of Proetus, who, having become mad, roamed throught Arcadia: Proetus had daughters, Lysippe, Iphinoe, and Iphianassa, by Stheneboea. When these damsels were grown up, they went mad, according to Hesiod, because they would not accept the rites of Dionysus, but according to Acusilaus, because they disparaged the wooden image of Hera. In their madness they roamed over the whole Argive land, and afterwards, passing through Arcadia and the Peloponnese, they ran through the desert in the most disorderly fashion. But Melampus, son of Amythaon by Idomene, daughter of Abas, being a seer and the first to devise the cure by means of drugs and purifications, promised to cure the maidens if he should receive the third part of the sovereignty. When Proetus refused to pay so high a fee for the cure, the maidens raved more than ever, and besides that, the other women raved with them; for they also abandoned their houses, destroyed their own children, and flocked to the desert. Not 14

Translation Most 2014 with an amendment. On the various aspects of the poetry of Hesiod, see Montanari 2009. Phlegon of Tralles, Marvels 4. 1. 3. 16 On Mt. Cyllene, see Meyer 1999: 963-964. 17 See Hyginus, Fabulae 75. 18 Translation Grant 1960. 15

5

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World until the evil had reached a very high pitch did Proetus consent to pay the stipulated fee, and Melampus promised to effect a cure whenever his brother Bias should receive just so much land as himself. Fearing that, if the cure were delayed, yet more would be demanded of him, Proetus agreed to let the physician proceed on these terms. So Melampus, taking with him the most stalwart of the young men, chased the women in a bevy from the mountains to Sicyon with shouts and a sort of frenzied dance. In the pursuit Iphinoe, the eldest of the daughters, expired; but the others were lucky enough to be purified and so to recover their wits. Proetus gave them in marriage to Melampus and Bias, and afterwards begat a son, Megapenthes.19 Hesiod is also the first known source of the myth of Lycaon, Callisto and Arcas, our source again being Apollodorus 3. 8. 1-2: Let us now return to Pelasgus, who, Acusilaus says, was a son of Zeus and Niobe, as we have supposed, but Hesiod declares him to have been a son of the soil. He had a son Lycaon by Meliboea, daughter of Ocean or, as others say, by a nymph Cyllene; and Lycaon, reigning over the Arcadians, begat by many wives fifty sons, to wit: Melaeneus, Thesprotus, Helix, Nyctimus, Peucetius, Caucon, Mecisteus, Hopleus, Macareus, Macednus, Horus, Polichus, Acontes, Evaemon, Ancyor, Archebates, Carteron, Aegaeon, Pallas, Eumon, Canethus, Prothous, Linus, Coretho, Maenalus, Teleboas, Physius, Phassus, Phthius, Lycius, Halipherus, Genetor, Bucolion, Socleus, Phineus, Eumetes, Harpaleus, Portheus, Plato, Haemo, Cynaethus, Leo, Harpalycus, Heraeeus, Titanas, Mantineus, Clitor, Stymphalus, Orchomenus, . . . These exceeded all men in pride and impiety; and Zeus, desirous of putting their impiety to the proof, came to them in the likeness of a day-laborer. They offered him hospitality and having slaughtered a male child of the natives, they mixed his bowels with the sacrifices, and set them before him, at the instigation of the elder brother Maenalus. But Zeus in disgust upset the table at the place which is still called Trapezus, and blasted Lycaon and his sons by thunderbolts, all but Nyctimus, the youngest; for Earth was quick enough to lay hold of the right hand of Zeus and so appease his wrath. But when Nyctimus succeeded to the kingdom, there occurred the flood in the age of Deucalion; some said that it was occasioned by the impiety of Lycaon’s sons. But Eumelus and some others say that Lycaon had also a daughter Callisto; though Hesiod says she was one of the Nymphs, Asius that she was a daughter of Nycteus, and Pherecydes that she was a daughter of Ceteus. She was a companion of Artemis in the chase, wore the same garb, and swore to her to remain a maid. Now Zeus loved her and, having assumed the likeness, as some say, of Artemis, or, as others say, of Apollo, he shared her bed against her will, and wishing to escape the notice of Hera, he turned her into a bear. But Hera persuaded Artemis to shoot her down as a wild beast. Some say, however, that Artemis shot her down because she did not keep her maidenhood. When Callisto perished, Zeus snatched the babe, named it Arcas, and gave it to Maia to bring up in Arcadia; and Callisto he turned into a star and called it the Bear.20 And thus Arcadia was already regarded a land of marvels by Hesiod. 19 20

Translation Frazer 1921. Translation Frazer 1921.

6

Escaping the community in Archaic Greece The legend of Callisto was also narrated by Eumelus (in Apollodorus 3. 8. 2).21 This Corinthian poet (3. 9. 1) was also the primary source of the Tegean legend of Auge and Telephus: Arcas had two sons, Elatus and Aphidas, by Leanira, daughter of Amyclas, or by Meganira, daughter of Croco, or, according to Eumelus, by a nymph Chrysopelia. These divided the land between them, but Elatus had all the power, and he begat Stymphalus and Pereus by Laodice, daughter of Cinyras, and Aphidas had a son Aleus and a daughter Stheneboea, who was married to Proetus. And Aleus had a daughter Auge and two sons, Cepheus and Lycurgus, by Neaera, daughter of Pereus. Auge was seduced by Hercules and hid her babe in the precinct of Athena, whose priesthood she held. But the land remaining barren, and the oracles declaring that there was impiety in the precinct of Athena, she was detected and delivered by her father to Nauplius to be put to death, and from him Teuthras, prince of Mysia, received and married her. But the babe, being exposed on Mount Parthenius22, was suckled by a doe and hence called Telephus. Bred by the neatherds of Corythus, he went to Delphi in quest of his parents, and on information received from the god he repaired to Mysia and became an adopted son of Teuthras, on whose death he succeeded to the princedom.23 The Orientalising period The enjoyment of natural landscapes, far from the restricted environment of the city, is not unknown to the poetry of the period, which is labelled ‘orientalising’ and corresponds to the 7th century BC. Thus it is noteworthy that the love of Archilochus for the younger daughter of Lycambes takes place in a meadow garden full of flowers.24 Moreover the courtesan described in a fragment (Frgs. 30-31 West) lies also in an environment characterised by myrtle and the rose.25 These fragments suggest that the flowery meadow is seen by Archilochus as the ideal habitat of beauty and love. The contemplation of nature is also an important component of the poetry of Alcman, who claimed to have learned to sing from partridges (Frg. 39 Page–Davies) and to know the tunes of all the birds (Frg. 40 Page–Davies): he wonders at the physical environment and the animals while they are asleep (Frg. 89 Page–Davies) and refers to Mt. Rhiphaeus26 with its woodland, wrapped in night (Frg. 90 Page–Davies).27 Alcaeus describes the valley of River Hebrus as a paradisiacal environment (Frg. 45 Campbell): it is the most beautiful of rivers, its waters are shining and in them many girls wash their fair thighs. Again, enchanting nature and erotic seduction are associated in this description.

21

On Eumelus, see Debiasi 2020, with previous bibliography. On Mt. Parthenius, see Lafond 2000: 362. 23 Translation Frazer 1921. 24 Frgs. 196 a + 188 West; and see Corso 1984: 97-101. 25 See Strauss–Clay 2008: 115-121. 26 On this ridge, see Stenger 2001: 992-993, 27 On Alcman, see Ferrari 2008. 22

7

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World In a further fragment (Frg. 115 Campbell) there is another Alcaic description, idyllic in tone: that focuses on an environment characterised by flowers, birds, a lake, hills, fresh water and vines.28 The description of the beauty of nature is an important theme in the poetry of Sappho also. The poetess of Eresus describes a sanctuary of Aphrodite as an ‘enchanted land’ (Frg. 2 Campbell): with a delightful grove of apple–trees, cold water babbling through hanging branches, the whole meadow shadowed by roses and made beautiful by spring flowers, and where soft winds gently blew. All in all, a perfect setting for Aphrodite’s pleasures. Moreover the praise lavished by Sappho on the light of the full moon, which surpasses those of all the stars and shines over the earth and the flowery fields (Frgs. 34, 96, 154 and 168 Campbell) is also appropriate to the high Archaic enthusiasm for the beauty of nature. Moreover, the image of Persephone as a tender girl picking flowers (Frg. 122 Campbell) confirms the notion that the ideal habitat for Sappho is a world of meadows and groves full of flowers (see also Frg. 143 Campbell) and of singing birds (Frg. 136 Campbell for the lovely nightingale), perfect for the joys of love, under an enchanted sky and its shining stars (Frg. 104 Campbell). Sappho clearly has a fancy for the views she experiences in her own social environment.29 On the contrary, Stesichorus dreams of an ideal land far-away in the West,30 identifying it with the island of the Hesperides that he defines as ‘beautiful island of the gods’ –, hence denied to humans, – ‘where the Hesperides have their homes of solid gold’.31 A few important motifs relating to the standard notion of a land of dreams are epitomised here: the island of the Hesperides is far away, – in the middle of the Ocean, – and humans cannot reach it; it is very beautiful (‘perikalles’); it promises seduction (the Hesperides); and it boasts a fantastic palace, all of gold. Stesichorus (Frg. 279 Campbell) is also said to have imagined a story now seen as one of the heralds of the ‘bucolic’ genre; it is the tale of the herdsman Daphnis, tending his cattle in Sicily, falling for a nymph. Aelian (Varia historia 10. 18) provides a retelling: Some say that Daphnis the cowherd was Hermes’ lover, others, his son; and that he had this name from an accident: for he was born of a  Nymph, and as soon as born exposed under a laurel tree. The cows which he kept (they say) were sisters to those of the Sun, mentioned by Homer in the ‘Odyssey’. Whilst Daphnis kept cows in Sicily, being very beautiful, a Nymph fell in love with him, whom he enjoyed, being in his blooming years, at which time (as  Homer  said) the gracefulness of youth appeared most attractive. They agreed that he should not enjoy any other; but if he transgressed, she threatened him, that it was decreed by fate he should lose his sight. Hereupon they plighted  truth  mutually. Afterwards the king’s daughter falling in love with 28

On Alcaeus, see Campbell 2014. On the poetry of Sappho, see see Schlesier 2014: 74-106. 30 For Stesichorus and the ‘Geryoneis’, see Curtis 2011: in particular 1-9. 31 Geryoneis, Frg. 3 Curtis. Translation Campbell 2014. 29

8

Escaping the community in Archaic Greece him, he being drunk violated the agreement, and lay with her. This was the first occasion of the bucolic songs, the subject whereof was to bewail the misfortune of Daphnis, and the loss of his eyes.  Stesichorus  of Himera  first used this kind of songs.32 This novel already features three themes that will become important components of the ‘Arcadian Dream’: herdsmen with their cattle; meadows where they spend their working time; and the love stories which enter their lives. The invention of a specific song in use among shepherds, named boukoliasmos by Diomus, a Sicilian cowherd, may be also tentatively dated to this period.33 Acusilaus (in Apollodorus 2. 2. 2, quoted above) recounts, after Hesiod, the legend of the daughters of Proetus who roamed through Arcadia and the myth of Lycaon (Apollodorus 3. 8. 1, quoted above).34 Additionally, Asius of Samus35 narrated the story of Callisto (Apollodorus 3. 8. 2, quoted above).

Figure 1: Corinthian orientalizing jug (Munich, Antikensammlung).

The poetic fragments considered above reveal that the idea of being happy within a natural environment that is separate from areas devoted to the daily life of the community was widespread: it is evidenced on Paros by Archilochus, at Sparta by Alcman, on Lesbos by Sappho and Alcaeus, and finally on Sicily by Stesichorus. The paradisiacal landscape is located in a world which is familiar to the poet in the poems of Archilochus, Sappho and Alcaeus, while it is imagined by Stesichorus to be both remote and inaccessible. While Hesiod conceived happiness in a natural environment, as opposed to within community life, of which he gives a gloomy picture, in the surviving fragments of this period there is no clear clues as to a political interpretation of any ‘dream landscape’.

32

Translation Stanley 1670 with amendments. Epicharmus, Halcyon and Odysseus shipwrecked, in Athenaeus 14. 619 a-b 34 On Acusilaus, see Fontana 2012: 383-413. 35 On Asius, see Selzer 1997: 85. 33

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 2: Gypsum alabaster relief with garden. From Niniveh, North Palace, room H (London, The British Museum, Middle East Department).

However, the fact that Sappho and Alcaeus were both aristocrats who opposed populist tyrannies suggests that, even at this time, there were ideal locations where peace of mind, beauty, and love might be enjoyed, preferable to the troubles of community living. Such perfect places have an ‘aristocratic’ sense: they seem visual means of escapes from vulgar and unprincipled ‘commoners’. The world of wildlife is well evidenced in the visual culture of the period: series of wild, exotic, even fantastic animals are continuously represented over a wide ranging area - from Assyria to the Western Mediterranean - and are often associated with vegetal elements that suggest a verdant backdrop (Figure 1).36 Such imagery conveys the vigour, vitality and strength of wild nature, far from normal, human landscapes. 37 Indeed, utopian landscapes are also portrayed.

36 37

See Aruz 2014: 2-11; 24-37; 83-92; 141-166; 258-262, 272-329. For representations of nature in the Near East and Archaic and Classical Greece, see Schimpf 2018.

10

Escaping the community in Archaic Greece In Niniveh’s ‘North Palace’ (room H), there was a gypsum alabaster relief carved during the reign of Ashurbanipal that represents a scene of park:38 the trees are disposed over the slopes of a hill and divided by streams of water. At the top of the hill there is a pavilion opened toward the woodland through a portico (Figure 2). It should be remembered that Assyrian kings liked to record with pride their creation of pleasure parks,39 and thus the habit of enjoying beautiful gardens in Ionia may be partly due to the influence of authoritative paradigms set up in the important capital of the Assyrian empire. Another relevant scene is depicted on a golden bowl found in the tomb of Yaba, wife of TiglathPileser III40 that represents the Nile with papyrus plants, birds, horses and cattle roaming, boats (one of which is provided with a pavilion) holding dignitaries and attendants, fish, a crocodile and a naked woman swimming: the scene represents a leisure voyage on the river: the travellers enjoy the fecundity and fauna of this habitat (Figure 3).

Figure 3: Gold bowl found in the tomb of Yaba, wife of Tiglat-Pileser III (Baghdad, Iraq Museum). 38 The relief is now in the The British Museum (Middle East, no. 124939 b): see Curtis 2014: 52-74, especially 56-57 and Franke 2015, 35-48. For Assyrian gardens represented in reliefs, see Farrar 2016: 51-53. 39 Evidence in Curtis 2014: 56. 40 The bowl is in the Iraq Museum, Baghdad (no. IM105697). See Aruz 2014a: 112-124 and Hussein 2014: 125-131.

11

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Overall, it seems very likely, therefore, that these Eastern antecedents must have conditioned and inspired ‘Greek’ elites to seek similar enjoyment in the contemplation of beautiful landscapes. The love of a solitary life spent among groves and meadows may have also spread to central Italy, if we are to believe Plutarch (Numa 4. 1): ‘Numa, forsaking the ways of city folk, determined to live for the most part in country places, and to wander there alone, passing his days in groves of the gods, sacred meadows, and solitude.’41  Throughout the late 7th century BC, the institution of the polis gets stronger, and thus the ideals of shared living within a community grow more prevalent.42 In keeping with this process, the dominant mentality becomes anthropocentric, and the visual culture is primarily concerned with the human figure. Animal and vegetal patterns lose the importance they enjoyed during the orientalising period and become peripheral to representations of anthropomorphic subjects, whether in divine, mythical or human contexts. However the establishment of a strong sense of community also popularised a negative opinion of human societies, and this pessimistic notion of the human world and agency is reflected in the bitter concept of human life – which usually sees the worst prevailing – as reflected so vividly in the ‘Fables’ attributed to Aesop.43 In the 9th Fable, the nightingale turns down a proposal made by the swallow to live with humans, regarding such an action as a source of evil and asserting that it is better to live in solitary haunts. In the 28th Fable, the kingfisher is said to prefer loneliness and lives near the sea for fear of humans. In Fable 259, a traveller finds the Truth in a place of solitude, and when asked why she left the polis and chose to live far away, she explains that she left society because it was based on lies. Correspondingly, the country mouse is happier than the town mouse (Fable 243), and the wild donkey is happier than its domesticated cousin (Fable 264). And as for a final example Fable 283 focuses on the fact that poleis become deserted when their rulers are tyrannical. The conclusion of these fables is that it is better to stay clear of the polis as much as you can and to search for peace and freedom from anxiety in lonely places.

41

Translation Perrin 1914. On Numa Pompilius, see Lentano 2019. See Hansen 2006: 39-47. 43 See particularly Aesop’s Fables nos. 1; 5; 9; 12; 27; 31; 34; 36; 39-40; 46; 55; 60-61; 63; 67; 76; 80-82; 85; 87; 95; 102; 108; 110; 114-115; 119; 122-123; 126; 130; 132; 134; 137; 141; 144; 146; 155; 157; 164; 166; 168; 170-171; 174; 176-178; 182; 185187; 190-193; 196-201; 204-205; 207-209; 211-212; 214; 216-217; 219; 221; 223-224; 226-229; 231; 233-234; 236-237; 239241; 247; 249; 255-262; 264-271; 273-274; 277-281; 283-290; 292-293; 295-297; 301-306; 310; 312-328; 330; 333; 339-341; 345; 347; 350-355; 357-358. For the concepts which characterize the Fables, see Zafiropoulos 2001. 42

12

Escaping the community in Archaic Greece This way of thinking is coupled with a conservative conception of society: commoners should acknowledge their position in life and not be jealous of their rulers: they should be humble and not overambitious, and everyone should remain where they are and demagogues not be followed. Thus we see in Aesop a close link between oligarchic thinking and the search for solitude far away from the polis, i. e. from the realm of ‘the worst’. This connection will become clearer in later periods. The High and Late Archaic periods An equally gloomy picture of the polis is also painted by Theognis of Megara, who sees the lower classes prevailing over the well born.44 This problematic view of the community as a whole forsters a longing for idealised natural landscapes, as envisaged by both Anacreon45 and Ibycus,46 as since both were guests of Polycrates on Samos,47 the notion of happiness within nature may have become current in the cultural environment of this particular tyrant. Anacreon, the poet of Teos conveys the image of ‘the fields of hyacinth, where Cyprian Aphrodite tied her lovely horses freed from the yoke’ (Frg. 346 Campbell),48 - i. e. a form of earthly paradise, a kingdom of love and beauty and freedom for animals -. We also have the same poet’s image of Dionysus ‘with whom Love the subduer and the blueeyed Nymphs and radiant Aphrodite play, as you haunt the lofty mountain peaks’ (Frg. 357 Campbell):49 here we have a scenic landscape, remote from the world of cities, ranging over mountain peaks, where Dionysus, Eros, Aphrodite and the nymphs spend their days in play. Love and beauty rule forever on these enchanted mountains. The notion of an ideal landscape of pleasures will be epitomized in the Anacreontea, especially in Poem 41: It is a fine thing to walk where the meadows are grassy, where light Zephyr blows the sweetest breeze, to see the branches of Bacchus and to creep under their leaves, embracing a tender girl whose whole body has the fragrance of the Cyprian.50 Poem 46 in this same series also depicts an enchanted land: 44

See Theognis 1. 27-260; 267-370; 373-406; 409-412; 415-456; 465-466; 511-526; 529-530; 535-626; 631-768; 773-788; 793-816; 821-836; 841-860; 865-872; 885-938; 945-958; 963-972; 979-982; 991-992; 1003-1016; 1023-1038; 1043-1044; 1047-1054; 1059-1068; 1071-1090; 1095-1186; 1195-1224; 2. 1235-1240; 1247-1248; 1259-1270; 1305-1318; 1367-1368 and 1377-1380. On the contents of the Theognidea, see Salle 2008. 45 For Anacreon, see Rosenmeyer (1992. 46 For Ibycus, see Wilkinson 2012. 47 See, e. g., Carty 2015. 48 Translation Campbell 2014. 49 Translation Campbell 2014. 50 Translation Campbell 2014.

13

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World See how the Graces swell the rosebuds now that spring has appeared: see how the waves of the sea become gentle in the calm weather; see how the duck dives and the crane makes its journey. Titan shines strongly, the shadows of the clouds are driven on, the fields of mortals shine, the olive-fruit peeps forth, the juice of Bromius fills out by leaf and by branch; the crop flourishes and blossoms.51 The Anacreontea , although much later than the age of Anacreon, take inspiration from true poems of the poet of Teos, and thus suggest that these inspirational patterns were found in the lyrics of the late Archaic poet. Ibycus describes a landscape with a temple of Aphrodite, lovely buds of roses, the goddess Charis, fragrant garlands and tender beauty (Frg. 282 Campbell). This attractive landscape contrasts the angst suffered by the poet. A similar contrast is expressed in Frg. 286 (Campbell), i. e. the description of a spring when Cydonian quince-trees flourish, watered from flowing rivers, near the garden of the Maidens, with vine-blossoms growing under shady vine-branches conveying the idea of a magical place. The suffering of the poet for the pains of love is in striking opposition to such perfect beauty. In Frg. 315 (Campbell), myrtles, violets, golden flowers, apple-blossoms, roses and soft bayleaves also conjure up an ideal landscape, ruled by love and beauty. The mention of specific birds (dapple-necked widgeon, hidden-purple birds and long-winged kingfishers (Frg. 317 Campbell) also alludes to an earthly paradise. The ‘perfect’ sites described by Ibycus are far removed, if not physically, then at least psychologically, from the painful experience of the poet. In late Archaic times, the dream of distant places, endowed with erotic seduction, becomes topical, i. e. Pratinas52 wishes to go ‘over the mountains with the Naiads’ (Frg. 708 Campbell).53 The late Archaic period – the age of Onomacritus – sees the establishment of the Orphic interpretation of the world and of human life as a widely accepted concept.54 Needless to say, the definition of eternal blessedness after the struggles of life also coloured the imagining of utopic landscapes. Thus in the Argonautica of Orpheus,55 we find three places far from the world of the poet and far better than the latter: the land of the Makrobioi, who live long and happy lives until their late and sweet deaths (1105-1118); an earthly paradise near the land of the Cimmerians (11331147) and thirdly the island of Demeter, with her beautiful palace, flowering meadows and large grove (1185-1202). Everything which is mean and vulgar is banned from these ideal landscapes and from their gentle communities of blessed people. Although the final redaction 51

Translation Campbell 2014. On Pratinas, see Zimmermann 2001: 275-277. 53 Translation Campbell 2014. 54 For Orphism, see e. g. Edmonds 2013. 55 For the Argonautica of Orpheus, see Sanchez Ortis de Landaluce 1996. 52

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Escaping the community in Archaic Greece of these Argonautica may be much later than the late archaic period,56 the geography displayed in this poem reflects a very poor knowledge of North and Western Europe and thus its contents may hark back to the period of genesis of the Orphism. The Macrobii are again mentioned as noble population by Dionysius Periegetes 560. In the Orphic Hymns (10),57 Pan is celebrated in an environment characterised by shepherds, caves, cattle, streams of water, dances, melodies, nymphs, Horai and Echo: Come, blessed Pan, whom rural haunts delight, come, leaping, agile, wandering, starry light; the Hours and Seasons [Horai], wait your high command, and round your throne in graceful order stand. Goat-footed, horned, Bacchanalian Pan, fanatic power, from whom the world began, whose various parts by you inspired, combine in endless dance and melody divine. In you a refuge from our fears we find, those fears peculiar to the human kind. You shepherds, streams of water, goats rejoice, you love the chase, and Echo’s secret voice: the sportive Nymphs, you every step attend, and all your works fulfill their destined end. O all-producing power, much-famed, divine, the world’s great ruler, rich increase is your. All-fertile Pæan, heavenly splendor pure, in fruits rejoicing, and in caves obscure.58 The hymn to the Nereids (23) describes a welcoming sea populated by beautiful and joyful Nereids, nymphs and Tritons: Fifty Nymphs, who through the main delight to follow in the Triton’s train, rejoicing close behind their cars to keep; whose forms half wild, are nourished by the deep, with other nymphs of different degree leaping and wandering through the liquid sea: bright, watery dolphins, sonorous and gay, well pleased to sport with Bachanalian play; Nymphs beauteous-eyed.59 In the hymn to the Horai (42) these goddesses are imagined in a flower-filled meadow, joyful and dancing: All-coloured seasons, rich increase your care, circling, for ever flourishing and fair: invested with a veil of shining dew, a flowery veil delightful to the view: attending Proserpine [Persephone], when back from night, the Fates [Moirai] and Graces [Charites] lead her up to light; when in a band-harmonious they advance, and joyful round her, form the solemn dance.60 The hymn to the Nymphs (50) places these appealing females in a world of caves, fruits, flowers, meadows, fountains, streams and woodland where they are the companions of Dionysus, Pan, goats and cattle:

56

See Sanchez Ortis de Landaluce 1996. On the Orphic Hymns, see Ricciardelli 2000. 58 Translation Taylor 1792, with several amendments. 59 Translation Taylor 1792, with several amendments. 60 Translation Taylor 1792, with several amendments. 57

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Nymphs, who from Ocean’s [Okeanos’] stream derive your birth, who dwell in liquid caverns of the earth nurses of Bacchus [Bakkhos] secret-coursing power, who fruits sustain, and nourish every flower: earthly, rejoicing, who in meadows dwell, and caves and dens, whose depths extend to hell: holy, oblique, who swiftly soar through air, fountains and dews, and mazy streams your care: seen and unseen, who joy with wanderings wide and gentle course, through flowery vales to glide; with Pan exulting on the mountains height, loud-founding, mad, whom rocks and woods delight: Nymphs odorous, robed in white, whose streams exhale the breeze refreshing, and the balmy gale; with goats and pastures pleased, and beasts of prey, nurses of fruits, unconscious of decay: in cold rejoicing, and to cattle kind, sportive through Ocean wandering unconfined: Nysian, fanatic Nymphs, whom oaks delight, lovers of Spring, Pæonian virgins bright. With Bacchus, and with Ceres [Deo].61 Again, although the Hymns may be much later than the Archaic period, they reflect the needs of a pre-monetary economy based on agricultural wealth, as well as a primitive conception of the earth encircled by ‘Ocean’: thus the general concepts which shape this collection of poems may derive from this period.62 The Archaic period is an age of important explorations of areas of the world which until then were poorly known. This phenomenon determined throughout the late Archaic, the flourishing of the written genre of the description of the earth as well as various sea routes.63 A noteworthy figure who in this period promoted this literary tradition is Scylax of Caryanda,64 and a ‘Circumnavigation of the inhabited parts of Europe, Asia and Libya’ is attributed to him. It is possible that the core of the description harks back to a work by this writer, but it was variously incorporated several times in other works up until the third quarter of the 4th century BC.65 In this work the author describes far-away places as loci amoeni: i. e. the forest of ‘Hesperides’ in Libya (Section 108) is singled out for its great wealth of trees and a variety of many useful fruits: Above here is the garden of the Hesperides. This place is 18 fathoms deep, steep all around, with no descent. It is not less than two stades on all sides, width and length. This is shadowed by trees entangled in each other, as thickly as possible. The trees are lotos, all kinds of apple, pomegranate, pear, strawberry tree, mulberry, vine, myrtle, laurel, ivy, olive, wild olive, almond, chestnuts. Of the places which have not been mentioned are by the garden Ampelos, Apis  about thirty stades, Cherronesos with many gardens.66 Another beautiful land, full of cattle, is found near the Gulf of Sirtis (Section 109), and this is followed by a description of the land of the ‘Lotophagi’, again characterized by great fecundity: After these is an island named Taricheia, three hundred stades long, a little less in width, distant from the mainland about three stades. In this island occurs a lotos which 61

Translation Taylor 1792, with several amendments. See Ricciardelli 2000. See Shipley 2011. 64 See Gaertner 2001: 639-640. 65 See Peretti 1979. 66 Translation Shipley 2011. 62 63

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Escaping the community in Archaic Greece they eat, and another they drink the wine of. The fruit of the lotos is the size of a mimaikylos [the fruit of the ‘strawberry tree’, 1-2 cm]. They also make much oil from wild olive. The island bears much fruit, wheat and barley; the island has good soil.67 The same author also specifies that the Libyans are very beautiful, their land excellent and fecund, with a great wealth of cattle (Section 110): These Gyzantes Libyans are said to be all blond and handsome. And this country is the best and most fertile, with huge flocks, and the richest.68 And, finally (Section 112), beyond the Pillars of Heracles, we have the tall (and again very beautiful) ‘Aethiops’: These Ethiopians  are the tallest of all people we know, taller than four cubits and some of them are five cubits [230 cm], bearded and long-haired and handsomest of all people.69 Already in the Archaic period, there were prominent intellectuals who preferred solitude to a life in their own community. Thales, according to Heraclides Ponticus in Diogenes Laertius 1. 25-26, is reported to have opted for a life alone.70 Such love for isolated groves and natural landscapes characterised the world of the ‘Seven Wise Men’, if we are to believe Plutarch. In his Dinner of the Seven Wise Men (148 b-c), Thales is said to have enjoyed ‘the beautifully kept park along the shore’ at Corinth, near the Lechaeum. In the same dialogue (160 a-f), the sea-scape near the sanctuary of Poseidon on Cape Taenarum is described by Gorgo to the wise men: ‘there was a dance and merry-making, lasting the whole night long, down by the shore. The moon was shining bright upon the sea; there was no wind but a perfect calm and stillness’.71 Myson, who flourished at the time of Croesus, ‘was a misanthrope- at any rate he was seen in Lacedaemon laughing to himself in a lonely spot, - and when someone suddenly appeared and asked him why he laughed when no one was near, he replied, ‘That is just the reason’ ‘.72 Epimenides, too, was a lover of solitude;73 and Pythagoras loved to walk on mountains and among remote, sacred groves, which he considered beautiful (Jamblichus, Life of Pythagoras 23 and 33).

67

Translation Shipley 2011. Translation Shipley 2011. 69 Translation Shipley 2011: see Shipley’s comments, ad loca. 70 For Thales, see Woehrle 2014. 71 Translation Babbitt 1928. 72 Aristoxenus, Historical Gleamings in Diogenes Laertius 1. 107-108. Translation Hicks 1925. 73 Diogenes Laertius 1. 112: on Epimenides, see Federico 2001. 68

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World After his death, the Pythagoreans were ‘isolated … living everywhere in solitude and seclusion, each preferred his own company to the rest of the world’, according to Nicomachus.74 And for a further example, according to Diogenes Laertius (9. 3), the famous philosopher Heraclitus also became a misanthrope in his old age and passed his time in the mountains, eating herbs and plants. This desire to live far from cities was to become a trend for the following generations.75 Praise for Arcadia is evidenced from the third quarter of the 7th c. BC, when the beauty of Parrhasian76 women was widely recognised: according to Nicias77: ‘Cypselus instituted it [a beauty contest], having built a city in the plain which is watered by the Alpheius; in which he established some Parrhasians, and consecrated a plot of sacred ground and an altar to Demeter of Eleusis, in whose festival it was that he had instituted this contest of beauty. And he [Nicias] says that the woman who gained the victory in this contest was Herodice. And even to this day this contest is continued; and the women who contend in it are called ‘goldbearers’’.78 Moreover the story of Aglaus of Psophis79 proclaimed by the oracle of Delphi as the happiest of humans in the age either of Gyges (Valerius Maximus 7. 1. 2 and Pliny 7. 151) or Croesus (Pausanias 8. 24. 13-14) should be considered (see also Solinus 1. 127). This old man was a poor Arcadian peasant who cultivated a small field that provided him enough for his modest life, never desiring more, and which is why he was regarded as being so happy. The importance of this anecdote is that it is the first evidence that the austere lives of Arcadian peasants were about to become idealised. The story of the Arcadian Bathycles who left a goblet as a prize for wisdom to the best of the Seven Wise Men (Callimachus, Iambi 1. 32-50 and Athenaeus 11. 481 d) is also important because it associates a prominent Arcadian man with the peak of wisdom in the Archaic period.80 In the time of Croesus, the Pythia, in two replies to the Spartans, lauded the territory of Tegea as ‘fertile plain’ (Herodotus 1. 66. 2 = Anthologia Graeca 14. 76), and informed them that the bones of Orestes were kept in that city (Herodotus 1. 67-68 = Anthologia Graeca 14. 78), thus giving emphasis to the mythical heritage of south-eastern Arcadia. Demonax, the most prominent citizen of Mantinea c. 550 BC, was thought to have been the first to bring gladiatorial games to his city, according to the early Hellenistic writer Hermippus.81 This opinion will later strengthen the notion, widely accepted from mid Hellenistic times onwards, that Arcadians were linked to the roots of Roman civilisation.82 74

FGrH 1063, Frg. 2 (translation Radicke): on Pythagoras, see, e. g., Scharinger 2017. For Heraclitus, see, e. g. Mouraviev 2002. 76 On this region, see Lafond 2000a: 335. 77 Arkadika, FGrH318, Frg. 1, in Athenaeus 13. 609 e-f. 78 Translation Gulick 1955. 79 On Psophis, see Lafond 2001: 521-522. 80 For the cultural environment of the ‘Seven Wise Men’, see Snell 1971. 81 On Lawgivers 1, in Athenaeus 4. 154 d. 82 See Bollansée 1995: 289-300. 75

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Escaping the community in Archaic Greece

Figure 4: Samian cup, Paris (Louvre, DAGER).

Finally, Hecataeus, in Pausanias (8. 47. 4), is known to have narrated the vicissitudes of Auge when outraged by Heracles at Tegea. In the visual arts of the Archaic period, the interest of patrons and artists focuses more than in the past on humans and anthropomorphic heroes and deities. However vegetal and animal themes are central to the eastern imagery of the period.83 The pleasures of the vineyard are the subject of the decoration inside a Samian cup: a man reaches out towards a vine: the lush scenery is depicted as well as the various animals that populate this green and enchanted land (Figure 4).84 It is probably no coincidence that such a naturalistic scene was illustrated on Samos, the island where, in the same period, Anacreon and Ibycus are inspired by the beautiful, fertile landscapes. Thus it is likely that the cultural environment created around Polycrates was probably the most important focus for appreciation of the beauties of nature, both in reality and metaphorically. On Corinthian figured vases the world of animals impinges on the human milieu:85 specifically vegetal and animal themes are continuously repeated in middle and late Corinthian vase painting,86 i. e. even after the decline of oriental imagery. 83

See e. g. Boardman 1998: 141-176. Paris, Louvre, Département des Antiquités grecques, étrusques et romaines, F 68: see Boardman 1998,:146-147 and 164, fig. 327 85 See Boehm 2014: 29-120. 86 See Amyx 1988: 149-277. 84

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World During the Archaic period, the theme of the beautiful garden is represented through the mythical archetype of the Garden of the Hesperids. Probably in the second quarter of the 6th century BC, the Spartan Theocles carved a cedar-wood groping showing the Garden of the Hesperides, featuring the apple tree with the serpent coiled about it, Atlas holding up the firmament, Heracles, and the five Hesperides:87 the group was erected in the Treasury of the Epidamnians at Olympia, but the Hesperides were later removed to the Heraeum of the Altis. Already the evocation of this garden must have conveyed a notion of a beautiful tree with golden apples and beautiful nymphs inhabiting an enchanted island. The work by Theocles may have inspired late Archaic representations of gardens on Attic vase painting88 as well as on the coinage of Cyrene.89 In this period the standard configuration of sanctuaries became established and often included gardens and groves: already in Homer alsos can mean both grove and sanctuary.90 In conclusion, the Archaic age sees the establishment of the polis with its related ideals of living in a community. However, especially in oligarchic quarters, life in the polis was regarded as rather drear, and this negative opinion fed the dream of an ideal world far from cities, endowed both with natural beauty and erotic seduction, where one can be happy and unbothered by city crowds. This ideal of life blossomed especially on Samos within the court of Polycrates. This is unsurprising, as Samos was open to Eastern cultures, where the notion of paradise was well established. Such utopic landscapes were destined to become important motifs in the Classical period that was to follow.

87

See Pausanias 5. 17. 2 and 6. 19. 8: Der neue Overbeck 2014. 1: 145-147, nos. 226-227. See McPhee 1990: 394-406, in particular 397, no. 6. 89 See McPhee 1990: 398, no. 24. 90 See Liddell-Scott-Jones, s. v. Alsos. On Archaic sanctuaries, see Jones 2014: 14-16, 66-68, 106-110, 161-167, 198-204. See also Montepaone 1993: 69-75. 88

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Chapter 2

The Early Classical Period Historical and literary evidence During the early Classical period, the sense of being part of a community – the polis – is strengthened,1 and the single citizen had to accomplish all the duties required by his polis, take part in its public institutions, and even die in war if necessary.2 Naturally, not everyone was in accord with this, and there were those who saw this social model as oppressive and sought to escape far away, to a natural environment endowed with freedoms of all kind. Unsurprisingly, this reaction is found particularly in the work of poets who lived in oligarchic circles because, as we have already seen in the Theognidean elegies, city life was regarded as being dominated by the masses, with vulgar behaviour and sentiment. Thus Simonides (Frg. 579 Campbell), asserts that Arete dwells among unclimbable rocks in a holy place, unseen by most mortals. In this fragment the poet of Ceos conceives a utopian world, denied to mortals, ruled by ‘Excellence’. It is worth highlighting that this wonderland is located on high mountains.3 Aeschylus in Prometheus Unbound (Frg. 196 Sommerstein), describes the land of the (G)abians4 in Scythia where the fields, self-sown, provide bounteous sustenance for mortals. This land was inhabited by the most hospitable and just of all mortals.5 Additionally, the theatrical genre of the Satyr play is likely to have strengthened the interest of audiences for bucolic environments.6 In the Satyr play ‘Prometheus the Fire-bearer’ by Aeschylus, the satyrs and naiads are represented dancing in a place characterised by the presence of shepherds (Frg. 204 Sommerstein). Utopian or idealised landscapes also appear in Pindar.7 In the second Olympic Ode (71-74), the island of the blessed is described: breezes from the Ocean are blowing, golden flowers are blossoming from trees on the shore, while others are nourished by water, and with these flowers the blessed create arm-laces and wreaths. He also describes (Frg. 129 Race) the land of 1

See Hansen 2006. See Hansen 2002: 17-47. 3 On Simonides, see Poltera 2008. 4 On this population, see Tokhtasev 1997: 17. 5 On Aeschylus, see Sommerstein 2014. 6 On this issue, see Simon 1982: 123-148 and Tiverios 2000: 477-487. 7 For Pindar, see, e. g., Hornblower 2007, particularly about the importance of different places in his poetry: Carey 2007: 199-210. See also Adorjani 2014. 2

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World the blessed: ‘In meadows of red roses their country above is laden with … shady frankincense trees and trees with golden fruit, and some take delight in horses and exercises …, others in lyres; and among them complete happiness blooms and flourishes. A fragrance spreads throughout the lovely land as they continually mingle offerings of all kinds’.8 In Frg. 134 Race, the poet confirms that ‘the happiness of blessed men is no fugitive.’9 Moreover in the third Olympic Ode, he celebrates the mountains ridges and the ‘much-bent corners’ of Arcadia (27-28) and presents the magic landscape of the Hyperboreans as being full of trees, and one in which dwells the ‘doe with the golden horns’, whose ruler is Artemis (26, 30-32). In the sixth Olympic Ode he also introduces (84) the lovely nymph of Stymphalus – Metope10 – in Arcadia, defined as a ‘land of flocks’ (100). The Theban poet also celebrates ‘Pan as ruler of Arcadia and guardian of the holy shrines’ (Frg. 95 Race): in this poem Arcadia is the ideal habitat of Pan, deity of pastures and groves, as well as a holy land, thus revealing a concept of the region which is both positive and poetically idealised. In the same period, Bacchylides11 evokes at length the woodland of Arcadia:12 the daughters of Proetus are represented roaming the ‘leafy mountain’, the ‘shadowy forest’ and ‘sheep grazing Arcadia’, where ‘fair-flowing’ Lusoi13 lies, with its renowned sanctuary of the ‘huntress of animals’, Artemis, as well as with its ‘choruses of women’.14 Here Arcadia is described as an enchanted land, rich in forests and animals, endowed with female appeal and placed under the rule of Artemis. Moreover, Artemis from her Arcadian sanctuary gives peace of mind to the Proetides sisters and calms their frenzy. Thus already in Bacchylides Arcadia is a land where someone can find serenity in her/his soul. Pausanias (8. 18. 8) again will assert that ‘the daughters of Proetus were brought down by Melampus to Lusoi, and healed of their madness in a sanctuary of Artemis.’15 Bacchylides lived from commissions of Greek aristocratic families who took pride in their associations with mythical heroes. Thus his narration of the madness of the Proetides in their community and regaining their mental health in Arcadia by the intercession of the ‘mistress of wild animals’ probably conveys the concept that the place where the community lives is in some way a diseased environment, and that, on the contrary, you can have your senses back in forests. In this context, Arcadia becomes a privileged region, being ruled and blessed by Artemis. Thus Pindar and Bacchylides fixed and popularised the concept of Arcadia as a region of mountains, forests, meadows and flocks, inhabited by beautiful nymphs, made more appealing 8

Translation Sandys 1924. Translation Race 1997. 10 For Metope, see Weiss 1992: 565. 11 For Bacchylides, see Burnett 1985. 12 Victory Ode 11, 55-58, 92-96 and 106-112 13 For this sanctuary, see Mitsopoulos-Leon 2012. 14 Translation Campbell 2014: see Cairns 2005: 35-50. 15 Translation Jones 1959. 9

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The Early Classical Period by female choruses and protected by Pan and Artemis, the goddess of wild animals: in these places you can have your serenity and peace of mind restored. That both these poets worked for aristocratic patrons may not just have been coincidental: the praise lavished on this holy land may be seen in keeping with a negative opinion of oligarchic thought, from the time of Theognis onwards, for the environment of the polis, ruled by the ochlos and by the kakoi. Finally, c. 470-460 BC the legend of a very early Arcadian colonisation of Italy by the Arcadian princes Oenotrus and Peucetius is for the first time evidenced in the surviving literature (Pherecydes, Arkadika, FGrH 3. Frg. 156). As we shall see, this notion will become very important in Roman ideology from mid Hellenistic times onwards. Pherecydes, in Apollodorus (3. 8. 2, quoted above) was also a crucial authority for the myth of Callisto.16 The visual evidence The visual arts of the age of Pindar and Bacchylides also provide evidence of the depiction of dream landscapes. Around 500 BC, the Attic Priam Painter painted the ‘Lerici Marescotti’ amphora, found in the territory of ancient Caere.17 On one side of the vessel sits Dionysus under a canopy of fruit-

Figure 5: The Priam Painter, amphora from Caere (Rome, National Museum of Villa Giulia). 16 17

For Pherecydes, see Dolcetti 2004. The amphora is in the National Museum of Villa Giulia, Rome. See Moon 1983: 97-118.

23

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 6: Cover slab of the Diver’s tomb from Paestum (National Archaeological Museum of Paestum).

laden vines, while satyrs pick grapes among luxuriant vegetation; on the other side (Figure 5) seven young naked girls or nymphs are either swimming in the open sea or about to do so, leaving their garments and accessories on the boughs of two trees on the shore, near a diving platform. The sides of the panel suggest a rocky setting, perhaps a remote grotto. This scene conveys the notions of erotic appeal, enjoyment of a natural setting and relaxation, far away from the community. It is possible that the two sides of the vase relate, as Dionysus was often imagined to be in Nysa or nearby, i. e. some vague area south-east of the oecumene, the girls may also be thought to be bathing in that distant setting explaining perhaps their dark skin. The Paestum painting of the Diver is dated c. 480 BC.18 It also represents a diving platform, two trees, the open, wavy sea, and a man about to dive from the platform (Figure 6). Both the masterpiece of the Priam Painter and the panel at Paestum convey a message of liberation. Although for the latter an eschatological meaning is understandably suggested, the scene on the amphora suggests a different interpretation, i. e.it advertises the need to escape the confines of the city and find enjoyment in a verdant setting by the sea, where naked girls swim. The implicit negative connotation of the constraining environment of a

18 See Steingraeber 2014: 94-142, in particular 139-140. An earlier painting of a diver in the ‘Tomb of Hunting and Fishing’ at Tarquinia, c. 520-510 BC (see Steingraeber 2006: 95-96) would indicate that the subject was represented already in the late Archaic period, although with a less illusionistic depiction of the open sea.

24

The Early Classical Period society, dominated by the commoners, would not have been disliked by the elites who bought works of the Priam Painter.19 As we will see later, when considering Euripides, the concept of the grotto by the sea will be contrasted to the world of the polis by at least the late 5th century BC.

19

On the clients of the Priam Painter, see Boardman 1990: 19-30.

25

Chapter 3

The Mid Classical Period The historical and literary evidence During the age of Pericles, the ‘democratic’ ideals of the polis usually imply the compulsory participation of citizens in the institutional life of their community,1 and thus free spirits might be expected to seek to evade this life of constrictions. The idealised concept of pastoral lands works its way even into the tragedies of Sophocles, a poet who strongly supported the institution of the polis and the notion that the citizen must be at the disposal of the state.2 In Oedipus Tyrannus (1099-1109), the Mt Cithaeron in Boeotia is depicted as an environment inhabited by gods and nymphs: Child, who bore you, Nymph or goddess? Sure your sir was more than man, haply the hill-roamer Pan. Or did Loxias beget you, for he haunts the upland world; or Cyllene’s lord3, or Bacchus, dweller on the hill-tops cold? Did some Heliconian Oread give him you, a new-born joy, Nymphs with whom he loves to toy?4 The description of the countryside of the Attic deme of Colonus in Sophocles’ Oedipus Coloneus (670-693) also has an idyllic flavour: The haunt of the clear-voiced nightingale, who hid in her bower, among the winedark ivy that wreaths the valley, trilled her creaseless song; and she loves, where the clustering berries nod over a sunless, windless glade, the spot by no mortal footstep trod, the pleasance kept for the Bacchic god, where he holds each night his revels wild with the goddesses who forstered the lusty child. And fed each morning by the pearly dew the starred narcissi shine, and a wreath with the crocus’ golden hue for the Mother and the Daughter twine. And never the sleepless fountains cease that feed Cephisus’ stream, but they swell earth’s bosom with quick increase, and their wave had a crystal gleam. And the Muses’ choruses will never disdain to visit this heaven-favored plain, nor the Cyprian queen of the golden rein.5 In this description there are several patterns of the standard idyllic landscape, i. e. bird song, the lush abundance, the revels of Dionysus, appealing goddesses, flowers, wreaths, fountains, the choruses of the Muses and, ultimately, Aphrodite, whose joys, of course, cannot be overlooked in this near-utopian environment. 1

On this issue, see, e. g. Taylor 2010; also Forster 2010. See Knox 1983. 3 On Cyllene, see Meyer 1999, 963-964. 4 Translation Storr 1913 with amendments. 5 Translation Storr 1913 with amendments. 2

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The Mid Classical Period In Sophocles’ Trachiniae (632-643) the charms of the Malian countryside are also celebrated: You who on Oeta dwell, or where the hot springs well and down the cliffs their steaming waters pour; or by the inmost share of Malis, where the golden-arrowed Maid haunts the green glade, where at your Gates, far famed from times of old, Greeks counsel hold; soon shall the clear-voiced flute sweet as Apollo’s lute, echo amid your hill and vales again, no sad funeral strain, but hymeneals meet for gods to hear.6 This evocation conveys the usual motifs of enchanted sites: springs, abundance of water, hills and valleys made more appealing by seductive music, as well as by a young goddess, and even by Artemis. As usual, in any locus amoenus, the land is inhabited by gods. Even Lemnos in Sophocles’ Philoctetes reveals the features of a locus amoenus: This is the beach of Lemnus, sea-girt isle, a land untrod, untenanted (1-2) … A cave with double mouth by nature made to catch on either side the winter sun, or by the breeze that through the archway blows invite in summer’s heat to gentle sleep; and lower down, a little to the left, a spring (16-21) … Rocky cell, Nymphs of the streams and grass-fringed shore, caves where the deep-voiced breakers roar, when through the cavern’s open mouth, borne at the wings of the wild south, even to my dwelling’s inmost lair, the rain and spray oft drenched my hair; and oft responsive to my groan Mount Hermaeum made his moan; o Lycian fount, o limpic well, I thought with you all time to dwell, and now I take my last farewell. Sea-girt Lemnus (1453-1464).7 Here we find the usual association of mountains, valleys, streams, fountains, and appealing Nymphs, all of which characterises this type of landscape. Its remoteness from humans and from their malign behaviour is another feature that usually occurs in these topoi. There life may indeed be very basic, without the normal domestic comforts, but it is also secure from human harms. Finally Sophocles in the Ion (Frg. 320 Lloyd – Jones) exalts an unspecified site, the so-called ‘gardens of Zeus’, and even this landscape has a utopic flavour and suggests an association between beauty of nature, the sacredness of the site and happiness. Summing up, the loci amoeni evoked by Sophocles (Mt. Cithaeron, the countryside of Colonus, the Malian region, Lemnos and the ‘gardens of Zeus’) are places where nature still prevails, inhabited by deities and nymphs, and at least not entirely conditioned by community life. They are sites where one can be shielded from the negative aspects of human behaviour, as the Lemnian example makes clear. The fact that even a poet such as Sophocles, so engaged in the political and institutional life of democratic Athens, indulged in the praise of such areas reveals the progressive importance of ‘wild’ and distant locations during the mid Classical period. The epitaph of Sophocles by Simmias of Thebes (Anthologia Graeca 7. 22) is also idyllic in tone: 6 7

Translation Storr 1913 with amendments. Translation Storr 1913 with amendments.

