The Balkans in Later Prehistory: Periodization, Chronology and Cultural Development in the Final Copper and Early Bronze Age (Fourth and Third Millennia BC) 9781841711089, 9781407351186

Table of contents :
Front Cover
Copyright
Dedication
Acknowledgments
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Abbreviations
Table I
Part 1: Introduction and setting
Chapter 1: Goal, data-base and methods
Chapter 2: Recent investigations on Balkan prehistory in the Fourth and Third Millennia BC: An outline
Chapter 3: Balkan early prehistory: Culture sequence and chronology
Chapter 4: Landscape, environment and micro-regions
Chapter 5: Balkan later prehistoric record (tells, open settlements, caves and burials)
Part 2: Cultural and ceramic sequence and chronology
Chapter 6: Final Copper Age (c. 4050 BC — 3600 BC)
Chapter 7: Cernavoda I culture
Chapter 8: Early, Bronze I (3600/3400 BC — 3000 BC)
Chapter 9: Early Bronze II (3000 — 2500/2450 BC)
Chapter 10: Early Bronze III (2500/2450 BC — 2000 BC)
Chapter 11: Early Bronze Age in Romania
Chapter 12: Synchronizations
Part 3: Development and interactions
Chapter 13: Settlement pattern
Chapter 14: Subsistence economy
Chapter 15: Metallurgy
Chapter 16: Social strategies
Chapter 17: Anthropomorphic figurines
Chapter 18: Early Bronze cultural pattern in Romania
Chapter 19: Cultural Interactions
Part 4: Burial customs
Chapter 20: Settlement burials
Chapter 21: Graveyards and single flat graves
Chapter 22: Tumulus burials of the Pit Grave Culture
Chapter 23: Tumuli of the Balkan local cultures
Concluding remarks
Table A
REFERENCES

Citation preview

The Balkans in Later Prehistory Periodization, Chronology and Cultural Development in the Final Copper and Early Bronze Age (Fourth and Third Millennia BC)

Lolita Nikolova With contributions by Igor Manzura and Cristian Schuster

BAR International Series 791 1999

Published in 2019 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 791 The Balkans in Later Prehistory © The author and contributors individually and the Publisher 1999 The authors’ moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher. ISBN 9781841711089 paperback ISBN 9781407351186 e-book DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841711089 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library This book is available at www.barpublishing.com BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by John and Erica Hedges in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 1999. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2019.

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To my brother

Acknowledgments

First of all, I am extremely thankful to Mr. J. Hedges who has endorsed and carried out publishing this study. I deeply acknowledge and wannly thank Prof. J. Maran for his exceptional hospitality at the Institute of Prehistory and Early History - The University of Heidelberg, where I composed the book for printing in 1999 with a Grant of the Conference of the German Academy of Sciences. But the biggest part of the monograph has been already completed in 1998 at University of California in Berkeley, California. I would like to thank Prof. R. Tringham and Prof. M. Conkey who have supported my research there. The part on the burial customs of the Pit Grave Culture was partially elaborated in Zurich where I researched in 19931994 with a Grand of the Institute for Southeastern Europe there. I am indebted to my host-professor at Zurich University - Prof. M. Primas. The monograph could not be possible without the long- term assistance of my colleagues, in different ways. I express my special thanks to Assoc. Prof. K. Leshtakov (University of Sofia) who has supported my explorations in the field of Early Bronze Age, especially during last years. Assoc. Prof. A. Bonev has given me inestimable guidance during the excavations on the Dubene tell. Discussions and consultations have enlarged my understanding of later Balkan prehistory, particularly with: Dr. I. Manzura, Assoc. Prof. R. Katincharov, Prof. M. Garasanin, Prof. P. Roman, Prof. N. Tasic, Prof. H. Parzinger, Prof. N. Ya. Merpert, Prof. S. Hiller, Dr. I. Vajsov, Dr. C. Schuster , Dr. A. Bank.off, Dr. E. Christmann, Dr. D. Bailey, Prof. M. Ozdogan , Prof. J. Best, Dr. M. Stojic, Dr. D. Garasanin , Dr. D. Nikolic, Dr. M. Lazic, Dr. J. Gorsdorf , Dr. B. Sikimic - Schmidt, Dr. M. Seferiades, Dr. Ph. Della Casa, Dr. P. Patay and Dr. P. Raczky. My thanks are extended to the management personal of

VMZ-Sopot - Eng. G. Dimitrov , Mr. K. Koparanski and Eng. A. Mandadzhiev , etc. - for VMZ financial support of the excavations at Dubene. I am also grateful to my colleagues from different Historical Musewns and other institutions in Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Romania and Hungary for allowing me to perform an autopsy of ceramics or graciously giving me a pottery from their excavations for publication: Mrs. V. Mazanova, Mrs. T. Kuncheva- Rousseva, Mr. V. Gergov, Mrs. A. Yotsova, Dr. V. Popov, Mr. A. Pejkov, Dr. K. Kissyov, Mrs. A. Bakumska, Mr. P. Kalchev, Ms. Zh. Gladicheva, Mrs. B. Koleva, Mrs. E. Petrovic, N. Madzhev, Dr. P. Patay, Mr. R. Bajenaru and Mr. M. Hristov. I owe a debt of gratitude to my parents who have defrayed my expenses on research and conferences' travels in the past 15 years. The Organization of Mati Bolgaria - Sofia sponsored my study flight to USA in 1997. I am indebted to its President - Mr. P. Konstantinov. Furthermore, I would like especially to thanks Dr. Igor Manzura and Dr. C. Schuster accepting my invitation to contribute in the book and giving the best in accomplishment of their chapters. I am grateful to Dr. C. Schuster for his extremely valuable assistance by the editing of the manuscript as well. I thank Dr. L. Vagalinski and Mrs. Tanya Kuncheva-Rousseva for giving me to use articles in print Last, but not least, I deeply thank Prof. M. Stefanovic, Assoc. Prof. N. Russel and Dr. E . .Kokelj for their esteemed addition of chapters of this book.

All of you 1 thank again more than 1 can say! Dr. I. Manzura thanks Assoc. Prof. B. Govedarica for making him familiar with his drawings on Final Copper finds from different museums in the Balkans , as well as Dr. C. Schuster , Prof. P. Roman, Prof. J. Maran and Dr. L. Nikolova for the discussions on disputable problems of Balkan prehistory.

Special thanks are to be expressed to the Humbolt Foundation by I. Manzura and C. Schuster and the Conference of the German Academy of Sciences by L. Nikolova,for the grants given the authors during different periods in 1997-1999.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments i Table of Contents iii Abbreviations v Tables I. Balkan later prehistory. General culture sequence and synchronizations vii Map A. Principal sites from Final Copper and Early Bronze Age in the Balkans ix

Part 1

Introduction and setting Chapter 1 Goal, data-base and methods Chapter 2 Recent investigations on Balkan Prehistory in the Fourth and Third Millennia BC

7

Chapter 3 Early Prehistory: Culture sequence and chronology

17

Chapter 4 Landscape, environment and micro-regions

23

Chapter 5 Balkan later prehistoric record (tells, open settlements and burials

27

Part2

Cultural and ceramic sequence and chronology Chapter 6 Final Copper Age (c. 4050 BC - 3700/3600 BC)

71

Chapter 7 Cemavoda I culture by Igor Manzura

95

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC)

175

Chapter 9 Early Bronze II (3000 BC - 2550/2450 BC)

199

Chapter JOEarly Bronze III (2550/2450 BC-2000

225

BC)

Chapter 11 The Early Bronze Age in Romania by Cristian Schuster

241

Chapter 12 Synchronizations

249

Part3

Development and interactions Chapter 13 Settlement pattern

261

Chapter 14 Subsistence economy

273

iii

Table of contents

Chapter 15 Metallurgy

287

Chapter 16 Social strategies

309

Chapter 17 Anthropomorphic figurines

317

Chapter 18 Early Bronze Age culture pattern in Romania by Cristian Schuster

325

Chapter 19 Cultural interactions

337

Part4

Burial customs Chapter 20 Settlement burial s

349

Chapter 21 Graveyard s and s'ingle flat grav es

359

Chapter 22 Tumulu s burial s of the Pit Grave Culture

369

Chapter 23 Tumuli of the local cultures

391

Concluding remarks

393

Table A Radiocarbon dates from Balkan later prehistoric sites

397

References

409

tV

Abbreviations AAC AErgoMakThr AJA Aluta

AMN Angustia AE AO AOR AP ArchHung Arch. Korrbl . BAR BAVA BCH BMJG BRGK BSA CA CAANT CAB

CAH CCDJ GCBI GDA GGB GMPO GNAMP GPSKV GSUFIF GSUIF GSU IF-SA /Al /BAD IBA/ !GD IMSZB IMYIB IMYUB /NIM INMV IVA IVAD JAA JHS JIES JRGZM Jschr. Mitteldt . Vorgesch. JSzNM MAA MAGW MASP MBGAEU MCA MDOGB MemAnt MFME MPK MuzNaf NIM OJA PBF

Acta Archaeologica Carpathica To Arhaiologiko Ergo eth Makedonia kai Thrake American Journal of Archaeology Aluta , Sfantu Gheorghe. Acta Musei Napocensis , Cluj-Napoca Angustia , Srantu Gheorghe Archaeologiai Ertesito Arheologia Olteniei , Craiova Archaeologicheski otkritiya i razkopki. Archaeological Institute with Museum, Sofia Arheoloski pregled , Belgrade Archaeologia Hungarica Archaeologisches Korrespondenzblatt British Archaeological Reports Beitriige zur allgemeinen und vergleichenden Archiiologie Bulletin de Correspondance Hellenique Buletinul Muzeului Jude/ean "Teoharie Antonescu ", Giurgiu Bericht der romisch -germanischen Kommission Annual of British School at Athens Cercetiiri Arheologice , Bucure~ti Cercetiiri Arheologice in Aria Nord-Traca, Bucure~ti Cercetiiri Arheologice in Bucure§ti, Bucure~ti Cambridge Ancient History Civilizafie §i Culturii la Dunarea de Jos , Calar~i Godisnjak Centra za balkanoloska ispitivanja Akademije nauka i umjetnosti Bosne i Hercegovin e, Sarajevo Godishnik na Departament Arkheologiya - Nov Bulgarski Universitet , Sofia Godisn 'ak grada Beograda Godishnik na Muzeite v Plovdivski Okrug Godishnik na Narodniya Arkheologi cheski Muzej Plovdiv Gra~a za proucavane spomenika kulture Vojvodine Godishnik na Softjskiya Universitet "Kliment Okhridski " - Filosofsko-lstoricheski Fakultet Godishnik na Softjskiya Universitet "Kliment Okhridski " - lstoricheski Fakultet Godishnik na Sofijskiya Universitet "Sv. Kliment Okhridski " - Istoricheski Fakultet Spetsialnost Arkheologiya lzvestiya na Arkheologicheskiya lstitut lzvestiya na Bulgarskoto Arkheologichesko Druzhestvo Izvestiya na Bulgarskiya Arkheologicheski lstitut Izvestiya na Georgrafskoto Druzhestvo lzvestiya na Muzeite ot Severozapadna Bulgariya lzvestiya na Muzeite na Yugosiztochna Bulgariaya lzvestiya na Muzeite ot Yuzhna Bulgariya lzvestiya na Natsionalniya lstoricheski Muzej lzvestiya na Narodniya Muzej Varna lstorie veche §i arheologie lzvestiya na Varnenskoto A rkheologichesko Druzhestvo Journal of Anthropological Archaeology Journal of Hellenic Studies The Journal of lndo-European Studies Jahrbuch des romisch-germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz Jahresschrift fur mitteldeuts che Vorgeschichte Jelentes a Szekely Nemzeti M6zeum «llapot«rUl , Srantu Gheorghe , 1903-1914 . Macedoniae Acta Archaeologica Mitteilungen der Anthropologischen Gesellschaft im Wien Materialy po arkheologii Severnogo Prichernomor ya Mitteilungen der berliner Gesellschaft fur Anthropologie , Ethnologie und Urgeschichte Materiale §i Cercetari Arheologice Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin Memoria Antiquitatis , Piatra Neamf Mora Ferenc Muzeum Evkonyve Muzei i pametnitsi na kulturata Muzeul Na/ional , Bucure~ti Natsionalen Istoricheski Muzej (putevoditel) , Sofia Oxford Journal of Archaeology Prahistorische Bronzefunde

V

Abbreviations

PJZ PPS PZ RevMuz

RPRP SA SAM

SCIVISCJVA SCSjGh SIA SUFFUB SympThrac VAMZ WPZ ZfA ZNM ZRNM

vi

Praistorija jugoslavenskih zemalja, Sarajevo Proceedings of Prehistoric Society Praehistorische Zeitschrift Revista Muzeelor , Bucure$ti Reports of Prehistoric Research Projects Sovetskaya arkheologiya Junghans S., Sangmeister E. and Schroder M. Metallanalysen kupferzeitlicher und fruhbronzezeitlicher Bodefunde aus Europa. Gehr. Mann. Berlin. Studien zu den Anfangen der Metallurgie Vol. 1, 1960; Vol. 2 Part 1-3, 1968; Vol. 2 Part 4, 1974 Studii !ji Cercetari de lstorie Veche l!jiArheologie Studii fji Comunicari , Sfantu Gheorghe Slovenska Archeol6gia Seminar fiir Ur- und Frilhgeschichte der Freien Universitat zu Berlin Symposia Thracologica (Craiova, Piatra Neamt , Satu Mare and Bucure$ti). Vjesnik Arheoloskog Muzeja u Zagrebu Wiener Prahistorische Zeitschrift Zeitschrift fur Archaologie Zbornik Narodnog Muzeja , Belgrade Zbornik Radova Narodnog Muzeja, Belgrade

Table I Balkan later prehistory. General culture sequence and synchronizations EBI

WesternThrace/ the cen- Eutern Thrace tral Rhodope Mountains

NorthernAegean The middleand upper Strouma/ Velika Morava

Yunatsite 1 2000 EB IIIB2

· Gulubovo

Vatina

2100 Yunatsite 2 EB HIBi

Gulubovo

2200· Yunatsite 3 EB IIIBI

NoyaZagora 1-2?

2300 Yunatsite 4 EB IIIA2

Ezero I

2400 Yunatsi~ 6-5 / Dubene EB IIIA2 IIC / Manole.

Ezero2 ·

Sitagroi Vb2

2500 Yunatsite 8-7 / Dubene EB IIIAI 11B2

Ezero 4-3

Sitagroi VbI

2600 Yunatsite 1~9 / Dubene EBIIB2 IIB2 .

Ezero 5-4

Lower Danube The southern middle Danube Verbicioara

Vatina

Gome. Ori~

Vinkovci

Bubanj Ill

Vinkovci

Ljuljaci I

Bubanj Ill

· Bubanj Ill/ Vecina · 0d.Turcului / Mala/ Pemik Zgal.-Lovech

Vinkovci

Bubanj III / Vecina Ostrovul Corbo- Vinkovci lui / Mala/Pemik Cotofeni Ill /PGC Vua:dol Ostrikovac Id

Cotofeni Ill / PGC

Vufedol / PGC

Ezero 8/ Sitagroi Va2 / Mednikarovo(PGC) Dikili Tash IIIB

Radomir later / Bubanj II

Cotofeni Ill / PGC

Vufedol / Kostolac/PGC

Yunatsite 13 / Dubene 2900 EB IIA2 IIBI

Ezero 9/ Sitagroi Val / Mednikarovo(PGC) Dikili Tash IIIB

Yunatsite 14·/ Dubene 3000 EB IIAI IIBI

Ezero 10

Radomir later / Cotofeni II/ PGC Vu~dol / Kostolac/ PGC Bubanj W Ostrikovac le Kostolac / PGC Hotovo/ Ostrikovac Cotofeni II / PGC lb

2700 EB IIBI

Yunatsite 11 / Dubene IIB2

Ezero 7-6

2800 EB IIBl

Yunatsite 12 / Dubene IIB2

Sitagroi Va2 / Dikili Tash IIIB

Sitagroi Val/ Dikili Tash IIIB

3100 EBIB2

Yunatsite 15 / Dubene IIA Ezero 11/ Golyama Detelina (PGC)

Sitagroi IVB / Dikili Novafka Cuprija/ Ostrikovac Ia Tash UIA

3200 EBIBl

Yunatsite 17-16/ DubeneIIA

Sitagroi IVNB I Dikili Tash IIIA

Novacka Cuprija

Celei / Cotofeni I

Baden

Sitagroi IVA/ Dikili Tash IIIA

Radomir earlier

Cemavodam

Baden

3400 EBIA2

Cemavoda III

Baden

3500 EBIA2

Cemavoda III

3600 EBIA.I

HotnitsaVodopada

3700 FC II

SIBH/Cemavodal

Ezero 12-13CTKar. VIIA Gol. Detelina

Yunatsite B 17 / Dubene 3300 EB IA-B lIA ?

3800 FCII

Yagodina / Haramijska Dupka

Yagodina / Haramijska 3900 FC 1-11 Dupka 4000 FCI

Yunatsite A

Turgovitse/ Drama Sitagroi Ill

Cotofeni I / Orlea Baden

Kolarovo

SIBH/Cemavodal

HunyadihalomVajska-

Kolarovo

KSBC/Cemavodal

Bodrogkeresztur

KSBC

Bodrogkeresztur

Vil

P~bni

AEGEAN

ix

Part 1

Introduction and setting

Chapter 1

Goal, data-base and methods

1.1. Goal and determination The term Balkans in this study refers to the territory enclosed by the Drina River and the Black Sea, and the Carpathians and the Aegean Sea. The purpose of this research is to provide a periodization and chronology, as well as an synthesis of the cultural development of the Balkans in the Fourth and Third MillenniaBC based mainly on recent record.

It be based on the systematization of recent data on stratigraphy, ceramic styles, 14C dates and archaeomagnetic record, as well as on settlement pattern, paleobotanical and osteological evidence, metallurgy , ideology and burial rites. Recent research by H. Parzinger (1993) has contributed considerably to change the views that were current on chronology, synchronization and the culture characteristics of the different micro-regions in the Prehistoric Balkans, but a lot of new evidence occurred in 1990-ties and new chronological horizons have been elaborated. Furthermore, J. Maran's ( 1998) fundamental research recently has been occurred but mainly the western Balkan region was the concern of that author. There are many different _ways to approach the cultural reconstruction of Prehistory. My aim is to analyze the different components of a culture system - settlement patterns, economy, burial rites and culture interactions , as well as to study their interrelation within the general cultural process. Those analyses of cultural development concern furnish the possibility to trace the general historical trends. In this study I have selected to analyze th~ data thematically. A brief review of recent research will define the parameters and illustrate the problems of multi-level comparative analyses and the need for systematic comparative analyses. The cultural reconstruction depends on chronological frameworks that present the process diachronically. The recent state of the physical and chemical methods of dating (Geyh and Schleicher 1990) are applied in many archaeological researches , especially by the radiocarbon, dendrochronological and archaeomagnetic investigations. For Balkan prehistory, the radiocarbon and archaeomagnetic methods of dating are of primary importance. But the radiocarbon dating does not always lead to universal conclusions. Therefore , by construction of chronological horizons, the stratigraphic sequence and many typological data are to be of primary importance. In this study most of the ceramic evidence is to be analyzed as a chronological record of culture sequence, as well as if culture interactions.

The goal of the investigation of the settlement patterns is functional analysis. The aim is to be recognized models of different micro-regional settlement structures within the context of the evolution, devolution and changes of the settlement systems in the Balkans during the Fourth and Third Millennia BC. The economy is one of the most important aspects of cultural development. Generally, the problem of the interrelations between the agriculture and stockbreeding communities is a main goal of analyses through synchronic and diachronic perspectives. Unfortunately, data are often scarce especially, archaeobotanical and osteqlogical evidence. However , the meaning of this evidence is also problematic, because usually the archaeobotanical conclusions are based on distinct number of samples, and the character of that kind of record is very contradictional (see Dennel 1979: 415). It should also be noted the number of refuse pits decreased in the different settlements in Early Bronze Age. This tendency is also manifested in other facets relating to social life. Based on the above observations two main conclusions follow: the information for the later Balkan prehistoric economy is limited , and the analysis of the data is mainly qualitative. On the other hand, the large corpus of metal finds will be discussed based on typological analyses. The attention is concentrated on the axes-adzes , daggers, flange and shaftho le axes and the jewelry as emblematic metal record of the cultural development and of the interactions in Final Cooper (FC) and Early Bronze (EB). The recent social interpretation of the archaeological record is based on different methods, which depend on the state and variety of the record , as well as on the methods utilized. For Balkan later prehistory, of importance is the fact that the burial record for most of the cultures is limited (with exception of the Pit Grave Culture). At the same time the settlements in many cases are insufficiently recorded: However, based on the general characteristics of the material culture from a diachronic point of view , the culture changes do to some extent reflect social change and evolution. One aim of this study is to recognize the social meaning of the different concrete components of the Balkan prehistoric system in their interrelation and independence. But I should stress that it is not a social anthropological study. It is an archaeological investigation. For the first time in this study is systematized the existing record of clay figurines, which number discovered is big having in mind that the popularity of idols decreased in Balkan later prehistory , which may reflect ideological peculiarities.

Chapter I Goal, data-base and methods

For the analyses of the cultural interactions, the general method employed (after Nikolova 1991), distinguish three hierarchical levels of similarity of the ceramic style: 1. Pottery common to the neighbor and distinct cultures; 2. Common to several neighbor cultures ; 3. Specific to a single culture. That method will be extended concerning also other kinds of data. In addition, subsequent investigation of the central Balkan encrusted pottery (Nikolova 1996b) - approached through a general theory of the ornamentation zones also is a base for a comparative study. Burial rites will consider the common and peculiar customs of the Balkan populations. Innovations that are a result of social change or migration in the different micro-regions also reflect deeply on the regional cults of the dead. For the problems of the culture development of the Balkans, the Pit Grave Culture burial rites definitely infer a migration. At the same time, some common elements in the settlement burials and flat cemetery can be explained by the interaction theory (burials of newborn babies in the southern Balkans , distribution of cremation rites).

1.2. Problems of data-base, methods and theory It is hoped that this study will provide a systematized recent record of Balkan later prehistory. It should be stressed that all the authors contributed below have a long-tenn practice conducting or been members of important excavations in the Balkans and long-time experience, especially with the ceramic record from the filed field up to its complete final publication. This work represents my practical experience with the excavations in the heart of the Balkans (Dubene-Sarovka), in combination with a lot of visits to archaeological musewns in southeastern Europe to see a pottery and other artifacts from Final Copper and Early Bronze Age. These facts are of primary importance for the way in which the data-base was collected and researched below.

2

zations. Recently, this method successfully includes incorporates stratigraphic information with stratified typological data (Leshtakov 1992), as well as with stratified radiocarbon (Ramsey 1995) and archaeomagnetic data (Kovacheva et al. 1995). The recent study confirms that the settlement sequences in the Balkans may have a similar life span, but it can also vary. According to the comparative chronology, the usual settlement span can be between 30 - 40 and I 00 years. Therefore , almost every settlement horizon defines a phase (e.g. Kostolac A-C, according B . Brukner) or a sub-phase. In case of the Yunatsite and Ezero cultures the distinct phases includes two or three horizons (Nikolova 1996a). The systematized analysis includes a comparison of the different components of the culture systems, which are mainly elaborated by typolo gies. There are also differences in the definition of types in archaeology . The classic concept that the type is based on the common interrelation between similar sings is applied in this study. Mainly the qualitative characteristics are used, but in some cases general quantitative components of the characteristics are included in the typological definition. Statistical correlation is the base for defining of some clusters as well. The method of modeling appears to be a variant of the typology , which has been used by the interpretation of the culture systems or processes . The radiocarbon method is recently widely erpployed by the chronological conclusions, but it has some peculiarities. The recent research infers that the thesis of block data as a method giving more correct chronological values is only partially truthful. When in detail the meaning of the single date is analyzed, it is clear that the date can give a correct historical value, if in the sample the contents of the radiocarbon was not disturbed by external factors . Of course, the blocks of dates give more possibilities of interpretations and verifications . But it is possible that in a block of dates the real chronological values are to be given by a sample, which contrasts to the more of the dates in it. The dates from Yunatsite 15 is my instance for this point , where only one of the dates corresponds to the comparative dating of this horizon from the end of the Early Bronze I in the Balkans. In the text all dates are to be given with 68.2 % probability, if not, it follows a special reference to 95.4% probability . For the definition of phases and periods , block dates from approximately contemporary sites are to be used.

Traditionally , the Balkan prehistory is investigated by archaeological cultures. Despite of its limitation, this method has some advantages like the possibility of detail regional analysis. Thus, many archaeological cultures are included in this study, then, for the initial reader on Balkan prehistory certainly it can occur confusing. I have tried to do the best through making alleviate many of these difficulties by presenting catalogues and generalized tables.

The second problem of the radiocarbon method concerns the correlation between the calibrated value s and the historical dating. The Balkan block of dates does not answer straightforwardly to this question. There are some cases when the values with a higher probability are closer to the historical dates. But for other periods some values with the lower probability can be accepted as historical.

The comparative stratigraphic method is one of the primary methods for chronology, synchronization and analysis of the culture interactions . There are many multilevel settlements in the Balkans from the Fourth and Third Millennia BC, which facilitates the diachronic analyses and the synchroni-

When discussing the radiocarbon dates, there are scientific explanations of the fact that not all of them appear to be are valid. The key to this big problem is the possibility that the contents of the radiocarbon in the samples to differ from the usual norm - it can be larger or smaller, thus resulting in ear-

Problems of data-base, methods and theory

lier or later values. So, it is not the fault of the method if the 14C date is not correct. Some peculiarities of the calibration curve may also occur as a problem for correct historical dating. This study exemplifies in my opinion that the radiocarbon method can successfully be used with a priority in the elaboration of the periodization and chronology of the prehistoric cultures. As far as the social aspects of Balkan later prehistory are concerned, the limited archaeological record gives a possibility of only a fragmentary portion of the record to test the recent theories of social evolution and stratification, especially that of the appearance of initial chiefdoms. The tenn of initial chiefdoms includes different conceptions, as well as different possibilities to interpret the archaeological evidence exist. However, the recent considerations of T. Earle (1991a; 1991b; 1997), K. Kristiansen (1991) , etc. towards the contents of the initial chiefdoms provide a solid theoretical base for the recent research. A special problem is that of emergence of the mobile pastoral population in the Balkans. Traditionally it is connected with the steppe migration , but as this study will show there is an inner reason for the cyclic transfonnation of the local population towards a mobile way of life, which we can define as an mobile pastoralism comparable to some extent to initial nomadism. Despite of the fact that the Balkans are localized to the north of so-called Old World dry belt, there are social-economic and social-ecological reasons in prehistory for a cycle of graduate changes , which coincide with the presence of a favorable ecological background for a successful mobile stockbreeding economy. These theoretical considerations of this study correspond well with the general theory of the nomadism as viable alternative to sedentariness and agriculture, as well as to so call theses of origin and decline (Scholz 1995). The archaeological record from the Balkans infers that the last theoretical consideration concerns not only so-called Old World dry belt. But without a doubt , not every spatial-mobility in Balkan prehistory means initial nomadism , because the last can be integrated in the social-ecological mode of agrarian or mixed cultures.

a great equalizer. Studying the chiefdoms, we must understand how inequality , evident as inheritance of position and property , is institutionalized. Three primary sources of power are distinguished - economic, military and ideological, which are interrelated. The different sources of power are fundamentally intertwined and interdependent and they grow from a material base . Military power might to defend controlled resources and ideology to institute rights of unequal access. Control over production and exchange of subsistence and wealth creates the basis for political power for example control over the specialist manufacture and the distribution of prestige goods. Chiefdoms are characterized by endemic warfare as well, and the rise to power is always implicitly military at its roots. The contention of T. Earle is that the origin of state is to be understood in the emergence and development of .chiefdoms. The development of last can result in the institutionalization of politically centralized societies but in other they may be followed by "highly fragmented and unstable regions of competitive polities" (1997: 15). In his book, T. Earle investigates three types of chiefdoms with different bases for social power - Denmark during the Neolithic and Early Bronze (2300-1300 BC) , Hawai'i (800-1824) and the high Andes of Peru (500-1534). In these case studies the archaeological record for chiefdoms is discussed. In the last case study for example the best evidence is the distinctly rank-sized distribution of settlements (p. 55). The book is important for Balkan later prehistory as giving a structure of different chiefdoms comparable to sorne extent with the fragmented archaeological record. The different content of sex and gender is established recently as well. As R.R. Wiennann stresses "The tenn 'sex' denotes a biological distinction , whereas the 'gender' of the person is socially constructed and detennined by culturally variable role expectations " (1998: 130). With regard to the recent tendency of engendering the archaeological records (see for example Kent 1998), J. O'Shea argues concepts of so call hereditary status, which can be accepted as a defining of possible social status ( 1996).

Several additional considerations are required for the theoretical framework of this study. The evolution of hierarchical societies is excepted in this study, but the conclusion that the social regional history could be broken down in the context of complex crisis follows as well. Another point argued below concerns the interrelation between the social and economic spheres. There are instances when the economic background defines primary the historical process, but also by some instances the social polity is of primary importance. C. Renfrew defines this by the term "polity" an autonomous social-political unit, as the highest order of a social-political unit in the region in question ( 1986b: 2).

Other differentiation is that between prestige goods and social symbols (Brodie 1998: 46-47). The example with Bell Beaker emblematic pottery exemplifies one of the possible interrelations when both tenns concern different categories of culture elements. At the same time, the prestige goods can perfonn the function of social symbols as well. In the case of the children ' rich graves , the items seem to symbolized the social status of the parents. The presence of dagger confirms this assumption. But the presence of dagger in an adult grave can be interpreted as a prestige item. Anyway, this distinguishing is important for more precise social definition of the archaeological artifacts.

Important theoretical study for reconstruction of prehistoric social systems is that of T. Earle on the chiefdoms ( 1997). That author adopts the multi-linear evolutionary theory recognizing the different routes to complexity (1997: 3-16). According to T. Early, chiefdoms arouse as kin-based societies but kinship itself is a weak source of power because it is

Significant theoretical aspect is the character of the social infonnation , which is possible to be inferred from the archaeological analysis. After J. Chapman considering the socalled social power - documented at Mesolithic Djerdap - I. Radovanovic (1995: 161) accepts that the choice of the particular aspect of the burial procedure "depended on the 3

Chapter 1 Goal, data-base and methods

Macro-regional system consisted of complexes, cultures, groups and types with strong interactions between

System

+

Complex

Macro-regional system of two or more cultures with high interrelated features

+ Culture

Micro-regional system with investigated system of similar interrelating characteristic components

'+

Group

Micro-regional system distinguished by incomplete archaeological interrelated data

Type

Single dates for cemetery of settlements

Variant of group, culture or complex ....__

Figure 1.1. Theoretical scheme of hierarchical archaeological structures

status held by the deceased during his/ her lifetime".

in period when in other regions cultures from the so-called Transitional period developed.

1.3. Problems of terminology and cultural background

The tenn Chalk:olithic is interrelated with Neolithic . The emphasis in this case should be on the fact that the stone implements still was of primary importance in the activity of the population. But in my understanding the prehistoric periodization describes the innovative gradual aspects .of the cultural evolution. From this point of view, the tenn Copper Age - as period in which the copper was involved in the social life (mainly for the elite) - is the only correct definition for the

Two problems occurred in the course of the systematization of the data. One difficulty was to try to unify the designations of the different sites. There are two traditions on the Balkans historiography: using the names of the localities and of the closed nearby village / town. I decided to keep the appellations from the original publications , with additional explanations in the catalogue. The second question concerns the designation of the different archaeological spatially interrelated structures. The hierarchy of type, group, culture, complex and culture system is the theoretical background of this study (fig. 1.1) . In cases when structures of different hierarchical levels are used, the common term is culture. As far, as the chronological system concerns , the other hierarchy is used - phase , stage, period , epoch (jig. 1.2). One of the most crucial problems concerns the definition of the different epochs. As it will be considered in the following outline, there is a big difference in using of the terms for a relative chronological definition of one and the same culture: Eneolithic, Copper Age, Chalkolithic, "Transitional Period". In addition, the emergence of the Bronze Age system has been described as a synchronous process for all of the Balkans or as a gradual process , starting in some regions

4

EPOCH PERIOD STAGE

LJ STAGE

PERIOD

EPOCH Figure 1.2. A hierarchy of prehistoric chronologi cal scheme

Problems of terminology

Fifth and earlier Fourth Millennium BC. J. Lichardus (1982) tried to reduce the lower border of the Copper Age in the Balkans - to a term describing in fact Late Copper Balkan cultures , according to the Bulgarian historiography from G. 11.Georgiev ( 1961) onwards. But this is an artificial division of the culture development in the Balkans , because the prospering of Karanovo VI-Gumelnita-Varna (KGV) complex has a background in the Maritsa - Boian cultures , in the milieu of which the earliest widely used metal implements emerged. But along with that author, I also consider that there is no an archaeological reason for the culture development on the Black Sea coast to be excluded from the Karanovo-Gumelnita-Varna complex. · Following this kind of thinking, it is reasonably in my periodization system to use the term Bronze Age to describe the structures connected with the earliest appearances of the arsenic bronze. Other authors uses the term Proto-Bronze for the same horizon - Hotnitsa - V odopada - Durankulak - I. Vajsov (1992b; 1992c; 1993), followed by E. Pernicka et al. ( 1997). But in fact , those sites are diachronous in relation to the Salcuta - Telish culture (Scheibenhenkel horizon in western lower Danube) representing the earliest (Proto-) Cernavoda III culture in the lower Danube. There is no a big difference in terms of absolute chronology between my system and that of I. Vajsov concerning the above-mentioned sites. The differences are in. their relative chronology and cultural attributions - see also chapter 6. From the theoretical point of view , I should only stress that the technological markers should not be accepted as absolute criteria , because the recent archaeological developed knowledge is based on a vast background and distinguishable general complex systems with interrelated criteria - technological , economical , social and ideological. From this point of view, the earlier Fourth Millenium is a crucial period of emergence of the Late Balkan Prehistoric system - Post - Old European (after M . Gimbutas). In this innovative period - as I. Vajsov ( 1992c) has shown , the new weapon - the metal dagger emerged as a copper implement , but with new functions , which correspond to the Bronze Age social system . However , it is even possible that arsenic bronze is to be occurred in the earliest part of the Fourth Millennium BC, but on the whole , the character of the culture process has still a transformation-formative character. The next terminological problem concerns the criteria for the inner division of the different epochs. In the Neolithic two stages are distinguished corresponding to pre-Karanovo and Karanovo 1-11- Starcevo -Gradeshnitsa - Cri~ horizon (EN), as well as Late Neolithic of Karanovo III-IV - earlier Vinca - earlier Boian - earlier Hamangia horizon (LN) and the synchronous cultur es. The main periodization marker in this case is the development of the societies , according to their material culture and especially the pottery. The Copper Age includes three stages - Early , Late and Final. As a whole , the emblematic is an emergence of the copper industry (initially possible elite prestige items) , the graphite-ornamented pottery and the complex society. The

late stage is the period of the flourishing of the eastern Balkans , while in the west the first elements of crises emerge , with the decreasing of the Vinca complex. According to this periodization system, the Final Copper includes mixed cultures - on the one hand they are connected with the Late Copper , but on the other hand they hold traces of the Bronze Age background (so call Proto-Bronze after I. Vajsov). The reason to distinguish an independent stage of the latest Copper cultures is the important cultural fact that the decrease in prosperity of the K.rivodol - Salcuta - Bubanj is a graduate process corresponding partially to the emergence of the emergence of new cultural structure - the Cemavoda I culture . But the main reason for this stage to be defined as a Copper Age one is the fact that the earlier part is a still a period of wide distribution of copper implements (Jaszladany , Tirgu-Ocna axes, etc.) . So, in this case the cultural evaluative - transformation development coincides with the vast distribution of the copper implements. In other words, just after the Final Copper I, the metallurgy decreasing is to be begun in the Balkans , for few centuries - that fact characterizes Final Copper II and even Early Bronze I. The evolutionary model is a background for the inner Bronze Age periodization - Early Bronze I, II and II I. Initially , it was elaborated in earlier 1990-ties (Nikolova 1991; see Nikolova 1994a), and later it was developed, in the context of the discoveries at the site of Dubene. This work supports the need for development of the chronological system for the Early Bronze Age (Nikolova 1996a). The analyses of the material cultures as a result of intensive culture interactions , is the background for the recent evaluative models reflecting on the periodization and chronology of the Bronze Age as well. The earliest stage includes the earliest Bronze Age cultures. Archeologically , this stage is gradually oocumented in the Balkans and can be defined as a stage of the channeled pottery - Cernavoda III - Baden - Ezero Al -- Yunatsite 1715 - Dubene IIA - Sitagroi IV - Baden , etc. culture horizons. Confirmed by numerous contact data, the EB II stage begins all over the Balkans along with the initial flourishing of the encrusted pottery . The encrusted pottery exits especially in later EB I (Cotofeni I, Baden II, Ezero A 1, Yunatsite 15, Dubene IIA, etc.) , but only from beginning of the EB II it became the predominating method of decoration of the fine pottery absolutely replacing the channeled pottery. This is the horizon referred to in the next chapters - Sitagroi Va Yunatsite 14-9 - Dubene IIA-C - Ezero A2-Bl - Ostrikovac Ib-d - Bubanj lb-II - Cotofeni II-III - Kostolac - Vucedol horizons. There are three exceptions , where this fashion was not adopted - earlier Glina and EB Kastanas with predominating plain pottery , as well as PGC (without pottery distributed). The third stage of the EB in the Balkans (EB III) begins with the general change in the ceramic style - towards a plain pottery - Sitagroi Vb - Yunatsite 8-1 - Dubene IIC Ezero 8 2 - Odaia Turcului - Bubanj III ·- Vinkovci - horizon. 5

Chapter 1 Goal, data-base and methods

As far as the bronze metallurgy concerns, the EB II-III is the period of bronze shaft - hole and flanged axes vast distribution. To some extend the development of the shaft-hole axes corresponds to the ceramic style changes, because the EB III is characterized by new developed types of the shaft-hole axes. A peculiar problem is of the so-called Middle Bronze Age in the southern Balkans. The term Middle Bronze was especially used in the late 1970-ties and earlier 1980-ties . At that point - according to the interpretation of the Ezero sequence , there exist only EB levels (N. Ya. Merpert in Georgiev et al. 1979), or there are EB (Ezero A-B 1) but also Middle Bronze (Ezero B2) layers (Katincharov 1974). The key theoretical background for the second conception was the consideration that Ezero B2 (or Nova Zagora culture) in fact is related to the earlier Second millennium BC , connecting the earlier Bronze Age cultures with Late Bronze Age. Recently without doubt this is not considered to be the case. The radiocarbon and comparative chronology well infer that

6

all of the late Ezero sequence (B2) belongs to later Third millennium BC. So, the problem for the gap in the earlier Second Millennium BC remains in the archaeological research. However , the last term continued to be used in some papers.