27

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Creep gently, ivy, gently, as you lavish their green tresses over the tomb of Sophocles, and all about be the flower of the rose blooming and the doting mother of grapes with the embrace of her lush tendrils; because of the wise-hearted nimbleness of wit which the delicious singer did train in the school both of the Muses and of the Graces.8 Euripides also indulges in descriptions of fantasy landscapes.9 In the Rhesus (546-555),10 the pastures of Mt. Ida are described as an enchanting paradise: I hear the nightingale! She sits on her bloodstained nest by the Simois, child-slayer she, and in melodious strain sings her musical woe. Already on Ida they are tending the flocks: I hear the buzz of the night-murmuring shepherd’s pipe. Sleep puts its spell on my eyes: most sweetly does it come upon the lids toward dawn.11 The singing of the nightingale, the river, the mountain, the flocks, the shepherd’s pipe, all contribute to this appealing scene, characterised by a sense of peace, both in reality and of mind, which is contrasted to the nightmare of the Greek and Trojan communities, engaged in bloody war. In Alcestis (569-587), Euripides evokes the pastural land around Pherae, where Apollo was a shepherd of Admetus, the local king: O hospitable house, house of an ever generous man, even Pythian Apollo of the lovely lyre deigned to dwell in you and submitted to become a shepherd in your pastures, playing on your pipe making songs for your herds on the slanting hillsides. Under his shepherd care, in joy at his songs, were also spotted lynxes, and there came, leaving the valley of Othrys, a pride of tawny lions, and the dappled fawn stepping beyond the tall fir trees with its light foot danced to your lyre playing, Apollo, rejoicing in its joyful melody.12 Here we have hills, valleys, pastures, trees, the divine shepherd playing pipe and lyre, lynxes, tame lions and a fawn who dances at Apollo’ melody, which is regarded as ‘joyful (euphron) and giving happiness to the non humans inhabiting the pasture. This representation of a bucolic environment conveys a poetic re-interpretation of the world of shepherds, where everything is gentle – even the lions – and implicitly suggests the desire to forsake human communities in order to go there and be happy. In Hippolytus, (73-83) the meadows around Troezen are celebrated:

8

Translation Paton 1918. For Euripides, see, e. g., Torrance 2019. 10 The present author, aware of the debate concerning the authorship of the Rhesus, believes the play is by the youthful Euripides. The pastoral description in this tragedy is very similar to descriptions in late fabulae by the same poet. See Stefanis 2004. 11 Translation Way 1912. 12 Translation Way 1912 with an amendment. 9

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The Mid Classical Period Hippolytus: ‘For you, lady [Artemis], I bring this plaited garland I have made, gathered from a virgin meadow, a place where the shepherd does not dare to pasture his flocks, when the iron scythe has never come: no, virgin it is, and the bee makes its way through it in the springtime. Reverence tends it with streams of river water, for those to pluck who owe nothing to teaching but in whose very nature wisdom in all things alike has won its place’. (208-211) Phaedra: ‘How I long to draw a drink of pure water from a dewy spring and to take my rest lying under the poplar trees and in the uncut meadow!’ (215218) Phaedra: ‘take me to the mountains: I mean to go to the wood, to the pine wood, where hounds that kill wild beasts tread, running close after the dappled deer.’ (225) Nurse: … ‘gearing for fountain spring.’ (732-734) Chorus: … ‘I could live in the secret clefts of the mountains, and there a god might make me a winged bird amid the flying flocks! (742-751) … To the apple-bearing shore of the melodious Hesperides would I go my way …There divine springs flow by the place where Zeus lays, and holy Earth with her rich gifts makes the god’s prosperity was great’.13 Meadows, bees, streams, trees, mountains, deer, birds, and flocks, all compose an ideal habitat appreciated by superior humans, such as Hippolytus, who enjoy a wise, austere life in the nature. The woodland on Mt. Ida also looks attractive in Andromache (274-286): Chorus: … He [Hermes] came to Ida’s glen with the goddesses three, a lovely team beneath a lovely yoke, helmeted for the spite-filled contest of beauty, to the shepherd lodge, the solitary young shepherd, and his lonely heart and home. When they came to the shady valley, they bathed their radiant bodies in the water of mountain springs.14 In this passage, the valleys, mountains and springs of the Troad are the habitat of the lonely shepherd, who is endowed with a romantic quality. Additionally, the three bathing goddesses give to this woodland scene two more aspects - divine presence, and alluring female beauty. The seductiveness of the landscape beyond the city is also lauded in Euripides’ Hercules (781792): Go gaily in garlands, river Ismenus and … Dirce too with your lovely streams! Come as well, daughters of Asopus, leave your father’s water and join me in singing, Nymphs …. O tree-clad cliff of Apollo, and the home of the Muses of Helicon.15 Here, the rivers around Thebes, a fountain, the nymphs daughters of Asopus, Mt. Parnassus covered by trees and sacred to Apollo and Mt Helicon inhabited by the Muses, all contribute to a sense of joy that combines divine presence, natural beauty, and the appeal of nymphs. In Trojan Women (214-217), Euripides specifies that ‘the holy territory of the Peneus river, the lovely plinth on which Olympus is built, is laden with wealth, I have heard tell, and plentiful 13

Translation Way 1912, with an amendment. Translation Way 1912. 15 Translation Way 1912. 14

29

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World fruitfulness.’16 Here again, a river, a high mountain, and general fecundity, contribute to a sacred landscape. In the same tragedy (1066-1070), the poet praises the landscape high up on Mt Ida in the Troad: ‘the valleys of Ida, luxuriant with ivy, watered with the stream of melted snow, the boundary of earth first struck by the sun’s rays, an abode illuminated and holy.’17 The high mountain, with its valleys, ivy-meadows, snow, and proximity to the rays of sun, is again a ‘holy’ land, whose sacredness is linked to its being far away from the world of men and their cities. In Ion, (1078-1086), all nature joins in the feasting at the return of Kore: When the star-gleaming heaven of Zeus strikes up the dance and the moon dances and also the fifty daughters of Nereus, in the sea and also in the rapids of ever-flowing rivers, dance in honor of the maid of golden garland and her august mother.18 Here, the joy spreads to the heavens, with the stars and the moon, as well as to seas and rivers. As usual in these descriptions, female allure is also present, with the Nereids joining in the dance. In Helen, our poet imagines (187-190) that ‘a Naiad in flight on the mountains utters a woeful plaint as in the same rocky glen she cries out that she is being ravished by Pan’19: a situation with the sense of eidyllion. In 676-678 of the same tragedy, the springs where the three goddesses bathed before their judgment by Paris are evoked: Ah, alas for these gushing springs, that bath where the goddesses made themselves beautiful when they came to be judged!20 In Phoenician Women, (226-238), the landscape around Delphi is evoked as a place where one might feast without fear: O cliff, shedding a twin-peaked gleam of fire upon the lofty sides of Dionysiac transport, O vine that day by day drips wine, putting forth the full-fruited cluster of grape blossom, O holy cave of the serpent and mountain lookout of the goddesses, O sacred mount overspread with snow, may I dance in honor of the deathless ones and dance in the god’s honor, free from fear, leaving Dirce for Phoebus’ valley at the earth’s navel.21 In the Bacchae, (699-711), our poet depicts Mt. Cithaeron as a magic land under the power of Dionysus: 16

Translation Way 1912. Translation Way 1912 with an amendment. Translation Way 1912 with amendments. 19 Translation Way 1912. 20 Translation Way 1912. 21 Translation Way 1912 with amendments. 17 18

30

The Mid Classical Period New mothers, their babies left behind and their breasts overfull with milk, cradled gazelles or wolf cubs in their arms and gave them to drink of their white milk. They decked themselves with crowns of ivy, oak, and flowering bryony. Someone took a thyrsus and struck it against a cliff, and out leapt a dewy spring of water. Another sunk her fennel wand into the ground, and the god at that spot put forth a fountain of wine. All who desired a drink of milk dug with their finger-tips in the ground and the white liquid bubbled up. From their ivy-covered thyrsi dripped streams of honey.22 This description unifies the patterns of the abundance offered by nature and of divine rule and the freedom of countryside is also evoked (865-876): Shall I toss my head to the dewy heaven like a fawn that plays amid green meadow delights when she escaped the dread huntsmen, eluding their guard and leaping their fine-spun nets? The houndsman with loud halloo calls back his coursing dogs: and she with swift-running zeal leaps like a whirlwind over the plain near the river, exulting in her freedom from men and in the boscage of the shadowy woodland.23 The pleasures of green meadows, combined with rivers and thick groves, are thought to convey a sense of freedom and peace, and the divine presence on Mt Cithaeron is also alluded (951952), where ‘the haunts of the Nymphs and the place where Pan plays his pipes’24 characterise that sacred mountain. The slopes of the mountain, a stream, pine trees and the Maenads compose a picture with obvious idyllic overtones. A description of a slope of the same mountain is also relevant here (1051-1057): There was a mountain glen with steep sides, with a stream flowing through it and pine trees to shade it, and there the Maenads sat employing their hands in pleasant tasks. Some of them were restoring the mane of ivy to their tattered Bacchic wands, while others, joyous as fillies escaped from their painted bridles, were singing Bacchic songs to each other.25 Finally, in Iphigenia at Aulis, Euripides refers again (182-184) to ‘when near the dewy spring Cypris joined in strife, in strife over beauty with Hera and Pallas.’26 For the poet, the tale of the beauty contest between the three goddesses was enhanced by having its location near a spring. And the presentation of Mt. Ida (573-580) has also a sense of eidyllion: I have been told, Paris, how you were raised as cowherd among the white Idean calves, playing Asian melodies upon the syrinx, imitating upon your red pipe the Phrygian aulos of Olympus while cows with full udders were grazing. There the judgment of the goddesses awaited you.27 22

Translation Way 1912. Translation Way 1912. Translation Way 1912. 25 Translation Way 1912. 26 Translation Way 1912. 27 Translation Way 1912. 23 24

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World This description includes the motifs of high mountains, herds, the shepherd playing his pipe, and beautiful goddesses; and the enchanted landscape of Ida is to return later (1291-1308): Alexandros, raised as a cowherd among the cows, near the bright water, where lie the springs of the Nymphs and the meadow luxuriant with shoots of green and roses and hyacinths for goddesses to pick. To that place there once came Pallas and Cypris with guile in her heart and Hera, and with them Hermes, Zeus’ messenger, the one, Cypris, pluming herself on love, Pallas on the spear of war, and Hera on sharing the royal bed of king Zeus. They came for a quarrelsome contest about beauty.28 Here the standard patterns of this type of landscape (cattle, springs, nymphs, meadows, goddesses, beauty) are augmented by the presence of flowers. Another idyllic landscape is found in Euripides’ tragedy Aegeus (Frg. 11 a Collard–Cropp): ‘… in front of a spring, a flower-strewn bed’,29 and here a spring, flowers, and the joys of bed are evoked in order to express a sense of utter well-being. The beauty of the countryside is appreciated also in Euripides’ play Alcmena, (Frg. 88 Collard – Cropp): Ivy crept abundantly, a vigorous branch, a nightingales’ place of song.30 In Andromeda, (Frg. 125 Collard – Cropp) the place where the heroine is kept also has an idyllic air: What promontory do I see here, lapped by sea-foam, and what maiden’s likeness, a statue carved by an expert hand to her very form in stone?31 In Euripides’ Telephus (in Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On literary composition 26), Pan is imagined walking on the stormy rocks of Arcadia: And you, Pan, who haunt the stormy steeps of the Arcadians whereof I boast my birth. Me Auge, Aleus’ daughter, not of wedlock bore to Tirynthian Heracles, this knows your Parthenium Mountain.32 Here we have the celebration of the mountainous landscape of eastern Arcadia, whose landmark is Mt. Parthenium, inhabited by Pan, visited by Heracles and endowed with love. The traditional features of Arcadia are presented in this passage. Finally, inspiring descriptions of landscapes and seascapes as enchanted environments are drawn in Euripides’ Phaeton (Frg. 773 Collard-Cropp, vv. 63-86): 28

Translation Way 1912. Translation Collard and Crop 2008. 30 Translation Collard and Crop 2008. 31 Translation Collard and Crop 2008. 32 Translation Roberts 1910 with amendments. 29

32

The Mid Classical Period Already the Dawn just appearing drives her chariot over the earth, and above my head the chorus of the Pleiades has fled; the nightingale sings her subtle harmony in the trees, awake at dawn with her lament of many tears for ‘Itys, Itys’. Drovers of their flocks, who walk the mountains, stir their pipes, and teams of chestnut mares wake for grazing; already hunters with beasts to kill are going to their work; on Ocean’s streams the swan sounds its tuneful cry. Vessels are put to sea under oars and at the wind’s favourable blaster, and sailors as they rise the sails cry loudly ‘Escort us, breeze, our mistress, on a calm voyage with quiet winds toward our dear children and wives; and the canvas comes close to the forestay’s middle.’33 In this fragment, the world of mountains, trees, shepherds with their pipes, flocks is seen as a guarantee of absolute happiness. The problems of life arise from the pressures of society, and are not to be found in faraway environments. Euripides is the early Classical author who, more than any other of his age, paints a very negative picture of human society and of living in communities and feels a sense of freedom and liberation when he contemplates places where humans are left alone, in contact with nature.34 His own lifestyle was in keeping with these feelings: it is well known that this tragic poet disliked Athenians and would spend his days in a cave on the island of Salamis.35 In Satyrus, Life of Euripides (Frg. 39, col. 9 Schorn) it is asserted that there a cave which had its opening onto the sea, in which he [Euripides] spent his days by himself, always thinking and writing about something, simply disdaining everything that was not elevated or noble.36 According to Gellius (15. 20. 5), ‘Philochorus relates that there is on the island of Salamis a grim and gloomy cavern, which I myself have seen, in which Euripides wrote tragedies.’37 This passage reveals that by mid Imperial times this grotto had become a tourist site, visited by learned travelers wanting to see where the great personalities of the classical period lived. In Macedon, Satyrus informs us (Frg. 39, col. 9, Schorn), Euripides much preferred to be solitary: ‘Euripides happened to be far away from the city [Pella] spending time alone in a grove’,38 and in his preference is similar to that of Phidias: the famous sculptor focused entirely in his art and was unable to tolerate Athens.39 33

Translation Collard and Crop 2008. The literature on the complex personality of Euripides is, of course, huge. Here we cite only Matthiessen 2004. 35 See Satyrus, Vita Euripidis 4. 23 (Frg. 39, col. 9 Schorn) and Philochorus in Gellius 15. 20. 5. The grotto of Euripides on Salamis has been identified: see Lolos 1997: 287-326. 36 Translation https://livingpoets.dur.ac.uk/w/Draft:Satyrus,_Life_of_Euripides. 37 Translation Rolfe 1928. 38 Translation https://livingpoets.dur.ac.uk/w/Draft:Satyrus,_Life_of_Euripides. 39 See Tzetzes, Chiliades 8. 344-345. On Phidias, see, e. g., Davison 2009. 34

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The fact that the oligarch Antiphon disliked the assembly and to appear in public40 shows that such attitudes were not politically neutral but oligarchic in concept: they were based on contempt for the ochlos. Furthermore, Anaxagoras, when a resident in Clazomenae, was also said to have lived by himself, avoiding the locals and not even taking care of his house and lands (Maximus Tyrius, Dissertations 6).41 And the philosopher Democritus, too, is recorded (Demetrius, Homonyms, in Diogenes Laertius 9. 36) as being a lover of solitude, locking himself in his room in front of a garden or wandering among tombs (Antisthenes of Rhodes, in Diogenes Laertius 9. 38). When he did spend a long period in Athens, he managed to live totally incognito (Valerius Maximus 8. 7. ext. 4).42 In the late 5th century BC, the figure most famous for his solitariness was the Athenian Timon, whose misanthropy is well recorded in the ancient literature,43 living in a remote farm, and philosophising on solitude (Lucian, Timon 6): his maxim being ‘life shall be solitary, like that of wolves’ (Lucian, Timon 42). Timon is viewed as having a very negative opinion of human society within cities and of most individual human beings, equating them with ‘ravens and wolves’ (Lucian, Timon 8). He is said to have asserted that ‘good men are few and wicked men in great numbers fill the cities’ (Lucian, Timon 25) and that a desert should separate the good man from them (Lucian, Timon 43).44 In terms of physical and mental health mention should also be made of the tragic poet Aristarch of Tegea45, who flourished at the time of Euripides and recovered from a serious disease, living to be over a hundred (Aelian, Frg. 104 Domingo-Forasté = Suda, s. v. Aristarchos). Such a detail is important, as it might imply that eastern Arcadia was seen as region that brought one good health and longevity. Dreams of pleasurable landscapes were not unknown in ancient Attic comedy. Archippus (Frg. 50 Storey), refers to the garden of Love with cloak-clad maidens.46 Autocrates, in his comedy Drummers, contemplates the atmosphere of seduction that characterises the sanctuary of Artemis Ephesia (Frg. 1 Storey), where ‘The maidens play, dear daughters of the Lydians, lightly leaping on their feet, shaking out their hair with their hands, in the presence of Artemis of Ephesus, and most pleasingly dropping their hips down, now raising them up again, just as a wagtail hops’.47 40

Cf. Thucydides 8. 68. 1. For Antiphon, see Gagarin 2002. For Anaxagoras, see, e. g., Curd 2007. On Democritus, see, e. g., Taylor 1999. 43 See Rohmann 2002: 591-592. Antiphanes’ comedy Timon; Anthologia Graeca 7. 313-320; Plutarch, Antony 69. 4-71. 1; Lucian, Timon and True History 2. 32; Alciphron 2. 31 and Tzetzes, Historiae 7. 30. 273-286 are very important. On Timon, see Anastasiadis 2016. 44 Translation Harmon 1915. 45 On this poet, see Pressler 1997: 1089. 46 Translation Storey 2011. 47 Translation Storey 2011. 41 42

34

The Mid Classical Period Pherecrates (Miners, Frg. 114 Storey) conveys the joys of a beautiful garden in full bloom: ‘In a meadow full of the lotus flower, beneath the tree vines, walking on soft buckthorn and dewy galingale and a garden of chervil and tender violets and clover’.48 And with flowers comes a utopian abundance of food, effortlessly available, as evoked by Pherecrates in Miners (Frg. 113 Storey), in Persians (Frg. 137 Storey), and in Chiron (Frg. 158 Storey). This time the setting for this easy life is Persia, at least in the second of these three fragments, perhaps due to the fame of this country as a land of luxurious living.49 The same utopia is referenced in olden times by Teleclides (Amphictions, Frg. 1 Storey).50 We also have an anonymous and incomplete fragment from a comedy of the old Attic genre that seems also to imply the notion that Arcadia was a magic land (TGFr II. 646 a = Storey 3: 422-423): The Arcadian god … after getting away I played as a youth in caves … a simple … -worker untouched by any vice… picking the harvest on the mountain side … so long untouched by the attacks of wild beasts… I educated and watched over the youthful prime (of Dionysos) … I lifted the fruit of harvest time into the deep vats … I displayed to mortals the drink of Dionysos …the initiate never ceasing on my Bacchic … and the first Maenad of the god bound up (her locks) with bands of wool… forgetfulness gleamed forth in those delights… thiasos.51 Here the god of Arcadia, i. e. Hermes, probably evoked as the one who carried the baby Dionysos to safety, is associated with a natural landscape endowed with mountains and caves, with abundant harvests, appealing Maenads, wild beasts which, however, do no harm, and an absence of vices. Thus here the wealth of nature is also linked to morality: an innocence preserved far away from the world of cities and their human inhabitants; and clearly, when this comedy was composed, the idealised notion of Arcadia was coming into his own. The comedies of Aristophanes also provide evidence for the idealisation of life in environments far removed from city populations.52 In Acharnians (v. 32), the countryside suggests a sense of peace: the ‘return to peaceful life in the countryside’ is regarded as supreme in Knights (v. 805). Living far from the city is praised also in Clouds (vv. 43-45), where country living is regarded as ‘very pleasant … aimlessly leisured, abounding in honey, bees, sheep and olive cakes’53. Peace, absence of serious concerns, and abundance are the main features of a contented life in the countryside. Additionally, the evocation of clouds (Clouds: 269-272) has an idyllic flavor:

48

Translation Storey 2011. For this concept in the plays of Pherecrates, see Storey 2011: 482-483. On this comic poet, see Bagordo 2013. 51 Translation Storey 2011. 52 For Aristophanes, see e. g. Müller-Strübing 2020. 53 Translation Rogers 1924. 49 50

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Clouds … whether you now seat on Olympus’ holy snow-struck peaks, or start up a holy dance for the Nymphs in father Ocean’s gardens.54 Clearly, beautiful gardens, a divine presence, and female seductiveness make such remote settings ideal and particularly attractive. The appeal of green landscapes with vine and trees is eulogised by Aristophanes in Peace (557558): ‘I’m … ready to greet my vines; and it is my heart’s desire, after many a long season, to embrace the fig trees’,55 and in the same comedy (572-578): ‘The old way of life this goddess [Eirene] once afforded us – those pressed figs and fresh figs, the myrtle berries, the sweet new wine, the bed of violets by the well, the olive trees that we long for’.56 There are other extracts from Peace relevant to our theme, i. e. ‘my amazing desire to head back to the country’ (585-586),57 and ‘Our benefits were many in your day long ago – sweet, freely given, and precious – for you [Eirene] were the country folk’s bread and shelter. And so the vines and the young fig trees and all the other plants together will receive you with joyful smiles’ (592-600).58 So we have this idealised realm placed at the same time both far from the city and the present world, and Peace clearly implies that the countryside is a land of dreams (706-708): You may take Opora here for your own wife; then set up house with her in the countryside and beget yourself a bunch of grapes.59 The evocation of blissful life in the countryside culminates with (1159-1171): ‘And when the cicada sings his sweet tune, I enjoy inspecting my Lemnian vines, to see if they are ripening yet (they are naturally early ones), and to see the wild figs swelling; and when it is ready, I eat and keep eating, saying the while ‘dear Seasons!’ and pounding thyme for a cordial, and then I grow plump in the high summer’.60 Thus in Peace, Aristophanes gives us seemingly a countryside with no negative features, endowed only with good things: rich in nature, food in abundance, female seduction, and ultimately a relaxed attitude to life. An idyllic life within a natural environment, far from the city, is also evoked in the same author’s Birds (1093-1101): I dwell among the flora in the lap of flowery meadows, when the sun-crazy cicada with voice divine in the noonday heat intones his keen song; and I winter in hollow caverns,

54

Translation Rogers 1924. Translation Rogers 1924. 56 Translation Rogers 1924. 57 Translation Rogers 1924. 58 Translation Rogers 1924 with an amendment. 59 Translation Rogers 1924 with an amendment. 60 Translation Rogers 1924 with an amendment. 55

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The Mid Classical Period frolicking with mountain Nymphs; and in spring, we graze on myrtle berries, maidenly in their white florets, and the fruits of the Graces’ gardens.61 Flowers, meadows, the song of the cicada, caves, nymphs, mountains, gardens, fruit, finally the Charites, all paint an ideal picture and convey a message of happiness; the idyllic environment is contrasted with the city and its woes and diseases, where people seek to harm you. In another example, the world enjoyed by the blessed in Aristophanes’ Frogs has an idyllic nature (440-453): Go forward now to the goddess’ sacred circle and in her blossoming grove frolic, you who partake in the festival dear to the gods. I will go with the girls and the women, to carry the sacred flame where they revel all night for the goddess. Let us go forward to the flowery meadows full of roses, frolicking in our own style of beautiful dance, which the blessed Fates array.62 Again here we have the usual positives – verdant settings, enjoyment, female seduction - all components of a perfect environment for initiates for their life after death. Aristophanes is known for his depressed notion of city life, Athens in particular, which is full of informers, false accusations, and appearances before tribunals to defend oneself.63 The politicians there continuously seek to make war, and one is never relaxed or calm for long: thus the need to escape far away from this community becomes imperative, and a good life in a natural setting will remove you from these obvious perils. There is a fragment of a wedding song by Philoxenus of Eretria relevant to this study (Frg. 829 Campbell): ‘For they themselves on Parnassus within the gold-roofed chambers of the Nymphs’.64 In this poem, notions of the high, holy mountain and caves with appealing nymphs are conveyed, and the extraordinary idea that these chambers have gilded roofs serves to enhance the beauty of the story. In the more oligarchic quarters of Greek society, the best possible world, where the rulers were kind and noble souls, had been that of Persia in the time of Cyrus the Elder. This opinion is authoritatively supported by Xenophon in his Cyropaedia (especially 1. 2. 3, 6; 5. 2. 18-20).65 Added appeal came in the form of exceptionally beautiful women who seem to have inhabited this ideal environment, who were also heroically faithful to their husbands (Cyropaedia 5. 1. 2-8, 18; 6. 1. 31-47; 6. 4. 2-11). Persian nobles also loved their parks (paradeisoi) and forests, as well as hunting66. 61

Translation Rogers 1924. Translation Rogers 1924. 63 The literature on these issues is huge, i. e. see David 1984. 64 Translation Campbell 2014. 65 On Xenophon, see, e. g., Powell 2020. 66 Xenophon, Cyropaedia 1. 3. 14; 1. 4. 5, 7-17; 1. 6. 28-29, 44; 2. 4. 18-21; 3. 1. 38; 3. 3. 5; 4. 6. 2-4; 8. 1. 34-37; 8. 6. 12 and 8. 8. 12. 62

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World This Persian ‘mirage’ appears also in Xenophon’s Anabasis (1. 2. 7-8): There [Celaenae, Phrygia] Cyrus [the Younger] had a palace and a large park [paradeisos] of wild animals, which he used to hunt on horseback whenever he wished to give himself and his horses exercise. Through the middle of this park flows the Maeander river; its sources are beneath the palace …. There is likewise a palace of the Great King [Artaxerxes II] in Celaenae …, over the sources of the Marsyas River …. It was here … that Apollo flayed Marsyas, after having defeated him in a contest of musical skill; he hung up his skin in the cave from which the sources issue ....67 This extract provides themes of large parks, wild animals, the abundance of fresh water, mythical caves, recollections of gods and of other mythical beings, and oriental royalty, all adding to a pleasing locus amoenus visited by Xenophon in 401 BC. There were beautiful parks too. One was to be found by the source of the Dardas River in Syria, also referenced by Xenophon (Anabasis 1. 4. 10): There was the palace of Belesys, the late ruler of Syria, and a very large and beautiful park [paradeisos] containing all the products of the seasons.68 Another was near Sittace [Mesopotamia], this too being another ‘large and beautiful park [paradeisos], thickly covered with all sorts of trees’69 (Xenophon, Anabasis 2. 4. 14), with yet another at Scillus in Elis that Xenophon gives idyllic features to (Anabasis 5. 3. 7-12): While he was living at Scillus, near Olympia … Xenophon bought a plot of ground for the goddess [Artemis] …. As it chanced, there flowed through the plot a river named Selinus; and at Ephesus likewise a Selinus river flows past the temple of Artemis. In both streams, moreover, there are fish and mussels, while in the plot at Scillus there is hunting of all manner of beasts of the chase. Here Xenophon built an altar and a temple …. Xenophon’s sons and the sons of the other citizens used to have a hunting expedition … and they captured their game partly from the sacred precinct itself and partly from Mount Pholae bears and gazelles and stags. … Within the sacred precinct there is a meadow land and tree-covered hills, suited for the rearing of swine, goats, cattle and horses … Immediately surrounding the temple is a grove of cultivated trees, producing all sorts of dessert fruits in their season.70 In his Hellenica 4. 1. 15-16, 33 Xenophon also praises Persian parks, where the paradeisoi attached to the palace of the satraps at Daschyleion - the capital of Hellespontine Phrygia are referred: Daschyleion, the place where the palace of Pharnabazus was situated, and round about it were many large villages, stored with provisions in abundance, and splendid wild animals, some of them in enclosed parks [paradeisoi], others in open spaces. There 67

Translation Brownson 1922. Translation Brownson 1922. 69 Translation Brownson 1922. 70 Translation Brownson 1922. 68

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The Mid Classical Period was also a river, full of all kinds of fish, flowing by the palace. And, besides, there was winged game in abundance .... ‘And the beautiful dwellings and parks [paradeisoi], full of trees and wild animals, which my father [the satrap Pharnabazus is speaking] left me, in which I took delight, all these parks (paradeisoi) I see cut down’.71 The idealisation of Persian paradises is found also in Xenophon’s Oeconomicus (4. 13-14): ‘And furthermore’, continued Socrates, ‘in all the districts where he [the Persian Great King) resides and visits he takes care that there are ‘paradises’, as they [the Persians] call them, full of all the fine and beautiful plants that the soil will produce, and there he himself spends most of his time, except when the season precludes it’. ‘Then it is of course necessary, Socrates, to take care that these paradises in which the king spends his time will contain a fine stock of trees and all other beautiful plants that the soil produces’.72 The paradise at Sardis is then also evoked (Oeconomicus 4. 20-24): Furthermore, the story goes that when Lysander came to him bringing the gifts from the allies, this Cyrus [the Younger] personally showed him around his paradise at Sardis. Now Lysander admired the beauty of the trees there, the accuracy of their spacing, the straightness of the rows, the regularity of the angles, and the multitude of sweet scents that clung around them as they walked; and in amazement he exclaimed, ‘Cyrus, I really do admire all this loveliness, but I am far more impressed with your agent’s skill in measuring and arranging everything so exactly’. Cyrus was delighted to hear this and replied, ‘Well, Lysander, the whole of the measurement and arrangement is my own work, and I did some of the planting myself ’. ‘What did you say, Cyrus?’ exclaimed Lysander, looking at him, and noting the beauty and perfume of his robes, and the splendor of his necklaces and bangles and other jewels that he was wearing, ‘did you really plant part of this with your own hands?’’’Does this surprise you, Lysander?’ asked Cyrus in reply.73 The notion that a life far from the city is better than within one is also implied in the same dialogue (Oeconomicus 5. 9): Where is it more comfortable to pass the winter with a generous fire and warm baths than on a farm? Where is it more pleasant to spend the summer enjoying the cool waters and breezes and shade than in the country?74 Xenophon’s love for Persian parks is in keeping with his oligarchic ideology, his sympathy for Sparta – a polis made of scattered settlements – as well as his dislike of the political life of democratic Athens.75

71

Translation Brownson 1922. Translation Marchant 1923. 73 Translation Marchant 1923. See also Aelian, De natura animalium 1. 59 74 Translation Marchant 1923. 75 See Hobden and Tuplin 2012. 72

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Moving to Plutarch (Alcibiades 24. 5) we learn that the ‘most beautiful park’ of the satrap Tissaphernes, nicknamed ‘Alcibiades’, was impressive ‘for its refreshing waters and grateful lawns with resorts and retreats decked out in regal and extravagant fashion’.76 This same park is probably the one celebrated by Diodorus (14. 80. 2), who records that ‘the orchards and the pleasure-park belonging to Tissaphernes … had been artistically laid out at great expense with plants and all other things that contribute to luxury and the enjoyment in peace of the good things of life’.77 Plutarch (Artaxerxes 25. 1), also notes that ‘a royal halting place’, owned by Artaxerxes II in the region of the Cadusians, ‘had admirable parks in elaborate cultivation’.78 Finally, and here is Diodorus once again (16. 41. 5), we learn of ‘the royal park [at Sidon] in which the Persian kings were wont to take their recreation.’79 Socrates depicts a wonderful locus amoenus in Plato’s Phaedo (110 c – 111 c), this is the world of the blessed:80 But there the whole earth is of such colors, and they are much brighter and purer than ours; for one part is purple of wonderful beauty, and one is golden, and one is white, whiter than chalk or snow, and the earth is made up of the other colors likewise, and they are more in number and more beautiful than those which we see here. For those very hollows of the earth which are full of water and air, present an appearance of color as they glisten amid the variety of the other colors, so that the whole produces a continuous effect of variety. And in this fair earth the things that grow, the trees, and flowers and fruits, are correspondingly beautiful; and so too the mountains and the stones are smoother, and more transparent and more lovely in color than ours. In fact, our highly prized stones, sards and jaspers, and emeralds, and other gems, are fragments of those there, but there everything is like these or still more beautiful. And the reason of this is that there the stones are pure, and not corroded or defiled, as ours are, with filth and brine by the vapors and liquids which flow together here and which cause ugliness and disease in earth and stones and animals and plants. And the earth there is adorned with all these jewels and also with gold and silver and everything of the sort. For they are in plain sight, abundant and large and in many places, so that the earth is a sight to make those blessed who look upon it. And there are many animals upon it, and men also, some dwelling inland, others on the coast of the air, as we dwell about the sea, and others on islands, which the air flows around, near the mainland; and in short, what water and the sea are in our lives, air is in theirs, and what the air is to us, ether is to them. And the seasons are so tempered that people there have no diseases and live much longer than we, and in sight and hearing and wisdom and all such things are much superior to us as air is purer than water or the ether than air. And they have groves and sanctuaries sacred to gods, in which the gods really dwell, and they have intercourse with the gods by speech and prophesies and visions, and 76

Translation Perrin 1914. Translation Oldfather 1954. 78 Translation Perrin 1914. 79 Translation Oldfather 1954. 80 See Edmonds 2017. 77

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The Mid Classical Period they see the sun and moon and stars as they really are, and in all other ways their blessedness is in accord with this.81 This ideal habitat has the additional endowment of being located in the sky, where wise men can live together with the gods in sacred groves, their lives being entirely happy, without disease, and with abundance of everything needed. The whole scene is characterised by absolute beauty. The area around the Ilissus river outside the walls of Athens is regarded by Plato (Phaedrus 229 b – 230 c) as an idyllic place location. The following dialogue is supposed to have taken place at the time of Socrates. Here we have the beauty of the natural environment, associated with the memory of a mythical episode and with girlish beauty and a place sacred to the nymphs. There is shade there and a moderate breeze and grass to sit on, or, if we like, to lie down on …. Tell me, Socrates, it is not from some place along here by the Ilissus that Boreas is said to have carried off Oreithyia? … The streamlet looks very pretty and pure and clear and fit for girls to play by …. By Hera, it is a charming resting place. For this plane tree is very spreading and lofty, and the tall and shady willow is very beautiful, and it is in full bloom, so as to make the place more fragrant: then, too, the spring is very pretty as it flows under the plane tree, and its water is very cool, to judge by my foot. And it seems to be a sacred place of some Nymphs and of Achelous, judging by the figurines and statues. Then again, if you please, how lovely and perfectly charming the breeziness of the place is! And it resounds with the shrill summer music of the chorus of cicadas. But the most delightful thing of all is the grass, as it grows on the gentle slope, thick enough to be just right when you lay your head on it.82 The description of Atlantis in Plato’s Critias (113 e - 118 b) also locates this perfect island among the lists of the dreamscapes: And Poseidon himself set in order with easy, as a god would, the central island [Atlantis], bringing up from beneath the earth two springs of waters, the one flowing warm from its source, the other cold, and producing out of the earth all kinds of food in plenty ... the island itself furnished most of the requirements of daily life ... it brought forth also in abundance all the timbers that a forest provides ... and of animals it produced a sufficiency, both of tame and wild ... there was an ample food-supply, not only for all the other animals who haunt the marshes and lakes and rivers, on the mountains or the plains ... and in addition to all this, it produced and brought to perfection all these sweet-scented staffs which the earth produces now, whether made of root or herbs or trees, or of liquid gums derived from flowers or fruits. The cultivated fruit also, and the dry ... and all other kinds that we use for our meals and all the produce of trees which affords liquid and solid food and unguents, and the fruit of the orchad-trees ... and all the after-dinner fruits ... all these that hallowed island, as it lay then beneath the sun, produced in marvelous beauty and endless abundance .... The springs they made use of, one kind being of cold, another of warm water, were of abundant volume, and each kind was wonderfully well adapted for use because of the natural taste and 81 82

Translation Fowler 1929. Translation Fowler 1929.

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World excellence of its water .... And the outflowing water they conducted to the sacred grove of Poseidon, which contained trees of all kinds that were of marvelous beauty and height because of the richness of the soil; ... there they had constructed many temples for gods, and many gardens ... the mountains which surrounded it were at that time celebrated as surpassing all that now exists in number, magnitude and beauty: for they had upon them ... streams and lakes and meadows which furnished ample nutriment to all animals both tame and wild, and timber of various sizes and descriptions.83 The description of the golden age in Plato’s Politicus dialogue (272 a-c), conforms also to the idyllic: They [humans who lived during the golden age] had fruits in plenty from the trees and other plants, which the earth furneshed them of its own accord, without help from agriculture. And they lived for the most part in the open air, without clothing or bedding; for the climate was tempered for their comfort, and the abundant grass that grew up out of the earth furnished them soft couches … the people of those old times were immeasurably happier than those of our epoch.84 For the gardens of the Muses we must turn to Plato’s Ion dialogue (534 a-b): The Bacchants are possessed and not in their senses, when they draw honey and milk from the rivers … the poets tell us, I believe, that the songs they bring us are the sweets they cull from honey-dropping founts in certain gardens and glades of the Muses – like the bees, and winging the air as they do. And what they tell is true.85 Thus only a few elected poets and musicians are gifted with being able to lose their senses and to receive inspiration in paradisiacal environments, characterised by the Muses, fountains, honey, gardens and woodlands: only there can they acquire the gifts of divine poetry and music. The lush landscape near Zeus’ cave on Crete is described in Plato’s Laws (1. 625 b-c): As one proceeds further one finds in the groves cypress-trees of wonderful height and beauty, and meadows …. When we set eyes on them we shall say so still more emphatically.86 The same philosopher also described idyllic landscapes in some of his epigrams (Anthologia Graeca 9. 823): Let the cliff clothed in greenery of the Dryads keep silence, and the fountains that fall from the rock, and the confused bleating of the ewes newly lambed; for Pan himself plays on his sweet-toned pipe, running his pliant lips over the joined reeds, and

83

Translation Fowler 1929. Translation Fowler 1929. 85 Translation Fowler 1929. 86 Translation Fowler 1929. 84

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The Mid Classical Period around with their fresh feet they have started the dance, the Nymphs, Hydriads, and Hamadryads.87 Here we have cliffs, fountains, Pan playing his syrinx, and female seduction in the form of several kinds of dancing Nymphs. The pastoral dream is complete in this above epigram, but others may be cited from Plato’s poem in Anthologia Graeca, i. e. 16. 13: Sit down by the high-foliaged vocal pine that quivers in the constant western breeze, and beside my plashing stream Pan’s pipe shall bring slumber to they charmed eyelids.88 Here Pan is piping at a spring below the pine and enjoys the breeze. Again, beauty and divine encounters are associated with an internalised enjoyment which derives from verdant nature. Anthologia Graeca 6. 43 is in the same mood: Some traveler, who stilled here his tormenting thirst in the heat, molded in bronze and dedicated ex voto this servant of the Nymphs, the damp songster who loves the rain, the frog who takes joy in light fountains; for it guided him to the water, as he wandered, singing opportunely with its amphibious mouth from the damp hollow. Then, not deserting the guiding voice, he found the drink he longed for.89 Nymphs, fountains, and frogs contribute a pleasant picture of the countryside. Three further epigrams by Plato find a sleeping Eros in an idyllic context. The first appears in Anthologia Graeca 9. 826: ‘On a Satyr standing by a Well and Love asleep. A cunning master wrought me, the Satyr, son of Bacchus, divinely inspiring the monolith with breath. I am the playmate of the Nymphs, and instead of purple wine I now pour forth pleasant water. Guide your steps here in silence, lest you disturb the boy lapped in soft sleep’;90 the second (Anthologia Graeca 9. 827) being: ‘I am the dear servant of horned Dionysus, and put forth the water of the silver Naiads, soothing the young boy who rests asleep’;91 and the third (Anthologia Graeca 16. 210): When we entered the deep-shadowed wood we found within it the son of Cytherea like unto rosy apples. Nor had he the quiver that holds arrows, nor his bent bow, but they were hanging on the leafy trees, and he lay among the rose-blossoms smiling, bound fast by sleep, and above him the tawny bees were sprinkling on his dainty lips honey dripping from the comb.92 The most attractive of the god is imagined here sleeping inside a beautiful grove near a satyr, who acts as a fountain, in a world of roses and bees. Thus is the Arcadian dream fully expressed 87

Translation Paton 1918. The problem of the attribution of epigrams to Plato is outside the goal of this essay. Translation Paton 1918. Translation Paton 1918. 90 Translation Paton 1918. 91 Translation Paton 1918. 92 Translation Paton 1918. 88 89

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World in these poems attributed to Plato, to whom is also attributed a description of the world of the blessed (Axiochus 371 c-d), confirming the endowment of this fantasy landscape with idyllic motifs and described, according to a theory attributed to Persian magi: There without stint the seasons bloom with every kind of produce, and fountains of pure water flow; and everywhere are meadows made beautiful by flowers of varied hues, and places of discussions for philosophers, and theatres of poets, and cyclic choirs, and the hearing of music, and elegant banquets, and feasts self-furnished, and an unmixed freedom from pain, and a delightful mode of living. Nor is produced there violent cold or heat, but a well-tempered air is diffused around, mixed with the sun’s mild beams. There is the seat of honor to those, who have shared in the Mysteries; for they perform together their holy rites even thither.93 It is said that Plato’s parents made sacrifices to the gods of Mt Hymettus,94 a story reported with more details by Aelian (Varia historia10. 21): Perictione carried Plato in her arms: Aristo sacrificing on Mt Hymettus to the Muses or the Nymphs, whilst they were performing the divine rites, she laid  Plato  down among certain thick and shady myrtle-trees that grew near to the place. A swarm of Hymettian bees lighted about his mouth as he slept, thereby signifying the future sweetness of Plato’s tongue.95 This would seem to foreshadow the philosopher’s dislike of society and his love of solitude and meditation. Plato’s love of solitary groves is also illustrated by his lifestyle. According to Diogenes Laertius (3. 7), the great thinker ‘lived … in a grove named after a certain hero, Hecademus, as it is stated by Eupolis …: ‘In the shady walks of the divine Hecademus’. Moreover … verses of Timon … refer to Plato: ‘… The cicala … perched on the trees of Hecademus, pours forth a strain as delicate as a lily’’.96 To conclude, in this period, therefore, a literature specifically devoted to Arcadia already existed. The first known author in this field was Diagoras, who wrote a Mantineon egkomion, the title suggesting that praise was lavished on this Arcadian polis. The legislation of Nicodorus of Mantinea97 introduced in the late 420s was much praised,98 and must have contributed to the good reputation enjoyed by this city state in terms of its wise government. The priestess (or seer) Diotima of Mantinea, whose new concept of Eros was appreciated by Socrates and who was thought to have held off the plague in Athens (Plato, Symposium 210 a 93

Translation Burges 1854. ‘To Pan, and the Nymphs, and the pastoral Apollo, on his account, when he was yet an infant…’ (Olympiodorus, Life of Plato 1): translation Taylor 1804. 95 Translation Stanley 1670, with amendments. 96 Translation Hicks 1925. 97 On this legislator, see Hoelkeskamp 2000: 917. 98 Aelian, Varia historia 2. 23; Eustathius, Ad Homeri Odysseiam 1860. 52-54; see also Aristotle, Politics 6. 2. 1318 b. 21-23 94

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The Mid Classical Period – 212 b), may also have had something to do with the intellectual reputation of this Arcadian city.99 The visual evidence The mid Classical period was a pivotal time also for representations of loci amoeni and groves in the visual culture of the period. From c. 440 BC, Muses are represented seating on rocks,100 meant to represent Mt. Helicon,101 i. e. the sacred mountain of Muses (Figure 7) where humans can enjoy the view and the songs of the Muses. Myron’s bronze statue of a heifer – probably the last work of this master and dedicated on the Acropolis of Athens – was endowed with an idyllic flavor, evoking a bucolic environment, among herdsmen and their cattle.102 The popular representation of Pan seating on a rock, known from the late 5th c. BC onwards,103 probably also implies a similar rural setting. The Attic Phiale Painter, c. 430 BC, depicted a scene of Hermes giving the infant Dionysus to Silenus, sitting on a rock and attended by five nymphs, probably intended to represent the mythical cave of Nysa (Figure 8).104 Here we have a very eloquent picture of an idyllic landscape, with a fantasy cave, young nymphs, Dionysus and Silenus – both associated with inebriation and sensual gratification – and Hermes, the divine traveller to remote and fabulous lands, far from the confined environment of the polis. The representations of Aphrodite leaning against a tree are equally important, especially the configurations of the goddess

Figure 7: The Achilles Painter, lekythos (Munich, Antikensammlung). 99

For Diotima, see Eisenberger 1987: 183-218. See e. g. Queyrel 1992: 657-681, nos. 6, 12, 14, 16, 19, 44 b, 45, 48 a, 100, 107, 153, and Vazaki 2003: figs. 5-6, 41. 101 See the inscription ΗΛΙΚΟΝ written on the rock on which a Muse is seated in the lekythos at Munich of the Achilles Painter, Antikensammlung 80 (Oakley 1997: 141, no. 209, and Walter-Karydi 2011: 419-432). 102 See Hallof 2014: 1-117, in particular 28-92, work no. 24, testimonia nos. 751-816. 103 See Boardman 1997: 923-941, in particular 927, no. 60. 104 This Attic krater is in The Vatican Museum, Rome, Museo Gregoriano Profano, no. 16586: see Oakley 1990: 75-76, no. 54. 100

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 8: The Attic Phiale Painter, krater (Rome, The Vatican Museums, Museo Gregoriano Profano).

Figure 9: Relief from Daphni (Athens, The National Archaeological Museum).

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The Mid Classical Period

Figure 10: Reverse of coin type of Megara struck in Antonine times with running Artemis, inspired by Strongylion’s Artemis at Megara (London, The British Museum: Department of Coins).

Figure 11: The Eretria Painter, epinetron (Athens, The National Archaeological Museum).

referred to as the Daphni type (Figure 9) and εν κηποις, conceived at Athens c. 430-420 BC, the latter by Alcamenes.105 The goddess is imagined in a woodland setting, represented by the tree:106 trees, nature, beauty, and love are thought to convey a picture of sensual seduction. The ‘magic grove’ was evoked through Strongylion’s statue of Artemis Soteira which was set up at Megara in the late 5th c. BC.107 This representation is found on coins struck by Megara as well as on reliefs (Figure 10).108

105

Delivorrias 1984: 1-151, nos. 193-211, and Romeo 1993: 31-44. Raeder and Lehmann 2014: 354-390, in particular 355-359, nos. 1110-1113. 107 See Filges and Hallof 2014: 415-427, in particular 415-417, no. 1163. 108 Corso 2004: 58-62. 106

47

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The goddess is imagined running at night throught the forests north of the city, aiding Megarian soldiers against the Persians of Mardonius (Pausanias 1. 40. 2-3, 44. 4). The goddess is conceived by Strongylion as a teenage girl in a short diploid chiton, a girdle below her breasts, and chignon coiffure. The overall sense is of a forest episode, far from humans, where one may well encounter and marvel at the grace and mystery of a young goddess. This work by Strongylion marks the beginning of a series of similar representations of Artemis that is to become very popular in late Classical times. The depictions of an ideal paradise, ruled by kindness, love, beauty and seduction, where the old myths are transformed into beautiful stories, also characterises the vase painting of the so-called ‘rich style’, in the late 5th c. BC, particularly the work of the Eretria Painter109(Figure 11) and the Meidias Painter and his circle.110 (Figure 12) Evocations of exotic and remote lands, full of marvels, can also be found in the pebble mosaics (Figure 13), particularly in dining rooms, of the late 5th c. BC.111 Taken altogether, the evidence of the preceding pages, relating to mid Classical times, suggests that during these decades the desire to leave cities and communities and settle in wild, natural habitats gained momentum and slowly became prevalent. This widespread feeling may have been the result of a number of socio/historical factors: the crisis of the institution of the polis; the rise of an elitist and aristocratic mentality, which led to the contempt of the ochlos and of the environments where the masses lived, and of course to the decline of democratic ideals; the sophistic theory that physis is superior to nomos, thus that the wise can live happily only in nature, far from communities; the need to evade the narrow environment of the city state; the success of utopian and philosophical theories, which depicted the ideal paradise that the wise try to reach; the trend toward individualistic ideals of life. The most valued landscapes are high mountains, meadows and forests, inhabited by divine beings such as Pan and appealing nymphs. Among the fantasy landscapes that could be actually enjoyed, the Persian paradises were particularly valued by the oligarchic sectors of Greek society. Additionally, the notion of Arcadia as a ‘magic mountain’ is also evidenced, as seen in an anonymous fragment of old Attic comedy. The appeal of this region will develop exponentially in late Classical times. 109

See e. g. Lezzi-Hafter 1988: pls. 140-145, 168-169. See e. g., Burns 1987: 15-59, and Tiverios 2014: 67-89. 111 Franks 2014: 156-169; Franks 2018: 47-178. 110

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The Mid Classical Period

Figure 12: The Meidias Painter, hydria (London, The British Museum).

Figure 13: Pebble mosaic from Olynthus, Villa of Good Fortune (Greece).

49

Chapter 4

The Late Classical Period The historical and literary evidence The love of solitude does not fade in late Classical times. According to Plutarch (X Orators 844 d-f), Demosthenes, ‘when he was still a young man he withdrew into a cave and studied there, shaving half of his head to keep himself from going out … he used to go to the shore at Phalerum and address his remarks to the roar of the waves’.1 The same author (Demosthenes 7. 3) also specifies that this orator ‘built a subterranean study … and he would often remain there even for two or three months together, shaving one side of his head in order that shame might keep him from going out’.2 At Corinth, between 365 and 345 BC, Timoleon (Plutarch, Timoleon 5. 3) ‘made up his mind to live by himself, apart from the world. So he gave up all public life, and for a long while did not even return to the city, but spent his time wandering in great distress of mind among the most remote parts of the country’.3 Turning to Diogenes Laertius, the Platonic philosopher Xenocrates (4. 2. 11) ‘more than once a day … would retire into himself, as he assigned, it is said, a whole hour to silence’.4 And the same author recalls (4. 3. 19) that the Academic philosopher Polemo ‘would … withdraw from society and confine himself to the Garden of the Academy’5 and that (9. 11. 63) Pyrrho of Elis ‘would withdraw from the world and live in solitude, rarely showing himself to his relatives. … Often … he would leave his home and, telling no one, would go roaming about’.6 According to Hermippus (FGrH 1026, Frg. 78), the philosopher ‘Alexinus spent his life in solitude’ at Olympia.7 And the notion of solitude is also analysed by Aristotle (Topica 2. 11. 115 b),8 the Stagirites observes that ‘in certain places it is possible for a man to exist alone’.

1

Translation Fowler 1936. The problem of the attribution of this work to Plutarch is not relevant to the main subject of this book. 2 Translation Perrin 1914 with amendment. See, e. g., Martin 2019). 3 Translation Perrin 1914 with amendment: Dagasso 2006. 2: 3-22. 4 Translation Hicks 1925: Whitehead 1981: 223-244. 5 Translation Hicks 1925. 6 Translation Hicks 1925. 7 Translation Schepens 1998: Bäumler 2008: 71-85. 8 Translation Tredennick 1966: Riesbeck 2016.

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The Late Classical Period The spread of Platonism in Arcadia may have happened thanks to the student Lastheneia of Mantinea9 (Diogenes Laertius 3. 46, 4. 2) who was also to became the lover of Speusippus, Plato’s successor at the Academy (Athenaeus 7. 279 and 12. 546).10 The glorification of loci amoeni is known thanks to the Aristotelean treatise De mundo 1. 391 a.11 The author refers to ‘those who have earnestly described to us the nature of a single place, or the plan of a single city, of the size of a river, or the beauty of a mountain, as some have done before now – some of them tell us of Ossa, some of Nysa, others of the Corycian cave, or whatever other detail it happens to be’. This passage implies that the beauty of mountains had become a rhetorical pattern. Moreover Arcadia is increasingly regarded as a land of marvels, as revealed in the essay ‘On marvellous things heard’ (15) attributed to Aristotle: They say that in Cyllene in Arcadia the black-birds are white, but not in any other place, and that they have harmonious voices and come out into the moonshine; and that if one were to try by day, they are very hard to catch.12 The harmonious song of these birds in the moonlight well conveys the magic of the tale. The need to evade the narrow world of the polis feeds reports on loci amoeni, one might find by travelling westwards. And a few further specifications in this Aristotelean pamphlet, are pertinent to this theme (i. e. 82): In Sicily in the district of Enna there is said to be a cave, around which is an abundance of flowers at every season of the year and particularly that a vast space is filled with violets, which fill the neighborhood with sweet scent.13 Logically, sometimes these idealised landscapes are regarded as being in remote, faraway locations (84): In the sea outside the Pillars of Heracles they say that a desert island was found by the Carthaginians, having wood of all kinds and navigable rivers, remarkable for all other kinds of fruits.14

9

Dorandi 1989: 51-66. Taran 1981. 11 Translation Forster 1992. I am aware that the attribution of this treatise to Aristotle by the manuscript tradition is rejected by most scholars, but I find their reasoning uncompelling, thus here I stick to the traditional inclusion of the De mundo in the Aristotelean corpus. The geographical knowledge revealed by this treatise is what we would expect for the age of Alexander and no event later than this period is mentioned. 12 Translation Hett 1955. 13 Translation Hett 1955. 14 Translation Hett 1955. 10

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Also (113-114): ‘In the empire of the Carthaginians they say that there is a mountain called Uranium, full of every kind of timber, and made beautiful by many-colored flowers, so that a succession of places sharing the sweet scent over a large district gives a most delightful air to travelers. At this place they say that there is a spring of oil, which has a scent like the cuttings of cedar. But he who approaches it must be pure, and when this is the case the oil bubbles up more than before, so that it can be safely drawn off. They say that near this spring there is a natural rock, of vast size. When it is summer it sends up a flame of fire, but in winter a spring of water flows from the same source, so cold that when compared with snow, its temperature is the same’.15 Mountains, flowers, woodland, pure air, springs and rocks all form an idyllic environment, which is the natural setting of moral purity. In the ‘Problems’ attributed to Aristotle (30. 1. 953 a), there is the observation that ‘all men who have become outstanding in philosophy, statesmanship, poetry or the arts are melancholic’.16 Of course, melancholia can lead to loneliness and certainly does not favour participation in community life. The behaviour of those who decide not to live in the community is outlined in the Magna Moralia, also attributed to Aristotle (1. 28. 1192 b): The self–sufficient man is one who avoids all intercourse and conversation with his fellows; his very name seems to have been given him from this peculiarity, for the selfsufficient is one who suffices himself.17 And the ‘high-minded’ (megalopsychos) are also thought to crave mountain solitude (Aristotle, Rhetoric 2. 24. 7. 1401 b): In the Alexander [by Euripides] it is said that Paris was high-minded, because he despised the companionship of the common herd and dwelt on Ida by himself: for because the high-minded are of this character, Paris also might be thought high-minded.18 In the realm of late Classical lyric poetry, Castorion of Soli, in his poem To Pan, glorifies Arcadia as a country of high, snowy lands, of herdsmen and wild beasts, inhabited by Pan, who plays music on his pipes and thus is loved by the Muses: ‘O you that have your dwelling in Arcadia’s snow-storm beaten land, you Pan, you herdsman of wild beasts, …, Lord, for the unskilled to understand: O Beast that serve the Muses, and utter wax-poured charms’.19 Pan is again celebrated as the god of Arcadia, a region famous for nymphs and dance, in the Attic banquet song (scolium) 4 Edmonds, in Athenaeus 15. 694 d, which gives the optimistic character of this region: 15

Translation Hett 1955. Translation Hett 1955. 17 Translation Tredennick 1990. 18 Translation Freese 1967. 19 Translation Campbell 2014 with amendments. 16

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The Late Classical Period O Pan, you Lord of famed Arcadia, comrade – dancer of the rioting Nymphs, may you smile, O Pan! with pleasure, at these my merry songs.20 Another anonymous song celebrates Arcadia as the first human being to be born directly from earth, whose birth was accompanied by ancient Pelasgian rites (Frg. 131 Edmonds): It was earth that at the first had the noble privilege of giving forth our human kind … but hard to discern it is whether the first human that arose was … Arcadia brought to birth with Pelasgian mysterious rites older than the Moon.21 An ideal world of grace, which blends together natural beauty, dances of mythical beings and Bacchic frenzy, is depicted in the anonymous poem Frgs. 124-126 and Frg. 128 Edmonds: The immortal meads of varied flowers take to their embrace beside an umbrageous grove dancing throngs of dainty Bacchic maids … whoso delights in good cheer and a dance … beloved darling of the Seasons, respite to man from his labor. … Hither, come hither, you maids, make haste to the front. Who can that maiden be? How gracefully about her hands.22 And the celebration of loneliness in the forest is forwarded in the poem 92, ed. Page: Birds nimble and musical were flitting through the lonely woodland; perched on the topmost pine branches they chirped and twittered in loud sweet jargoning, some beginning, some pausing, some silent, others sang aloud and spoke with voices on the hill-sides, and Echo talkative, that loves lonely places, made answer in the glades. The willing busy bees, snub-nosed, nimble-winged, summer’s toilers in a swarm, stingless, deep-toned, clay-workers, unhappy in love, unsheltered, draw up the sweet nectar honey-laden.23 During the central decades of the 4th c. BC, the genre of the bucolic poetry seems to have become well established. The first surviving example of a bucolic poem may be 123, ed. Page: Now seeing him, thus cheerfully spoke Silenus, unabashed. – ‘Tell me, great lord of shepherds, how could a warrior steadfast follow into a battle without a shield? How then come you to a dancing-match without your pipe? Where is your lute gone, shepherd, where your lyre? Where the wide fame of your songs, that delight even the ear of Zeus? Did you steal your pipe upon the hills while you slept after feasting without limit, Daphnis the cowherd or Lycidas or Thyrsis? Amyntichus or Menalcas? – For these young men your heart is set afire. Or have you given it for a wedding gift to a Nymph upon the mountains? – your heart flies ever beneath the wings of Love, and everywhere it is your wedding–day, and everywhere… Or did you take your pipe and hide it about with darkness, fearing the Satyrs…, lest they taunt you, when … you should pour forth… of noble songs, wanting…? Only about the ignorant shepherds you 20

Translation Campbell 2014 with amendments. Translation Campbell 2014 with amendments. 22 Translation Campbell 2014 with amendments. 23 Translation Page 1941. 21

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World are…, who hold you in wonder, and… name. Why are you not alarmed, lest Bacchus may approach you and see that you only are voiceless and heedless of the dancing, and… fetter your hairy arms on the lonely hills? ... took the bright wax from a hollow oak. First he warmed it in the rays of the sun… flew a bee that loves the dew… the honeycomb, in travail… about the head of Dionysus, and the oak was filled with its cunning work. In the flowery wax… honey was distilled in porous cells. Melted by the rays of the sun, the wax dissolved… to flow like olive-oil… Shaggy Pan, anointing…, fashioned a pipe… so that the wax should stand fast… Perseus flew from the sky of old… come, and founded a glorious city… wearied… to Bacchanals… was leaping around Pan… starting to go to the dance… fitted it to the edge of her lips… let go, and while the god blew therein… strongly the sinews of his neck [swelled up] as he blew… flesh stretched… of the plane-tree. Pan starting to play… ranged over, shifting his lips… breathed again and broader….24 In fact, the archetypal status of this poem in the bucolic genre is assured by its imitation by Vergil in his Sixth Eclogue. In this poem, lonely hills become a magical landscape inhabited by revelling and singing deities, by nymphs and by shepherds. This ideal world is conveyed to the listeners/readers of this poem as a utopic paradise, a setting in which one will be eventually happy. The invention of a song named nomion by the poetess Eriphanis should also be dated to this period, or earlier, as it was known already in the late 4th c. BC by Clearch25 (Erotika 1, in Athenaeus 14. 619 c-d). This lyric genre brought to the fore a world of mountains and groves, far from human communities, as a setting for un-requited: Eriphanis was a lyric poetess, who was in love with Menalcas the hunter; and she, pursuing him with her passions, hunted too. For often frequenting the mountains, and wandering over them, she came to the different groves, equaling in her wanderings the celebrated journeys of Io; so that not only those men who were most remarkable for their deficiency in the tender passion, but even the fiercest beasts joined in weeping for her misfortunes, perceiving the lengths to which her passionate hopes carried her. Therefore she wrote poems; and when she had composed them, as it is said, she roamed about the lonely places, shouting and singing the kind of song called nomion, in which the refrain of the song is ‘large oaks, O Menalcas’.26 The fame of Arcadia as land of delights extends to feminine beauty. The early 4th c. Athenian tragic poet Chaeremon (Alphesiboea, TrGF 1. 71. Frg. 1, in Athenaeus 13. 608 d)27 describes the beauty of Alphesiboea28, Arcadian heroine of Psophis: The glorious beauty of her dazzling body shone brilliant, a sweet sight to every eye; and modesty, a tender blush exciting, tinted her gentle cheeks with delicate rose: her 24

Translation Page 1941. For this pupil of Aristotle, see Gottschalk 1999: 502. 26 Translation Yonge 1854 with amendment. 27 F. Pressler 1997a: 1082. 28 On this heroine, see Graf 1997: 549. 25

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The Late Classical Period waxy hair, in gracefully modelled curls, falling as though arranged by sculptor’s hand, waved in the wanton breeze luxuriant.29 The lure of beautiful groves far from cities is found also in Theopompus (History of Philip 1, FGrH 115, Frg. 31):30 Onocarsis, an area in Thrace, … contained a large, beautifully planted grove of trees, and … was a delightful place to spend time in generally, but especially during the summer. It was in fact one of the favourite spots of Cotys [Thracian king, 383-360 BC] … who, accordingly, whenever in the course of his travels around the country he noticed spots that were full of shade-trees and well supplied with water, turned them into places to hold feasts. Whenever he visited them, he used to make sacrifices to the gods and spend time there with his commanders and was rich and extremely happy.31 It is apparent that this lush landscape, which so delighted the Thracian king, was also sacred and sacrifices are held there. The need to escape the confines of the city gave rise to the idea that citizens could find happiness in faraway places. This utopic thought is also argued by Theopompus (Thaumasia, FGrH 115, Frg. 75 c): Europa, Asia and Libya are islands, around which the ocean flows, and the only continent is the one surrounding the outside of this world. He [Theopompus] explained how infinitely big it is, that it supports other large animals and men twice the size of those who live here. Their lives are not the same length as ours, but in fact twice as long. … The inhabitants of the Pious [city] live in peace and with great wealth: they obtain the fruits of the earth without the plough and oxen, and they have no need to farm and cultivate. They remain healthy and free of disease, he [Theopompus] said, and end their lives full of laughter and contented. They are indisputably just, so that even the gods frequently deign to visit them. … They have an abundance of gold and silver.32 In this passage too, clearly the perfect place is close to the gods. Within the context of this desire for utopic settings, Arcadia is famed as a gentle land where, even the slaves are well-treated, as Theopompus reflects (History of Philip 46, FGrH 115, Frg. 215): The Arcadians entertain both the masters and the slaves at their feasts, and they prepare a single table for everyone, put the food in the midst of them all, and mix wine in one mixing-bowl for everyone.33

29

Translation Yonge 1854. For Theopompus, see Flower 1994. 31 Translation Yonge 1854. 32 Translation Wilson 1997. 33 Translation Gulick 1955. 30

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The notion of Arcadia as a mythical and marvelous land is explored by Ctesias,34 Rivers 1, in Plutach, (Names of rivers and mountains 19): Alpheus is a river of Arcadia, running by the walls of Pisa, a city of Olympia. It was formerly called Stymphelus, from Stymphelus the son of Ares and Dormothea; who, having lost his brother Alcmaeon, threw himself for grief into the river Nyctimus, for that reason called Stymphelus. Afterwards it was called Alpheus upon this occasion. Alpheus, one of those that derive their descent from Helios, contending with his brother Cercaphus  about the kingdom, slew him. For which being chased away and pursued by the Furies, he flung himself into the river Nyctimus, which after that was called Alpheus. In this river grows a plant which is called cenchritis, resembling a honey-comb, the decoction of which, being given by the physicians to those that are mad, cures them of their frenzy; — as Ctesias relates in his First Book of Rivers.35 The same mystique surrounding Arcadia is found in Eudoxus, (Descriptio terrarum 5, Frg. 313315 Lasserre):36 In Azania there is a fountain which makes that whoever tastes its water does not stand the smell of wine, and it is handed down that Melampous, when he purified the daughters of Proetus, threw the off-scorings into it.37 The idealisation of exotic lands feeds the contemporary utopian concept of the Far East. Ctesias (Persika, FGrH 688, Frg. 11) records that ‘the Dyrbaei live in a land towards the south, being settled near Bactrya and India. These humans are happy, wealthy and extremely just. They do no wrong and kill no humans. If they find on the road an object made of gold or of silver or a mantel or something else, would remove nothing’.38 A Chaldean chronicle found by Alexander the Great and handed down by Moises of Chorene (History of Armenia 1. 16), narrated that Semiramis was enchanted by the beauty of the landscape near Mt. Ararat and admired the mountains, valleys, flowers, clear springs, and flowing rivers, lakes, and caves. According to Arrian (3. 4. 1-2), the oasis of Zeus Ammon in the Egyptian desert looked to Alexander and his companions an idyllic spot: ‘The site [the sanctuary of Ammon] is full of garden trees, olives and palms …. A spring, too, rises from it’.39 The same historian also records (7. 20. 3-4) that an island near the mouth of the Euphrates was to Alexander another sacred landscape: ‘… thickly wooded with every kind of tree; it also contained a sanctuary of Artemis and … it pastured wild goats and deer which are consecrated to Artemis and could range free’.40 34

For Ctesias, see Waters 2017. Translation Goodwin 1874. 36 For Eudoxus, see Lasserre 1966. 37 Translation of the author. 38 Translation of the author. 39 Translation Robson 1929. 40 Translation Robson 1929 with amendment. 35

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The Late Classical Period The description of the oasis of Ammon by Diodorus (17. 50. 1-4) is also suggestive of a sacred idyllic landscape: ‘The oasis … is watered by many fine springs, so that it is covered with all sorts of trees, especially those valued for their fruit. … The land … is sacred to the god [Ammon]. … There is another temple of Ammon shaded by many large trees, and near this is the spring which is called the Spring of the Sun’.41 A magic garden full of trees of unusual dimensions, perhaps inhabited by gods, was thought to have been enjoyed by the conqueror, in the kingdom of Queen Candace (Pseudo-Callisthenes 3. 21. 1-5 and Julius Valerius 3. 21). The enchanting lushness of Persia excites the fantasy of the army of Alexander, as we learn from Rufus (5. 4. 5-9) when a prisoner speaks to the general: ‘Persis on one side is shut by continuous chains of mountains. This height, which extends in length for 1600 stadia, and in width for 170, reaches from the Caucasus Mountains to the Red Sea, and where the mountains end, another barrier, the sea, is interposed. Then at the roots of the mountains a spacious plain slopes down, a fertile land …. Through these fields the river Araxes rolls the waters of many torrents into the Medus. The Medus – a lesser river than the one which flows into it – in a southerly direction goes on to the sea, and no other river is more favorable to the growth of vegetation, and it clothes with flowers whatsoever it flows near. Plane trees also and poplars cover its banks, so that to those who view them from afar the groves along the banks seem to be a continuation of those on the mountains. For the shaded stream flows in a channel sunk-deep in the soil, and over it hang hills which are themselves also rich in foliage because of the moisture which makes its way to their roots. No other region in all Asia is regarded as more health-giving; the climate is tempered on one side by dark and shaded mountains in a continuous line, which alleviates the heat, on the other by the nearness of the sea, which warms the lands with moderate heat’.42 Persia was clearly regarded as containing examples of idyllic landscapes with monumental tombs of important rulers; Arrian (6. 29. 4): The tomb of this Cyrus was in the territory of the Pasargadae, in the royal park; round it had been planted a grove of all sorts of trees; the grove was irrigated, and deep grass had grown in the meadow.43 Media also seems to have presented examples of utopian landscapes to Alexander’s soldiers; here is Rufus this time (7. 2. 22): ‘The residences in that region have extensive, charming, and secluded parks with groves artificially planted, these were the special delight of both kings and satraps’.44 In Hyrcania Alexander sees a wonderful landscape near Hecatompylus (Diodorus 17. 75. 2): ‘Near a huge rock … under its base there was a marvellous cave from which flowed a great river known as the Stiboeites. This tumbles out with a rapid current for a distance of three furlongs, and then divides into two courses on either side of a breast-shaped ‘rock’, beneath 41

Translation Welles 1963. Translation Rolfe 1946. 43 Translation Robson 1929. 44 Translation Rolfe 1946. 42

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World which there is a vast cavern. Into this the river plungs with a great roar, foaming from its clash against the rock’.45 Still in Hyrcania Alexander found another blessed territory near the ‘Fortunate Villages’ (Diodorus 17. 75. 4-7): ‘Their land produces crops far more generously than elsewhere. … Each vine produces a metretes of wine, while there are some fig trees which produce ten medimni of dried figs. The grain which is overlooked at the harvest and fall to the ground germinates without being sown and brings to maturity an abundant harvest. There is a tree … like an oak …, from the leaves of which honey drips; this some collect and take their pleasure from it abundantly. … A winged animal … roams the mountains gathering nectar from every kind of flower. Dwelling in hollow rocks and lightning-blasted trees it forms combs of wax and fashions a liquid of surpassing sweetness’.46 The lands of Sogdiana also appeared to Alexander’s armies as idyllic, as Rufus informs (8. 1. 1113): ‘There is no greater indication of the wealth of the barbarians in these regions than their herds of noble wild beasts, confined in great woods and parks. For this purpose they choose extensive forests made attractive by perennial springs. They surround the woods with walls and have towers as stands for the hunters. The forest was known to have been undisturbed for four successive generations’.47 And, on finally reaching India, the landscapes there also clearly evoked the same sentiments (Rufus 8. 10. 13-17): ‘Ivy and vines in abundance grow all over the height, and many perennial springs gush forth. There are also fruits of a varied and wholesome flavour, since the earth without cultivation produces crops from the reeds that chance to fall there. Laurel, box, and myrtle form a natural grove on those rocks. … in a spirit of playfulness, they [Alexander’s men] plucked the foliage of the ivy and the vines everywhere, and wreathed with garlands made from the leaves wandered here and there through the whole grove like so many Bacchantes … As they were in full enjoyment of peace, they threw themselves on the grass and the leaves that they had heaped together’.48 Arrian’s account (5. 2. 5-7) probably refers to the same episode and depicts this countryside as the typical ideal landscape, endowed both with natural powers and mythical memories: Mount Merus … full of ivy and laurel, with all sorts of groves; he [Alexander] saw how shaded it was … The Macedonians were delighted to see the ivy … and they eagerly made wreaths of it and crowned themselves there and then, singing hymns to Dionysus … Many of the more exalted Macedonians who were with him crowned themselves with the ivy, and were, on this invocation to the god, possessed by Dionysus, raised the Dionysiac cry, and rushed hither and thither, in the Bacchic way.49 The marvels of this Indian region sacred to Dionysus are later described by Justin also (12. 7. 7-8). 45

Translation Welles 1963. Translation Welles 1963. 47 Translation Rolfe 1946. 48 Translation Rolfe 1946 with amendment. 49 Translation Robson 1929. 46

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The Late Classical Period Moreover in India Alexander was told to have entered a pleasant park full of trees in which there were temples dedicated to the Sun and the Moon (Pseudo-Callisthenes 3. 17. 29-30 and Julius Valerius 3. 17). This paradeisos fits the standard image of the sacred idyllic landscape. The naked wise men of India, met by Alexander, were thought to live in caves and work as shepherds (Pseudo-Callisthenes 3. 5. 1-2 and Julius Valerius 3. 5), and their life style was viewed as leading them to wisdom and happiness. Nearchus,50 during his navigations in the Indian Ocean, also found loci amoeni: according to Arrian (8. 27. 2) i. e. ‘at Barna … there were many date palms and a garden, with myrtles and flowers growing in it, of which wreaths were woven by the natives’.51 He also apparently found a magical island. According to Arrian (8. 31. 1-7), ‘an … island … sacred to Helios, and called Nasela … One of the Nereids dwelt there … she would have intercourse with anyone who approached the island, but then turn him into a fish and throw him into the sea’.52 The Island of the Sun is associated with the story of Alexander long after (Pseudo-Callisthenes 3. 28. 3-5 and Julius Valerius 3. 28). Indeed the Indian Ocean was also regarded as being full of marvels by Nearchus and his companions. Rufus (10. 1. 11 and 14) goes on to relate that ‘there was an island opposite the mouth of the river, which abounded in gold … There was, not far from the mainland, an island thickly planted with palm groves, and … in about the middle of the wood a lofty column arose, marking the grave of King Erythrus’.53 This testimony is also confirmed by Arrian (8. 37. 3), Pseudo-Callisthenes (3. 17. 3) and Julius Valerius (3. 17). Other islands in the same Ocean were also regarded by Nearchos as being sacred to Poseidon (Arrian 8. 37. 4), Hermes and Aphrodite (Arrian 8. 37. 10). In 317 BC Eumenes finds an idyllic landscape near Persepolis (Diodorus 19. 21. 3): ‘There were glens heavily overgrown and shady, cultivated trees of various kinds in parks, also natural converging glades full of trees of every sort and streams of water, so that travellers lingered with delight in places pleasantly inviting repose. And there was an abundance of cattle of every kind’.54 Arcadian legends were also to become very popular as subjects for Attic tragedies (see Timotheus’ Alphesiboea = TrGF1. 56,55 Astydamas’ Lycaon = TrGF 1. 60. 4a,56 Chaeremon’s Alphesiboea = TrGF 1. 71. Frg. 1, above quoted, Aphoreus’ Auge = TrGF 1. 73, and Cleophon’s57 Telephus = TrGF 1. 77) as well as comedies (see Alcaeus’ Callisto, Frg. 17 K.-A., Amphis’ Callisto,58

50

For Nearchus, see Bucciantini 2015. Translation Robson 1929. 52 Translation Robson 1929. 53 Translation Rolfe 1946. 54 Translation Welles 1963. 55 On the poet Timotheus, see Hordern 2002. 56 See Liapis 2016. 1: 61-89. 57 See B. Zimmermann 1999: 595. 58 See Papachrysostomou 2016. 51

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Antiphanes’ Arcas, Frgs. 42-43 K.-A.,59 Eubulus’ Auge, Frg. 14 K.-A.,60 Philyllius’61 Auge, frgs. 3-5 K.-A., and Theophilus62, Proetides). The popularity of the myth of Callisto in poetry is confirmed by Ovid, i. e. Amores 3. 12. 31 (‘we [poets] made a bear of a girl’ [Callisto]) and Tristia 1. 3. 48 (‘the Parrhasian bear’); 2. 190 (‘the Parrhasian girl’) 3. 2. 2 (‘the Lycaonian pole’) and 3. 11. 8 (‘the Maenalian bear’). The legend of Auge is told by Hyginus, Fabulae 99 (see also 162): Auge, daughter of Aleus, ravished by Hercules, when her time was near, gave birth to a child on Mount Parthenius, and there exposed him. At the same time Atalanta, daughter of Iasius, exposed a son by Meleager. A doe, however, sucked the child of Hercules. Shepherds found these boys and took them away and reared them, giving the name Telephus  to the son of Hercules  because a doe had suckled him, and to Atalanta’s child the name Parthenopaeus, because she had exposed him on Mount Parthenius [pretending to be virgin]. Auge, however, fearing her father, fled to Moesia to King Teuthras, who took her as a daughter since he was without children.63 Hyginus (Fabulae 155) evokes Callisto daughter of Lycaon and her son Arcas and may be indebted to the same tradition. He reports in detail her legend (176-177): Juppiter is said to have come as guest to Lycaon, son of Pelasgus, and to have seduced his daughter Callisto. From them Arcas was born, who named the land from his own name. But the son of Lycaon wanted to test Juppiter, to see whether he was a god or not; they mixed human flesh with the other meat, and set it before him at a banquet. When he realized it, in anger he overturned the table, and slew the sons of Lycaon with a thunderbolt. At that place Arcas later fortified a town which he called Trapezus. But for Lycaon, their father, Juppiter changed into the form lykon, that is, the form of a wolf. Callisto, daughter of Lycaon, is said to have been changed into a bear by the wrath of Juno, because she had lain with Juppiter. Afterwards Juppiter  put her among the number of the stars as a constellation called Septentrio, which does not move from its place, nor does it set. For Tethys, wife of Ocean, and foster mother of Juppiter, forbids its setting in the Ocean. This, then, is the greater Septentrio, about whom it is written in Cretan  verses: ‘You, too, born of the transformed Lycaonian Nymph, who, stolen from the chill Arcadian  height, was forbidden by Tethys  ever to dip herself in the Oceanus because once she dared to be concubine to her foster child . . . ‹ This bear, then is called Helice by the Greeks. She has seven rather dim stars on her head, two on either ear, one on her shoulder, a bright one on her breast, one on her forefoot, a bright one at the tip of her tail; at the back on her thigh, two; at the bottom of her foot, two; on her tail, three — twenty in all.64

59

See Konstantakos 2000: 173-196. See Hunter 1983. See Baebler 2000: 901. 62 Baebler 2002: 381. 63 Translation Grant 1960. 64 Translation Grant 1960 with amendments. 60 61

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The Late Classical Period Remaining with Hyginus (Fabulae 224), the author repeats that ‘Arcas, son of Juppiter  and Callisto, (was) placed among the stars’ and that ‘Callisto, daughter of Lycaon, (was) put in the constellation Septentrio’.65 The same writer (244) remembers that ‘Phegeus, son of Alpheus, killed the daughter of his daughter Alphesiboea’,66 and also informs (270) that ‘Parthenopaeus, son of Meleager  and Atalanta [was most handsome]’.67 Finally, during late Classical times, a special form of literature associated with Arcadia became popular. Hellanicus wrote a treatise Peri Arkadias,68 Aristoxenus wrote about Mantineon ethe,69 Aristotle published a Koine Arkadon politeia and Heraieon, Lepreaton, Mantineon, Tegeaton politeiai. Perhaps Archetimus’ Arkadika (FGrH 3125, Frg. 1) are also from this period. Palaephatus, in his On Incredible Tales 6, describes Actaeon’s delight in hunting on mountains, opining that he was an Arcadian.70 This writer is likely to be identified with a homonymous loved by Aristotle. Zopyrus of Byzantium, 71 Histories 3, in Plutarch, Greek and Roman Parallel Stories 36. 1 merges the mythical history of Arcadia in a habitat of hunters, shepherds, trees, streams, beautiful girls and deities, blessed by the divine providence: Phylonome, the daughter of Nyctimus and Arcadia, was wont to hunt with Artemis; but Ares, in the guise of a shepherd, got her with child. She gave birth to twin children and, fearing her father, cast them into the Erymanthus; but by some divine providence they were borne round and round without peril, and found haven in the trunk of a hollow oak-tree. A wolf, whose den was in the tree, cast her own cubs into the stream and suckled the children. A shepherd, Gyliphus, was witness of this event and, taking up the children, reared them as his own, and named them Lycastus and Parrhasius, the same that later succeeded to the throne of Arcadia.72 It is worth adding that the appeal of Arcadia as land of beauty may have been strengthened by the fame of the Arcadian courtesan Lastheneia who became the lover of Dionysius the Younger of Syracuse (Dionysius, Letters to Speusippus, in Athenaeus 7. 279 e). From the literary evidence of late Classical times we may argue that the ideal of escaping from the community and living in nature gains momentum and becomes particularly appealing throughout these decades. Lovely nymphs, groves, springs, hills, shepherds and their animals become elements of an environment, in which it is possible to be happy: a sacred landscape, in contact with myths, heroes, and gods. 65

Translation Grant 1960, with amendment. Translation Grant 1960. 67 Translation Grant 1960. 68 See Caerols 1991. 69 Huffman 2019. 70 Millino 2013: 997-1005. 71 This Zopyrus of Byzantium probably coincides with the namesake with the same ethnic mentioned in Inscriptiones Graecae 2 (3rd ed.) 1. 403, for the year 340-339 BC. 72 Translation Babbitt 1936. 66

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Arcadia becomes a salient example of this ideal world. Others claimed to have found ideal sites in faraway places, where everything seems beautiful and perfect, where no harm would come to visitors. The evidence in architecture and the visual arts These ideas had a strong impact, even in the realms of architecture and the visual arts. The peristyles of the most lavish palaces are no longer courtyards but become gardens; moreover the residences of rulers now acquire what one might think of as parklands, pavilions, and pools73, no doubt partly the result of the influence of Persian and near eastern models. Small temples are also erected, opening onto gardens and parks and determining sacred idyllic landscapes. The most famous example of this new trend is the round temple of Cnidian Aphrodite at Cnidus, in which the naked Aphrodite by Praxiteles was set up, and which, in its first phase, probably links with the actual lifetime of Praxiteles.74 The garden near the temple is described in the Amores attributed to Lucian (11-13): ‘We walked to the temple of Aphrodite … and immediately it seemed, there breathed upon us from the sacred precinct itself breezes fraught with love. For the uncovered court was not for the most part paved with smooth slabs of stone to form an unproductive area but, as was to be expected in Aphrodite’s sanctuary, was all of it prolific with garden fruits. These trees, luxuriant far and wide with fresh green leaves, roofed in the air around them. But more than all others flourished the berry laden myrtle growing luxuriantly beside its mistress and all the other trees that are endowed with beauty. Though they were old in years they were not withered or faded but, still in their youthful

Figure 14: Dresden Artemis, copy from Praxiteles’ Artemis at Megara (Dresden, Staatlische Kunstsammlungen, Skulpturensammlung).

73 74

See Nielsen 1994: 13-101; Nielsen 2007: 165-187. For this typology, see Weber 1990: 106-111.

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Figure 15: Artemis on coin of Mantinea, inspired by Praxiteles’ Artemis at Mantinea (Athens, The Numismatic Museum).

prime, swelled with fresh sprays. Intermingled with these were trees that were unproductive except for having beauty, for their fruit – cypresses and planes that towered to the heavens and with them Daphne, who deserted from Aphrodite and fled from that goddess long ago. But around every tree crept and twined the ivy, devotee of love. Rich vines were hung with their thick clusters of grapes. For Aphrodite is more delightful when accompanied by Dionysus and the gifts of each are sweeter if blended together …. Under the particularly shady trees were joyous couches for those who wished to feast themselves there. These were occasionally visited by a few folk of breeding, but all the city rabble flocked there on holidays and paid true homage to Aphrodite’.75 In the realm of the visual arts, the youthful, attractive, typical of late Classical times, are often represented inside groves. Images of Artemis, clad in short chiton, running and hunting in the grove became popular in the 4th c. BC, reflecting the growing idealised concept of groves and forests as well as the concept of hunting as an aristocratic sport in developing in the decades extending from the time of Xenophon to the establishment of the Macedonian hegemony. In the late 5th c. BC, the iconography of the young Artemis running in the forest was established by Strongylion with his influential Artemis Soteira in Megara as referred to previously. Praxiteles, later, is to highlight the moment when Artemis in the grove is on the point of taking an arrow from her quiver with her uplifted right hand, the bow firmly in her left. This Artemis scene probably coincided with the sister of Apollo in the Apollinean triad erected in

75

Translation MacLeod 1967.

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 16: The Versailles Artemis (Paris, Louvre, DAGER).

Figure 17: Artemis on coin of Anticyra, inspired by Praxiteles’ Artemis at Anticyra (Athens, The Numismatic Museum).

Megara. Here Artemis is represented on coins and now is known as the ‘Dresden type’ (Figure 14).76 The same sculptor represented Artemis running, or striding, and holding two torches for his Apollinean triad destined for Mantinea (Figure 15).77 Consequently, c. 350 BC, this styling was adopted in one of the most important centres of Arcadia. The schema of Artemis running, holding the bow in her left hand and about to extract an arrow from her quiver with her uplifted right hand, and a deer seen close to her left leg, was probably created within the circle of Leochares. The type, known as the ‘Versailles Artemis’ (Figure 16), was echoed already via a late 4th century BC figurine.78 76

See Corso 2010: 9-39. See Corso 2013: 142-147. 78 See Kahil 1984: 618-753, in particular 645, nos. 250-265 (the first extant example – a clay figurine – is no. 264); Simon 77

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Figure 18: Artemis, bronze statuette close to the Malta type (Museo Nazionale Concordiese, Portogruaro).

Figure 19: Knidia Belvedere, copy from Praxiteles’ Aphrodite at Knidos (Rome, Vatican Museums).

Leochares, together with Lysippus, worked on a bronze group of a lion being hunted by Alexander and Craterus set up at Delphi,79 a work that seems to promote hunting as a royal sport favoured by the Macedonian dynasty. The representation of Artemis in the act of hunting could have been an expression of how closely this dynasty liked to be associated with the Olympian gods, something that the sculptor Leochares would have been well aware of, having been hired and paid by the Macedonian court. Praxiteles, with his statue of Artemis at Anticyra (Figure 17), made perhaps on the 330s BC, and seen on the coins of this town, may have been the first to depict the running goddess with both torch and hunting weaponry: the attribute of the torch is meaningful, adding as it does to the idealisation of the grove, the darkness of which favours the epiphany of deities.80 1984: 792-855, in particular 805-807, nos. 27-30; Papini 2010: 212-219, no. 24. 79 See Hallof, Kansteiner L. Lehmann 2014: 210-239, in particular 227-229, work no. 13, nos. 2054-2056; Moreno 2020: 247-262. 80 See Corso 2014: 29-34.

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Figure 20: Resting Satyr, copy from original statue by Praxiteles (Rome, Capitoline Museums).

Figure 21: Apollo Sauroctonus, copy from original statue by Praxiteles (Rome, Vatican Museums).

Following on from the work of Praxiteles at Anticyra, we have the original Artemis statue of the Ephesus/Athens type.81 Here the goddess is seen striding, wearing the diploid chiton girdled below her breasts. Her left arm is lowered with the forearm forward; the corresponding hand held an attribute: a bow or a torch. The right arm is lowered, with the right hand also holding an attribute that has never been preserved in the surviving statues of the type. The Malta type of running Artemis82 (Figure 18) represents the goddess with the usual short diploid chiton with apoptygma and high girdle. A mantle is thrown over her left shoulder. She holds her bow with her left outstretched arm while her right arm is bent with the corresponding hand about to extract an arrow from her quiver. A dog often appears near her legs. She wears exomis boots. Her drapery is swollen by the wind in the section corresponding to the apoptygma. Her right breast is bare. The chiton is thin and transparent. This sculptural type may depend from the Artemis made by Cephisodotus the Younger and brought to Rome, to the porticus Octaviae.83 81

See Zarkadas 2013: 247-273, in particular 253-254. On this type, see Kahil 1984: 650-651. 83 See Hallof, Krumeich, Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014: 518-540, in particular 530-531, work no. 11, source no. 2392. 82

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Figures 22-24: Orthostats from the base of Praxiteles’ triad of Artemis, Leto and Apollo (Athens, The National Archaeological Museum).

67

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The famous Cnidian Aphrodite by Praxiteles (Figure 19), to be dated in the late 360s BC, also conveys an idyllic tone. In this creation the goddess was thought to have bathed at a natural spring, probably on Mt. Ida, just before the judgment of the three goddesses by Paris. This mythical bathing episode was already celebrated by Euripides, in the extracts previously referred to, and will continue to be evoked into late Antiquity.84 The Resting Satyr (Figure 20), also by Praxiteles,85 is visualised resting in a grove, as alluded to by the tree-trunk which supports this mythical being. The Satyr’s smile makes it clear that this creation eulogises the happiness to be found in the grove, and thus, in a way, is a sort of founding manifesto of the ‘Arcadian Dream’. The Apollo Sauroctonus (Figure 21), also by Praxiteles, is again conceived in a grove - the tree trunk on which the god rests evoking this environment.86 Early on, Winckelmann understood,87 that here we have Apollo serving as shepherd to King Admetus. This mythical context explains the bucolic flavour of the episode represented. Apollo, besides being Admetus’ shepherd, was also thought to have had a homoerotic relationship with his lord: thus the androgynous figure in the work would fit this mythical moment well. The reliefs on the base of the Apollinean triad at Mantinea (Figures 22-24), also carved in the workshop of Praxiteles, represent the musical contest between Apollo and Marsyas, judged by the Muses.88 This mythical episode celebrates the distinguished musical competence of the Mantineans which was famous according to Plutarch (De musica 32. 1142 e-f). The Muses figured on this base are images of young girls, suggestive of a quiet and near-idyllic concept of serenity. Apollo and one Muse are seated on rocks, indicating that this sacred story is taking place within a rocky landscape, suggestive of an environment far from the world of the polis, where Apollo and the Muses might be found and where one can enjoy divine music, poetry and youthful beauty. The reliefs of

Figure 25: Praxiteles, Hermes carrying baby Dionysus (Olympia, Archaeological Museum). 84

See Corso 2014a, 57-64. See Corso 2010: 39-69. 86 See Corso 2013: 22-65. 87 See Winckelmann 1783-1784 (1): 382-383, and (2): 36, 222-224. 88 See Corso 2013: 142-147. 85

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The Late Classical Period Mantinea are the first surviving clear depiction of the concept of ‘Arcadia’ located in the eponymous region. The statue of Hermes carrying the baby Dionysus at Olympia (Figure 25), an original work by Praxiteles,89 is also set in a forest, as the tree-trunk, on which the adult god rests, makes clear. The myth of Hermes saving the baby Dionysus from the jealousy of Hera (Homer, Iliad 6. 132-133 and Hymns 1. 9-10) recalls that the adult god carried the baby to Nysa in India. Thus the place where Hermes and Dionysus rest is also regarded as remote, in a world of fables and forests. This group, therefore, shows the progress of the ‘Arcadia’ myth - that idealised realm of groves inhabited by deities. Finally, the statue of sleeping Eros, again by Praxiteles90 (Figure 26) is based on descriptions of this iconography attributed to Plato and quoted above, and thus visualises a notion created in the world of the Academy. In this evocation, Eros is seen asleep in a grove (see Plato, Anthologia Graeca 16. 210), among roses. The lines in the Platonic epigram where bees fly to the lips of the sleeping god provide an additional footnote to this paradisiacal environment. Naturally, the determination of Eros’ habitat as a grove is in keeping with the depiction of an ‘Arcadian’ dream, often attempted by Praxiteles before: in a forest, the beauty of the god can be eventually contemplated. Furthermore, within the copyist tradition deriving from the statue, the god is seen resting on a rock, conforming with the Platonic epigram, i. e. that Eros sleeps sub divo and in a natural habitat.

Figure 26: Sleeping Eros (Turin, Museum of Antiquities). 89 90

Corso 2013: 165-172. Riccomini 2016: 85-94.

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Of other works by Praxiteles, one, a bronze Dionysus, was also found in a grove (Callistratus 8. 2).91 Another creation that might have conveyed a bucolic message was his group with Pan, Nymphs and Danae (Nicodemus, Anthologia Graeca 6. 317, and Anonymous, Anthologia Graeca 16. 262).92 According to Pausanias 9. 39. 4, even his statue of Trophonius at Lebadia was placed in a grove.93 This cultural emphasis on the pattern of the grove as a sacred place in which one can enjoy the beauty of gods and heroes and the lushness of nature as well as peace of mind is partially indebted to the ideological influence of Asia Minor, and in particular Ionia in Greece after the Peace of Antalcidas (387/386 BC).94, which favoured a visual culture disengaged from the duties of the citizen and expressed the value of the habrosyne. Moreover, in the decades from Aristippus to Eudoxus, hedonistic philosophies were biased towards an art of pleasure.

Figure 27: The Lycian Sarcophagus from Sidon, hunting scene (Istanbul, Archaeological Museum). 91

Corso 2004: 232-239. Corso 2004: 289-308. 93 Corso 2014: 27-29. 94 See Corso 2008: 83-100. 92

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Figure 28: The Satrap Sarcophagus from Sidon, hunting scene (Istanbul, Archaeological Museum).

Groves also provide the obvious environment for the many important representations of hunting in late Classical visual arts. Again, there are Eastern models which include representations of the Great King as hunter, the basis of the success of hunting iconographies in late Classical Greece.95 Hunting scenes occur also on the sarcophagi of Sidon, from the Lycian Sarcophagus, still of the late 5th c. BC (Figure 27) 96 to the ‘Sarcophagus of the Satrap’, dated c. 400 BC (Figure 28), 97 and to the ‘Sarcophagus of Mourning Women’, probably from the 370s BC.98 In the early 4th c. BC, the relief with hunting scene on the ‘Monument of the Nereids’ at Xanthus (Figure 29),99 reveals that by the time hunting episodes had been included in the sculptural displays of monumental tombs of rulers in Asia Minor. Relief depictions of the mythical hunting of the Calydonian Boar100 and the hunting of a ruler101 on the heroon of Trysa (early 4th c. BC), show the codification of the two main genres of hunting in the visual culture of the late Classical period: the hunting of a mythical hero and that of the ruler. 95

See Barringer 2001; Seyer 2007: 35-65, pls. 1-7; Poggio 2020. See Langer-Karrenbrock 2000: 84-85, pls. 5 and 7. 97 See Kleemann 1958: 125-139, 154, pls. 1-2; 8-10, 24. 98 See Fleischer 1983: pls. 12-15. 99 See Childs and Demargne 1989: 187-190, 279-283, 353-358; pls. 1-2, 115-117, drawings 44-46, 76, 88. 100 See Landskron 2015: 110-121, 239-240, pls. 59-66, 204-206. 101 See Landskron 2015: 171-176, 295-298, 310, pls. 131-138, 201-203. 96

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 29: The Nereids’ monument at Xanthus, hunting scene (London, The British Museum).

Figure 30: Hunting scene on the sarcophagus of Hecatomnus (Hecatomneion, Mylasa).

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Figure 31: Hunting of the Calydonian boar, east pediment, temple of Athena Alea at Tegea (reconstruction drawing by Stewart 1977).

Figure 32: Hunting frieze, Royal tomb 2 at Vergina (reconstruction drawing by Franks 2012).

Other examples evidence the diffusion of the iconographic motif of the ruler on horseback hunting in the western satrapies of the Persian Empire.102 A relief depiction of Hecatomnus as knight and hunter adorned the sarcophagus in the heroic tomb of this ruler at Mylasa (Figure 30). And in the 350s BC, the sculptural display of the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus probably also included a representation of a ruler on horseback hunting.103 The representation of hunting was also adopted in Arcadia in the temple of Athena Alea at Tegea, which may have been promoted and funded by Carian royalty probably in the 340s BC.104 The eastern pediment depicted the hunting of the Calydonian boar, (Figure 31) the wild animal occupying the centre of the composition and in front of a tree trunk, expressing the forest in which this mythical episode was thought to have happened.105 With the establishment of the Macedonian hegemony, from the 330s BC onwards, the iconographic scheme of the ruler knight and hunting becomes widespread, and trees are 102

See Langer-Karrenbrock 2000: 115-117; Poggio 2020. On the hunting scene on the sarcophagus of the tomb of Hecatomnus at Mylasa, see Diler 2021: 87-106, in particular 88-90, 97 with Figure 7. 15. For hunting representations in the Mausoleum, see Waywell 1978: 38-39, 73-75, pls. 34-36, 40-42 and Pedersen 2021: 25-38, in particular 32-33, fig. 2. 13. 104 See Oestby 2014: 317-351. 105 See Mostratos 2013: 191-210. 103

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 33: The Hesperides’ Painter, hydria (New York, The Metropolitan Museum).

Figure 34: The Circle of the Black Fury Painter, oinochoe (Malibu, Getty Museum).

Figure 35: The Black Fury Painter, krater (Boston, Museum of Fine Arts).

Figure 36: The Circle of the Chamay Painter, stamnos (Cabinet des médailles, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris).