In my opinion , there are no reasons to consider the cultural development in the Third Millennium BC to be broken into different periods , having one and the same metal typology and evaluated culture systems. Absolutely different looks the archaeological picture in earlier Second Millennium BC - for this period , for which I reserve the term Middle Bronze Age in the Balkans (see chapter 10). Because of the fact that we work usually with long sequences , it should be distinguished at least two terms for synchronous and partially diachronous horizons. Chronological horizon is used below when we have different cultures (sites) which should be completely synchronous. The culture horizon means that the included cultures (sites) are partially diachronous. The common term is h~rizon.

Chapter 2

Recent investigations on Balkan prehistory in the Fourth and Third Millennia BC: An outline Three main problems considered in the recent research on Balkan later prehistory will be issue in this chapter chronological, regional and concerning culture contacts in the Balkans in Fourth and Third Millennia BC. I. Manzura discusses Cemavoda I (chapter 7), as well as C. Schuster considers the contributions to the Early Bronze Age in the Romanian archaeology ( chapter 11).

2.1. Chronological search

and regional re-

The numerous investigations on Balkan later Prehistory, especially during the last decades, concern mainly the regional characteristics of the later prehistoric cultures in this region. Its recent background is due to the approaches of P. Roman, M. Garasanin, N. Tasic, N. Merpert , C. Renfrew, A. Sherratt, R. Katincharov, I. Panayotov, A. Bankoff , etc. , who trace the basic chronology, synchronization and/or ethno-cultural interpretation of the archaeological records in the modem historiography. Recently, a young generation has contributed to multi-aspect chronological and cultural characteristics of the 4 th and 3rd Millennia BC - from the Balkans: K. Leshtakov. I. Vajsov, L. Nikolova, Ya. BoyadZhev and S. Alexandrov from Bulgaria; C. Schuster , H. Ciugudean and F. Gogaltan from Romania: M. Stoijc , D. Nikolic and M. Lazic from Yugoslavia), as well as from Germany (J. Gorsdorf, E. Christmann) , Great Britain (D. Bailey , S. Manning), Switzerland (Ph. della Casa , ), etc.

Of special importance for the recent investigations on Balkan prehistory are the analytic studie~ of H. Parzinger (1993) and J. Maran (1998). The former concerns the comparative stratigraphy, as well as general characteristics of the cultural development of the later prehistoric Balkans. Different chronological horizons between the North and the South have been argued in both fundamental studies. In the latter the chronological and cultural interrelations between the Balkans and the Aegean in the Third Millennium BC are analyzed in details based on a big body of western Balkan evidence and irreproachable elaborated synchronization system between the North and South , which is close to that in this study. In the modem historiography, the Balkan cultures from the 4 th and 3 rd Millennia BC belong to different periodization systems (table 2.1): Final Copper Age and Early Bronze I-III (L. Nikolova); Final Eneolithic, Proto-Bronze and Early Bronze ( I . Vajsov , similar in Pemicka et al. 1997); End of the Eneolithic; Transitional period and Early Bronze Age (P. Roman); Eneolithic and Early Bronze (M. ·Garasanin, N. Tasic, B. Jovanovic , M. Stojic) ; Transitional Period, Early Bronze and Middle Bronze (Gorsdorf and Bojadziev 1996), etc. Some of the differences are not only terminological, but also

Culture

P.Roman (1971; 1986a; 1998)

N. Tasic (1995)

L Niko/ova (1991)

Cemavodal

End of the Eneolithic

Eneolithic

Final Copper Age

CemavodaIII

Transitional Period

Eneolithic

Early Bronze I

Cotofeni I

Transitional Period

Eneolithic

Early bronze I

Cotofeni II-Ill/ Glioa

Transitional period/ Early Bronze I

Eneolithic (Glina later than Cotofeni)

Early Bronze IIA-B

Kostolac

Transitional period

Eneolithic

Early Bronze HA

Vucedol

Transitional period

Eneolithic

Early Bronze IIB 1-2

Bubanj III

Early Bronze

Early Bronze I

Early Bronze III

Vinkovci

Early Bronze

Early Bronze I

Early Bronze III

Table 2. 1. Relative-chronological attribution of some later Balkan prehistoric cultures in different periodization systems 7

Chapter 2 Recent investigations on Balkan Prehistory in the Fourth and Third Millennia BC: An Outline

conceptual. In my opinion, the cultures of the earlier 4 th Millennium BC represent a transformation - innovative stage of the Copper Age characterized by a transformation of the Old European cultures, as well as by an appearance of new type of culture system. The last is characterized by predominating of the semi-sedentary and different other types of mobile societies (Nikolova 1991; this study) . The bronze daggers occurred were a base of definition of so-called Proto Bronze stage of the Transitional period by I. V ajsov ( 1992). In the understanding of the Transitional period included Cernavoda III culture (Morintz and Roman 1968a; Gorsdorf and Bojadziev 1996) and Cotofeni I (Roman 1976a), the main argument probably is the fact that during the Early Bronze I the bronze implements and weapons were still rare. But two contra-arguments are of special importance against this periodization system. Firstly, a cultural continuity characterizes the development in the Balkans during the latest 4 th and the earlier 3rd Millennia .BC represented by the Yunatsite 15-14 and Ezero 10-9 horizons , as well as by Cernavoda III - Cernavoda II, Cotofeni 1-11and Baden - Kostolac evolution of the ceramic style. Secondly , bronze implements occur already on the village of Hotnitsa-V odopada from the later first half of the Fourth Millennium BC. Therefore , there is no a methodical reason to attribute the discussed stages to different periods. As far as the Proto-Bronze phase concerns , the definition of Final Copper Age did not exclude an appearance of the earliest bronze items. In 1980-ties for the first time the Salcuta IV type was documented to the south of Danube in a vertical stratigraphy of a completely investigated site - that of Telish (Gergov 1987; 1992a; 1994a; 1995; 1996). At the same time , the Final Copper Age was registered in the Rhodope Mountains - Yagodina cave (Avramova 1992a; 1992b) and in Haramijska Dupka (excavations of H. Vulchanova [Vajsov 1992b; 1993]). From Final Copper Age in the middle and upper Struma valley, L. Pernicheva (1995) published an important new material from Kolarovo , as well as s·. Chokhadzhiev from Vaksevo (1994). After the EB Pernik ceramics (Raduncheva 1984), new EB I and EB II evidence was documented at Kovachevo (Demoule and Lichardus-ltten 1994) and Radomir - Vakhovo 1-5 (Alexandrov 1994; 1995) and from EB II at Hotovo - excavations of D. Gergova (Alexandrov and Gotsev 1990). Accidental finds from EB III in the upper Struma have been published as well, as well as from Northern Bulgaria (Alexandrov 1998; Alexandrov et al. 1998). [n 1970-ties - 1980-ties the two-level settlement of Hotnitsa - Vodopada was investigated by I. Ilcheva ( 1989 with ref.) attributed to the so-called Transitional period. The pottery from the two levels is similar. The 14C dates date the site to the second quarter of the Fourth Millennium BC and that period is defined as Proto-Bronze phase of the so-called Transitional period (Vajsov 1992). In my Ph.D. Dissertation ( 1991, unpublished) the settlement was attributed to the earliest EB I in the Balkans demonstrating the earliest Cema voda III culture distributed in the southern middle Danube basin. 8

At Koprivets - in the course of the excavations of V. Popov and I. Vajsov - Cernavoda I and early Cernavoda III pottery was documented and published by the author (Nikolova 1996). The evidence confirmed the existence of the Oltenita-Renie II phase of the Cernavoda III culture documented in the northern lower Danube (Morintz and Roman 1968a). From classical Cernavoda III, I. Panayotov and A. Alexandrov excavated the settlement of Mirovtsi in Northeastern Bulgaria and I. Zmejkova (1992) published the pottery from those investigations. Based on the ceramic evidence from a destroyed settlement at Durankulak (Ila layer), V. Draganov (1990) infers that the earliest Cemavoda III (Renie II) is documented there along with representative pottery from the classical stage of that culture. Some sherds have been compared with the Cernavoda I culture. But the existence of such early stage is under discussion. In North eastern Bulgaria the Cem avoda III culture was followed by the Pit Grave culture . G. Toncheva and I. Panayotov (1989) investigated PGC tumuli there, as well as B. Nikolov in Northwestern Bulgaria (1976) and G. Kitov in central Northern Bulgaria (in Kitov et al. 1991). At the same time, in Northwestern Bulgaria the four-level settlement at Gradets (Yotsova 1988) - along with the renewed excavations in the Magura cave (Yotsova 1981) - infer a Jong duration of the Cotofeni ll-III culture to the south of Danube. For the prehistoric investigations in Southeastern Bulgaria, of importance are the rescue excavations on the territory of the open mining of the Maritsa-Iztok Eriergy Complex (Radnevo District). The earliest rescue excavations began in 1960-ties including prehistoric discoveries - PGC graves at the base of Tryanovo Tumulus excavated by H. Buyu.kliev, and Kovachevo Tumulus - investigated by E. Batsova and M. Kunchev (Panayotov 1989 with ref.). In 1970-ties I 990-ties numerous sites were unearthed including Early Bronze tumulus graves, prehistoric tells and open settlements - Turgovishte , Golyama Detelina , Malka Detelina and other tumuli, Ovcharitsa 2 and Golyama Detelina settlements, Mudrets , Gulubovo and other tells. Many archaeologists have been involved in the projects - primary B. Borisov, M. Kunchev and T. Kuncheva - Rouseva , and later K. Leshtakov , I. Panayotov , S. Alexandrov , etc. (Borisov 1991; Panayotov et al. 1991; 1994; 1995). In 1970-ties the Drama plain in the northern Aegean was revealed as an important contact-zone between the Aegean and the northern Balkans in the course of the excavations of the Sitagroi and Dikili Tash tells . Based on the evidence from the Sitagroi tell, C. Renfrew (1986a with ref .) traced later Balkan prehistory in the terms of independent develop ment and culture contacts, as well as A. Sherratt ( 1986) argued a culture-chronological system of the Balkans and the Aegean Early Bronze cultures. The results of the excavation of the Dikili Tash are just at the beginning of their publica tion (Treuil 1992), including the stratigraphic analysis by R. Treuil and ceramic study conducted by M. Seferiades (1996). For a long period N. Ya. Merpert has contributed to the investigation of the Early Bronze tells in the southern Balkan s (Ezero, Yunatsite). He argued a culture-chronological inter-

Chronological and regional research

relation system between the Early Bronze southern Balkanand the Aegean cultures (Merpert in Georgiev et al. 1979) and he analyzed a multi-aspect role of the pastorals in the prehistory (I 978; 1980). But the recent interpretation of the Yunatsite Final Copper evidence (1997) arouses serious contra-arguments , which concern the genesis of the Early Bronze in the Balkans. According to that author , the occupation of the Bronze Age population immediately followed the Copper Age one and it caused the disaster of the latter society on the tell. In fact , based on the comparative chronology , there is a big chronological hiatus between the Final Copper I and the Early Bronze I settlement corresponding to later Final Copper I and II and Early Bronze IA ( chapters 6 and 8). R. Katincharov (1972; 1974; 1979 ; 1981) characterized the Early Bronze and so-called Middle Bronze Ages in Bulgar ian Thrace in light of the evidence until earlier 1980-ties , especially in the light of the results of the excavations on the Ezero and Nova Zagora t~lls. · Recently , the data on the Early Bronze in eastern upper Thrace considerably increased . K. Leshtakov ( 1995a; 1995b; 1996) investigated important tells of Mudrets and Gulubovo. S. Hiller and V. Nikolov published a channel EB I pottery from Karanovo with close analogies in EB I in western Thrace (1997). M. Kunchev (1991 ; 1995), T. Kuncheva-Rousseva (1996) , I. Panayotov and other excavators (Panayotov et al. 1991; Panayotov et al. 1994) issued new evidence of the PGC in eastern upper Thrace . M . Kunchev and T. Kuncheva-Rousseva published an architec tural evidence from the open settlement of Ovcharitsa II (Kancev and Kanceva-Rousseva 1996). In western upper Thrace, R. Katincharov , N. Merpert and V. Matsanova excavated the Yunatsite tell in 1970-ties onwards (Katincharov et al. 1995). L. Nikolova ( 1994c; 1995a; 1995b; 1995c; 1996a ; 1996b), has explored the Dubene-Sarovka tel11 near the town of Karlovo in the upper Stryama valley. These last two excavations indicate that a difference characterizes the eastern and the western Bulgarian Thrace. Firstly they were demonstrated on the Yunatsite tell (Katincharov and Matsanova 1993) and at the Plovdiv Nebet Tepe site (Pejkov 1994 with ref.), but only after the excavations of the Dubene-Sarovka tell, it was possible a new conception of the Yunatsite culture to be argued (Nikolova 1995a ; Nikolova 1996a) . A newly investigated important micro-region in eastern upper Thrace is Drama in the Tundzha basin (Fol et al. 1989; Lichardus et al. 1997). F. Bertemes ( 1997) analyzes in details the discovered ditch on the tell of Drama - Merdzhumekya (009 site) synchronized with Nova Zagora 3-1 and dated to later EB III, according to my periodization system (the so-called MBA II). The confusion with so-called MBA definition is well demonstrated by the newest discoveries in that micro-region where a Tei 11- 111grave is unearthed (Lichardus et al. 1997: fig. 36) . Reserving MBA for the cul1

In 1994-1995 the excavation s at Dubene were directed by A. Bonev.

tures from the latest Third Millennium BC , the mentioned phases of Tei culture are attributed to Late Bronze Age (1997: 117). In fact, based on contact data with classic Monteoru (Harµiche 1980b), Tei II- III belongs to Middle Bronze Age. J. Gorsdorf and Ya. Boyadzhiev systematized the l 4C dates from the Early Bronze sites in Bulgaria (Gorsdorf and Bojadziev 1996). New dates from Dubene-Sarovka were published by L. Nikolova and J. Gorsdorf (1998). For the Middle Danube absolute chronology , a systematic study occurred in the earlier 1990-ties (Forenbaher 1993). In several comprehensive studies, P. Roman (1971 ; 1976a ; 1976b ; 1976c; 1981a; 1981b; 1982; 1983; 1984; 1985a; 1985b ; 1986a ; 1987; 1988a; 1988b; 1992b ; 1995; 1996; 1998) argues a culture sequence of the northern Balkans (Cemavoda I/ Salcuta IV, Cernavoda III, Cotofeni , Glina , etc.). Many contemporary investigators on northern Balkan later Prehistory accepted his conclusions, as well as additional arguments were added. C. Schuster ( 1997) recently systematized the data on the

Glina culture from Muntenia. In the light of recent evidence the Glina culture dates earlier that it was accepted in the 1970-ties and 1980-ties to EB II, according to my periodization system. Based on its indirect absolute dating , the Glina culture is defined as distributed in the span between 26502400 BC (Bajenaru 1998), but its beginning is in earlier Third Millennium BC. In contrast to the well-argued con ception of C. Schuster , some Bulgarian finds are recently attributed to the Glina culture being incorrectly dated or belonging to other cultures (Alexandrov et al. 1998, Alexandrov 1998) as follows: 1. The finds from Northwestern Bulgaria consisted of pointed-bottom cups (Muselievo , Zgalevo and Sadovets and Stalijska Makhala) , which define a special EB II[ type . Those finds have no parallels in Oltenia and Banat in the socalled Glina IV culture , as well as their chronology is based on southern parallels with the Y unatsite Ill culture. 2. The pitcher from Hurlets , which originates from the PGC grave can be dated to EB II. Beside the chronology, it does not belong to a grave of the Glina culture. 3. Medkovets and Kozloduj are represented by insufficient data for chronology and especially for cultural attribution. 4. Bukyovtsi two-handled cup is a good instance of the horizon of two-handled beakers from the western central Balkans penetrating into Northwestern Bulgaria but not in the Glina culture. 5. Lovech inhumation grave consisted of pointed bot tom cup - along with tunnel-handled bowl and two-handled jug belongs also to the EB III type distinguished by the point ed bottoms-cup s in Northwestern Bulgaria and the pottery differs from Oltenian EB IlIA earthen ware.

9

Chapt er 2 Recent investigations ·on Balkan Prehistory in the Fourth and Third Millennia BC: An Outline

6. The Devetaki cave includes pointed bottom type of cups , but also early Verbicioara pottery distinguished firstly by S. Morintz (1978 : 33). For the time being , it is not clear whether that site belongs to later EB IIIB phase or there existed two phases, one of which belongs to the Zgalevo-Lovech type and the another - to (he Verbicioara culture . 7. Rousse pottery is not published. There is an emblematic jug which seems to belong to the classical (EB II) Glina culture . 8. Tutrakan ceramics belong to the post-Glina type distinguished by C. Schuster documented in Bucharest micro-region. 9. Yakimovo pottery parallels with classical Glina but the pointed bottom sherd (?) may indicate post-Glum site as well. F. Gogaltan ( 1995; 1996) and M. Guma (1997 ) discussed the later Early Bronze Age cultures in Romanian Banat. H. Ciugudean ( 1996) considers the Carpathians data from the Early Bronze Age. For both the regions , Early Bronze includes the cultures from the later 3rd Millennium BC. Sz. Szekely ( 1998) investigated the Zabala , Schneckenberg and Ciomortan cultures from the Early Bronze and Middle Bronze in southeastern Transylvania - see chapter 11 by C. Schuster. The cultural conception of P. Roman (1976d) about the distribution of the ceramic styles like that of Kostolac also is valuable for the research on later Balkan prehistory . According to that author, the Kostolac ceramic style diffused in the area of several cultures in the central Balkans and the spread elements of this style did not argue for a distribution of the Kostolac culture. The Kostolac elements occur in the context of a predominated local emblematic pottery in the Velika Morava valley in light of recent evidence from Ostrikovac (Stojic 1996), reaching to the south the earlier Sitagroi Va and Dikili Tash IIIB. Of importance for comparative and ceramic analysis is the recent investigation on the corded earthenware of P. Roman ( 1986b; 1992b), with contributions of A. Dodd-Opritescu , P. Janos , Gh. Lazarovici and G. Simion (1992b). P. Roman distinguishes four horizons of distribution of the corded (real and false) pottery in southeastern Europe. To the first horizon the pottery mainly of the so-called Cucuteni C style and from the Cernavoda I culture belongs , corresponding to the Final Copper 1-11. Suplevac Bakarno Gumno false corded ceramics are included in this horizon ·as well. To the second horizon the pottery from the earlier Early Bronze belongs (according to my periodization system) - Horodi~tea, Folte~ti, Brailita, etc . character ized by a real and false corded ornamentation. The Balkans cultures from the latest Early Bronze I and from the Early Bronze II are attributed to the third horizon of the distribution of the corded ware in southern Europe. The ceramics from the Orlea, Celej , Cotofeni, Ezero, Ezerovo, Brailita, late Folte~ti, the Culture of Spherical Amphorae , different single graves in Muntenia ,

Pit Grave Culture , Sitagroi Vb and Dikili Tash , Pevkakia Magula, etc. are included in that horizon. The fourth horizon is the period of decreasing of the corded ornamentation in southeastern Europe consisted of few instances from late Ezero and some Tumulus graves . On the whole, the methodology of the distributed horizon is acceptable . Only some single data have controversial chronology. Also, new areas of the false corded earthenware was discovered during the last decade - upper Stryama valley (Dubene -Sarovka) , middle and upper Strouma valley (later Radomir-Vakhovo) and Velika Morava valley (Ostrikovac and other Early Bronze II sites ther e). The comprehensive investigation s of the western Balkans by M. Garasanin (197 3; 1998a; 1998b ; 1998c) and N. Tasic ( 1995) stabilized the Balkan cultur e sequence and introduced ethnical, cultural and social hypotheses, which are comparabl e with the eastern Balk.ans - despite that some of them are very critical and arouse many contradiction s. Of special importance for the Velika Morava valley are the regional investigations of M. Stojic in the Velika Morava valley ( 1996). The broad studies of B . Jovanovic ( 1976; 1979; 1991) on the steppe migrations, the new data on Final Copper from Skodrino Polje (Lazic and Sladic ( 1997), the investigation of A. Durman (1983) on the Vucedol culture metallurgy and of D. Nikolic (1995 ; 1996) on Kostolac culture should be also mentioned. The last author published important ceramic evidence for the earliest Cotofeni culture in eastern Serbia as well (Nikolic 1997). For that region, a record of primary importance remains Novack.a Cuprija with well represented Baden layer and only site with l 4C dates from EB III (Sankoff and Winter I 979; 1980; 1982; 1990; Krstic et al. 1986; Greenfield 1986b ). Recently, M. Garasanin tried to re-define the Bubanj II culture contents in the light of the newly investigations in the upper Stryama valley and western upper Thrace (1997) . According to that author , the Bubanj II culture was also distributed in the upper Struma valley and western upper Thrace. There are several points, which contradict the possibility of defining of the culture homogeneity of the three geographic zones: First, the tell predominate in western upper Thrace while the multi-level and thin-level settlements typify the middle and upper Struma and Velika Morava valleys . Secondly, the ceramic style of Bubanj II and Ostrikovac lb-c consists of many Kostolac elements, which are missing in western upper Thrace . Third , in the middle and upper Strouma valley there are some Kostolac ceramic element s and many parallels with Bubanj II. But at the same time contact data with Yunatsite II - Dubene II pottery argue that the communities there were in active contacts both with western Thrace communities, as well as with the Velika Morava valley pastoral and semi-pastoral groups. Thus, the contacts between western upper Thrace and the Velika Morava valley were mainly indirect. Fourth , the similarity of pottery characterizes not only the mention ed and discussed by M . Garasanin regional cultures, but also Sitagroi Va - Dikili Tash IIIB. So, if there is an attempt to generalize the culture system in which the

Chronological and regional .research

Bubanj II group was interrelated, it should be considered all the cultures of the central Balkans (see chapter 19). The later Early Bronze (III) corresponds generally with the Early Bronze period accepted in the Romanian and Yugoslavian historiography. The general evolution of the concept in the last decades is in accordance with. the increased record-base like the discovery of a ,,new culture" like Vinkovci - in fact a variant of Samogyavar - Belotic - Bela Crkva complex , after I. Bona (Tasic 1984 with ref.). The Edinets culture (Dergachov 1982: 56-63; 1986: 111-120) and the re-definition of the area and chronology of the distinct cultures and groups can be also stressed - like the horizon of cist graves (Schuster 1997) and of two-handled beakers (Stojic and Nikitovic 1996). In contrast to the 1980-ties, when the general tendency of the investigations consisted of analyzing peculiarities of the ethnographical zones, recently the archaeological record provokes a possibility for generalizations. The concept of Balkan - Carpathians culture system (Belotic - Edinets horizon) occurred (M. Garasanin 1983, 463- 70) as well as of the horizon of two-handled vessels (M. Stojic 1998) - based on the similar data. At the same time, type-sites have a discussed culture belonging. For example, the Verbita Tumulus attributed to the so-called Glina IV (Berciu and Roman 1984) is defined as belonging to the PGC (Nikolova 1992b) or to the Vinkovci culture (Tasic 1984b ). Also, some graves (Nos. 24 and 25) from Bela Crkva given as belonging to the Belotic - Bela Crkva group (Garasanin 1973) have been attributed in another research to the Vinkovci culture (Tasic I 984: 16). The distinguished type of Ada in the lower and middle Tisza basin (Horvath 1984 with ref.), connects different cultures, still remaining with controversial definitions in the historiography. Two polemical theses occur in connection with the periodization of the Vinkovci culture. According to S. Dimitrijevic ( 1982), there are different phases, which could be distinguished at Vinkovci. In contrast , N. Tasic assumes that the pottery at V inkovci mainly originates from pits and it is very hard to be divided into phases. In the light of this consideration, he infers one phase of Vinkovci culture in most of Srem. The later phase is documented only at Vinkovci (B2 after S. Dimitrijevic), as well as at Berbita in the Sava basin and eventually by the Belegi~ cremation grave (Tasic 1984: 26). The thematically determined Balkan researches - beside the regional and chronological studies - concern the metallurgy, settlement pattern, pottery, burial rites, etc. The developed metal industry is one of the most characteristic features of the later Balkan prehistoric development. A. Vuple (1970; 1975) collected the data from Romania. In the monograph of E. Chemykh ( 1978) the evidence from the Bulgaria were systematized while recently E. Pemicka with collaborators ( 1997) contributed to the earliest Bulgarian Copper artifacts with isotope analyses of. The Yugoslavian metal finds were an object of analysis and interpretation of different authors and especially of M. Garasanin , B. Jovanovic (1971b) and M . Kuna (1981) , Pemicka et al. (1993). At

the beginning of the 1990-ties, I. Vajsov (I 992b; 1993b) contributed to the earliest bronze daggers from central Europe , the Balkans and the northwestern Black Sea. That author elaborates a typology and defined several chronological horizons of the daggers. I. Bogdanovic ( 1996) analyzed the later Bronze Age daggers from the southern middle Danube in the context of the discussion about the weapon in the antiquity. The Final Copper and Early Bronze pottery is usually investigated in a context of the cultural definition of the microregions. Some problem-studies occurred as that of the encrusted pottery from EB II in the Central Balkans (Nikolova 1996a; 1996b ). A. Alexandrov ( 1998) tried to typify ceramics from EB III Western Bulgaria and to define a chronology of some new data. But in many cases the types as well as the chronological definitions are debatable. For instance, there is no difference between the so-called Bubanj III type and Vecina Mala type cups exemplified by Pemik - Krepostta and Kondofrei. Also, the bowl from Negovanci is well dated to the later EB II, judging from the encrusted net ornamentation. Also , the I -shaped rims occur in the Balkans before EB III and they are not emblematic only of EB III. The burial rites in later Balkan Prehistory consist of settlement burials , flat and Tumulus cemeteries. Most of the Tumulus graves belong to the Pit Grave culture researched by V. Zirra (1960) , E. Com~a (1976 ; 1978b), I. Panayotov (1989) , G. Kitov (1991) , B. Jovanovic (1975) , M. Giric (1987) , M. Medovic (1987) , L. Bukvic (1978; 1987), D. Berciu and P. Roman, S. Morintz (1984) ,.G. Simian (1992) , F. Burtanescu (1996; 1999), L. Nikolova (1992c; 1994b) , etc. In the Bulgarian and Yugoslavian historiographies the so-called Ochre Tumulus graves are attributed mainly to the Pit Grave Culture distributed in later Early Bronze I - earlier Early Bronze II. In the Romanian historiography based on the different record - the graves are attributed to Early Brome I until Early Bronze III. Recently , one 14C date from PGC from the beginning of the Second Millennium (Mantu 1995 ; Table A) indicates that that culture has a long duration in some micro-regions, as the eastern lower Danube basin. Notwithstanding the fragmented data , in the last decades have increased the record of not-PGC tumulus graves in the Balkans - from Baden culture (Kosoric 1979), Cotofeni (N. Vlassa , M. Takacs and Gh. Lazarovici [1986 ; 1987]) and Ezero culture (Kunchev I 995) , in addition to the Vucedol record from 1950ties - Batajnica and Vojka (Tasic 1959b) and of the Cotofeni culture (Nikolov 1976; 1981).

2.2. Synchronization studies The synchronizations between neighbored and distant cultures in the Balkans are based on the contact data, l 4C dates and comparative stratigraphy . Despite of some exceptions, the synchronizations are well argued. Despite of this fact many controversial concepts exist because of the general method diversity , but the absence of plenty archaeological records should be also mentioned. Of primary importance for the synchronization of Salcuta 11

Chapter 2 Recent investigations .on Balkan Prehistory in the Fou rth and Third Millennia BC: A n Outline

are the observations in Romania, according to which the end of the Salcuta culture succeeded Gumelnita. The recent investigations at Dragane~ti-Olt where Salcuta Ile level follows Gumelnita B 1 (Nica et al. 1995; Nica et al. 1997) confirm that thesis - key-stone in the chronological scheme of P. Roman (1971). Recently , the duration of Karanovo VI was equaled with that of Krivodol (Gorsdorf and Bojadziev 1995). But as I will argue in chapter 6 there is no old nor new evidence for the synchronism between the end of the Krivodol - Salcuta - Bubanj and Karanovo VI - Gumelnita - Varna complexes. In contrast , the new evidence confirms the longer duration of the former complex . On the other hand , in the Yugoslavian historiography the misinter pretation of the evolution of the KSB ceramic style infers recently that the Skodrensko Polje site in eastern Serbia is comparable with earlier Salcuta . In fact, that site confirms the long duration of the KSB complex in eastern Serbia as well - see chapter 6. The second FC synchronization system is that between the Cernavoda I culture and the rest of the Balkan culture s. Again , of primary importance are the recent investigations of P. Roman ( 1992b with ref.; Roman and Dodd-Opritescu 1989). The possible contact data between the Cemavoda I and Ostrovul Corbului cemetery are the argument to believe that the beginning of he Cernavoda I culture partially parallels with the final KSBC - see chapter 8 by I. Manzura. At the same time, the later Cernavoda I culture was synchronized with Usatovo based on the common corded ornamentation (Roman 1992b ). · In the middle Danube , the documentation of the Hunyadihalom - Vajska group (Patay 1988), the sites of the different stages of the Baden culture (Nemejcova - Pavukova 1968; 1974; 198; 1992), Bosaca group, Nagyrev (Schreiber-Kalicz 1976; 1984), Pit Grave Culture (Kalicz 1968; 1989; Ecsedy 1989) include many contact data with different stages of development of the Final Copper II and Early Bronze I-III Balkans. For a long period , the thesis of a synchronism between Ezero A-B 1 and Baden culture was popular. Despite of the difference in the radiocarbon dates, earlier Baden was synchronized with earlier Ezero and later Baden - with the so-called Mikhalich stage of the Ezero culture (Merpert 1979; Katincharov 1979; Nemejcova-Pavukova 1981; 1985; 1991; 1992). The excavations at Dubene confirmed that Early Bronze I in western Thrace was synchronous with Sitagroi IV including Baden channel pottery (Nikolova 1996a) . J. Maran ( 1998) in broader context argues the chronological position of the Baden complex in later Fourth Millennium BC . The encrusted pottery began to typify the beginning of Early Bronze II at Dubene-Sarovka and Yunatsite 14 with some parallels in earliest Sitagroi Va and Kostolac. So, it is clear that the encrusted ceramic style rapidly _displaced the channel pottery in different variants from beginning of EB II. In the light of this evidence, the Baden culture in the southern middle Danube developed only during Early Bronze I, while the earliest Early Bronze II cultures from the Balkans are 12

synchronized with Bosaca and other cultures with Kostolac and early Vucedol elements (Nikolova 1996a; 1996b). J. Maran ( 1998: 341-4 7) assumes even the beginning of the Kostolac culture to be dated to latest Fourth Millennium

BC. A. Sherratt synchronized the phase IV of Sitagroi with classical Baden and the phase Va - with Troy I (1986). But in the monograph of Sitagroi the absolute dates are given according to the vastest span of probability distribution of the calibrated values, which considerably differ (Renfrew et al. 1986; Sherratt 1986) from the comparative-stratigraphic and comparative chronological analysis of the radiocarbon dates obtained there. St. Manning ( 1995) discusses the l 4C dates from Sitagroi and concludes that the beginning of Sitagroi IV is close to the end of the Fourth Millennium BC. J. Maran considers the possibility of synchronization of Sitagroi IV with Boleraz , but he also accepts the beginning of Sitagroi IV to the latest Fourth Millennium BC - cp. chapters 8-10. In the upper Stryama valley (Dubene 118) and in the upper Toundzha valley (Doino Sakhrane) the round bottom cups were distributed in Early Bronze II. In contrast , they might appear at EB III Sitagroi Vb. Because of this fact, M. Seferiades ( 1996) infers that Sitagroi Vb was synchronous with Dubene IIB, i.e. the EB III in the northern Aegean - with the EB III in western upper Thrace. This synchronization is theoretically confirmed by the l 4C date from the Storage house from Dubene IIB2 , but the Apses house from Dubene IlB2 is synchronous with Sitagroi Va2 in term of the comparative stratigraphy and similar encrusted pottery (Nikolova 1996a; 1996b ; Nikolova and Gorsdorf 1998; chapter 9). The typological parallels with some western European cultures where the dendrochronological record precisely dates sites and cultures confirm the earlier dating of the Baden culture. J. Matuschik ( 1992) dealt with the Cham culture and gave a synchronization table (L Matuschik 1992: table G) where the position of Baden culture coincides with one based on the contact data with Southeastern Europe . J. Maran uses dendrochronological data from the Altheim culture (Maran 1998: 348) giving ca. 3500 BC as a possible beginning of the Baden I (Boleraz) - a date similar to the accepted in this study. A special topic of resent research are the Balkan - Anatolian culture-chronological interrelations. Based on numerous stratified data from Ezero , N. Ya. Merpert ( 1979), E. N. Chemykh ( 1979) and R. Katincharov ( 1991) argue the documented in eastern upper Thrace pre-Troy stage of EB, as well as intensive cultural interactions in EB II between Thrace and Anatolia. This scheme was confirmed in my Ph. D. dissertation (Nikolova 1991) with a correction that the beginnin g of Ezero coincides with late but not earlier Polio chni black (I), as well as already from the late EB I had existed interactions between the Balkans and Anatolia (2). However , P. Roman contradicts the sync hronization of Ezero assuming that Cemavoda III - Troy I is a chronological horizon , but Ezero 13-11 is synchronous with Orlea - Sa-

Problems of contacts-investigatipns

dovets group, which follows Cernavoda III culture (1992a). Recently, D. Garasanin (1997b) synchronizes the western Serbian group of Belotic - Bela Crkva with Mako and later Glina (Verbita - Ostrovul - Corbului phase). At the same time, M. Garasanin divided Bubanj III group into two phases synchronized with Annenochori group ( 1998b). Other synchronizations argued in the last decades will be discussed in chapters 6-10.

2.3. Problems of contacts-investigations The variety of the topics of the later prehistoric development in the Balkans includes - as a traditional subject - the steppe migrations. M. Garasanin provoked in the 1960-ties ( 196 la) a theory of a graduate migration from the northern Black Sea into the Balkans, including some discussed arguments like the grave pits at Vucedol (Garasanin 1967). In the followed decades the ceramic arguments came up of primary importance for the migration theories, especially for the Final Copper Age (Morintz and Roman 1968a; Roman 1971; Kalicz 1992) or the beginning of Bronze Age (Tasicl995). The North Black Sea origin of the Cernavoda I (Roman et al. 1992: 37) or of the Cernavoda III culture (Tasic 1995) has been postulated. But the straightforward migration argu~ents have a presumption like that to equal the change of the ceramic style with a new population, which is not correct theoretically (Adams 1968). This postulate is not an obvious argument about a migration, because there are numerous examples , according to which the ethnical change could not be archaeologically observed in the traditional cultures, as well as the ceramic change being a result of a social change. Anyway, some authors contra-attacked the migration hypotheses for the Balkan late prehistoric changes by giving an evidence for absence of the technological change in the flint industry despite of the assumed migration (Sirakov 1996). The other arguments include ·the burial rites of the so-called Kurgan culture, the thesis argued during the few past decades especially by M. Gimbutas (1961; 1970; 1973; 1977; 1986; 1991). As the recent researches infer, there is an evidence of the Pit Grave culture migrations in the Balkans dated to the latest Fourth - earlier Third Millennia BC (Nikolova 1992c; 1994d). The systematized data from Romania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia and eastern Hungary (Ecsedy 1979) infer that the Pit Grave culture occupied different micro-regions of the Balkans in the latest EB I-EB Ill and even later in some microregions. But as it will be in this study argued, the tribes of this culture were gradually integrated with the native population. This conclusion contradicts the thesis that the PGC tribes gave rise to considerable changes in the Balkans (Gimbutas 1991). As far as the Final Copper Age concerns, B. Govedarica and E. Kaiser ( 1996) had systematized recently the scepters ,

demonstrating that they were more popular in the western Black Sea regions in compare to the northern Black Sea and the data for Tumulus graves are very few (Nikolova 1994d). Yo. Yordanov (Y ordanov and Mikhaj lova 1986) infers the belonging of Pit Grave Culture population to the protoEuropean anthropological type, but the same was argued for Early Neolithic population buried at Maluk Preslavets (Panayotov et al. 1992) as well. Unfortunately, anthropological evidence is limited from contact zones like the western lower Danube basin, as well as eastern Bulgarian Thrace. A. Com~a ( 1995) infers a robust (proto-European) anthropological belonging of one of the deceased from Dragane~ti-Olt cemetery, but we do not know the anthropological characteristics of the previous population. The ritual of the Dragane~ti-Olt cemetery is identical to that from Ostrovul Corbului (see chapter 21 ). The migrations from the northern Black Sea are mainly discussed in connection with the Indo-European problems (Gimbutas 1970; 1973; 1977; Polome 1982; Alexander 1982; Thomas 1982: 70-73; Mallory 1989; Tasic 1989; Anthony 1986; 1990; 1991; 1997). It arouses many critics (see for instance Hausler 1981; 1982; 1994; 1995; 1996). Also, the theses of the Indo-Europeanization connected with Neolithization of the Balkans became popular after C. Renfrew's book (1987; cp. Zvelebil 1995; Alinei 1998) during the last years. Recently, the integrative-contact long-term theory of the Balkan Indo-Europeanization has been initially argued (Nikolova 1998). The explanation of the ceramic changes in the Balkans arouses as a problem because of their definition in terms of inner migrations by some authors as well. Following this method of interpretations, the diffusion of the Glina culture in the western lower Danube basin was explained by a migration of population from the eastern lower Danube basin (Guma 1997). It should be stressed that the disappearance of the Cotofeni encrusted pottery follows the same cultural process as Vucedol - Vinkovci ceramic change , so based on the Banat case study it is not possible to see a unique population replacement. It is more a theoretical asswnption that the disappearance of the Glina ceramic style in Muntenia may indicate population movement. But there is not any evidence for any social disaster among the Cotofeni population, which may cause the Glina expansion. Also, the absence of burial evidence extremely weakens the migration model of the explanation of the culture change in Banat in EB III. The Balkans also was open towards central Europe through the Danube basin and towards the Aegean culture circle through the Black Sea, the Marmor Sea and the Aegean. The similarity between different components of the Early Bronze cultures of these regions - ceramic style, architecture, objects of cult, etc., were explaint?d by multi-aspect models of interrelations between the neighboring and distant cultures (Nikolova 1991; 1994a). The unification of the ceramic styles and synchronous general changes were typical of the Balkans during Final Copper and Early Bronze Age. The connection of the so-called Salcuta IV phenomenon (Roman 1995) with the central 13

Chapt er 2 Recent investigations on Balkan Prehistory in the Fourth and Third Millennia BC: An Outline

European cultures of the Scheibenhenkel horizon were recently discussed by numerous other authors (Kalicz 1992 ; Brukner 1976; Vajsov 1992b; Nikolova 1991 ; 1992a, etc .). In 1960-ties - 1980-ties, the study of the Baden external contacts depended on the assumption that it is synchronous with Early Anatolian culture . Parallels ben:veen Troy and Baden culture were explained by direct contact and southeast influence (Kalicz 1963, Rech 1972-1973). V. Nemejcova-Pavukova (1985 : 26) described a dynamic model of interrelations , according to which the so-called Baden - the eastern Aegean - Anatolian contacts culminated in Baden Ic-11stage . But by all these cases - because of chronological diachronism recently argued - the Anatolian roots of the Ba den culture was confuted. Authors like N . Kalicz (1989) continued to believe in the strong southeastern influenc e into central Europe during the Baden period , which direc tion later was also assumed for the Final Copper ( 1992), according to my chronological scheme .

emergence again - after the whole period of Copper Age of Early Bronze I babies' inhumations on the settlements of Bulgarian Thrace (Nikolova 1991) . M . Parovic-Pesakan (19"85) stresses on the Greek influence in the Balkans in Bronze Age including the earlier stage. In general terms, Early Bronz e II was defined recently as a period of cultural flourishing with very intensive interactions reflected in the distributed encrusted pottery (Nikolova 1996b ), the common apses-houses (Nikolova 1996b ; Nikolic 1996), common burial rituals and diffusion of the cremation rite (Nikolova 1993) , etc . A. Benac also included in that cultur e syste m the wes tern Balkan s ( 1982). M . Buchvaldek (1997 ) following the tradition of research of I. Bona, S. Dimitrijevic , A. Mozsolic s and other authors from 1960ties, postulat ed new data on possibl e southeastern element s in the Corded -ware culture in central Europe in EB II-HI (amphora e, one-handl ed wide mouth j ugs and long neck pitcher s, shallow plate s, etc.).