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The Late Classical Period often represented in these scenes as allusions to forests as the standard environments of these episodes (Figure 32). 106 Another important component of the visual culture of late Classical Greece is constituted by reliefs which represent sanctuaries of health deities: often these reliefs feature sacred groves with snakes coiling around trees,107 representing the standard environment in which restoring the health of the faithful takes place. In these cases, the sacred grove is endowed with some form of miraculous power, and the notion of the marvellous sacred grove also appears on Attic late Classical vase painting. Around 350 BC, the Hesperides Painter depicts the eponymous hydria now in The Metropolitan Museum of Arts (no. 24. 97. 5) (Figure 33).108 Here the garden of the Hesperides is shown with trees bearing the precious golden apples, the divine snake Ladon, the young, appealing Hesperides, and Heracles, who has succeeded in reaching this remote island. The painting suggests to the viewer a distant world of absolute beauty, emphasised by the combination of natural abundance, seduction, and the heroic tale. In the years 380-360 BC, the craftsman known as the Apulian Black Fury Painter, two of his followers and the Judgment Painter, all depict the transformation of the Arcadian nymph Callisto into a bear.109 These representations follow the same standard composition of the scene that may have been invented by the Black Fury Painter c. 380 BC. This evocation of that Arcadian myth can be appreciated especially thanks to the oinochoe in the Getty Museum (no. 72. AE. 128), made in the circle of the Black Fury Painter c. 370 BC, as it is the only one in this series of vase paintings that remains well preserved (Figures 34, 35). The scene represents an Arcadian rocky hillside with trees suggestive of a grove. This hill was perhaps the tumulus seen by Pausanias 8. 35. 8 that was the supposed tomb of Callisto and the sanctuary of Artemis Calliste. On this rock, the beautiful huntress sits as she is being transformed into a bear; to her left Hermes is picking up her son Arcas near a horos, probably of a sanctuary (of Artemis?); to her right a hunter stresses the heroine’s beloved sport. This visual definition already epitomises the appealing essence of Arcadia: rocks and mountains, groves, seductive nymphs, hunters, wild animals sacred to Artemis, and gods and heroes. The fact that this visualisation of Arcadia appears in Apulia implies that by the early 4th c. BC it had become the standard one, even in the western part of the Greek world. Around 350 BC, an Apulian craftsman close to the Chamay Painter depicted on a stamnos the mythical hunter Actaeon, sitting on a hill within a grove, expressed by trees, and near a flower meadow (Figure 36). Seen with his dog, he is also accompanied by several characters - Pan, with his syrinx and also sitting on the hill, Artemis, resting on a horos (of a sanctuary of this 106

See Franks 2012: 28-114. See e. g., Comella 2002: figs. 37-39, 80, 105, and Kalaitzi 2016: figs. 31, 86-88, 92, 94-96, 103, 105, 133-135, 137, 149-151, 153, 155, 196-197. 108 See Richter and Hall 1936: 217-219, no. 171, pl. 166. 109 See I. McPhee 1990a: 940-944, in particular 941-942, nos. 5-8. 107

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World goddess?), and Dionysus seated between a maenad and a satyr; a girl below looks on at this idyllic scene.110 The vocabulary of the standard enchanted environment is represented in this scene mountains, groves, meadows, flowers, hunters, beautiful girls, and youthful gods and heroes. Another artform, pebble mosaics also testify to the general desire to evade the narrow confines of the polis, so deeply felt in late Classical societies. Pavements of houses, especially in the dining rooms, often depict fantastic beings in exotic and marvellous realms.111 Taken as a whole, the above considered visual evidence illustrates that in late Classical times the desire to live ‘away from it all’ - in groves, meadows, parks, and rocky landscapes – and the notion that such environments were in some way sacred, and often inhabited by nymphs and heroines as well as by heroes and deities, became very important social motifs. The concept that Arcadia epitomises all these features is already well established by c. 380-370 BC, as revealed by the above-mentioned vase paintings from the circle of the Black Fury Painter, and other media. We can now see whether the foundation of the Arcadian confederacy in 370 BC112 played any role in the spread of this idealised notion of Arcadia, which existed already before 370 BC, as many examples, - from the 11th ‘Ode of Bacchylides’ to vase paintings in the Black Fury Painter circle - suggest. It is probable that an organisation linking the poleis of Arcadia – perhaps an amphictyony – existed already in the 5th c. BC, as numismatic evidence tends to illustrate.113 Moreover, by the same date, the Arcadian nymph Callisto may have been regarded as the mythical founding figure of the Arcadian identity.114 However after the institution of the Arcadian confederacy in 370 BC the visual propaganda of the Arcadian identity, represented by the most important figures of its myth, gains momentum. The most important Arcadian monument of the early 360s BC is without doubt the Arcadian dedication at Delphi, which incorporated the most relevant mythical heroine and heroes of Arcadia, as well as Apollo and Nike.115 The setting of this large offering in a highly prestigious sanctuary, the importance of the masters charged with this monument, which included the famous Daedalus of Sicyon, and the proud definition in the dedicatory inscription of the Arcadian population as both autochthonous and holy, are remarkable: they reveal the self confidence of a confederation which was powerful, victorious and endowed with a rich mythological heritage. 110

See Berger-Doer 1990: 801-803, in particular 802, no. 5. See Franks 2014: 156-169. 112 See Nielsen 2015: 250-268, with previous bibliography. 113 See Williams 1965. 114 This is argued by: (a) the representation of Callisto in the picture of the Underworld by Polygnotus in the Lesche of the Cnidians at Delphi (Pausanias 10. 31. 10), which may have been imitated in vase painting toward 450 BC (see Romualdi 1997: 501-507); and (b) by the statue of Callisto with that of Io by Dinomenes set up on the Acropolis of Athens (Pausanias 1. 25. 1), which may have celebrated the alliance of Athens with Argus and Mantinea in 420-419 BC (see Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014: 437-442). 115 See Pausanias 10. 9. 5-6; Hallof, Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014a: 526-539, in particular 534-537, nos. 1318-1319; Hallof and Kansteiner 2014: 573-581, in particular 575-577, nos. 1362-1364; Hallof, Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014b: 396-397, nos. 2262-2264; Hallof and Kansteiner 2014a: 403-405, nos. 2269-2271; Bultrighini and Torelli 2017: 283-287. 111

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The Late Classical Period

Figure 37: Coin struck by Pheneos, with Hermes holding the baby Arcas (Athens, Numismatic Museum).

Probably around the same period, the triad of Zeus Soter, Artemis Soteira and Megalopolis, the work of Cephisodotus the Elder and Xenophon of Athens, was set up in the sanctuary of Zeus Soter at Megalopolis (Pausanias 8. 30. 10): this city had just been founded by the Arcadian confederation.116 These statues are represented on coins of this polis and suggest that Zeus was enthroned holding a scepter and, that Artemis also held one; Megalopolis held a horn of plenty and a mural crown on her head.117 Thus this triad conveyed a message both of power and of prosperity. Even after the collapse of the Arcadian confederation in the late 360s BC, Arcadian poleis exhibited the figures of Arcas118 (Figure 37) and of Callisto119 (Figure 38) on their coins, a practice which reveals the emphasis given by Arcadians of this period to their mythical roots. Around 350 BC, Mantinea promoted two triads, both made by Praxiteles. The triad of Leto, Apollo and Artemis (Pausanias 8. 9. 1) rested on a base on which the musical contest between Apollo and Marsyas in the presence of the Muses was represented in relief.120 These figures are placed in a rocky landscape, placing to the fore an environment far from the world of the polis, where Apollo and the Muses appear and one can enjoy divine music, poetry and youthful beauty. These reliefs are important because they reveal that by this time the same Arcadians promoted the so-called ‘Arcadian Dream’ in their own territory. The second triad of Mantinea was composed of statues of Athena, Hera and Hebe (Pausanias 8. 9. 3)121 but very little can be said about it. 116 See Hallof, Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014c: 33-46, in particular 35-36, no. 1835; Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014a: 46-48, in particular 46-47, no. 1849. 117 See Corso 2005: 225-234. 118 See Trendall 1984: 609-610, nos. 4-7. 119 See McPhee 1984: 942, nos. 9-10. 120 See Corso 2013: 142-147, work no. 49. 121 See Corso 2013: 147-159, work no. 50.

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 38: Coin struck by Mantinea, with head of Callisto on the reverse (Athens, Numismatic Museum).

In the 340s, Tegea was an ambitious state, as evidenced by the new and imposing temple of Athena Alea made by Scopas, and probably sponsored by Carian royalty.122 As noted above, the representation of the hunting of the Calydonian boar in the eastern pediment of this temple and the presence of a tree and the boar in the middle of it reveal the importance of the grove as an ideal habitat, made authoritative by a famous myth, in the Tegean culture of the time. Probably c. 340 BC, the Tegeans may also have commissioned an important picture. Apelles is known to have painted one, later moved to Rome, which is described briefly by Pliny (35. 94): ‘Heracles seen from his back in the temple of Antonia is also believed to be by his [Apelles] hand, so drawn that the picture more truly displays Heracles’ face than merely suggests it to the imagination, a very difficult achievement’.123 Several scholars have suggested that this picture is the original that was copied as a wall painting in the Augusteum – the so-called ‘Basilica’ – of Herculaneum (Figure 39) 124. This painting represents a rocky mountain: the baby Telephus is depicted being suckled by a hind and we know that this mythical episode was thought to have happened on Mt. Parthenium,125 which marks the border between eastern Arcadia and western Argolid.126 At the viewer’s right of this rock, the lion of Nemea is represented, thus western Argolid is placed on this side of the mountain, although the lion of Nemea is also thought to have prowled through Arcadia (see Seneca, Hercules Oetaeus 16). This observation makes it clear that the viewer is being asked to see this mountain from south to north, thus with the region east of this mountain placed to the viewer’s right. At the viewer’s left, the baby Telephus is fed by the hind. Since Telephus was the hero of Tegea, the plain of Tegea, which lies west of Mt Parthenium, is represented on the viewer’s left with the figure of the most renowned hero of this land. Between Telephus 122

See Tandy 2013: 65-75. Translation Rackham 1952 with amendments. See Mielsch and Lehmann 2014: 125-205, in particular 163-164, work no. 6, source no. 2906. 124 See Six 1905: 169-179; Rodenwaldt 1909): 206-209; Lippold 1951: 124-125; Hamann 1952: 9; Lepik-Kopaczynska 1962: 48; Corso 1988: 287-509, in particular 393, note 2 to Pliny 35. 94; Moreno 1994: 275-277, in particular 276; Mielsch 2001: 153-155; Moreno 2001: 35-37, 99-101; Andreae 2011: 10-15 and 22-52; Corso 2015: 50-54. 125 See Heres and Strauss 1994: 856-870, in particular 856. 126 See Lafond and Lienan 2000: 362. 123

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The Late Classical Period

Figure 39: Wall-painting from the Augusteum, the so-called ‘Basilica of Herculaneum’ (Naples, National Archaeological Museum).

and the Nemean lion, i. e. between the territories of Tegea and Argus, there is an eagle, which may refer to the cult of Zeus Lycaeus on Mt. Parthenium.127 Higher in the picture, Pan is seen playing his syrinx, and thus probably expressing the cult of Pan on Mt Parthenium which is also evidenced.128 The basket of fruit, being on Telephus’ side, i. e. of Tegea, represents the abundance and prosperity enjoyed in the territory of this flourishing polis129. The depiction of Heracles between the lion of Nemea and his son Telephus is logical and may also represent a precise site, i. e. the fountain near which he violated Auge, fathering Telephus.130 The figure sitting on the rocky slopes of the mountain has been regarded as the personification of Arcadia131 or Demeter132 who enjoyed an important cult on Mt. Parthenium.133 In any event, she is the personification of this territory and her scepter reveals both the sovereignty and the power of the state represented in this picture. The winged young female who flies to the 127

See Jost 1985: 157-159. See Jost 1985: 157-159. 129 For ‘horns of plenty’, see Bemmann 1997: 551-552; Simon 2009: 51-52. 130 See Jost 1985: 154. 131 See e. g. Simon 1984a: 607-608, no. 1. 132 See e. g. Moreno 2001: 35-37, 99-101. 133 See Jost 1985: 159. 128

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World top of the mountain from the viewer’s right, and points with her right hand towards the wonder of the hind suckling the baby, is usually identified with Parthenos, the nymph of the mountain, but she may be an Aura. Heracles is represented according to the Lysippan Farnese type: as both Lysippus and Apelles were pupils in the school of Sicyon in the same years (350s to 340s BC), it makes sense that an iconography migrated from the workshop of the sculptor to that of the painter or vice versa. All things considered, the picture is clearly a geographical allegory representing the territory of Mt Parthenium between Tegea and Nemea. It conveys the notions that this land is free and powerful (the sceptre held by the female figure has this meaning); that it is flourishing and thriving (the basket of fruit indicates the abundance of food here); that it is endowed with an important musical tradition (as suggested by the syrinx played by Pan); that there are many wild animals (lions, deer, eagles) on the mountain; that it is a place of youthful beauty (i. e. the winged girl above, to the viewer’s right); and, especially, that it is a sacred world, inhabited by gods and heroes and enshrined in myth. It seems likely that it was the folk of Tegea who commissioned this picture from Apelles - the pride and confidence of the community are revealed by the building of the impressive temple of Athena Alea in the same period. And with this manifesto, the process of idealisation of the Arcadian region – in particular south-eastern Arcadia – was completed, and its resulting interpretation lasted down to our present age. Finally, mention should be made of a group representing Heracles and Auge, probably made in the Classical period, which was erected in late Antiquity in the gymnasium of Zeuxippus at Constantinople134 and was described by Christodorus (Anthologia Graeca 2. 136-143): ‘Heracles, no down yet visible on the circle of his chin, was holding in the hand that had slain the lion the golden apples, rich fruit of the Libyan land, and by him stood the priestess of Pallas, the maiden Auge, her mantle thrown over her head and shoulders, for her hair was not done up with a veil. Her hands were uplifted as if she were calling on the grey-eyed daughter of Zeus under the hill of Arcadian Tegea’.135 In this group, Auge was represented as the priestess of Athena at Tegea, whose sanctuary is glorified, while she invoked the help of her goddess prior to her encounter with Heracles. The references to ‘the hill’ (no doubt Mt Parthenium), her polis (Tegea), its location in Arcadia and the tutelary goddess, all suggest that this group was commissioned by Tegea and that it advertised with pride the mythical and sacred past of this land.

134 135

On the Baths of Zeuxippus and its rich collection of statues, see Guberti Bassett 1996: 491-506. Translation Paton 1918.

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Chapter 5

The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times The Age of the Diadochi We have seen that the visual definition of the Arcadian Dream probably took place in Tegea, in the third quarter of the 4th c. BC. Thus it is probably not by chance that a Tegean poet translated the idealisation of this landscape into poetry, Tegea being the community which accomplished this process in the late 4th c. BC. This woman was Anyte of Tegea, one of the nine earthly Muses (see Antipater of Thessalonica, Anthologia Graeca 9. 26).1 In several epigrams, she celebrates the countryside of Tegea as an ideal landscape, a spiritual territory, where it is possible to encounter sensitivity and nobility of soul, and everything base is unknown, i.e. Anyte (Anthologia Graeca 6. 123), for the dedication of a spear in a temple of Athena, exalts this ‘marble house of Athena’, probably to be identified with the impressive marble temple of Athena Alea, the main pride of Tegea; Anyte (Anthologia Graeca 6. 153), for the dedication of a cauldron also to Athena, probably in the same temple, eulogises ‘spacious Tegea’; Anyte (Anthologia Graeca 6. 312) is relevant in terms of its bucolic nature: ‘The children, billy-goat, have put purple reins on you and a muzzle on your bearded face, and they train you to race like a horse round the god’s temple that he may look on their childish joy’.2 The joy of the children, the importance of the goat which is addressed by the poet, and the interest of the god in the temple (Pan?) in this game, all suggest a world of rural innocence. Anyte, Anthologia Graeca 7. 190 is also important as it introduces the reader to the particular aura of sensitivity and emotion pervading the region: ‘For her locust, the nightlingale of the fields, and her cicada that rested on the trees one tomb had little Myro made, shedding girlish tears; for inexorable Hades had carried off her two pets’.3 In a forther epigram Anyte (Anthologia Graeca 7. 202) speaks of a marauding animal (a fox?) seizing a cock, another episode typical of the countryside: ‘No longer, as of old, shall you awake early to raise me from bed, flopping rapidly the wings; for the spoiler stole secretly upon you, as you did sleep, and slew you, nipping your throat swiftly with his claws’,4 while another (7. 208) recounts the death of a horse; another (7. 215) focuses on a dolphin cast ashore by the waves; and others (7. 486, 490) on girls who died unmarried.5 1

For this poetess, see Geoghegan 1979. Translation Paton 1918. 3 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 4 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 5 A further epigram ascribed at this point to Anyte of Mitylene (Anthologia Graeca 7. 492) is probably not by the Tegean 2

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Continuing with our examples, the epigram Anyte, Anthologia Graeca 7. 538 is funerary; 646 and 649 again involve girls who died very young; 724 exalts a young man who died for his fatherland (thus probably indirectly glorifying the valour of the Tegeans); 9. 144 concerns a wooden statue of Aphrodite in a sanctuary overlooking the sea (perhaps the xoanon of this goddess in her temenos at Patrae: see Pausanias 7. 21. 10), with the narrator filled with joy while contemplating nature: ‘This is the place of Cypris, for it is sweet to her to look ever from the land on the bright deep, that she may make the voyages of sailors happy and around the sea trembles, looking on her wooden statue’.6 Anthologia Graeca 9. 313 is redolent with Arcadian overtones: ‘Sit here, quite shaded by the beautiful luxuriant foliage of the laurel, and draw sweet drink from the lovely spring, that their limbs, panting with the labours of summer, may take rest beaten by the western breeze’.7 The laurel grove, spring and breeze create an idyllic scene. In 314 we have another fountain with pure, refreshing water, featuring a statue or herm of Hermes near a meeting of roads, surrounded by trees: perhaps this site should be identified with the area around the Tanaus River, which had herms marking the borders between the territories of Tegea, Argus, and Sparta (Pausanias 2. 38. 7): ‘Here stand I, Hermes, in the crossroads by the wind-swept belt of trees near the grey beach, giving rest to weary travelers, and cold and stainless is the water that the fountain sheds’.8 In epigram 745 we find ourselves in the mountains, among naiads and Pan: ‘Look on the horned goat of Bacchus, how haughtily with saucy eye he looks down on his flowing beard, exulting that often in the mountains the Naiad, caressing his cheeks, took those locks in her rosy hand’;9 and with 16. 228 we are again by a spring in a grove as the breeze gently blows: ‘Stranger, rest your weary legs under the elm; hark how sweetly the breeze murmurs in the green leaves; and drink a cold draught from the fountain; for this is indeed a resting place dear to travelers in the burning heat’.10 There are groves and meadows once more in 231, where a figure of Pan is seen playing his pipe and among cows: ‘A. ‘Why, rural Pan, thus seated in the lonesome shadowy wood, do you sound this sweet-voiced reed-pipe?’ B. ‘So that the heifers may graze over these dewy mountains, cropping the luxurious tresses of the herbage’.11 Such epigrams have all features of typical, fully developed bucolic poetry. Number 291, for example, is set again by a fountain on a mountain, where a shepherd dedicates a gift to images of Pan and nymphs in a grotto. Again a very bucolic theme: ‘To rough-haired Pan and the Nymphs of the grotto did the shepherd Theodotus set this his gift here under the hill, because, when he was sore tired by the parching summer heat, they refreshed him, holding out to him sweet water in their hands’.12

poetess but by a namesake. 6 Translation Paton 1918. 7 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 8 Translation Paton 1918. 9 Translation Paton 1918. 10 Translation Paton 1918. 11 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 12 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments.

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times Finally, there is an epigram of Anyte (Pollux 5. 48) involving a hound that has been poisoned by a viper and which probably also implies the pastoral: ‘You too once perished by a manyrooted bush, Locrian, swiftest of the puppies, who love to bark: into your nimble paw such cruel poison sank the speckle-throated viper’.13 Mountains, groves, meadows, grottoes, fountains, images of Pan playing his pipe, naiads, shepherds, cattle, goats, hounds, are all componenents of these idealised landscapes conjured up by Anyte. Unsurprisingly, this magic world was also thought to impact positively on a sense of wellbeing. The notion that such environments create the ideal habitat for humans happiness, and are populated by gentle, noble souls, seems to have been aired in Tegea in the late 4th c. BC. The importance of this ‘spiritual’ dimension must have been entirely understood in the society of Anyte, the poet was honoured with two bronze statues of her, made by renowned sculptors: Cephisodotus the Younger, elder son of Praxiteles, and Euthycrates, a pupil of Lysipp. Both works were clearly highly regarded and later removed to Rome where they were seen by Tatian the Assyrian.14 One feature of the ‘Arcadian Dream’, however, is missing in the poems of Anyte: the ‘eros’ love stories being core in the agency and sentiment of characters, especially shepherds, in the bucolic genre. This missing component appears front and centre in the Symplegma of Cephisodotus the Younger:15 the original setting of this masterpiece is unknown, but at a later moment it was collected at Pergamum. This group probably was copied with the Schloss Fasanerie / Dresden style of symplegma.16 (Figure 40) This creation represents a Silenus trying to seize an Hermaphrodite, who rejects him. Silenus is leaning on a small rock, raising the upper part of his body, his arms holding the right arm of the Hermaphrodite; his legs surround both flanks of his victim. The hair style of Silenus is basically that of the ‘Resting Satyr’ type: a taenia divides the upper part of the hair from the external section; the hair consists of wavy locks, brought behind above the forehead. Silenus’ eyes reflect the Praxitelean tradition: narrow and elongated. The Hermaphrodite tries to reject the attacker by putting his right hand in Silenus’ face and holding the right foot of the latter with the other hand. The hair style of the Hermaphrodite is inspired by the Praxitelean images of Aphrodite: wavy locks brought behind and collected in a chignon on the nape. The face of the Hermaphrodite also portrays the typical anatomical grammar of Praxitelean female faces: the general shape of the face is oval, the forehead is triangular with upper sides curved, the eyes are narrow and elongated, the nose is long, the mouth is short and sinuous and the chin is slightly protruding. The head of the Hermaphrodite figure is conceived from a three-dimensional point of view: the hair rolled in a braid disposed around the head also suggests a sense of the space. 13

Translation Plant 2004. On these epigrams, see Geoghegan 1979; Gorla 1997, 33-60, and  Woehrle 2002, 41-48. See Tatian 33. 2-3: Hallof, Krumeich, Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014: 518-540, in particular 533-534, work no. 16, source no. 2396; and Tatian 33. 3: Kansteiner, Lehmann and Prignitz 2014: 617-624, in particular 621-623, work no. 9, source no. 2498. 15 See Pliny 36. 24, and Hallof, Krumeich, Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014: 529-530, work no. 8, source no. 2391. 16 See Corso 2013a: 67-80, in particular 75-76. 14

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 40: Symplegma of Silenus with Hermaphrodite (Dresden, Staatlische Kunstsammlungen, Skulpturensammlung).

The chest of the Silenus figure is muscular and realistic. The group, clearly, has two main viewing points: the Hermaphrodite either frontal or from the rear. In both cases the Silenus is represented in profile. At the instant the scene is being represented, the eventual outcome of the struggle between the Silenus and the Hermaphrodite remains uncertain. Perhaps the original group stood in a choregic monument and commemorated some Satyric play. Whatever the origin, copies of this masterpiece were later displayed in theatres. A surviving epigram – Anthologia Graeca 9. 317 – probably describes this creation: ‘Hermaphrodite: Goatherd, I love seeing this foul-mouthed god struck on his bold pate by the pears. Silenus: Goatherd, I had anal sex with him three times, and the young billy-goats were looking at me and tupping the young nanny-goats. Goatherd: Is it true, Hermaphrodite, that he did so? Hermaphrodite: No, goatherd, I swear by Hermes. Silenus: I swear by Pan, I did, and I was laughing all the time’.17 The setting of this makes clear the bucolic environment, with shepherd, goats and the rock on which Silenus stretches himself. This creation firmly introduces the erotic theme into the bucolic genre.

17

Translation Paton with amendments.

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times Other sculptural types of the ‘Diadokenzeit’ types are set among groves: the ‘Woburn Abbey’ Dionysus, who is seen resting on a tree, around which a snake is coiled18 and the Malta Artemis’ type, which depicts the goddess running and hunting in the grove.19 (Figure 41) Historical and literary evidence The ‘Arcadian Dream’ became popular once the ideal of living a solitary, unbothered life, far from care, was adopted by Greek intellectuals. Let us look at a few other anecdotes. According to Plutarch (Demetrius 52. 2-3), Demetrius Poliorcetes, when he was a prisoner of Seleucus (286-283 BC) had ‘convinced himself this was the real life [i. e. a solitary one), which he had long wanted … (and which he) had discovered in idleness and leisure and repose’.20

Figure 41: The Woburn Abbey Dionysos (Woburn Abbey, UK).

According to Diogenes Laertius (7. 174), ‘to the solitary man who talked to himself he [i. e. the Stoic philosopher Cleanthes] remarked, ‘You are not talking to a bad man’’.21 According to Apuleius (Florida 14), the Cynic philosopher Crates ‘rushed out into the marketplace and there renounced all his fortune as being a mere detestable encumbrance, a burden rather than a benefit. His action having caused a crowd to collect, he cried in a loud voice, ‘Crates, even Crates sets you free.’ Thenceforth he lived not only in solitude, but naked and in perfect freedom and, so long as he lived, his life was happy’.22 Such anecdotes suggest that, according to early Hellenistic philosophical thinking, a lonely life was a happy one. The aesthetic value of forests and a preference for northern landscapes are argued by Theophrastus in his Historia plantarum (1. 9. 2): ‘The wild woodland is more beautiful and vigorous on the north side of the mountain than on the south’.23 18

See Corso 2013a: 70-71, See Corso 2013a: 73-74. Translation Perrin 1914 with amendments. See Wheatley and Dunn 2020. 21 Translation Hicks 1925. See Thom 2006. 22 Translation Jones 2017 with amendments. 23 Translation Hort 1916. See P. Millett 2007. 19 20

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The usual association of grove, fountain and mythical past is found later in the same work (1. 9. 4): ‘It is said that in Crete in the district of Gortys there is a plane tree near a certain spring which does not lose its leaves (indeed the story is that it was under this tree that Zeus lay with Europa)’.24 And the appeal of mountains is conveyed in 3. 2. 5: ‘On great mountains such as Parnassus, Cyllene, the Pierian and the Mysian Olympus, and such regions anywhere else, all kinds grow, because of the diversity of positions afforded them. For such mountains offer positions which are marshy, wet, dry, deep-soiled or rocky; they have also their meadow land here and there, and in fact any variety of soil; again they present positions which lie low and are sheltered, as well as others which are lofty and exposed to wind; so that they can bear all sorts, even those which belong to the plains’.25 A grove and spring in a sacred landscape are evoked by Theophrastus in the same work (3. 3. 4): ‘In Crete there are a number of black poplars which bear fruit; there is one on the mouth of the cave on mount Ida, in which the dedicatory offerings are hung, and there is another small one not far off, and there is quite a number about a spring called the Lizard’.26 The same author, in the same treatise (4. 7. 8), describes also an island between India and Arabia which looked like a paradisiacal place: ‘They say that … there are date-palms on the island and vines and other fruit-trees, including evergreen figs. Also that there is water from heaven …, but that there are many springs on the island, from which they water everything, and that this is more beneficial to the corn and the trees’.27 And also of interest in this context is 5. 8. 3: ‘The district called by Circe’s name is, it is said, a lofty promontory, but very thickly wooded, producing oak, bay in abundance, and myrtle. There, according to the natives, dwelt Circe, and they show Elpenor’s tomb, on which grow myrtles like those used for garlands, though other kinds of myrtle are large trees’.28 This passage reveals the importance of the funerary idyllic landscape in early Hellenistic times, moreover that the association of groves and mythical memory was detected also further west than Greece, in this case in Italy. The celebration of Arcadia is found in the same work by Theophrastus (9. 15. 7), where he asserted that the ‘heal-all’ herb is abundant around Psophis and that the ‘moly’ is found in great quantities around Pheneos and on Mt Cyllene. The magical aura surrounding Arcadia is argued also (18. 10), where the author asserts that a type of wine produced at Heraea29 in Arcadia causes pregnancy in women and anger in men. This information is repeated by Pliny (14. 116), Athenaeus (1. 31f) and Aelian (Varia historia 13. 6). The positive aspects of solitude are considered by Menander.30

24

Translation Hort 1916. Translation Hort 1916. 26 Translation Hort 1916. 27 Translation Hort 1916. 28 Translation Hort 1916. 29 For Heraea, see Lafond 1998: 362. 30 For Menander, see, e. g., Heap 2019. 25

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times In The Farmer (78-83) this comic poet strikes out at ‘that obstinate, perverse brute poverty – … [in] the city’, concluding that ‘[country] solitude is the answer’.31 In the same writer’s The Peevish Fellow, the central character, Cnemon, is ‘peevish to everybody, loathing crowds’ (6-7), he has ‘never spoken willingly to anyone in his life’, he has ‘never been the first to greet a man’ (vv. 8-10), ‘he detests the whole world, from his wife and neighbors here right to Cholargus down there, every single man’ (32-34). The environment in which the play is thought to take place has in the middle a cave with a sanctuary of Pan and the Nymphs and around about there are hills much enjoyed by hunters. Cnemon declares that ‘a man can’t find privacy anywhere, not even if he wants to hang himself ’ (169-170). ‘His greatest pleasure’s seeing nobody’ (333), asserting that ‘if everyone behaved [like me, we should have] no lawcourts, shouldn’t send each other to prison, [and] there’d be [no] wars. Each man would have enough to live on, and he’d be satisfied’ (743-746).32 Solitude is liberation and freedom in another (unidentified) play of Menander: ‘I am all alone and nobody is here, to hang on any words of mine that may be dropped … But here I’ve come now … I am born again to live my future life. I walk and talk and think’.33 Usurprisingly, during early Hellenistic times, the bucolic poetic genre is increasingly popular. Herodas (Mimiamb 8) recalls a dream of pastures, goats, goatherds, and trees. Dionysos was also there, wearing the skin of a fawn and an ivy wreath; goatherds celebrated their mysteries and feasted on meat, singing and reciting poems. This passage features all the main components of the bucolic dream, except love.34 The myth of Arcadia as a region of gods and wild animals is conveyed by several epigrammists who flourished in the early 3rd c. BC, i. e. Perses,35 Anthologia Graeca 6. 112: These three heads of Maenalian36 stags with vast antlers hang in thy portico, Apollo. They were shot from horseback. Leonidas from Tarentum37 also contributes to this myth (Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 154): ‘Old Biton of Arcady dedicated these things to rustic Pan, and Bacchus the reveler, and the Nymphs; to Pan a newly born kid, its mother’s play-fellow, to Bacchus a branch of vagrant ivy, to the Nymphs the varied bloom of shady Autumn and blood-red roses in full flower. In return for which, bless the old man’s house with abundance – you Nymphs of water, Pan, of milk, and Bacchus, of grapes’.38 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 188 is also relevant here: ‘Therimachus the Cretan suspended these his hare-staves to Lycaean Pan39 on the Arcadian cliff. But do you, country god, in return for his gift, direct aright the archer’s hand in battle…’.40 31

Translation Arnott 1979 with amendment. Translation Arnott 1979 with amendment. Translation Arnott 1979. 34 See Zanker 2009. 35 Translation Paton 1918. See Albiani 2000: 611-612. 36 See Lienau 1999: 713-714. 37 See Solitario 2015. 38 Translation Paton 1918. 39 See Lienau 1999a: 553-554. 40 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 32 33

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The evocation of a paradisiacal landscape is related by the poet Moero to the Triphilian region. (Moero, Anthologia Graeca 6. 189):41 ‘You Anigrian Nymphs, daughters of the stream, ambrosial beings that ever tread these depths with your rosy feet, all hail, and cure Cleonymus, who set up for you under the pine these fair statues’.42 An Arcadian tone is also found in Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 35: ‘This skin did Teleso stretch on the woodland plane-tree, an offering to goat-hoofed Pan the goat-trader, and the crutched, well-pointed staff, with which he used to bring down red-eyes wolves, the cheese-pails, too, and the leash and collars of his keen-scented hounds’.43 During early Hellenistic times, several epigrams focus on mountains, meadows, herds, herdsmen, sanctuaries of Pan, nymphs, etc. Some of the most relevant are detailed below: Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 221: ‘Through the wintry night and driving hail, flying from the snow and bitter frost, a lion old and solitary and indeed stricken in all its limbs came to the fold of the goat-herds who haunt the cliffs. They, no longer anxious for their goats, but for themselves, set calling on Zeus the Saviour. But the beast, the beast of the night, waiting till the storm was past, went away from the fold without hurting man or beast. To Pan the god of the mountain peaks they dedicated on this thick-stemmed oak this well-limned picture of what befell them’.44 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 262: ‘The beast which wrought havoc on the flock and the cattlepen and the herdsmen, and feared not the loud voice of the dogs, Eualces the Cretan slew while shepherding his flock at night, and hung on this pine’.45 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 263: ‘Sosus, rich in cattle, flayed this tawny lion, which he slew with his spear just as it had begun to devour the suckling calf, nor went it back from the sheep-fold to the wood. To the calf the brute transpierced paid blood for blood, and sorrowful to it was the murder it wrought’.46 Diotimus, 47 Anthologia Graeca 6. 267: ‘… Artemis, let the Graces too race over this grove, treading on the flowers with their light sandals’.48 Nicodemus,49 Anthologia Graeca 6. 315: ‘In thanks for my help Ophelion50 painted me the goatfooted Pan, the friend of Bacchus and son of Arcadian Hermes’.51 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 334: ‘Caves and holy hills of the Nymphs, and springs at the rock’s foot, and you pine that stand by the water; you square Hermes, son of Maia, guardian 41

See Albiani 2000a: 344. Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 43 Translation Paton 1918. 44 Translation Paton 1918. 45 Translation Paton 1918. 46 Translation Paton 1918. 47 See Degani 1997: 678. 48 Translation Paton 1918. 49 See Albiani 2000b: 917 (with a dating that is too low). 50 For Ophelion, see Blume-Jung 2016: 91-98. 51 Translation Paton 1918. 42

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times of the sheep, and you, Pan, lord of the peak where the goats pasture, graciously receive these cakes and the cup full of wine, the gifts of Neoptolemus of the race of Aeacus’.52 Mnasalcas,53 Anthologia Graeca 7. 192: ‘No longer, locust, sitting in the fruitful furrows shall you sing with your shrill-toned wings, nor shall you delight me as I lie under the shade of the leaves, striking sweet music from your tawny wings’.54 Callimachus,55 Anthologia Graeca 7. 518: ‘A Nymph from the mountain carried off Astacides the Cretan goat-herd, and now Astacides is holy. No more, you shepherds, beneath the skins of Dicte shall we sing of Daphnis, but even of Astacides’.56 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 7. 657: ‘You shepherds who roam over the mountain ridge feeding your goats and flocky sheep, do, in the name of Earth, a little kindness, but a pleasant one, to Cleitagoras, for the sake of Persephone underground. May the sheep bleat to me, and the shepherd seated on the unhewn rock pipe soft notes to them as they feed, and may the villager in early spring gather meadow flowers and lay a garland on my grave. May one of you bedew it with the milk of a ewe, mother of pretty lambs, holding her udder up and wetting the edge of the tomb …’.57 Archias of Mitylene,58 Anthologia Graeca 7. 796: ‘Poor Satyr who did dwell on the hills of Celaenae, you hang from the leafy pine, you beastlike body flogged by the winds, because you didst enter on fatal strife with Phoebus and no longer, as of old, shall we Nymphs hear on the Phrygian hills the honeyed notes of your flute’.59 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 9. 318: ‘Dear Hermes, whose are this hillside rich in fennel and chervil, and this goat-pasture, be kind both to the gatherer of herbs and to the goatherd, and you shall have your share of both the herbs and the milk’.60 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 9. 326: ‘Hail, you cold stream that leap down from the cloven rock, and you images of the Nymphs carved by a shepherd’s hand! Hail, you drinking troughs and your thousand little dolls, you Maidens of the spring that lie drenched in its waters! All hail! And I, Aristocles, the wayfarer, give you this cup which I dipped in your stream to quench my thirst’.61 Hermocreon,62 Anthologia Graeca 9. 327: ‘You Nymphs of the water, to whom Hermocreon set up these gifts when he had lighted on your delightful fountain, all hail! And may you ever, full of pure drink, tread with your lovely feet the floor of your watery home’.63 52

Translation Paton with amendments. See Albiani 2000c: 300-301. 54 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 55 See, e. g., Rawles 2019. 56 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 57 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 58 See Degani, 1997a: 990. 59 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 60 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 61 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 62 See Albiani 1998: 449. 63 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 53

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Nicarchus,64 Anthologia Graeca 9. 330: ‘A. I am goat-footed Pan, whom Simo put up by the clear waters of the spring. B. And why? A. I will tell you. From the fountain drink as much as you wish …’.65 Theocritus,66 Anthologia Graeca 9. 338: ‘You sleepest, Daphnis, resting you wearied body on a bed of leaves …’.67 Glaucus,68 Anthologia Graeca 9. 341 (particularly important, referring as it does to a bucolic Arcadian episode): ‘A. Nymphs answer me truly, if Daphnis on his road rested here his white goats. B. Yes, yes, piper Pan, and on the back of that poplar tree he cut a message for you: Pan, Pan, go to Malea, to the mountain of Psophis. I shall come there! A. Farewell, Nymphs, I go’.69 Theocritus, Anthologia Graeca 9 433: ‘By the Muses, will you play something sweet to me on the double flute? And I will lift up my harp and begin a tune, and the herd Daphnis shall stand close by and make music with the breath of the wax-joined pipe. Standing there hard by, inside the cave shaggy with hanging greenery, let us bereave Pan …’.70 Theocritus, Anthologia Graeca 9. 437: ‘Goatherd, on turning the corner of that path where the oaks are, you shall find a newly carved image made of a fig-bough, three forked, with the bark still on … Round it is a most holy hedge, and a perennial stream issuing from the rocks feeds on all sides abundance of laurel, myrtle and sweet-scented cypress, round which curl the tendrils of the vine, mother of the grape. In the spring the shrill song of the black birds echoes here with its varied notes, and the brown nightingales pour from their throats their honeyed voice in response. Sit here and pray, to kind Priapus to make me fall out of love with Daphnis, and sacrifice at once to him a fine kid. But if he grants the prayer I will offer him in return three sacrifices. I will kill him a heifer, a shaggy billy-goat and the stalled lamb I have’.71 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 9. 744: ‘The goatherds Soson and Simalus, rich in goats, stranger, … dedicated here to Hermes, the giver of cheeses and milk, this brazen, bearded goat, the lord of the flock’.72 Satyrus,73 Anthologia Graeca 10. 11: ‘Whether thou walk over the hills with birdlime spread on the reeds to which the birds resort, or whether you kill hares, call on Pan. Pan shows the hound the track of velvet-paw, and Pan guides higher and higher, unbent, the jointed reedy rod’.74

64

See Albiani 2000d: 905. Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 66 See Rossi 2020. 67 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 68 See Albiani 1998a: 1095. 69 Translation Paton 1918. 70 Translation Paton 1918. 71 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 72 Translation Paton 1918. 73 See Albiani 2001: 125. 74 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 65

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times Satyrus, Anthologia Graeca 10. 13: ‘How lovely are the laurels and the spring that gushes at their feet, while the dense grove gives shade, luxuriant, traversed by Zephyrus, a protection to wayfarers from thirst and toil and the burning sun’.75 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 16. 190: ‘Morichus the goatherd set me up, Hermes the overseer, to be the approved guardian of his fold. But, you nannies who have taken your fill of green herbage on the mountains, heed not now at all the ravening wolf ’.76 Alcaeus of Messene,77 Anthologia Graeca 16. 226: ‘O Pan, who walk on the mountains, breathe music with thy sweet lips, delighted with your shepherd’s reed, pouring forth melody from the sweet-toned pipe, and lung its shrill notes into tune with the words it accompanies, and round you to the beat of the rhythm let the inspired feet of these water-Nymphs move in the dance’.78 Leonidas, ibidem 230: ‘Traveller, drink not here in the solitude this warm water so full of mud from the torrent, but go a little farther over this hill, whereon the heifers are grazing and by the shepherds’ pine there you will find a fountain bubbling up through the generous rock, colder than the snow from the north’.79 We may conclude this list with a fragmentary epigram by Leonidas that evokes the pastoral landscape of Acroria, between Elis and Arcadia (458-459 Page): ‘To Pan of Acroria and the … Nymphs, neighbour Glenis dedicated gifts from the chase: this head and… hide and these swift feet. O Pan, o Nymphs, prosper the clever hunter Glenis…!’.80 This list reveals that by early Hellenistic times the dream to live among mountains and meadows, springs and torrents, herds and herdsmen, Pan and nymphs had become very well rooted among intellectuals. Several also show that these ideal and sacred environments were thought actually to exist in Arcadia; and that in this period, the poetic bucolic genre became important, thanks to the ‘Idylls’ of Theocritus in particular, on whom we may linger a little longer. As a Syracusan, Theocritus mostly locates the typical bucolic dream in his native Sicily as well as in Magna Graecia. However, in ‘Idyll’ 1. 123-126, he calls out to Pan: ‘… whether you are on the high hills of Lycaeus or range mighty Maenalus … the mountain peak of Helice and that high tomb of Lycaon’s child wherein even the Blessed Ones delight’,81 thus recognising a previous tradition that sited this type of landscape in the region of Mt Lycaeus and Maenalus, acknowledging the notion of blessed Arcadia.

75

Translation Paton 1918. Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 77 See Degani 1997b: 496-497. 78 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 79 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 80 Translation Gow and Page 1965. 81 Translation Edmonds 1912 with amendments. 76

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The poet also evokes the Arcadian landscape in ‘Idyll’ 2 (48-49): ‘Coltsfoot is an Arcadian weed, and for it all the foals, all the swift mares run mad upon the hills’,82 and alludes to it also in ‘Idyll’ 3, through the reference to Alphesiboea, mythical heroine of Psophis (45) (see also Propertius 1. 15. 15-16, probably based on early Hellenistic poetry and Ovid’s Remedia amoris 455-456). In ‘Idyll’ 7 (106-107), Theocritus regards ‘the young men of Arcadia’, devoted to Pan, crucial in terms of the flourishing pastoral genre, and, finally, in ‘Idyll’ 22 (157), ‘Arcadia rich in sheep’ is evoked. The mountains of Arcadia, with their rivers, herds, and home to Pan and Artemis, are referenced by Callimachus (Hymns 3. 87-109). In particular, the episode of Artemis of Lusoi, who heals the daughters of Proetus on the Azanian hills, an episode already narrated by Bacchylides (supra), is recalled by Callimachus (Hymns 3. 233-236) in a passage revealing that the Arcadian landscape was still seen as having therapeutic qualities in early Hellenistic times. Callimachus also wrote a book he called ‘Arcadia’ (Suda, s. v. Callimachus). The poet Simmias (Anthologia Graeca 15. 27) also speaks in Arcadian tones83: ‘[the fawns] go by the mountain pastures of the thousand feeding sheep and the caves of the slender-ankled Nymphs’;84 Aratus also composed a poem to Pan of Arcadia (Life of Aratus 15);85 Hermippus,86 (On Lawgivers 1, in Athenaeus 4. 154 d) had it in mind that gladiatorial games had been instituted for the first time in Mantinea: this opinion may have strengthened the notion, which was to become well established, that Arcadia contributed more than a little to Roman civilization. The notion of pastoral Arcadia is echoed also in ‘Catasterismi’ 1, an essay epitomising a lost work by Eratosthenes:87 On the Great Bear. Hesiod says that this constellation was the daughter of Lycaon, that she lived in Arcadia and that she chose to hunt in the mountains with Artemis. Having been violated by Zeus, she remained with Artemis but hid her condition from the goddess. Later she was seen bathing by the goddess and discovered to be near childbirth. The goddess grew angry and changed her into a wild beast. It was in the shape of a bear that she gave birth to the child called Arcas. While in the mountains she was caught by some goatherds and handed over to Lycaon along with her child. After a time, being unaware of the law prohibiting it, she thought to enter the sacred precinct of Zeus. She was pursued by her own son and the Arcadians and was about to be put

82

Translation Edmonds 1912 with amendments. Baumbach 2001: 567-568. Translation Edmonds 1912. 85 See Kidd 1997. 86 See Bollansée 1999. 87 See Roller 2010. 83 84

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times to death for breaking the aforementioned law, when Zeus, because of their previous relationship, rescued her and placed her among the stars.88 In this narration, Arcadia appears an enchanted land and rich land, with mountains, fresh water, sanctuaries, wild beasts, hunters and shepherds: it was also inhabited by gods. The ‘divine meadow’ of Ptolemy Philadelphus is described by Callixenus (On Alexandria,89 in Athenaeus 5. 196. 25): ‘the part which surrounded this portico in the open air was shaded by myrtle-trees and laurels, and other suitable shrubs. And the whole floor was strewed with flowers of every description. For Egypt, on account of the temperate character of the atmosphere which surrounds it, and on account of the fondness of the inhabitants for gardening, produces in great abundance, and all the year round, those things which in other countries are rarely found and only at particular seasons. And roses, and white lilies, and numberless other flowers are never wanting in that country. On which account, though this entertainment took place in the middle of winter, still there was a show of flowers which was quite incredible to the foreigners.For flowers of which one could not easily have found enough to make one chaplet in any other city were supplied in the greatest abundance here, to make chaplets for every one of the nests at this entertainment, and were strewed thickly over the whole floor of the tent; so as really to give the appearance of a most divine meadow’.90 Thus we see that in the early Hellenistic period, literature focusing on Arcadia is booming: Harmodius was writing Peri kata Phigaleian nomimon (FGrH 319, Frgs. 1-3), Philostephanus Peri Kyllenes,91 Ariaethus of Tegea Arkadika (FGrH316, Frgs. 1-8), and Aristippus Arkadika (FGrH 317, Frgs. 1-4). The latter two authors illustrated the rich mythical history of this region, turning it into an enchanted land, a theatre of marvels, inhabited by gods and heroes. Harmodius reported on the fame of good and sober man admired in Pytheas of Phigalia (Athenaeus 11. 465 d),92 perhaps associated with the idea that Arcadians were kind and gentle people. The same author (Athenaeus 11. 479 c) also comments on the polite behaviour of Phigalians at mealtimes. Looking on other unlikely wonders, Mnaseas93 of Patrae (The Voyage, in Athenaeus 8. 331) makes the strange claim that ‘the fish in the Cleitor river can utter sounds’, while Philostephanus (On strange rivers, in Athenaeus 8. 331) claimed that ‘in the Aornus river, which flows through Pheneus, there are fishes which make sounds like the note of the thrush; they are called speckle-fish’ and Clearchus,94 a pupil of the Peripathetic school (Athenaeus 8. 332), wrote that ‘some fishes, although they have no windpipe, utter sounds. Such are the fishes near Cleitor, in Arcadia, in the river called the Ladon’.95 Such information must have strengthened the fame of Arcadia as a land of mirabilia. 88

Translation Condos 1970. See Franzmeyer 1904. 90 Translation Gulick 1955. 91 See Fornaro 2000: 886-887. 92 See Albiani 2001a: 662. 93 See Musso 1990: 30-32. 94 See Wehrli 1969. 95 Translation Gulick 1955. 89

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World It is not impossible that later poets and writers preserved at least some Arcadian myths which may have been narrated in the antiquarian, local literature. The myth of Alcmaeon, who first moved to Oecles in Arcadia, then Psophis, where he was killed by the sons of Phegeus who also gave his wife Callirhoe as a slave to Agapenor at Tegea (Apollodorus 3. 7. 6-8; Ovid, Metamorphoses 9. 394-438 and Ibis 348; Pausanias 8. 24. 8-10) may not have escaped the attention of these antiquarians. Agapenor is also brought to mind by Hyginus (Fabulae 97), who specifies his Arcadian pedigree. Vitruvius (8. 3. 16 and 21) may have drawn – perhaps through Posidonius (see 8. 3. 27) and Varro (see Solinus 7. 12) - on these writers for his rhapsody on the marvellous springs of Arcadia: In Arcadia there is a tract of land called Nonacris96, which has extremely cold water trickling from a rock in the mountains. This water is called ‘Water of the Styx,’ and no vessel, whether of silver, bronze, or iron, can stand it without flying to pieces and breaking up. Nothing but a mule’s hoof can keep it together and hold it, and tradition says that it was thus conveyed by Antipater through his son Iollas into the province where Alexander was staying, and that the king was killed by him with this water … In Arcadia  is the well-known town of Clitor, in whose territory is a cave with running water which makes people who drink of it abstemious. At this spring, there is an epigram in Greek verses inscribed on stone to the effect that the water is unsuitable for bathing, and also injurious to vines, because it was at this spring that Melampus cleansed the daughters of Proetus of their madness by sacrificial rites, and restored those maidens to their former sound state of mind. The inscription runs as written below: ‘Swain, if by noontide thirst you are oppressed When with thy flocks to Cleitor’s bounds you are hied, Take from this fount a draught, and grant a rest to all your goats the water Nymphs beside. But bathe not in it when full of drunken cheer, lest the mere vapour may bring you to bane; shun my vine-hating spring - Melampus here from madness once washed Proetus’ daughters sane, and all the offscouring here did hide, when they from Argos came to rugged Arcadia’.97 Propertius (2. 28. 25-26), when thinking of Callisto as a she-bear wandering Arcadian pastures, was probably re-using previous narrations from Arcadian antiquarian writings. Ovid (Amores 1. 7. 13-14) asserted that ‘… the daughter of Schoeneus [Atalanta] had worried the wild animals of the Maenalian region with her bow’.98 He is more detailed in Ars Amatoria (2. 185-194): ‘Who was fiercer than Atalanta from Nonacris? Wild as she was she still surrendered to male kindness. Often Milanion wept among the trees at his plight and at the girl’s harsh acts: often at her orders his shoulders carried the nets, often he pierced wild boars with his deadly spear: and he felt the pain of Hylaeus’s tense bow:

96

On this site, see Lafond 2000b: 989-990. Translation Granger 1934 with amendments. 98 Translation Showerman 1914. 97

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times but that of another bow was still more familiar. I don’t order you to climb in Maenalian woods, holding a weapon, or carrying nets on your back’.99 The picture of Atalanta hunting between Nonacris and Maenalus, among mountains, woodlands and wild animals, and in the presence of her lover Meilanion, has also antiquarian overtones and epitomises all the basic components of the Arcadian Dream. The same poet (Amores 3. 6. 29-30) asks: ‘Wasn’t it true love for the Arcadian virgin [Arethusa] that drove Alpheus to flow to alien shores?’:100 the emphasis given to the Arcadian origin of this nymph may well indicate the influence of Arcadian antiquarians. The poet of Sulmo (Ars amatoria 2. 55), refers to the transformation of Callisto of Tegea into the heavens (Ursa Major) and this story may also have been narrated by Arcadian antiquarians. Ovid (Metamorphoses 1. 689-721), referring to the Arcadian nymph Syrinx, may well be harking back to this earlier tradition: ‘the god [Hermes] explained ‘On Arcadia’s cold mountain slopes among the wood Nymphs, the Hamadryads, of Mount Nonacris, one was the most celebrated: the Nymphs called her Syrinx. She had often escaped from the Satyrs chasing her, and from others of the demi-gods that live in shadowy woods and fertile fields. But she followed the worship of the Ortygian goddess in staying virgin. Her dress caught up like Diana she deceives the eye, and could be mistaken for Leto’s daughter, except that her bow is of horn, and the other’s is of gold. Even so she is deceptive. Pan, whose head is crowned with a wreath of sharp pine shoots, saw her, coming from Mount Lycaeus, and spoke to her.’ Now Mercury still had to relate what Pan said, and how the Nymph, despising his entreaties, ran through the wilds till she came to the calm waters of sandy Ladon; and how when the river stopped her flight she begged her sisters of the stream to change her; and how Pan, when he thought he now had Syrinx, found that instead of the Nymph’s body he only held reeds from the marsh; and, while he sighed there, the wind in the reeds, moving, gave out a clear, plaintive sound. Charmed by this new art and its sweet tones the god said ‘This way of communing with you is still left to me.’ So unequal lengths of reed, joined together with wax, preserved the girl’s name’.101 In this narration, Arcadia becomes a region of mountains, woodlands, feminine beauty and musical performances, inhabited by nymphs, satyrs, Pan, Hermes and Artemis: a magic land where wonderful things occur. For example the love of Zeus for Callisto and the birth of Arcas in the Arcadian environment just described is also evoked by Ovid (Metamorphoses 2. 401-507) and he may have taken from the Arcadian antiquarians not only the story but also references to the setting: ‘Arcadia above all is his [Zeus] greatest care. He restores her fountains and streams, that are still hardly daring to flow, gives grass to the bare earth, leaves to the trees, and makes the scorched forests grow green again. Often, as he came and went, he would stop short at the sight of a girl from Nonacris, feeling the fire take in the very marrow of his bones. She was not one to spin soft wool or play with her hair. A clasp fastened her tunic, and a white ribbon held back her loose tresses. Dressed like this, with a spear or a bow in her hand, she was one of Diana’s companions. No Nymph who roamed Maenalus was dearer to Trivia, goddess of the crossways, than she, Callisto, was. But no favour lasts long.The sun was high, just path 99

Translation Showerman 1914 with amendments. Translation Showerman 1914. 101 Translation Showerman 1914. 100

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World the zenith, when she entered a grove that had been untouched through the years. Here she took her quiver from her shoulder, unstrung her curved bow, and lay down on the grass, her head resting on her painted quiver. Jupiter, seeing her there weary and unprotected, said ‘Here, surely, my wife will not see my cunning, or if she does find out it is, oh it is, worth a quarrel!’ Quickly he took on the face and dress of Diana, and said ‘Oh, girl who follows me, where in my domains have you been hunting?’ The virgin girl got up from the turf replying ‘Greetings, goddess greater than Jupiter: I say it even though he himself hears it.’ He did hear, and laughed, happy to be judged greater than himself, and gave her kisses unrestrainedly, and not those that virgins give. When she started to say which woods she had hunted he embraced and prevented her and not without committing a crime. Face to face with him, as far as a woman could, (I wish you had seen her Juno: you would have been kinder to her) she fought him, but how could a girl win, and who is more powerful than Jupiter? Victorious, Jupiter made for the furthest reaches of the sky: while to Callisto the grove was odious and the wood seemed knowing. As she retraced her steps she almost forgot her quiver and its arrows, and the bow she had left hanging. Behold how Diana, with her band of huntresses, approaching from the heights of Maenalus, magnificent from the kill, spies her there, and seeing her calls out. At the shout she runs, afraid at first in case it is Jupiter disguised, but when she sees the other Nymphs come forward she realises there is no trickery and joins their number. Alas! How hard it is not to show one’s guilt in one’s face! She can scarcely lift her eyes from the ground, not as she used to be, wedded to her goddess’s side or first of the whole company, but is silent and by her blushing shows signs of her shame at being attacked. Even if she were not herself virgin, Diana could sense her guilt in a thousand ways. They say all the Nymphs could feel it. Nine crescent moons had since grown full when the goddess faint from the chase in her brother’s hot sunlight found a cool grove out of which a murmuring stream ran, winding over fine sand. She loved the place and tested the water with her foot. Pleased with this too she said ‘Any witness is far away, let us bathe our bodies naked in the flowing water.’ The Arcadian girl blushed: all of them took off their clothes: one of them tried to delay: hesitantly the tunic was removed and there her shame was revealed with her naked body. Terrified she tried to conceal her swollen belly. Diana cried ‘Go, far away from here: do not pollute the sacred fountain!’ and the Moon-goddess commanded her to leave her band of followers.The great Thunderer’s wife had known about all this for a long time and had held back her severe punishment until the proper time. Now there was no reason to wait. The girl had given birth to a boy, Arcas, and that in itself enraged Juno. When she turned her angry eyes and mind to thought of him she cried out ‘Nothing more was needed, you adulteress, than your fertility, and your marking the insult to me by giving birth, making public my Jupiter’s crime. You’ll not carry this off safely. Now, insolent girl, I will take that shape away from you, that pleased you and my husband so much!’ At this she clutched her in front by the hair of her forehead and pulled her face forwards onto the ground. Callisto  stretched out her arms for mercy: those arms began to bristle with coarse black hairs: her hands arched over and changed into curved claws to serve as feet: and her face, that Jupiter had once praised, was disfigured by gaping jaws: and so that her prayers and words of entreaty might not attract him her power of speech was taken from her. An angry, threatening growl, harsh and terrifying, came from her throat. Still her former feelings remained intact though she was now a bear. She showed her misery in continual groaning, raising such hands as she had left to the starry sky, feeling, though she could not speak it, Jupiter’s indifference. Ah, how often she wandered near the house and fields that had once been her home, not daring to sleep in the lonely woods! Ah, how often she was driven among the rocks by the baying hounds, and the huntress fled in fear from the hunters! Often 96

The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times she hid at the sight of wild beasts forgetting what she was, and though a bear she shuddered at the sight of other bears on the mountains and feared the wolves though her father Lycaon ran with them. And now Arcas, grandson of Lycaon, had reached his fifteenth year ignorant of his parentage. While he was hunting wild animals, while he was finding suitable glades and penning up the Erymanthian groves with woven nets, he came across his mother, who stood still at sight of Arcas and appeared to know him. He shrank back from those unmoving eyes gazing at him so fixedly, uncertain what made him afraid, and when she quickly came nearer he was about to pierce her chest with his lethal spear. All-powerful Jupiter restrained him and in the same moment removed them and the possibility of that wrong, and together, caught up through the void on the winds, he set them in the heavens and made them similar constellations, the Great and Little Bear’.102 The same poet (Metamorphoses 15. 322-334) describes Arcadia as a landscape characterised by miraculous rivers, fountains, medicinal herbs and incantations, and above all infused with the legend of Melampus and the daughters of Proetus, who recovered from their madness in Arcadia. Since that significant legend was very probably narrated in the Arcadian antiquarian tradition, it is not impossible that even the general notion of this landscape handed down by Ovid reprises these writers: ‘Whoever slakes his thirst at Clitor’s fountain, shuns wine, and only enjoys pure water, whether it is due to a power in the water that counteracts hot wine, or whether, as the natives claim, Melampus, Amithaon’s son, when he had saved the demented daughters of Proetus from madness, by herbs and incantations, threw the remnants of what had purged their minds into its springs, and the antipathy to wine was left behind in its waters. The flow of the River Lyncestius has the opposite effect, so that whoever drinks even moderately of it, stumbles about, as if they had drunk pure wine. There is a place in Arcadia, the ancients called Pheneus, mistrusted for its dual-natured waters: beware of them at night, drunk at night they are harmful: in the day they can be drunk without harm’.103 Ovid (Fasti 2. 153-192) narrates the story of Callisto, in an Arcadian setting of groves, fountains, nymphs, and gods: this account may also stem from the Arcadian antiquarian tradition: ‘On the third night, you will see straight away that the Bear Keeper Bootes’ feet have emerged. Callisto was one of the Hamadryads, among the sacred band of the huntress Diana. She laid her hand on the goddess’ bow, saying: ‘Bear witness, bow I touch, to my virginity.’ Cynthia praised the vow: ‘Keep faith with that/ and you will be first among my companions.’ She would have kept her vow, if she had not been beautiful: she was wary of men, but sinned with Jupiter. Phoebe had hunted many creatures through the woods, and was returning home at noon, or shortly after. As she reached a grove (a dense grove dark with holm-oak with a deep fount of cool water at its centre), she said: ‘Arcadian virgin, let us bathe here in the woods.’ The girl blushed at the false title of virgin./ Diana spoke to the Nymphs, and they undressed. Callisto was ashamed, and gave bashful signs of delay. Removing her tunic, her swollen belly gave clear witness to the burden she carried. The goddess spoke to her, saying: ‘Daughter of Lycaon, oath-breaker, leave the virgin band, do not defile pure waters.’ Ten times the moon completed her full orb, when she, thought to be virgin, became a mother. Juno, wounded, raged, and altered the girl’s form. What would you? Jupiter had ravished her against her will. And seeing in his victim a shameful animal face, Juno said: ‘Let Jupiter enjoy her embraces now!’ She 102 103

Translation Showerman 1914 with amendments. Translation Showerman 1914 with amendments.

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World who had been loved by highest Jupiter, roamed the wild mountains as a shaggy she-bear. The boy she conceived furtively was adolescent when the mother met the child she had born. She reared, wildly, and growled, as if she knew him: growling was his mother’s only mode of speech. The boy, unknowing, would have pierced her with his sharp spear, but they were both caught up into the heavenly mansions. They shine as neighbouring constellations: first the Bear, then the Bear-keeper takes shape behind her back. Still, Juno, Saturn’s daughter, rages and begs grey Tethys never to wash the Maenalian Bear with her waters›.104 Later Ovid (Fasti 5. 87-90) narrates the union of Zeus and Maia on Mt Cyllene in a grove near the River Ladon and again, this story may derive from antiquarian Arcadian literature: ‘Maia is said to have surpassed her sisters in beauty, and to have slept with mighty Jupiter. She bore Mercury, who cuts the air on winged feet, on the cypress-clothed ridge of Mount Cyllene. The Arcadians, and swift Ladon, and vast Maenalus, a land thought older than the moon, rightly worship him’.105 The poet from Sulmo (Fasti 5. 663-664) returns to the same story: ‘Mercury, Atlas’ famous grandson, you whom a Pleiad  once bore to Jupiter, among the Arcadian hills’,106 and the legend of the family of Schoeneus, king of Arcadia (Hyginus, Fabulae 206) may also be based on previous Hellenistic writers: ‘Clymenus, son of Schoeneus, king of  Arcadia, overcome by passion, lay with his daughter Harpalyce. When she gave birth, she served her son at a banquet. The father, realizing it, killed Harpalyce’.107 And see also Hyginus, Fabulae 242: ‘Clymenus, son of Schoeneus, King of  Arcadia, killed himself because he had lain with his daughter’,108 and Hyginus, Fabulae 246: ‘Clymenus, son of Schoeneus, (ate) his son by his daughter Harpalyce’.109 Moreover the assertion that two of the oldest temples were built in Arcadia has an antiquarian overtone: again, it is known thanks to Hyginus (Fabulae 225): ‘Those who first built temples to gods: Pelasgus, son of Triopas, first made a temple to Olympian Jupiter in Arcadia …Lycaon, son of Pelasgus, built a temple to Mercury of Cyllene in Arcadia’.110 (see also Fabulae 274, i. e. that ‘the Arcadians first made offerings to the gods’).111 These traditions are in keeping with the notion that Arcadians were pious and religious individuals. In Fabulae 275 we learn that ‘Arcas, son of Jupiter, founded Trapezus in Arcadia’,112 and in 277 there is the statement that ‘Cadmus in exile from Arcadia, took them [the Greek alphabet] to Italy, and his mother Carmenta changed them to Latin’. 113 104

Translation Showerman 1914 with amendments. Translation Showerman 1914 with amendments. Translation Showerman 1914 with amendments. 107 Translation Grant 1960. 108 Translation Grant 1960. 109 Translation Grant 1960. 110 Translation Grant 1960 with amendment. 111 Translation Grant 1960. 112 Translation Grant 1960 with amendment. 113 Translation Grant 1960. 105 106

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times Such beliefs come from the preconception that Arcadians overall made significant contributions to civilisation. Finally the revelation (Hyginus, Fabulae 253), that ‘Menophron [was guilty of incest]  with Cyllene  his daughter in Arcadia, and with Bliade his mother’114 probably refers back to a Hellenistic work if not to an earlier one. And perhaps also Seneca (Hercules furens) draws this tradition when he writes (222-229): ‘The nimble hind of Maenalus, raising her head bounteously adorned with gold, was caught [by Heracles] by his long pursuit … Why should I tell of … the shaggy boar of Maenalus, whose wont it was on the thick-wooded heights of Erymanthus to harry the groves of Arcadia?’.115 The two labours of Heracles set in Arcadian lands are imagined to have taken place in thicklywooded groves on mountain sides. The reference to this type of environment may have already appeared in the Greek antiquarian sources of Seneca. The ancient lineage of Arcadians was asserted by Dionysius Periegetes116, in his Guide to the Inhabited World (414-417), and Ptolemaeus Chennus117 (New History, in Photius, Library 190) reports other myths which might also come from Hellenistic antiquarians: ‘1. (…) An Arcadian named Peritanos committed adultery with Helen when she lived with Alexander in Arcadia; Alexander, to punish him for this adultery emasculated him and it is since then that the Arcadians call eunuchs “peritanoi” … 3 …  Concerning the water of the Styx in Arcadia he recounts the following: while Demeter was mourning for her daughter, Poseidon intruded on her sorrow and she in anger metamorphosed into a mare; she arrived at a fountain in this form and detesting it she made the water black. … Alexander’s father was not Philip but a man called Draco and of Arcadian origin; this was the origin of the legend of the serpent … 5 … The legislator of Arcadia, Cercidas, ordered that books I and II of the Iliad should be buried with him›.118 According to these traditions, the Arcadian landscape would have been important in the myths of Helen and Paris and Demeter’s search for Kore, moreover a fountain of the Styx would have existed in the region, an Arcadian man would even have been the father of Alexander the Great, and Cercidas of Megalopolis loved the first two books of the Iliad so much that they were buried with him: presumably a way of linking him to the heroic past. Thus we get the fixed idea that Arcadia was both the setting for key myths and for an association with a major historical figure. Cercidas,119 (Iambics, in Athenaeus 12. 554 c-e), also gives us the appealing aition of the building of the sanctuary of Aphrodite Kallipygos (i. e. ‘beautiful buttocks’). This story probably indicates the development of a form of hedonism in Arcadian culture in the late 3rd c. BC.

114

Translation Grant 1960. Translation Miller 1917 with amendment. See Brodersen 1997: 641. 117 See Matthaios 2001: 558-559. 118 Translation Pearse 2011. 119 See Lomiento 1993. 115 116

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World And the identification of the grave of the heroine Callisto in Arcadia may also hark back to these antiquarian writers. This landmark is known thanks to Pausanias (8. 3. 6): ‘[Callisto’s] grave is pointed out by the Arcadians’, and later (35. 8): ‘Descending from Cruni for about thirty stades you come to the grave of Callisto, a high mound of earth, whereon grow many trees, both cultivated and also those that bear no fruit. On the top of the mound is a sanctuary of Artemis, surnamed Calliste [most beautiful]’.120 The location of the springs, where the baby Hermes was washed by nymphs on the Tricrena mountains, near Pheneus, is also suggested by Pausanias (8. 16. 1): Going east from Pheneus you come to a mountain peak called Geronteium and a road by it. This mountain is the boundary between the territories of Pheneus and Stymphalus. On the left of it, as you travel through the land of Pheneus, are mountains of the Pheneatians called Tricrena [Three Springs], and here are three springs. In them, says the legend, Hermes was washed after birth by the Nymphs of the mountain, and for this reason they are considered sacred to Hermes.121 Finally, the little aside that Pan used to play his pipes on Mt. Maenalus and that his music was heard by those living there is also reported by Pausanias (8. 36. 8), and this, too, has an antiquarian feel: ‘Mount Maenalus is held to be especially sacred to Pan, so that those who dwell around it say that they can actually hear him playing on his pipes’.122 A long passage by Statius (Thebaid 4. 246-344) tells of Parthenopaeus, son of Atalanta, in Arcadia, again among mountains, groves, rivers, deities, temples, nymphs, etc. and he may also have drawn on the same tradition: ‘You too, Parthenopaeus, unknown to your mother – unschooled alas! in arms, such lure had young ambition – speed onward your Parrhasian cohorts. Your warlike parent, so it chanced – not otherwise could the boy have left her – was bringing peace with her bow to distant glades, and the farther slopes of cool Lycaeus. No fairer face was there of any marching to the grim hazard of war, none winds such favour for pre-eminent beauty; nor lacks he courage, so he but come to sterner years. What forest-queens and spirits enshrined in rivers, what Nymphs of the glade had he not fired with consuming passion? Diana herself, when she saw the boy beneath the shade of Maenalus steeping youthful over the grass, forgave her comrade, so they say, and with her own hand fitted to his shoulders the Dictean shafts and Amyclean quiver. Smitten by dauntless love of war he dashes to the front, burning to hear the clash of arms and bray of trumpets, to soil his fair hair with the dust of battle, and to ride home on a foeman’s captive steed. He is weary of the woodlands, and ashamed that he knows not the arrows’ baneful boast of human blood. Foremost he shines, ablaze with purple and gold, his streaming cloak furrowed by Iberian cords, and his innocent shield adorned with his mother’s Calydonian battles; fierce sounds the bow at his left side, and on his back, plumed with feathery shafts, rattles the quiver set with pale electrum and brilliant Eastern jasper, full of Cydonian arrows. His charger, accustomed to outstrip the flying stags, was covered with two lynxes’ hides, and marvelled at his armed master’s heavier weight; 120

Translation Jones 1959. Translation Jones 1959. 122 Translation Jones 1959. 121

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times him he loftily bestrode, comely to look upon from the pleasant flush of youth upon his cheeks. To him the Arcadians an ancient people, older than the moon and stars, give trusty cohorts; they were born, it is said, of the hard trunks of forest trees, when the wondering earth first bore the print of feet; not yet were fields or houses or cities or ordinance of marriage: oaks and laurels suffered rude child-birth, and the shady mountain-ash peopled the earth, and the young babe fell from the pregnant ash-tree’s womb. It is said that, struck with terror at the change from light to murky darkness, they followed far the setting Titan, despairing of the day. The husbandmen grow few on high Maenalus, the forests of Parthenius are deserted, Rhipe and Stratie and windy Enispe give their troops to aid the war. Neither Tegea nor Cyllene blest by the winged god stand idle, nor Alea, woodland shrine of Minerva, nor swift Clitor, nor Ladon, almost, O Pythian, the father of your bride; nor yet Lampia with her shining snowwhite ridges, nor Pheneos, believed to send down Styx to swarthy Dis. Azan, that can rival the howling mobs of Ida, came, and the Parrhasian leaders, and the Nonacrian countryside, wherein the Thunderer quiverclad took delight, and furnished laughter for you, you Loves, and Orchomenos rich in cattle, and Cynosura abounding in wild beasts. The same ardour lays bare the fields of Aepytus and lofty Psophis and the mountains famed for Hercules’ might, Erymanthos home of monsters, and Stymphalos with its clanging bronze. All Arcadians these, one race of men, but sundered by differing customs: these bend back Paphian myrtle-saplings, and practise warfare with pastoral staves; some have bows, some pikes for weapons; some cover their hair with helmets, while that one keeps the fashion of the Arcadian hat, and another makes his head terrible with the jaws of a Lycaonian she-bear. This warlike gathering of hearts sworn true to Mars Mycenae, neighbour though she was, helped with no soldiery; for then was the deadly banquet and the sun’s midday withdrawing, and there, too, was a feud of warring brothers. And now the tidings had filled the ears of Atalanta, that her son was going a captain to the war, and rousing all Arcadia; her steps faltered and the darts fell by her side; swifter than the winged wind she fled from the woodland, over rocks and brimming rivers that would stay her, just as she was, with snatched-up raiment and fair hair streaming behind her on the breeze; even as a tigress, bereft of her cubs, fiercely tracks the horse of him that robbed her. When she halted and pressed her bosom on the reins that met her (he pale, with eyes downcast): ‘Whence comes this mad desire, my son, whence this reckless valour in your young breast? Can you drill men to war, can you bear the burdens of Mars and go among the sword-bearing companies? Yet would that you were able! Lately I paled to see you plying the hunting-lance in close conflict with a struggling boar, forced back upon bent knee and almost fallen, and had I not drawn my bow and sped an arrow, where now would be your wars? Nought will my shafts avail you, nor my shapely bows, nor this black-spotted steed in whom you trust; mighty are the endeavours to which you hasten, and you a boy scarce ripe for the embraces of Dryads or the passions of Erymanthian Nymphs. Omens tell true: I wondered why Diana’s temple seemed to me of late to tremble, and the goddess herself to frown upon me, and why the votive spoils fell from her roof; this it was that made my archery slack and my hands to falter and never to strike sure. Nay, wait till your prowess be greater, your years more firm, till the shadow come upon thy rosy cheeks and my likeness fade from your face. Then I myself will give you the battles and the sword for which you do burn, and no mother’s tears shall call you back. Now take back your weapons home! But you, will you suffer him to go to war, you Arcadians, O born assuredly of rock and oak?’ More would she fain entreat; her son and the chieftains thronging round console her and lessen her fears, and already the bugles’

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World horrid signal blares forth. She cannot loose her son from her loving embrace, and commends him earnestly to his leader Adrastus’.123 Parthenopaeus son of Atalanta from Mt Parthenius in Arcadia is also evoked by Hyginus, Fabulae 70. And Hellenistic antiquarians may also have influenced the narration of the legend of the Ceryneian hind by later writers (e. g. Hyginus, Fabulae 30). The myth of Helius who reddened the skin of Palaestra, daughter of Hermes, upon her request, ‘in the valleys of Arcadia’, as reported by Philostratus (Imagines 2. 32), may also have derived from Hellenistic collections of local folk stories. Then, too, we have the identification of the corpse of Orestes, seven cubits long, by the Lacedaemonians at Tegea (Philostratus, Heroicus 8. 3), and which goes back to Herodotus (1. 67), may be indebted to Hellenistic antiquarians as well (see also Anthologia Graeca 14. 78). Aelian (Varia historia 13. 1) narrates the youth Atalanta on Mt Parthenius, among mountains, rocks, groves, springs, meadows, and bears. The author might also have taken this story from local, Hellenistic antiquarians: ‘The Arcadian narration concerning Atalanta daughter of  Jasion  is this; her father exposed her as soon as born, for he said he had not need of daughters but sons. But he to whom she was given to be exposed did not kill her, but going to the mountain Parthenius laid her down by a spring, where there was a rock with a cave, over which there was a place full of oaks; thus the infant was destined to death, but not deserted by fortune: for soon after a she-bear robbed by huntsmen of her whelps, her udder swollen and oppressed with fullness of milk, came by a certain divine providence, taking delight in the child gave it suck ; whereby at once the beast eased her own pain, and nourished the infant: and came again, being oppressed with milk; and being no longer mother of her own, became nurse to one that had not belonged to her. The same huntsmen who before had taken her whelps watched her, and searching every part of the thicket, when the bear according to her custom was gone to the pastures to get food, stole away Atalanta, not yet so called (for they gave her that name afterwards) and she was bred up amongst them with wild food: and by degrees her stature increased with her years, and she affected virginity, and shunned the conversation of men, and delighted in the loneliness, making choice of the highest of the Arcadian mountains, where there was a valley well furnished with water and tall oaks, as also fresh gales and a thick wood. Why should it seem tedious to hear the description of Atalanta’s cave, more than that of Calypso in Homer? In the hollow of the cliff there was a cave very deep fortified at the entrance with a great precipice; along it ivy crept, and twined about the young trees, upon which it climbed. Saffron also grew about the place in a young thick grove, with which also sprung up the hyacinths, and many other flowers of various colors, which not only feasted the eye, but the odors which they exhaled around about into the air, did afford a banquet also to the smell. Likewise there were many laurels, which being ever verdant were very delightful to the sight; vines also growing thick and full of bunches before the cave, attested the industry of Atalanta, springs ever running clear and cool to the touch and taste flowed there abundantly. These contributed much benefit to the trees we speak of, watering them and enlivening them 123

Translation Mozley 1928 with amendments.

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times continually. In fine, the place was full of beauty and majesty, such as argued by the prudence of the virgin.The skins of beasts were Atalanta’s bed, their flesh her food, her drink water. She wore a careless drapery, such as Artemis not disdained, for she said that she imitated her as well in this as in determining to live always a virgin. She was exceeding swift of foot, so that not any beast could run away from her, nor any man that waited for her, was able (if she would run away) to overtake her. She was beloved, not only of all those who saw her, but also of those who heard the report of her. If therefore it be not tedious we will describe her person. But tedious it cannot be, since hereby we may arrive at some degree of skill in rhetoric. Whilst she was yet a child, she exceeded in stature those who were women grown; for beauty she went beyond all other of the Peloponnesian virgins of that time. Her look was masculine and fierce, occasioned partly by eating the flesh of wild beasts, (for she was very courageous) partly by her exercise on the mountains. She had nothing of an effeminate loose disposition, neither did she come out of the thalamus nor was one of those who are brought up by mothers or nurses. She was not corpulent; for by hunting and other exercise she preserved herself in a good constitution. Her hair was yellow, not by any womanish art or die, but by nature. Her face was of a ruddy complexion, somewhat tanned by the sun. Which flower is so beautiful as the countenance of a modest virgin? She had two admirable properties, irresistible beauty, and awfulness. No timid person could fall in love with her, for such dares not look upon her, so much did her splendor dazzle the beholders. That which caused her to be admired, besides other things, was her reserve. For she exposed not herself to view, unless accidentally in following the chase, or defending herself from some man; in which action she broke forth like lightning, then immediately hid herself in the thickest of the wood. On a time it happened that two bold young men of the neighboring country, Centaurs, Hylaeus and Rhoecus, in love with her, came in a frolic to her. They had no players on the flute in this frolic, nor such things as the young men use in cities upon the like occasion, but took with them lighted torches, the sight whereof might have frightened a multitude, much more a lone maiden. Then breaking boughs from the pine trees, they twined them about them, and made themselves garlands of them, and with continual clashing of weapons as they went along the mountains, set fire on the trees in their way to her, presenting her with injuries instead of nuptial gifts. She was aware of their plot, for she beheld the fire from her cave, and knowing who those revelers were, was not terrified with the sight: but drawing her bow, and letting fly an arrow, chanced to kill the first, and while he was falling down, the other assaulted her, not in mirth, but as an enemy to revenge his friend and satisfy his passion. But he met with another vindictive arrow from her hand. Thus is enough of Atalanta daughter of Jasion’.124 Propertius (1. 1. 9-15) also refers to the myth of Atalanta among the caves, stones and wild beasts of Mt Parthenius and probably draws from the same tradition. Furthermore, the legend of the Arcadian boy who was raised with a snake may also derive from this literature. Aelian (De natura animalium 6. 63) is the narrator: ‘A young snake was brought up along with a child, an Arcadian born; the snake too was of the country. So as the pair grew up the child became a youth while his foster-brother had already become enormous. And they were devoted to one another. But the relatives of the youth were terrified at the size of the monster. (You may see these creatures attain in a very short time to an enormous size and the most terrifying aspect.) And so while it was asleep on the same bed with the boy, they picked it up and took it as far away as possible. And the boy rose up, but the snake remained in that place. And when 124

Translation Stanley 1670 with amendments. See also Musaeus, Hero and Leander 153-157.

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World it took to the forest and the drugs that grew there, it lived there, enjoying the food of snakes and preferring waste places to life in a city and confinement in a room. Time passed and turned one into a young man, the other into a snake now full-grown. And on one occasion the Arcadian, the lover and the beloved of the aforesaid creature, going through a lonely region, fell in with brigands, and at a blow from a sword he cried out, as was natural, both from pain and in order to summon help. Now it seems that the snake of all creatures has the sharpest sight and the keenest hearing. Accordingly this snake, being the youth’s foster-brother, heard his voice and hissing loudly as in anger, struck terror into the brigands, who were seized with trembling: the villains were all scattered in different directions, and what is more, some were overtaken by the snake and perished miserably. But the snake cleansed the wounds of its old friend, and after escorting him past that part of the region where wild beasts lurked, departed and went to the spot where the relations had exposed it: it showed no resentment at having been cast away, nor did it in the hour of danger, like base men, neglect one who had been its dearest friend’.125 This story clearly conveys the idea that in Arcadia even wild animals are gentle. Aelian picks this theme up later (De natura animalium 11. 6): ‘In Arcadian territory there is a shrine of Pan; Aule is the name of the place. Now any animals that take refuge there the god respects as suppliants and protects in complete safety. For wolves in pursuit are afraid to enter it and are checked at the mere sight of the place of refuge. So there is private property for these animals too to enable them to survive’.126 The same antiquarian tradition is probably the basis of the story that an Arcadian army followed Dionysos in his conquest of India, as is handed down by Nonnus (13. 286-308): ‘He was followed by the vagabond acornfed Arcadians under arms, those that held Lasion, and the fine glades of Lycaeus, and rocky Stymphalus, and Rhipe famous town; Stratia and Mantinea and Enispe, and woodland Parrhasia, where is still to be found the place untrodden in which primeval goddess Rheia was brought to bed; the region of Pheneus, and Orchomenus rich in sheep, only begetter of the dance, seat of Apidaneans. There were there also those of Arcadia, city of Arcas son of Callisto and Zeus, whose father fixed him in the starry firmament and called him Boötes Hailbringer. Such was the host which Aristaios armed with the Arcadian lance, and led sheepdogs to battle with warring men. He was the son of Cyrene, that deer chasing following Artemis, the girl lionkiller, who bore him to the love of Phoebus; when handsome Apollo carried her abroad to sandy Libya in a robber’s car for a bridal equipage. And as he came in haste, Apollo his father left the prophetic laurel and armed him with his own hands, gave his son a bow, and fitted his arm with a curiously wrought shield, and fastened the hollow quiver by a strap over the shoulder to hang down his back’.127 Macrobius’ (Saturnalia 1. 22) assertion that the Arcadians honoured Pan as lord of everything material may also hark back to these writers. Many, from Vitruvius to Nonno and Macrobius, reveal prevalent antiquarian interests and a retrospective culture and were learned in earlier Greek traditions. Thus the possibility that 125

Translation Scholfield 1959. Translation Scholfield 1959. 127 Translation Rouse 1940. 126

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times they preserve Hellenistic myths and stories about Arcadia is a strong one. These include, e. g., Nicias’ (Arkadika (FGrH 318, Frg. 1, quoted earlier) account of beauty competitions in this region, and thus emphasising female beauty as one of the many positive features of this region; Philo of Byzantium,128 (Pneumatica 59) describes a mechanism characterised by the reconstruction of a landscape with hills, springs of water, caves and a paniscus: this mechanism also evokes a locus amoenus; and, finally, the flourishing of legends in Hellenistic Arcadia is also testified also by the myth of the pompilo fish, as narrated by the Arcadian poet Pancrates129 (Athenaeus 7. 283a-c). The visual evidence During the early Hellenistic period, bucolic themes become very popular in visual arts,130 e. g. representations of milking131 are particularly noticeable, bringing to the fore the lives of shepherds and their animals.

Figure 42: Hermoupolis Magna, tomb of Petosiris, milking scene (Hermopolis Magna, Egypt). 128

See Prager 1974. See Fornaro 2000a: 249. 130 See Adriani 1959: 10-15; Moreno 1994: 719-720; Mandel 2007: 103-187, in particular 141-156 and 167-187; Miller 2014: 170-237, in particular 171-174; 181-182; 192-197; 217-222. 131 See e. g. Adriani 1959: 11, fig. 2; Mandel 1994: 183, fig. 54. 129

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Figure 43: Hermoupolis Magna, tomb of Petosiris, cattle’s scene (Hermopolis Magna, Egypt).

Scenes on the tomb of Petosiris in Hermoupolis Magna (early 3th c. BC) are particularly evident: calves suckling (Figure 42) appear on the west wall of the pronaos of the tomb and on the north wall of the cella. In the latter, a bull, cows and calves (Figure 43) are seem against a backdrop of willows, in which birds roost.132 Idyllic scenes also include sacred landscapes, in which mountains, trees, altars, heroines, heroes and deities all convey the notion of an enchanted world. Probably the earliest example of this genre is the so-called ‘Landscape Cup’, in Alexandria’s Greek-Roman Museum (no. 25263)(Figure 44), 133 that features an environment of hills, flowers and trees; an altar, a herm of Priapus and a Satyr probably suggest that the subject is Dionysiacal. If this is the case, thus the recumbent, semi-clad girl about to wake is probably Ariadne, the youth advancing towards her is Dionysus, and the young figure sitting, ready to leave, is Theseus. Athena, who as usual protects Theseus, may be addressing the girl, probably to inform her of the events about to unfold. The seated figure of Theseus and the youthful Dionysus will also feature on the ‘Portland Vase’, which looks Ptolemaic rather than Augustan (Figure 45) 134 In conclusion, the early Hellenistic period clearly witnesses a boom in the popularity of the bucolic genre, both in the literary and visual realms.

132

See Lefebvre 1924: 59-67, 120-127, pls. 12 and 26; Klose 2014. See Adriani 1959: 1-9; Rolley 1983: 206-207; Megaw 1997: 1028-1044, in particular 1039, no. 140. 134 See Walker 2004, and, for the interpretation adopted here, C. Vatin, Ariane et Dionysos, Paris (2004). 133

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The creation of the Arcadian Dream in early Hellenistic times

Figure 44: Landscape cup (Alexandria, Greek and Roman Museum).

Figure 45: Portland vase (London, The British Museum).

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World During the early ‘Diadochenzeit’, the poems of Anyte of Tegea strentghen the image of the eastern Arcadian landscape as representing an idealized, magical world. However, in the second part of this period, Theocritus in particular placed this type of environment in other regions as well (e. g. Sicily, southern Italy, Cos, etc.). Nevertheless, the memory that, in a previous age, this enchanted dimension was especially associated with Arcadia is not lost, and poets of these decades refer to this myth several times. Evidence from the Roman world By the late 3rd c. BC, the notion that isolated places, far from communities, are sacred also spread to the Roman world, e. g. Ennius’ (Tragedies, Frg. 187 Goldberg – Manuwald) line: ‘Rough sites, rocks, holy places I see’.135 Still in Rome, the love for loneliness in remote places is noted by Pacuvius (Antiopa, Frg. 3 Warmington): ‘Oft you go into places rough and rude’,136 and in his Atalanta (Frgg. 49-78 Warmington), the focus is on a myth from Tegea in Arcadia, the first surviving evidence of the emphasis placed on Arcadian myths in Rome. And bearing in mind that Parthenopeus, son of Atalanta, was reared by shepherds, the pastoral theme may have featured this tragedy, Tegea (Frg. 78 Warmington) being defined as nemoralis (‘rich in groves’).137 Pacuvius’ Chryses, too, describes an idyllic landscape, sacred to Apollo, that seems to coincide with the sanctuary of Apollo Smintheus at Chryse in Troad, as suggested perhaps (Frg. 87 Warmington) by the lines: ‘There is beneath that rock a mighty grotto, sand strewed and reaching far within’.138 And in the same author’s Thraldorestes we have Orestes presented as a shepherd (Frg. 133 Warmington): ‘Orestes: I drove my flock to Delphi, there to sell it: and thence I took my journey to these stalls’.139 Other Roman references to our theme appear, e. g. Cato, with the lure of sacred groves in De agri cultura 139;140 and Livy describes the sacred idyllic landscape of the sanctuary of Hero Lacinia near Croton (24. 3. 1) for the year 215 BC: ‘Sixteen miles from this famous city [Croton] there was a still more famous temple to Juno Lacinia, an object of veneration to all the surrounding communities. There was a grove here enclosed by a dense wood and lofty fir-trees, in the middle of which there was a glade affording delightful pasture. In this glade cattle of every kind, sacred to the goddess, used to feed without any one to look after them, and at nightfall the different herds separated each to their own stalls without any beasts of prey lying in wait for them or any human hands to steal them’.141

135

Translation Warmington 1935. See J. Farrell and C. Damon, Ennius’ Annals, Cambridge (2020). Translation Warmington 1935. For Pacuvius, see P. Schierl, Die Tragödien des Pacuvius, Berlin (2006). 137 Translation Warmington 1935. 138 Translation Warmington 1935. 139 Translation Warmington 1935. 140 For Cato, see e. g. Froesch 2009. 141 Translation Moore 1940. 136

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Chapter 6

The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times The historical and mythical evidence A specialised literary Arcadian tradition continued into mid Hellenistic period: it seems perhaps that in the early 2nd c. BC, Staphylus wrote his essay Peri Arkadon; Apollodorus1 (Library 2. 2. 2 and 3. 8. 1-9. 1, quoted above) summarised the myths of the Proetides, Callisto and Auge, using archaic poets and writers as his authorities; and probably during the reign of the Pergamene king Eumenes II, a temple in honour of his mother Apollonis was erected in her native town of Cyzicus. We know that pictures on columns contained scenes in relief and related ecphrastic epigrams,2 and while the temple and these reliefs have not survived, the epigrams are preserved in the Anthologia Graeca (3. 2) describing a relief with Telephos, who speaks in first person: ‘Telephus recognized by his mother. Leaving the valleys of Arcadia because of my mother Auge, I Telephus, myself the dear son of Heracles, set foot on this Teuthrasian land, that I might bring her back to the Arcadian land’.3 This epigram and the lost relief reveal the importance of Arcadia as the birth region of the Pergamene hero Telephus. In the late 2nd c. BC, the fame of pastoral Arcadia is accentuated by Meleager (Anthologia Graeca 5. 139):4 Sweet is the melody, by Pan of Arcadia.5 Still in this period probably, Satyrius (Anthologia Graeca 6. 11)6, evokes an Arcadian world of hunters devoted to Pan: ‘The three brothers, skilled in three crafts, dedicate to Pan, Damis the huntsman the long net, Pigres his light-meshed fowling net, and Clitor, the night-rower, his tunic for red mullet. Look kindly on the pious brethren, O Pan, and grant them gain from foul, fish and venison’.7 Antipater of Sidon8 picks up the same (Anthologia Graeca 6. 14): ‘The three brothers dedicated to Pan these implements of their craft: Damis his net for trapping the beasts of the mountain, Clitor this net for fish, and Pigres this untearable net that fetters birds’ necks. For they never returned home with empty nets, the one from the corpses, the second from the air, the third from the sea’.9 1

For Apollodorus, see J. G. Frazer, Apollodorus, the Library, Cambridge Mass. (2014). On this issue, see Stupperich 1990: 101-109. 3 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 4 For Meleager, see Radinger 1895. 5 Translation Paton 1918. 6 See Albiani 2001: 122. 7 Translation Paton 1918. 8 See Degani 1997c: 778-779. 9 Translation Paton 1918. 2

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Probably still in the second half of the 2nd c. BC, Zosimus10 gives us his version (Anthologia Graeca 6. 15): ‘The blessed triad of brothers dedicated these nets to Pan: Clitor his fishing nets, Damis his hunting nets, Pigres his fowling nets. But may you grant them sport in air, sea, and land’.11 The same world of hunters, mountains, and Pan is found in some lines by Rhianus (Anthologia Graeca 6. 34):12 ‘Polyaenus hung here as a gift to Pan the club, the bow and these boar’s feet. Also to the Lord of the hills he dedicated this quiver and the dog-collar, gifts of thanks for his success in boar-hunting. But do you, O Pan the scout, send home Polyaenus, the son of Symilas, in future, too, laden with spoils of the chase’.13 Another, anonymous, epigram (Anthologia Graeca 6. 37) reveals the same tone: ‘The rustic herdsmen cut on the mountain this beech-branch which old age had bent as it bends us, and having trimmed it, set it up by the road, a pretty toy for Pan who protects the glossy cattle’.14 The same environment is evoked also in another anonymous poem (Anthologia Graeca 6. 42): ‘Poor Alcimenes, having tasted the gifts of fruitful summer in a little garden, when he brought to Pan as a present an apple, a fig and some water, said: ‘You give me from your treasury the good things of life; so accept these, the fruits from the garden and the water from thy rock, and give me in return more than you have received’.15 The view of the world of mountains as a mythical landscape is clear in another anonymous poem (Anthologia Graeca 6. 87): ‘Your Pan, Dionysus, dedicates to you his fawn-skin and club, seduced away from thy dance by Aphrodite; for he loves Echo and wanders up and down. But do you, Bacchus, forgive him, for the like had befallen you’.16 Antipater, too, contributes to the spread of the Arcadian Dream in two passages (Anthologia Graeca 6. 109): ‘Craugis the huntsman, son of Neolaidas, an Arcadian of Orchomenus, gives to you, Pan the Scout, this scrap of his old fowling-net, his triple-twisted snare for the feet, his spring-traps made of sinews, his latticed cages, his nooses for the throat which one draws up, his sharp stakes hardened in the fire, the sticky moisture of the oak, the cane wet with it that catches birds, the triple cord which is pulled to close the hidden spring-net, and the net for catching by the neck the clamorous cranes’.17 And (6. 111): ‘Lycormas, the son of Thearides of Lasion, slew with the butt end of his whirled spear the hind that used to feed about the Ladon and the waters of Erymanthus and the heights of Pholoe, home of wild beasts. Its skin and two spiked horns he flinched, and hung up by the shrine of Artemis the Huntress’.18

10

Albiani 2002: 842. Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 12 On Rhianus, see Grimaldi 1994: 185-192. 13 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 14 Translation Paton 1918. 15 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 16 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 17 Translation Paton 1918 with amendment. 18 Translation Paton 1918. 11

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times A further anonymous epigram (Anthologia Graeca 6. 177) conjures up the same atmosphere: ‘White-skinned Daphnis, who plays on his pretty pipe rustic airs, dedicated to Pan his pierced reed pipe, his sharp spear, his fawnskin and the leather bag in which he used to carry apples’.19 A number of other epigrams also testify to the popularity of the ‘Arcadian Dream’ in these decades: Alexander of Magnesia (Anthologia Graeca 6. 182): ‘Pigres dedicates to you, Pan, his nets for birds, Damis his for mountain beasts, and Cleitor his for those of the deep: a common gift from the brothers for their luck in the various kinds of chase to you who are skilled in the things of sea and land alike. In return for which, and recognizing their piety, give one dominion in the sea, the other in the air, the third in the wood’.20 Zosimus (Anthologia Graeca 6. 183): ‘The hunter brothers suspended their nets to you, Pan, gifts from three sorts of chase; Pigres from fowls, Cleitor from the sea and Damis, the crafty tracker, from the land. But do you reward their toil with success in wood, sea and air’.21 (Anthologia Graeca 6. 184): ‘The three hunstsmen, each from a different craft, dedicated these nets in Pan’s temple; Pigres who set his nets for birds, Cleitor who set his for sea-fishes, and Damis who set his for the beasts of the waste, Therefore, Pan, make them successful, the one in the air, the other in the thicket, and the third on the beach’.22 In this poem the sense of a sacred landscape is more explicit as the temple of Pan is mentioned. Damis was an historical figure, governor of Megalopolis in the 310s BC,23 and thus these dedications are imagined in Arcadia, in a temple of Pan. Further lines from Zosimus (195) continue the topic: ‘This heavy net for forest beasts did Damis dedicate, Pigres his light net that brings death to birds, and Cleitor his simple sweep-net woven of thread for the sea, praying all three to Pan the hunter’s god. Therefore, Pan, grant to strong Damis good booty of beasts, to Pigres of fowls, and to Cleitor of fishes’.24 Meleager, Anthologia Graeca 7. 196: ‘Noisy cicada, drunk with dew drops, you sing your rustic ditty that fills the wilderness with voice, and seated on the edge of the leaves, striking with saw-like legs your sun-burnt skin you shrill music like the lyre’s. But sing, dear, some new tune to gladden the woodland Nymphs, strike up some strain responsive to Pan’s pipe, that I may escape from Love and snatch a little midday sleep, reclining here beneath the shady plane-tree’.25 The landscape described here is a forest, inhabited by nymphs and Pan: the usual Arcadian fantasy. This sacred environment has a therapeutic function, as whoever goes there can overcome the pains of love. The same poet revels in bucolic (535): ‘No longer do I, goat-footed 19

Translation Paton 1918. Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 21 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 22 Translation Paton 1918. 23 See Kirchner 1901: 2056. 24 Translation Paton 1918. 25 Translation Paton 1918. 20

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Pan, desire to dwell among the goats or on the hill-tops. What pleasure, what delight have I in mountains? Daphnis is dead, Daphnis who begot a fire in my heart’.26 The association of mountains, Pan and the pains of love had become standard fare by the time of Meleager, who (Anthologia Graeca 9. 363) also celebrates the beauty of an environment featuring hill, shepherds playing their pipes, goatherds, flocks and meadows: ‘Windy winter has left the skies, and the purple season of flowery spring smiles. The dark earth garlands herself in green herbage, and the plants bursting into leaf wave their new-born tresses. The meadows, drinking the nourishing dew of dawn, laugh as the roses open. The shepherd on the hills delights to play shrilly on the pipes, and the goatherd joys in his white kids … The foliage of plants rejoices, and the earth flourishes, and the shepherd pipes, and the fleecy flocks disport themselves’.27 The bucolic is never far away, i. e. in a further, anonymous epigram (Anthologia Graeca 7. 717): ‘You Naiads, and you cool pastures, tell the bees that start for their spring journeys that old Leucippus perished … No longer does he take joy in tending the swarms, and the dells where feed the flocks miss much their neighbour of the hill’.28 Antipater (Anthologia Graeca 9. 72) suggests that the environment of shepherds is sacred, inhabited by gods: ‘Hermes, you shepherds, is easily contented, rejoicing in libations of milk and honey from the oak-tree … Heracles … keeps off the wolves … the sheep he protects is not slain by the wolf ’.29 And the same poet (7. 413) evokes ‘Arcadian Atalanta … racing over the mountains’,30 passage confirming the fame of Arcadia as a land of mountains and beautiful heroines. An anonymous epigram (Anthologia Graeca 9. 142) echoes the usual bucolic environment - a cave of Pan, a fountain, crags - endowed with a magical aura: ‘We do worship to horned Pan, the walker on the crags, the leader of the Nymphs, who dwell in this house of rock, praying him to look with favour on all of us who come to this constant fountain’.31 Damostratus (Anthologia Graeca 9. 328)32 is also relevant here: ‘You Naiad Nymphs, who shed from the mountain cliff this fair stream in inexhaustible volume, Damostratus, the son of Antilas, gave you these wooden images and two hairy boar-skins’.33 The nymphs, the mountain, the torrent, the wooden images in a rustic sanctuary, and the practice of hunting all contribute to the standard Arcadian setting. Another anonymous epigram (Anthologia Graeca 9. 373) also suggests a paradisiacal habitat: ‘Why, shepherds, in wanton sport, do you pull from the dewy branches me, the cicada, the lover of the wilds, the roadside nightingale of the Muses, who at midday chatter shrilly on the 26

Translation Paton 1918. Translation Paton 1918. 28 Translation Paton 1918. 29 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments.. 30 Translation Paton 1918. 31 Translation Paton 1918. 32 See Degani 199d: 304. 33 Translation Paton 1918. 27

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times hills and in the shady copses? Look at the thrushes and blackbirds! Look at all the starlings, pilferers of the country’s wealth! It is lawful to catch the despoilers of the crops. Slay them. Do you grudge me my leaves and fresh dew?’.34 While the glory of groves and fountains is also argued in other anonymous lines (Anthologia Graeca 9 374): ‘From the neighboring grove I, everflowing pure fount, gush forth for passing travellers. On all sides, well canopied by planes and softly blooming laurels, I offer a cool resting-place under the shade. Therefore pass me not by in summer. Dispel your thirst and test you, too, from toil in peace beside me’.35 In this period, the ‘Cow of Myron’, erected on the Acropolis of Athens, is interpreted as an idyllic motif, imagined in a meadow, among herds and shepherds, and thus becoming associated with the myth of Arcadia, as indicated in a further group of mid Hellenistic epigrams: Antipater (Anthologia Graeca 9. 720): ‘If Myron had not fixed my feet to this stone I would have gone to pasture with the other cows’.36 Antipater (Anthologia Graeca 9. 721: ‘Calf, why do you approach my flanks, and why do you low? The artist put no milk in my udder’.37 Antipater (Anthologia Graeca 9. 722): ‘Pass by the heifer, cowherd, and whistle not to her from afar. She is expecting her calf to suckle it’.38 Antipater (Anthologia Graeca 9. 723): ‘The lead and stone hold me fast, but, otherwise, thanks to you, sculptor Myron, I would be nibbling lotus and rushes’.39 Antipater (Anthologia Graeca 9. 724): ‘I think the heifer will low. Of a truth it is not Prometheus alone who moulds living creatures, but you too, Myron’.40 Antipater (Anthologia Graeca 9. 728): ‘The heifer, I think, will low, and if it delays it is the fault of the senseless bronze, not Myron’s’.41 Demetrius (Anthologia Graeca 9. 730)42: ‘If a calf sees me, it will low, a bull will mount me, and the herdsman drives me to the herd’.43 Dioscurides (Anthologia Graeca 9. 734)44: ‘In vain, bull, you rush up to this heifer, for it is lifeless. The sculptor of cows, Myron, deceived you’.45