The Early Bronz e I encrusted ,lids / bowl s from Ce ntra l Europe , systematized by V : Nemejcova -Pavukova (1992) were also discovered in the Central Balkans , as well as in continental Greece. All data were discussed recently by J. Maran (1997 ; Maran 1998: 344-46). The similarity of this specific earthenware infers close and possible long-distant contacts during the Early Bronze I.

Based on the metal finds , M . Primas (1995 : 82- 86) poses the question of long-distance contacts in the 3 rd Millennium BC in the Eastern Mediterranean. According to that author , the Bay of Kotor , as well as the island of Leukas were both interacted as well as with other areas (the Black Sea region and the Levant).

The encrusted lids appeared as a new argument in favor of a thesis that already during the Early Bronze I there were intensive interactions in the Carpathians - the Balkans - the Aegean. The last was argued initially in my dissertation in connection of explanation of Ezero A 1 and Sitagroi IV parallels with northwestern Anatolia (Nikolova 1991). So, the Thracian-western Anatolian interactions were intensified during the Early Bronze II , but they already existed in the initial stage of the Early Bronze I.

2.4. Investigations on earlier Balkan Prehistory For this research of special importance also are investigations on earlier Balkan Prehistory - for the chronological and culture sequence analyses , as well as for retrospective studies. Therefore , some contributions on earlier Balkan prehi story should be mentioned.

Recently , K. Leshtakov interpreted the Gulubovo evidence ( 1996) as a trade center in northeastern Thrace and argued intensive relationships between eastern Bulgarian Thrace and Anatolia existed in the later Early Bronze III - the beginning of the Middle Bronze . But to which extend the cultural and trade relationships were between relative ethnic tribes , remains open question. The Thracian - Greek interactions were especially investigated in the context of the data about clay models of the so-called anchor s and the apses-houses (Nikolova 1991 ). Some old parallels between the central Balkans and the Aegean should be mentioned like that of V . Milojcic (1949: 296) , who stressed parallels of some of the Bubanj site pottery in the Early Bron ze Aegean . At the same time, J. Maran critically discussed the EB III data on contacts of the central Balkans ·with the south (1998).

Recently , V . Nikolov (1998a) has contributed to our understanding of the later Neolithic in southern Bulgaria . The concern of that author is mainly a detailed analysis of the pott ery from his excavation s at Karanovo (along with S. Hiller ) and at Drama (alon g with J. Lichardus) , as well as from num erous published or unpublished sites from Bulgarian Thrace. The researcher defines transitional periods between Karanovo II and Karanovo III cultures (Karanovo IIIII), as well as between Karanovo III and Karanovo IV cultures (Karanovo lll-lV). This chronological scheme is accepted to some extend in this study , but the transitional stages are defined respectively as a first stage and a third stage of the Karanovo III cultur e (Karanovo IIIA and C). Archaeological evidenc e contradicts the assumed different dev elopment of the western and eastern Bulgarian Thrace in the period of Karanovo IV culture as well (Nikolova 1999).

A possible southern influence reflect some violin idols from the Carpathians with analogies in the Cycladic Keros culture (Ciugudean 1983 ; Nikolova l 992 ; Leshtakov 1996) . Later J. Maran (1998 : Tables 50-51) analyzed similar items from the we stern Balkan s assuming an influence in oppos ite direction. A possi ble southeastern influence probably resulted in

In my recent study all the availabl e evidenc e of l 4C dating of the Balkan Neolithic were collected , as well as the case study of the upper Stryama valley is analyzed in detail ( 1998). B. Nikolov ( 1992) elaborated a regional study of Neo lithic sequence in northwestern Bulgaria as we ll. For the settlement pattern and culture models of special importance

14

Investigations on earlier Balkan Prehistory

The newly discovered settlement by Dubene (Nikolova and Zakharieva 1994) for the first time documented Karanovo VI culture in western upper Thrace.

peared and spread (1995: 87). As the professional reader well knows, the so call Middle Eneolithic (the latest Maritsa and Gradeshnitsa cultures) is the period when the metallurgy already is traced as a well-distributed component of the Balkan economy. On the other hand , the ceramic style from Maritsa to Gradeshnita shows a smooth transition (the Drama excavations, Lichardus et al. 1996). So, in the Balkans in the latest Early Copper (according to my periodization system) there is a smooth transition towards the late Copper Age. Even Hamangia culture at the periphery of the Balkan cultures was integrated in the late Copper Varna culture as a transitional process. The same author also wrote that the grave 43 from "Late Eneolithic" Varna cemetery · "indicates the existence of royal power'' (1995: 88). The late Copper Age society in the Balkans including Varna variant of Karanovo VI-Gumelnita-Vama complex was at a stage of a complex society - at only initial stage of a social differentiation see also Sherratt 1997). Furthermore , in the same article that writer includes Galatin, Zaminec and Krivodol in the second and third phase of Krivodol-SalcutaBubanj complex (1995: 89) followed by Telish, Reburkovo and Kolarovo (the fourth phase). First of all, there is no ceramic evidence which can be given indicating that Telish 3 (former 2) is later than Galatin and Zaminec. Even the comparative analysis (chapter 8) infers a partially reverse consequence. Zaminec is not only contemporary with Telish but even follows that site (see also Garasanin 1998c). As far as Kolarovo concerns, the pottery there consists of emblematic parallels with Salcuta Ill , then , to equal Salcuta Ill with Ube (Telish 3) has no sense in the recent research.

In Bulgarian historiography, confusions arouse papers by H. Todorova because of fact-mistakes , controversial misunderstandings and not argued theses about Copper Age, but they are an exception in the general good state of research on the Balkan Copper Age. For instance , the tell of Dubene is given as Dulbene ( 1979). Also, the concept of the so-called Middle Eneolithic is defmed as a period when the last features of the Balkan Late Neolithic - Early Eneolithic ,,died out and the characteristics of the late Eneolithic block ap-

Concerning the southern Balkans, shortly speaking , Sitagroi (Renfrew et al. l 986) documented a long sequence of Gradeshnitsa - Slatino - Sitagroi complex (after S. Chok hadzniev) in the northern Aegean. Also, the contribution of I. Aslanis ( 1992) should be stressed who analyzed the possibility of the synchronization between the northern Aegean and Thessally , as well as Bulgarian Thrace , in the Cooper Age, including new interpretation of the fortification system ofDimini.

are the evidence from Selevac (Tringham R. and Krstic l 990) and earliest Sitagroi (Renfrew et al. l 986). Deeply in the past, the burial ritual of the Lepenski Vir culture (Radovanovic 1996) should be stressed, as well as the different Neolithization models based on the investigations of I. Vajsov (1998), G. Lazarovici and Z. Kalmar , S. Chokhadzhiev, etc. (see the references in Nikolova 1998). The Copper Age is remarkable because of the emergence of the developed complex societies in the Balkans. The Maritsa - Boian - Gradeshnitsa - later Vinca - Sitagroi III horizon is well investigated. The researches of E. Com~a (1973; 1974), G. Lazarovici (1979), B. Brukner (Brukner et al. 1974), M. Garasanin (1973; 1998a), R Tringham (1991), J. Lichardus (Lichardus et al. 1996), K. Leshtakov ( 1997) are of special importance for elaborating of the recent chronology and social reconstruction of earlier Copper Age. The next big horizon of Karanovo VI-Gumelnita-Vama and Krivodol-Salcuta - Bubanj complexes is known mainly by the evidence before 1990-ties (see Parzinger 1993 with ref.) including Vinitsa tell (Raduncheva 1976) and Dolnoslav (excavations of A. Raduncheva, unpublished) and some other sites which are only preliminary published like: Telish - excavations of V. Gergov (1992a) ; Krivodol - excavations of B. Nikolov (1984); Bubanj - investigations of M. Grasanin (1979), etc.

15

Chapter]

Balkan early prehistory: Culture sequence and chronology This chapter deals with a general culture sequence and chronology of Early and Late Neolithic, as well as of Early and Late Copper Age providing a background of the regional investigations of Balkan later Prehistory in part 2.

3.1. Early Neolithic The Neolithic chronology is based on stratigraphic data, cross-cultural contact-data and absolute chronology (Nikolova 1998 with ref.).

In the light of recent evidence, two periods can be distinguished in Balkan Neolithic: Early and Late Neolithic. The Early Neolithic is divided into three stages. The earlier phase of the first stage (EN IA) is characterized by the monochrome pottery (Donja Branjevina III-Gura Baciului la, Krajnitsi I, Koprivets I, etc.). This phase is partially investigated, e.g. there are areas in the Balkans like Thrace where no data have been documented from EN IA. The as~ sumption that it did develop parallel with the earliest whitepainted pottery horizon has no archaeological arguments. To this phase belongs the Hoca ~ ,

..,,f)l ....

;

7

8

Figure 7.26. Finds from Ulmeni-Tau1anca. References: Dodd-Oprifescu 1992 (1-3, 6-8); Morintz and Ionescu 1968 (4); Morint z and Roman 1968 (5, 9, 1 OJ

170

Material record

---

-~~---.-:

"!·:~-:. :!~;':!< .~~: •

•

•

•

'

- ♦: ,:

•

• •

•

·.·.

00*(1)

..·

. .~ . ... .

:~-::: .·..::-~. :ij(b):°

~;

' _.. ' . I

r

-:..._: ·.\:·.-,: ..·

I• ·_.. I . ·.. I I.-·.· . : . :...-·-

2

1

s

3

7

. ·.

8

.::~:....·'\:\:~:

.:·.·.~ •.•• ;::' ;?t~iJ 9

11

12

Figure 7.27. Finds from Ulmeni-Tdu~anca. References: Dodd-Oprifescu 1992 (1, 2),· Morintz and Ionescu 1968 (3); Morintz and Roman 1968 (4-12) 171

Chapter 7 Cernavoda I culture

u

•

1

4

5

7

8

Figure 7.28. Finds from Ulmeni-Tiiu~anca. References: Dodd-Oprifescu 1992 (3); Morintz and Roman 1968 (I, 2, 4-12)

172

Material record

1

2

3

4

!:'!?)I?1 L.,\,.

-~

~

6 Ii

s

,,, ,,, ,,

..... ..,,,,!'?)!~ ~,

-····

.... ~

..

"

.,

:•· ,r..,.-._

~:d~~;,, ,".,. , "'"'"," ,

7

I ii

.

-..--~~ •tiii

. ..

"il{'.(., ·\. 8

Figure 7.29. Finds from Ulmeni-Tiiu$anca. References: Morintz and Ionescu 1968 (1, 5); Morintz and Roman 1968 (3, 4, 7); DoddOprifescu 1992 (2, 6, 8)

173

Chapter 7 Cernavoda I culture

1

2

4 3

5

6

L..L..LJ

Figure 7.30. Finds from Ulmeni-Tiiu~anca. References: Morintz and Roman 1968 (1-4, 6, 7); Dodd-Opri{escu 1992 (5)

174

7

Chapter8

Early; Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC) Early Bronze Age is divided into three stages: Early Bronze I-III. The criteria for the periodization of Early Bronze I-III include mainly the development of the ceramic style. The innovations in the pottery production also characterize the definition of new stages of different cultures (Yunatsite, Ezero, Sitagroi / Dikili Tash, Pernik, Ostrikovac / Bubanj, etc.), or of new cultures (Kostolac, Vucedol, Glina, etc.). The stratigraphic sequence is to be of primary importance for distinguishing of some phases. The graduate development of the metallurgy also reflects on the evolution model EB I - EB II - EB III. In the light of recent evidence the Early Bronze I includes: The Proto-Cemavoda III and Cemavoda III culture in the Lower Danube basin (Hotnitsa-Vodopada, Cemavoda, Mirovci, Durankulak, Dobrote~ti, etc.), the Celei and Orlea-Sadovets (after P. Roman) groups, as well as the distinguished as Pemi.k I group material in the upper Strouma valley (as a southern variant of the Cemavoda III culture); The Ezero I culture in eastern Bulgarian Thrace (Ezero 13-11, Karanovo VIIA, Ovcharitsa, some graves of the Golyama Detelina tumulus, etc.); The Yunatsite I culture in western Bulgarian Thrace (Y unatsite 17-15, Dubene IIA, perhaps Plovdiv-Nebet Tepe, Ognyanovo and Manole); The Sitagroi IV - Dikili Tash IIIA culture in the northern Aegean; The Cotofeni culture I in the western Lower Danube (Locusteni, Baile Herculane, etc.); Ostrikovac-Bubanj I group of the Baden complex in the Velika Morava valley (Ostrikovac la, Bubanj la), and the Dobanovci group of the Baden culture complex in the southern Middle Danube (Dobanovci, Vucedol, Pancevo-Jabuka I, Mokrin) and in the lower course of the Velika Morava valley and Sumadija (Novacka Cuprija, Djurdjevacka Glavica), etc.

8.1. The problem of the beginning of the Early Bronze Age Recently, the site of Hotnitsa-Vodopada (S-196) from central Northern Bulgaria poses the question of the beginning of Early Bronze in the Balkans. The EB I layer consists of two horizons. The pottery parallels with the Cernavoda I, as well as with Cemavoda III cultures. But there are missing some typical of the former culture shapes (N ikolova 1996a: 156).

The absence of comparative to Hotnitsa-Vodopada sites with numerous evidence leaves open the question about a certain dating of the beginning of the Early Bronze in the Balkans. 1 There are no reasons to attribute HotnitsaVodopada to Final Copper Age in the context of the ceramic evidence, as well as in the context of the metal finds (daggers of arsenic bronze). That site is later than Haramijska Dupka, Yagodina, Telish 4, Zlotska Pecina and Baile Herculane III from the Final Copper 1-11. · The pottery related to the Cernavoda III (sinuous plates) and to later Usatovo (impressed and painted ornament, twohandled bowls) outlines the site as an Early Bronze I one. But the cup with one handle, which is close to that of Cernavoda I culture, indicates that it is on the chronological border between the Cernavoda I and Cemavoda III cultures. Some parallels of another kind of cups - with high handle originate from Baden culture in Central Europe (table 8.1). The early absolute dating of Hotnitsa-Vodopada (table A) defines the genesis of the Early Bronze as a graduate process of formation of different culture structures based -on the Final Copper heritage, in this case - the Cemavoda I culture. One 14C date dates the first (later) horizon of HotnitsaV odopada, but five l 4C dates exist from the second horizon (chart 8.1). The starting point for a chronological determination of Hotnitsa-Vodopada is the values of Bln-3680, with 68.2% confidence. They give two possibilities to date the later occupation of the site: 3700BC (42.8%) 3610BC 3580BC (25.4%) 3520BC On the other hand, it is visible that the date Bln-3682 contrasts to the other values and especially to the date from the first horizon. The other dates for the second (earlier horizon) give the following most probable values for a chronology of earlier Hotnitsa-Vodopada: 3820BC (60.9%) 3680BC 3720BC (45.6%) 3630BC 3720BC (45.6%) 3630BC

1

The pottery from Radovanu (Muntenia) discovered recently has some mixed Cemavoda I and Cemavoda III features . I am grateful to Prof. P. Roman introducing me to that evidence which has been reported at the Gennan Archaeological Congress in Heidelberg , in May 1999.

175

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC) Kind

Characteristic elements

1 Sinuous bowls (fig. 8.1: 47)

Parallels

Widen orifice, presence of two small handles or bulges, geometric painted ornament (triangles of parallel lines)

2. Spherical open bowls with Incisions under the rim S-profiles rim (fig. 8.1: 9-10) 3. Spherical bowl and inSmall horizontal string-hole verted rim (/iJ!.8.1: 11) 4. Open jars with straight or S-orofiled rim 5. Um-like jar/ bowl 6. High-necked jug (fig. 8.1: 13)

Cemavoda I culture, Cemavoda III culture, Baden culture, Pernik I group , Yunatsite I culture, Sitagroi IV - Dikili Tash IIIA group

7. Necked-jug with two handles 8. Conical bowl 9. Open necked with earthen body I 0. Necked bowl with two handles 11. Conical cup with one high handle 12. Cup with round body and high handle 13. Cup with rounded body and vertical handle 14. Relief ornament

One line of relief wave like bands

Early Bronze 1-11horizons in the Balkans

15. Channel pottery

Horizontal channels

Cernavoda I, the Early Bronze I Balkans

16. Caterpillar stamped ornaStamps on the rim and on the wall ment (fig. 8.1: 3) O~Iique parallel lines, zigzag motif on the up17. White painted pottery per part of the vessel

Usatovo, Durankulak (Draganov 1990: 170, fig. 6: 3); Troy I, Yunatsite 17-16 (unpublished)

18. Incisions (fig. 8.1: 10)

Oblique incision on rim

Cernavoda I, the EB I Balkans

19. Bulges (fig. 8.1: ,f)

Conical on a funnel bowl

FC, EB I Balkans

20. Two small handles, horizontal string-holes (fig. 8. 1: 7, 11)

Patokova 1978: fig. 3:1 (Usatovo)

Usatovo

Table 8.1. Typological elements of the Hotnitsa-Vodopada pottery and their parallels. References: Ilceva 1993; Vajsov 1993

The Sum probability of the Hotnitsa - Vodopada EB IA values are as follows (chart 8.2.1): 68.2% confidence 3790BC (53.9%) 3610BC 3580BC (10.5%) 3530BC 95.4% confidence 4000BC (82.2%) 3600BC 3590BC (13.2%) 3510BC (cp. chart 8.2.2) . So, there are three possibilities of dating of Hotnitsa - Vodopada I 1-2: 3900 - 3700 BC 3800 - 3600 BC 3700 - 3500 BC (cp. Gorsdorf and Bojadziev 1996: 155). 176

The first possibility includes all the dates from the series. The second and third possibilities are based on the values of 5 dates (without Bln-3682) . We should keep in mind that only one date exists from the first horizon, so the chronology is based on the data mainly from the earlier horizon. The age and the kind of the threes of the samples also are unknown, as well as the character of the pits, which the five dates originated from. Based on parallels with the pottery from Oltenita-Renie II, as well as from Sitagroi IV, the dating of the end of the site c. 3500 looks very probable , respectively the beginning of Hotnitsa - Vodopada between c. 3650 BC and 3600 BC. It seems this chronological span is a period of a transition from FC to EB in the Balkans. If we accept that the end of the Ovcharovo - Platoto is c. 3600 BC, that point can be defmed as the beginning of the Hotnitsa - Vodopada, respectively of the Cemavoda III culture in the Lower Danube.

The problem of the beginning of the Early Bronze Age)

__

0..__

--

5-cm

5

4

,

I

9

fC-51 I~

'

12

Figure 8.1. Cernavoda II/Al culture pottery. Hotnitsa-Vodopada in Northern Bulgaria. References: Ilcheva 1993; Vajsov 1993

177

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC) ~ .:~ : er.~

1

~._s.•~ra eds;. f ~86 J~ndic~

-~~28)

B_~s_-~o~~· 0'( ~:11~-~ 0d ~ub r:-4~ ~=-~ ~~!~hronf

,- ,Sum Hotnitsa-Wodopada Hor 1 Bln-368

5110±50_!:3P _

Hor 1 Bln-368

4950±60BP

Hor 1 Bln-368

4950±60BP

...,,

--=---...=........

4830±60BP Hor I Bln-368

4890±60BP

Hor 2 Bln-368

4830±60BP

Sum Hotnit sa Vodopada _ _

4500BC

4000BC

3500BC

3000BC

Calendar date

Chart 8.1. Hotnitsa-Vodopada ll-2.14C calibrated dates and their Sum-probability. N=6

M. S..-

..

RS Kn .. _191111...._.,,.21(18 )' .n -lOJO, 0.C.vJ

,O.aiil r:4.&:IJ """"dloua l

Sum Hotnitsa-Vodopada

Sum Hotaitsa-Vodopada 68.2% confidence 3800BC (56.4%) 3620BC 3590BC ( 11.8%) 3530BC 95.4% confidence 4000BC (95.4%) 3500BC

68.2% confidence 3900BC ( 2. 1%) 3880BC 3820BC ( 1.7%) 3800BC 3790BC (53.9%) 36 10BC 3580BC (10.5%) 3530BC 95.4% confidence 4000BC (82.2%) 3600BC 3590BC (13.2%) 35 I0BC

L._____J

u ~

-

LJL____j

L.J

LJ

--l__J

4400BC 4200BC 4000BC 3800BC 3600BC 3400BC 3200BC 3000BC

44008C 4200BC 40008 C 3800BC 3600BC 34008C 3200BC 3000BC

Calendar date

Calendar date

Chart 8.2.J Sum-probability of Hotnitsa-Vodopada (Call Odta). N=6

Chart 8.2.2 Sum-probability of Hotnitsa-Vodopada (Cal 20dta). N=6

8.2. Cultural-chronological sequence

rim has analogies at Dubene IIA and Ognyanovo. The tunnel handles as well as the channels are common elements in the EB I Balkan cultures. The pointed bottom cup can be compared with the Baden cups. The jar or bowl (with high loop handle) correspondents to the Sitagroi IV pottery.

8.2.1 Stratigraphic and typological ceramic record of the Cernavoda III culture and its related groups Oltenita-Renie II The sec~nd stage (11)of that site (S-267) is characterized by plain and channel pottery, as well as by cups with high handles including a pointed bottom one (table 8.2) . Of special importance for the relative chronology of the site are the cups with high handles - with parallels at Hotnitsa Vodopada , as well as at Sitagroi IV . The amphora parallels with the Baden ceramics. The conical plates with thicken

178

All these analogies confirm the Oltenita - Renie II site belongs to the Early Bronze Age. Chronologically, it can be attributed to a phase between Hotnitsa - Vodopada (with Cemavoda I elements, from the second quarter of the Fourth Millennium BC) and Sitagroi IV, dated by 14C samples c. 3300-3000 BC. 14C dates are missing from Oltenita - Renie II. The fact that Cemavoda III - Boleraz horizon corresponds to the third quarter of the Fourth Millennium BC infers that this sit~ preceding the Cemavoda III horizon of alder ornamentation

Cultural-chronological sequence

No.

Brief description

Pottery

Ornamentation

Reference Morintz and Roman

Amphora

Short closed neck and carinated profile; handle attached at the

Parallels incised lines at the turning widest point

Fig. 26: 4

2

Um-like vessel

Conical with equal rim

Relief ridge at the rim, vertical

Fig. 26: 1

3

Jar/ bowl

Barrel shaped

Equal cur rim, tinned out

4

Jar

S-profiled

Incisions over the rim

5

Bowl

Barrel till spherical ; vertical

Equal cut rim; oblique channels

6

Ju g I bowl

Long neck and rounded body

7

Bowl s

S-profiled

Bulges

8

Jar/ bowl

Conical shaped with high handle

Incisions over the rim

Fig. 26: l 1

9

Jar

With turned out rim

Relief band

Fig. 26 : 12

IO

Plate

Truncated conical with rim tab

Fig . 26 : 18

11

Plate

Truncated conical with thicken

Fig. 26: 28

12

Fragment

Carinated profil e

13

C ups

Rounded body with invert rim,

Fig. 26: 19; Roman

14

Cup

S-profile with high wide band-

Fig. 26: 20

15

Cup

Pointed bottom

16

Fragment

Orifice

Fig. 26: 23 and 26 Fig. 26 : 15 Fig. 26: 5 and 13 Fig . 26 : 6

Two parall el rows of small pricked

Fig . 26: 2, 8-10

Fig. 26: l 7

Fig . 26: 7 Roman 1992 : plate Incisions over the outer side of the rim, and zigzag? Incised ornament

Fig. 26: 31

Table 8.2. Olteni{a-Renie II emblematic pottery

(Morintz and Roman 1968: 79) - can be dated to c. 3500 BC. In the light of recent evidence the settlement of Renie II can be defined - along with Koprivets , as well as with Radovanu - to the first (plain pottery) stage of the Cemavoda Ill culture preceded by Hotnitsa-Vodopada.

Ko privets The multilevel site of Koprivets (S-210, fig. 8.2) has been excavated in 1980-ties - 1990-ties by V. Popov and I. Vajsov. Several levels from the Neolithic have been docu mented there, but in the fallow land a pottery parall eled with Cemavoda I and in Oltenita-Renie II was discovered (Nikolova 1996a). The comparative analysis of the earthenware infers that there existed two settlements - from the Final Copper I and Early Bronze lB or there was only one settlement of Early Bronze I with some Cernavoda I elements in the pottery . The first possible explanation has been excepted by the author. In personal information , P. Roman suggests among the published pottery there is a typical Cer-

navoda II sherd (see Nikolova 1996a: fig. 8: 4).

Mirovtsi The site of Mirovtsi is of value for the comparative stratigraphy , because ceramic material originates from thin level settlements , without mixed record from different epochs (fig. 8.3). On the whole , the pottery completely corresponds to Slobozia and Dobrote~ti , but with a well represented relief ornamentation - like in Celej group. The alder ornamentation attributes the site to the classical stage of the Cemavoda III culture related to the late Boleraz (Baden I cultur e) in the Middle Danube.

Slobozia - Ripa Bulgarilor The settlement of Slobozia (S-385) appears to be a longterm occupied site from EB I, because the thickness of Cernavoda III layer is 1-2-m. Unfortunately , the limited pottery publi shed is without stratigraphic data , which gives no po s-

179

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC)

.7 ,

2

_] .

0

Figure 8.2 Cernavoda II/Al culture. Koprivets pottery. Reference: Nikolova 1996a: jig.8

even Celej elements infer that the settlement on the Big lsland probably existed up to earlier Celej and poses the question of a synchronization of the latest Cemavoda III culture in the eastern Lower Danube basin with Ezero 13 - Yunatsite 17. There was a flat cemetery discovered at Durankulak. It is connected with the Cemavoda I culture (Vajsov 1992c; 1993), but the argument - the presence of Cemavoda I settlement is not confirmed by the later published pottery. The dagger from the Durankulak parallels with Nerushaj - primary grave of Tripolie C2 culture. The chronology of Usatovo is related to the Final Copper II and Early Bronze I in the Balkans. Then, at least the terminus ante quern of the Durankulak grave with the dagger is the Early Bronze IA. The another dagger - a settlemept find has no analogies , but it is a developed type and its belonging to EB I looks indisputable.

Radomir-Vakhovo At Radomir- Vakhovo (S-330), an important multilevel settlement from the Late Neolithic and from the Early Bronze Age was excavated in earlier 1990-ties. According to S. Al180

4

-

exandrov , five Early Bronze levels were documented ( 1-5), as well as there was a conceivable hiatus between the level 3 and 4. The elaborated in this study sequence is as follows: I: Late Neolithic; II: Pemik I group (Cemavoda III and the so-called Orlea-Sadovets group) - Early Bronze IA-B; III: Pemik II group - Early Bronze IIA-B. The limited excavations, the absence of published documentation and profile of the excavations, as well as the deficiency of comparable sites from upper Strouma valley are the reason for more cautious interpretation of the existed data. The stage II includes the so-called levels 5 and 4 documented by pit and by pottery from destroyed level. Because of the parallels of the latter at Ortea and Sadovets , and of former - in Cemavoda III - Boleraz, two succeeded levels have been assumed. But firstly, the Bratislava type lids in the closest site Gladnica appears in context, which may be a classical Baden. Secondly, the pottery of the so called Orlea - Sadovets group can occur in the south in a earlier context. Then according to the recent evidence, there is no solely interpretation of the earlier sequence. In addition , the

Cultural-chronological sequence

,w. I 07\~I - 7 I O ) ,----------r-----,1 I.\J (

4

(

~bl""lf"1'nnnn~r-n----6

5 0

5-cm

7 0

\

5-crr

I

\

~,

9

( \

12

(B13 ''

Figure 8.3. Cernavoda IIIB-C? culture. Mirovtsi and Durankulak in Northeastern Bulgaria. References: Zmejkova 1992; Gradanov 1990

181

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC)

so called third level consists of similar to the fourth level pottery (cp. Alexandrov 1994: plate 3: 4,7,9 and plate 4: 1,4). For the time being, I will leave the pit as a independent phase , but it seems Radomir 4 and 3 belong to one and the same level. In this case, the published Kostolac sherds without stratigraphic data belong to the next level, of EB IIA (table 8.3) .

Celej and the so-called Orlea-Sadovets groups Celej group is a later transformation variant of the Cernavoda III culture in central parts of the Lower Danube basin . It is well documented at Celej (S-113) and Sili~tioara (S379) belonging to EB 1B. That group should follow Mirovci - Slobozia - Brza Vrba horizon. On the other hand , the culture layer from Celej is 2.5 0-m thick. Having in mind that P. Roman synchronizes Sili~tioara with earlier and mid dle Celej and its pottery is very close to eastern lower Danube Cemavoda III culture, there are two possibilities the recent scanty data are to be interpreted: Celej as the Oltenian variant of all of the Cemavoda III culture ( at least the second and the third stage), or the earlier levels to be attributed to Mitovci-Brza Vrba phase of the Cemavoda III culture. The assumption of earlier levels is confirmed by the l 4C dates from Corabia (S-132). There is no published pottery from that site. But the l 4C dates (table A, chart 8.3) correspond to earlier Cemavoda III - Boleraz or to the latest EB I - EB II.

Ortea and Sadovets Orlea-Grindul lui Iancu Mu~at(S-276) known as belonging to the Orlea - Sadovets group (Roman 1976b; cp. Roman 1992b: 60) includes also typical of Cotofeni I pottery while the site of Sadovets (S-345) Sadovets is characterized by channel ceramics and pottery with some similar elements with the earliest Ezero ceramic style (flg.8.4; cp . Roman 1976a : plate 53: 9; Georgiev et al. 1979: figs. 135d; 141a; table 167: 7). Those element make Sadovets closer to Cernavoda III than to Cotofeni I. In the light of the recent evidence it may be Sadovets and earlier Radomir belonged to one and the same type of the Cernavoda III culture , the later phase of which was synchronov.s with Celej and Cotofeni I and earliest Cernavoda II in the Lower Danube. '

Cernavoda III; 1B Koprovets - Oltenitsa-Renie II; II: Slobozia - Mirovtsi; III: Celej (and later Durankulak) - table 8.4. These stages correspond to the EB IA-IB 1, as the Celej group in the western Lower Danube may continue even during the EB IB2 phase (parallel with whole of the Cotofeni I culture). The .vertical stratigraphy is documented on the Oltenita Renie site, where the level of Cernavoda III culture foll~ws the level of Cernavoda I culture. For a long time Oltenita Renie II was accepted as a transitional site between the Cernavoda I and Cernavoda III cultures (Morintz and Roman 1968: 77-81 ). Later, P. Roman assumes the possibility the site to being attributed to the Cernavoda III culture (1992b ), but he had no close parallels from Romania. From the northeastern point of view, N. Hartuche (1980a) points out that site still belonged to the Cernavoda I culture. In fact , already in 1980-ties from the southern Lower Danube, the site of Hotnitsa-V odopada occurred with analogies at OltenitaRenie II. Later, the Koprivets ceramics confinn that Oltenita - Renie as an early stage in the development of the Cernavoda III culture. Unfortunately, the only 14C dates for this early stage of Cernavoda III originate from Hotnitsa Vodopada. For the time being, the 14C dates give a priority of Hotnitsa-Vodopada as the earliest Bronze Age site in the Balkans. Oltenita - Renie II and Koprivets define the second stage of the Cemavoda III culture. Based on the indirect radiocarbon dates, it possibly is synchronous with the earliest Baden I in the southern Middle Danube - Vucedol - Streim Vineyard I, but unfortunately no published pottery exists from the layers from which the l 4C dates were obtained there. The Balkan horizon Cemavoda III - Boleraz endures in the time of the third stage of the Cemavoda III culture, represented at Slobozia , Mirovtsi , Durankulak , Brza Vrba, etc. Hlinsko and Sturovo probably partially correspond to the second stage. Celej and probably later Durankulak belong to the fourth stage (table 8.4) . The recent 14C dates from Corabia (chart 8.3) pose the question about the chronological position of the Celei group. Including the Durankulak contact data, the last group may parallel with the later Cemavoda III and even to be

8.2.2. Discussion Sum Corabia 68.2%confidence J500BC( 9.9%) 3350BC 3050BC(58.3%) 2600BC 95.4%confi&-nu J700BC(22.2%) 3300BC 3 IOOBC(73.2%) 2500BC

Based on the above evidence , the Cemavoda III culture distributed in the lower Danube basin can be divided into three stages: IA Hotnitsa - Vodopada (and Radovanu) - protoPhase

EB

II (the so-called 5, 4 and 3)

EB IA2-B 1-2?

III (2 and 1)

EB IIAl-A2-Bl

00

.JI. l___J

i_,._____J

4000BC

3500BC

JOOOBC

2500BC

Calendar date

Table 8.3. EB stratigraphic sequence at Radomir - Vakhovo

182

Chart 8.3. Sum-probability of radiocarbon dates from the Corabia site. EB I in Oltenia

Cultural-chronological sequence

r

l.J

5

0

Figure 8.4. Ortea pottery. Reference: Roman 1976b

contemporary with earlier Cernavoda III. As far as the Radomir-V akhovo concerns, the scanty ceramic data give no possibility of a detailed analysis. In this study, the level 5 is attributed to the Pernik IA groups of the Cernavoda IIIB culture, while the so-called 4th and 3rd level - to EB 1B as a second phase of the Pernik I group (parallels with Cotofeni I, Orlea, Sadovets and Celej group). The Pernik name of the EB regional group in the upper and middle Strouma is defined based on the first investigated site - PemikKrepostta. The published record from the eponymous site belongs mainly to EB II-III, but there are some sherds which may document EB I. However, having in mind the continuity in the culture in EB I - III in this region, even the absence of the EB I stage documented there does not contradicted the definition of the group , with possible presentation of some phases on different sites, like Radomir-Vakhovo and Negovantsi. Also, the Pemik I group can be accepted as a southern variant of the Cemavoda III culture - the earlier phase or whole of the EB I occupation of the Radomir- Vakhovo, if to the Cemavoda III culture is attributed the Celej group.

8.2.3. Baden cultural complex The EB I culture with biggest territory of distribution in the Carpathians - Balkans is the Baden cultural complex. In the

Stage

Phase

later Fourth Millenium BC it occuppied the territory from Southern Poland to Northern Yugoslavia , and from Northwestern Romania to Moravia. It may be in the southern Lower Danube basin the earliest phase of the Baden culture is documented, but only later Boleraz. Novacka Cuprija Localized in the Velika Morava valley, that site (S-257) is one of the few habitations from the Early Bronze I excavated in the northwestern Central Balkans. The habitations documented there belong to two periods EB 1B and EB III. The EB 1B settlement consists of pottery (table 8.5) with parallels in later Baden sites in the northwestern Balkans - especially Dobanovci and Moldova Veche. Close parallels of oblique channel ornament organized in triangles occur at Ostrikovac indicating probable contemporaneously occupation of both sites. On its hand , the amphora vessel (table 8.5: 4) completely corresponds to the morphological characteristics of later Baden pottery from the southern middle Danube basin. Carinated and sinuous profiled vessels also parallel with later Baden, as well as the ornamentation of pricked dots , vertical channels or rhombhatched incisions. The cups are similar to those from Dobanovci. At the same time, some sherd have an ornamentation characteristic of the Cotofeni I culture (table 8.5: 2).

Type-sites

14C dates

Definition

A (Proto-Cemavoda III)

Hotnitsa- Vodopada

yes

Plain pottery predominated

B

Olteniµi-Renie II, Koprivets

no

Plain pottery predominated

II "Alder" phase

C

Ill

D

Slobozia, Nirovtsi, Durankulak earlier Celej, Durankulak later

no

Alder ornamentation

yes

Triangle ornamentation

Table 8.4. Periodization of the Cernavoda Ill culture

183

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC) Pottery

No.

Brief description

References

Ornamentation

Krsticet al. 1986 Pithos , fragment

Wide container with equal cut rim

Elder like incisions under the rim

Plate 7: I

2

Pitho s / jar , fragment

Wide container with equal cut rim

Incision s under the rim, and three bulges on the rim

Plate 7: 2-3

3

Jar, fragments ; barrel shaped

Wide orifice with short band handles attached at the rim and body

No

Plate 7: 5-6

4

Small amphora

Short neck of middle size, rounded body and two tunnel handles attached at the upper part of the body

No

Plate 3 : 5

5

Cup

Cylindrical body and very high handle , flat to rounded bottom

No

Plate 3: I

6

Plate , fragment

Conical with equal cut rim

Hollows over the rim

Plate 4: 2

7

Plate , fragment

Conical with equal cut rim

No

Plate 4 : I

8

Plate , fragment

Conical with invert flat rim

Zigzag incision over the rim

Plate 6: 6

9

Bowl , cups in fragments

Carinated profile

Vertical channels

Plate 2: 3,4,6

10

Ornamented pottery

Oblique channel in triangle compositions

Plate 5: 13

11

Bowl , fragment

Hollowed dots

Plate 4: 3

12

Ornamented pottery

Hollowed dots

Plate 5: 5-6

13

Ornamented pottery

Rhomb hatched incisions

Plate 6: 3-4

14

Ornamented pottery

Pricked rhomb compositions

Plate 6: 5

15

Ornamented pottery

Pricked triangles

Plate 6: 5

Sinuous profiled

16

Handles

Tunnel handles

Plate 4: 4-6

17

Handles

Arc-shaped

Plate 5: 1-2;

18

Handles

Short band

Table 8.5. Novacka Cuprija. Embiematic pottery of Baden II culture

Gomolava Illa Djurdjevacka Glavica This site (S-151) interrelates the lower Velika Morava periphery of the Baden culture with its core in the Middle Danube basin. In the course of the excavations ofN. Tasic with collaborators in 1955-1956 , few sherds of destroyed Baden II-III layer were documented (alder and rhomboidal incised , in combination with dot ornamentation) , including typical of the Cotofeni I culture alder ornamented pottery .

Dobanovci - Ciglaoa The culture sequence of Baden, Kostolac and Vucedol is documented at that site (S-152). The Baden layer consists of pottery belonging to later stage of that complex (table 8.6) , documented by pits and one oven. Representative of Baden II-III pottery consists of amphorae , bowls , Fischbutte vessels, cups with high handle, alder- and broken lines-incised ornaments , star compositions, etc. Also, two inhumations in crouched position belongs to the Baden level. As far as the copper flange axe discovered there (from a grave?) concerns, the wider blade indicates possible EB III Vinkovci belonging of that find.

184

The tell of Gomolava (T-20) is the site with the longest stratigraphic evidence of the prehistory in the southern Middle Danube, along with Vucedol-Gradac. The common thickness of the culture layers is 6.5-m. Of interest in this study is the post-Vinca sequence. In the so-called Eneolithic humus sherds from Tiszapolgar and Bodrogkeresztur pottery were documented, dating the layer to Late Copper III and Final Copper I. That hiatus also corresponds to the Hunyadihalom - Vajska culture and earlier Baden. The next culture layer belongs to later Baden, c. 0.20-m thick. House pits and hearths have been recognized from that layer, poor documented . The pottery is typical of later Baden culture (rhombincised ornamentation , cups with high band handles , vertical string-ho les, etc.). Based on the published pottery , it cannot be excluded a hiatus between Baden and Kostolac layers (table 8. 7).

Cultural-chronological sequence Brief description

Ornamentation

Amphorae

Short cylindrical neck, rounded body, two handles attached at the upper widest part of the body

Pricked-dot and incised

Baden layer

Figs. 4-5

2

Amphora

Short cylindrical neck, biconical body with rounded turning point, two tunnet handles attached at the part of the body

Not ornamented

Baden layer

Fig. 8

3

Bowl

Sinuous profile

Dot and incised

Baden layer

Fig. 7a

4

Cup

Short wide neck, spheroid body and high handles

Vertical channels over the body

Baden layer

Fig. 6a

5

Cup

Short wide neck, spheroid body and high handles

Vertical channels over the body

Baden layer

Fig. 6b

6

Cup

Cylindrical body and rounded bottom

Very high band handle

Baden layer

Fig. 6c

7

Four-angled vessel

Lower part preserved

Chess - Furchenstich and incised

Baden layer

Fig. 9

3

Bowl

Sinuous profile

Incisions in metope organized composition

Kostolac

Fig. 7b

No.

Pottery

Reference Tasic 1958-1959

Context

Table 8.6. Emblematic Baden and Kostolac pottery represented at Dobanovci Layers

Culture

Period

Vinca

ECA

So call Eneolithic humus

LC II, FC I-II

Later Baden culture

EB 18

lllb

Kostolac

EBIIA

Ille

Vu~edol

EB 118

V atina and Encrusted pottery horizon .

MBA

Ia-b Hiatus

II Hiatus Illa Hiatus

Hiatus

IVa Later levels

Table 8. 7. Reconstruction of stratigraphic sequence at Gomolava

4800BP

\

.

.g

68.2¾ confidence 3 100BC (68.2%) 2910BC 95.4o/o confidence 3340BC ( 15.6%) 3220BC 190BC (79.8%) 2890BC

.§_600BP

!;

~

8400BP ~

.

, --...___ -----....._ _./

[-.

-~ -, j

::::J 'L 8

Chart 8.4. Calibrated values of later Baden date from Gomolava (GrN-13168)

----

3500CalBC

JOOOC alBC

2500CalBC

Calibrated date

185

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC) M, Sfwvl'l' .odk. S

Only one date from Baden layer originates from Gomolava. The values from the very end of the Fourth Millennium BC (chart 8.4). correspond to latest Baden in the southern Middle Danube .

Kn«» 1986~2iK2B

t. 80 S•IOlO, OxC~ dOdcubr-41d

,l l Pfobfd vonl

Pancevo- Yabuka The Pancevo-Yabuka (S-298) site consisted of important stratigraphic data for the PGC in southern Banat. Under the tumulus two-level settlement was documented - from Baden and Kostolac culture - layers 1-11 respectively . The Baden pottery is only limited published. It belongs to later stage of this culture. The Kostolac pottery is still not published (personal observation , Nikolic 1995) . It belongs to the earlier stage of that culture . In this case , the erection of the tu mulus corresponds to later Kostolac or post-Kostolac period. However , this stratigraphic observation should be not over-valued because of the possibility in northern Banat or even in neighbor areas the penetration of the PGC to be in earlier period.

4S00BC

. 2.65

2.65-2.25

0.40

2.25-1 .85

0.60

1.85-1.50

0.35

1.50-1.25

3000B C

2500B C

2000B C

Chart 8.5. Vucedol - Strejm Vineyard. Individual distribution and sum probability of J4C dates from Baden culture on the site.

N=5

ited communications .

Karasovic Vineyard may belong to the earliest occupied area at Vucedol where S. Dimitrijevic did not document Kostolac sherds in the excavated Baden layer.

On the locality ofVucedol (S- 454) near the town of Yuko var prehistoric sites were documented along the right bank of the Danube River. The earlier systematic excavations conducted by R. R. Schmidt (1938) revealed thick culture layers on the Gradac hill. Later, S. Dimitrijevic (1967-1968) and A. Durman ( 1981, 1984-1988) excavated by drillings culture layers at the foot of the hill - at Streim Cornfield , Karasovic Vineyard and Streim Vineyard respectively. All the excavations give important comparative record of the Baden - Kostolac - Vucedol sequence , but unfortunately the newly investigations are known only by preliminary or Jim-

Thickness in Number of m the layers

3500B C Calendar date

Vucedol site complex

Depth in m

4000B C

At Vucedol - Streim Cornfield a trench 12 x 6-m was dug up to the continental reached at a depth of 2.65-m. According to S. Dimitrijevic (table 8.8), three Baden levels (Al-3) and four Vucedol house levels (B 1-4) were documented there. In the upper two levels from the Baden period of the occupation of the site Kostolac sherds were also excavated. The last also occurred in the earlier two levels of the

Structures

0

Continent

01

Mixed ancient humu s with continent

Culture

Houses (depth in m)

Ancient humus , in upper sub-layer - classical Baden sherds

Baden B

2

Horizon A - Baden 82 and Kostolac imports

Baden B2

0.25

3

Leve ling - Baden and Kostolac sherds

1.25-1.07

0. 18

4

Horizon C - Vucedol B 1 and Kostolac " imports"

Vucedol Bl

1.25

1.07-0.75

0.32

5

Horizon D 1 - Vucedol B 1 and rare Kostolac sherds

Vucedol Bl

1.07

0.75-0 .50

0.25

6

Horiz on D1 - Vucedol Bl

Vucedol Bl

0.75

0.50-0

0.50

7

Fallow land and destroyed Vucedol B 1 horizon

Vucedol Bl

0.50

Table 8.8. The stratigrap hic sequen ce at Vucedol - Streim Cornfield and their cultural attribution after S. Dimirijevic (1977-1978)

186

Cultural-chronological sequence

EDI

EBII

Floor IO of ZA (level 26): 3 .3 m Floor 14 of ZA (level 32): 4.1 m IV/Ill interface: 4.2 m

EBIII

Floor of Burnt House in PO: 1.8 m Va/IV interface in ZA: 3 .3 m

Top of Vb: 0.0 m Floors of Long House in PO: 1.0 to 1.4 m VbNa interface in ZA: 1.9 m

Table 8.9. Stratigraphic sequence o/Sitagroi IV-Vafter C. Renfrew (1986: 182)

Vw~edol settlement.

Vucedol - Strejm Vineyard consist of several levels from Baden till Vucedol culture.· Unfortunately, the pottery left unpublished . Therefore, the important 14C dates published from this site is not possible to be analyzed in detail. The sum-probability of five Baden dates gives values between 3340 and 2910 BC . In the combine stratigraphy ofN. Tasic . (1995: 170) the so-called Baden IA with Boleraz elements is included. The absence of that layer at Vucedol - Streim Cornfield might indicate that the last phase has been documented at Strejm Vineyard. In this case, the earlier values of sum probability in chart 8.5 can date the earliest classical Baden culture in the southern Middle Danube.

8.2.4. Sitagroi IV - Dikili Tash IIIA Group Sitagroi C. Renfrew summarizes the stratigraphic evidence , which gives an idea of the thickness of the different EB culture layers on the tell (table 8.9). According to that evidence , the thickness of the fourth culture layer was 0.90-m and that of earlier fifth layer (Va) 1.40-m. The thickness of the later fifth layer (Vb) is 1.20 1.50-m. Sitagroi IV levels consists of plain and channel pottery including conical urns , cups with high handles , conical plates , etc. It was documented in several drillings including the socalled Deep Sounding, as well as opened on the slope special control trenches (table 8.10).

Sounding

Levels

ZA

21-32

MM

2-9, 10?, 13-15, 22-26, 29, 30, 34, 39

ZE

7-83

ZD

3-9 (?)

ZG

9-12 (?)

ZHt

1,2 (mixed) ; 3-27 (?)

ZJ

5-22 (?)

ROc

53-73

SL

9-14 (?)

ZB

49-112

The ceramics are the most representative feature of the EB I in the northern Aegean. The emblematic pottery (table 8.11; fig. 8.5) consists of urns, jars, jugs , bowls, plates , cup and ornamentation of channels. The pottery from Sitagroi IV parallels with Dubene IIA and Yunatsite 17-15, Ezero 13-11, later Cernavoda Ill in the northern Balkans, Baden II-Ill culture in the middle Danube , etc. It is dated to later Early Bronze I based on emblematic channel pottery , contact data and on the 14C dates originated from different levels of Sitagroi IV (table A). The problem of beginning of Sitagroi IV arouses mainly because of the incomplete data. Initially , C. Renfrew (1986: 173) dated the stage to 3500-3100 BC using the earliest possible calibrated values of some dates . But in the monograph from 1986, there is missing a special research on the absolute dates , with an exception of the chronological table of A. Sherratt (1986: fig. 13.3a). Not until the middle of 1990ties , a systematic study on the EB dates was elaborated (Manning 1995). S. Manning did question the possible early dating of beginning of Sitagroi IV and infers a lower chronological border c. 3 I 50 BC. Following the synchronization of Sitagroi IV with EH I, J. Maran accepts the same chronology (1998: 157-59 , table 81). This conclusion contradicts the dating of the beginning of Sitagroi IV in the light of the comparative chronology based on the stratigraphic data , contact data and 14C dates from the northern Aegean and Bulgarian Thrace. In the last case the l 4C dates infer possible dating of the beginning of Sitagroi IV along with Yunatsite 17 and Dubene IIA - c. 3300 - 3250 BC (Nikolova 1999).

Absolute depths -2.90-4.20

Comments House debris - 26 , 32; 25 clay wall

14C dates ZA31 , ZA29

-5.10 -IVffil interface

•

Excavated partially

ROc59

14C dates

ZA 112, ZA 108

Table 8.10. Soundings with Sitagroi IV deposits. References: Renfrew et al 1989: table 7.1, 175-222

187

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC)

Pottery

No.

Brief description

Urns

Truncated conical with invert rims

2

Urns

Truncated conical with equal rims and with arcshaped handles

3

Urns (fig. 8.5: 5)

Truncated conical with equal rim and with ledge lug

4 Jar

Ornamentation

Incisions over the rim

References Renfrew 1986 Fig. 13.7: 1,5

Fig. 13.8: 1-2

Pseudo-handle of short waved plastic band

Fig. 13.7: 4

Truncated conical with horizontal stringhole under the rim

Fig. 13.9: 9

Fig. 13.9: 10

5

Jar

Rounded body and horizontal stringhole under the rim

6

Bowls (fig. 8.5: 7, 10)

Sinuous profiled

Zigzag and alder incisions

Fig. 13.4: 2; 13.5: 5-6; 13.6: 1

7

Bowl

Invert rim. rounded body

Vertical channels

Fig. 13.4: 4

8

Bowl (fig. 8.5: 3, 6, 7)

Invert rim, conical body; tunnel lug

Relief vertical ridges , pricked ornament

Figs. 13.5:1-2; 13.6: 3,5,7; 13.7: 3

9

Bowl (fig. 8.5: 2)

Truncated conical

Fig. 13.5: 4

10

Plate (fig. 8.5: 1)

Conical

Fig. 13.5: 3; 13.9: 8

11

Bowls/ cups (fig. 8.5: 5)

Sinuous profile and rounded - flatten body

12

Cups

Spherical with high-flung strap handle , flatten bottoms

Fig. 13.4: 7-8 , 10-11

13

Cups (fig. 8.5: 11)

Straight in the upper part profile, the lower part is rounded like previous vessels

Fig. 13.4: 6, 9, 12

14

Mug

Cylindrical , with loop high lug

Fig. 13.9: I

15

Handle

Plate

16

Handles

Tunnel lug

17

Orifice of jug / pitcher (fig. 8.5 : 4)

High narrow neck

Bulges in vertical row

Fig. 13.6: 6

18

Orifices (fig. 8.5: 9)

Bowls with funnel shaped upper part and rounded lower body part.

Oblique and vertical channel s

Fig. 13.6: 8-9

Table 8. JJ. Emblematic pottery of Sitagroi JV

188

Vertical channels

Perforated rim tab

Fig. 13.4: 5

Fig. 13.9: 7

Fig. 13.9: 4

Cultural-chronological sequenc e

3

□1

5

4

(

IQ

6

7

8

- --

-- --~-----

t (.

f r· ' te . I

11•· '· . . ,0· · · I

12

Figure 8.5. Sitagroi IV emblematic pottery. Reference: Renfrew et al 1986

189

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC)

BP

Sample Lab. No.

68.2% confidence

95.4% confidence

Material

Comments

Trench

Bin- 879

4550±100

3500-3040

3650-2900

Charcoal

ZA31

Earlier level in the drilling

Blo-773

4390±100

3310-2910 3110(52.5%) 2910

3400-2700

Acorns

ZA29

Earlier level in the drilling

Bln-878

4395± 100

3310-2910

3400-2750

Charcoal

Roc59

Bln-880

4510±100

3360-3040

3500-2900

Charcoal

ZB 112

Bln-1102

4380±80

3270-2910

3350-2 850

Charcoal

ZB 112

BM-650a

4363±56

3090-2910

3310-28 80

Charcoal

ZB 112

BM-651

4332±79

3100-2780

3350-2650

Acom

ZB 108

Table 8.12. Stratigraphical contexJ oithe calibrated 14C dates from Sitagroi JV

95.4o/econfidence

Agreement

Combine probability

68.2•1o confidence

ZA29-31

3340BC (30.9%) 3220BC 3190BC (37.3%) 3030BC

3360BC (83.9%) 3010BC 3000BC ( 11.5%) 2920BC

93.8%

ZB 108-112

3040BC (68.2%) 2920BC

3100BC (95.4%) 2910BC

Agreement 108.4%

Table 8.13. Combine probability dating of Sitagroi IV samples

Combine Sit V-ZB 108-112 [ =4 A= I08 .4%(

Bin 880 451 ± I OOBP

45008

4000BC

30 00B C

2500BC

Calendar date

Combin e Sit IV-ZB 108-11 2

4000B C

3500BC

3500BC

3000BC

250 0BC

Chart 8. 7. Combine probability of Cl 4 dates from Sitagroi JV, Z 112. N=4

Cale ndar date

Chart 8.6. Combine probability of 14C dates from Sitagroi IV. N=2

Sum Sitagroi IV 68.2% confiden ce 33 I0BC (12 .0"lc,)3230BC 3 1S0BC ( 2.3%) 3 l 60BC 3140BC( 1.4%)3120BC 31 I0BC (52 .5%) 29 10BC 95.4% confidence 00BC (95.4%) 2700BC

C

,g_i800BP

.s

t 600BP ,.84400BP

~

12008P

4000BP

0.0 L..J LJLJL___J

L_J

.__ __

u

L.--J

___, w

4000BC JSOOCalBC

J()()()CalBC

2500CaJBC

3500BC

3000 BC Ca lendar date

Calibrateddate

Chart 8.8. Calibrated values of Bln-8 78. Sitagroi IV

190

Chart 8. 9. Sum probability of Sitagroi IV. N=7

2500BC

Cultural-chronological sequence M. Su,-

llld R.S. tC.tli«tl. 19'6R.adimrtKlll2W 28 ): 10)..l0JO; QxClll¥')0dcubr

·• 1t. 12 Jl"lbli;hr-ool

ues of ZA 29-31.

S~mpled Sitgaroi IV 68.2¾ confidence 270 (68.2%) 420 95.4¾ confidence 160 (95.4%) 560

g

j

0.8

~

0.6

I)

>

·~

0.4 -

~

0.2

C. 3400 - 3000 BC C. 3300 -3000 BC.

0.0

- 100

On the other hand, 3110-2910 BC is the possible upper chronological border of the Sitagroi IV. Below I will argue 3000 BC as an end of Sitagroi IV. Of importance is the chart 8.10, which gives the period between 270 and 420 years as possible duration of Sitagroi IV. Accordingly, two possibilities of chronology of the EB I site exist:

0

I 00

200

. 300

400

500

600

700

800

Calendar years

Chart 8.10. Span probability of Sitagroi IV. N= 7

Seven dates originate from Sitagroi IV (table A). To begin with, two dates originate from the earliest levels of Sitagroi IV documented in the Main Trench (table 8.12). According to the profile drowned, at least two culture levels precede the 14C dated features, documented by floor 14 and pit 14. The combine probability of both dates (chart 8. 6) gives possible value of the samples between 3340/3220 BC and 3190/3030 BC. These values do not differ a lot from calibrated acorn sample - 3310-3110/2910 BC. They are a little earlier because of the charcoal sample. What is important in this case, the earliest radiocarbon dating of the beginning of Sitagroi IV is before 3310/3340 BC. The other group of sample originates from ZB 112. This structure is explained as a small sounding to the west of ZA and adjoining it (Renfrew 1986: 221 ). There is no precise stratigraphic information for the sample context. The combine probability of these values (chart 8. 7) correspond to later Sitagroi IV - earlier Sitagroi Va , 3040- 2920BC (table 8.13).

The last group of the Sitagroi IV radiocarbon samples consists only of one date originated from the ROc sounding. According to C. Renfrew (1986: 203-205) , "a sequence of no fewer than six hearths was observed (layers 9-67)". Then, the l 4C date originate from the latest level from EB I and it was preceded at least 5 by house-levels. The calibrated values of this date give a possibility for very broad dating of the level ROc59 - · from 3310 till 2910 BC. If we even accept that the highest probability is the most probable chronology of archaeological structures , the fact that the sample is charcoal gives the latest possible dating of the level ca. 3000-2950 BC. But the fact that at least five building levels preceded ROc59 infers that the beginning of Sitagroi IV is much earlier than 3000 BC. Unfortunately, the date from the ROc sounding is single. But the possibility the beginning of Sitagroi IV to be dated even before 3310 cannot be excluded . For the time being, the chronology of the beginning of Sitagroi IV will be accepted in accord with values with 68.25 % confidence in chart - 3340-3220 BC, which correspond with earlier val-

Sitagroi IV and Dikili Tash IIIA represents the later EB I in the northern Aegean. That group probably occupies also the middle Strouma area where on the site of Kovachevo channel ceramics and um-vessels are to be documented with close parallels at Sitagroi IV.

Dikili Tash IIIA Several levels of EB I were documented on that tell (T-10). As at Sitagroi IV, channel and groove pottery characterizes the earliest Early Bronze levels probably belonging to EB IB. Similar with Sitagroi IV sinuous bowls and cups with high handles were unearthed as well - see Seferiades 1996.

8.2.4. Yunatsite I culture Yunatsite In preliminary communications of the Bronze Age levels, R. Katincharov and V. Mazanova (1993 ; 1995a) define different phases of the Bronze Age development on that tell {T70) - first (17 th - 14th), second (13 th - 9 th), transitional (8th 7th) , and third {6th - I st). The 8th - I st horizons are attributed to the Middle Bronze Age. The first phase is synchronized with Ezero A, whereas the second phase - with the M&halich stage , as well as with Troy II-IV. In the monograph publication on the recent excavations on the tell, the main Bronze Age stratigraphical sequence have been reported , as well as the course of the excavations (Merpert et al. 1995; Katincharov and Matsa~ova 1995b). Twenty-five 14C dates were published preliminary by Ya. Boyadzhiev (Bojadziev 1995) and later, with stratigraphic data, by J. Gorsdorfand J. Bojadziev (1996). The new excavations confirm that the main culture layers of the tell belong to late Copper Age (Karanovo VI culture) and to Early Bronze Age (Yunatsite I-III culture , according to my periodization system). Later culture depositions belong to Iron Age, Roman Period and Middle Age. The distinguished 17 horizons were divided into three stages in my chronological system (N&olova 1996a) - the Yunatsite I culture - 17-15 (Early Bronze I); the Yunatsite II culture - 14-9 (Early Bronze II) , and the Yunatsite III culture 8-1 (Early Bronze III). Emblematic of the first stage (17- 15) is the channel pottery. Rarer , an encrusted pottery occurs (unpublished) . There is missing a possibility of radiocarbon dating of the 191

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC) M. 5.,; .. ,. ond R.S. Kn! ccb. 1986 Radicatbori 28(2 8 ): 805- 1030: OxCaJ vl .Od cub r.4 >d:12 problchron} C 0

-~

Sum Yunats te 15

C

·1 -0

46008P

44008P

C

i 0

~

42008P

~

LJ LJ(_____J

3500CalBC

L..J

LJ u L____JLJLJ

3000CalBC

2500Cal8C

Calibrated date

4000BC

3500B C

3000BC

2500BC

2000B C

Calendar date

Chart 8.12. Calibrated values of Bln-3675. EB 1B. Yunatsite I culture M 5n.lrvwar\d R.3 Kn «b

Chart 8.11. Calibrated individual values and Sum-probability distribution of l 4C dates from Yunatsite 15. End of EB I

beginning of the Yunatsite . The earliest dates originate from the 15th horizon corresponding to the end of the EB I in the Balkans (chart 8.11). But of 4 dates only one (Bln-3678 , chart 8.12) is in accordance with the relative chronology recording the possible end of the occupation of the site at the end of the 4th Millennium BC. At the same time, because of that date , the Sum-probability of dating of the Yunatsite 15 corresponds with Bln-3680, despite of the very late values of the other two dates (chart 8.13).

Dubene-Sarovka

llt : 8 ) I0 ,- 1010 , 0.C ah ? OdC\I0,.4 td llprati(dron)

Sum Yunatsite 15

& ii

~

e o.. > "'

-~

-;; 0::

68.2% confidence 2930BC ( 7.9%) 2880BC 2870BC (12.4%) 2810BC 2800BC ( 2.4%) 2780BC 2750BC ( 2.3%) 2720BC 2700BC (43 .2%) 2490BC 5 % confidence SOBC(95 .4%) 2450BC

0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0 ULJU

3SOOBC

Contact data of channel pottery and of askoi synchronize Yunatsite 17-15 with Dubene IIA. Contrary, the archaeomagnetic dating includes the possibility Dubene IIA to precede Yunatsite 17 (Kovacheva et al. 1995). In this case it looks likely the ceramic similarity to appear to represent a diachronic interrelation. Probably the new additional information will more precisely date Dubene HA and the problem will be decided.

1916 ~

3000BC

U L___J

2500BC

2000BC

Calendar date

Chart 8.13. Sum-probability of Yunatsite I radiocarbon dates. N=4

son to believe that the discussed level preceded Yunatsite 17 (cp. above).

Ognyanovo tell

The main multi-level settlement belongs to Early Bronze I-II defined as Dubene IIA and Dubene IIB.

On the Ognyanovo - Maltepe tell (T-49) in the upper Maritsa valley, six levels were distinguished during the rescue excavations of P. Detev and V. Mazanova (1977). In the publication the investigated levels were attributed to the Late Bronze Age and Transition to the Iron Age. In the literature in 1980-ties and 1990-ties the tell was well dated to earlier Bronze Age (Leshtakov 1986 [Ph.D. Dissertation , unpublished] ; L. Nikolova 1992 [Ph.D. Dissertation , unpublished] ; H. Parzinger 1993: 121.). The last author parallel the earlier pottery with earliest Early Bronze Ezero ( 13-10) and Baden culture, as well. In my study on EB I, some sherds with possible EB I dating were published ( 1999).

The site from Early Bronze I was distinguished by the channel pottery including an askos with parallels on the Bereket cemetery . The channel bowls have analogies at earliest Early Bronze Yunatsite. From a pit a plate with S-profile was discovered with good parallels at Pernik I, Cernavoda III and Baden cultures . Having in mind that the pottery is close to Yunatsite 17-15, for the time being there is no rea-

Before the excavations, the tell was partially destroyed . The rescue excavations at the western and the northern preserved parts of the tell documented six-level settlement, ditch and a bank-like heaping at the northern preserved part of the ditch . A profile from the eastern excavated area represents these culture levels 0.20-0.60-m thick with common thickness of 2.60-m, including levels of a sand-like rammed continental

It is a newly investigated tell in the Balkans localized in ca. 1-km from the left bank of the upper Stryama valley. Mainly the author (T-15) directed the excavations. The earliest settlement belongs to Late Copper Age (Dubene-Sarovka I). The control drilling indicated the presence of one layer settlement from the third phase of the Karanovo VI culture. So, the site preceded the last Copper Age settlement of the Y unatsite tell .

192

Cultura/-chrono/ogica/ sequence M. Sn.a"'- W R..S Knd

i

ISJl6~

:t(28 )· 10S.10l0'. QaCal ..l .Odcubr41d.1 : p,ot,fctwonJ

Manole

C

46008P

0

:a ~

from EB I level, it may document the earliest settlement in the southern Balkans - synchronous probably with earlier Cernavoda III and Baden I.

44008P 42008P

l.__Jl__J

L....IU

3500CaJBC

3000CalBC

Calibrated date

Chart 8.14. Calibrated values

if Bln-4353.

Plovdiv-Nebet Tepe

between the building horizons thick up to 0.50 m (Detev and Matsanova 1977: fig. 26). A fragment of floor belongs to the earliest level around which a black-polished pottery was unearthed (1977: 53, fig. 9: 3-4,5,11-13, 15-16). It could be dated to EB 1-11.Under another house floor from the same level, a urn of twohandled open vessel (1977: fig. 10) can be also dated to EB I. It is defined as a cremation, but is could be an inhumation of baby with added ashes - as in the burial rituals of the Ezero culture and probably at Yunatsite 16. The third example for EB I - earlier EB II material is the askoi of Y unatsite type ( 1977: fig. 3 8), which are not distributed in later EB IIEB III in Bulgarian Thrace.

Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe The site was excavated by several archaeologists , but only after the long-term excavations of A. Pejkov important data for EB in the western upper Thrace were unearthed. By the interpretation of the stratigraphic situation, it should be taken into consideration that the incline terrain with continental rock and numerous features from classical Antiquity , it was very difficult the real situation to be precisely documented. Therefore, we need published plan of the excavations, so the depths to be compared - of the features and of the l 4C samples and their context. For the time, only general working theses can be elaborated with hypothetical character.

In preliminary publication, A. Pejkov distinguishes 11 prehistoric horizons. The 11th-10 th were attributed to the Ezero culture, but the 9 th to 5th - to the so-called Transition EBA - MBA and to Middle Bronze Age. J. Gorsdorf and J. Bojadziev (1995) published 11 dates from the Bronze Age levels, following the periodization and stratigraphic sequence of A. Pejkov. In the light of this scheme, the earliest date (Bln-4353) was not excepted as reliable for the Bronze Age chronology. But the last date (chart 8.14) was included in my study on the EB I chronology of the Yunatsite culture in Balkan context as possible date from EB I (Nikolova 1999 with further arguments). If Bln-4353 date originates

The question occurs because of presence of Early Bronze I level there. The first argument is the flat idol with parallels in Cernavoda III culture. This kind of idols has limited distributed during earlier Early Bronze I, to which dating directs also one of the l 4C dates from Manole - Razkopanitsa. But both l 4C dates are reported to belong not to the earliest level. At the same time, there are no vessels from the publication of P. Detev, which can be certainly dated only to Early Bronze I. Then, another possibility raises: the idol not to have being belonged to that site, as well as the 14C date to be wrong. Therefore, in western Bulgarian Thrace the first stage of the Yunatsite culture developed during the Early Bronze I represented at Yunatsite 17- I 5 in the upper Maritsa valley and Dubene IIA in the upper Stryama valley. Data under discussion exist from Plovdiv-Nebet Tepe and Manole. According to the ceramic data, in later EB I was probably grounded the village of Ognyanovo. The individual stratigraphic and typological data from these site go to the following considerations: 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

For the time being, the certain data from the Yunatsite I culture (Early Bronze I) originate from Yunatsite 17-15 and Dubene IIA. The horizons 17-15 from the Yunatsite tell can be attributed to that stage but not Yunatsite 14, which parallels with Dubene 11Band beginning of Troy I, as well as possibly with Ezero 10/9. The relative chronology of the EB I sites in western upper Thrace is based on the emblematic channel pottery, as well as on documented Sitagroi type cups, and Baden, Cernavoda III and Ezero A 1 contact data. For the time being, we have no precise radiocarbon dating of the Y unatsite I culture. Four dates originate from Yunatsite 15, but their values correspond with the EB II Balkan dates. Only one of them gives values before the beginning of the Third Millennium BC, but not with highest probability. According to the recent data, the beginning of the Yunatsite culture cam be dated c. 3300-3200 BC based on 14C dates from several sites (charts 8.15 and 8.16), as well as on the data stratigraphic and typological data from Yunatsite 17-I 5 and Dubene IIA (three horizons , contact data with Cernavoda III - Boleraz , contact data with Sitagroi IV and Ezero 13), The future possible confirmation of some hypotheses can infer even earlier dating of the beginning of the Yunatsite culture in western upper Thrace. The span of that culture varies between 270 and 650 years, according to the three 14C dates with calibrated values before the end of the Fourth Millenniwn BC (chart 8.17). The pointed out problems of the radiocarbon chronology of Yunatsite 15 (with channel pottery) can be assigned to the question of the short or long chronology 193

Chapter 8 Early Bronze I (3600/3400 BC - 3000 BC)

Sum Yunatsite I cuhure 68 .2'/o confidence

3050BC(68.2%) 2450BC 95.4'/oconlidence

.

36008C (9S.4'1o)2400BC

0.8 0.6

0.4 0.2 0.0

4500BC

4000BC

3500BC

JOOOBC

2SOOBC

2000BC 4000BC

Calendar dale

JSOOBC

JOOOBC

25008C

20008C

Calendar date

Chart 8.15. Individual calibrated values of dates from Yunatsite culture co"esponding to Early Bronze I (including debated samples)

Chart 8.16 Sum probability of the dates on chart 8.15

Sum Eu ro Al culture

Sampled Yunatsitt I culture

68 .2'/o-Codcnc:c 33SOBC (68 .21/,) 2600BC 95 .4'/o-CKl ·= .,

0.4

u

u01::

0.2 0.0

lJ

u

L__J

L.__J

L__J

t:.41d:l l ..-ob(.,_I

Combine Dyadovo S

68.2% confidence 28608C (22 .1%) 2810BC 26908C ( 1.8%) 26808C 2660BC (44.4%) 25908C 95.4% confidence 2870BC (29 .6%) 2800BC 277 C ( 5.3%) 2720BC 7 C (60.5%) 2570BC cement 14.5%

-~

). IOS-IQJO, OIIC.ad .Odd

. 1916~21{%8

Combine Dyadovo S

g

:..0 ., .&J

e 0.

u

·i

~

A

0.8

l

0.6 0.4 0.2 0.0

u

30008C

L__J

L..J

[.___J[_J

1--1

L__..J

Calendar date

___.

u

[_____J

3100BC 3000BC2900BC 2800BC 2700BC 2600BC 2500BC 2400BC

68.2% confidence 2850BC ( 9.5%) 2830BC 2660BC ( 5.6%) 26408C 2620BC (32 .9%) 2570BC 2540BC (20.2%) 2500BC 95.4% confidence 2860 (19 6%) 2810BC 2 %) 2560BC Vo)2500BC %

28008C

2600BC

2400BC

Calendar date

Chart 9.10. Combine probability of radiocarbon dating of Dyadovo 5. N=5

Chart 9.11. Combine probability of radiocarbon dating of Dyadovo 5. N=4

sponding to Ezero A2-B2, with elements of Ezero A 1). Also, the comparable samples from Demircihiiyilk belong only to EB A2-Bl.

in the Cernavoda II - Folte~ti culture and Batin-Zimnicea group. These parallels date the site to the latest Early Bronze I - Early Bronze III, with possible temporary hiatus during some phases in EB II. The amphora-like vessels with long conical necks (Tonceva 1981: fig. 16: 10-12) parallels with pottery of the Cemavoda I culture from the Final Copper Age (Morintz and Roman 1968a: fig. 17: 3), but there is not published diagnostic ornamented pottery of the last culture. So, for the time being, the discussed vessel from Ezerovo site is without clear cultural belonging.

It should be stressed that the combine probability values considerably differ from sum-probability of 8-l 4C dates. The latter includes very vast span with three high values. It may be the Kiten's dendrochronological results need to be correlated with the obtained pottery. Very probably, some of the wood samples belong to EB III - to that curve, which is still not constructed for the Balkan-Anatolian EB III. Notwithstanding the results under question, the EB II sherds cited above can belong to EB IIA 1-B1, as it is given by the wooden samples (Kuniholm et al. 1998: table 4).

Ezerovo The material of the Ezerovo site (S-161) has been obtained in 1960-1970-ties and published by A. Margos and G. Toncheva. The last author assumes stratigraphic evidence distinguishing two phases at Ezerovo (Tonceva 1981), but this division is actually typological. Recently, P. Roman (1991) published many graphical reconstructions. Most of the pottery from the Early Bronze Ezerovo site is emblematic of Early Bronze II including: Askoi-like vessels (Tonceva 1981: fig. 7); Jars and pitchers (1981: fig. 9; fig. 10); Plates with flat or conical bases and incised ornamentation ( 1981: fig. 12: 8-I 3; fig. 13; fig. 14). The pottery of Ezerovo belongs to following morphological groups: Group 1. Amphorae Group 2. Jars and urns Group 3. Jugs, pitchers and askoi like pitchers Group 4. Plates and bowls Group 5 Lids The ceramics have good parallels in the Sozopol ceramics, as well as in Ezero culture settlements and to some extent -

The two 14C dates obtained are very similar (chart 9.14). The sum-probability is: 68.2% confidence 2900BC (15.3%) 2860BC 2820BC (50.7%) 2660BC 2640BC (2.2%) 2620BC 95.4% confidence 2920BC (95.4%) 2590BC. According to these values, the occupation of site includes EB A2-B 1 period. But both the dates do not date all of the duration of the settlement.

9.2.5. Batin - Zimnicea group After the Cernavoda III settlement evidence, for a long time in Northeastern Bulgaria the archaeological record includes only cemetery evidence. But the only early flat cemetery is Batin (G-3). Several inhumation graves were documented belonging to a partially destroyed cemetery. The only burial-goods consists of ceramic vessels - cup or small jug with oblique cut rim and vertical handle, characterized also by long neck and rounded body (fig. 9.3.1). That type of pottery has precise parallels on the cemetery of Zimnicea (G19, fig. 9.3.2), which is localized not far from the village of Batin - on the left bank of the Danube River. The similarity with the Ezerovo pottery, as well as with earlier Yunatsite askoi shaped jugs, infer the relative chronological position of that cemetery in Northeastern Bulgaria at the beginning 209

Chapter 9 Early Bronze II (3000 BC- 2500/2450 BC) M.S....

_,. U

Kn ..

1!116......,_

.U

t, a»- I0JO. o.c.i¥ J.CWc.-r.• .&:ll ~ca....

l

Sum Kiten EB Il

CombineKiten 68.2% confidence 28808C ( 1.0%) 28708C 2790BC (67.2%) 27708 ~ 95.4% confiden ce 28808C ( 15.1%) 28608 ~ 28108 C (75.8%) 27708 ~ 27108 C ( 4 5%) 27008C Poor agreement O8%

-~ ] 0.8

I

1l [

0.6

-~ 0.4

iii

~ 0.2

0.0

0.6

0.2

..J

L-.J

LI

I

30008 C

0.8

0.4

1 lu LI U

68.2% confidence 2920BC (28.8%)2860BC 2810BC (26 .4%) 27608C 2730BC ( 11.7"/o) 2690BC 2680BC ( 1.3%) 2660BC 95.4% confidence 2920BC (954 %) 2600BC

0.0 L.......J L...JU

t..__J

I

2900BC

2800BC

2700BC

2600BC

Calendar date

3200BC

J OOOB C

2800BC

2600BC

2400B C

Calendar date

Chart 9.12. Combine probability of 8 radiocarbon dates from Sozopol EB I/Bl

Chart 9.13. Sum-probability of Kiten EB JI. N=8 M. Slw...-andR.S. KnoodL 19116Rodi ~• ,cJ;ll pn>bfdwonJ

Chart 9.14. Individual distribution and sum-probability of dating of EB II Ez.erovo

3800BI600BDOOBI200BIDOOBlEOOBlli008900Bl200BlDOOBC Calendar date

Figure 9.3.1. Batin funeral pottery .

2 10

Cultural-chronological sequence

of the EB II (Nikolova 1994~). That dating corresponds par- · tially to the chronological position of the Zimnicea cemetery argued by P. Roman (1986a: fig. 7) including contact data with Cotofeni II (Jig. 9.3.2: 16). Similar hanging handles as infig. 9.3.14 was unearthed at Yunatsite 16 from later EB I. On its side, the relative chronology of the Batin - Zimnicea group can be defined as a terminus ante quern of the group B burials from Golyama Detelina II Tumulus where earring of Zimnicea type has been discovered (Kunchev 1995: fig. 10d).

The Hurlets and Turnava late graves belong to PGC ; Stalijska Makhala, Lovech, Sadovets, Zgalevo and Muselievo EB III finds belong to the ZgalevoLovech type of pointed bottom cups which are unknown in the Glina culture; The Bukyovtsi vessel originates from a cremation and the last ritual is not connected with G lina population; Tutrakan-Gyaur Pinar site is dated to post-Glina period (see chapter I 0).

Based on the EB II parallels , most of the graves from Zimni cea belong to that period.

8.2.6. Glina culture

In the north of the Danube , the Glina culture is divided into two stages with three phases (after C. Schuster) or three stage (after P. Roman [table 9.51):

C, Schuster discusses in detail that culture in Muntenia (chapter 11). A map of the so- called Glina culture has been recently published (Alexandrov et al. 1998), but it is incorrect, because:

Because of the absence of the l 4C dates from the Glina culture, its chronological position in the Balkan EB system is based on indirect data . Recently , R. Bajenaru enters the discussion (1998) using Transylvanian , western Balkan and

7

6

8

9

,[11.--,,

.,,r;;,.:;. :

I

'

.