34

Translation Paton 1918. Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 36 Translation Paton 1918. 37 Translation Paton 1918. 38 Translation Paton 1918. 39 Translation Paton 1918. 40 Translation Paton 1918. 41 Translation Paton 1918. 42 See Degani 1997e: 437. 43 Translation Paton 1918. 44 See Degani 1997f: 670-671. 45 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 35

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Meleager (Anthologia Graeca 12. 129) epitomises the salient features of the Arcadian legend: ‘You pastoral pipes, no longer call on Daphnis in the mountains to please Pan the goat-mounter … for Daphnis, when there was a Daphnis, was the delight of the mountain Nymphs...’.46 Here again, the pastoral pipes, the handsome Daphnis, Pan, the goats, the mountains, then nymphs, all conjure up the usual magical aura, which is transformed into sadness because of the death of the mythical, gentle goatherd. Hermocreon (Anthologia Graeca 16. 11)47 also conveys the Arcadian overtone: ‘Seat you, stranger, as you pass by, under this shady plane-tree, whose leaves the west wind shakes with its gentle blast; here where Nicagoras set me up, Hermes, the famous son of Maia, to be the guardian of your fruitful field and his cattle’.48 Some anonymous epigrams provide key elements. In Anthologia Graeca 16. 12 the usual components of the Arcadian dream are coupled with solitude, key to musical creativity: ‘Come and sit under my pine that murmurs thus sweetly, bending to the soft west wind. And see, too, this fountain that drops honey, beside which playing on my reeds in the solitude, I bring sweet sleep’.49 Complete picture of Arcadian happiness is presented in Anthologia Graeca 16. 17: ‘O Pan, sound a holy air to the feeding flocks, running your curved lips over the golden reeds, that they may often bring home to Clymenus teeming gifts of white milk in their udders, and that the lord of the she-goats, standing in comely wise at your altar, may belch the red blood from his shaggy breast’.50 Pan, his music, his sanctuary with the altar, the goats and the milk suggest a world of abundance and rustic wealth within a sacred context. A ‘perfect’ world of beauty, in a landscape wrapped in enchantment, is conveyed by Satyrus, Anthologia Graeca 16. 15351: ‘Tongueless Echo sings in the shepherd’s meadow, her voice taking up and responding to the notes of the bird’.52 In this atmosphere of gentleness, Echo is no longer thought to reject Pan, but she accepts his friendship. This change to an old myth is argued in another anonymous epigram (Anthologia Graeca 16. 156): ‘An Arcadian goddess am I, and I dwell by the portals of Dionysus returning vocal responses. For no longer, dear Bacchus, do I hate your companion. Come, Pan, let us talk in unison’.53

46

Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. See Albiani 1998b: 449. 48 Translation Paton 1918. 49 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 50 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 51 See Albiani 2001: 125. 52 Translation Paton 1918. 53 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 47

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times The landscape and attributes of Arcadia are also evoked by Nicias (Anthologia Graeca 16. 189)54: ‘[Pan] having left the slopes of Maenalus …’,55 and the same author (188) attributes to Hermes the statement that his ‘domain is Cyllene’s steep, forest-clad hill’.56 A further anonymous epigram (Anthologia Graeca 16. 227) is also relevant here: ‘Throw yourself down here, wayfarer, on the green meadow, and rest your languid limbs from painful toil; here where the pine also, tossed by the western breeze, shall soothe you as you listen to the song of the cicadas, and the shepherd likewise on the hills, piping at mid-day by the fountain under the leafy plane-tree. Thus, having escaped the burning heat of the autumnal dog-star, you shall in good time cross the hill. Take this counsel that Hermes gives you’.57 Here the meadow, fountain, hill, the shepherd playing his music near, a rustic sanctuary of Hermes - who speaks to humans – and, the song of the cicadas, all convey the sense of a paradisiacal environment. Antipater (Anthologia Graeca 16. 305. 5-6) again stresses the role of music in the whole concept of Arcadia: ‘[Pan] the horned god of Maenalus who chanted one of your [i. e. Pindar’s] hymns and forgot his reed-pipe’.58 Moschus,59 who flourished c. 150 BC, transposes ‘Arcadia’ to the mountains of Sicily, in continuity with Theocritus. His poem 2 involves Europa and offers the description of a locus amoenus (28-36): ‘So speaking she up and sought the companions that were of like age with her, born the same year and of high degree, the maidens she delighted in and was wont to play with, whether there were dancing afoot or the washing of a bright fair body at the outpourings of the water-brooks, or the cropping of odorous lily-flowers in the mead. Forthwith were they before her sight, bound flower-baskets in hand for the longshore meadows, there to foregather as was their wont and take their pleasure with the springing roses and the sound of the waves’.60 And he contiunues the theme a little later in the same work (63-71): ‘Now when these damsels were got to the blossomy meads, they waxed merry one over this flower, another over that. This would have the odorous narcissus, that the corn-flag; here it was the violet, there the thyme: for right many were the flowerets of the lusty springtime budded and bloomed upon that ground. Then all the band fell a-plucking the spicy tresses of the yellow saffron, to see who could pluck the most; only their queen in the midst of them culled the glory and delight of the red rose, and was pre-eminent among them even as the Child of the Foam among the Graces’.61 In Moschus’ poem 3 he writes of the death of a goatherd named Bion and describes a bucolic Sicilian landscape (3-7): ‘Lament you now, good orchards; gentle groves, make you your moan; be your breathing clusters, you flowers, dishevelled for grief. Pray roses, now be your redness 54

See Albiani 2000e: 914. Translation Paton 1918. 56 Translation Paton 1918. 57 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 58 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 59 See Campbell 1991. 60 Translation Edmonds 1912. 61 Translation Edmonds 1912. 55

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World sorrow, and yours sorrow, windflowers; speak now thy writing, dear flower-de-luce, loud let your blossoms babble ay; the beautiful musician is dead’.62 Various other lines of his echo the theme, i. e. 23-24: ‘… the hills are dumb, and the cows that wander with the bulls wail, and will none of their pasture’;63 55: ‘Shall I take and give the pipe to Pan?’;64 80-84: ‘but this other’s singing was neither of wars nor tears but of Pan; as a herdsman he chanted, and kept his cattle with a song; he both fashioned the pipes and milked the gentle kine; he taught the lore of kisses, he made a fosterling of Love, he roused and stirred the passion of Aphrodite!’.65 Moschus’ poem 4 is pivotal, as it theorises the superiority of land over sea, with its idealisation of meadows, groves and mountains, i. e. 7-8: ‘welcome is the land to me and pleasant the shady greenwood, where, be the wind never so high, the pine-tree sings her song’;66 and 11-12: ‘Rather is it sleep beneath the leafy plane for me, and the sound hard by of a bubbling spring such as delights and not disturbs the rustic ear’.67 The idealisation of faraway places and peoples is clear in Scymnus (842-859), who locates near the Palus Maeotis populations ‘called Nomadic, very pious, who would never harm a living thing; they carry their houses with them, it is said, and are nourished with milk by the  Scythian and Hippemolgian women. They live with their possessions and all their intercourse displayed in common to all. And they say the wise man Anacharsis came from the most vehemently pious of the Nomadics›.68 The important general Philopoemen was lauded as ‘Arcadian’ in an anathematic dedication of a statue of this statesman set up at Tegea in the theatre (Anthologia Graeca 16. 26 a = Pausanias 8. 49. 1-51. 1).69 The notion of Arcadians as a very gentle and cultivated population is conveyed by the Arcadian historian Polybius 4. 20. 1-21. 4: ‘The Arcadian nation on the whole has a very high reputation for virtue among the Greeks, due not only to their humane and hospitable character and usages, but especially to their piety to the gods. … The practice of music, I mean real music, is beneficial to all men, but to Arcadians it is a necessity … We should not think … that the early Arcadians had no good reason for incorporating music in their whole public life to such an extent that not only boys, but young men up to the age of thirty were compelled to study it constantly, although in other matters their lives were most austere. For it is a well-known fact, familiar to all, that it is hardly known except in Arcadia, that in the first place the boys from their earliest childhood are trained to sing in measure the hymns and paeans in which by traditional usage they celebrated the heroes and gods of each particular place: later they learn the measures of Philoxenus and Timotheus, and every year in the theatre they compete keenly in choral singing to the accompaniment of professional flute-players, the boys in the 62

Translation Edmonds 1912 with amendment. Translation Edmonds 1912. 64 Translation Edmonds 1912. 65 Translation Edmonds 1912. 66 Translation Edmonds 1912. 67 Translation Edmonds 1912. 68 Translation Keesling 2020. For this geographer, see Bravo 2009. 69 See Errington 1969. 63

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times contest proper to them and the young men in what is called the men’s contest. And not only this, but through their whole life they entertain themselves at banquets not by listening to hired musicians but by their own efforts, calling for a song from each in turn. Whereas they are not ashamed of denying acquaintance with other studies, in the case of singing it is neither possible for them to deny knowledge of it because they all are compelled to learn it, nor, if they confess to such knowledge can they excuse themselves, so great a disgrace is this considered in that country. Besides this the young men practice military parades to the music of the flute and perfect themselves in dances and give annual performances in the theatres, all under state supervision and at the public expense.  Now all these practices I  believe to have been introduced by the men of old time, not as luxuries and superfluities but because they had before their eyes the universal practice of personal manual labour in Arcadia, and in general the laboriousness and hardship of the men’s lives, as well as the harshness of character resulting from the cold and gloomy atmospheric conditions usually prevailing in these parts - conditions to which all men by their very nature must perforce assimilate themselves; there being no other cause than this why separate nations and peoples dwelling widely apart differ so much from each other in character, feature, and colour as well as in the most of their pursuits. The primitive Arcadians, therefore, with the view of softening and tempering the stubbornness and harshness of nature, introduced all the practices I mentioned, and in addition accustomed the people, both men and women, to frequent festivals and general sacrifices, and dances of young men and maidens, and in fact resorted to every contrivance to render more gentle and mild, by the influence of the customs they instituted, the extreme hardness of the natural character’.70  According to Polybius (4. 33. 5), the kindness and nobility of soul of the Arcadians can be argued by the extremely generous hospitality they were thought to have granted to the Messenians after the Spartan conquest of Messenia: ‘The Arcadians not only received them [the Messenians] on their expulsion from Messenia in the Aristomenean War, taking them to their homes and making them citizens, but passed a resolution to give their daughters in marriage to those Messenians who were of proper age’.71 According to the historian of Megalopolis (4. 33, 8-9), the spiritual superiority of the Arcadians was shown also by their benevolent attitude to the Messenians after the battle of Mantinea in 362 BC: ‘When, after the battle of Mantinea, … the Spartans refused to allow the Messenians to participate in the truce, as they still hoped to re-annex Messenia, the Megalopolitans and all the Arcadians in alliance with them were so active in their efforts, that the Messenians were received by the allies and included in the general treaty of peace’.72 The importance of a good musical education in Arcadia is confirmed by Athenaeus (14. 626 b), who cites Polybius as authority: ‘Nor are we to imagine that the earliest Arcadians had no reason whatever for doing so, when they introduced music into every department of their management of the republic; so that, though the nation in every other respect was most austere in its manner of life, they nevertheless compelled music to be the constant companion, not only of their boys, but even of their youths up to thirty years of age. For the Arcadians are the only people among whom the boys are trained from infancy to sing hymns and paeans to 70

Translation Paton 1922. Translation Paton 1922. 72 Translation Paton 1922. See Miltsios and Tamiolaki 2018. 71

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World regular melodies, in which indeed every city celebrates their national heroes and gods with such songs, in obedience to ancient custom›.73 The association of pastoral activity with nymphs was stressed at Alexandria by Heraclides Lembus (On constitutions 27): ‘They say that Aristaeus  learned how to care for sheep and cattle from the Nymphs, and from the Brisae, bee-keeping’.74 The love for loci amoeni is found also in the ‘Questions of King Milinda’, i. e. of Menander I, a Greek king who ruled north-west India around the middle of the 2nd c. BC. In 1. 2, the countryside near Satala is regarded as ‘a delightful country well watered and hilly, abounding in parks and gardens and groves and lakes and tanks, a paradise of rivers and mountains and woods’.75 Later in the same work (5. 4), the ideal city of the wise is ‘well provided with parks, and gardens, and lakes, and lotus-ponds, and wells’;76 and (5. 22. 2), the ideal habitat is placed in ‘the forest’, with ‘men who have taken on themselves the extra vows, men full of joy, men who are wearing rough garments, men rejoicing in solitude’.77 Here the notion that forests and solitude lead to happiness is clear, reinforced by the writer later (7. 6. 54. 7-8): ‘The mountain height is clean and pure … the resort of the noble ones … solitary men’.78 Such was the prestige of Arcadian culture, religious institutions and its heroes in the Roman world that it led to the creation of the legend that the Arcadian king Evander from Pallantium settled in Latium with his kin and established a city on the Palatine.79 This story goes back to Cato (Origines 2, Frg. 56 Schoenberger = Solinus 2. 7), i. e. at the latest to the early 2nd c. BC. It was reported in detail by Cassius Hemina,80 Annales 1, Frg. 3, in Aurelius Victor, Origo Gentis Romanae 5. 1-7. 1: ‘So during the reign of Faunus, which was about sixty years before Aeneas landed in Italy, Evander Arcas, who was the son of Mercury and the Nymph Carmenta, arrived along with his mother. Some have recorded for history that she was first called Nicostrate and later Garmenta, from ‘songs’ (carmina), and that this was of course because she was extremely skilled in all letters and wise concerning the future, and was accustomed to singing about these things in songs, to such an extent that most prefer to think that it is not so much that she was named Carmenta from the songs she sang, but rather that the songs were named after her.By her advice Evander crossed over to Italy, and because of her unique erudition and knowledge of letters they inveigled their way in a short time into a close friendship with Faunus. Evander was welcomed by him hospitably and kindly and was given a territory of land to cultivate, and no small one. He allocated this land to his comrades and built homes on the hill which was at that time called Pallanteum by him, from Pallas; we now call it the Palatine. There he dedicated a shrine to the god Pan, since he was a god local to Arcadia, as Virgil also attests when he says ‘Pan, god of Arcadia deceived you and caught you, Moon’ and 73

Translation Yonge 1854. Translation Dilts 1971. This book is also the standard reference for Heraclides Lembus. 75 Translation Davids 1890. 76 Translation Davids 1890. 77 Translation Davids 1890. 78 Translation Davids 1890. See Virgilio 1999: 107-114. 79 See Mavrogiannis 2003 and Mavrogiannis 2004: 6-20. 80 For Cassius Hemina, see Suerbaum 1986: 269-297. 74

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times similarly: ‘Even Pan, if he should compete with me with Arcadia as the judge, even Pan with Arcadia as judge would admit ...’. And so Evander was the first of all to teach the Italians to read and write with an alphabet which was partly what he had himself learnt previously. The same man also showed them the agricultural products first developed in Greece and the practice of sowing, and was the first in Italy to teach people to yoke oxen for the purpose of cultivating the earth. While this vigorous one reigned, a certain Recaranus, of Greek origin, a herdsman of an enormous body and of great strengths, who was surpassing other ones by stature and courage, called Hercules, came to the same place. While his herd were grazing around the river Albula, Cacus, a slave of Evander, a planner of bad things and above all of thievery, stole cows of the guest Recaranus and, so that there was no trace, pulled them backwards into a cave. When Recaranus had scoured and examined all the hideouts in the neighbouring regions, he eventually despaired of finding them and bore the loss with an even mind, and decided to leave these regions. But when Evander, a man of excelling justice, discovered how things had gone, had the slave punished and made him return the cows. Recaranus then dedicated an altar for Father Inventor beneath the Aventine and called it the Great [Altar], and on it offered one tenth of his herd. It had been the habit before that men gave up one tenth of their productions to the king; but he said it seemed to him that he had better give that same part to the gods than to kings. Therefrom then is clearly derived the habit of consecrating the tenth to Hercules, according to what Plautus says in ‘In the part of Hercules’, meaning the tenth. After consecrating the Great altar and offering on it his tenth, Recaranus ordained, because Carmentis was invited but not present at that sacrifice that no woman was allowed to eat from that what was sacrificed on that altar: and from these holy things women are completely removed. This is what Cassius says in Book One.’81 The Libri pontificales,82 of uncertain date, also retained memory of this story, e. g. Aurelius Victor again (Origo Gentis Romanae 7. 1-8. 5): ‘[In] the books of the Pontifical College it is said that Hercules, son of Jupiter and Alcmena, after besting Geryon, and driving off his famous herd, wanting to introduce this breed of cattle in Greece, by chance came to that place and was pleased at the lush forage, with the result that after their long trip his men were able to get some relaxation for themselves and the cattle, and settled there for a long time. And while the cattle were grazing in a glade where the Circus Maximus is now, with no one watching because no one believed that anyone would dare go after Hercules’ prize, a certain thief from that area, surpassing everyone else in physical size and in strength, took away eight cattle into a cave, by their tails so that it would be less easy to track the theft by footprints.And when Hercules struck camp and happened to drive the remaining cattle past that same cave, by some chance the cattle penned up there lowed to those passing by and so the theft was detected; and after Cacus was killed Evander, apprised of the deed, went out to meet his guest and thank him, because his kingdom had been freed of such an evil; and when he found out who Hercules’ parents were, he passed along the facts to Faunus, just as they had happened. Then he too wanted Hercules’ friendship. Which idea our Vergil was afraid to follow. So when Recaranus or Hercules had dedicated a massive altar to the Finding Father, he recruited two men from Italy, Potitius and Pinarius, whom he could teach to manage the same rites in a fixed ceremony. But of these men, Potitius, because he had come earlier, was allowed to eat up the entrails, while Pinarius and his descendants, for the very reason that he had come later, 81 82

Translation Pearse 2004. On the Libri pontificales, see Chassignet 1996.

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World were debarred. Hence this is observed nowadays too: nobody of the family of the Pinarii is permitted to eat at these rites. Some maintain that they were first called by another name, and that it was really afterwards that they were designated Pinarii - from ‘peina’ - because, clearly, they go away from sacrifices of this sort unfed and for this reason hungry. And that custom continued up until Appius Claudius the censor, with the people performing the Potitiian rites also eating from the ox which they had sacrificed, and from the point when they had left nothing remaining the Pinarii were then admitted. In truth, afterwards, Appius Claudius enticed the Potitii with money they received to instruct public slaves in the management of the rites of Hercules and furthermore to admit women as well. They say that within thirty days from this being done the whole family of the Potitii, which had earlier been responsible for the rites, died out, and that the rites therefore came into the hands of the Pinarii, and that they, instructed by their reverence as much as their feelings of duty, faithfully preserved the mysteries of this sort’.83 The same legend surfaces again, in the late 2nd c. BC, as narrated by Lucius Coelius Antipater,84 Annals, (in Strabo 5. 3. 3): ‘Rome was an Arcadian colony and founded by Evander: - When Heracles was driving the cattle of Geryon he was entertained by Evander; and since Evander had learned from his mother Nicostrate (she was skilled in the art of divination, the story goes) that Heracles was destined to become a god after he had finished his labours, he not only told this to Heracles but also consecrated to him a precinct and offered a sacrifice to him after the Greek ritual, which is still to this day kept up in honour of Heracles. And Coelius himself, the Roman historian, puts this down as proof that Rome was founded by Greeks - the fact that at Rome the hereditary sacrifice to Heracles is after the Greek ritual. And the Romans honour also the mother of Evander, regarding her as one of the Nymphs, although her name has been changed to Carmentis’.85 Varro (Antiquitates rerum humanarum 2, Frg. 18 and 7, Frg. 39;Antiquitates rerum divinarum 14, Frg. 216= Servius, Ad Vergili Aeneidos 8. 51and De lingua Latina 5. 21 and 53 seems to confirm the same legend, i. e. that Evander guided a colony of Arcadians from Pallantium to Mt Palatine and settled there, adding that Evander’s daughter, Pallantia, gave her name to the hill. The support of this tradition by such an authoritative antiquarian must have lent increased credibility to the story for later writers. This mid Hellenistic tradition was handed down to the late 1st c. BC by Pompey Trogus (Justin 12. 43. 1): ‘Evander came into Italy from Pallanteum, a city of Arcadia, accompanied with a small band of his countrymen, to whom Faunus kindly gave land, and the mountain which he afterwards called Palatium. At the foot of this mountain he built a temple to the Lycaean god, whom the Greeks call Pan, and the Romans Lupercus,  the naked statue of the deity being covered with a goat-skin, in which dress the priests now run up and down during the Lupercalia at Rome’.86  And then, of course, there is Vergil himself (Aeneid 8. 51-56): ‘Within this land are men of Arcadia, of Pallas’ line, who, following in the train of King Evander and his men-at-arms, built 83

Translation Pearse 2004. See Beck 2004. 85 Translation Jones 1917. 86 Translation Watson 1853. 84

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times them a city in the hills, and chose (honoring Pallas, their Pelasgian sire), the name of Pallanteum. They make war incessant with the Latins. Therefore call  this people to your [Aeneas] side and bind them close in federated power’. (98-203): ‘When [the Trojans] discerned walls and a citadel in distant view, with houses few and far between; it was there, where Sovran Rome  to-day has rivalled Heaven, Evander’s realm its slender strength displayed: swiftly they turned their prows and neared the town. It chanced the Arcadian King had come that day to honour Hercules, Amphitryon’s son, and to the powers divine pay worship due in groves outside the wall. Beside him stood Pallas his son, his noblest men-at-arms, and frugal senators, who at the shrines burnt incense, while warm blood of victims flowed. But when they saw the tall ships in the shade of that dark forest plying noiseless oars, the sudden sight alarmed, and all the throng sprang to its feet and left the feast divine. But dauntless Pallas bade them give not over the sacred festival, and spear in hand flew forward to a bit of rising ground, and cried from far: ‘Hail, warriors! What cause drives you to lands unknown, and whither bound? Your kin, your country? Bring you peace or war?’ Father Aeneas then held forth a bough of peaceful olive from the lofty ship, thus answering: ‘Men Trojan-born are we, foes of the Latins, who have driven us forth with insolent assault. We fain would see Evander. Pray, deliver this, and say that chosen princes of Dardania sue for his help in arms’. So wonder fell on Pallas, awestruck at such mighty name. ‘O, come, whoever you are,’ he said, ‘and speak in presence of my father. Enter here, guest of our hearth and altar’. He put forth his right hand in true welcome, and they stood with lingering clasp; then hand in hand advanced up the steep woodland, leaving Tiber’s wave. Aeneas to Evander speaking fair, these words essayed: ‘O best of Grecian-born! whom Fortune’s power now bids me seek and sue, lifting this olivebranch with fillets bound, I have not feared you, though I know you are a Greek, and an Arcadian king, allied to the two sons of Atreus. For behold, my conscious worth, great oracles from Heaven, the kinship of our sires, your own renown spread through the world - all knit my cause with your, all make me glad my fates have so decreed. The sire and builder of the Trojan town was Dardanus; but he, Electra’s child, came over sea to Teucria; the sire of fair Electra was great Atlas, he whose shoulder carries the vast orb of heaven. But thy progenitor was Mercury, and him conceiving, Maia, that white maid, on hoar Cyllene’s frosty summit bore. But Maia’s sire, if aught of truth be told, was Atlas also, Atlas who sustains the weight of starry skies. Thus both our tribes are one divided stem. Secure in this, no envoys have I sent, nor tried your mind with artful first approaches, but myself, risking my person and my life, have come a suppliant here. For both on me and you the house of Daunus hurls insulting war. If us they quell, they doubt not to obtain lordship of all Hesperia, and subdue alike the northern and the southern sea. Accept good faith, and give! Behold, our hearts quail not in battle; souls of fire are we, and warriors proved in many an action brave.’ So saying, he bade his followers renew the abandoned feast and wine; and placed each guest on turf-built couch of green, most honoring Aeneas by a throne of maple fair decked with a lion’s pelt and flowing mane. Then high-born pages, with the altar’s priest, bring on the roasted beeves and load the board with baskets of fine bread; and wine they bring - of Ceres and of Bacchus gift and toil. While good Aeneas and his Trojans share the long whole ox and meats of sacrifice. When hunger and its eager edge were gone, Evander spoke: ‘This votive holiday, these tables spread and altar so divine, are not some superstition dark and vain, that knows not the old gods, O Trojan King! But as men saved from danger and great fear this thankful sacrifice we pay. Behold, this huge rock, beetling from the mountain wall, hung from the cliff above. How lone and bare the hollowed mountain looks! How crag on crag tumbled and tossed in huge confusion lie! A cavern once it was, which ran deep down into the darkness. There the half-human shape of 121

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Cacus made its hideous den, concealed from sunlight and the day. The ground was wet at all times with fresh gore; the portal grim was hung about with heads of slaughtered men, bloody and pale - a fearsome sight to see. Vulcan begat this monster, which spewed forth dark-fuming flames from his infernal throat, and vast his stature seemed. But time and tide brought to our prayers the advent of a god to help us at our need. For Hercules, divine avenger, came…’’. (268369): ‘’It is since that famous day we celebrate this feast, and glad of heart each generation keeps the holy time. Potitius began the worship due, and our Pinarian house is vowed to guard the rites of Hercules. An altar fair within this wood they raised; it is called ‘the Great,’ and Ara Maxima its name shall be. Come now, my warriors, and bind your brows with garlands worthy of the gift of Heaven. Lift high the cup in every thankful hand, and praise our people’s god with plenteous wine.’ He spoke; and of the poplar’s changeful sheen, sacred to Hercules, wove him a wreath to shade his silvered brow. The sacred cup he raised in his right hand, while all the rest called on the gods and pure libation poured. Soon from the travelling heavens the western star glowed nearer, and Potitius led forth the priest-procession, girt in ancient guise with skins of beasts and carrying burning brands. new feasts are spread, and altars heaped anew with gifts and laden chargers. Then with song the Salian choir surrounds the blazing shrine, their foreheads wreathed with poplar. Here the youth, the elders yonder, in proud anthem sing the glory and the deeds of Hercules: how first he strangled with strong infant hand two serpents, Juno’s plague; what cities proud, Troy and Oechalia, his famous war in pieces broke; what labors numberless as King Eurystheus’ bondman he endured,  by cruel Juno’s will. ‘You, unsubdued, did strike the twy-formed, cloud-bred centaurs down, Pholus and tall Hylaeus. You have slain the Cretan horror, and the lion huge beneath the Nemean crag. At sight of you the Stygian region quailed, and Cerberus, crouching over half-picked bones in gory cave. Nothing could bid you fear. Typhoeus towered in his colossal Titanpanoply over you in vain; nor did your cunning fail when Lema’s wonder-serpent round you drew its multitudinous head. Hail, Jupiter’s true son! New glory to the gods above, come down, and these your altars and your people bless!’. Such hymns they chanted, telling oft the tale of Cacus’ cave and blasting breath of fire: while hills and sacred grove the note prolong. Such worship over, all take the homeward way back to the town. The hospitable king, though bowed with weight of years, kept at his side Aeneas and his son, and as they fared, with various discourse beguiled the way. Aeneas scanned with quick-admiring eyes the region wide, and lingered with delight now here, now there, inquiring eagerly of each proud monument of heroes gone. Then King Evander, he who built first on Palatine, spoke thus: ‘These groves erewhile their native Nymphs and Fauns enjoyed, with men from trees engendered and stout heart of oak. Nor laws nor arts they knew; nor how to tame burls to the yoke, nor fill great barns with store and hoard the gathered grain; but rudely fared on wild fruits and such food as hunters find. Then Saturn from Olympian realms came down, in flight from Jupiter’s dread arms, his sceptre lost, and he an exiled King. That savage race he gathered from the mountain slopes; and gave wise laws and statutes; so that latent land was Latium, ‘hid land’, where he hid so long. The golden centuries by legends told were under that good King, whose equal sway untroubled peace to all his peoples gave. But after slow decline arrived an age degenerate and of a darker hue, prone to insensate war and greed of gain. Then came Sicanian and Ausonian tribes, and oft the land of Saturn lost its name. New chieftains rose, and Thybris, giant king and violent, from whom the Italians named the flooding Tiber, which was called no more the Albula, its true and ancient style. Myself, in exile from my fatherland sailing uncharted seas, was guided here by all-disposing chance and iron laws of destiny. With prophecy severe Carmentis, my Nymph-mother, thrust me on, warned by Apollo’s word.’ He 122

The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times scarce had said, when near their path he showed an altar fair and the Carmental gate, where Romans see memorial of Carmentis, Nymph divine, the prophetess of fate, who first foretold what honors on Aeneas’ sons should fall and lordly Pallanteum, where they dwell. Next the vast grove was seen, where Romulus ordained inviolable sanctuary; then the Lupercal under its cold crag, Wolf-hill, where old Arcadians revered their wolf-god, the Lycaean Pan. Here too the grove of Argiletum, sacred name, where good Evander told the crime and death of Argus, his false guest. From this they climbed the steep Tarpeian hill, the Capitol, all gold to-day, but then a tangled wild of thorny woodland. Even then the place woke in the rustics a religious awe, and bade them fear and tremble at the view of that dread rock and grove. ‘This leafy wood, which crowns the hill-top, is the favored seat of some great god,’ said he, ‘but of his name we know not surely. The Arcadians say Jupiter’s dread right hand here visibly appears to shake his aegis in the darkening storm, the clouds compelling. Over there rise in view two strongholds with dismantled walls, which now are but a memory of great heroes gone: one father Janus built, and Saturn one; their names, Saturnia and Janiculum.’ In the mid of such good parley to the house they came of King Evander, unadorned and plain, whence herds of browsing cattle could be seen ranging the Forum, and loud-bellowing in proud Carinae. As they entered there, ‘Behold,’ said he, ‘the threshold that received Alcides in his triumph! This abode he made his own. Dare, O illustrious guest, to scorn the pomp of power. Shape your soul to be a god’s fit follower. Enter here, and free from pride our frugal welcome share.’ So saying, beneath his roof-tree scant and low he led the great Aeneas, offering him a couch of leaves with Libyan bear-skin spread. Now night drew near, enfolding the wide world in shadowy wings’. (455-469): ‘The cheerful morn with voice of swallows round his lowly eaves summoned Evander. From his couch arose the royal sire, and over his aged frame a tunic threw, tying beneath his feet the Tuscan sandals: an Arcadian sword, girt at his left, was over one shoulder slung, his cloak of panther trailing from behind. A pair of watch-dogs from the lofty door ran close, their lord attending, as he sought his guest Aeneas; for his princely soul remembered faithfully his former word, and promised gift. Aeneas with like mind was stirring early. King Evander’s son Pallas was at his side; Achates too accompanied his friend. All these conjoin in hand-clasp and good-morrow, taking seats in midcourt of the house, and give the hour to converse unrestrained’. (541-555): ‘[Aeneas] said: and from the lofty throne uprose. Straightway he roused anew the slumbering fire sacred to Hercules, and glad at heart adored, as yesterday, the household gods revered by good Evander, at whose side the Trojan company made sacrifice of chosen lambs, with fitting rites and true’. (558-594): ‘The war-god drawing nigh looms larger; and good sire Evander now clings to the hand of his departing son and, weeping without stay, makes sad farewell: ‘O, that great Jupiter would give me once again my vanished years! O, if such man I were, as when beneath Praeneste’s wall I slew the front ranks of her sons, and burned for spoil their gathered shields on my triumph day; or when this right hand hurled king Erulus to shades below, though - terrible to tell - Feronia bore him with three lives, that thrice he might arise from deadly strife overthrown, and thrice be slain - yet all these lives took I, and of his arms despoiled him over and over: not now, sweet son (if such lost might were mine), should I from your beloved embrace be torn; nor could Mezentius with insulting sword do murder in my sight and make my land depopulate and forlorn. O gods in Heaven, and chiefly you whom all the gods obey, have pity, Jupiter, upon Arcadia’s king, and hear a father’s prayer: if your intent be for my Pallas a defence secure, if it be writ that long as I shall live, my eyes may see him, and my arms enfold, I pray for life, and all its ills I bear. But if some curse, too dark to tell, impend from you, O Fortune blind! I pray you break my thread of miserable life to-day; to-day, while fear still doubts and hope still smiles on the unknown 123

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World to-morrow, as I hold you to my bosom, dearest child, who are my last and only joy; to-day, before the intolerable tidings smite my ears’. Such grief the royal father’s heart outpoured at this last parting; the strong arms of slaves lifted him, fallen in swoon, and bore him home. Now forth beneath the wide-swung city-gates the mounted squadron poured; Aeneas rode, companioned of Achates, in the van; then other lords of Troy. There Pallas shone conspicuous in the midmost line, with cloak and blazoned arms, as when the Morning-star (To Venus dearest of all orbs that burn), out of his lucent bath in ocean wave lifts to the skies his countenance divine, and melts the shadows of the night away’.87 And then Virgil also adds various other references to the legend, e. g. (9. 8-9): ‘Aeneas, who has left behind the city with his fleet and followers, is gone to kingly Palatine, the home of good Evander’; (11. 25): ‘Evander’s town’; (140-141): ‘Evander’s house and city’; (142-144): ‘the Arcadians thronging to the city-gates bear funeral torches, the accustomed way; in lines of flame the long street flashes far, lighting the fields beyond’; 12. 184: ‘Evander’s city’.88 Thus it is clear from the above-quoted passages of Vergil that the Arcadians settled on the Palatine were thought to have inhabited a landscape that mirrored their ancestral Greek lands: groves, meadows, cattle, grottos, fauns, nymphs, and so on. And from the moment this legend became widely accepted, the ‘Arcadian Dream’ became associated with the glorification of Rome. In Horace (Satires 1. 3. 91), we also have a reference to Evander as being a figure of Rome’s remote past. And Livy, too, takes up the story (1. 5. 1-2): ‘It is said that the festival of the Lupercalia, which is still observed, was even in those days [i. e. at the time of Romulus] celebrated on the Palatine hill. This hill was originally called Pallantium from a city of the same name in Arcadia; the name was afterwards changed to Palatium. Evander, an Arcadian, had held that territory many ages before, and had introduced an annual festival from Arcadia in which young men ran about naked for sport and wantonness, in honour of the Lycaean Pan …’.89 And there are other references by Livy, i. e. (7. 3): ‘The worship of the other deities he [Romulus] conducted according to the use of Alba, but that of Hercules in accordance with the Greek rites as they had been instituted by Evander’,90 and a lengthier passage (7-14): ‘The king of the country at that time was Evander, a refugee from Peloponnesus, who ruled more by personal ascendancy than by the exercise of power. He was looked up to with reverence for his knowledge of letters - a new and marvellous thing for uncivilized men - but he was still more revered because of his mother, who was believed to be a divine being and regarded with wonder, by all as an interpreter of Fate, in the days before the arrival of the Sibyl in Italy. This Evander, alarmed by the crowd of excited shepherds standing round a stranger [Heracles] whom they accused of open murder [of Cacus], ascertained from them the nature of his act and what led to it. As he observed the bearing and stature of the man to be more than human in greatness and august dignity, he asked who he was. When he heard his name, and learnt his father and his country, he said, ‘Hercules, son of Jupiter, hail! My mother, who speaks 87

Translation Kline 2002 with amendments. Translation Kline 2002. 89 Translation Roberts 1905. 90 Translation Roberts 1905. 88

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times truth in the name of the gods, has prophesied that you shall join the company of the gods, and that here a shrine shall be dedicated to you, which in ages to come the most powerful nation in all the world shall call their Ara Maxima and honour with your own special worship.’ Hercules grasped Evander’s right hand and said that he took the omen to himself and would fulfill the prophecy by building and consecrating the altar. Then a heifer of conspicuous beauty was taken from the herd, and the first sacrifice was offered; the Potitii and Pinarii, the two principal families in those parts, were invited by Hercules to assist in the sacrifice and at the feast which followed. It so happened that the Potitii were present at the appointed time and the entrails were placed before them; the Pinarii arrived after these were consumed and came in for the rest of the banquet. It became a permanent institution from that time that as long as the family of the Pinarii survived they should not eat of the entrails of the victims. The Potitii, after being instructed by Evander, presided over that rite for many ages’.91 Propertius (4. 1. 4), asserts that ‘Evander’s fugitive herd lay where the Palatine stands’,92 but the most complete narration of the Arcadian colonisation of Italy is provided by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who derives his stories from Roman historians of the late 3rd / early 2nd c. BC, especially from Cato (Origines, 1. 11. 1), Polybius and from the historical book of Sempronius Tuditanus (1. 13. 1):93 ‘(1. 11. 1-4) The Aborigines [among the earliest inhabitants of Latium] can be a colony of no other people but of those who are now called Arcadians; for these were the first of all the Greeks to cross the Ionian Gulf, under the leadership of Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon, and to settle in Italy. This Oenotrus was the fifth from Aezeius and Phoroneus, who were the first kings in the Peloponnesus. For Niobe was the daughter of Phoroneus, and Pelasgus was the son of Niobe and Zeus, it is said; Lycaon was the son of Aezeius and Deianira was the daughter of Lycaon; Deianira and Pelasgus were the parents of another Lycaon, whose son Oenotrus was born seventeen generations before the Trojan expedition. This, then, was the time when the Greeks sent the colony into Italy. Oenotrus left Greece because he was dissatisfied with his portion of his father’s land; for, as Lycaon had twenty-two sons, it was necessary to divide Arcadia into as many shares. For this reason Oenotrus left the Peloponnesus, prepared a fleet, and crossed the Ionian Gulf with Peucetius, one of his brothers. They were accompanied by many of their own people - for this nation is said to have been very populous in early times - and by as many other Greeks as had less land than was sufficient for them. Peucetius landed his people above the Iapygian promontory, which was the first part of Italy they made, and settled there; and from him the inhabitants of this region were called Peucetians. But Oenotrus with the greater part of the expedition came into the other sea that washes the western regions along the coast of Italy’. (12. 1): ‘Finding there much land suitable for pasturage and much for tillage, but for the most part unoccupied, and even that which was inhabited not thickly populated, he cleared some of it of the barbarians and built small towns contiguous to one another on the mountains, which was the customary manner of habitation in use among the ancients. And all the land he occupied, which was very extensive, was called Oenotria, and all the people under his command Oenotrians, which was the third name they had borne. For in the reign of Aezeius they were called Aezeians, when Lycaon succeeded to the rule, Lycaonians, and after Oenotrus led them into Italy they were for a while called Oenotrians’. 91

Translation Roberts 1905. Translation Kline 2002a. 93 For Sempronius Tuditanus, see Chiabà 2013: 107-125. 92

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World (13. 3): ‘The Oenotrians, besides making themselves masters of many other regions in Italy, some of which they found unoccupied and others but thinly inhabited, also seized a portion of the country of the Umbrians, and … they were called Aborigines from their dwelling on the mountains (for it is characteristic of the Arcadians to be fond of the mountains)’. (14. 1-2): ‘I  shall enumerate the most celebrated of them [cities founded by Arcadian Aborigines], following his account. Palatium, twenty-five stades distant from Reate…’. (31. 1-4): ‘Another Greek expedition landed in this part of Italy [Latium], having migrated from Pallantium, a town of Arcadia, about the sixtieth year before the Trojan War, as the Romans themselves say. This colony had for its leader Evander, who is said to have been the son of Hermes and a local Nymph of the Arcadians. The Greeks call her Themis and say that she was inspired, but the writers of the early history of Rome call her, in the native language, Carmenta. The nymph’s name would be in Greek Thespiodos or ‘prophetic singer’; for the Romans call songs carmina, and they agree that this woman, possessed by divine inspiration, foretold to the people in song the things that would come to pass. This expedition was not sent out by the common consent of the nation, but, a sedition having arisen among the people, the defeated faction left the country of their own accord. It chanced that the kingdom of the Aborigines had been inherited at that time by Faunus, a descendant of Mars, it is said, a man of prudence as well as energy, whom the Romans in their sacrifices and songs honour as one of the gods of their country. This man received the Arcadians, who were but few in number, with great friendship and gave them as much of his own land as they desired.  And the Arcadians, as Themis by inspiration kept advising them, chose a hill, not far from the Tiber, which is now near the middle of the city of Rome, and by this hill built a small village sufficient for the complement of the two ships in which they had come from Greece. Yet this village was ordained by fate to excel in the course of time all other cities, whether Greek or barbarian, not only in its size, but also in the majesty of its empire and in every other form of prosperity, and to be celebrated above them all as long as mortality shall endure. They named the town Pallantium after their mother-city in Arcadia; now, however, the Romans call it Palatium, time having obscured the correct form, and this name has given occasion of the many to suggest absurd etymologies’. (32. 1-5): ‘Some writers, among them Polybius of Megalopolis, related that the town was named after Pallas, a lad who died there; they say that he was the son of Hercules and Lavinia, the daughter of Evander, and that his maternal grandfather raised a tomb to him on the hill and called the place Pallantium, after the lad.  But I  have never seen any tomb of Pallas at Rome nor have  I heard of any drink-offerings being made in his honour nor been able to discover anything else of that nature, although this family has not been left unremembered or without those honours with which divine beings are worshipped by men. For I have learned that public sacrifices are performed yearly by the Romans to Evander and to Carmenta in the same manner as to the other heroes and minor deities; and I have seen two altars that were erected, one to Carmenta under the Capitoline hill near the Porta Carmentalis, and the other to Evander by another hill, called the Aventine, not far from the Porta Trigemina; but I know of nothing of this kind that is done in honour of Pallas. As for the Arcadians, when they had joined in a single settlement at the foot of the hill, they proceeded to adorn their town with all the buildings to which they had been accustomed at home and to erect temples. And first they built a temple to the Lycaean Pan by the direction of Themis (for to the Arcadians Pan is the most ancient and the most honoured of all the gods), when they had found a suitable site for the purpose. This place the Romans call the Lupercal, but we should call it  Lykaion  or ‘Lycaeum’. Now, it is true, since the district about the sacred precinct has been united with the city, it has become difficult to make out by conjecture the ancient nature of the place. 126

The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times Nevertheless, at first, we are told, there was a large cave under the hill overarched by a dense wood; deep springs issued from beneath the rocks, and the glen adjoining the cliffs was shaded by thick and lofty trees.  In this place they raised an altar to the god and performed their traditional sacrifice, which the Romans have continued to offer up to this day in the month of February, after the winter solstice, without altering anything in the rites then performed. The manner of this sacrifice will be related later. Upon the summit of the hill they set apart the precinct of Victory and instituted sacrifices to her also, lasting throughout the year, which the Romans performed even in my time’. (33. 1-5): ‘The Arcadians have a legend that this goddess was the daughter of Pallas, the son of Lycaon, and that she received those honours from mankind which she now enjoys at the desire of Athena, with whom she had been reared. For they say that Athena, as soon as she was born, was handed over to Pallas by Zeus and that she was reared by him till she grew up. They built also a temple to Ceres, to whom by the ministry of women they offered sacrifices without wine, according to the custom of the Greeks, none of which rites our time has changed. Moreover, they assigned a precinct to the Equestrian Neptune and instituted the festival called by the Arcadians Hippocrateia and by the Romans Consualia,  during which it is customary among the latter for the horses and mules to rest from work and to have their heads crowned with flowers. They also consecrated many other precincts, altars and images of the gods and instituted purifications and sacrifices according to the customs of their own country, which continued to be performed down to my day in the same manner. Yet I should not be surprised if some of the ceremonies by reason of their great antiquity have been forgotten by their posterity and neglected; however, those that are still practised are sufficient proofs that they are derived from the customs formerly in use among the Arcadians, of which I shall speak more at length elsewhere. The Arcadians are said also to have been the first to introduce into Italy the use of Greek letters, which had lately appeared among them, and also music performed on such instruments as lyres, trigons and flutes; for their predecessors had used no musical invention except shepherd’s pipes. They are said also to have established laws, to have transformed men’s mode of life from the prevailing bestiality to a state of civilization, and likewise to have introduced arts and professions and many other things conducive to the public good, and for these reasons to have been treated with great consideration by those who had received them.  This was the next Greek nation after the Pelasgians to come into Italy and to take up a common residence with the Aborigines, establishing itself in the best part of Rome.’ (34. 1-2): ‘After the Arcadians another Greek expedition came into Italy under the command of Hercules, who … remained in this region [Latium] and built a town on a suitable hill, which they found at a distance of about three stades from Pallantium. This is now called the Capitoline hill, but by the men of that time the Saturnian hill, or, in Greek, the hill of Cronus. The greater part of those who stayed behind were Peloponnesians — people of Pheneus’. (40. 1): ‘The Aborigines and the Arcadians who lived at Pallantium learned of the death of Cacus’. (2): ‘Evander, who had even before this heard Themis relate that it was ordained by fate that Hercules, the son of Jupiter and Alcmena, changing his mortal nature, should become immortal by reason of his virtue, as soon as he learned who the stranger was, resolved to forestall all mankind by being the first to propitiate Hercules with divine honours, and he hastily erected an improvised altar and sacrificed upon it a calf that had not known the yoke, having first communicated the oracle to Hercules and asked him to perform the initial rites’. (42. 3): ‘Those who had accompanied Hercules on the expedition [against Cacus] (these were some Arcadians with Evander, and Faunus, king of the Aborigines) took over the districts round about, each group for itself. And it may be conjectured that those of the Greeks who remained there, that is, the Epeans and the Arcadians from 127

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Pheneus, as well as the Trojans, were left to guard the country’. (43. 1): ‘He [Heracles] also left sons by two women in the region now inhabited by the Romans. One of these sons was Pallas, whom he had by the daughter of Evander, whose name, they say, was Lavinia’. (60. 3): ‘The nations, therefore, which came together and shared in a common life and from which the Roman people derived their origin before the city they now inhabit was built, are these: first, the Aborigines, who drove the Sicels out of these parts and were originally Greeks from the Peloponnesus, the same who with Oenotrus removed from the country now called Arcadia, according to my opinion; then, the Pelasgians, who came from Haemonia, as it was then called, but now Thessaly; third, those who came into Italy with Evander from the city of Pallantium; after them the Epeans and Pheneats, who were part of the Peloponnesian army commanded by Hercules’. (61. 1-2): ‘Atlas was the first king of the country now called Arcadia, and he lived near the mountain called Thaumasius. He had seven daughters, who are said to be numbered now among the constellations under the name of the Pleiades; Zeus married one of these, Electra, and had by her two sons, Iasus and Dardanus. Iasus remained unmarried, but Dardanus married Chryse, the daughter of Pallas, by whom he had two sons, Idaeus and Deimas; and these, succeeding Atlas in the kingdom, reign for some time in Arcadia. Afterwards, a great deluge occurring throughout Arcadia, the plains were overflowed and for a long time could not be tilled; and the inhabitants, living upon the mountains and eking out a sorry livelihood, decided that the land remaining would not be sufficient for the support of them all, and so divided themselves into two groups, one of which remained in Arcadia, after making Deimas, the son of Dardanus, their king, while the other left the Peloponnesus on board a large fleet …and … settled in the region which was afterwards called Phrygia’. (79. 8): ‘This spot [Lupercal] is said to have been a holy place of the Arcadians who formerly settled there with Evander’. [80. 1]: ‘The Lupercalia, the Arcadian festival as instituted by Evander’. (84. 3): ‘Faustulus, they say, was of Arcadian extraction, being descended from those Arcadians who came over with Evander; he lived near the Palatine hill’. (89. 1): ‘Rome … let him confidently affirm it to be a Greek city … the Aborigines were Oenotrians, and these in turn Arcadians’. (2): ‘The arrival of Evander and the Arcadians, who settled round the Palatine hill, after the Aborigines had granted the place’. 2. 1. 2: ‘the Aborigines … were descendants of the Oenotrians … The Oenotrians were an Arcadian tribe who had of their own accord left the country then called Lycaonia and now Arcadia, in search of a better land, under the leadership of Oenotrus, the son of Lycaon, from whom the nation received its name’. (3): ‘After the Pelasgians came the Arcadians from the city of Pallantium, who had chosen as leader of their colony Evander, the son of Hermes and the nymph Themis. These built a town beside one of the seven hills that stands near the middle of Rome, calling the place Pallantium, from their mother-city in Arcadia’. (2. 2) ‘The Albans were a mixed nation composed of Pelasgians, of Arcadians, of the Epeans who came from Elis, and, last of all, of the Trojans’. (35. 7): ‘These Aborigines [inhabitants of Caenina and Antemnae] being … part of those Oenotrians who had come out of Arcadia’.94 Ovid (Fasti 1. 461-586) also reports this story and connects Evander with Tegea and the Parrhasian region as well as with Arcas and Callisto, thus adding further details to the Arcadian pedigree of Evander:

94

Translation Carey 1937 with amendments.