11

12

(:

.

14

15

~

Figure 9.3.2. Emblematic pottery from the Zimnicea cemetery. Earlier EB II. Reference: Alexandrescu 1974

211

Chapter 9 Early Bronze 11 (3000 BC- 2500/2 450 BC)

BC

Bucure~tiGlina

Stages

'C. 2500- ·

in

2450

(R.uncuri)

Bucure~tiCiurel

Bucure~ti-Citelu Nou

Other sites

.Mahiil~i~ Tu~ Var~

Valea-

Calului 3, OdaiaTurcului - later Glina level

C.2700

Bucharest-R:~uA,B Bucharest-MilitariCmnpul Boja, BuLevel 2

Il(Ciurel 2)

(1963)

charest:fundem,_.,, Greci, Crivat VAcar~, Cascioarele-MmiastireaCAtalui Cascioarele-Oit!lui, Scbitu-La Conac Schitu-GauraDespe~ etc.

C. , 2900/2800

I (Ciurel I)

Level I

Level l

(1960)

C. 3000

Bucharest-Ciurel I, Buchare~t-Mihai Yoda,

Table 9.5. Periodization o/Glina culture. The cites are cited after Schuster 1997: 86

middle European comparative data. He assumes a chronology between 2650 and 2400 BC. Based on the relation of the G lina culture to the south Balkans , it can be argued rather earlier chronology (table 9.5). The earliest chronological border of the Glina culture is defined by Bucharest-Ciurel I stage. That stage is earlier that Ciurel II stage. The last one is documented on the Branet site covering Cotofeni II. Accordingly, Glina I corresponds to Cotofeni II. On its hand, the Cotofeni II culture parallels with Kostolac culture - Yunatsite 14-13 - Ezero A2- Sitagroi Val. The last horizon defines the chronology of Glina I in the earliest Third Millennium BC. Slightly carinated bowl from Bucharest-Ciurel (Schuster 1998: fig. 66: 2) can be compared with similar bowls from the EB IIA Balkan horizon. It is possible the pearl ornament to be compared with the south - the Ezero A l-A2 culture. That synchronization infers that the earliest Glina culture developed parallel with the Zimnicea - Batin group. The contact data with the south from Glina II (IIA [Ciurel II phase]) consists of pitchers of the so-called Balkan type necked jugs with one handle and equal cut rims (Roman 1976c: fig. 4: 1-3; Schuster 1997: fig. 60: 1, 4-5). Recent

Govora Sat - Runcuri (Roman 1985b)

Fig. 3: 4 Encrusted metope omamentation Fig. 3 Rhomb incised filling Fig. Fig. 3: 9, 4: 9 Tongue handle Fig. 4: 12, fig. 5: 1,2 Rib ornament (bowls or saucier Fig. 8: 10 Pseudo-handle with hollows

Vucedol culture

OstrikovacBubanj

Yunatsite culture

+

+

+

+

+

+ + +

+

Table 9.6. Govora Sat-Runcuri contact data with the south and west of the Balkans

2 12

stratigraphic data from Dubene IIB2 date well that type of jugs to EB IIB. The Dubene jug (unpublished) was discovered in a house with encrusted pottery. The corded ware from Bucharest-Ro~u (Roman 1976c: fig. 8:1) is comparable with Ezero B 1. An influence of the Cotofeni III culture may indicate the jars from Varlaam (Schuster 1997: fig. 65). Therefore, the comparative chronology of Ciurel II stage of the Glina culture includes contact data with EB IIB horizon in the Balkans. The contact data between Runcuri site and Glina level at Odaia Turcului (encrusted ornamentation) indicate that that phase (stage III or IIB) precedes completely Odaia Turcului group and its end should be dated c. 2500-2450 BC. The similarity with Vucedol, as well as with Ostrikovac-Bubanj reaching to the south the Yunatsite culture and Sitagroi Va2 (table 9.6), indicate the beginning of Runcuri phase could be already in EB 11B, but its general span was in EB IIC.

8.2.7. Cofofeni 11-111 The Cotofeni II-III (after P. Roman) culture developed in Northwestern Bulgaria, Oltenia , Romanian Banat and northeastern Serbia. The eastern area is spread up to the valleys between the Vit and Osum Rivers as well as to the Olt River. To the south, the Stara Planina Mountains are the natural and cultural frontier on the territory of Bulgaria. Despite of the mixed pottery in northeastern Serbia (Tasic 1995: 59-61, 68-69), that region - to the west reaching Djerdap - belonged to Cotofeni pastorals and semi-pastorals communities. Based on the Serbian evidence , N. Tasic distinguishes two phases of development of that culture in northeast Serbia first exemplified by Donje Butorke and Zbradila and second - by Klokocevac - Crnajka. The difference between the two phases given was the presence of Furchenstich in the latter corresponding to final Cotofeni, but that technique of ornamentation was recently docwnented among the earlier Cotofeni pottery from Dj erdap (Nikolic 1997: 200). Cotofeni II is still poor documented in the western Lower

Cultural-chronological sequence

Danube. The type-site in Oltenia is Branet. In Northwestern Bulgaria the emblematic Cotofeni II site is that of the Magura cave where askos with similar with the Kostolac ornamentation was discovered (Jig.9.4).

In contrast to the second phase, the third phase in well documented in all the areas of occupation of the Cotofeni culture in the western lower Danube. The type-sites are Gradets (in Northwestern Bulgaria) and Basarabi (in Oltenia [S-23]]).

It is also possible the primary grave from Turnava I to belong to Cotofeni II because of the askos discovered there. The Cotofeni II culture is the earliest possible dating of the discovered ornamented pottery on tl}e Goran - Slatina cemetery as well. The absence of published pottery from Gradets 1 makes impossible one to synchronize the earliest horizon from that site, which theoretically may also belong to earlier Cotofeni. Notwithstanding the rare and discussed data from the Timok Vit region, the Cotofeni population did intensively settle the western Lower Danube region already at the beginning of EB II. It increased the occupied micro-regions in course of the evolution of the second and especially the third phase. Recently, D. Nikolic (1994) published pottery from eastern Serbia attributed to early Cotofeni (Ila phase or earlier) which along with Donje Butorke and Zbradila (llb phase after D. Nikolic) represent earlier Cotofeni in the Timok - Djerdap micro-regions. In table 9. 7 the similar elements in the pottery between Kljanc, Pjatra Kosti and Klokocevac are stressed, as well as the difference.

Gradets The settlement of Gradets (S-186) is the only open one of the Cotofeni culture investigated in Northwestern Bulgaria. The stratigraphic sequence (Yotsova 1988) is as follows:

0.00-0. l 0-m - horizon I; 0.10-0.40-m - horizon 2; 0.40- 0.0.75-m - horizon 3; 0.75-1.00-m - horizon 4. The earliest settlement was grounded over a sand-continent several meters thick. The thickness of the settlement horizons is between O.10-m (the latest, partially destroyed) and 0.35-m. There is no hiatus documented at that site. However, the pottery is only preliminary published as it completely is missing from the earliest horizon. H. Parzinger recognizes Cernavoda III - Boleraz element among the pottery from the earliest horizon, attributing the last to Cotofeni II (1992: 126). As far as the third, second and the first horizon concerns , they can be attributed to the third stage of the Cotofeni culture. The emblematic pottery from that site is given in table 9.8.

At Klokocevac and Pjatra Kosti, the groove ornamentation is completely missing, as well as the triangles of Celej type. On the other hand, there are no lentil applications over the Pjatra Kosti and Kljanc ceramics. Also, the similar bowls with relief ornamentation should be mentioned with Magura, along with common round bottom cups. That comparisons assume Kljanc □ Pjatra Kosti D Klococevac sequence with a possibility the last site to have been partially contemporary with Pjatra Kosta (earlier Cotofeni III).

The high similarity between Gradets and Basarabi (Roman 1976a: plates 89-97) pottery documented confirms their synchronicity, as well as their belonging to one and the same variant (southern) variant of the Cotofeni III culture - along with the Timok basin sites. There is no reason to distinguish in Northwestern Bulgarian an independent variant, because that region shares with Oltenia not only one and the same ceramic style of Cotofeni II-III, but also the coexistence of Cotofeni culture with PGC. The absence of Kostolac imports, as well as of more analogies with the Kostolac ceramic style is typical of the Oltenia - Iskur / Ogosta - Ti-

The second phase is also documented at Cazane~ti in northeastern Oltenia where the Cotofeni level is covered by the Glina culture layer (Roman 1976).

Klokofevac

Pjatra Kosti

KJjanc

Nikolic 1997

Bowls with relief bands

Bowls with relief bands

Fig. l: l; 3: I

Plainround-bottom cups Plain round-bottom cups

?

Fig. 1: 14-15; fig. 2: 18

Chess-ornament of small incisions

Furchenstich chess ornament

Fig. I: 16; 2: 13

Groove ornament

Fig. 4: I, 8

Furchenstich

Rhomb-hatching

Chess-ornament of small incisions or stamped (pricked) dots

Furchenstich

Rhomb-hatching

Lentil applications THU

68 .,% crida\c, 3780BC ( 4 .5%) 3750BC 3710BC (46 .1%) 36l0BC 3580BC (11 .6%) 3530B C 95 .4% cordid•n£t 3790BC (Y.l.4%) 35 10BC

,:

i

.D

Cucuteni

_g

~

>,

~ {l

:~iI:!![:;:[I Tripolie C II

3000 CalBC

Cllibnttddll,

Chal111.1. Dipinar IY. A calibrated date.from tire cemete,y

Table 11.1. Correlation between tire periodit,/llion of Cu.cuteni and Tripolie cultures. Reference : Chernysh and Masson

1982 : 175 , table 10. 249

Chapter 12 Synchronizations

12.2. Early Bronze I 12.2.1. Balkan Early Bronze I horizons There are three main points , which ground the Early Bronze Balkan chronological system: 1. The Cemavoda III Boleraz horizon is the earliest EB horizon in the Balkans; 2. Sitagroi IV defines later Early Bronze I; 3. Yunatsite tell gives the longest stratigraphic sequence covering without hiatus from the period of the later Early Bronze I till the end of the Early Bronze III, with three stages, which correspond to EB IB (Yunatsite 17-15) end, EB IIA-C (Yunatsite 14-9) and EB IIIA-C (Yunatsite 8-1). The chronological position of all other cultures depends on the their relations towards above mentioned basic components of the chronological system in this study. At the same time, they give arguments for better argumentation of the Balkan culture-chronological system. Several cultural-chronological horizons can be distinguished in the EB I system (see table I): Horizon 1: Hotnitsa - Vodopada ( c. 3600 3500 BC) Horizon 2: Oltenita - Renie II - Bubanj IIA (Th) Koprivets (c. 3500 - 3400 BC) Horizon 3: Cemavoda III - Mirovtsi - VucedolStreim Vineyard I - Durankulak - Brza Vrba - Radomir -Vakhovo 5 - Mostonga (ca. 3400 - 3300 BC); Sitagroi IVa? Horizon 4: Yunatsite 17 - Dubene IIA3 - Ezero 13 Sitagroi IV beginning - Dikili Tash IHA beginning latest Cernavoda III culture (Durankulak) Celej, etc. ( c. 3300 - 3200 BC) Horizon 5: Cemavoda II - Sitagroi IV - Dikili Tash IIIA - Y unatsite l 7/ 16-15 - Dubene IIA - Kovachevo IllA - Radomir- Vakhovo 2 - Ostrikovac Ia Orlea - Sadovets - Gomolava IIIA - Dobanovci Cotofeni I- Celej, etc. (c. 3200 - 3000 BC) The channel pottery synchronizes the sites from the second EB I phase (EB IB) in the context of the comparative stratigraphy. Sitagroi IV channel pottery parallels with classical Baden (Sherratt 1986). At the same time, a cup with high handle from Dubene IIA (chapter 19) synchronizes it, respectively Yunatsite 17-15, with Sitagroi IV, . From a Dubene IIA pit originates S-profiled plate, that is close to that of earlier and later Baden. The um with rhomb-like incisions from Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe has close analogies in Baden II-III, probably indicating the presence of early level on this site - along with one very early 14C date (Table A).

nube. Some Cotofeni I sherds from Durdevacka Glavica (Tasic 1960: figs. 10-11; cp. Roman 1976: fig. 63: 4,10) synchronize later Baden with that culture. Then, it might be that in west Romania both cultures coincided (see Roman and Nemeti 1978: 152-153), but it cannot be completely excluded that at least along the Danube the Cotofeni I culture penetrated at the very end of EB I synchronous only with the latest Baden to the south. To later Early Bronze I horizon belong the earliest Pit Grave culture burials. Certainly, the Early Bronze 1B horizon includes at least earlier Golyama Detelina II Tumulus based on the parallels of the pottery with Ezero 13-11, as well as possibly Golyama Detelina IV and Ovchartsi. The possibility other tumuli to be dated to Early Bronze I will discussed after the analysis of the burial ritual of the Pit Grave culture. Also , some early values of the PGC l 4C dates should be stressed, but the last include the earlier Early Bronze II as well.

12.2.2. The EB I Balkans and neighbor cultures Anatolia The EB I from the Balkans is synchronous with so call preTroy I Early Bronze (I) in the Northeast Aegean islands and Anatolia. The typological parallels should be mentioned between the channel pottery of Poliochni black , as well as between the Demircihiiyiik, ikiztepe I and the Balkans. The 14C dates from EB I Anatolia also belong to later Fourth Millennia BC. As far as the Poliochni Black concerns, only the earliest horizons from that tell can be synchronized with former stage, while already the 10th horizon of Ezero is parallels with Troy I. The ikiztepe I tell sequence consists of several phases from EB I onwards ( cp. Al.kin et al. 1988; Alkim 1983; Bilgi 1984; Parzinger 1992: 236-38, figs. 178-80). Three stages are distinguished there - ikiz Tepe I, 1/11(Transitional) and II. The last stage is divided into six phases, of which the first two belong to EB II , phases 3-5 - to EB I, and phase 6 according to the excavators is attributed to Late Chalkolithic (Alkim et al. 1988). The pottery from the last phase is very limit and the publication arouses a contradiction. A very important bowl is attributed to phase 6, but at the same time it is discussed by the ceramics from EB I (cp. 1988: 182 and 188). It consists of circle ornament encrusted, in horizontal under-rim rim and possible vertical ones. That type of ornament has very close parallels at Dubene-Sarovka IIA (later EB I).

The Cyclades and continental Greece At Radomir-Vakhovo 2 the channel pottery parallels to that of Orlea-Sadovets group dated to the latest EB I, on the one hand. The contact data between Orlea - Sadovets and Cotofeni I (after P. Roman) on the other hand , infer the horizon Pemik 1B (Radomir-V akhovo) - Orlea - Sadovets - Cotofeni I. This horizon follows Boleraz (Baden I), so it can be synchronized with later Baden m the southern middle Da-

250

There is no close contact data between the Grota - Pelos culture and the Balkans despite of the discovered obsidian on the Dikili Tash tell. Anyway, one typological parallel exists and that is the elder ornamentation which chronological distribution corresponds with Boleraz -Cermavoda III horizon. The morphological difference , as well as the absence of

Early BronzeI contact data from the South Balkans weakens the possibility of interaction explanation, but in light of indirect data and 14C dates bot phases are synchronous. Only, the Grota - Pelos continues in latest Fourth Millennium BC. Recently , J. Maran (l 998~ 1999) discusses in some details the possibility of synchronization between continental Greece and the north Aegean and Baden culture. His argumentation is based on similar lids ornamented from Petromagula and the Balkans. These chronological data infer that the EB-I of the Balkans is partially contemporary with Late Chalkolithic to the South. But it seems that the beginning of the Sitagroi IV is earlier as it was assumed firstly by S. Manning, so the Sitagroi IV is also contemporary with Late Chalkolithic there.

The Northwestern Black Sea Eight 8 dates from Tripolje C2 date the phase to 3500 2900 BC (chart 12.3). This radiocarbon chronology corresponds with EB I - EB 11Ain the Balkans. On the other hand the typological parallels in the pottery infer that Tripolje C2 (Usatovo) developed partially parallels with Final Copper Cernavoda I culture (see above). The radiocarbon chronology synchronizes the Early Bronze · IA Hotnitsa-Vodopada with Later Copper Age Cucuteni BIT - Tripolie CI, as well as some caterpillar ornaments (Vajsov 1993: fig. 13:2) parallels the site with later Cernavoda I and Usatovo. Keeping in mind that in the pottery of the Usatovo settlement there are emblematic contact data with later EB I Ezero 13-11 (the corded pottery , holes ornamentation , morphological similar tendencies), the conclusion follows that the Hotnitsa-Vodopada I1 -2 settlement preceded the settlement of Usatovo. So, the similar pottery is a result of the contacts of the lower Danube with the Northwest Black Sea in previous stage. Is it Tripolie Cl period or earliest Tripolie C2? Unfortunately , there are no complete arguments , which can set only one chronological order . Of importance in this case in the fact that the sherd with caterpillar stamps originates from the upper level. So, we can assume synchronous contacts. The EB I Balkans correspond to the latest Usatovo culture and earliest PGC distributed in the Northwest Black Sea. According to the recent data from east upper Thrace, the transi-

SWll Usa1Dft 68 .2¼ confidence 3090BC ( 6.1%) 306 0BC 3040BC (62 .1%) 2900BC 95 .4¼ confidence 3350BC (95 .4%) 2700BC

0 .0

LJ

3600BC

3400B C

3650BC (95.4Yo) l850BC

The Northern Black Sea The date from Mikhajlovka (chart 12.5) has highest probability by 68.2% confidence 3310 BC - 3230 BC. The sample originates from a defensive ditch . The span corresponds to EB IA - 1B transition in the Balkans and can be excepted

·1

R_Daie Bln-629: 4400:1: I00BP 68 2YoCOl'lfidn\ct 33 10BC (14.3%) 3l30BC 3 !80BC ( 2.6%) 3 160BC 3 140BC ( l.2Yo) 3120BC 3 110B C (50.2r.)2910BC .4% con6dmu

4800BP

.! 4600BP

i i::

4400BP 4lOOBP 4000BP

4000B C

3500BC

L__J

3000BC

L-J

2500BC

3500Ca!BC

UU L__.._J

~ L ..

3000Ca!BC

2500Ca!BC

CwbnLtdd.>t>

CaJmd.lrd

.;

46008P

42008P

&' 1i .,

r,., ,1,....._ 1

R_ Date Bln-609 : 4265±80BP

Sum Parte

38008P

cc: 0.2 0,0

L.._JL.._J

JSOOCalBC

3500BC

30008C

2500BC

L...JUU

2SOOCalBC

JOOOCalB C

2000B C

Calibrated date

Calendar date

Chart 12.8. Ljubljansko Barje - Parte. Sum probability of 3 ra. diocarbon dates from Vucedol settlement. Samples of wooden fragments of pile dwelling

According the accepted synchronization Spila Ia-b is synchronous with Odrnut IV-Via and Spila le preceded Odmut VIB (cp. Markovic 1985: 80). The parallels of the pottery at Ljubljansko Barje - Parte with Vucedol coincide with comprehensive radiocarbon dating of the site in the EB II Balkans (chart 12.8) . To the later stage of EB II might be dated the Velika Gruda and Mala Gruda with pottery corresponding to later Vucedol in the Danube - Sava - Drava region.

Central Europe Along the Middle Danube basin - after the Baden culture the Kostolac ceramic style (Ecsedy 1982) was shared between the south and the north parts of the region. For the time being, the Kostolac culture there - along with Bosaca are certainly synchronized with EB IIA Balkan horizon. [t is not clear to which extend the Kostolac continued later in north Middle Danube , or that style creased everywhere at similar time. That this is the case show some early Vucedol parallels in Zok group with the possibility the earliest phase are to be discovered. At the same time, some similarities between late Vucedol and Mako group arises again as a possible synchronous data. In this case the Mako should be synchronized with EB IIC horizon in the Balkans. The stratigraphic data for the Pit Grave Culture in middle eastern Tisza infer that that culture developed after Baden culture (Kalicz 1992). The highest probability of the l 4C sample from grave No. 4, Tumulus 3 on the Ketegyhaza Tumulus (Quitta and Kohl 1969: 242, Ecsedy 1979: 21-22) have values between 2940 BC - 2860 BC. The burial belongs to the third stratigraphic level in the tumulus, which can be dated to EB IIA-B.

Chart 12.9. Calibrated date from secondary PGC grave from the Ketegyhaza Tumulus in Eastern Hungary

there indicate that the duration comprises EB IIC phase as well. Ostrikovac from Velika Morava basin poses the problem of the chronological interrelation of that site with the Bell Beaker culture because of the discovered bowl with Central European parallels. According to M. Stojic, the fragmented vessel belongs to phase Id (1996a; 1996b: 248). The western contact data from this phase are with earlier Vucedol. The style of the ornamentation is close to the EB II central Balkan pottery, but in combination with the reconstructed shape it looks really as a typical Bell Beaker vessel. In terms of Balkan parallels the Ostrikovac Id is dated to EB IIB. This phase correspond to some early dates from Csepel (chart 12.10), but the highest probability is just before or around the 2500 BC. In this case it might be that Bell Beaker vessel followed Ostrikovac Id phase being synchronous with EB IIC-EB III Balkan cultures. This fmd can be accepted as one of the possible transition EB II-III records in the south of Danube.

Sum BBC-Csepel 68.2% confidence 2900BC ( 4.6%) 2800BC 27008 C (63 .6%) 23008 C 95.4% confidence 2900BC (95.4%) 22008 C

0.0

JSOOBC

In southern Banat the stratigraphic sequence Baden - Kostolac - PGC infer the data from Pancevo - Yabuka. In light of this evidence the PGC can be certainly include in the EB IIB Balkan horizon. The absence of data for the Vucedol culture

J000BC

2SOOBC

2000BC

Calendar date

Chart 11.10. Absolute chronology of the Bell Beaker - Cespel culture in Hungary. N=JO

255

Chapter 12 Synchronizations

12.4. Early Bronze III 12.4.1. Balkan cultural-chronological horizons The long stratigraphic sequence at Y unatsite (8-1) and Mano le - Razkopanitsa, Ognyanovo and synchronous sites from the Yunatsite culture radiocarbon dated to later Third Millenniwn BC corresponds to Ezero 3-1 and Nova Zagora 6-1, Karanovo VIIB, Kirilovo and other sites in eastern Thrace. The contact data includes the cups with high handles discovered at Ognyanovo 3 with good parallels in the Ezero culture . To the south the pointed bottom cup from Sitagroi Vb discovered in a level following the Bin complex connects culturally the EB III in the Northern Aegean with EB III in western Thrace. The pricked dot ornamentation appeared on not stratified pottery from Ognyanovo , as well as over the wall of typical of EB III jug from Plovdiv - Yasa Tepe is other synchronous element between the Yunatsite culture and Sitagroi Vb. A problem with rounded bottom cups appear because they emerge in western Thrace during EB II while all documented finds from Sitagroi originate from Vb level. This is one of the reason to be thinkable that is possible the earlier Sitagroi Vb to be synchronized with Dubene 118 (Seferiades 1996). But in light of the comparative stratigraphy and l 4C dates the Dubene IIB stage is close to Sitagroi Va. From decades, the contact -data of pointed bottom cups between the Bubanj III culture, Zgalevo - Sadovets - Devetaki horizon (defined above as Devetaki group) was a solid foundation for their synchronization with Yunatsite levels with pointed bottom. But as it was discussed in chapter 10, the pointed bottom cups appear for a long period in western Thrace corresponding up to 8 settlement horizons at Yunatsite. In light of this long stratigtaphic sequence it could be considered that the horizon of two-handled vessels is parallels with earlier Yunatsite III culture (Yunatsite 8-5/4).

Thrace (Yunatsite 8-5/4 and Ezero 4-1 / Nova Zagora 64/3). On the other hand the question of synchronization of the latest EB phases the south Balkans and northwest Balkans occurs . Three culture structures from the latter region emerge as a belonging to the end of the EB in the Balkans - earlier Maros in Maros basin, later Vinkovci and Proto - Vatina. It is very hard to believe that Vecina Mala pit No. 2 is already a representation of the Proto-Vatina culture in view of absence of the typical Vatina rhomb-shaped mouths jugs (Stojic 1986: 148), as well as that the Ljulaci I is contemporary with Bubanj III levels (Bogdanovic M. 1996). But other possibilities appear for chronological considerations. The similar pottery between Ljuljaci and Bubanj could be a diachronic continuation element. In that case Ljuljaci is really Proto- Vatina culture representation in the central Balkans , with possibilities this phase to be synchronized with the latest Vinkovci in the Danube basin. That scheme of EB IIIA-C chronological system is given below in graphic shape (table .... ). The radiocarbon chronology is based on incomplete database from the south Balkans , but the Mokrin dates (Table A) generally support the scheme. So, it is clear in the light of recent data that Bubanj III most probably belongs to the third quarter of the Third Millennium BC. The problem, which needs further research, is the possibility the earliest Vatina culture to be dated to the latest Third Millennium BC. The contact data of two-handled jugs synchronizes the Bubanj Ill culture with Belotic - Bela Crkva group . The pottery of the last is with some parallels in Mako, as well as in Cotofeni in classical Ezero culture. So, the beginning of Belot{c- Bela Crkva group might be synchronized with EB IIIC horizon. At the same time, two-handled vessels and the dagger with parallels in Mokrin cemetery synchronizes the group with EB IIIA-C/D horizons .

The stratigraphic data from Ostrovul Corbului where the earlier EB III levels consist of similar pottery to that from Northwestern Bulgaria and Thrace (the so-called Glina IV) - in combination with unstratified data from Yakimovo in Northwest Bulgaria - can be well synchronized with Yunatsite 8/7. In this case the levels with published twohandled vessels corresponds with Yunatsite 6-5/4. Some indirect or chain contact-data provide the synchronization line Ostrovul Corbului (Proto-Bubanj and Bubanj III) - Devetaki - Vecina Mala - Osmankin Doi - Ezero 4-1 / Nova Zagora 6-l. Having in mind that Ezero 4/3-2 parallels with Y unatsite 8-7/6, the post - G lina following phase at Ostrovul Corbului should be paralleled with Ezero 2- l · / Nova Zagora 3-2?.

To the northeast , the two-handled vessels from Edinet culture with parallels in the Central Balkans are the important contact data giving possibility that group to be included in the EB IIIA-C chronological - culture system. The Edinetskaya culture in the middle Prout is known by cemeteries with stone heaping over the graves - Brynzeni and Starye Kukoneshti (Dergachev 1982: 55-63) consists of pottery with parallels in the Balkan EB III horizon of double handled jugs. Some of the stone constructions parallel with EB IIIA Lovech grave in north central Bulgaria. The arrowheads are close with the EB II finds in the Balkans , as well as with finds from the Catacomb culture in middle Prout. The stone axes are also typical of the EB Balkans. All the parallels infer the synchronization of the EB III Balkans cultures with Edinets culture in middle Prout. M. Garasanin for the first time mentioned that synchronization line.

The synchronizations between the Bubanj III indicates that on the one hand , that culture having two phases of development correspond only to EB IIIA - B cultures in Bulgarian

The Horizon of cyst graves also includes two-handled jugs (Schuster 1997: fig. 82: I) indicating synchronism between Belitic-Bela Crkva - HCG - Edinet culture. If that is the

256

Early Bronze III

case, the Odaia Turcului group can be attributed to phase preceded the last horizon. 'The well distinguished Ezero 82 - Osmankin Doi elements by the pottery of the last group infer that the earliest possible its dating is to the beginning of EB III. The common bowls with buttons coincide with necked and handled bowls which horizon is spreading . from Transylvania to the south reaching the Danube basin (Tutrakan). Among the pottery of Odaia Turcului the other south elements can be recognized - as the circle encrusted ornamentation which is typical of the Y unatsite III culture and possibly the ornamentation of small dots in combination with incised lines - characteristic of Ezero B2 and Sitagroi Vb. Based on those contact data, the following reconstruction of the chronological sequence in the Balkans can be assumed: The relations of the Banat EB III culture to the southern Balkans are indirect. On the one hand, Sinpetru German type is connected with Vinkovci - Somogyvar culture but of published material is missing the type of the two-handled vessels. However, the parallels of carinated bowls and jar with rounded body may indicate synchronous events. The pseudo-handle of finger-pressed short bands (Gogaltan 1995: fig. 3: 3) parallels witp EB II cultures in the Balkans (Yunatsite culture, Kostolac), but also specifies the Vinkovci pottery at Szava (Ecsedy 1979: plate 8: 7). For the time being, that type of the Belotic - Vinkovci - Somogyvar can be included in the EB IIIA horizon . The next phase is documented in Banat by Gornea-Orle~ti group Preceding Maros culture (table 12.).

12.4.2. The EB III Balkans and the Neighbor cultures

The tell of Makro Vouni includes MBA layer, from which two dates originate. According to the their R-probability , that layer is dated to 1960 BC - 1885 BC ( cp. Matsas 1991: 168) corresponding to earlier MBA (chart 12.11). Probbaly that layer can be synchronized with Gulubovo 1 (see also

Early Bronze Ill

Ostovul Corbului

S. "'9•

15116Radmbon 21(28)· IOS.10l0,

OKC.i•JOd •r◄ td.l l prmi(ctronJ

Combine MakroVouoi 68.2% confidence 1960BC (68.2%) 1885BC 95.4% confidence 2030BC (95.4%) 1870BC Agreement 124.0%

g :E

"'

.0

[

II.I

>

0.8

0.6

'ij

0.4

~

0.2 0.0 I_J

2200BC 2100BC 2000BC 1900BC 1800BC l700BC

1600BC

Calendardate

Chart 11.11. MakroVouni. MBA. R-probability. N=l

Leshtakov 1996).

Southeastern Transylvania In earlier part of EB III in southern Transylvania similar with Odaia Turcului ceramic style developed (Sarata Monteom IC4- l, Naeni-Zanoaga with 1-m thick culture layer). The later phase is documented by Naeni group, followed by Zoltan type of the Besenstich - Texti/muster horizon (Vulpe 1991; Cavruc 1997). The horizon of Monteoru IC4-3/3 Zoltan 2 - Tei I should be compared with the very end of EB - the beginning of MB cultures to the south in the Balkans.

The Adriatic coast

The Northeast Aegean and Anatolia

BC

M.Stuner-1R.

The bowl with S-profile and two vertical handles from the seventh layer of Odmut cave (Marko vie 1985: plate 30: l) parallels to the Vinkovci and Maros cultures (EB III). The attribution of the layer to EB III is confirmed by SI-2218 l 4C date - 3690 ±80 bp, which calibrated values are be-

Vecina Mala

2100-2000

D

Vatin

2200-2100

C

Gomea-Orlesti

Vatinapit

2300-2200

B

Bubanj III

2500/24502300

A

Proto-Bubanj III (the so-called Glina IV)

Ljuljaci

Yunatsite

Nova Zagora

II

2-1

I

4-3

2-1

Pit 2-3 (Bubanj IIIB)

6-5

4-3

Pit I (Bubanj IllA)

8-7

6-5

Gulubovo

3-2

Table 12.4. Synchronization of some EB Ill cultures in the Balkans 257

Chapter 12 Synchronizations

III

West Central Balkans

Northern Muntenia

Southern Muntenia

Southern Banat

Northern Banat

Yunatsite

2100-2000

D

Vatina

Monteoru

Tei?

Vatina

Maros

2-1

.2200-2100

C

Vatina

Vatina

Maros

2300-2200

B

Belotic.

Naeni

Gomea

2500/24502300

A

Belotic □

Odaia Turcului group

HTHVessels (Pancevo)

BC

EB

Ezero 82

Nova Zagora

4-3

co

2-1

Foeni I

6-5

2- 1

4-3

Sinpetru German

8-7

4/3

6-5

Table. 12.5. Synchronization of Balkan EB Ill cultures and groups

tween 2190 BC and 1930 BC.

plate 7: 4, 6).

The tumulus of Kopres - Dokanova Glavica consists of interesting wooden construction. The sherds from tumulus parallels in the local EB. But to this relative chronology corresponds only one of the l 4C dates from the Tumulus samples (chart 12.12).

The Nagyrev culture from North Middle Danube has many contact data with South Middle Danube , as well as with the South Balkans . Two l 4C dates - from Baracs and Dunauj varos - Koszider - give a long span of that culture , but only the earlier of them correspond to the comparative its chronology (chart 12.13).

Central Europe The synchronizations are based on contact - data of pottery, metal finds, burial ritual, l 4C dates, etc. D. Garasanin compares a conical plate from the Belotic Bela Crkva with thicken rim with Mako pottery ( 1997). That synchronization line including Belotic - Samogyvar - Mako horizon is confirmed by contact data between Mako and Samogyvar from Sava basin (Ecsedy 1978). Of interest is the data for Ada type pottery connecting the Vinkovci culture with Nagyrev cultures in the Panonian plain. The Ada type can be included in the EB IIIA-B phases of the Balkan culture-chronological system. The chronological connection with the Belotic - Bela Crkva group includes pottery (Horvath 1984: 25) could be extended to the Iron Gate and Ostrovul Corbului where a typical of Ada type barrel shaped jar is unearthed (Roman 1998: fig. 5: 8; cp. Horvath 1984:

258

The tell of Baracs consists of 13 horizons documented (Vicze 1992). The earliest five horizons belong to the Nagyrev culture followed by thick layer of the Vatya culture. The grain sample of single l 4C date originates from the house floor of the earliest layer (v 3.50-m) given as v 3.80-3.60-m by M. Vicze ( 1992: 146). The typical of classic Nagyrev pottery characterize Baracs-Foldvar site, with elements of Kules (late )-phase in the later horizons. H. Quitta and G. Kohl (1969:241) discussed the belonging of Bln-341 from Dunaujvaros - Koszider, assuming possible Vatya attribution. The values of the latest Third Millennium - the beginning of the Second Millennium BC (2040 / 1950BC

• •

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"'

a

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= == == z= .::ii:•-.

= ·u

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>CIS

u

+

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Ovis/Capra

Sheep/ goat

105

+

313

+

+

363

+

+

+

Sus scrofa dom. L.

Pig

138

+

277

+

+

288

+

+

+

+

+

Canis familiaris L.

Dog

7

+

10

+

+

90

+

+

+

+

'Equus cubalus

Dom. horses

+

+

+

+

+

+

Table 14. 9. Osteological record from EB Balkan archaeological sites. Domesticated animals. The number of individuals is to be given for species. References: Mikov 1937: 172; Detev and Matsanova 1977: 79; Ivanov and Vasilev 1979, Table 245; Bokonyi 1986, Table 5.2b; Clason 1988, p. 103; Ribarov G. 1994; Jullien 1992; Haimovici 1997; Schuster 1998: 138-39; Greenfield 1986 *the data are uncertain

280

+

Stock.breeding

more precise stratigraphic data . The alternative is to infer that the osteological data documented during excavations only partially represent the munber of consumed meat, because most of the bones were dumped out of the villages and/or were burned . So, the meat' was a subsidiary component in the stable staple diet. The real situation is probably close to a hypothesis combining both alternatives. It can be assumed that the cattle and sheep / goat meat was exceptional food for the communities , but its quantity is bigger that the number of individuals calculated based on the osteological record . The variety of the species documented on archaeological sites is given in table 14. 9. Systematizing record originate from Sitagroi (Bokony 1986), Ezero (Ivanov and Vasilev 1979) and Novacka Cuprija / Crkvina. In the last case the evidence is limited but analyzed in details by H.J. Greenfield ( 1986). Generally , the variety of species depends on climatic zones - the warmer climate stimulates the breading of ovicaprines, while the colder forest climate - the pig and cattle breading. This interdependence is observed in the Neolithic osteological record (Greenfield 1986: 204), but it concerns the diet record . As far as the EB samples indicate , in the diet of the population from south Balkans the three main species - Bos taurus L., Ovis / Capra and Sus scrofa seem to have a similar participation with a little prevailing of the second kind over the third one (chart 14.5). The number of the individuals of cattle is considerable smaller but the meat provided is of much bigger quantity than of the latter two species. But the high number of the three kinds of species infers that the stockbreeding in the south Balkans was of mixed character. It could be assumed that there was a specialization in that economic branch. One of the possible models is the sheep highland breeding in combination with lowland cattle and house attended pig

stockbreeding. The second model is lowland sheep and cattle, as well as house-attended pig breeding . It should be mentioned that the H. J. Greenfield documented general decreasing of the number of goats in the samples of the later Bronze Age in Velika Morava valley. So, it can be assumed that most of the bones of ovis I capra originate from sheep species. The data from the northern Balkans document the same variety, but it is not possible a quantitative comparative analysis. Based on the absence of specific seasonal species H. J. Greenfield assumes a model of seasonal occupation of later Prehistoric sites in the Velika Morava valley (1986: 26364). According to that author , the sites were abandoned during the summer where highland stockbreeding was practiced . Unfortunately , this economic model is based on limited excavated evidence . But indirect record confirming at least that the sites were often abandoned. In diachronic plan, the evidence from Sitagroi (chart 14.6) may indicate the increasing of the role of sheep , because the number of documented species from the diet of population higher , but the excavated areas are of different size. The comparative data from Final Copper and· Early Bronze Sozopol infer that the ratio between the livestock , sheep and goats was similar . But in the latter period horse bones were documented , and the percent of the dogs is higher , as well as and wild bones are completely missing (chart 14. 7). Of interesting is the appearance of bone of horses on different settlements in the southern and northern Balkans (table 14.9). The data predominate from EB II - III. The including of the horses in the diet of the population might indicate that to some extend the horse breeding was developed in the Balkans.

It should be assumed that in the stockbreeding were involved mainly the men from the different communities. Recent ethnographic model of lowland cattle breeding - by the communities of independent households in Karlovo lowland - consists of herders from the owners , which by certain

45 400

40

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1

3

41

Canis lupus L.

Wolf

2

2

+

3

Capreolus capreolus L.

Roe deer

6

5

+

35

Castor fiber L.

Beaver

2

3

Cervus elaphus L.

Red deer

22

15

Chelonia sp.

Turtle

5

4

Cotumix cotumix L.

Quail

9

17

+

+

+

+

+

+

2

+

+

54

Cyprenidae Damasp.

Fallow deer

Equus ferus Erinaceuseuropaeus L.

Wild horse Hedgehog

Emys orbicularis

Frog

Esox lucius L.

Pike

Gyps fulvus Hahl.

Griffon Vulture

Felis silvestris Schreb.

Wild cat

Lepus europae~ Pall.

Hare

Martes sp.

Marten

Metes Metes L.

Badger

Mergus merganser L.

Goosander

+

10

t•

+

5

2

Mustela putaris

+

+

Otis tarda L.

Great Bustard

Rupicaprarupicapra L.

Chamois

Spalax leucodon

Lesser Mole Rat

Sus scrofa fer. L.

Wild swine

12

17

Ursus arctos L.