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times ‘Quitting his couch, Tithonus’ bride will witness the high priest’s rite of Arcadian Carmentis. The same light received you too, Juturna, Turnus’ sister, there where the Aqua Virgo circles the Campus. Where shall I find the cause and nature of these rites? Who will steer my vessel in mid-ocean? Advise me, Carmentis, you who take your name from song, and favour my intent, lest I fail to honour you. Arcadia, that is older than the moon (if we believe it), takes its name from great Arcas, Callisto’s son. From there came Evander, though of noble lineage on both sides nobler through the blood of Carmentis, his sacred mother: she, as soon as her spirit absorbed the heavenly fire, spoke true prophecies, filled with the god. She had foretold trouble for her son and herself, and many other things that time proved valid. The mother’s words proved only too true, when the youth banished with her, fled Arcadia and his Parrhasian home. While he wept, his mother said: ‘Your fortune must be borne like a man (I beg you, check your tears). It was fated so: it is no fault of yours that exiles you, but a god: an offended god expelled you from the city. You are not suffering rightful punishment, but divine anger: it is something in great misfortune to be free of guilt. As each man’s conscience is, so it harbours hope or fear in his heart, according to his actions. Don’t mourn these ills as if you were first to endure them: such storms have overwhelmed the mightiest people. Cadmus endured the same, driven from the shores of Tyre, remaining an exile on Boeotian soil. Tydeus endured the same, and Pagasean Jason, and others whom it would take too long to speak of. To the brave every land is their country, as the sea to fish, or every empty space on earth to the birds. Wild storms never rage the whole year long, and spring will yet come to you (believe me).’ Encouraged by his mother’s words, Evander sailed the waves and reached Hesperian lands. Then, advised by wise Carmentis, he steered his boat into a river, and stemmed the Tuscan stream. She examined the river bank, bordered by Tarentum’s shallows, and the huts scattered over the desolate spaces: and stood, as she was, with streaming hair, at the stern, and fiercely stopped the steersman’s hand: then stretching out her arm to the right bank, she stamped three times, wildly, on the pine deck: Evander barely held her back with his hand, barely stopped her leaping swiftly to land. ‘Hail, you gods of the land we sought’ she cried, ‘And you the place that will give heaven new gods, and you Nymphs of the grove, and crowds of Naiads! May the sight of you be a good omen for me and my son, and happy be the foot that touches that shore! Am I wrong, or will those hills raise mighty walls, and from this earth all the earth receive its laws? The whole world is one day promised to these hills: who could believe the place held such fate in store? Soon Trojan ships will touch these shores, and a woman, Lavinia, shall cause fresh war. Pallas, dear grandson, why put on that fatal armour? Put it on! No mean champion will avenge you. Conquered Troy you will conquer, and rise from your fall, your very ruin overwhelms your enemy’s houses. Conquering flames consume Neptune’s Ilium! Will that prevent its ashes rising higher than the world? Soon pious Aeneas will bring the sacred Penates, and his sacred father here: Vesta, receive the gods of Troy! In time the same hand will guard the world and you, and a god in person will hold the sacred rites. The safety of the country will lie with Augustus’ house: it’s decreed this family will hold the reins of empire. So Caesar’s son, Augustus, and grandson, Tiberius, divine minds, will, despite his refusal, rule the country: and as I myself will be hallowed at eternal altars, so Livia shall be a new divinity, Julia Augusta.’ When she had brought her tale to our own times, her prescient tongue halted in mid-speech. Landing from the ships, Evander the exile stood on Latian turf, happy for that to be his place of exile! After a short time new houses were built, and no Italian hill surpassed the Palatine. See, Hercules drives the Erythean cattle here: travelling a long track through the world: and while he is entertained in the Tegean house, the untended cattle wander the wide acres. It was morning: woken from his sleep the Tyrinthian 129

The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World saw that two bulls were missing from the herd. Seeking, he found no trace of the silently stolen beasts: fierce Cacus  had dragged them backwards into his cave, Cacus the infamous terror of the Aventine woods, no slight evil to neighbours and travellers. His aspect was grim, his body huge, with strength to match: the monster’s father was Mulciber. He housed in a vast cavern with deep recesses, so hidden the wild creatures could barely find it. Over the entrance hung human arms and skulls, and the ground bristled with whitened bones. Jupiter’s son was leaving, that part of his herd lost, when the stolen cattle lowed loudly. ‘I am recalled’ he said, and following the sound, as avenger, came through the woods to the evil cave, Cacus had blocked the entrance with a piece of the hill: ten yoked oxen could scarcely have moved it. Hercules leant with his shoulders, on which the world had rested, and loosened that vast bulk with the pressure. A crash that troubled the air followed its toppling, and the ground subsided under the falling weight. Cacus at first fought hand to hand, and waged war, ferociously, with logs and boulders. When that failed, beaten, he tried his father’s tricks and vomited roaring flames from his mouth: You would think Typhoeus breathed at every blast, and sudden flares were hurled from Etna’s fires. Hercules anticipated him, raised his triple-knotted club, and swung it three, then four times, in his adversary’s face. Cacus fell, vomiting smoke mingled with blood, and beat at the ground, in dying, with his chest. The victor offered one of the bulls to you, Jupiter, and invited Evander and his countrymen to the feast, and himself set up an altar, called Maxima, the Mightiest, where that part of the city takes its name from an ox. Evander’s mother did not hide that the time was near when earth would be done with its hero, Hercules. But the felicitous prophetess, as she lived beloved of the gods, now a goddess herself, has this day of Janus’ month as hers’.95 The Arcadian heritage in the religious life of Rome is again stressed by Ovid, the poet adding the Maenalian region to the Parrhasian and to Tegea, so as to clarify the geographical background of Evander (617-636): When the third sun looks back on the past Ides, the rites of Carmenta, the Parrhasia  goddess, are repeated. Formerly the Ausonian mothers drove in carriages (carpenta) (these I think were named after Evander’s mother). The honour was later taken from them, so every woman vowed not to renew their ungrateful husband’s line, and to avoid giving birth, unwisely, she expelled her womb’s growing burden, using unpredictable force. They say the senate reproved the wives for their coldness, but restored the right which had been taken from them: and they ordered two like festivals for the Tegean mother, to promote the birth of both boys and girls. It is not lawful to take leather into her shrine, lest the pure hearths are defiled by sacrifice. If you love ancient ritual, listen to the prayers, and you will hear names you have never heard before. They placate Porrima  and Postverta, whether sisters, Maenalian goddess, or companions in your exile: the one thought to sing of what happened long ago, the other of what is to happen hereafter.96 Ovid goes on (2. 267-424) to explain the Arcadian roots of the Roman festival of the Lupercalia. The image of Arcadia given is the usual one: mountains, streams, lakes, forests, cattle, Pan, a primitive lifestyle, etc. Moreover the geographical background of Evander outlined by Ovid includes Mt Lycaeus, Mt. Pholoe, the Stymphalian lake, the river Ladon, the Nonacris grove, 95 96

Translation Kline 2004. Translation Kline 2004.

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times Trikrene and Mt Parrhasius. Thus the poet suggests that the Roman institution of the Lupercal had its roots in the Arcadian tradition: This third morning after the Ides sees the naked Luperci, and the rites of two-horned Faunus enacted. Pierian Muses, tell the origin of the rites, and where they were brought from to our Latin home. They say the ancient Arcadians worshipped Pan the god of cattle, he of the mountain heights. Mount Pholoe97 was witness, and the Stymphalian waters, and Ladon98 that runs its swift course to the sea: the ridges of the Nonacrine99 grove circled with pines: high Tricrene, and the Parrhasian snows. Pan was the god of cattle there, and the mares, he received gifts for guarding the sheep. Evander brought his woodland gods with him: there where Rome stands there was merely a site. So we worship the god, and the priest performs the rites the Pelasgians brought in the ancient way. Why, you ask, do the Luperci run, and since it’s their custom, this running, why do they strip their bodies naked? The god himself loves to run swiftly on the heights, and he himself suddenly takes to flight. The god himself is naked, and orders his servants naked, since anyway clothes were not suited to that course. They say the Arcadians had their land before the birth of Jupiter, and their race is older than the moon. They lived like beasts, lives spent to no purpose: the common people were crude as yet, without arts. They built houses from leafy branches, grass their crops, water, scooped in their palms, was nectar to them. No bull panted yoked to the curved ploughshare, no soil was under the command of the farmer. Horses were not used, all carried their own burdens, the sheep went about still clothed in their wool. People lived in the open and went about nude, inured to heavy downpours from rain-filled winds. To this day the naked priests recall the memory of old customs, and testify to those ancient ways. But why Faunus, especially, shunned clothing, is handed down in an old tale full of laughter. By chance Tirynthian Hercules was walking with Omphale, his mistress, and Faunus saw them from a high ridge. He saw and burned. ‘Mountain spirits,’ he said, ‘No more of your company: she will be my passion.’ As the Maeonian girl went by her fragrant hair streamed over her shoulders, her breast was bright with gold: a gilded parasol protected her from warm sunlight, one Herculean hand, indeed, held over her. Now she came to Bacchus’ grove, and Tmolus’ vineyard, while dew-wet Hesperus rode his dusky steed. She entered a cave roofed with tufa and natural rock, and there was a babbling stream at its entrance. While her attendants were preparing food and wine, she clothed Hercules in her own garments. She gave him thin vests dyed in Gaetulian purple, gave him the elegant zone that had bound her waist. The zone was too small for his belly, and he unfastened the clasps of the vests to thrust out his great hands. He fractured her bracelets, not made for such arms, and his giant feet split the little shoes. She took up his heavy club, and the lion’s pelt, and those lesser weapons lodged in their quiver. So dressed, they feasted, and gave themselves to sleep, resting on separate couches set next to one another, because they were preparing to celebrate the rites of the discoverer of the vine, with purity, at dawn. It was midnight. What will unruly love not dare? Faunus came through the dark to the dewy cave, and seeing the servants lost in drunken slumber, had hopes of their master also being fast asleep. Entering, as a reckless lover, he roamed around, following his cautious outstretched hands. He 97

For this ridge, see Lienau 2000: 949. For this river, see Meyer 1999: 1053. 99 See Lafond 2000c: 989-990. 98

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World reached the couches spread as beds, by touch, and this first omen of the future was bright. When he felt the bristling tawny lion-skin, however, he drew back his hand in terror, and recoiled, frozen with fear, as a traveller, troubled, will draw back his foot on seeing a snake. Then he touched the soft coverings of the next couch, and its deceptive feel misled him. He climbed in, and reclined on the bed’s near side, and his swollen cock was harder than horn. But pulling up the lower hem of the tunic, the legs there were bristling with thick coarse hair. The Tirynthian hero fiercely repelled another attempt, and down fell Faunus from the heights of the couch. At the noise, Omphale called for her servants, and light: Torches appeared, and events became clear. Faunus groaned from his heavy fall from the high couch, and could barely lift his limbs from the hard ground. Hercules laughed, as did all who saw him lying there, and the Lydian girl laughed too, at her lover. Betrayed by his clothing: so the god hates clothes that trick the eye, and calls the naked to his rites. Add Roman reasons, my Muse, to foreign ones, and let my charger race his own dusty course. A she-goat was sacrificed to cloven Faunus, as usual, and a crowd had been invited to the scanty feast. While the priests prepared the entrails, on willow spits, the sun being then at the zenith of it course, Romulus  and his brother, and a shepherd boy, exercised their naked bodies on the sunlit plain: trying the strength of their arms in sport, with levers, javelins, or hurling heavy stones. A shepherd shouted from the heights: ‘Romulus, Remus, thieves are driving the bullocks off through the wasteland.’ It would have taken too long to arm: they took opposite directions: and meeting them Remus re-took their prize. Returning he drew the hissing entrails from the spits, saying: ‘No one but the victor shall eat of these.’ As he said, so he and the Fabii did. Romulus returned, unsuccessful, finding the empty table and bare bones. He laughed and grieved that Remus and the Fabii, should have conquered, where his own Quintilii could not. The tale of that deed endures: they run stark naked, and the success achieved enjoyed a lasting fame. You might also ask why that cave is called the Lupercal, and the reason for giving the day such a name. Silvia, a Vestal, had given birth to divine children, at the time when her uncle held the throne. He ordered the infants taken and drowned in the river: what was he doing? One of the two was Romulus. Reluctantly his servants obeyed the sad command (though they wept) and took the twins to the appointed place. It chanced that the Albula, called Tiber from Tiberinus drowned in its waves, was swollen with winter rain: you could see boats drifting where the  fora  are, and there in the vale of the Circus Maximus. When the servants arrived there (since they were unable to go further), one of them said: ‘How alike they are, how beautiful each of them is! Yet of the two this one is the more vigorous. If nobility is seen in the face, unless I’m wrong, I suspect that there is some god within you – Yet if some god were the author of your being, he would bring you aid at such a perilous time: your mother would surely bring help if she could, who has borne and lost her children in one day: born together, to die together, pass together beneath the waves!’ He finished and set them down. Both squalled alike: you would have thought they knew. The servants returned with tears on their cheeks. The hollow trough, where the boys were laid, floated on the water, how great a fate the little ark carried! It drifted onwards towards a shadowy wood, and gradually settled where the depth lessened. There was a tree: traces remain, which is now called the Rumina fig, once Romulus’ fig tree. A she-wolf, newly delivered, (miraculously!) found the abandoned twins, who would have thought the creature would not harm them? Far from harming them she helped them: and a wolf fed those whom their kin would 132

The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times have allowed to perish. She stayed, caressed the tender infants with her tail, and licked their bodies with her tongue. You might know they were sons of Mars: without fear they sucked her teats, and the milk not meant for them. She gave her name to the place: and the place to the Luperci. The nurse has a great reward for the milk she gave. Why shouldn’t they be named from the Arcadian peak? Lycaean Faunus has temples in Arcadia.100 Ovid includes various other references touching on our themes, e. g. ‘pine-crowned Faunus by Maenalus’ (3. 84)101; ‘Evander had reached here [the land where Rome was to be founded] with ships full of his [Arcadian] people’ (4. 65);102 ‘Pan, the god of Maenalus’ i. e. the cult of this god in Rome (4. 650).103 Later (5. 91-102) the same poet picks up on this tradition: Evander, in exile from Arcadia, came to the Latin fields, and brought his gods with him, aboard ship. Where Rome, the capital of the world, now stands there were trees, grass, a few sheep, the odd cottage. When they arrived, his prophetic mother said: ‘Halt here! This rural spot will be the place of empire’. The Arcadian hero obeyed his mother, the prophetess, and stayed, though a stranger in a foreign land. He taught the people many rites, but, above all, those of twin-horned Faunus, and Mercury the wing-footed god. Faunus half-goat, you are worshipped by the girded Luperci, when their strips of hide purify the crowded streets.104 Ovid (643-648) returns to this myth: Arcadian Evander … churned my waters with his oars. Hercules came here too, with a crowd of Greeks, … Evander, hero from Pallantium, received him warmly, and Cacus had the punishment he deserved.105 Finally the poet (6. 503-532) writes: There was a grove: known either as Semele’s or Stimula’s: inhabited, they say, by Italian Maenads. Ino, asking them their nation, learned they were Arcadians, and that Evander  was the king of the place. Hiding her divinity, Saturn’s daughter  cleverly incited the Latian Bacchae  with deceiving words: ‘O too-easy-natured ones, caught by every feeling! This stranger comes, but not as a friend, to our gathering. She is treacherous, and would learn our sacred rites: but she has a child on whom we can wreak punishment.’ She had scarcely ended when the Thyiads, hair streaming over their necks, filled the air with their howling, laid hands on Ino, and tried to snatch the boy. She invoked gods with names as yet unknown to her: ‘Gods, and men, of this land, help a wretched mother!’ Her cry carried to the neighbouring Aventine. Oetaean Hercules having driven the Iberian cattle to the riverbank, heard and hurried towards 100

Translation Kline 2004. Translation Kline 2004. Translation Kline 2004. 103 Translation Kline 2004. 104 Translation Kline 2004. 105 Translation Kline 2004. 101 102

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World the voice. As he arrived, the women who had been ready for violence, shamefully turned their backs in cowardly flight. ‘What are you doing here,’ said Hercules (recognising her), ‘Sister of Bacchus’ mother? Does Juno persecute you too?’ She told him part of her tale, suppressing the rest because of her son: ashamed to have been goaded to crime by the Furies. Rumour, so swift, flew on beating wings, and your name was on many a lip, Ino. It is said you entered loyal Carmentis’ home as a guest, and assuaged your great hunger: they say the Tegean priestess quickly made cakes with her own hands, and baked them on the hearth.106 The presence of Maenads / Tyiads among the Arcadians, who came with Evander to the Palatine, is not known from other sources in terms of this colonization, and the account may have depended on reconstruction of this episode from Varro. This addition to the story contributes to the fame of Arcadia as a land inhabited by deities and their retinues. In the Aeneidos argumenta decasticha 8, which are also attributed to Ovid, it is stated that ‘Aeneas, by the portents of the gods, went to the Arcadian king Evander, a fugitive from Arcadia who sought new realms. He received help. Evander joined to his cause a son and allied troops’ and (11), it is also specified that ‘Evander bore forth fatherly laments in the city’.107 ‘Arcadian Evander’ is recorded as the founder of a city below Mt Palatine in Rome (Valerius Maximus 2. 2. 9), and Pliny (4. 20) includes Pallantium in his list of Arcadian towns and adds the specification ‘from which the Palatine at Rome gets its name›. The same writer (34. 33) notes that Evander dedicated a bronze Heracles in the forum boarium in Rome. The Arcadian colonisation of the Palatine is again evoked by Silius Italicus (6. 631-636): ‘Legend tells that a man from Arcadia [Evander] was then [i. e. when Heracles went to this site) building a house on the Palatine among un-inhabited thorn-brakes, a king with needy subjects; and the king’s daughter, unable to resist the divine stranger [Heracles], gave birth to a Fabius – a sin that brought no sorrow; and that the Arcadian woman blended with her own the blood of that mighty sire, to become the ancestress of the stock of Hercules’.108 An allusion to the Arcadian kingdom on the site where Rome was later founded is also found in Silius Italicus (7. 17-18): ‘the great deeds of our ancestors, of Carmentis’ s treasure and the throne of Evander’.109 Another reference to the Arcadian Palatine is found in Silius Italicus (12. 709-710): ‘The Palatine, so named by the Parrhasian king [Evander]’110 and an allusion to the founder of this colony (13. 816-817): ‘See where Carmentis moves [i. e. in the underworld, visited by Scipio Africanus]: she was the mother of Evander and her prophesies hinted at the present war [the second Punic war]’.111

106

Translation Kline 2004. Translation Schodde, sine data. Translation Duff 1934. 109 Translation Duff 1934. 110 Translation Duff 1934. 111 Translation Duff 1934. 107 108

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times Plutarch (Romulus 13. 2) also refers to ‘those who came to Italy with Evander’,112 and the same biographer (21. 2) asserts that ‘the wife of Evander the Arcadian, who was a prophetess and inspired to utter oracles in verse, was therefore surnamed Carmenta, since ‘carmina’ is their word for verses, her own proper name being Nicostrate’.113 The same biographer (21. 3) regards the Roman festival of Lupercalia having derived from the Arcadian feast of wolves: ‘the name of the festival has the meaning of the Greek ‘Lycaea,’ or ‘feast of wolves’, which makes it seem of great antiquity and derived from the Arcadians in the following of Evander’.114 In Coriolanus (3. 1) Plutarch alludes to the Arcadian heritage in Rome: ‘This is the civic crown which [at Rome] the law bestows upon one who has saved the life of a fellow-citizen in battle, … because the oak was held in special honour for the sake of the Arcadians, who were called acorn-eaters in an oracle of Apollo (= Herodotus 1. 66)’.115 Plutarch (Caesar 61. 1) asserts that ‘the festival of the Lupercalia … was anciently celebrated by shepherds, and has also some connection with the Arcadian Lycaea’.116 Among other authors, Florus (1. 9) included among the first inhabitants of the territory of Rome ‘Arcadians who had come with Evander’.117 Tacitus (Annales 15. 41) refers to ‘the great altar and shrine raised by the Arcadian Evander to the visibly appearing Hercules’,118 which had been lost in the Neronian fire of Rome and with obvious reference to the meeting of Evander with Heracles and to the subsequent institution of the Ara Maxima. Gellius (1. 10. 2) regards Evander as a figure from archaic Latium, and Pausanias (8. 43. 2) reports that ‘the wisest man and the best soldier among the Arcadians was one Evander, whose mother was a Nymph, a daughter of the Ladon, while his father was Hermes. Sent out to establish a colony at the head of a company of Arcadians from Pallantium, he founded a city on the banks of the river Tiber. That part of modern Rome, which once was the home of Evander and the Arcadians who accompanied him, got the name of Pallantium in memory of the city in Arcadia. Afterwards the name was changed by omitting the letters L and N’.119 The same writer (8. 12. 8-9) informs that at the border between Mantinea and Orchomenus there was the supposed tomb of Anchises. This identification must have strengthened the importance of the Arcadian land for Romans and might look back to antiquarian literature: ‘There still remains the road leading to Orchomenus, on which are Mount Anchisia and the tomb of Anchises at the foot of the mountain. For when Aeneas was voyaging to  Sicily, he put in with his ships to Laconia, becoming the founder of the cities Aphrodisias and Etis; his 112

Translation Perrin 1914. Translation Perrin 1914. 114 Translation Perrin 1914. 115 Translation Perrin 1914. 116 Translation Perrin 1914. 117 Translation Forster 1929. 118 Translation Jackson 1937. 119 Translation Jones 1959. 113

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World father Anchises for some reason or other came to this place and died there, where Aeneas buried him. This mountain they call Anchisia after Anchises. The probability of this story is strengthened by the fact that the Aeolians who to-day occupy Troy nowhere point out a tomb of Anchises in their own land. Near the grave of Anchises are the ruins of a sanctuary of Aphrodite, and at Anchisiae is the boundary between Mantinea and Orchomenus’.120 Solinus (1. 1) asserts that Evander was the first who gave the name Rome to the site where the city was to be founded, as translation of the previous Latin name ‘Valentia’ to Greek. He also records that the Arcadians inhabited the highest part of Mt Palatine and that the Latin name ‘arces’ (citadels) derive from the name of the Arcadians. The same writer (1. 8) informs that Cacus attacked the territory handed over to Arcadian rule, and (1. 10) that Hercules learned from Nicostrate, mother of Evander (called Carmentis from carmina – poems - as she predicted the future), that he would become a god. He adds (1. 14) that the Arcadians were the founders both of the Palatine and of Pallanteum, inhabited by the Aborigines. However, a swamp, made by the Tiber near Pallanteum, forced them to settle at Reate. He refers (2. 3) to old towns, built by Arcadians in Italy. We have also (2. 7) Cato’s testimony that Tibur was founded by the Arcadian Catillus, admiral of Evander’s fleet’, and (7. 11-13) he details that the Arcadian town Pallanteum gave the name to the Palatine  thanks to the Arcadian Evander. He also mentions the Arcadian mountains Cyllene and Lycaeus, alluding to Maenalus, cradle of gods. He takes notice of Mount Erymanthus and of the rivers Erymanthus and Ladon, associated respectively to the memory of Heracles and Pan and, on the authority of Varro, he mentions a poisonous spring in Arcadia. He also specifies that near Cyllene the blackbirds are of a bright white. Finally he remembers the asbestos rock of Arcadia. Arcadia appears to Solinus as a land of mountains, rocks, springs, rivers and in close contact with gods, and Eusebius (Chronography 102) asserts that ‘the Aborigines belong to the same people now called Arcadians. They were the first Greeks to cross the Ionian Sea and to settle in Italy. They were led there by Lycaon’s son Oenotrus, the fifth from Aezeius and Phoroneus, seventeen generations before the Trojan war. Oenotrus settled in the mountains, and called the region Oenotria, and its inhabitants Oenotrians. Later they were called Italians after king Italus, who also gave the name of Italy to the whole country. Italus was succeeded by Morges, from whose name they were called Morgetes. And at the same time as Oenotrus, his brother Peucetius came as a colonist from Arcadia, and settled by the Junian bay, and the people were called Peucetii after him. … Later, Euander arrived with a fleet from Greece, from the city of Pallantium in Arcadia, and he settled in the region of Italy where the city of Rome would later be built. [Dionysius] says that they brought the Greek alphabet to Italy, along with the lyre, a musical instrument, and that they introduced [their] laws. … [The Aborigines] were Greeks, originally from the Peloponnese, who came as colonists with Oenotrus, from the region which is now called Arcadia, I believe. The second [group of colonists], the Thessalians, migrated 120

Translation Jones 1959.

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times there from the country which used to be called Haemonia, and is now called Thessaly. The third [group], the Pelasgians, arrived with Euander from the city of Pallantium in Arcadia’.121 Servius (Commentary on the Aeneid of Vergil 8. 51) reports the story of Evander and of his colonisation of Mt Palatine with his group of Arcadians (see also Commentary on the Aeneid of Vergil 52, 54, 127, 129-131, 142, 148, 156-157, 159, 165-166, 173, 185, 190, 205, 248, 268-269, 271, 282, 285, 313, 331, 336-337, 342-345, 352, 363, 459, 464, 532, 545, 547, 552, 588; 9, 10 and 11. 141-142). Macrobius (Saturnalia 1. 5) also evoked Evander as a figure of archaic Rome and refers (3. 1) to the meeting of Evander with Aeneas near the Tiber. Evander is mentioned again as a figure of the mythical past of Rome (3. 3, 6-7, 11-12; 4. 6; 5. 8, 14, 21 and 7. 2). Jordanes (De summa temporum 90) is also aware of this tradition and records that Arcadians under Evander moved to Rome. The specification that ‘Evander founded in Rome the shrine of Pan which is called the Lupercal’122 is provided in the Preface to Sibylline Oracles (265). Malalas (Chronographia 6. 24. 168) writes that ‘Aeneas went on to Evander and his son Pallas, both most warlike men. They lived in Italy, residing in a village known as Valentia and governing one province. Pallas built in this village a very large house, like no other in the region, which was called the Pallantion; from that time on imperial residences are known as ‘palaces’, after Pallas. Aeneas asked them if he might have a force of soldiers from them. Pallas and his father Evander gave him 400 valient fighting men’.123 Finally (Isidorus 15. 3. 5) asserts that ‘Palatium is so named from Pallans, prince of the Arcadians, in whose honor the Arcadians built the Pallantea city, and, after they founded a palace in his name, they called it Palatium’.124 Thus, from the early 2nd c. BC at the latest onwards, it was widely believed that an Arcadian colony from Pallantium settled on the Palatine; moreover Arcadians were thought to have been also among the Aborigeni – the supposed original settlers of the territory on which Rome was eventually to be founded -, and among the companions of Heracles when he passed by and among the same Trojans. Arcadians, therefore, were regarded as an important component of Roman history and identity, indeed the Roman institution of the Lupercalia was supposed to testify to this Arcadian heritage. This opinion must also have elicited in Rome the idealisation of Arcadia as a landscape inhabited by gentle shepherds, beautiful nymphs, heroes and gods.

121

Translation Bedrosian 2008. Translation Terry 1899. 123 Translation Jeffreys 1986. 124 Translation Barney 2006. 122

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Visual evidence During the mid Hellenistic period, the importance of the Arcadian hero Telephus grew to the extent that he was now regarded as mythical symbol of Greek identity linked to the kingdom of Pergamum.125 The most spectacular evidence of this is the Telephus Frieze on the Altar of Pergamum, dated, in the opinion of the present author, c. 180-170 BC (Figure 46).126. Panel 2 (= scene 1 of Queyrel) of this frieze represents the sacred grove of Athena at Tegea, where Heracles saw Auge; an oak tree and a bird suggest an idyllic interpretation of this sacred landscape.

Figure 46: Pergamon, Altar, Telephos’ frieze, east side (reconstruction drawing by Seaman 2020). 125 126

See Dignas 2012: 119-143. See Dreyfus and Schraudolph 1996); Queyrel 2005: 79-109; Seaman 2020: 31-66; Andreae 2020: 65-72.

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times Panel 4 (= scene 5 of Queyrel) represents the wilderness near Tenea where the baby Telephus, son of Auge and Heracles, has been abandoned by herdsmen; the presence of a tree suggests again the aura of the sacred idyllic landscape. Panel 12 (= scene 6 of Queyrel) represents again an environment near Tegea, characterised by a plane tree, a cave, rocks and a lioness who suckles the baby Telephus in the presence of his father Heracles. Again, we find here an enchanted landscape endowed with the typical elements of idyllic places: trees suggesting groves, rocks which imply a mountain, a cave, wild animals and heroes. Panels 7 and 8 (= scene 6 of Queyrel) represent nymphs bathing the baby Telephus in a stream: nymphs and streams are also basic components of sacred, idyllic landscapes. Thus the Telephus frieze advertises eastern Arcadia as an earthly paradise, endowed with features of a sacred landscape, even visited by heroes. With this frieze the ‘Arcadian Dream’ became an international phenomenon and the identification of this ideal world with eastern Arcadia gained momentum. Moreover, since by this time the notion of the colonisation by eastern Arcadians of the Palatine was already established, it is not impossible to think that the royal patrons of Pergamum wanted to flatter the Romans by promoting an eastern Arcadian myth: after all Rome was at the time the de facto ruler of the Mediterranean world (after her victories over Macedon in 197-6 BC and Syria in 190-188 BC) and Pergamum was a faithful ally of this ‘superpower’. The myth of Telephus was glorified also by the same Pergamene rulers at Cyzicus, in the temple of Queen Apollonis, as is argued by the above quoted epigram (Anthologia Graeca 3. 2). Another important innovation in the visual arts of this period is the creation of what we might consider as landscape painting - attributed to the painter Demetrius from Alexandria. This artist settled in Rome in the 160s BC and acquired the nickname Topographos (= painter of sites) from his specialisation. His renown and wealth are evidenced by the story that he welcomed King Ptolemy VI to his house in Rome.127 His new approach to painting may have been the basis of the formation of representations of sacred idyllic landscapes.128 Perhaps one of the first examples of this new interest in visual arts is the so-called ‘Ptolemaic Cup’ in the Cabinet of Médailles of the National Library of Paris (Figure 47).129 The decoration, featuring masks, suggests that this cup was the dedication of a theatrical guild. A sacred grove is suggested by the four trees, between which there is a table with the votive offerings typical of the Dionysiac cult. There is a curtain above the table, protecting these objects. Another table supports a herm of Dionysus, while a statuette of a goddess (Persephone?), in a long robe 127

See Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014b: 762-763, nos. 3566-3567. The question of the development of the sacred idyllic landscape is outside the scope of the present book, but see, e. g., Silberberg 1985. 129 See Adriani 1959: 23-25. 128

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 47: Ptolemaic cup (drawing by Adriani 1959, Paris, Cabinet des médailles, Bibliothèque Nationale).

holding two torches is placed on the other table. Birds perch in the trees, and the presence of two shepherds’ bags, a goat trying to climb a tree, and of a god drinking, all add typical pastoral motifs to the scene. During these decades, sculptural creations appear that focus pastoral and bucolic themes, i. e. representations of milking become popular in the Alexandrian world.130 A group represents Pan and a boy who usually is identified as Daphnis, although he has also been taken for Olympus (Figure 48)131 and is attributed to the sculptor Heliodorus.132 Pan and Daphnis are seated on a rock, which probably represents a mountain. The boy is about to play his pipes, indicating that he is probably a young shepherd. Pan tries to approach him by putting his left hand on the left shoulder of the boy, while his right hand is brought to the right hand of the young man; the group carries an erotic innuendo. There is no evidence to support a specific pastoral region for this episode, and the pastoral topos evoked here is probably a generic one.

130

See Adriani 1959: 10-12. See Leibundgut 1999: 365-425 and Vorster 2007: 296-303. 132 See Halloff and Kansteiner 2014b: 351-354. 131

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times

Figure 48: Pan with Daphnis (Naples, National Archaeological Museum, Farnese Collection).

Figure 49: ‘Invitation to Dance’ (Rome, Torlonia Collection).

Another important group created in this period is the so-called ‘Invitation to Dance’ (Figure 49),133 composed of a young, semi-clad nymph seated on a rock, and a Satyr dancing in front of her. The nakedness of the two figures suggests that the satyr is dancing in to seduce her. Again, the seated nymph suggests that this episode is taking place on a mountain, far from the world of the polis. Other groupings also feature a nymph and satyr: usually the former is portrayed trying to reject the advances of the latter. This scene is interpreted according to two different variations, referred to in the main the ‘Capitoline’ (Figure 50) and the ‘Ludovisi’ (Figure 51) types.134 In the Ludovisi interpretation, the satyr sits on a rock which, as in the groups considered above, suggests that the setting is one of mountains and forests, far from everyday societies.

133

See Geominy 1999: 141-155; Moltesen 2002: 276-279; Hoyer von Prittwitz und Gaffron 2007: 260-262; and Ghisellini 2017: 61-80. 134 See Hoyer von Prittwitz und Gaffron 1999: 181-186; Vorster 2007: 297-305.

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Figure 50: Nymph with Satyr (Rome, Capitoline Museums).

Figure 51: Nymph with Satyr (‘The Ludovisi Group’) (Rome, Roman National Museum, Altemps Palace).

The so-called Barberini Satyr represents this mythical being of the forest asleep on a rock (Figure 52),135 which also in this case should be understood to suggest a world far removed from human activity. Another grouping depicts boys shown removing thorns, referred to as the ‘Conservatori’,(Figure 53) ‘Castellani’, ‘Amiternum’, ‘Louvre-Vatican’ and ‘Berlin’ types.136 The main protagonists are again shown sitting on rocks, and thus are seen as being in mountainous environments. The Conservatori, Castellani and Amiternum boys are meant to be young shepherds, as suggested by the short hair, low forehead, and gaze of the Castellani statue (the only example of this series which preserves the original head), which tell us that the subject comes from a humble background. In the Louvre -Vatican variations (Figure 54), the sitter is Pan, and the thorn-remover is a young satyr. These mythical beings are clearly meant to inhabit forests, mountains, and other rural settings.

135 See Mandel 2007: 145-150. There are variations of this type, the so called Munich–Rome–Naples Satyr: see Moreno 1994a: 669-671. 136 See Moreno 1994a: 678-679; Mandel 2007: 180-184; Vorster 2007: 300.

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The Arcadiam Dream in mid Hellenistic times

Figure 52: The Barberini Faun (Munich, Glyptothek).

Figure 53: ‘The Thorn-remover’ (the head being a 5th-c. BC original) (Rome, Capitoline Museums).

Figure 54: Satyr removing a thorn from Pan (Paris, Louvre).

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Additionally, the grouping showing an elderly shepherd carrying a lamb (Figure 55)137 also seems to confirm the popularity of pastoral themes in the visual culture of these decades. In conclusion, the mid Hellenistic period sees a real growth of interest in the pastoral setting, whose location in Arcadia is specified in several poems of this period, and, in keeping with this trend, the sacred idyllic landscape also becomes a popular and internationally recognised subject, i. e. the legend of the Arcadian hero Telephus. Related to this, the legend of the Arcadian colony on the Palatine prior to the foundation of Rome becomes widely accepted and is an important chapter in the early history of the City itself, and thus the glory of pastoral Arcadia becomes a moment of Roman ideology. Within this context, it is unsurprising therefore that the fame of Sicily, as an alternative location of pastoral paradise, recedes and goes out of fashion, and Arcadia, as the location of the primary pastoral myth, is set to dominate for a very long time.

Figure 55: Old shepherd with lamb (Rome, Capitoline Museums).

137

See Haeuber 1986: 100-102 and Moreno 1994a: 719-720.

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Chapter 7

The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times The historical and literary evidence The theme of dedications to Pan by three Arcadian brothers continues to inspire poets in this period as well, e. g. Archias, in Anthologia Graeca 6. 16: 1 ‘To you, Pan the scout, the three brothers from three kinds of netting gave these manifold gifts: Damis his net for beasts, Pigres his neck-fetters for birds, Cleitor his drift-nets. Make the first again successful in the air, the second in the sea, and the third in the thickets’.2 The epigram by Erycius (Anthologia Graeca 6. 96)3 implies the notion of Arcadia as a bucolic environment, characterised by shepherds, cattle, hills, mountains, plane-trees and sanctuaries of Pan: Glaucon and Corydon, who keep their cattle on the hills, Arcadians both, drawing back its neck slaughtered for Cyllenian Pan, the mountain-lover, a horned steer, and fixed by a long nail to the goodly plane-tree its horns, twelve palms long, a fair ornament for the pastoral god.4 Bucolic overtones appear also in some lines of Zonas (Anthologia Graeca 6. 106): ‘This skin, O woodland god, did Telamon, the slayer of wolves, suspend to you on the plane-tree in the field, also his staff of wild olive wood which he often sent whirling from his hand. But do you, Pan, god of the hills, receive these not very rich gifts, and open to him this mountain, your domain, to hunt thereon with success’.5 An epigram by Myrinus (Anthologia Graeca 6. 108)6, is also important as it reveals the actual location of the pastoral dreamscape: ‘You Pans, keepers of the high mountains, you jolly horned dancers, lords of grassy Arcadia, make Diotimus rich in sheep and goats, accepting the gifts of his splendid sacrifice’.7 Arcadia is clearly a region of high mountains, meadows, shepherds, livestock, and more than one Pan. A work by Thyillus (Anthologia Graeca 6. 170)8 is equally pertinent:

1

See Deniaux 2009: 49-57. Translation Paton 1918. 3 See Degani 1998: 105. 4 Translation Paton 1918. 5 Translation Paton 1918. 6 See Albiani 2000f: 597. 7 Translation Paton 1918 with amendments. 8 See Albiani 2002a: 520. 2

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The elms, and these lofty willows, and the holy spreading plane, and the springs, and these shepherds’ cups that cure fell thirst, are dedicated to Pan.9 Archias’ epigrams (Anthologia Graeca 6. 179-181) are further exercises on the theme of the dedications made by the three Arcadian brothers to Pan: (179): ‘To rustic Pan three brothers dedicate these gifts each from a different kind of netting that provides sustenance - Pigres the fowling noose that catches by the neck, Damis his nets for the beasts of the forest, and Cleitor his for those of the sea. Send success to their nets by air, sea and land›.10 (180): ‘The three brothers dedicate to you, Pan, from mountain air and sea these tokens of their craft, Cleitor his net for fishes, Pigres his for birds, and Damis his for beasts. Help them as before, you hunter god, in the chase by land, air, and sea’.11 (181): ‘Pan, who dwell in the mountains, the three brothers dedicated to you these three nets, each from a different craft. Pigres gave his fowling nets, Damis his nets for beasts, and Cleitor his for fishes. Let the nets of the one be always lucky in the wood, those of the second in the air, and those of the third in the sea’.12 A picture of Pan as the son of Arcadian Hermes by the painter Ophelion13 is evoked by Nicodemus of Heraclea (Anthologia Graeca 6. 315 and Erycius (Anthologia Graeca 7. 174) describes a typical Arcadian scene: ‘No longer, Therimachus, do you play your shepherds’ tunes on the pipes near this crooked-leaved plane. Nor shall the horned cattle listen again to the sweet music you did make, reclining by the shady oak. The burning bolt of heaven slew you, and they at nightfall came down the hill to their byre driven by the snow’.14 A bucolic tone characterizes lines by Archias (Anthologia Graeca 7. 191): ‘A magpie I, that oft of old screeched in answer to the speech of the shepherds and woodcutters and fishermen. Often like some many-voiced Echo, with responsive lips I struck up a mocking strain. Now I lie on the ground, tongueless and speechless, having renounced my passion for mimicry’.15 And from the same poet (Anthologia Graeca 7. 213) we are introduced to the world of shepherds: ‘Once, shrilling cicada, perched on the green branches of the luxuriant pine, or of the shady domed stone-pine, you did play with your delicately-winged back a tune dearer to shepherds than the music of the lyre …’.16 The epigram by Myrinus (Anthologia Graeca 7. 703) is also bucolic:17

9

Translation Paton 1918. Translation Paton 1918. 11 Translation Paton 1918. 12 Translation Paton 1918. 13 This Ophelion (Kansteiner and Lehmann 2014c: 772-774, nos. 3578-3579) is perhaps the same artist with this name who signed a statue from near Tusculum (Kansteiner 2014: 476-477, no. 4087), dated to the 1st c. BC. 14 Translation Paton 1918. 15 Translation Paton 1918. 16 Translation Paton 1918. 17 Myrinus’ dates are unknown, we only know that he flourished before the anthology of epigrams of Philip, in the first half of AD 1st c. The tone of his epigrams still comes over as late Hellenistic. 10

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times Thyrsis the villager who feeds the Nymphs’ flocks, Thyrsis whose piping is equal to Pan’s, sleeps under the shady pine tree having drunk wine at midday, and Eros takes his crook and keeps the flock himself. You Nymphs! You Nymphs ! Awake the shepherd who fears no wolf, lest Eros become the prey of wild beasts.18 Here we have herdsmen, nymphs, flocks, piping, Pan, trees, Eros, wolves and other wild animals, in other words most of the Arcadian repertoire is epitomised here. Mucius Scaevola, Anthologia Graeca 9. 217) 19 is one of the many late Hellenistic poets to provide variations on a bucolic theme: ‘O goats, why, deserting the thyme and spurge and all the green pasture that is yours, do you start leaping round and round, wantonly butting at each other, prancing round shepherd Pan, the denizen of the forest? Give over that boxing, or the crook you detest may find its way to you from the goat-herd’s hand’.20 Another variation appears in a poem by Erycius (Anthologia Graeca 9. 237): ‘A.’Herdsman, tell me by Pan whose is this colossal statue of beech-wood to which you are pouring a libation of milk.’ B. ‘The Tirynthian’s who wrestled with the lion. Do you not see his bow, simpleton, and his club of wild olive? All hail to you, calf-devouring Heracles, and guard this fold, that, instead of these few, my cattle may be ten thousand’’.21 The epigram by Zonas (Anthologia Graeca 9. 556) focuses again on the homoerotic love between Pan and Daphnis: ‘Nereids, Nymphs of the shore, you saw Daphnis yesterday, when he washed off the dust that lay like down on his skin; when, burnt by the dog star, he rushed into your waters, the apples of his cheeks faintly reddened. Tell me, was he beautiful? Or am I a goat, not only lame in my legs but in my heart too?’.22 Nymphs are an obvious presence in these scenes. Erycius (Anthologia Graeca 9. 558) focuses again on a bucolic theme: Cleson’s billy-goat through the livelong night kept the she-goats awake with his snorting and jumping, for he had caught from afar the scent of a goat-slaying wolf that was approaching the fold built on the cliff. At length the dogs awakened from their bed, frightened away the huge beast, and sleep closed the eyes of the goats.23 Another of his poems (Anthologia Graeca 9. 824) transports the reader once more to a world of mountains, hunters, and Pan: ‘Hunters, who come to this peak where dwells mountain Pan, good luck to you in the chase, whether you go on your way trusting in nets or in the steel, or whether you are fowlers relying on your hidden limed reeds. Let each of you call on me. I have skill to bring success to trap, spear, nets, and reeds’.24 18

Translation Paton 1918. For this important statesman and writer, see Ferrary and Schiavone 2018. 20 Translation Paton 1918. 21 Translation Paton 1918. 22 Translation Paton 1918. 23 Translation Paton 1918. 24 Translation Paton 1918. 19

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World Finally, another work, perhaps by Archias (Anthologia Graeca 16. 154), again is redolent of the bucolic: ‘On a Statue of Echo. It is Echo of the rocks you see, my friend, the companion of Pan, singing back to us a responsive note, the garrulous counterfeit of every kind of tongue, the shepherds’ sweet toy. After hearing every word you utter, begone’.25  And so even into late Hellenistic times, the lure of solitude is still clear. After his defeat at Actium, ‘Antony forsook the city and the society of his friends, and built for himself a dwelling in the sea at Pharos, by throwing a mole out into the water. Here he lived an exile from men, and declared that he was contentedly imitating the life of Timon, since, indeed, his experiences had been like Timon’s; for he himself also had been wronged and treated with ingratitude by his friends, and therefore hated and distrusted all mankind’. (Plutarch, Antony 69. 4).26 The joys to be found in nature were seen as greater than those to be had in towns and cities at least by some sections of Roman society. Nepos, Atticus 13. 2, 27 observes that: ‘The charms [amoenitas] [of Atticus’ domus on Mt Quirinal] … consisted less in its construction [aedificium] than in its grove [silva]’.28 In Latin poetry of this period, the idyllic life is re-interpreted according to the Epicurean philosophical notion of a serene and quiet existence far from people, troubles, and luxuries, i. e. in a natural environment removed from society. This model is illustrated by Lucretius (2. 29-33): ‘Upon the soft grass beside a rill of water under the branches of a tall tree men merrily refresh themselves at no great cost, especially when the weather smiles, and the season of the year besprinkles the green herbage with flowers’.29 The classic bucolic environment is also presented by the same author as an ideal world (317320): ‘Often on a hill, cropping the rich pasture, wholly sheep go creeping whither the herbage all gemmed with fresh dew tempts and invites each, and full-fed the lambs play and lock horns in fun’.30 Nor does fantasy seem to escape Lucretius’ interest (4. 573-589), testifying to the popularity of the Arcadian dreamscape in Rome in his time: ‘In solitary places … the rocks give back the same shapes of words in their order, when we seek straying comrades amongst the shady mountains and call loudly upon them to all sides. I have even seen places give back six or seven cries, when you uttered one, so did hill to hill themselves buffet back and repeat the words thus trained to come back. Such places the neighbours imagine to be haunted by goat foot Satyrs and Nymphs, and they say there are Fauns, by whose night-wandering noise and jocund play they commonly declare the voiceless silence to be broken, with the sound of strings and sweet plaintive notes, which the pipe sends forth touched by the player’s fingers; they tell how the farmers’ men all over the countryside listen, while Pan, shaking the pine 25

Translation Paton 1918. Translation Perrin 1914. For this episode in the life of Marc Antony, see Cristofoli 2016: 167-178. See Rolfe 2014. Translation Rolfe 1929 with amendment. 28 See Perlwitz 1992. 29 Translation Rouse 1924 with amendment. See Deufert 2019. 30 Translation Rouse 1924 with amendment. 26 27

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times leaves that cover his half-human head, often runs over the open reeds with curved lips, that the Pan’s pipes may never slacken in their flood of woodland music’.31 Lucretius goes on to refer to the discovery of pipes, imparting an Arcadian association (5. 1384-1411): ‘Step by step they [the first men] learnt the plaintive melodies which the reedpipe gives forth topped by the players’ fingertips – the pipe discovered amid pathless woods and forests and glades, amid the solitary haunts of shepherds and the peace of the open air. … These melodies soothed their minds and gave them delight … Often therefore stretched in groups on the soft grass hard by a stream of water under the branches of a tall tree they gave pleasure to their bodies at cheap cost, above all when the weather smiled and the season of the year painted the green herbage with flowers. Then was the time for jest, for gossip, for pleasant peals of laughter; for then the rustic Muse was in its prime. Then they would wreathe head and shoulders with woven garlands of flowers and leaves, prompted by joyous playfulness, and they would march out moving their limbs out of time and beating mother earth stiffly with stiff foot; from which mirth would arise and pleasant peals of laughter, because all these things being new and wonderful had great vogue. And when wakeful, this was their consolation for sleep, to sing many a long-drawn note and to turn a tune and to run along the tops of the reed pipes with curved lip; whence even now the watchmen keep up the tradition and they have learned how to keep various kinds of rhythm, yet for all they have no more profit in enjoyment than the woodland people had who were born of the earth’.32 The poet’s attempt to explain the shepherds’ relationship with music probably derives from Posidonius’ researches into the development of humankind, a subject arousing curiosity in Late Republican times.33 Cicero (In Verrem 2. 2. 87) mentions the presence at Thermae in Sicily of a bronze statue of ‘a certain she-goat made, as even we who are skilled in these matters can judge, with wonderful skill and beauty’,34 an object with an obvious idyllic connotation. Cicero’s account seems to imply that the statue was among the works of art decorating ancient Himera that were removed to Carthage towards the end of the 5th c. BC and later returned to those Himerans who settled in Thermae by Scipio Aemilianus after 146 BC. In this case, the statue would relate to the Classical period, however the emphasis given by Cicero to this statue implies that this bucolic theme had acquired a new level of appreciation and importance in the late Hellenistic period. The description by Cicero of the sacred landscape around Enna (In Verrem 2. 4. 107), also conveys overton of the idyllic: ‘Enna … is in a high and lofty situation, on the top of which is a large level plain, and springs of water which are never dry. And the whole of the plain is cut off and separated, so as to be difficult of approach. Around it are many lakes and groves, and beautiful flowers at every season of the year; so that the place itself appears to testify to that abduction of the virgin which we have heard of from our boyhood. Near it is a cave turned towards the north, of unfathomable depth, where they say that Father Pluto suddenly rose 31

Translation Rouse 1924 with amendment. Translation Rouse 1924 with amendment. 33 On the widespread Late Republican interest in the early stages of human society, see Novara 1982-1983. 34 Translation Greenwood 1928. For Cicero, In Verrem 2. 2, see Schwameis, 2019. 32

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World out of the earth in his chariot, and carried the virgin off from that spot, and that on a sudden … he went down beneath the earth’.35 In 54 BC, Cicero (Ad Quintum fratrem 3. 1)36 describes his villa at Arpinum and the villas of his brother Quintus at Arcanum and at Laterium as loci amoeni with fresh water running pleasantly near a villa, fountains, springs, fish-ponds, promenade, aviary, shady spots, shrubberies, ivy gardens, meadows, etc., all comprising paradisiacal landscapes in which to lead a happy life: ‘I have refreshed myself at Arpinum, and enjoyed the extreme loveliness of the river … I was at Arcanum on the 10th of September. There I found Mescidius and Philoxenus, and saw the water, for which they were making a course not far from your villa, running quite nicely, especially considering the extreme drought, and they said that they were going to collect it in much greater abundance. Everything is right with Herus. In your Manilian property I came across Diphilus outdoing himself in dilatoriness. Still, he had nothing left to construct, except baths, and a promenade, and an aviary. I liked that villa very much, because its paved colonnade gives it an air of very great dignity. I never appreciated this till now that the colonnade itself has been all laid open, and the columns have been polished. It all depends and this I will look to - upon the stuccoing being prettily done. The pavements seemed to be being well laid. Certain of the ceilings I did not like, and ordered them to be changed. As to the place in which they say that you write word that a small entrance hall is to be built - namely, in the colonnade - I liked it better as it is. For I did not think there was space sufficient for an entrance hall; nor is it usual to have one, except in those buildings which have a larger court; nor could it have bedrooms and apartments of that kind attached to it. As it is, from the very beauty of its arched roof, it will serve as an admirable summer room. However, if you think differently, write back word as soon as possible. In the bath I have moved the hot chamber to the other corner of the dressing-room, because it was so placed that its steam-pipe was immediately under the bedrooms. A fair-sized bedroom and a lofty winter one I admired very much, for they were both spacious and well-situated—on the side of the promenade nearest to the bath. Diphilus had placed the columns out of the perpendicular, and not opposite each other. These, of course, he shall take down; he will learn some day to use the plumb-line and measure. On the whole, I hope Diphilus’s work will be completed in a few months: for Caesius, who was with me at the time, keeps a very sharp lookout upon him. Thence I started straight along the via Vitularia to your Fufidianum, the estate which we bought for you a few weeks ago at Arpinum for 100,000 sesterces. I never saw a shadier spot in summer - water springs in many parts of it, and abundant into the bargain. In short, Caesius thought that you would easily irrigate fifty jugera of the meadow land. For my part, I can assure you of this, which is more in my line, that you will have a villa marvellously pleasant, with the addition of a fish-pond, spouting fountains, a palaestra, and a shrubbery … I much approved of your steward Nicephorius, and I asked him what orders you had given about that small building at Laterium, about which you spoke to me. He told me in answer that he had himself contracted to do the work for sixteen sestertia, but that you had afterwards made many additions to the work, but nothing to the price, and that he had therefore given it up. I quite approve, by Hercules, of your making the additions you had determined upon; although the villa as it stands seems to have the air of a philosopher, meant to rebuke the extravagance of other villas. Yet, after all, that addition will be pleasing. I praised your landscape gardener: he has 35 36

Translation Greenwood 1928. For Cicero, In Verrem 2. 4, see Lazzaretti 2006. For Cicero, Ad Quintum fratrem, see Bailey 1989.