Brown Bear

4

2

Vulpes Vulpes

Fox

2

3

+

18

+ 2

Table 14.10. Archaeological EB Balkan wild animals documented on archaeological sites. The number of individuals is given for species. References: Mikov 1937: 172; Ivanov and Vasilev 1979, Table 245; Bokonyii 1986, Table 5.2b; Clason 1988, p. 103; Ribarov G. 1994; Jullien 1992; Schuster 1997: 136 (with ref.); Greenfield 1986.

283

Chapter 14 Subsistence economy

stone hooks, as well as harpoons. The last are documented in the EB northwestern Balkans - in the area of Ljubljana. From earlier Prehistory hooks are harpoons known from Bulgarian Thrace (Nikolova and Madjev 1993: fig. 4; Georgiev 1961). The problem occurs in connection with interpretation of some biconical or truncated cones objects discovered at Ognyanovo (Detev and Matsanova 1977: figs. 5: 1-2; 40: 5). These kinds of weights occur rare in the sites of the Yunatsite culture and were defined as fish net-weights. It is possible some of so call spindle whorls are to be used as weights for fishing nets as well.

14.6. Gathering The data for the gathering in the later prehistoric Balkans are very scanty (tables 14.12). The gathering was a domain of the women and bigger children. It included wild fruits and cereals , as well as different species of mollusks. The problems occur whether all of the gathered samples were used in the population diet or were collected for the animal food, especially in regard with the acorn (Quercus sp.) function. J. Renfrew believes the acorn was used in the human diet in prehistory (1973: 154-55) .

Pisces

It cam be assumed that the gathering was a secondary - seasonal - activity in the households.

14.7. Considerations The limited data indicate that the agriculture and stockbreeding were the leading sections of the subsistence economy in Balkan later Prehistory. I can be assumed in some micro-regions like the western Black Sea coast the fishing had a primary function in the economy , but there is no reason to believe it was the only activity. Also, the PGC population was based mainly on stockbreeding. The glum and the barley were the main plain recourse cultivated in the EB Balkans and probably in the previous epoch . It is not clear whether the barley was more popular in EB I indicating possible deterioration of the weather. In the EB Balkans , the cattle , sheep and pigs seem to be in similar ratio of consuming with a little prevailing of the second kind over the third one. The preferred hunting animal was the deer. The dolphins were fished in the Black Sea in later Prehistory The data on the subsistence economy are to be incorporated in the evidence body of the social development in the chapter 16.

5

2

T. truncatus/D.delphis

Dolphins

+

M. monacbus

Seals

+

C. caprio

Carps

+

S. Sarada

Belted Bonitos

+

R. maeoticus

Turbots

+

Tench

+

+

Table U.J 1. Fish variety documented on archaeological sites in the EB Balkans. References: Turner and Greig 1986: 52; Bokonyi 1986; Ribarov 1994.

List of some arrowheads with concave base discovered in the EB Balkans (flint, limestone and bone artifacts)

Northern Greece Dikili Tash. Flint. Seferiades 1996: fig. 25: I. Sedes. EB. Flint. Heurtley 1939: 65z. Bulgaria Zaminec. Flint. FC I. Nikolov 1975: fig. I la. Yunatsite. EB . Bone(?). Mikov 1940: 70 Ognyanovo . EB VIII. Concave basis. Bone . Detev and Matsanova 1977: fig. 12: 3.

284

Dubene-Sarovka 1182.EB IIB. Flint. Concave base. Unpublished . Goran-Slatina. Limestone. PGC cemetery .Kitov 1991: fig. 92h. Romania Brate~ti. Brate~ti group Flint. FC I. Slightly concave base. Type 1. Tudor 1978: fig. 7: 15. Baldovine~ti. Flint. PGC. EB II. Concave , type 2. References : Paunescu 1970: fig. 38 : 5.

Dikili Tash

Kind of the species

Sitagroi

Ognyanovo

Dubene

Yunatsite

Plovdiv -Nebet Tepe

Glina

Ezero

IIB

III

Wild fruits and other 2atherin2 st>ecies IPrunussp.

Manole

Nova Zagora

Feudvar

IComusmas

+

+

+

+

.

"

Quercus rrrapanatans

+

+

+

+

.

'• .

..

Sambucus sp.

,.

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I·

+

+

s

+ +

"

~itis silvestris

+

.

+

Chenopodium album L. IR.ubussp.

+

+

+

Fragaria verca ~icia ervillia WlILD.

+

+

+

Vicia cf. Sativa

+

IPolygonumsp.

+

Galium sp.

+

+

Mollusks

,,

.

'

K::ardiumsp.

+

IGlycymerisglycymerisL.

+

!Helixsp.

+

!Patellasp.

+

Spondylus gaederopus L.

+

IUniosp.

+

:.

.

.

+ ·,

'

... '

Table 14.12. Palaeobotanical data/or gathering from later Balkan prehistoric sites. References: Mikov 1940: 70; Denne/ 1979: table 231; Hajnalova 1980; Hopf 1973,· Kroll 1990; 1991; Popova and Pavlova 1994; Marinova 1999; Lisitsina and Filipovich 1980: 42-49; Karali-Yannacopoulos 1992, Table 14; Schuster 1998: 138-39,· Renfrew J. 1973: 170, 193. N

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Chapter 15

Metallurgy 15.1. Introduction In Final Copper is an innovative stage in the history of the ancient metallurgy in the Balkans. New types of axe-adzes emerged , as well as the earliest metal daggers have been documented in the earlier Fourth Millennium BC. On the other hand , the arsenic - providing a bigger hardness of the metal - was involved in the metal production. At the same time , single experience with tin bronze involved by the Karanovo VI population continued. In the course of the Early Bronze I the scanty evidence infers a limited production of metal weapons , implements and of jewelry. But new flourishing of the metal production characterizes the Early Bronze II including shaft-hole axes , flanged axes and daggers. New types of pendants occurred , as well as necklaces of metal wire or with metal beads spec ify the northern Balkan cultures (the Zimnicea-Batin group , the Pit-Grave Culture). In course of the Early Bronze III the evolution of metal production continued in the Balkans including new types of daggers and innovative jewelry distributed in the middle Danube , as well as the development of the shaft-hole axes types. The metal finds in later Balkan prehistory are to be charac terized by variety of clusters and types. The several categories are of interest in this study: the axes ( axe-adzes , flange and shaft-hole axes) , daggers andjewelry. In this chapter the data on the Balkan metal finds will be systematized and discussed in the context of similarity and difference between distinct micro -regions and for the purposes of the investigation of the contacts between the cultures based on the metal evidence. Of special importance for the analysis are the generalized recent studies of A. Vulpe (1970 , 1975), E. Chernykh (1978) , B. Jovanovic (1971b) , M. Kuna (1981) , A. Durman (1983) , I. Vajsov (1992c ; 1993), E. Pernicka with collaborators (1993 ; 1997) , I. Bogdanovic ( 1996), J . Maran ( 1998) , etc. The prehistoric category of metal finds and moulds is divided into four categories: Implements and weapons ; Jewelry ; Metal vessels , idols , plaques and other peculiar objects ; Moulds for metal items. The first , second and fourth groups represent the Balkan Final Copper and Early Bronze I-III metallurgy . As far as the metal vessels concern , an imitation of the last was assumed by I. Bognar - Kutzian about Scheibenhenk el ceramic vessels, but there is no direct evidence of their appearance in

the Balkans until the Late Bronze Age - the Vulchitrun Treasure (Bonev 1995; 1996) . Some tenninological comments require the recent stage of the research of the metallurgy in the Balkans. In most of the studies the traditional evolution Copper - Bronze Age or Copper Age - Transition period - Bronze Age has been followed. At the same time, E. Pernicka elaborated the concept of different stage of the development of the metal products in Yugoslavia , which to some extent reminds the horizon analysis of M. Kuna (1981). That interesting approach was broken in more recent investigation turning back to traditional epoch classification (Pernicka et al. 1997), which faced even chronological contradictions. For instance , Sitagroi IV belongs to EB and is much later than Salcuta IV type ( cp. I 997: fig . 1), as well as it is synchronous with Ezero Al. Other methodical problem arouses the absence of good opportunity to compare the analyses of E. Pernicka with collaborators ( 1997) with that of E. Chemykh ( 1978) for Bulgaria. For the EBA, the research of E. Chernykh still is of primary importance concerning the Bulgarian lands. The missing of chemical analyses of the Romanian finds should be stressed as well. The second problem concerns the definition of the different stages of the metal production development. The methods of horizons or periods are very useful. For the purposes of this research five main horizons can be distinguished: l. The horizon of initial use of copper and precious metals - Neolithic and earlier Early Copper. 2 . The horizon of initial production of copper implements - later Early Copper and Late Copper Age. 3. The horizon of copper and arsenic-bronze finds production - Final Copper and Early Bronze I. 4. The horizon of bronze (arsenic , lead and tin) and copper finds production - Early Bronze II-III. 5. The horizon of tin-copper and copper finds production - the Middle and Late Bronze Age. Each of those horizons consists of different phases. By the second and third horizon five phases can be distinguished

(table 15.1).

15.2 Row-materials and their sources Gold and Electrum The gold objects occur as an exception in later Balkan Prehistory despite that the earliest gold artifacts in the world be2 87

Chapter 15 Metallurgy

Horizon

Finds

Phase

11,, '

:'•'·,::

A

'"

"

I

B

c, .

,.,.. "

1·

-Axe~adzes,daggers

Copper and arsenic

C~,4O5O~38OO/37OO BC

Axe-adzes? , daggers

Copper and arsenic

3800 - 3600/3400 BC

Copper and arsenic

3600/3400 - 3000 BC

./-~haft~es?, daggers

,.,,

1,,

,,

III

BC

Material

A

B

",

..

Shaft axes, flanged axes, daggers

Copper , arsenic and lead

3000 - 2550/2450 BC

Shaft axes, flanged axes, daggers

Copper , lead*** and tin

2550/2450 - 2000 BC

Table 15.1. Sub-division of horizons II-III of the development of the metal production in the Balkans

long to the eastern Balkans (grave furniture and burialgoods , as well as accidental settlement finds from the Karanovo VI--Gumelnita- Varna complex) . The properties of the gold alloys - aesthetic and economic, as well as technological - color, specific gravity, chemical resistance , ductility , melting temperature, hardness, etc. were probably later recognized in the Balkans. The other possible explanation of the rare use of the gold is the absence of gold mining explored extensively during the Fourth and Third Millennia BC in the Balkans. The samples from Verespatak in Golden Quadrangle - Transylvania - did not answer positive weather it was explored in Prehistory . Based on the recent advanced investigations in mining archaeology , it is concluded that one of the possible reasons is the limited samples and the different sources for analyses , so it is more than likely that the gold - like the copper - was extracted by underground mining (Hauptmann et al. 1995). In view of fact, the rare used gold artifacts seem to be obtained mainly by placer gold during Final Copper and Early Bronze Age or to be imports in the Balkans .

In the ternary system (Ag-Au-Cu) the silver contents of the gold are widespread in the natural gold of prehistoric Europe varying from 1% to 40% , and the copper contents reach 2% (V. Pingel in Morteani and Northover (eds.] 1995, 387-90). In case of high percent of silver (above 20%) the natural alloy might be termed electrum (Hauptmann et al. 1995). The pure gold melts at 1063 °C. Gold slag (scum?) was documented in the EB levels at Vardar6phtsa and at Saratse . 0. Davies assumes that the ancient placer s were those on the Axi6s (Vardar) and perhaps in the Lankadas valley, but Macedonia "did not become an Eldorado to the Greeks until the sixth century B.C." concluded that author (1939: 253) .

Copper The copper is the most importan t metal resource in the Balkans during the Final Copper and the Early Bronze Age. There are few main areas in the Balkan s with possib le min288

ing: the Carpathians (Transylvania) ; the western Stara Planina Mountains (Iron Age - Majdanpek) , Aibunar in the eastern Sredna Gora Mountains. The exploring of Strandzha and the central Sredna Gora Mountains can be also assumed but direct evidence is still missing.

Arsenic and lead bronze From Final Copper II onwards , the bronze began gradually to replace the copper as a harder metal , giving a possibility of a production of cutting implement / weapon like the daggers. However , it was reserved for that special category including axes. Awls, chisels and other small finds were still produced mainly from copper in the Fourth - Third Millennia BC. It is excepted that we can speak for copper ( or bronze) arsenic when its quantity is more than 1 %, added deliberately (cp. Avilova et al. 1999: 54). Because of the absence of pure arsenic artifacts , one concluded that the last have been alloyed with copper ores rich in arsenic (Craddock 1978: 372 ; Rapp 1986: 25; cp. de Jesus 1980: 90-91) . H.H. Coghlan distinguishes three factors the arsenic copper to be preferred to unalloyed copper : Its suitability for relatively simple casting work prac ticed ; Its behavior under conditions of hot and cold forging ; The strength and the extent "to which the material can be work-hardened to render it suitable for use in the cutting-edges of tools and weapons " (1972: 94).

In the Fourth Millennium BC the arsenic bronze became popular in many other region in Eurasia .

In later 1970-ties, 67 metal items were known from the Usatovo culture graves. The spectral analysis infers that of 28 items (Kon'kova 1979). 7 items were made from copper with arsenic more than l % - 4 daggers, I flat axe, 1 chisel and one pendant. At the same time, three other daggers were of poor copper, along with 18 other items - chisels, awls, axes and pendants. In Fourth Millennium BC hoard of copper artifacts from Near East, of thirty-six analyzed objects twenty-four had an average arsenic content of 5.2% (Rapp 1986: 25 with ref.). In Anatolia, the arsenic bronze

General classification

appears to characterize the metallurgy from later Fourth Millennium BC (P. de Jesus 1980), the arsenic bronze occurs from EB onwards in Turkey ( 1980: 90). ·

Tin and lead As a hardening element, the tin began to replace the Asbronze and Sn-Bronze in the Third Millennium BC, mainly in Anatolia but from the later Third and especially from the earlier Second Millennium BC in the southeastern and central Europe and on the British Islands. In the Second Millennium BC in regions like the Iberian Peninsula the As-bronze items still predominated.

and possible weapon.

Shaft-hole axes This is the most effective cutting tool, which invention probably emerged in the eastern Circum-Pontic region. But in the Balkans there was a tradition of axe-adzes, as well as of stone axe-hammers , with which the shaft-hole axes share the common type of blade. That type was not distributed in Western Europe where the flange axes predominated. Because of that reason it can be assumed in the EB both the kinds of axes had similar working effect (cp. Coghlan 1972: 99-100).

The tin-bronze was a result of using of double copper-tin ore stannite, or by adding of tin metal or the main ore cassiterite - (SnO2). Recently , cassiterite resources have been documented in Thrace. But certain data for ancient mining of that ore derived from southeast Anatolia (Kaptan 1995).

Chisels , awls and pins are the group of vast distributed in Later Balkan prehistory implements (see Chemykh 1978).

Additionally, a lead was added because of its lower melting point and higher molten mobility than bronze itself (Craddock 1978: 380-81). Some sickles from Late Bronze Bulgaria were made using this technology . But it should be stressed that the effect of the lead was known already in the initial stage of alloyed copper in the Balkans. For instance , high percent of lead was documented by the analyses of later EB flange axe from Dubene-Sarovka (unpublished).

The main groups are earrings and/or head pendants , bracelets, necklaces , pins, rings, applications , and small objects.

Adornments

Vessels Evidence for that group is missing in later Prehistoric Balkans, but they appear to be luxurious finds from the Late Bronze Age period.

Moulds

15.3. General classification They are for open and closed casting . The metal finds and moulds are divided into four categories (see above).

Implements and weapons Several subgroups can be distinguished among them: axesadzes, flat axes, shaft-hole axes, daggers and knives, chisels, awls and pins.

Axe-adzes The axe-adzes evaluated from the axe-hammers in latest Late Copper? - Final Copper I. The transition Vidra axe hammers towards Ariu~d axe-adze is assumed (see below) in the Balkans .

Flat axes The flat axes trapezoid shaped were distributed already in the Late Copper Age. Some of them were massive implements used also in Final Copper Age (Dragane~ti-Olt).

A. Vulpe (1970 ; 1975) elaborates the recent typology of the most of the Balkan later prehistoric finds, based on the contributions of many authors before 1970-ties including F. Schubert , M. Garasanin, etc. Some corrections argued M. Kuna embedded the Yugoslavian data (1981). E. Chemykh on his hand, published for the first time many new finds from Bulgaria based on his own typology ( 1978). But the last is not useful for comparative analysis in vast context. The typology of the jewelry was initiated by the author (Nikolova 1992). I. Vajsov elaborated the recent typology of the earliest daggers in the Carpathians-Balkans (1993) . Below the data are systematized based mainly on the typological ground of A. Vulpe (1970; 1975) with some modifications , as well as of L. Nikolova (1992) and I. Vajsov (I 993).

15.4. Implements, weapons and moulds In the EB, the flat axes evaluated in flange axes. As H.H. Coghlan stresses "When pronounced and strong side flanges were given to the flat axe a split kneeshaft could be used with increased hafting efficiency , although possibly at the expense of some loss in directional control " (1972: 99). In the Balkaris, that innovation was introduced along with the shaft-hole axes. In contrast to Western Europe , the latter became more popular being more effective as a cutting tool

There are several kinds of that group vast distributed in Final Copper I-fl in the Balkans. Based on the recent data, it is possible a determination of the metal production to be elaborated. To the Final Copper I the heavy implements belong while the daggers specify the Final Copper II. Most of the finds are well dated to FC I, FC II or FC 1-11. But there are some finds, which are distributed in Late Cop-

289

Chapter I 5 Metallurgy

per and because if the accidental character of most of the metal record , it is difficult a precise chronology to be defined. On the other hand , for some finds the possible EB but also MBA attribution remains. ·

In this section the data on emblematic types of metal implements and weapons are systematized , which to a great extent defines the later Balkan prehistoric metallurgy - FC I axeadzes, FC II and EB daggers, EB shaft-hole axes and flange axes. There are only few poss ible data on axe-hammer s from FC I. These implements typify the Late Copper Age (Plochnik., Vidra , Citiglet , etc .). At the same time, the emer gence of axe-hammer along with Tirgu-Ocna type axe at Ai Bunar indicates that some of the finds were distributed at least in FC I. Other indication for possibl e late datin g of Vidra type is the find from Ciolane~tii-din-Deal. According to the excavator A. Niµ.i, the axe was unearthed in a level of Gumelnita A2/B 1 culture , which should be synchronous with Salcuta Ile. In Central Europe there are different types of axehammers developed parallels with Jaszladany axe-adzes , but they have not instances in the Balkans. Also , some of the variants of the last type are missing among the finds between the Carpathians and the Aegean.

15.4.1. Final Copper axe-adzes and double axes (figs. 15.1-2) They were distributed during the Final Copper I in the Balkans . The Telish 3 axe of Jaszladany type originates from KSBC C settlement and is the only certain stratigraphical evidence of the occurrence of this kind of axes in the Lower Danube basin . It is possible the type of Ariu~d to emerge a little earlier. The finds from Anatolia (Troy II?) and from continental Greece (Eutresis) indicate later horizon of distribution of that kind of axes in period when in the north the shaft-hole ones were to being predominated. The collective find from Eutresis was unearthed in pit V in the upper level of Early Helladic II (Goldman 193 1: 2 15, fig. 387 : 2). There are finds from Second Millennium BC in the south as well (Deshayer 1960: plate 38-39). F. Schubert ( 1965) and A. Vulpe ( 1975) elaborated the recent typology of axe-adzes in the Balkans. E. Chemykh (1978) advanced the investigation of axe-adzes initiated by V. Mikov for Bulgarian finds, using similar axe classifica tion and typology . But the difference between type s and variants is not distinguished . Recently , E. Pemicka with collaborators (1992 ; 1997) analyzed finds from Yugoslavia and Bulgaria, which are also taken into consideration below , as well as I. Vajsov ( 1992b) discusse s the problem s of Final Copper metallurgy in the context of the culture changes in the Balkans in earlier Fourth Millennium BC. The finds from the Adriatic region of the Balkans were systematized as well (Zeravic a 1993). Six types (after A. Vulpe) have been repre sented in the Balkans. 290

Ariu~d (Mugeni) type The emblematic feature of that type is the missing of bushring. It is known as Erosd ( after J. Driehaus) and Mugeni (after F. Schubert) and corresponds to TT-4 and TT-8 in the typology of E. Chemykh . The Ariu~d type is excepted to represent a Proto- Jaszladany type, as the earliest axe-adzes . But there is no certain chronological context of that type. In Bulgaria there have been documented along with Jaszladany type (Plakuder hoard) . In Romania there were distributed mainly in Transylvania and perhaps in settlements of Cucuteni A (late) Cucuteni A-B 1, originating from destroyed levels . The Dalmatian find of that type was to be found together with Coka type hammer - axe and with Jaszladany one . In Becmen hoard from Srem, an axe of this type was also found with Jaszladany and axe-hammer of Siria type. Based on these data, the chronolo gical span is LC III? - FC I. The concentration of Ariu~d types of axe-adzes is the eastern Carpathians and western Lower Danube. As exception , one axe-adze of that type is documented in Hungary (Pees region). Rare are also the finds from the Adriatic region and in Srem. All these data arouse the hypothesis that the axeadze was an innovation distributed from east to the west. In context of these data, the next - Jaszladany type appears to be an evaluated shape in different regions.

Jaszladany type During Final Copper I the axes of Jaszladany type became popular in the Carpathians and the Balkans. They typify the Bodrogkeresztur and Salcuta- Krivodol - Bubanj metal finds. Based on the data from Hungary , the Jaszladany type occurred in the period of the earliest Bodrogkeresztur. The axe from Telish 3 (Gergov 1987) confirms that they were distributed synchronously in central Europe and in the Balkans . Transylvania is one of the possible original areas of the production of the Jaszladany type axes. It can be assumed that through Tisza- Danube communication line, the metal pro duction was exported to the Lower Danube basin , if there was no a local center of mining in this period. E. Chemykh (1978 : 49) rejected the mentioned by V. Mikov mining center of Plakalnitsa in Northwestern Bulgaria to have been exploited by the Krivodol population. So, we have no certain arguments that there was developed the copper mining in Final Copper. Open remains the question of possible interactions in the field of the metallurgy betw een the northern and the southern Balkans as well. At the same time, E. Pernicka with collaborators (1993) eliminated the Rudna Glava as a possible mining center for metallurgy in Northea stern Serbia and pointed at Majdanpek as possibl e mining center and a source for later prehistoric metal. The maximum working effect was achieved with the Jaszladany type axe-adzes , as an effective innovative implement of the later Copper metallur gy. This conclu sion is confirmed by the fact that Jaszla dany type axes were the most distributed metal implement durin g the Final Copp er Age in the Balkan s and espec ially in their northern part s.

Implements , weapons and moulds

c

0

~

0

Ariu~d Jaszladany-Or~ova Jaszladany-Sincai ~

0

~

CJ

i(t

0

\

~

~\

\\ \ \

Jaszladany-Petre~ti

~\ \

\

.•

~

Nogradmarcal

Jaszladany-Bradu Figure 15.1. Different types of axe-adzes 291

Chapter 15 Metallurgy

The Jaszladany type axe-adzes is divided into different variants (Vuple 1975: 37-48; Patay 1967-89). By the Tirnavifa variant, the edges of the adze part are parallel, the section is round-like and the shoulders consist of turning point slightly turned. The Or~ova variant is distinguished by the flatten-shaped adze, which section is narrower in compare to the diameter of the bush. The Sincai variant is characterized by an outline of the adze symmetrical to the section, which is bigger than the shafthole diameter , as well as by shoulders slightly turned downwards. By that type the adze arm is prolonged trapezoidshaped. The Petre~ti variant is characterized by a width-section of the adze-arm smaller than the shaft-hole; the outline of the adze is rounded. By Bradu variant the widen outline of the adze is typical of, as well as the shaft-hole section is smaller as the widthsection of the adze and the axe width-section is rounded. There are also peculiar shapes of the Jaszladany type. The other types of the axe-adzes - Tirgu-Ocna, N6gradmarcal, Mezokeresztes, Hortobagy ~ were distributed as exceptions in the Balkans. The axe-adz of Tirgu-Ocna type was discovered at Ai Bunar mines. That fact could indicate that the mine was explored in the Final Copper I. Kladari type is known only from the western Balkans . There is no well-defined context of the last types of axes in the Balkans. The hoard from Tirgu-Ocna originates from the Cucuteni B settlement. That context infers that the eponymous type was distributed in the Final Copper I. The similarity with the Jaszladany type probably indicates that they were contemporary. A. Vuple assumes the Tirgu-Ocna type was the latest distributed one and it was being only partialJy contemporary with the Jaszladany type (1975: 70-71). List of finds Ariu~d type BULGARIA Dyrzhanitsa. Vidin District. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 10724, table 3:5. FC. Kamenar . Varna District. Burial . Copper ( 1). Chernykh 1978: No. 9429 , table 3: l. FC. Pamukchii. Stara Zagora District. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No . 9196, table 3:3. FC. Plakuder (2). Vidin District. Depot. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 9154, 10722, table 3:2,4. FC. Unknown. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 12092, table 3:6. FC. ROMANIA

Berevoe~ti. Arge~ District. Copper. Vuple 1975: no. 88. FC I. YUGOSLAVIA Vrazogrnac. HOM 1311. Copper. Pemicka et. al. 1993: plate 8: 4. FC.

Nogradmarcal type

292

SOUTH ROMANIA Chi~ova. Timi~ District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 31 :236.

Jaszladany type BULGARIA Archar. Vidin District. Copper (1). Chemykh 1978: No. 9148, table 3: 7. FC I. SKB. Berkovitsa. Montana District. Copper (2). Chernykh 1978: No . 9161, table 4:7. FC. . Bojka. Rousse District. Copper (6). Chemykh 1978: No. 10890, table 4:2. FC. Bukovets . Sofia District. Copper (2). Chernykh 1978: No . 9160, table 5:7. FC. Gorski Trambesh. Veliko Tyrnovo. Copper (2). Chemykh 1978: No . 9176 , table 2: 6. FC. Hotnitsa . Veliko Tumovo District. Copper (2). Chemykh 1978: No. 20842, fig. 61. FC. Kirilovo tell. Stara Zagora District. Copper (6). Chernykh 1978: No. 9173, table 5:1. FC. Kremikovtsi. Sofia District. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 9157, table 1: 5. FC. Kryvenik. Gabrovo District. Copper (5). Chemykh 1978: No. 12082, table 4:6. FC. Lyava Reka . Pernik District. Copper (I). Chemykh 1978: No. 9158 , table 2: I. FC I. Musina. Veliko Turnovo District. Copper ( l ). Chernykh 1978: No. 9428, table 5:5. FC. Novo selo. Vidin District. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 9149 , table I : 1. FC. Plakuder. Vidin District. Depot. Copper (1). Chemykh 1978: No. 9155 , table 1: 7. FC. Plakuder (5). Vidin District. Copper (1). Chemykh 1978: No. 9150 , 10723, 9152, 9151, 9153; table I: 3, 6, 8, table 2: 3-4. FC. Plovdiv . Plovdiv District. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No . 9195 , table 5:4. FC. · Radomir . Pernik District. Copper ( 1). Chernykh 1978: No. 9159 , table 4:3. FC. *Reburkovo. Vratsa District. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 9175 , table 2: 5. FC. Rousse District? Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 9174, table 5:2. FC. Sofia District . Copper. Chernykh 1978: No. 12673, table I: 2. Tiyanovtsi . Vidin District. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 9177 , table 4:4. FC. Ugurchin. Lovech District. Copper ( 1). Chemykh 1978: No . 9156 , table 2: 2. FC. Unknown. Copper (6). Chernykh 1978: No. 12648, table 4:5. FC. Unknown. Copper (1). Chernykh 1978: No. 12649, table 4:1. FC. Unknown. Copper (1). Chemykh 1978: No. 12650, table 5:6. FC. Unknown. Copper (1). Chemykh 1978: No . 12652, table 5:3. FC. SOUTHERN ROMANIA Bencecul-d e-Jos. Timi~ District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 14:107. FC I. Ciacova. Timi~ District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 14:108.FC I. Co/ofeni-din-Dos. Oolj District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 15:115. FC I. Cofofeni-din-Dos. Dolj District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 22:167. FC I. Dubova. Car~-Severin District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 17:129.FCI. Dumbrava. Timi~ District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 26:188. FC I. Halinga . Mehedinti District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 23:169. FC I. Hinova. Mehedinti District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 13:102. FC I Mofiifei. Dolj District. Vulpe 1975: plate 24: 181. FC I. Moldova Veche. Car~-Severin District. Copper. Vulpe I 975: plate

Implements, weapons and moulds

22: 165. FC I. Mo/a/ei. Dolj District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 22:181. FC I. Or$ova. Mehedinti District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 13:104. FC I. Padina-Mare . Mehedinti District. Copper . Vulpe 1975: plate 15:114. FC I. Poiana. Mehedinti District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 22 :166. FC I. Satchinez . Timi~ District. Copper . Vulpe 1975: plate 27 :194. FC I. Satchinez. Timi~ District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 29 :215. FC I. Sinpetru-German. Arad District. Destroyed burial? Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 26:190. FC I. Bodrogkeresztur culture. Sinpetru-German. Arad District Destroyed burial? Copper . Vulpe 1975: plate 27:197 . FC I. Bodrogkeresztur culture. Timi$oara. Timi~ District. Vulpe 1975: plate 26: 189. FC I. Turno-Severin (2). Mehedinti District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 15:112, 113. FC I. Re$ca. Olt District. Discovered under the bank of the settlem ent as a votive subject. Copper. Vulpe 1975: 38, plate 13:103. FC Salcuta III . Vilcene. Olt District. Copper. Vulpe 1975: plate 23 :170. FC . Virtop. Dolj District. Copper . Vulpe 1975: plate 22 :168. FC. YUGOSLAVIA, BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA, CROATIA AND HRV ATSKA Apatovac . Western Serbia. SAM 2073. Garasanin 1954: 48, pl. 33: 10; Jovanovic 1971: Annex 4: 113; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Banatski Karlovac . Banat. SAM .2028 . Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Banatsko Srediste. SAM 1098. Banat. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Barice. SAM 2027. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Batajnica. Banat. SAM 1098. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Becmen. Hoard. SAM 1137-1141 , 1143-1146, 1152; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62 ; Jovanovic 1979: pl. 3. Bela Crkva. Banat. SAM 2029 . Jovanovic 1971: Annex 4 : 148; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Berbatovo. SAM 3609 . Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Beograd. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62 . Beograd District. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Bolj"etin. Iron Gates. Jovanovic. 1971: Annex 4: 139; Kuna 1981: 26-27 62. Brestovac . Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Bunar - Krivelj. HDM 1326. Copper. Pernicka et al. 1993: plate 9: 5. Cepin. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Cepin area ? SAM 1147. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Cubra. SAM 1967. Garasanin 1954; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Crna Reka area. SAM 2070 ; Garasanin D. 1954; Kuna 1981: 2627, 62. Dobanovci . Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Donji Milanovac. HDM 1322. Copper . Pernicka et al. 1993: plate

9: 4. Dubravica. SAM 196 l. Garasanin D. 1954; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Gabos-Vinkovci. SAM 1102. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Glavska. SAM 1218. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Go/uvac. SAM 2092. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Govedi Brod. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Jarmina . SAM 1998. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Kikinda. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Kladovo. SAM 2105. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Krivi Vir. SAM 3611 ; HDM 1417. Kuna 1981 : 26-27 , 62; Pernicka et al. 1993: plate 10: 6. Krmpote. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62 . Krsnici. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Krusevac. SAM 2091. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62 la zinje - Mokra Bela Palanka. HOM 1418. Copper . Pernicka et al. 1993: plate 10: 3. Leskovac. SAM 3610. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Mali Buban}. Jovanovic l 971 ; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62.

Makre$ane . HDM 1413. Copper. Pernicka et al. 1993: plate 10: 2. Miroc. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Mokra -Bela Palanka. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Mosna . Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Mramorak . Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Negotin. SAM 2976 , 2074 ; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Novi Krusevac. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Obilicevo. SAM 2112. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Osijek . SAM 1128. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Osijek-Donji Grad. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Osnic. SAM 2075 . Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Pecinci-Stubiste. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Pesak - Varos Svrljig. HDM 1419. 0.670 kg. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62 ; Pernicka et al. 1993: plate 9: 1. Prizren. HDM 1426. Copper. Pemicka et al. 1993: plate 10: 4. Podgora c. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Potporanj -Korana . Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Poi ei ena. SAM 1960. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Ripanj. SAM 2074. Garasanin D. 1955; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Sarkamen (2). HDM 1310 - 0.900 kg. HDM 1304 - 0.830 kg. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62; Pernicka et al. 1993: plate 9: 2-3 . Se/o Vrba -Slatina. HDM l 408 . Copper . 0.254 kg. Pemicka et al. 1993: plate 8: 6. Sisak . SAM 1129. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. S/atina. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Stabani . SAM 2493-2495 . Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62 . Subotist e. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62 . Svilajnc . HDM 1405. Copper. Pemicka et al. 1993: plate 9 : 6. Svilos. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Takovo . SAM 2133. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Tesanj. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Truhelka. SAM 2572 . Kuna 198 I : 26-27 , 62. Valakonj e. SAM 1966. Garasanin D. 1954; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Varai din area. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Veliki Crvjeni. SAM 2095. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62 . Veliki Gaj. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Veliko Laole. HDM 1427. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981 : 26-27 , 62. Pemicka et al. 1993: plate 11: 1. Veliko Sredi$te-Janovo. SAM 2026 . Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Vinkovc i. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62 . Voluja . Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Vrlika area. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62 . Vrsak-Majdan. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Vrsak area. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 62. Vrsak - Rasadnik. SAM 2032. Vrsak - Veliki Rit. SAM 2030. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62 . Vuke-Laslovo . Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. Vukovar - Gackulja. SAM 1995. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 63 . Zarkovo. Jovanovic 1971; Kuna 1981: 26-27, 63 . Unknown . HDM 1414. Copper . Pernicka et al. 1993: plate 10: I. Unknown. HDM 1416. Copper . Pemickaetal. 1993: plate 10: 5.

Mezokeresztes type (fig.I 5.2) SOUTH ROMANIA Ciacova . Timi~ District. Vulpe . 1975: plate 9: 63 . YUGOSLAVIA Dusanova c. HDM 1301. Copper . Pemicka et al. 1993: plate 11: 3.

Tirgu-Ocna type BULGARIA A i Bunar . Stara Zagora District. Copper (6). Chemykh 1978: No. 12686, table 2: 7. YUGOSLAVIA Resan . Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 63.

Hortobagy type YUGOSLAVIA

293

Chapter 15 Metallurgy

bronze. The shaft-hole axes have been documented on settlements, as accidental finds, on cemeteries or as hoard finds. They were used as cutting tools, as well as a weapon. The last function is confirmed indirectly by many cases of dagger - axe set documented in burials of EB - MBA in the Near East (Philip 1995), as well as directly by the grave No. 208 on the Mokrin cemetery in northern Banat.

~

The EB shaft-hole axes can be into three groups: Axes without well-distinguished shaft; Axes with short or long cylindrical shafts; Axes with profiled usually prolong shafts. Each of these groups consists of several types with variants. In this study of interest are mainly the types but some variations are of important for the analysis of the chronological evolution or regional peculiarities. Despite of the fact that most of the finds are accidental , it can be assumed an evolution from the simple types (Baniabic) towards more complicated evolution of the shafts. The axe blade is mainly of two variants - widen at the lower part of the axe or from both the sides. The axe rims can be parallel (Veselinovo type), the upper end edge can be little rounded or the lower can be arc-shaped with different angles toward the shaft. The shaft holes have different sizes, of three groups: small, middle and big. Figure 15.2. Mez.okeresztes type

Recica. HDM 1429. Copper. Pemickaetal.

1993: plate II: 2.

Kladari type YUGOSLAVIA, HRVATSKO, BOSNA AND HERZIGOVINA AND SLOVENIA Bocac. SAM 1246. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 63. Diaku/e (Gracaica). Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 63. Gorjani Diakovo. SAM 1958, 2067. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 63. Kladari . SAM 2573. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 62. (Donji) Krein. SAM 2072. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 63. Sp/it-Grippe. SAM 1225. Kuna 1981: 26-27, 63. Split area. SAM 1232, 1233. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 63. Sp/it-Spinut. Kuna 198 I: 26-27, 63. So/in. SAM 1094. Kuna 1981: 26-27 , 63. Stabanj . SAM 2493-2494. Kuna 1

Nerusbaj

_.• tr (C/ .\ Durankulak

wri

11

Figure 15.6.1. Balkan Final Copper and Early Bronze daggers. References: Chernykh 1978; Vajsov 1993

304

6

Adornments

FC-EB

EBIB

As

2 4

Glozhene

As Mondsee

3

EB IB-II/111

nu-8

As

EB IB-IIIC

-

--- -- -

12

9

As

Bereket

Cu

10

7,

Ezero A EB 11B-EB III

14

-

15 16

Ezero B

Cu As

17

Figure 15.6.2. Balkan Final Copper and Early Bronze daggers. Chernykh 1978; Vajsov 1993

305

Chapter 15 Metallurgy 1 (C-10). Goran - S/atina (T-15). Silver. Secondary Tumulus grave. Child . PGC. Discovered near the teeth. Kitov 1991: 65-67 . Goran - S/atina. Silver. Secondary Tumulus grave. Adult. PGC . Discovered under the skull . Kitov 1991: 72-73, fig. 46g. Ka/ugeritsa. Silver. Primary grave. Crouched female burial. PGC tumulus. The open ring discovered over the chest. Panayotov 1989: 75, fig. 24. Romania Gurbane~ti. Muntenia Copper. Primary? PGC tumulus. Open ring discovered near the head. Rosseti 1959: fig. 15: 3. Gurbane~ti. Muntenia. Copper. Secondary. PGC tumulus. Ring discovered under the head. Rosseti 1959: 800 (no illustration). Verbi/a. Oltenia. Silver. Primary child grave. PGC tumulus. The open ring discovered near the arm. Berciu and Roman 1984: 1521.

Zimnicea. Muntenia Zimnicea - Batin type. Flat cemetery . Grave 24. Discovered along with spiral pendant. Alexandrescu 1974: plate 8: 7, plate 10: 5.

Type 1 is characteristic of EB II in the Balkans. The pendants have many parallels frohl different periods in the northwestern Black Sea. Gold pendant of this type occurs in local Neolithic there - Makil'ski cemetery - open ring with oval section and crossing ends. Open rings - in some cases with thicken ends - are specific adornments in the Usatovo cemetery as well, and continue in the Catacomb culture (Vangorods'ka 1987: fig. 2: 1, 2, 10). From the PGC a silver ring is being known from a primary grave in Nerushaj Tumulus cemetery (Shmaglij and Chemyakov 1970: fig. 64: 21). One of possibilities is to think this kind of adornments was distributed in the EB Balkans from the PGC communities being their popular adornment. Type 2. Open rings of thick wire thinner towards the ends Thick wire made of silver, gold or copper, with circle section. This type of adornments is to be occurred as common items to the Zimnicea flat cemetery, Golyama Detelina Tumulus and Goran-Slatina Twnulus cemetery. They are discovered along with a shaft-hole axe in Muntenia. List of finds BULGARIA Golyama Detelina. Radnevo District. Silver. Adult inhumation in Tumulus grave. Kunchev 1995: fig. 10c. Goran - S/atina (2). Lovech District. Silver. Secondary Tumulus grave. Adult. Discovered on both the sides of the skull. PGC. Kitov 1991: 80, fig. 54e.

ROMANIA Tufa. Ilfov District. Muntenia. Vuple 1970: plate 65:F. Two pendants belonging to a treasure (see above). Zimnicea (5). Five items discovered in one and the same grave. Alexandrescu 1974: plate 8: 10-14, plate 10: 9-13. The Golyama Detelina defines the terminus post quern at the end of the Fourth Millennium BC. The Zimnicea and GoranSlatina finds indicate earlier EB II is the second phase of distribution of these items. Type 3. Boat-like earrings / pendants They are made by gold thicken wire shaped as a boat in the lower part of the body. They were distributed as an excep306

tion in the Balkans, the Carpathians and the Aegean. List of finds BULGARIA Turnava (1). Vratsa District . Gold. Secondary Tumulus grave. Female burial. PGC. Panayotov 1989: fig. 46, p. 90. EB II. The chronology is based on the parallels of the earring with EH II and Ampoita Tumulus cemetery in Transylvania - see the discussion in Maran 1998. Type 4. Spiral pendants Subtypes: 4.1. Half to two spirals. 4.2. Two to three spirals. 4.3. Three or more spirals. They are made of silver or copper wire with circle or flattened section, with pointed or flattened ends. They were being one of the most popular burial-goods in the PGC. List of finds Type 4.1 GREECE Saratse. Gold. EBA. Settlement-find. Thin wire with round section and with pointed ends. Heurtley 1939: fig. 67:qq. BULGARIA Goran - Slatina. Lovech District. Gold. Flattened ends. Secondary Tumulus grave. Adult. PGC. Kitov 1991: 56, fig. 33d. Goran - S/atina (3). Lovech District. Silver. Oval section. Secondary Tumulus grave . Adult. Discovered on both the sides and under the skull. PGC. Kitov 1991: 57; 60; fig. 35c. Goran - Slatina. Lovech District. Gold. Secondary Tumulus grave. Child. PGC. Discovered on the right side of the skull. Kitov 1991: 65-67 , fig. 41e. Goran - Slatina. Lovech District. Silver. Secondary Tumulus grave. Child. Discovered near the teeth. PGC. Kitov 1991: 66-67, fig. 4lf. Goran - Slatina (2). Lovech District. Silver. Primary. Tumulus grave . Adult. Discovered under the left and in the right parts of the skull. PGC. Kitov 1991: 84. Goran - Slatina (2). Lovech District. Silver. Secondary Tumulus grave. Adult. Discovered in secondary position. PGC. Kitov 1991: fig. 72e, p. 100. Madara (3). Shumen District. Type . Silver. Secondary Tumulus graves. Child burial. Two of them discovered beside the both sides of the skull, but the third - over the stomach. Panayotov 1989: 70, fig. 17. EB II. Mednikarovo . Silver. Radnevo District. Grave No. 3/2 . Primary Tumulus grave. Adult. Panayotov and Alexandrov 1995: fig. I 0: 1. Troyanovo (2). Stara Zagora District. Silver. Primary Tumulus grave . Adult. Panayotov 1989: 83-84 , fig. 31 . EB IL Troyanovo (2). Stara Zagora District. Gold. Secondary Tumulus grave . Adult. Panayotov 1989: 84. EB II. Turnava (2). Vratsa District. Copper. Secondary Tumulus grave. Child burial. PGC. Panayotov 1989: fig. 47 , p. 90. EB II. Turnava (2). Vratsa District. Gold . Primary Tumulus grave . Adult. PGC. Panayotov 1989: 92, fig. 53 . EB II. Romania Gurbane~ti. Copper. Muntenia. PGC culture. Rosseti 1959: fig. 15: I. Gurbcme~ti. Silver. Muntenia. PGC culture. Rosseti 1959: fig. 15: 2. Zimnicea (2) . Muntenia. Flat inhumation cemetery. Grave No. 20. Alexandrescu 1974: plate 8: 1-2; plate 10: 1-2 Zimnicea (2) . Muntenia Flat inhumation cemetery . Grave No. 16. Alexandre scu 1974: plate 8: 3-4 ; plate 10: 6.

Adornments

Zimnicea. Muntenia. Flat inhumation cemetery. Grave No. 24. Alexandrescu 1974: plate 8: 5; plate 10: 4. Zimnicea. Muntenia. Flat inhumation cemetery. Grave No. 4. Alexandrescu 1974: plate 8: 6; plate 10: 7. Yunatsite tell. EB I. Unpublished.

Type 4.2 BULGARIA Goran - Slatina (2). Lovech District. Silver. Secondary Tumulus grave. Adult. Discovered on both the sides of the skull. PGC. Kitov 1991: 73, fig. 47d. The spiral pendants characterize EB II in the Balkans, but according to the data from the Yunatsite tell they might occur in EB I.

Unclear type BULGARIA Turnava (I) . Vratsa District. Copper . Secondary Tumulus grave. Child grave. Panayotov 1989: fig. 45, p. 90. EB II.

Type 1

P/achido/ (3). Dobrich District. Copper (1). Silver (2). Secondary Tumulus grave. Male burial. PGC. Panayotov 1989: 112. EB. Plachidol (I). Dobrich District. Copper. -Secondary Tumulus grave. Baby burial. PGC. Panayotov 1989: 112. EB. Zheglartsi - Or/yak. Dobrich District. Silver. Primary Tumulus grave. Adult. PGC. Panayotov 1989: 122. EB. Romania Ploe~ti. Prahova District. Silver. Child grave. Zirra 1960: 103.

All the finds belong to EB II.

15.5.2. Bead necklaces They occur by necklace only of metal beads or in combination with other kinds of beads. The metal beads have cylindrical or other shapes, being made of silver, gold or copper. As an exception, a lead bead occurred on the settlement of Ostrikovac. ·

Type3

Type2

01

Type 4.1

Type 4.2

Figure 15. 7. Balkan later prehistoric adornments

307

Chapter 15 Metallurgy

List of finds BULGARIA Goran - Slatina. Silver beads (30). •Cylindrical shape. Secondary Tumulus grave. Adult. PGC. Kitov 1991: 57, fig. 33e. Goran - Slatina. Gold (2). Silver (I). Copper (I). Cylindrical shape. Secondary Tumulus grave. Adult . PGC. Kitov 1991: 65, fig.33e. . Goran - Slatina. Silver (I). Secondary Tumulus graves. Child. PGC. Kitov 1991: 66. Goran - S/atina. Silver (22 or 13). Cylindrical and six-leafed clover shape . Secondary Tumulus grave. Adult. PGC . Kitov 1991: 72-73, fig. 46f. Mednikarovo. Silver (14) . Cylindrical and barrel-shaped. Radnevo District. Primary Tumulus Grave. PGC . Gender - girl / woman. Age -14 years old. Panayotov and Alexandrov 1995: fig. 14, ROMANIA Zimnicea Muntenia (31 ). Cylindrical and flatten sphere shapes. Adult. Flat inhumation cemetery . Grave No. 9. Alexandrescu 1974: plate 8: 8; plate 10: 8.

In light of the recent data, the metal beads characterize earlier EB II in the Balkans.

Single beads YUGOSLAVIA Ostrikovac - Djula. Ring. Lead. HDM 1312. Pemicka et al. 1993: pl. 13: 3.

The bead might belong to the EB II settlement documented there (S-282).

15.5.3. Other adornments

The chronology of these adornments is based on the discovered metal finds (see above). ·

15.6. Social aspects of the metallurgy E. Chernykh (1978: 76- 78) argued metallurgists - specialists for the Karanovo population and it is very probable that they did contact with the Krivodol-Salcuta-Bubanj population. Probably the interactions between the western Lower Danube basin and the southern Balkans resulted in a distribution of the Jaszladany axes in Thrace as an influence of type idea or as imports having in mind of possible flourishing of the Carpathians mining center. Because of the fact that the Jaszladany axes chronologically followed most of the Karanovo VI culture settlements, they document a FC population in the south of the Balkans. J.M. Coles ( 1981 :96) · stresses the metallurgy is the major economic process that involved a complex organization both in production and in distribution. The treasuring of metal finds appeared in the Balkans with the earliest horizon of distribution of metal implements (Ustra in the Rhodopes, etc.). This habit began from the earlier horizon of the metal distribution in the Balkans. There are several EB treasures discovered in the northern Balkans including Ostrovul Corbului I, Ostrovul Corbului II, Tufa, Schitu-Pingale~cu, etc.

Pendants of gold YUGOSLAVIA

Vajska. Gold pendant. Brukner 1973. HUNGARY

H6dmezovasarhely-Kishomok. A fragment. A grave find discovered in a vessel. Bodrogkeresztur B. Final Copper I. Bondar and Korek 1995: fig. 1: 2. To the same period belongs a clay pendant correspondingly oval shaped with holes (Patay 1979: fig. 8). The gold pendant from Vajska listed continued the tradition of the Late Copper .

Bracelets and torque BULGARIA

Bracelets. Gold or electron. Open thick wire. Emenska cave. Nikolova and Angelova 1961 (C:-10). EB IIIB-C. Torque. Electron. Nikolova and Angelova 1961: 16a (C10). EB IIIB-C. Torque. Silver. Nikolova and Angelova 1961: fig. 16b (C10). EB IIIB-C.

308

There are different interpretations of the treasuring in prehistory. The fact is that even in Early Bronze this habit was also in initial stage. It can be interpreted by a concentration of wealth in single hands or as an evidence of very high level of craft specialization. In last case these finds can be interpreted as a commodity for exchange. Both the interpretations infer the treasuring is an element of social hierarchy . and an indicator of presence of social stratification in later Balkan prehistoric society. Of special importance is the fact that some of the treasures have been found on settlements. The alternative is to interpret the treasured finds as a join property of distinct communities treasured by religion occasions. But the absence of sanctuary-like context weakens the last hypothesis. A special problem represents the adornments. But they are connected with graves and burial rituals. Accordingly, their social meaning will be considered in the concluding part.

Chapter 16

Social strategies 16.1. Final Copper and Early Bronze I: Problems of transformations and innovations During Late Copper Age broad areas of the Balkans were in active interactions - from the Black Sea to Velika Morava River, and from the Carpathians to the Aegean. The Karanovo VI - Gumelnita - Varna and Salcuta - Krivodol Bubanj complexes established a standard ceramic system, which serve the agricultural - stockbreeding communities in a way that at least 400 years in the Balkans was only a slaw evolution of the graphite ceramic style of both cultures. The interest towards innovations was mainly concentrated on metal finds, as well as on emergence on new system of prestige items manufactured of gold. At the apogee of their economic development - in the context of the flourishing of the copper metallurgy - the first substantiated attempt toward an ideological balance was expressed, through the power of the richness (the Varna cemetery). It may be the golden graves at Varna express an initial crisis in the Balkan society, in which the population created an alternative in.cult of the ancestors and of the cult of the fertility. In the Krivodol - Salcuta - Bubanj complex , the sitting Mother -Goddess figurines were popular , but at the same time a graduate decreasing characterize the idol production during its latest stages. It can be assumed the social situation was complicated in the context of the economic crisis, which was followed by political crisis of the different polities. The problem of the social strategies in Balkan later Prehistory concerns the relationship between the archaeological culture and social polity. Because of the fact that mainly the ceramic style defines the archaeological culture , it can be assumed that for a great extent the borders of the different archaeological cultures define a cultural-historical structure , with intensive interactions ~d possible autonomous social and political structures. But from this point, other question also occurs: How should be explained the change of the material culture? Does the decreasing of the material culture mean devolution of the social polity or the social polity may preserve its critical components in different culture context? Both questions are of primary interest for the explanation of the culture changes in earlier Fourth Millennium BC in the Balkans. Below, their examination is to be based on case studies. Western upper Thrace is an important instance. There is a gap in the cultural settlement structure between the FC 1 Karanovo VI culture and later EB I Yunatsite I culture.

It is interesting to stress that the earliest EB I settlement in Karlovo valley recently documented , was grounded exactly over the Karanovo VI settlement. This topographic continuity can be hypothesized to represent a cultural continuity, despite that more than 500 years distinguish both settlements. The fact that 8 to 10 generations divides Final Copper and EB I settlement probably keep out the historical memory of the upper Stryama population. But the tendency of continuity between both periods should be stressed, having in mind that in the upper Stryama valley there is also another prehistoric settlement center - that of Pishtikova Mogila locality, with huge Neolithic multilevel settlement. We do not know to which extent the Late Copper ruins were visible on the surface on the Sarovka locality, but hereditary location of the local population looks very likely. The same model of topographic and possible cultural continuity is documented on the Yunatsite tell. In last case even the period between both settlements is shorter because the Final Copper I latest Karanovo VI is documented there. But again the earlier EB agricultural sedentary population in the lower Topolnitsa valley is documented over the ruins of the Copper Age settlements. I will return to Yunatsite below as an exceptional instance of social conflicts in later Balkan prehistory. But for the time being, the naturally fortified character of this tell should be mentioned - in contrast to the Dubene tell localized on the river sloping terrace. A variant of regional model in western upper Thrace is the Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe site. The EB settlement was grounded there over a naturally fortified hill - high above Maritsa River. In the earliest level a cup with two handles was documented with parallels in the Karanovo VI culture and Krivodol - Salcuta - Bubanj complex. At the same time, the village of Ognyanovo was established over a continent close to the Maritsa basin - between Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe and Yunatsite . Similar settlement structure is well documented in eastern upper Thrace where the EB I settlement is localized on prehistoric tells from Late Copper (Karanovo , Dyadovo , Gulubovo, Ezero, etc.). But in contrast to western upper Thrace , Pit Grave Culture population occupied seasonally or permanently some microregions there and especially that of Radnevo from later Early Bronze I towards. In the southern Balkans, the first exceptional instance is Sitagroi. There is a huge hiatus between Early and Late Copper Age (Sitagroi IIIA-B) , but the latest level of Copper Age actually belongs to Final Copper I (chapter 6). The situation to the north of the Stara Planina Mountains is complicated because the tradition of thin-level settlements 309

Chapter I 6 Social strategies

predominated in most of the mi~ro-regions. Also, in contrast to the regions to the south of the Stara Planina Mountains, the Final Copper II is documented in many areas. On the other hand, different settlement structures in EB I emerge in some cases interrelated with Final Copper II (for instance, Cemavoda - Dealul Sofia). All these instances demonstrate the continuity in the settlement life despite of the chronological gap between Copper Age and EB I settlements . The instances arouse the assumption that continuity can be explained not only by topographic and environmental but also by cultural continuation. This consideration faces the question: How should we explain the chronological hiatus in the material culture Final Copper - Early Bronze, which characterize most of the regions? For the scholars who study Balkan prehistory , it is well known that the hiatus between the Final Copper and the earliest EB I (chronologically included more than 500 years) is not the earliest, as well as not the latest period , when from some micro-regions evidence is missing. The hiatus can be shorter or longer. First of all, a good instance is the situation in Thrace during Late Neolithic when the extremely density settlement structure of the Karanovo III was followed by the Koloyanovets culture settlements documented by thin level sites and exceptionally occupied tells. During this period for instance, there is evidence only of three sites in western upper Thrace, one of which is documented only by one ceramic find. In prospective plane, similar is the situation in the Middle Bronze Age (the earlier Second Millennium BC) when evidence is almost completely missing from all of Bulgaria. So, in context of this evidence, especially in Bulgarian Thrace, we can infer the existence of crisis cycle of the agricultural systems, having in mind the primitive and extremely high dependence on the nature economy. When the cultural hiatus between the Final Copper and Early Bronze I is questioned, pastoral or semi-mobile socialeconomic model appear to be applied to this historic situation. That this is the case is well-argued by the cave data from Haramijska Dupka and Yagodina in the Central Rhodope Mountains, as well as by the accidental evidence of possible early Tumuli (Turgovishte) and rare scepters , probably originating from destroyed graves. In the case of the Rhodope Mountains, we have a population, which occupied periodically the caves - probably during the winter, but in swnmer time this population can be expected that lived in the lowlands. Based on the pottery style, the origin of the Yagodina culture is connected with the latest Karanovo VI and KSBC population. But we should keep in mind that the ceramics of Haramijska Dupka is not published . On the other hand, we have very early dates from that cave - the earlier Fourth Millennium BC. The ceramic changes of the Yagodina ceramic style were towards monochrome one handled bowls and cups - similar to that of the Cemavoda I and Salcuta - Telish cultures . Eastern upper Thrace could mediate the possible connections between the Yagodina and Cernavoda I culture.

310

Therefore, the recent data exclude the possibility to see in the southern Balkans a region completely depopulated during the Fourth Millennium BC, as well as there is no reason to make the Balkan prehistory as depending on outer cultural-historical factors and especially an arena of steppe graduated invasion. Accidentals find of Jaszladany axe originates from this micro-region in the Central Balkans inferring that possible mobile population occupied the foots of the Sredna Gora and Stara Planina Mountains and / or thin level completely destroyed settlement from active agricultural activity existed during Final Copper Age. The end of late Copper and Final Copper coincides with the evidence of the climatic deterioration , which probably favored the pastoral mobile economy. There are two classical instances of this crisis. At first, the treasuring of the materials wealth in the so-called symbolic graves on the Vama cemetery, as well as the tragedy on the Yunatsite tell, where many people were killed. Some traces of burials at Yunatsite infer that the situation was more complicated than an enemy attack. In chronological tenns , the social conflict corresponds with the latest Krivodol - Salcuta - Bubanj complex. If we accept an enemy attack, it is not clear why at least the children did not leave the tell before it. For example, several people were discovered in a house. First of all, it is very difficult to believe that in time of concentration of wealth the different villages did not have a signal defensive system for the villagers. For surrounding of all of the tell in diameter ca. 120 m, for the prehistoric scale it should be an army, which could not give any possibility the tell to be abandoned. But if it was the case, the enemy could be expected to be seen from a distance, so the population could move quickly in direction of the mountains , which are not far from the tell. All these questions which appear arises the hypothesis of inner social conflict. My understanding is that in this difficult for the sedentary community situation of absence of favorable for agriculture soil - because of its exhausting and probable deterioration of the climate - different social strategy occurs by the Balkan communities including drastic conflicts and general changes of the social-economic structures.

If we except an enemy attack, again it appears to be inner Balkan conflict, but not a invasion of steppe nomads, because the ceramic style date the settlement to earlier Final Copper I, corresponding to Cucuteni A3-A4. In the Balkans, the only certain data on migration correspond to the latest EB I (PGC).

In contrast to Bulgarian Thrace and the northern Aegean, there are microregions where the FC transition toward mobile way of life had not so dramatic consequences. One instance is the Krivodol - Salcuta - Bubanj complex from Northwestern Bulgaria, eastern Serbia, Oltenia and Romanian Banat. The two sites in Northwestern Bulgaria - Telish and Galatin - give an instance when the villagers of late KSBC left the site for not more of 100 years but both sites were re-occupied from Salcuta - Telish culture population. On the other hand, the Krivodol multilevel village was completely abandoned in Final Copper I. To the chronological

Final Copper and Early Bronze I: Problems of transformations and innovations

hiatus Telish III - IV, as weU as Galatin I - II, corresponds the Ostrovul Corbului later settlement in Romanian Banat, as well as the Devetaki cave in northern Central Bulgaria . The pottery of Skodrino Polje in eastern Serbia is even later than the last sites. By all those cases a graduate decreasing of the graphite ornamented pottery is typical of. One of the latest traces of KSBC pottery is documented on the Ostrovul Corbului cemetery, which follows the Salcuta settlement. The social model of initial pastoral and semi-mobile communities seems does not need special argumentation for the western lower Danube basin in the Final Copper. The absence of many multilevel settlements and the favorable landscape for stockbreeding coincide with the ceramic change towards small short lived personal earthenware , because of its function to serve the different households for a short time. At the same time - along with camps - long-tenn settle ments probably existed , occupied by the women and children or which were pennanent habitation places for the local population , inhabited periodically. The additional argument is the Bodrogkeresztur pottery - as an exchange or as an evidence of population infiltration from the west. It originates mainly from the Ostrovul Corbului cemetery and belongs to inhumations in crouched position. But these vessels are discovered in graves along with Krivodol - Salcuta Bubanj pottery. The mentioned cemetery is the only one - along with Vajska - which give some infonnation for the deposition of the dead in Final Copper in the northwestern Balkans , as well as is connected with the problem of the social stratification. In both cases the anthropological information is missing and is limited, but some conclusions can be drawn up based on the burial-goods . The richest grave is found at Vajska. Gold pendants in Late Copper Age style were found there , which infer that to some extend the social status of elite person was demonstrated by valuable objects . But as a whole , the metal finds almost disappeared from Final Copper Age graves in the northern Balkans - in contrast to late Copper age cemeteries , as well to FC Central Europe. It should be mentioned that the burial rites only indirectly concern the social status of the dead persons. So, the presence of rich burial-goods is a very complicated problem. At least, there are two explanations concerning the absence of meta.I axes: first, the FC cemeteries were localized not close to settlements , so the real possibility of often robing existed. As a result, the cult of the dead was evaluated towards new belief , according to which the dead person did not need his personal heavy weapon / implement in the grave. It concerns not only the copper axes , but also the daggers , which emerge and are documented in graves in Central Europe , but in caves or as accidental finds in the Balkans. Second possibility is to think that the metal fmds were very expensive , so were transmitted from generation to generation as an even hereditary status . The meaning of the axe as a high social symbol is demonstrated at Dragane~ti-Olt where all of the burials were without burial goods , with exception of one grave equipp ed with flat axe (chapter 15).

The FC II houses consist of modest types including the earliest apses building (Telish IV). The plain pottery predominates. Along with the graves without burial goods or only with pottery , a hypothesis occurs that the change towards more mobile life of pastoral and semi-mobile resulted in a social devolution. If we accept that the Late Copper Age society - best represented by the Varna cemetery - is an instance of a developed complex society , the Final Copper communities were probably also with social and political institution of complex societies. But a total decreasing of the religious functions connected with the agriculture infer the disappearance of the idols. Transfonnations should be accepted towards decreasing of the conception of the Mother Goddess that explains the disappearance of the rich articulated female figurines and emergence of schematic female figurines , some of which were headless. Other social result in this transfonnation - innovative period should be excepted in regard to the problem of the demographic change towards smaller family - an assumption, which is based on the ethnographic observations of the nomadic societies - in many cases they are smaller than those of the agricultural communities. In contrast to Late Copper Age , in the Balkans is missing those multilevel social horizontal and to some extend vertical structure , which give me the argument to assume a social change towards a simpler structures of smaller mobile communities , in which the basis was the small households. For the political leaders - which probably were also with religion functions - the choice of best pastures becomes for many of the communities a new function . It should be stressed the mobile or semi-mobile way of life does not exclude the agriculture reaching even the stage of semi-sedentary communities. Other possible difference - in compare to Late Copper - is the absence of well-organized metallurgists in the southern Balkans. In other words - the decreasing of the metallurgy there can be assumed, despite of the fact that the axe discovered at Ai Bunar is dated actually to Final Copper (Ocna Tirgu type) . In this context , the northern Balkan society became the general distributor of the innovation from the North to the South. This is that region where we can fmd a trace of smooth continuity between the Final Copper and Early Bronze I (Hotnitsa - Vodopada , Koprivets , Oltenita - Renie II, Bubanj , Radovanu , etc.) inc. the middle of the Fourth Millennium BC.

But it is the second half of the Fourth Millennium BC connected with genesis and initial development of the EB Bal kan cultures. I have argued the sedentary and semi-sedentary population arose from the Final Copper pastoralists. Of special interest is the southern Balkan model where the tell type again began to predominate (Sitagroi IV, Dikili Tash IIIA , Yunatsite 17- 16, Dubene IIA, Karanovo VIIA, Ezero 1311). It seems that during the EB I (the later Fourth Millennium BC) the settlements in the southern Balkans were still not of big numb er, but with well-organized settlement life. For instance , the villagers of Yunatsite tell employed the round planning of the tell space , which have parallel on the one hand - in Demirgihilyiik , and on the other hand - in Usatovo. The typological parallels with Early Neolithic 311

Chapter 16 Social strategies

neighbor site of Rakitovo cannot be culturally connected. On its hand, the pottery from the Yunatsite I culture (including Dubene, Plovdiv-Nebet Tepe and Ognyanovo) has vast parallels - in Anatolia, in Sitagroi IV, in Baden, as well as some connections with Final Copper are visible. Silver earrings are buried with old women in one of the earliest settlements. All this evidence clear shows that the different communities with dynamic external connections developed in EB I in the southern Balkans , but not isolated society as well as communities migrated from somewhere. My understanding in this case is that the villagers of the Yunatsite culture were those pastoralists occupied for centuries the Rhodope Mountains being in constant probably trade contacts with neighbor and distant cultures. It seems that firstly this mobile - rich with their stock - Rodopi population settled the Sitagroi and Dikili Tash tells. Some parallels between the pottery from the Yagodina cave and Sitagroi IV is a strong argument, as well as the close distance. In this case of importance is not only from where came the southern Balkan EB I population. Also, those communities settled downs as a result of well planned and probably long considered decision, because the economic changes so drastic from mobile to sedentary way of life seems to be not easy for realization. Sitagroi and Yunatsite people ·still used at the beginning long houses with not very clear function. At the same time , the Dubene villagers reminds their pastoral past by the stone constructions used in the wattle-and-daub-houses. The situation in eastern upper Thrace is rather different. First of all, some new evidence - like that from Karanovo VII with similar to Yunatsite culture pottery - increases the similarities between both regions. However, at the end of EB I in Thrace penetrated the PGC and its existence for a long time will be a specific features of this micro-region of the Balkans. The round planning of the settlements is missing there , as well. At the same ti.me more clear are their parallels with Cernavoda III culture including even the emergence of the real-corded earthenware, which never became popular in western upper Thrace. In other words, the social situation there is more different in compare to western upper Thrace. One of the possible population components of the Ezero culture seems to originate from the Cernavoda III culture. The last was probably rather strong pushed from the PGC at the end of the EB I in the east lower Danube. The Golyama Detelina Tumulus infers that the Radnevo microregion was occupied from on~ of the earliest penetrated PGC groups. But at the same time the crouched position aside predominate in the this tumuli, so - based also on the pottery - eventual Ezero culture population can be also assumed to have been buried there. The social strategies in EB I in the Balkans depended on the transitional character of the culture process - a change from mobile towards sedentary and semi-sedentary mode of life, as well as of initial organization of the settlements multiaspect pattern. There is no reason to believe that at that point the Balkan society demonstrated a high level of social differentiation . However, on Bereket cemetery and the Durankulak grave with a dagger have been found. In the latter case the metal find was in a child grave. So, the weapon was a status symbol , indicating warriors , as well as a high social 312

status. But EB I was only a initial stage of the social evolution towards strong stratified social structures evident from EB II towards in the Balkans.

16.2. Early Bronze II and III: The emergence of chiefdoms in the Balkans Evaluating from EB I, in some microregions in EB II - the period of the fluorescence of the EB culture societies - • incipient chiefdoms emerged. As a type of polity , the chiefdoms occurred diachronically in different Bronze Age cultures in Europe in the Third and earlier Second Millennia BC (Sherratt 1987; Kristiansen 1991; Kristiansen and Rowlands 1998). In the Balkans , at least three instances can be given: Sitagroi Va / Dikili Tash IIIB , Yunatsite, Ezero and Vucedol cultures. In terms of the habitation structures, a hierarchy emerges. Settlement centers like Sitagroi, Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe, Vucedol , etc. are representations of different models. The communal and local chiefs appear to be part of the societies living probably with the elite and community (?) on tells (Dubene , EB II Y unatsite and Dyadovo) or naturally fortified sites - usually arising above the surrounding terrain (Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe and Vucedol). In the vicinity of elite habitation occur villages - for instance around Plovdiv Nebet Tepe and to the west of the Yunatsite tell, especially during EB III. At Dubene, the both central apses houses probably belong to local elite. The typological architectural and social analogy demonstrates the Burnt House at Sitagroi Va, where along with multi-aspect equipment, a numerous finds were documented (chapter 12). But inner settlement hierarchy is difficult to be argued for instance at Ezero. A conglomeration of villagers characterizes the huge Cotofeni settlement at Ostrovul Corbului, as well as a net of settlements of that culture occurred in Northwestern Bulgaria (in the area of Gradets). But there are no evidence that Cotofeni culture reached the chiefdom social-political structure. A controversial hypothesis may be also assumed argued is by the large size of the settlements or accepting the peer migration model for the Moldova Veche area where the local Cotofeni elite adopted the Vucedol style. The cremation only theoretically can be accepted as social elite marker , because there is the biritual tumulus of Tumava I where one of the cremated graves probably belongs to the local elite, as well as above a cremation single grave a tumulus was erected. On the other hand , regular cremations occur - usually with poor inventory. The presence of strong integrative culture processes - for instance in the Central Balkans , should be also stressed - as a factor stimulating the political evolution in the Balkans in EB II. In contrast to warfare model , the social polities evaluated in context of peaceful relationships between close and distant communities. It hypothesizes that the social hierarchy in the EB II Balkans was a result of intensification of the economic affairs - especially of the trade with bronze resource and bronze product s. But the production of metal

Early Bronze II and Ill: The emergence of chiefdoms in the Balkans

finds on the settlements canttot be accepted as an argument for political center. Cultures like Yunatsite give a possibility a model to be defined, according to which the political power was concentrated on the communication line Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe. From this point of view, sites like Yunatsite and Dubene localized in the center of different plains were interrelated and subordinated to Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe, with probably local representatives of the chief. K. Kristiansen assumes 500-1000 sq. km for the individual chiefdoms based on the evidence of so-called stylistic regions (1991; Kristiansen and Rowlands 1998: 252). However, T. Early gives instances for huge territories of chiefdoms (1995). In context of the Balkan stylistic regions distinguished on ceramic style, a territory c. 2000 sq. km and more can be assumed as a territorial area of simple chiefdom. There are missing data on the burial rituals of the Y unatsite II and Ezero II cultures from EB II. Therefore , the conclusions of the spatial and structural settlement analysis are of primary importance for the social-political reconstruction in EB II Balkans from this region . The assumed chief center of the Yunatsite polity - Plovdjv - Nebet Tepe - is characterized by a central strategic position - on the Maritsa River side, where the roads from upper Maritsa and upper Strouma river basins are crossed, as well as the direct contacts with Ezero culture were performed. On its hand, Maritsa River connects easily the western upper Thrace with northwestern Anatolia. In the EB II, the contacts with Anatolia were of primary importance for Bulgarian Thrace. The trade of metal finds can be assumed, but the interactions are mainly demonstrated by the similar pottery. In Bulgarian Thrace the specialization of the production and distribution of different objects resulted in a emergence of trade centers (Gulubovo , EB III - MB I [Leshtakov 1996]). Direct contacts of the Yunatsite polity traders with Sitagroi - Dikili Tash can be assumed based on the similar pottery, as well as with western Central Balkans (chapter 14). All this evidence indirectly defines other factor for the emergence of the chiefdoms in the southern Balkans - activated trade interrelations, in course of which the specialization reached the level, at which the existed multilevels economic systems required a political control. Therefore, the numerous data on open culture systems in the Balkans (integrated ceramic styfos, similar metal types distributed, seasonal or permanent settling down of the Pit Grave Culture, etc.) indicate that well-organized politically communities contacted , giving probably example for so call competing chiefdoms (after T. Earle). It should be assumed that the chieftain was also ritualized. But there is no evidence of the ritual activity from the southern Balkans. In the Vucedol culture, the chief occupied the hill of Gradac was buried probably with his wife and surrounded in the grave by numerous ceramic vessels. The vessels may indicate special social status not only of political leader, but also of ritual leader. This tradition - of numerous vessels placed in the graves - goes back to the Final Copper Age. At Ostrovul Corbului, the richest grave consists of 7 vessels. Later , at EB I Golyama Detelina the richest grave

also includes numerous vessels. In turn, the ritual function of the earthenware in the Balkans social and burial practice is demonstrated by the grave from the EB III Vinkovci culture, where a diadem - other social symbol - is to be found in a grave of young woman (chapter 15). Then, the elite goods were not only those of metal or with special function, but also finds used in the life as a social markers in the household or even everyday goods. Turning to the special topic of the social strategies in EB 11III, it should be stress that the social activity was realized in context of cultural prosperity. The flourishing encrusted pottery in most of the microregions , the presence of stable settlement structures including solid defensive systems, planning and hierarchically organization , the flourishing agriculture and stockbreeding , as welJ as the short and long-distant trade defined the local social strategies. The last was determined on the increasing of the prosperity , but not - as in Fina) Copper - on social crises. If the individual activity was probably conducted towards increasing of the products of the subsistence economy and especially of the agriculture , the chiefs and the elite probably were involved in the trade affairs and political contacts with the neighbors. A special political and economic margin appears to be the Pit Grave Culture penetration , which occupied several microregions in the EB Balkans reaching Yugoslavian Banat and eastern Tisza in Hungary. At the same time, it can be assumed that the presence of those stockbreeding mobile communities accelerated the specialization in the subsistence economy branches, metal production and trade, as well as the development of the social hierarchy . From the social point of view, the PGC culture was at not very high level of social differentiation and the so call rich graves occur as an exception , including the grave with a bronze chisel from the Goran - Slatina cemetery (chapter 15). But even that grave is secondary , at the periphery of the tumulus. So, other elements of social stratification might be important for this population - like the position of the dead, the grave and tumuli equipment. All this elements infer a complex society, in which the social basis was probably the patrilocal households. One exceptional instance is the Poruchik Geshanovo tumulus where all of the buried population was male. At the same time, at Plachidol, the only grave with wooden wheels was female. In the last case the presence of several newborn babies ' graves should be mentioned, which fact for instance contrasts to the Goran Slatina Tumulus cemetery, from where no single burial of newborn baby is reported . Then, we can infer the presence of different household traditions among the PGC population occupied some Balkan micro-regions. The communities of the PGC were integrated with the local Balkan population during the EB II, which process explains the fact that with the time the typical of this culture burial ritual disappeared in the Balkans. The latest radiocarbon dating of grave from the northern Dobroudja grave is to the earlier second Millennium BC. Of interest are some considerations concerning the social stratification of the PGC. The evidence originates from the northern Balkans, as well as from eastern upper Thrace . 313

Chapter I 6 Social strategies

I already stressed on the fact that it is difficult to connect the high social status of the deceased only with burial goods. In fact, the burial-goods appear to be to some extend exceptions and their character depend on the area where the PGC was distributed. Other components of the burial social symbolism can be distinguished - the size of the tumulus (and even only the presence of mound over the grave), the riches of the grave equipment and some tumulus equipment. The orientation, body position and ochre presence belong to the enthographic peculiarity of the PGC burial ritual, which dependence on the social position of the deceased is not easy recognizable in the archaeological record. Also, the temporal dependence of the social symbolism of the PGC ritual should be added. One and the same community with similar social structure could express the higher social position of the deceased primary only by the tumulus , but later also by other finds placed in the grave. It might be this is the situation in the Balkans where the PGC communities were in close contacts with developed native civilizations. With the time, the number of the vessels will increase (Mednikarovo , 5 vessels), as well as many ethnographic elements will disappear (covers of the floor, wooden pit cover, etc.). This tendency is analyzed in eastern upper Thrace where the PGC was distributed in the milieu of the Ezero population . These graves give several models of representation of the status through rich items or tumulus equipment like: 1. Stone rings and menchirs (Golyama Detelina, Mednikarovo). 2. Golden and silver adornments - Troyanovo (golden earrings), Mednikarovo (silver earring and bead necklace), Golyama Detelina (silver earrings) , etc. 3. Increasing of the size of the tumulus. The diachronic evolution and transformation of the burial symbolism could be assumed. For instance, the earliest graves occur in Mednikarovo No. l Tumulus with stone rings but without burial goods , as well as a bigger tumulus might be erected over the primary grave from the tumulus No. 2. In contrast, the primary graves from the other tumuli were equipped with numerous vessels (3/1) or the departed was buried with rich necklace of silver beads. In last case the age of the deceased is only 14 years and the gender is female. That grave should be an instance of so call hereditary status (after J. O' Shea) indicating the high status of young lady, for whom was establish primary the tumulus. The tradition of this kind of burials is confirmed by the secondary grave of child in tumulus No. 1. A cromlech in three rows was erected around that grave. Unfortunately , it is unknown the gender of the grave with 5 vessels and silver pendant.. The pendants were characteristic adornment of men and women in Balkan later Prehistory. Analyzing the burial ritual of the Mednikarovo cemetery, it was stressed the presence of nwnerous similar elements, which probably indicate that the burial ground belonged to one and the same community. If this is the case, it is possible to be seen at least two generations - the earlier connected with the tumulus with stone rings and tumulus No . 2, 314

as well as later - with tumuli Nos. 3 and 4. The other model is the cemetery to have belonged to one generation of community with several households, which members were buried is similar way. According to the published data, all secondary graves in this cemetery were without burial-goods. There are at least two possible explanation models - the prestige burial symbols were reserved only for distinct persons in the household , or the cemetery belong to community of several households of different social levels connected by the cult of the dead. Many graves in Northeastern Bulagria from the PGC are similar - missing of burial goods, simple grave pits, and absence of Tumulus equipment. Then, particular representative meaning might have graves with special grave equipment planking of the grave pits or equipment of wheels at the corners of the grave pit (Plachidol), as well as the presence of stone cromlechs or of big tumuli. I should stress that some primary graves are destroyed from plunders in the Antiquity, so they consisted of rich grave inventory. In prospective plane, the EB III already demonstrate signs of initial crises. Gradually the villages in the South Balkans decreased. AH of the te1ls were abandoned at the end of EB Ill. Only exceptional sites like Gulubovo probably survived into the earliest Second Millennium BC. For c. 500 years there are missing archaeological evidence from Bulgaria, with exception of rare metal finds and possible single sites. In the west Central Balkans the archaeological evidence also decreased . However, to the north of lower Danube, as well as in the south Middle Danube cultural , economic and social development continued. Some centers - like Maros culture, which arose in EB III - continued their prosperity. The integration processes in middle Danube increased including intensive cultural interactions.

The crisis to the south of the lower Danube could be assumed, according to the explanation method employed in this study. It could be an agrarian crisis - again stimulated by the climatic changes assumed for the later Third Millennium BC. For this research , this prospective instance only confirmed the thesis, that in the South Balkans the prehistoric economic-social history was faced with cyclic complex crises. On the other hand, the Early Bronze III is the last period when the agriculture was the predominated economy in many microregions of the South Balkans. From the earliest Second Millennium BC towards the increased role of the stockbreeding demonstrate the regional polities - in many cases very poor documented .