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times so covered everything with ivy, both the foundation-wall of the villa and the spaces between the columns of the walk, that, upon my word, those Greek statues seemed to be engaged in fancy gardening, and to be shewing off the ivy. Finally, nothing can be cooler or more mossy than the dressing-room of the bath. That is about all I have to say about country matters. The gardener, indeed, as well as Philotimus and Cincius are pressing on the ornamentation of your town house; but I also often look in upon it myself, as I can do without difficulty. Wherefore don’t be at all anxious about that’.37 Continuing with Cicero, in 45 BC we find him looking for solace, following the death of his daughter Tullia, by staying all day in thick forests near Astura: ‘In this lonely place I have no one with whom to converse, and plunging into a dense and wild wood early in the day I don’t leave it till evening’ (Ad Atticum 12. 15).38 And in another letter to Atticus, the same year (13. 16), written at Arpinum, he confides that ‘[my] object was to find streams and solitary spots, in order the easier to keep up my spirits’.39 I.e. wild nature, far from society, is the ideal landscape for the sensitive and learned man; the pleasure of walking in the forest near the river Liris in the countryside of Arpinum is evoked by the same author in De legibus (1. 14-21): ‘We walk along the bank of the river Liris under the shadow of its foliage … walking beneath these lofty poplars, along these green and umbrageous banks … to this singing of birds and babbling of waters’.40 Cicero clearly also finds the island in the river Fibrenus a locus amoenus (De legibus 2. 1-7): ‘Let us pass over to the island which is surrounded by the Fibrenus … I am come to this delicious retreat …  Would you believe, that the pleasure I find here makes me almost despise the magnificent villas, the marble pavements, and the sculptured palaces? Who would not smile at the artificial canals which our great folks call their Niles and Euripi, after he had seen these beautiful streams? … When I can escape for a few days, especially in this delectable season, I usually come here, on account of the beauty of the scenery … your favourite island. How beautiful it appears! How bravely it stems the waves of the Fibrenus, whose divided waters lave its verdant sides, and soon rejoin their rapid currents! … Marcus: You justly commend the Liris, but my brother Quintus often tells me that your river Thyamis in Epirus is nothing inferior to it in beauty. Quintus: Doubtless you will acknowledge that nothing on earth equals the beauties of Atticus’s Amaltheum and its plane trees. But will it be agreeable to you, that we should repose here in the shade’.41 The attractions and heritage of Arcadia are also appreciated by Varro who proclaims Mercurius as ‘colonist of Arcadians’ (Saturae Menippeae, Endymiones, Frg. 110. 250, 7), no doubt with reference to the importance of Hermes in Arcadia and to the rural lifestyle of this region.42 Moreover, the same author reinforced the association of Arcadia with Rome by establishing that Dardanus, ancestor of Aeneas, was also an Arcadian from Pheneus (Varro, Antiquitates 37

Translation Shuckburgh 1900. Translation Winstedt 1912. On Cicero, Ad Atticum, see Bailey, Cicero 2014. Translation Windstedt. 40 Translation Yonge 1856. For De legibus, see Deligiannis 2017. 41 Translation Yonge 1856 with amendments. 42 For Saturae Menippeae, see Krenkel 2002. 38 39

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World rerum humanarum 2, Frg. 9 = Servius, Ad Vergili Aeneidos 3. 167). This theory became widely established thanks to its endorsement by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (1. 61-62) (referenced earlier).43 Additionally, Varro, supported the tradition that Evander settled a colony of Arcadians from Pallantium on Mt Palatine and founded a small town there,44 in his opinion his daughter Pallantia gave her name to the hill (Antiquitates rerum humanarum 2. Frg. 18; 7, Frg. 39; Antiquitates rerum divinarum 14. Frg.216; De lingua Latina 5. 21. 53). Since Varro was regarded a very reliable authority, this tradition must have been accepted as fact after him. In his treatise ‘On Agriculture’ (37 BC), Varro devotes the second book of this trilogy to livestock management. He observes (2. 1. 14) that ‘in Greece the asses of Arcadia are noted’, and that (2. 4. 12) Arcadia contains large sows and asses (2. 6. 1-2), and its mules are also praised (2. 8. 3); the author was obviously aware of the region’s renown in animal husbandry.45 (The region’s famed horses are confirmed by Philostratus, Imagines 1. 17). However, we must thank the young Vergil, in the time of the Second Triumvirate, for bringing the joys of Arcadia into the hearts and minds of Romans. In a poem attributed to him (Copa 9-22), the typical Arcadian bucolic idyll unfolds:46 ‘Beneath a Maenalian grot is a girl who sweetly chats; in shepherd’s mouth a rustic pipe does sound. And flattish wine there is, but lately poured from pitch-cemented cask, and, rustling by, a stream of water runs with murmur hoarse. And violets as well there are and wreaths of golden flowers, and purple garlands twined with yellow rose, and lilies gathered from her virgin river which the daughter of Achelous in wicker baskets brought. And cheeses small there are, which baskets made of rushes dry. And waxen are the plums from autumn days. And chestnuts, nuts as well, and apples blushing sweetly; Ceres here is dainty, so is Bacchus, so is Love. And ruddy mulberries there are, and grapes in heavy bunches, from its stalk as well the greenish cucumber does hang’.47 The lines contain all the main components of the ‘Arcadian Dream’ - seduction, grotto, shepherd’s pipe, wine, flowing water, flowers and wreaths, fruit and food a-plenty, and of course a general sense of happiness, and the presence of gods Demeter, Dionysus and Eros. The poem reveals that the location in Arcadia, specifically Mt Maenalus, of a situation of perfect contentment had become widely accepted in the literature, and would from now on be regarded within the cultural tradition as being indebted to Vergil. The standard notion of Arcadia is found in the Carmina Priapea, which was later also included in the Appendix Vergiliana. In one of the poems (36. 5), Pan is endowed with horns and defined as ‘Arcadian’, and in another (75. 7), he is regarded as the god of Mt Maenalus and Arcadian forests. In the same poem (75. 10), Hermes is proclaimed as the god of snow-covered Mt Cyllene.48 43

For Antiquitates, see Smith 2018: 1090-1118. For Antiquitates rerum divinarum, see Cardauns 1976. For De lingua Latina, see Kent 2014. For De re rustica, see Heurgon 1978-1998. 46 See Morgan 2017: 82-103. 47 Translation Mooney 1916 with amendments. 48 On the Carmina Priapea, see Plantade 2008. 44 45

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times Moving to the ‘Eclogues’, written between 42 and 39 BC, in the Fourth (58-59), Vergil imagines a musical competition between himself and Pan, with Arcadia personified as judge (see also Macrobius, Saturnalia 5. 14). This reference is important as it implies that this personification was a character in the Arcadian dreamscape. In the Seventh (2-5, 26), the characters Corydon and Thyrsis, both singers and shepherds, are specified as Arcadians, underscoring their skills in pastoral poetry. In the Eighth (21, 25, 28a, 31, 36, 42, 46, 51, 57, 61), the song made by flutes is defined as ’Maenalian’, in homage to the Arcadian tradition of this style of pastoral music. Mt Maenalus is lauded for its melodious groves, resounding pines, and its accompaniment to the loves of shepherds. Additionally, of course it was there that Pan was thought to have invented the flute (22-24). In the Tenth Eclogue (14-15), the pine-clad Mt Maenalus and the cold crags of Mt Lycaeus are imagined to have participated in the romantic sufferings of Cornelius Gallus. In the tale, Pan is regarded as ‘god of Arcadia’ (26), and Gallus (31-34) is supposed to have said that ‘you Arcadians will sing this tale to your hills, only Arcadians are skilled in song’, i. e. specifying he is referring to flute performances, and thus asserts the Arcadia’ role in the tradition of pastoral songs, and that (42-43) in Arcadia ‘are cold springs … soft meadows, here are the woods: here eternity itself to be spent with you’. Thus the springs, meadows, and groves of Arcadia constitute an enchanted landscape, that will never fade. The poet adds (55-57) that ‘I’ll wander with the Nymphs over Maenalus, or hunt fierce wild boar. No frosts will deter me from circling the glades of Parthenius with the hounds’,49 i. e. only around Mt Maenalus and Mt Parthenius is it possible to live a happy and satisfying life. Through Vergil’s ‘Eclogues’, the Arcadian landscape becomes therefore a perfect world, where one can enjoy a life of permanent peace, without trouble or pain.50 Turning to Vergil’s ‘Georgics’, of between 39 and 29 BC, the poet (1. 16-18), makes reference to ‘Tegean Pan, if you care for your own Maenalus, leaving your native Lycaean woods and glades, guardian of the flocks’, confirming the appeal of the Arcadian landscape as Pan’s natural habitat. The Third is devoted to animal husbandry with Arcadia seen highly valued on account of its pastoral tradition and the poet (2) exalts the ‘woods and rivers of Mount Lycaeus’. We have also a celebration (314-315) of the goats that ‘graze in the woods and on the heights of Lycaeus, among bristling briars, and thorn-bushes that love the heights’, with Pan invoked as ‘god of Arcadia’ (392). Aristaeus, the supposed discoverer of bee-keeping, is also lauded as an ‘Arcadian master’ (4. 283), and reference is made (538-539) to a herder of the bulls ‘that graze on your summits of green Lycaeus’.51 The setting of the pastoral dreamscape in Arcadia was secured by these works of Vergil. This identification prevailed over the Sicilian association, which, as we have seen, was also popular at least from the time of Stesichorus. Arcadia’s fame probably had something to do with the belief that this Peloponnesian region was thought to have contributed to the birth of Rome; to have been inhabited by the earliest of mankind; to be beloved by nymphs, heroes, and deities,

49

Translation Kline 2001. See Jones 2010. 51 Translation Kline 2001 a. For the Georgics, see Xynyue 2019. 50

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World and to represent a lifestyle at one with nature, modest and tranquil - a notion in keeping with Roman ideology that expounded nature’s inherent superiority over life in the city52. Sicily, on the other hand, may have suggested the negative opinion about Greeks (i. e. Danai dona ferentes) that was so embedded in the ideology of the Roman state; moreover this island was held by Sextus Pompeius and the Republican party until 36 BC and was thus likely to be regarded with suspicion in Octavian’s circle.53 Horace returned to the Arcadian Dream in his Odes, to be dated in the 20s BC, and few references can be cited: Faunus, the Roman Pan, is imagined to inhabit on Mt Lycaeus, among mountains, valleys, groves and goats (1. 17. 1-11);54 we have Diana (= Artemis) enjoying the groves of Mt. Erymanthus (1. 21. 1-8); and ‘the shepherds, with indolent sheep, in the soft grass, sing their songs to the sound of the pipes, and delight their god [Pan] who is pleased with the flocks, and is pleased by the dark hills of Arcadia’ (4. 12. 9-12).55 Again, these verses epitomise the essential components of Arcadian dreamscapes: shepherds, flocks, forest-covered hills, meadows, groves, pipes, and, of course, Pan. Reading these verses it becomes clear that the association of Arcadia with this ideal setting was obvious in the ninth decade of the 1st c. BC, when most of the poems in Horace’s fourth book of Odes were composed. Briefly referring to the same poet’s Epodes (before 30 BC) we find a mention (13. 9-10) of bucolic ‘Cyllenian’ poetry, i. e. from Mt Cyllene in northern Arcadia, again seeming to confirm that this region was understood as the obvious environment in which to enjoy the pastoral way of life, with its links to poetry and music. The Umbrian poet Propertius (1. 18. 20) defines the ‘pine beloved of the Arcadian god’ [Pan], in the context of an environment composed of endless mountains, rocky crags, and remote paths (27), reinforcing the traditional association of Arcadia with the typical pastoral landscape. The pain of love, the subject of this poem, is also an essential component of this ‘Arcadian’ landscape. Remaining with Propertius (3. 3. 25-36), he takes us along a mossy path leading to a grotto of pumice stone, and a pool, where we spy the nine Muses, a clay figure of Silenus, the reedpipes of Pan of Tegea, and numerous doves. One of the Muses is selecting ivy-wood for wands, another is tuning strings for a song, and a third plants roses. The setting described by the poet has several components of the iconic Arcadian landscape: a county path, a grotto, the music of Pan, birds, a pool, grass, flowers, sensuality personified by Silenus, and the song of the Muses, who are conceived as appealing girls (puellae). The association of Pan to Tegea is a nod to Arcadia, by now the accepted location for this ideal landscape.56 As for other poets of the time, we have Ovid’s mention of a Maenalian dog and a hare (Ars amatoria 1. 272), referring to the region as a traditional one for hunters, and his praise (Ars 52

See Varro, De re rustica 2. praefatio 1: Viri magni nostri maiores non sine causa praeponebant rusticos Romanos urbanis. See Kersten 2020. 54 For the Odes, see Rudd 2014. 55 Translation Kline 2005. 56 For Propertius, see, e. g., Bonamente 2018. 53

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times Amatoria 3. 147) for the tortoiseshell of Mt Cyllene, used for popular ornaments for women, thus re-interpreting typical ‘Arcadian Dream’ motifs associated with life of peace and pleasures.57 Antipater of Thessalonica (Anthologia Graeca 7. 390),58 evokes the stormy landscape of ‘Cyllene, the Arcadian mountain’ and (16. 305) defines the ‘horned god [Pan] as ‘Maenalian’’. Antiphanes of Megalopolis (Anthologia Graeca 9. 258)59 writes about a fountain and nymphs and his homeland (Megalopolis) suggests the setting of this fountain in south-western Arcadia. Calpurnius Siculus (Eclogue 4. 101), also celebrates ‘Parrhasian pipes’ and exalts ‘Lycaean Pan’ (1. 132-136) in a passage that epitomises the pastoral dream: ‘Lycean Pan himself revisits the groves and Faunus reclines untroubled in the lovely shade. The Naiad bathes in the unruffled stream and, free from the risk of treading on human gore, the Oread courses swiftly over mountain-ranges, her foot unstained’.60 This passage echoes the main components of this ideal habitat: Pan, groves, streams, Faunus, shade, mountains, and nymphs. The specification ‘Lycaean’ added to Pan suggests that this earthly paradise is located in Arcadia - specifically Mt Lycaeum.61 Nemesian (Eclogue 10. 11-14, 66) gives us Pan playing his pipes in the caves and valleys of Mt Maenalus.62 The Einsiedeln Eclogue 2 (15-20) describes a scene of goat sacrifice at an altar, accompanied by songs and the music of the pipes in the Maenalian region.63 Philip (Anthologia Graeca 6. 247)64 has Aesione, ‘daughter of Pallantia’ (the daughter of Evander), i. e. a lady of Pallantion in Arcadia, offering her weaving tools to Athena, symbolic of a modest, yet dignifyied, and chaste life. Columella (7. 1. 1) mentions the small donkeys of Arcadia.65 Petronius (124) cites Hermes with reference to Mt. Cyllene in Arcadia.66 Lucilius (Anthologia Graeca 11. 176), reports that a statue of Hermes stood in a gymnasium as a ‘ruler of the Arcadians’.67

57

For Ovid’s Ars amatoria, see, e. g., Heldmann 2001. See Degani 1997g: 779-780. 59 See Degani 1997h: 782. 60 Translation Duff 1935. 61 See Vinchesi 2014. 62 See Walter 1988. 63 On these poems, see Korzeniewski 1971. 64 See Albiani 2000g: 810-811. 65 See Ash 2014. 66 See Schmeling 2020. 67 See Herrmann 1958. 58

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World The celebrated site of Olympia is now sometimes regarded as ‘Arcadian’ (e. g. anonymous, Anthologia Graeca 9. 21 and Nicarchus, Anthologia Graeca 11. 82).68 Nicarchus stresses the Arcadian pedigree of the myth of the Stymphalian birds (Anthologia Graeca 11. 96). Statius (Silvae1. 2. 18) defines Hermes as Tegeaticus, located in the shade of Mt. Maenalus, an allusion to the forests which cover this mountain. Apuleius (Metamorphoses 6. 7) defines Hermes as ‘Arcadian’.69 Oppian (Cynegetica 1. 368-375, 395) praises the hunting dogs of Arcadia, specifically from Tegea,70 and Echo is labeled ‘Arcadian’ (Anthologia Graeca 16. 156). Specifically on Heracles, Augeas’ cattle grazed in Arcadia (Anthologia Graeca 14. 4), and there are also the hero’s Labours of the Maenalian Hind (Anthologia Graeca 16. 91), the Erymanthian Boar and the Stymphalian Birds are recorded (Anthologia Graeca 16. 92, 156). Arcadia is ‘rich in sheep’ (Anthologia Graeca 14. 73): Arcadia has clearly become a land of marvels. The dedication of an Arcadian hat (pilos) to Arcadian Hermes is reported by Ammianus (Anthologia Graeca 11. 150);71 the public baths of Tegea are regarded as ‘marvelous’ (Anthologia Graeca 16. 280); an Arcadian herd is evoked by Ausonius (Epigrams 5);72 Jerome (Chronicon, ad annum 1483), records that ‘Arcas the son Jupiter of  and Callisto, after bringing the Pelasgii back into subjection named their region Arcadia Arcadia’73, thus confirming the remote antiquity of the Arcadian mythical ancestry.74 Architecture and the visual arts In the field of the visual arts, during the Late Republican period, private residential architecture often reveals a link between natural beauties (gardens, meadows, groves, rivers, etc.) and built-up areas, i. e. between ars and natura. This is evidenced especially at many important Roman villas (Figure 56) - the enjoyment of landscapes and seascapes was often also a primary concern of the patrons and architects of these villas.75 In many cases the ‘domus’ also integrate the verdant surroundings76 (Figure 57). In this period, and especially from the third quarter of the 1st c. BC, Rome began to create large parks, with statues, gardens, groves, meadows, fountains, hills, and temple-like pavilions, all 68

See Schatzmann 2012. See Hanson 2014. 70 On book 1 of Oppian’s Kynegetika, see Schmitt 1969. 71 See Degani 1997i: 596. 72 See L. Canali, Ausonius, Epigrammi, Catanzaro (2007). 73 Translation Pearse 2005 with amendments. 74 See Donaldson 1996. 75 The bibliography on Roman Late Republican villas is huge; suffice it to cite here only Gros 2001: 265-313. 76 Again, on Roman Late Republican houses, we cite only Gros 2001: 60-92. 69

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times

Figure 56: Plan of the ‘Villa of Mysteries’ (Pompeii, Italy).

associated with sacred, idyllic landscapes (horti Luculliani, horti Sallustiani etc.) (Figure 58).77 These large spaces, devoted to the spiritual well being of owners and visitors, must have strengthened the notion that only by escaping from the travails of community life can true happiness be achieved by learned and thoughtful individuals. (In this period, too, funerary monuments were now sometimes displayed in parks).78 The idealisation of meadows and groves in the sculpture of the 1st c. BC is the deepening of a genre already shown by the previously considered Dionysiacal and Erotic groups, imagined inside typical Arcadian environments:79 these have already introduced their viewers to isolated environments where marvellous tales unfold and sensory instincts and eros are satisfied. This trend toward idyllic representations peaked with the Grimani reliefs at Praeneste, which decorated the fountain of Verrius Flaccus in the late 1st c. BC. (Figures 59-61) with scenes of a saw, ewe, and lioness suckling their respective offspring among rural settings and sacred buildings. 80 77

See the collection of the relevant evidence in M. Frass, Antike Römische Gärten, Vienna (2006). See Gros 2001: 392-467. 79 For these groups, see Vorster 2007. 80 See Schollmeyer 2010: 32-35, with figs. 14-15 in the text and 40 a-b, and with bibliography at pp. 299 and 354. 78

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 57: Plan of the ‘Villa of Livia ad gallinas albas’, Rome.

Accordingly, these reliefs promoted landscapes of trees, meadows and livestock as being natural, ideal, and sacred, and thus healthy, in obvious contrast to city environments. From the period of the Second Triumvirate (c. 40 BC) we see the blossoming of sacral, idyllic painting: representations of groves, meadows, hills, cattle, scenes of pastoral and rustic life, statues, small temples, altars, and other sacred pavilions, all give an aura of enchantment to these landscapes (Figures 62-70).81 The painter who introduced this genre may have been Studius. According to Pliny (35. 116117), he lived in ‘the period of the deified Augustus’ and he ‘first introduced the most attractive fashion of painting walls with pictures of country houses and porticoes and landscape 81

On this genre of painting, see Silberberg 1985.

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times

Figure 58: Colour image of ancient Rome, with the parks (horti) shown in green.

gardens, groves, woods, hills, fish-ponds, canals, rivers, coasts, and whatever anybody could desire, together with various sketches of people going for a stroll or sailing in a boat or on land going to country houses riding on asses or in carriages, and also people fishing and fowling or hunting or even gathering the vintage. His works include splendid villas approached by roads across marshes men tottering and staggering along carrying women on their shoulders for a bargain, and a number of humorous drawings of that sort besides, extremely wittily designed. He also introduced using pictures of seaside cities to decorate uncovered terraces, giving a most pleasing effect and at a very small expense’.82 Wall paintings representing rural scenes of grass, trees, bushes and birds, but without humans, are a related genre: the most obvious example is the garden painting of the Livia’s villa ad gallinas albas, which probably dates before her marriage to Augustus in 39 BC (Figure 71).83 Such subjects did not became fashionable by chance, but coincided with the appearance of Vergil’s ‘Eclogues’, i. e. a visual representation of the great poet’s pastoral Arcadia: ideal, 82 83

Translation Rackham 1952. See Ling 1977: 1-16. See Settis and Donati 2008.

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figures 59-61: ‘The Grimani Reliefs’ (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum and Palestrina, National Archaeological Museum).

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times

Figures 62-63: Wall painting in cubiculum of the villa of P. Fannius Synistor (Boscoreale, Italy).

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 64: Wall painting in atrium of the ‘Villa of Mysteries’ (Pompeii, Italy).

Figure 65: Wall painting in cubiculum of the villa of P. Fannius Synistor (Boscoreale, Italy).

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times

Figure 66: Wall painting of the Villa of Agrippa Postumus (Boscotrecase, Italy).

Figure 67: Wall painting of the Villa of Agrippa Postumus (Boscotrecase, Italy).

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World dreamy environments where the Roman elite imagined they could lead serene lives, in contact with nature, far from all the cares and problems of the city. Such thinking went hand in hand with a growing awareness of the positive value of solitude in the decades between the Late Republican and Augustan time.84 From this cultural moment onwards, the notion of the pastoral world as an enchanted environment endowed with serenity, beauty, love and closeness to the gods, will become an important feature of Roman culture, and, in due course, be extended also to Europe more generally. And with this we conclude our outline of the birth and development of the ‘Arcadian Dream’, from the times of Homer to the beginning of Imperial Rome.

Figure 68: Yellow frieze in the reception room of the House of Livia (Rome).

84

Although not a recent work, the reconstruction of this cultural milieu in Grimal 1969 is still pivotal.

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The Arcadian Dream in late Hellenistic times

Figure 69: Wall painting in the Rome, ‘room of the Masks’, House of Augustus (Rome).

Figure 70: Wall painting in the villa under the Farnesina (Rome).

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The Birth and Development of the Idealized Concept of Arcadia in the Ancient World

Figure 71: Wall painting from the ‘Villa of Livia ad gallinas albas’ at Rome (Rome, Roman National Museum).

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178

Index of testimonia Aelian, De natura animalium 1. 59; 39 2. 23; 44 3. 27; 3 6. 63; 103 11. 6; 104 Varia historia 10. 18; 8 21; 44 13. 1; 86 6; 102 Aeschylus, Frgs.196 Sommerstein; 21 204 Sommerstein; 21 Aesop 1; 12 5; 12 9; 12 12; 12 27-28; 12 31; 12 34; 12 36; 12 39-40; 12 46; 12 55; 12 60-61; 12 63; 12 67; 12 76; 12 80-82; 12 85; 12 87; 12 95; 12 102; 12 108; 12 110; 12 114-115; 12 119; 12 122-123; 12 126; 12 130; 12 132; 12 134; 12 137; 12 141; 12 144; 12



146; 12 155; 12 157; 12 164; 12 166; 12 168; 12 170-171; 12 174; 12 176-178; 12 182; 12 185-187; 12 190-193; 12 196-201; 12 204-205; 12 205; 12 207-209; 12 211-212; 12 214; 12 216-217; 12 219; 12 221; 12 223-224; 12 226-229; 12 231; 12 233-234; 12 236-237; 12 239-241; 12 243; 12 247; 12 249; 12 255-262; 12 264-271; 12 273-274; 12 277-281; 12 283-290; 12 292-293; 12 295-297; 12 301-306; 12 310; 12 312-328; 12 330; 12 333; 12 339-341; 12 179

345; 12 347; 12 350-355; 12 357-358; 12 Alcaeus, Frg. 45 Campbell; 7 115 Campbell; 8 Alcaeus Comicus, Frg. 17 K-A; 59 Alcaeus of Messene, Anthologia Graeca 16. 226; 91 Alciphron, 2. 31; 34 Alcman, Frgs. 39-40 Page-Davies; 7 89-90 Page-Davies; 7 Alexander of Magnesia, Anthologia Graeca 6. 182; 111 Ammianus, Anthologia Graeca 11. 150; 156 Anacreon, Frgs. 346 Campbell; 13 357 Campbell; 13 Anacreontea 41; 13 46; 13 Anonymus TGFr ii 646 a = Storey 3. 422423; 35 Anonymus, Frgs.124-126 Edmonds; 53 128 Edmonds; 53 131 Edmonds; 53 92 Page; 53 123 Page; 53 Anthologia Graeca 3. 2; 109, 139 6. 37; 110 42; 110 87; 110 177; 111 7. 313-320; 34 717; 112 9. 21; 156 142; 112 317; 84 373-374; 112, 113 448; 3 14. 4; 156 73; 156 76; 18 78; 18 16.12; 114 17; 114 26 a; 116 91-92; 156 156; 114, 156

227; 115 280 156 Antipater of Sidon, Anthologia Graeca 6. 14; 109 109; 110 111; 110 7. 413; 112 9.72; 112 720-724; 113 728; 113 16.305; 115 Antipater of Thessalonica, Anthologia Graeca 7. 390; 155 9. 26; 81 16.305; 155 Antiphanes, Frgs. 42-43 K-A; 60 Antiphanes of Megalopolis, Anthologia Graeca 9. 258; 155 Anyte, Anthologia Graeca 6. 123; 81 153; 81 312; 81 7. 190; 81 202; 81 208; 81 215; 81 486; 81 490; 81 538; 82 646; 82 649; 82 724; 82 9. 144; 82 313-314; 82 745; 82 16. 228; 82 231; 82 291; 82 Aphoreus, TrGF1. 73; 59 Apollodorus 2. 2. 2; 5, 9, 109 3. 7. 6-8; 94 8.1-2; 109 9.1; 7, 109 Apuleius, Florida 14; 85 Metamorphoses 6. 7; 156 Archetimus, FGrH 3125, Frg. 1; 61 Archias of Antioch, Anthologia Graeca 6. 16; 145 180

179-181; 146 7.191; 146 213; 146 16.154; 148 Archias of Mitylene, Anthologia Graeca 7. 796; 89 Archilochus Frgs. 30-31 West; 7 196 a + 188 West; 7 Archippus, Frg. 50 Storey; 34 Ariaethus, FGrH 316, Frgs. 1-8; 93 Aristippus, FGrH 317, Frgs. 1-4; 93 Aristophanes, Acharnians 32; 35 Birds 1093-1101; 36 Clouds 43-45; 35 269-272; 35 Frogs 440-453; 37 Knights 805; 35 Peace 557-558; 36 572-578; 36 585-586; 36 592-600; 36 706-708; 36 1159-1171; 36 Aristotle, De mundo 1. 391 a; 51 De mirabilibus auscultationibus 15; 51 82; 51 84; 51 113-114; 52 Magna moralia 1. 28. 1192b; 52 Politics 6. 2. 1318b. 21-23; 44 Problemata 30. 1. 953 a; 52 Rhetorica 2. 24. 7. 1401b; 52 Topica 2. 11. 115b; 50 Arrian 3. 4. 1-2; 56 5. 2. 5-7; 58 6.29. 4; 57 7. 20. 3-4; 56 8.27. 2; 59 31.1-7; 59 37.3-4; 59 10; 59 Astydamas, TrGF1.60. 4a; 59 Athenaeus 1. 31 f; 86 4. 154 d; 18, 92 5. 196. 25; 93 7. 279; 51, 61 283 a-c; 105

8. 331-332; 93 11. 465 d; 93 479 c; 93 481 d; 18 12.546; 51 554 c-e; 99 13. 608 d -609 f; 18, 54 14. 619 a-d; 9, 54 626 b; 117 15. 694d; 52 Aurelius Victor, Origo gentis Romanae 5.18.5; 118, 119 Ausonius, Epigrams 5; 156 Autocrates, Frg. 1 Storey; 34 Bacchylides, Victory Odes11. 55-58; 22 92-96; 22 106-112; 22 Callimachus, Anthologia Graeca 7. 518; 89 Hymns3. 87-109; 92 233-236; 92 Iambi1. 32-50; 18 Callisthenes (Pseudo-) 3. 5. 1-2; 59 17. 3, 29-30; 59 21. 1-5; 57 28.3-5; 59 Callistratus 8. 2; 70 Calpurnius Siculus, Eclogues 4; 155 10; 155 Cassius Hemina, Annales1, Frg. 3; 118 Cato, De agri cultura 139; 108 Origines 2. Frg. 56 Schoenberger; 118 Chaeremon, TrGF1.71. Frg. 1; 54, 59 Chariton 6. 4. 6; 3 Christodorus, Anthologia Graeca 2. 136-143; 80 Cicero, Ad Atticum 12. 15; 151 13. 16; 151 Ad Quintum fratrem3. 1; 150 De legibus 1. 14-21; 151 2.1-7; 151 In Verrem 2. 2. 87; 149 4.107; 149 Cleophon, TrGF 1. 77; 59 Columella 7. 1. 1; 155 Ctesias, FGrH 688, Frg. 11; 56 Damostratus, Anthologia Graeca 9. 328; 112 Demetrius, Anthologia Graeca 9. 730; 113 181

Diodorus 14. 80. 2; 40 16.41. 5; 40 17.50. 1-4; 57 75.2; 57 4-7; 58 19.21. 3; 59 Diogenes Laertius 1. 25-26; 17 107-108; 17 112; 17 3. 46, 3.7; 44 4.2; 50, 51 3. 19; 50 7.174; 85 9.1. 3; 18 11.63; 50 36; 34 38 34 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, On literary composition 26; 32 Roman Antiquities 1. 11. 1-4; 125 12.1; 125 13.1,3; 126 14.1-2; 126 31.1-4; 126 32.1-5; 126 33.1-5; 127 34.1-2; 127 40.1-2; 127 42.3; 127 43.1; 128 60.3; 128 61.1-2-62; 128, 152 79.8; 128 80.1; 128 84.3; 128 89.1-2; 128 2.1.2-3; 128 2, 35.7; 128 Dionysius Periegetes 414-417; 99 560; 15 Dioscurides, Anthologia Graeca 9. 734; 113 Diotimus, Anthologia Graeca 6. 267; 88 Einsiedeln Eclogae 2; 155 Ennius, Tragedies, Frg. 187 GoldbergManuwald; 108 Eratosthenes, Catasterismi1; 92 Erycius, Anthologia Graeca 6. 96; 145

7.174; 146 9.237; 147 558; 147 824; 147 Eubulus, Frg. 14 K-A; 60 Eudoxus, Descriptio terrarum 5, Frgs.313-315 Lasserre; 56 Euripides, Frgs. 88 Collard-Cropp; 32 125 Collard-Cropp; 32 773 Collard-Cropp; 32 Alcestis 569-587; 28 Andromache 274-286; 29 Bacchae 699-711; 30 865-876; 31 951-952; 31 1051-1057; 31 Helena 187-190; 30 676-678; 30 Hercules 781-792; 29 Hippolytus 73-83; 28 208-211; 29 215-218; 29 225; 29 732-734; 29 742-751; 29 Ion 1078-1086; 30 Iphigenia in Aulis 182-184; 31 573-580; 31 1291-1308; 32 Phoenissae 226-228; 30 Rhesus 546-555; 28 Troiades 214-217; 29 1066-1070; 30 Eusebius, Chronography 102; 136 Eustathius, Ad Homeri Odysseiam1860. 5254; 44 Florus 1. 9; 135 Gellius 1. 10. 2; 135 15. 20. 5; 33 Glaucus, Anthologia Graeca 9. 341; 90 Harmodius, FGrH319, Frgs. 1-3; 93 Heraclides Lembus, On constitutions 27; 118 Hermippus, FGrH1026, Frg. 78; 18, 50 Hermocreon, Anthologia Graeca 9. 327; 89 16.11; 114 Herodas, Mimiamb 8; 87 Herodotus 1. 66-68; 18, 102, 135 182

Hesiod, Works 29; 4 38-39; 4 60-105; 4 174-201; 4 219-264; 4 270-272; 4 373-375; 4 582-596; 4 Theogony 571-613; 4 Homer, Hymni 1. 9-24; 3, 69 5-16; 3 417-429; 3 Iliad 2. 686-694; 1 719-724; 1 771-779; 1 4. 512-513; 1 6. 132-133; 69 200-202; 1 11. 401-411; 1 600-601 1 Odyssey 1. 187-193; 1 5. 81-83; 1 151-158; 1 6. 102-109; 2 9. 116-162; 1 11. 187-196; 1 24. 226-234; 1 248-250; 1 Horace, Odes1. 17, 21; 154 4.12; 154 Epodes 13; 154 Satires 1. 3. 91; 124 Hyginus, Fabulae 30; 102 70; 102 75; 75 97; 94 99; 60 155; 60 162; 60 176-177; 60 206; 98 224-225; 61, 98 242; 98 244; 61 246; 98 253; 99 270; 61

274-275; 98 277; 98 Ibycus, Frgs. 282 Campbell; 14 286 Campbell; 14 315 Campbell; 14 317 Campbell; 14 Isidorus 15. 3. 5; 137 Jamblichus, Life of Pythagoras 23; 17 33; 17 Jerome, Chronicon, ad annum 1483; 156 Jiulius Valerius 3. 5, 17; 59 21; 57 28; 59 Jordanes, De summa temporum 90; 137 Justin 12.7. 7-8; 58 43.1; 120 Leonidas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 35; 88 154; 87 188; 87 221; 88 262-263; 88 334; 88 7.657; 89 9.318; 89 326; 89 744; 90 16. 190; 91 230; 91 458-459 Page; 91 Life of Aratus 15; 92 Livy, 1.5.1-2; 124 7.3; 124 7.14; 124 24. 3. 1; 108 Lucian, Amores 11-13; 62 Timon 6; 34 8; 34 25; 34 42-43; 34 True History 2. 32; 34 Lucilius, Anthologia Graeca 11. 176; 155 Lucretius 2. 29-33; 148 317-320; 148 4.573-589; 148 5.1384-1411; 149 Macrobius, Saturnalia 1. 5; 137 22; 104 183

3.1; 104 3.6-7; 137 11-12; 137 4.6; 137 5.8; 137 14; 137 21; 137 7.2; 137 Malalas, Chronographia 6. 24. 168; 137 Maximus Tyrius, Dissertationes 6; 34 Meleager, Anthologia Graeca 5. 139; 109 7.196; 111 535; 111 9.363; 112 12.129; 114 Menander, The farmer 73-83; 87 The peevish fellow 6-10; 87 32-34; 87 169-170; 87 333; 87 743-746; 87 Unidentified play 2 Arnott; 87 Mnasalcas, Anthologia Graeca 7. 192; 89 Moero, Anthologia Graeca 6. 189; 88 Moises of Chorene, History of Armenia 1. 16; 56 Moschus 2. 28-36; 115 63-71; 115 3.3-7; 115 23-24; 116 55; 116 80-84; 116 4.7-8; 116 11-12; 116 Mucius Scaevola, Anthologia Graeca 9. 217; 147 Musaeus, Hero et Leander153-157; 103 Myrinus, Anthologia Graeca 6. 108; 145 7.703; 146 Nepos, Atticus13. 2; 148 Nicarchus, Anthologia Graeca 9. 330; 90 11.82; 156 96; 156 Nicias historicus, FGrH 318, Frg. 1; 18, 105 Nicias poeta, Anthologia Graeca 16. 188-189; 115

Nicodemus, Anthologia Graeca 6. 315; 88, 146 317; 70 Nicomachus, FGrH1063, frg. 2; 18 Nonnus 13. 286-308; 104 Olympiodorus, Life of Plato 1; 44 Oppian, Cynegetica 1. 368-375; 156 395; 156 Orpheus, Argonautica 1105-1202; 14 Hymns10; 15 23; 15 42; 15 50; 15 Ovid, Aeneidos argumenta dechastica 8, 11; 134 Amores 1. 7. 13-14; 94 3. 6. 29-30; 95 12. 31; 60 Ars amatoria 1. 272; 154 2. 55; 95 185-194; 94 3.147; 155 Fasti 1.461-586; 128 617-636; 130 2.153-192; 97 267-424; 130 3. 84; 133 4. 65; 133 650; 133 5. 87-102; 98, 133 663-664; 98 6.503-532; 133 Ibis 348; 94 Metamorphoses 1. 689-721; 95 2. 401-507; 95 9. 394-438; 94 15. 322-334; 97 Remedia amoris 455-456; 92 Tristia 1.3. 48; 60 2.190; 60 3.2. 2; 60 11.8; 60 Pacuvius, Antiopa, Frg. 3 Warmington; 108 Atalanta, Frgs. 49-78 Warmington; 108 Chryses, Frg. 87 Warmington; 108 Thraldorestes, Frg. 133 Warmington; 108 Pausanias 1. 40. 2-3; 48 44. 4; 48 184

2.38. 7; 82 5.17. 2; 20 6. 19. 8; 20 7. 21. 10; 82 8. 3. 6; 100 9. 1; 77 3; 77 12. 8-9; 135 16. 1; 100 18. 8; 22 24. 8-1; 94 13-14; 18 30. 10; 77 35. 8; 75, 100 36. 8; 100 43. 2; 135 47. 4; 19 49. 1-51. 1; 116 9. 39. 4; 70 10. 9. 5-6; 76 31. 10; 76 Petronius 124; 155 Perses, Anthologia Graeca 6. 112; 87 Pherecrates, Frgs. 113-114 Storey; 35 137 Storey; 35 158 Storey; 35 Pherecydes, FGrH 3. Frg. 156; 23 Philip, Anthologia Graeca 6. 247; 155 Philo, Pneumatica 59; 105 Philostratus, Heroicus 8. 3; 102 Imagines 1. 17; 152 2. 32; 102 Philoxenus, Frg. 829 Campbell; 37 Philyllius, Frgs. 3-5 K-A; 60 Phlegon, Marvels 4. 1-3; 5 Photius, Library 190. 1; 99 3; 99 5; 99 Pindar, Frgs. 95 Race; 22 129 Race; 21 134 Race; 22 Olympic Odes 2. 71-7; 31 3.26-28; 22 30-32; 22 6. 84; 22 100; 22 Plato,Anthologia Graeca 6. 43; 43

9. 823; 42 9. 826-827; 43 16. 13; 43 16. 210; 43, 69 Axiochus 371c-d; 44 Critias 113e – 118b; 41 Ion 534 a-b; 42 Laws 1. 625 b-c; 42 Phaedo110c – 111c; 40 Phaedrus 229b – 230c; 41 Politicus 272 a-c; 42 Symposium 210a-212b; 44 Pliny 4. 20;; 134 7. 151; 18 14.116; 86 35. 94; 78 116-117; 158 36. 24; 83 Plutarch, Alcibiades 24. 5; 40 Artaxerxes 25.1; 40 Antony 69. 4-71; 34, 148 Caesar 61. 1; 135 Coriolanus 3. 1; 135 Demetrius 52. 2-3; 85 Demosthenes 7. 3; 50 Dinner of the Seven Wise Men 148 b-c; 17 160 a-f; 17 Greek and Roman Parallel Stories 36. 1; 61 Names of Rivers 19; 56 Numa 4. 1; 12 Romulus 13. 2; 135 21.2-3; 135 X Orators844 d-f; 50 Timoleon 5. 3; 50 Pollux 5. 48; 83 Polybius 4. 20. 1 – 21. 4; 116 33. 5; 117 8-9; 117 Pratinas, Frg. 708 Campbell; 14 Propertius 1. 1. 9-15; 103 15. 15-16; 92 18; 92 28. 25-26; 94 3.3; 154 4. 1.4; 125 Questions of King Milinda 1. 2; 118 5.4; 118 185

22.2; 118 7. 6. 54. 7-8; 118 Rhianus, Anthologia Graeca 6. 34; 110 Rufus 5. 4. 5-9; 57 7.2. 22; 57 8.1. 11-13; 58 10. 1. 11; 59 13-17; 58, 59 Sappho, Frgs. 2 Campbell; 8 34 Campbell; 8 96 Campbell; 8 104 Campbell; 8 122 Campbell; 8 136 Campbell; 8 143 Campbell; 8 154 Campbell; 8 168 Campbell; 8 Satyrius, Anthologia Graeca 6. 11; 109 Satyrus, Life of Euripides 4. 23 Frgs. 39, cols. 9 Schorn; 33 21 Schorn; 33 Satyrus poeta, Anthologia Graeca 10. 11; 90 13; 91 16.153; 114 Scylax 108-110; 16 112; 16 Scymnus 842-859; 116 Seneca, Hercules Furens 222-229; 99 Hercules Oetaeus16; 78 Servius, Ad Vergili Aeneidos 3. 167; 152 8. 51-52; 120, 137 54; 137 127; 137 129-131; 137 142; 137 148; 137 156-157; 137 159; 137 165-166; 137 173; 137 185; 137 190; 137 205; 137 248; 137 268-269; 137 271; 137 282; 137

285; 137 313; 137 331; 137 336-337; 137 342-345; 137 352; 137 363; 137 459; 137 464; 137 532; 137 545; 137 547; 137 552; 137 588; 137 9.10; 137 11.141-142; 137 Sibylline Oracles 265; 137 Silius Italicus 6. 631-636; 134 7.17-18; 134 12.709-710; 134 13.816-817; 134 Simmias, Anthologia Graeca 7. 22; 27 Simonides, Frg.579 Campbell; 21 Solinus 1. 1; 136 8; 136 10; 136 14; 136 127; 18 2. 3; 136 7; 136 7. 11-13; 94, 118, 136 Sophocles, Frg. 320 Lloyd-Jones; 27 Oedipus Coloneus 670-693; 26 Oedipus Tyrannus1099-1109; 26 Philoctetes1-2; 27 16-21; 27 1453-1464; 27 Trachiniae 632-643; 27 Statius, Thebaid 4. 246-344; 100 Stesichorus, Geryoneis, Frg. 3 Curtis; 8 Frg. 279 Campbell; 8 Strabo 5. 3. 3; 120 Suda, s. v. Aristarchos; 34 Callimachus; 92 Tacitus, Annales 15. 41; 135 Tatian 33. 2-3; 83 Teleclides, Frg. 1 Storey; 35 186

Theocritus, Anthologia Graeca 9. 338; 90 433; 90 437; 90 Idylls 1. 123-126; 91 2.48-49; 92 3.45; 92 7.106-107; 92 22.157; 92 Theognis 1. 27-260; 13 267-370; 13 373-406; 13 409-412; 13 415-456; 13 465-466; 13 511-526; 13 529-530; 13 535-626; 13 631-768; 13 773-788; 13 793-816; 13 821-836; 13 841-860; 13 865-872; 13 885-938; 13 945-958; 13 963-972; 13 979-982; 13 991-992; 13 1003-1016; 13 1023-1038; 13 1043-1044; 13 1047-1054; 13 1059-1068; 13 1071-1090; 13 1095-1186; 13 1195-1224; 13 2.1235-1240; 13 1247-1248; 13 1259-1270; 13 1305-1318; 13 1367-1368; 13 1377-1380; 13 Theophrastus, Historia plantarum 1. 9. 2; 85 4; 86 3. 2. 5; 86 3. 3. 4; 86 4. 7. 8; 86

5. 8. 3; 86 9. 15. 7; 86 18.10; 86 Theopompus, FGrH 115, Frgs. 31; 55 75c; 55 215; 55 Thucydides 8. 68. 1; 34 Thyillus, Anthologia Graeca 6. 170; 145 Timotheus TrGF 1. 56; 59 Tzetzes, Chiliades Historiae 7. 30. 273-286; 34 8. 344-345; 33 Valerius Maximus 2. 2. 9; 134 7. 1. 2; 18 8.7 ext. 4; 34 Varro, Antiquitates rerum divinarum14, Frg. 216; 120, 152 Antiquitates rerum humanarum 2, Frgs. 9; 120, 152 18; 120, 152 7, Frg. 39 120, 152 De lingua Latina 5. 21; 120, 152 53; 120 On Agriculture 2. Praefatio 1; 154 1. 14; 152 4.12; 152 6.1-2; 152 8.3; 152 Saturae Menippeae, Frg. 110. 250. 7; 151 Vergil, Aeneid 8. 51-56; 120 98-203; 121 268-369; 122 455-469; 123 541-555; 123 558-594; 123 9. 8-9; 124 11. 25; 124 140-144; 124 12.184; 124 Carmina Priapea 36; 152 75; 152 Copa 9-22; 152 Eclogues 4. 58-59; 153 7.2-5; 153 26; 153 8.21-24; 153 25; 153 187

28a; 153 31; 153 36; 153 42; 153 46; 153 51; 153 57; 153 61; 153 10. 14-15; 153 26; 153 31-34; 153 42-43; 153 55-57; 153 Georgics1. 16-18; 153 2; 153 314-315; 153 392; 153 4.283; 153 538-539; 153 Vitruvius 8. 3. 16; 94 21; 94 27; 94 Xenophon, Anabasis 1. 2. 7-9; 38 4.10; 38 2.4. 14; 38 5.3. 7-12; 38 Cyropaedia 1. 2. 3; 37 6; 37 3. 14; 37 4. 5; 37 7-17; 37 6. 28-29; 37 44; 37 2. 4. 18-21; 37 3. 1. 38; 37 3.5; 37 4. 6. 2-4; 37 5. 1. 2-8; 37 18; 37 2. 18-20; 37 6. 1. 31-47; 37 4. 2-11; 37 8. 1. 34-37; 37 6. 12; 37 8.12; 37 Hellenica 4. 1. 15-16, 33; 38 Oeconomicus 4. 13-14; 39

20-24; 39 9; 39 Zonas, Anthologia Graeca 6. 106; 145 9.556; 147 Zosimus, Anthologia Graeca 6. 15; 110 183; 111 184; 111 185; 111

188