16.3. Considerations To summarize, the fragmented data of the FC and EB I-III social structure and the social strategies infer the presence of interrelated polities with controversial history. In context of the economic and political crises, the FC 1-11polities are in period of transformations towards mobile societies. The economic and political center moved into the northern Balkans. The later Fourth Millennium BC - EB I - is a period of the initial stabilization and social - cultural integration in

Early Bronze II and Ill : The emergence of chiefdoms in the Balkans ·

a great scale. The defensive systems and settlement hierarchy recognized in the EB I in the south, and in earlier EB II - in the north, coincide with an active specialization of the subsistence economy branches, of the metal production and of trade. The economic prosperity may be connected with the development of the trade system with the Pit Grave Culture communities. But external contact - especially with northwestern Anatolia - became also an important aspect of the economic relations. As an element of the developed culture-economic system, the incipient chiefdom structures can be argued for some microregions as Bulgarian Thrace (the Yunatsite and Ezero cultures), the northern Aegean (the Sitagroi - Di.kili Tash group) and the Vucedol culture. The social strategies changed in the different periods. In the critical FC 1-11the main goal was the ecological adaptation and transformation towards a mobile economy. But from the EB I onwards the economy developed based the social strategies of the increasing of the products of the agriculture and stockbreeding, as well as of metal production and trade. It can be assumed control and representative functions of the chiefs and related to them social elite. On the other hand, the culture changes in EB III can be explained by new economic and social crises to the south of Danube and changes towards mobile social-economic strategies.

315

Chapter 17

Anthropomorphic figurines 17.1. Catalogue of finds

man 1968.

Baile Hercu/ane. Romania A fragment of lower part of standing idol. STBH complex. FC I. Roman 1971: fig. 19: 10.

Cernavoda. Romania. Fragment of torso of idol. Morintz and Roman 1968.

Brate~ti. Romania A fragment of figurine butt with partially preserved legs indicating a standing posture. FC I. Tudor 1978: fig. 7:1.

Chirnogi. Romania A fragment of figurine head. Clay. Flatten round head with perforated edges partially preserved and reliefshaped nose. Cernavoda I. FC I. Morintz and Roman 1968.

Cernavoda. Romania Sector A. Type 9. Sitting flat idol with broken head. Plastic protuberances represent the breast. The upper part of the body is oval shaped. Small-perforated dots along the inner body edge line. The lower part is under 90° affixed to the upper part of the body, trapezoid shaped. The latter continued in a cylindrical like neck partially preserved. Clay. Cernavoda I. Final Copper. Morintz and Roman 1968.

Crnobuki. Macedonia. Type 3. SCG. FC I. Garasanin 1959: plate 25: I; Tasic I 995: plate 12: 6. Crnobuki (/). Macedonia. Fragment. Long conical head with turned forwards upper end. Two protuberance represent the breast, ~ well as other two, conical, shortly designate arms straight aside. SCG. FC I. Simoska et al. 1976: plate 1: 5.

Cernavoda. Romania Sector A. Type 9. Lower part of sitting idol as previous figure. Clay. Cernavoda I. Final Copper. Morintz and Roman 1968.

Cr~obuki (/). Mac~donia. Type 4. Headless figurine with trapez01d-shaped torso. SCG. FC I. Simoska et al. 1976: plate l: 7; Garasanin 1959: plate 25: 2.

Cernavoda. Romania Sector A. Type 9. Upper part of sitting idol as previous figures, but no neck was modeled. Clay. Cernavoda I. Final Copper. Morintz and Roman 1968.

Crnobu~i (I). Macedonia. Sitting schematic figurine, partially preserved. SCG. FC I. Simoska et al. 1976: plate 1: 1.

Cernavoda. Romania. Standing idol. Type 5. The high neck, cylindrically shaped is partially missing. The arms are tugged-like downwards; bulges represent them pointed aside. The torso is wide, rectangular like but rounded in the lower part. The legs are modeled unarticulated, thinner towards the lower end. Two protuberances represent the breast. A bulge probably symbolizes a phallus. A line is incised from the lower part of the neck towards the breast where a dagger with sharp triangular shape in cut into. Clay. Cernavoda III culture. Early Bronze I. Morintz and Roman 1968. Cernavoda. Romania Standing headless idol. Type 4. Oval shaped chest without protuberances. Thin long transitional part towards slightly widen lower part, which is partially preserved. Morintz and Roman 1968. Cernavoda. Romania. Fragment of the upper part of flat headless idol. Waste part is wider than previous. Incision representing Vneck or adornment. Oblique incisions over the stomach. Cernavoda III culture . Morintz and Roman 1968: 17. Cernavoda. Romania Type 4. ·Fragment of the upper part of flat headless idol. Vertical parallel and oblique incisions over the chest and over the stomach. Cernavoda III culture. Morintz and Roman 1968. Cernavoda. Romania. Type 4. Fragment of the upper part of flat headless idol. Plastic protuberances represent the breast. Two parallels oblique incisions cross the stomach. Cernavoda III culture. Morintz and Roman I 968. Cernavoda. Romania. Type 4. Fragment of the upper part of flat headless idol. Plastic protuberances represent the breast. Morintz and Roman 1968. Cernavoda. Romania. Fragment of torso of idol. Morintz and Ro-

Crnobu~i (I). Mac~donia. Uppe! part of female figurine with long neck slightly declmed ahead. SCG. FC I. Simoska et al. 1976: plate 1: I. Crnobuki (I). Macedonia Lower part of standing figurine with stressed buttock. SCG. FC I. Simoska et al. 1976: plate 1: 3. Crnobu~i (I). Macedonia. Sitting schematic figurine, partially preserved. SCG. FC I. Simoska et al. 1976: plate 1: 1. Crnobuki (I). Macedonia Upper part of figurine with prolong schematic represented head and straight arms SCG. FC I. Simoska et al. 1976: plate 1: 4. Crnobuki (I). Macedonia. Lower part of standing figurine with stressed buttock. SCG. FC I. Simoska et al. 1976: plate I: 6. F o/te~ti. Romania Type 2. Clay idol with rectangular torso and oval like section. Two fossettes represent the waste. In the upper part the body and the neck are turned slightly ahead. Plastic protuberances represent the breast. The neck is broken. EB 1-11. Roman et al. 1992: plate 23: 1.

Foltesti. Romania. As previous figurine. Two triangle like incisions in the lower part on the back. Roman et al. 1992: plate 23: 2. Folte~ti. Romania. As previous figurine. The profile is lightly concave. Roman 1992: plate 23: 3. Fo/te~ti. Romania Fragment of the upper part of flat idol. Ovalshaped section. Plastic protuberances represent the breast. The neck in broken. Corded ornamentation . Roman 1992: plate 23: 4. Folte~ti. Romania. A standing idol. The upper part is broken. Rectangular shape with thicken lower end. Ornamentation of horizontal parallel and zigzag incised lines. Roman 1992: plate 23: 5.

317

Chapter 17 Anthropomorphic figurines

Folte~ti. Romania A fragment of lower part of standing idol. Rectangular section. Thicken end with oval section. Corded incisions. Roman 1992: plate 23: 6. Go/yama Dete/ina. Bulgaria. Type 8. Bulgaria. Ochre. Prolong shape pointed upwards with oven in plan section. EB 18. Kunchev 1995: fig. l 80. Discoveretl in a female grave with many vessels. Length - 8.7-cm, width-3-cm . Golyama Detelina. Bulgaria. Ochre. Oval flatten shape with Vshaped one end. Smoothed edges. EB IB. Kunchev 1995: fig. 18p. Discovered in a female grave with many vessels. Possible interpretation of head. Length - 4.2-cm, width - 3.2-cm. Haramijska Dupka cave (2 figurines). Bulgaria. FC. Unpublished. Izvoare/e . A fragment of standing idol. Type 2. Oval section. Plastic protuberances represent the breast. The idol is gradually widen in the lower part. References: Roman et al. 1992: fig. 25: 3.

Maliq. Albania. A fragment of lower part of idol with plastically represented buttock. FC. Maliq Il(a). Prendi 1982: fig. 15:3. Maliq. Albania. Maliq II. A fragment of lower part of standing flat idol with incised a triangle of fertility. FC-EB. Prendi 1982: fig. 15:3. Maliq. Albania. Maliq II. A fragment of lower part of standing flat idol with incised a triangle of fertility. FC-EB. Prendi 1982: fig. 15:4. Maliq. Albania. Maliq Il(a). Standing schematic idols (4). FC. Prendi 1982: fig. 14. Maliq. Albania. Type 7. The oval upper part is flatten, with rounded side ends representing straight aside arms. The turning pint towards the lower prolong oval part of the body is sharp. Protuberances indicate the breast. EB. Maran 1998: plate 51 :6.

Kovilovo . Naturalistic standing, with broken head. KSBC III. Trubohovic and Vukovic 1966: plate 8: 1.

Molyv6pirgo. Greece. Type 8. Stone. Prolong rectangular shaped figurine, one of the long sides of which is concave representing the waste. The other long side is straight. EB III. Heurtley 1939: 65 n.

Kovilovo. . Semi-sitting naturalistic. Broken head. KSBC Ill . Trubohovic and Vukovic 1966: plate 8: 1.

Manda/o . Greece. Type 7. The oval upper part is flatten, but very prolong oval-shaped . EB III. Maran 1998: plate 51 :5.

Likodra-Ostijek. Yugoslavia. Cemavoda 111-Bokeraz.EB IA. Garasanin D. 1997: fig. 7.

Manole. Yunatsite I culture. He head is broken, as well as the lower part of the body. The upper part of the body is oval shaped continuing downwards in short rectangular section representing the waste. Two solid rounded protuberances represent the breast. EB I. Cp. Detev 1981, Leshtakov 1996: fig. 11: 6.

Ljubljansko Barje. Slovenia Type 6. A dwelling near lg. Height: 20.5 cm. The right arm with the part of the body and of head is broken. The head is preserved. It has a conical shape with solid prolong nose and two eye-dots in its upper part. One of the arms is also preserved. It is conical shaped with rounded end. Four vertical divided in the upper part incised lines represent a dress decorated by incised squares with crossed lines. The same motif of by two incised squares with cross lines decorate the face side of the arm. EB II. Dunnan 1988: 76, No. 34. Ljub/jansko Barje. Slovenia Type 6. A dwelling near lg. Height: 20.5 cm. Only the half long part is preserved, without the arm and the head. Encrusted decoration of incised crossed lines, followed stamped strip of interconnected triangles, parallel to which a band of interconnected triangles and zigzag lines are incised. EB II. Dunnan 1988: 77, No. 35.

Odaia Turcului. Rectangular flat body with holed in the center over the top. Glina culture. EB II. Schuster 1997: fig. 53: 3. O/tenifa - Renie I Flat bone idol with prolong rectangular body, long neck and arc-cut convex upper end sharp points from both sides of the head. Perforated holes along the head edge. Morintz and Roman 1968: fig. 5: 5. Comment: This is typical of the Gumelnita culture type of idol. As in other cases it is not clear if the idol was produced in Final Copper or was reused figurine made in Late Copper Age. Retevoe$ti. Romania. A lower unarticulated part of standing female idol with slightly protruded forward basis representing the feet. FC I. Brate$ti group. Popescu D. and Rosetti D.V. 1959: fig. 5: IO.

Ljubljansko Barje. Slovenia. Type 6. A dwelling near lg. The head is missing. Lightly incised crossed lines with zigzag and bands of incisions; rhomb hatched isosceles triangles in the upper and the lower central parts with opposite angles, following the symmetric composition. EB II. Height: 20.5 cm. Dunnan 1988: 77, No. 36.

Retevoe$ti. Romania. A fragment of feet of standing figurine similar with previous. FC I. Brate$ti group. Popescu D. and Rosetti D. V. 1959: fig. 5: 11.

Ljubljansko Barje. Slovenia. Type 6. Incised ornament of crossing lines, incisions and zigzag lines representing a dress. EB II. Maran 1998: plate 51 :7.

Sii/acea. Romania. Type 3. Headless idol with trapezoid-shaped upper part and rhomb-shaped lower part of the body. Two small bulges represent the breast, as well as two other are perfonned over the buttock. Incised triangle of fertility. EB IB. Roman and Nemeti 1978: fig. 44: 3.

Maliq. Albania. Type 3.1. The right ann is partially preserved but the left is completely broken. The idol parallels to that from Vinca and other FC finds from Macedonia and Djerdap. FC. Maliq ll(a) . Prendi 1982: fig. 16a. Maliq. Albania. Type IO. The right leg is partially broken. The modeling of the nead is similar to that from Cmobuki and Skodrino Polje. FC. Maliq ll(a). Prendi 1982: fig. 16b. Maliq. Albania. A fragment of rectangular shaped idol with plastically represented breast. FC-EB. Maliq II. Prendi 1982: fig. 15: I.

318

Siilacea. Romania. A fragment of headless idol. The trapezoidshaped upper part is preserved. Incised triangle of fertility over the one side. On the other side - two bulges representing the breast. EB 18. Roman and Nemeti 1978: fig. 44: 4. Shtoj . Albania . Type 5. Clay. Two elegant-shaped ovals with smooth interconnections. The head preserved is with long neck given as positioned inclined backwards. Two protuberances represent the breast. Maran 1998: plate 50:4 .

Catalogue Shtoj. Albania As the previous figurine, but the head is missing. Both oval shapes of the body are prolonged. Maran 1998: plate 50:5.

triangle of fertility. Baden culture. EB IB. Tasic 1995: plate 19: 7.

Shtoj. Albania As the previous figurine, but the upper part is rather smaller, as well as cylindrical shaped head is preserved. Maran 1998: plate 50: 6.

Vinca. Yugoslavia. Type 3. A fragment. The lower part is preserved of idol like previous. Ornamentation of zigzag vertical incised lines is preserved , along with incised triangle of fertility over the face side. Baden culture. EB 1B. Tasic 1981-1982: fig. 2; 1995: plate 19: 5.

Shtoj. Albania. As the previous figurine, but the face side of the body is ornamented by dots - two parallel rows around the neck, one row over the waste and two groups of dots in distance each from other over the lower part of the body. Maran 1998: plate 50: 7.

Vinca. Yugoslavia Type 3. Flat idol. A fragment. The lower part is preserved of idol like previous. Ornamentation of zigzag vertical incised lines is preserved , along with incised triangle of fertility over the face side. Baden culture. EB IB. Tasic 1981-1982: fig. 3; 1995: plate 19: 6.

Shtoj. Albania. As the previous _figurine. Maran 1998: plate 51: l.

Vinkovci - Hotel . Yugoslavia. Sitting idol. Vucedol II culture . EB II . Dimitrijevic 1979: plate 34: 3; Dunnan 1988: No . 31.

Shtoj. Albania One small-shaped oval represented the lower part of the body. The upper part is trapezoid shaped, where are the head is like previous idols - cylindrical-shaped . Maran 1998: plate 50: 8. Stoicani. Rectangular clay idol with slightly turned ahead profile. Two fossettes represent the waste. The lower part is thicken. Plastic protuberances represent the breast. Incised and stamped ornamentation represent sitting woman. Roman et al. 1992: plate 22: 7. Skodrinsko Polje. Conical head with solid represented nose and cylindrical body broken in the lower part. Two protuberances indicate the breast. Yugoslavia. Type 2. FC. Krivodol - Salcuta Bubanj complex. Lazic and Sladic 1995: Tirpe~ti. Romania Two idols. Type 4. Oval shaped upper broken part with two bulges represented the breast. Prolonged upper end designating the neck. The lower ends are broken . Folte~ti culture. EB I. Marinescu-Bilcu 1981: fig. 208: 3; 213: 1-2. Unirea. Romania Type 4.3. Cotofeni II. Fragment. Arc-shaped arms turned upwards and flatten top of the head backwards representing a hair-style . Dug-house. Ciugudean 1983. Unirea. Romania. Type 4.3. Cotofeni II. Fragment. Arc-shaped arms turned upwards , rectangular flat upper and violin shaped lower parts. Dug-house. Ciugudean 19983. Yunatsite. Bulgaria Type 5. Broken upper part of missing head and partially preserved flatten oval. Prolong oval-shaped lower part. The breast is missing. Yunatsite III culture. EB Ill. Katincharov and Mazanova 1993: fig. 18: 5; Maran 1998: plate 51: 4. Vinca. Yugoslavia Type 3. A headless idols, with well-articulate body without precise parallels in the EB Balkans (Garasanin 1959: fig. 4). However, the similarity includes not only the modeling of the upper and buttock parts of the body, but also of the feet represented by narrowed lower end and by one and the same modeling of the bust by two semi-spherical protuberances . FC or EB IB(?). Comment: N. Tasic (1995: fig. 45: 3) attributed the idol to the Baden culture , but the similarity with FC I KSB and SuplevacBakamo Gumno culture should be stressed. Vinca. Yugoslavia. Trapezoidal like upper part of headless idol of arm-hold type. Two bulges represent the breast. Baden culture. EB IB. Tasic 1981-1982:fig. I; 1995: fig. 19: 4. Vinca. Yugoslavia. Trapezoidal upper flat part, as well as a rhomboidal lower part, with prolong end representing the legs. The one of the breast parts is broken , but over the other a rounded bulge is preserved. The upper end is holed for mobile head. Ornamentation of zigzag horizontal and vertical incised lines, along with incised

Vinkovci - Hotel. Yugoslavia Vucedol culture. EB II . Milicevic 1984, OA 9, plate 2: 2a-b; Durman 1988: No. 32. Vinkovci - Hotel. Yugoslavia. Type 5. Vucedol culture. EB II. The upper part of body is an almost rectangular flattened inclined forwards . The cylindrical neck is broken towards the upper end . The turning point towards the lower oval shaped part is sharp. Ornamentation of crossed parallel lines in front of the chest and rhomb hatched incisions under the neck. Vertical parallel lines are incised over the lower face side, some of which are filled by oblique incisions . Three parallel lines surround the oval periphery. References : Dimitrijevic 1979: plate 34 : 5; Milicevic 1984, OA 9, plate 2: lac; Durman 1988: 75, No . 33. V/asenica - Sosari -Sac. Flat female idol with broken head. Kosoric 1979 [T-60]. Vucedo/ - Gradac. Vucedol culture. The classical stage. Legs of statuette . Articulated lower parts of adjoined legs with pointed ends represented shoes. The top is concave modeled with prolong back part, broken. Rich encrusted geometric ornamentation over the legs and the top of the sculpture. Height - 17.2 m. Durman 1988: 75, No . 29 . Vucedol - Streim Vineyard. Vucedol culture. An accidental item. A sherd of vessel bottom , over the outer wall of which a female figurine was incised . A vertical line with round -thicken top represents the head and the neck . The body id given by two vis-a-vis pointed triangles. The arms are personified as raised up by vertical incisions , each with three oblique incised lines. The legs are given as turned to the left by + incisions. Additionally , oblique cuts around the body and the arms probably represent a cloth. Size: 6.5 x 4.5 cm. Durman 1988: 79, No. 40 with ref. Vucedol - Strejm Vinograd. Yugoslavia. Two female flat idols. Baden culture . Early Bronze I. In settlement level. Each of the idols is articulated into upper and the lower part triangularly shaped . The uppermost part was holed for the mobile head . An oval protuberance represents the behinds with a vertical slit in the center. The lower part narrow lengthened with long vertical incision represents the legs. Concentrated incised triangular incisions on the front upper part symboli ze the female sex. Additionally paralleldecussated lines were incised . Tezak-Greg! T. 1988. Zabala . Southeast Transylvania Female articulated idol with arms arch-like stretched. Broken head . Zabala culture. EB II. Szekely 1997: plate 30: 5. Zaminec. Type 11. Northwestern Bulgaria . A lower preserved part of female figurine . Height 4.5-cm. At the front side the legs are well- shaped , while the back side is flatten . Krivodol - Salcuta -

319

Chapter I 7 Anthropomorphic figurines

Zaminec. Sitting female figurine modeled along with the chair. Nikolov 1975: figs. 45-47, 64-67, 74.

17 .2. Typology Group I. Standing schematic idols (fig. 17.1) Type 1. Clay idol with rectangular torso and rectangular section with rounded comers. The lower end is thicken close to the end (variant A) or is gradually widen (variant B). Incised or corded ornamentation. By the variant C the torso is rectangular and section is rectangular or oval like. Two fossettes represent the waste. In the upper part the body and the neck are turned slightly ahead. Plastic protuberances represent the breast. Incised or corded ornamentation. Distribution: Folte~ti and Izvoarele. Type 2. Idol with articulated conical shaped head and cylindrical body: Distribution: Skodrinsko Polje. Type 3. Clay headless idols with oval or trapezoid shaped upper part of the body. A hole exists on its top, for the mobile head. Prolong rectangular transitional part towards the lower trapezoid part. Ornamentation over some of the figurines of parallel horizontal, vertical or oblique incisions or zigzag motifs. Variant A is with protuberances representing the breast and variant B without.bulges. Distribution: Cernavoda, Vinfa and Salacea Type 3 .1. As previous but the breast, stomach and the buttock are plastically represented. Distribution: Maliq Il(a).

Type 4. Clay idol with similar shape as of type 1, but the torso is wider (variant A) or violin shaped (variant B). In upper end the body continues in cylindrical-like neck. The violin-shaped lower part of the body and arc-straight upward arms, which can be with flatten top of the head , define variant C. An ornamentation of perforated dots appears over some idols, as well as single incisions. Distribution: Cernavoda III , Tirpe~ti, Manole, Unirea and Shtoj. Type 5. Clay flat idol shaped by two open - pointed to each other - triangles. Incised geometric motifs. Distribution: Ljubljana lg. Type 6. Violin shaped figurines. Oval or prolong rounded upper part with two attached bulges represented the arms in the upper part. Distribution: Y unatsite III, Mandalo and Maliq. Type 7. Schematic shaped figurines. Prolong narrow shaped pointed upwards: Golyama Detelina and Molyv6pyrgo.

Group 2 Sitting figurines Schematic Type 8. Oval upper part, which may continues as cylindrical like neck. The lower part is under 90° affixed to the upper

320

part of the body, trapezoid shaped. Ornamentation of perforated dots. Distribution: Cernavoda. FC.

Type 9. Rectangular clay idol with slightly turned ahead profile. Two fossettes represent the waste. The lower part is thicken. Variant 1: Arc-shaped conical protuberances represent the arms. Variant 2: Plastic protuberances represent the breast, as well as stamped ornamentation. Distribution: Crnobuki and Stoicani. FC; EB I. Type 10. Long cylindrically shaped head with neck, rectangular body with two protuberances straight aside representing the arms and crouched articulated legs. Distribution: Maliq Il(a). Naturalistic idols Type JO. Naturalistically shaped female body. Distribution: Zaminec, Bakarno Gumno, Suplevac and Vinfa. FC I-II EB I, genetically connected with Old European clay figurines .

17.3. Notes on the distribution The idols were one of the typical features of the Neolithic, Early and Late Copper Age in the Balkans. Popular were the figurines with amplified articulated body, some of which were rich ornamented (Vajsov 1981; 1984; 1992a; 1993a). Late Neolithic art includes flat idols, as well (Vajsov 1993a: fig. 173; fig. 174). During the Late Copper Age the flat bone idols appeared (Com~a 1979), but their shape depended on the material, from which were produced. Some peculiar figurines violin shaped and their reminiscences shared the Karanovo VI - Gumelnita and Tripolie and Cucuteni cultures. A decreasing of the popularity of the idols characterizes the Final Copper I not only in the area of the new cultures Cernavoda I and Bodrogkeresztur, but also by the sites of the so- called Old European cultures - the Krivodol Salcuta - Bubanj and the latest Karanovo VI. On the Yunatsite tell popular were cruciform clay idols. No idols were documented among the inventory of the Krivodol house at Galatin.

In Cernavoda I culture popular were sitting flat idols with oval shaped upper part of the body, ornamented by perforated dots. Different kind of sitting idols is documented at Stoicani, where the body is almost rectangular and the lower part is thicken. The head is missing. The site is attributed to the second horizon of the corded earthenware in Southeast Europe (Roman et al. 1992: fig. 22: 7). During the Final Copper as an exception articulated figurines occurred in Crnobuki and Skodrinsko Polje. From same period are the headless idol from the former site, as well as from Kolarovo site and Rachmani culture in Thessaly.

Discussion

The flat idols with plastic represented neck or headless idol usually only with upper part preserved , characterize the Cernavoda III culture. At Folte~ti similar idol was found as well. The idol from Manole also parallels with the Cernavoda III culture. Close parallels of those headless female idols occur in the Sreden Stog settlement of Dereivka, which in light of the recent chronology seems to be chronologically close to Cernavoda III (Tasic 1995: 50). Rectangular shaped idols were popular of Early Bronze I Folte~ti- Ruptura (Roman et al. 1992: fig. 23 : 1-6). The flat violin shaped idols from the Baden culture, were not only headless but also arm-hold. The rich geometric ornamentation infers a development of the initial simple small figurines. Despite of the conception of the flat body, by the Baden idols, the idea of the fertility is expressed by buttock , widen rhomb-like modeled. As an exception , violin shaped idols occurred during Early Bronze II in the Vucedol culture (Maran I 998: fig. 51: 7). Single examples of similar figurines share the Early Bronze III sites - Yunatsite III, Maliq and Mandalo (Maran 1998: fig. 51: 4-6 with ref.). They seem to be with broken heads.

17 .4. Discussion Despite of the visible decreasing of the idol production in the Balkans, the catalogued more than 50 figurines indicate that in some rituals the cult of the Mother - Goddess still included the female figurines. Most of the idols are made by clay. As exceptions schematic figurines occur, from stone and even from ochre (type 7). There are three main kinds of figurines concerning their shapes: standing schematic, sitting schematic and standing naturalistic. Also, in Final Copper appear some typical Late Copper figurines - as the sitting Mother-Goddess in Krivodol - Salcuta - Bubanj complex, as well as bone idols in Cemavoda I culture, which a typical Gumelnita production. In the last case it is not clear to which extend it was Final Copper II production or an item obtained from Late Copper settlement around . It is not an isolated case when some figurines were re-used after a long span of time. For example, typical Karanovo VI items occurred in EB II levels at Dubene - Sarovka belonging to the settlement localized on the southern periphery of the EB site. Because of this possibility open remains also the chronology of production of EB I Hotnitsa -Vodopada idols which correspond to Gumelnita culture. So, those isolated finds are not included in the recent typology because they should be included in a typology of Late Copper figurines. Most of the idols are flat and schematized, but an instance of figurine with at least cylindrical-shaped torso, occur (Skodrinsko Polje ), as well exceptional naturalistic shaped idols. The sitting idols (types 8 and 9), as well as some of the standing idols with inclined parts of body might a reminiscence of the sitting Mother Goddess, but as very retarding aspect. By the idol of Stoicani, the sitting position is shaped unarticulated and solid, but with symbolic dignity

posture of sitting woman with arms slightly crouched. The artistic manner includes caterpillar band to represent open clothes, the accent is on the crouched arms and on the sitting position. The protuberances designate the breast are very small crossed by two lines, arc-shaped in the lower part, exactly under the pectoral area. The temporal interconnection between both idols are the Cemavoda I figurines from the eponym site (type 8). The Stoicani and the last idols share the missing of represented arms, which becomes an emblematic feature of the northeastern Balkans - southeastern Carpathians idols from the Final Copper and Early Bronze 1-11. But it should be mentioned one and the same manner of representation of the Crnobuki and Cernavoda I figurines. The figurine from Skodrinsko Polje shares with Crnobuki idols the manner of shaping of the head - by conical protuberance, but the nose is realistically represented by the former. However, their cultural and close chronological interrelations are certain. In addition , south parallels occur - from Kephala in southern continental Greece. The fact that the types 8 occurs along with type 3 (headless) confirms the possible cultural interaction between North and South, because the last type is popular in the Rachmani culture. All these considerations infer that the origin of Skodrinsko Polje and Crnobuki idols can be connected with the local Central Balkan production. On the other hand, possible interactions with the eastern lower Danube can be assumed or sharing of common artistic manners. The conception roots of the northeastern Balkan idols are probably in late Tripolie having in mind some unpublished finds (information of I. Manzura). The naturalistic figurines represent other interrelated element between late Copper - Final Copper and Early Bronze idols. Chronologically close to Bakamo Gumno is the figurine from Zaminec, which lower preserved part is with well shaped legs from the from side, while the back side is flatten. But in the Early Bronze Age other type became more popular - that of standing flat figurines shaped in different way. The type of headless flat idols appears to be innovation in the area of the central Balkans till Thessaly (Crnobuki - Kolarovo - Rachmani horizon). According to the recent evidence, from that region the headless type was distributed in earlier EB I directly or indirectly in the area of Cernavoda III culture. It should be mentioned the typological similarity between Crnobuki breast idol with that from Cernavoda III decorated with dagger, as well as between the trapezoid shaped idol from Cmobuki with similar shaped from Cernavoda. The chronological priority of the central Balkans should be stressed. The possible communication line is from the western central Balkans through easy passable Sredna Gora - Stryama - Maritsa - Northeast Thrace - Provadijska River till east lower Danube . It might be a stockbreeding road of semi-mobile breeders seasonally from North to the South and vise versa, as well as a road of population involved in common rituals or relative relations. The other possible road - through the Iskur River - south Lower Danube traces the Oltenita - Renie II pottery. However, the systematized data for the figurines well define the problem in direction to diachronic interrelation and possible south 32 1

Chapter 17 Anthropomorphic figurines

influence on the lower Danube Cernavoda III culture. Three chronological markers denne the span of the distribution of the headless idols - on the one hand Crnobuki - Kolarovo Final Copper I horizon. On the other hand, it is the idol from Glina culture dated to EB IIB. So, we have aperiod of c. 1000 years of distribution, which is a huge period of a possible similar cult of fertility developed in the different parts of the Balkans and interconnected the population. Trapezoid shaped flat idol with broken head and incised geometric ornamentation characterizes the Cucuteni A3 site of Bere~ti (Dragomir 1967: fig. 6: 2). But it is difficult to find the genetic connection with the later prehistoric idols. Along with the simple trapezoid till even rectangular-shaped torso of the headless idols, other more complicated types occur - with body shaped by opposite interrelated triangles or lower rhomboidal part , as well as with a buttock naturalistically represented (the Cernavoda III - Boleraz horizon). It should be stressed hat the difference between the headless idols and idols with heads is only formal. They share similar shaping of the body - for example the realistically shaped figurines from Cernavoda III aod Vinca, as well as Cernavoda III and Manole. But in contrast to the headless idols, the figurines with heads continue to be distributed in Early Bronze III in the Balkans. Recently J. Maran ( 1998) has analyzed the violin shaped assuming not only their Balkan origin but also a possible influence to the south - in continental Greece. Including the idol from Urinea, the area of their distribution is extended till Transylvania. The last is of transitional type between the armed and armless idols sharing some common elements with Vucedol idol. The last has trapezoid lower part of the body. There are two possibilities to explain this strange variant - it was influenced by violin idols, or it represents a transitional variant between idols with triangle lower part of the body and those with rounded body. In fact, the only parallels of armed Idol - from Ljubljansko Barje should be later that the idol from Urinea. On their side, both are exceptions in the Balkans figurine production in the EBA. The types most distributed are the armless idols. Typologically , the Vucedol figurines are an evolution of the Baden idols sharing the triangle to trapezoid upper part of the

322

body , the tradition of the ornamentation of the idols. At the same time, some difference appears to be distinguished. By the Vucedol culture idols, the lower part of the body is triangular-shaped, as well as the ornamentation over the idol has more elements of representing clothes. Along with this differences , the armed idol mentioned also have no analogies in the EB I Balkans. For the time being , there is no chronological mediator between the Baden and Vucedol idols, but their genetically interconnection is typologically argued. A possibility is the Vucedol idols to follow uninvestigated for the time being Kostolac figurines, or to assume very early post-Baden emergence of the Vucedol culture in some micro-regions. It is interesting to stress the manner to decorate the later Balkan prehistoric idols. It might be the innovation emerges in EB IA in the Balkans - Folte~ti - Cernavoda lII - Baden I horizon. Some of the incised elements are comparable with the clothes , as well as with adornments. But not all of the ornaments naturalistically designate those elements. The orna ment is also symbolic , with close parallels in the pottery . That EB innovation of decorated idols initiated with the Folte~ti - Cernavoda III - Baden horizon , and continues in the EB II Vucedol - Ljubljansko Barje - Cotofeni horizon. There are no data for the EB III idols to be decorated. Mapping the distribution of the figurines in the Balkans, one can infer that the idols were distributed by distant culture being to some extent exceptions in the material culture between the Carpathians and the Aegean. This is the place to summarize my thesis (Nikolova 1991) that in contrast to the Cycladic cultures , the religion of the Balkan population connected with the cult of the fertility was iconic, but not without symbols. This is the changed religion, which required other system of rituals - without figurines. But they were some elements like the so-called anchor models, which in fact were thinkable as emblem of female goddess offertility. Because of this interpretation the discovered on the Yunatsite tell clay anchor from EB I with trunk shaped a female figurine is not a surprise. This object not only confinns the thesis that the anchors are really a ritual objects probably staying close to the hearth (the massive ones) or being adornments (smaller one). The anchors are distributed only in some parts of the Balkans and a best record of the existence of contacts and ritual similarity with continental Greece.

Discussion

1

Final Copper

Early Bronze I

7b

Early Bronze II

8

Figure 17.1. Final Copper and Early Bronze figurines in the Balkans. Reference: Lazic and Sladic '1995; Garasanin et al 19 71; Morintz and Roman 1968

323

Chapter 18

Early Bronze cultural pattern in Romania by Cristian Schuster

18.1. Settlements The infonnation regarding the habitation types of the EBA from Romania is lacking for many cultural manifestations. At the same time, one could not talk of settlements for all cultures, since they haven't been discovered yet.

18.1.1. Zabala Culture The settlement from Zabala, belonging to the homonymous culture and dated to EBA lb (by Roman) was located on a high site, called Movila Tatarilor, that unfortunately has been strongly affected by erosion. It was probably fortified with a defensive ditch (Zs. ~zekely 1997a: 26-27).

18.1.2. Glina Culture We have more and detailed data on the settlements of the Glina Culture. Their study (Schuster 1995; 1996b; 1997a: 29 sq.) has allowed us to draw the conclusion that they were located on lower or medium-placed terraces (in Muntenia: Letca Veche, Bolintin Vale, Vara~ti, Dragane~ti-Olt; in Oltenia: Argetoaia, Prejna), on higher ones (in Muntenia: Mihaile~ti-Tufa, Varlaam, Schitu-La Conac, in Oltenia: Morare~ti), on the islands of lakes (in Muntenia: Sili~tea Snagov) and rivers (in Muntenia: Camineasca-Magura; in Oltenia: Ostrovul Corbului), but also on Neo-Eneolithic tells (in Muntenia: Bucharest-Glina, Tangaro, Dragane~ti-OltCorboaica). During their penetration westwards, across the Olt river, some shepherd groups had reached the mountainous regions, for very short spans of time; their traces have been detected in caves: Haiducilor (Valcea County), Baia de Fier, Ciunget-Lotru etc. (Schuster 1997a: 3~). The majority of these settletnents were open-air ones, such as Crivat, Odaia Turcului and Orbeasca de Sus, where defending ditches have been identified (Berciu 1966: 534-535; Tudor 1982: 59 sq.; 1983: 108-111; Bajenaru 1995: 183; Moscalu-Beda 1979: 368; Schuster 1997a: 30-31). A question arises: what induced some Glina communities to fortify their settlements? At this stage of the research we cannot offer a certain answer: some disputes between various groups (tribes?) might be a likely reason. We take into consideration here especially the Glina III settlement of Crivat. A possible external pressure towards the end of the second sequence of the classical phase (Glina III) might have caused the digging of the ditch at Odaia Turcului (Schuster 1997a:

31). The external danger, if we consider the traces of the tumulus ochre burial bearers, who tried to get north the Teleorman river, might also have induced the inhabitants of Orbeasca de Sus to excavate a ditch. The dimensions of the settlements are, generally, unknown. Exceptions could be possibly given by the settlements located on the tells, where the "natural" shape has also given the opportunity of making a better delimitation. The extent was probably imposed by the economical system, especially by animal husbandry and social structure. It could be stated that we are in front of the link between the isolated household and the village (Schuster 1997a: 32). In this context, the results of the investigations of the microzone Schitu from Muntenia, which was crossed by the Calni~tea River, were of basic importance. Glina settlements have been unearthed there in great number (Schitu-La Conac , SchituGaura Despei, Camineasca, Bila, Tangaro), all belonging to phase II. Taking into account that the settlements at Schitu, Bila, Tangaro were placed on high terraces or tells, in our opinion their inhabitants were those who used the island from Camineasca for fishing. Their density would have hampered them in assuring the appropriate quantity of food to the community and to domestic animals, and for this reason it is hard to believe that those settlements were simultaneous. We consider it more likely the existence of a group, eventually two, that in their movements with the stocks had established all the settlements around the hollow made by the Calni~tea river in that area. As regards to their duration, some of the settlements kept being in use for a longer time (with a single stratum: Bucharest-Glina, Odaia Turcului), others for a shorter time (Mihaile~ti-Tufa, Varlaam, Morare~ti) while still others were simply used on a seasonal basis (Camineasca) (Schuster I 997a: 31). The inner structure or the settlements is another partially unsolved problem. As far as we know from the investigations undertaken there, in the settlements of Schitu-La Conac and Schitu-Gaura Despei the dwellings had been arranged in a relatively compact distribution. This fact made us consider (Schuster 1997a: 32) the possibility that the settlements included two sectors, one designed for the people and the other for the domestic animals: probably both perimeters had been enclosed with fences, that provided a minimal protection. Just in a single case, at Cascioarele-Catalui , the author of the

325

Chapt er I 8 Early Bronze cultural p attern in Romania

research mentioned a burial situated within the settlement, even under a dwelling (Nanu 1989: 37-54) : but the careful analysis of the place and the position of the deceased has clearly shown that this was a funerary deposition in a Glina settlement area, which occurred after the EBA (Schuster 1997a: 32).

monymous group , was located on a spur-like terrace on the left bank of the Arge~ river (Tudor 1982b: 59; Tudor 1983: 108; Schuster 1997a: 119). The mountainous settlements of the Naeni-Schneckenberg group have been found on heights (Andreescu 1992: 44-45), or positioned in places naturally defended (Com~a and Georgescu 1981: 271, 273-274) .

18.1.3. Schneckenberg Culture

18.1.8. Ceramics with Besenstrich and Texti/und Wabenmuster

The communities of the Schneckenberg Culture established their settlements mostly on high promontories or at the top of some mounds (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 37 sq.). Thus, the dominating spots (500-600 m) of Sf. Gheorghe-Orko , Borosneul Mic, Schneckenberg belong to such typology. Other settlements had been placed on river terraces (Sanzieni-Polyvar) or in caves (Prox 1941: 12; NicolaescuPlop~or, Paunescu, Pop 1962: 113-118) .

The settlements of ceramics with Besenstrich and Textilund Wabenmuster from Banat were located in the plain region, like the one at Foeni (Gogaltan 1993: 51). Other shelters of the Gornea-Orle~ti group from Oltenia have been placed on lower terrace s, on hills or heights (Petre 1976: 16 sq.; Petre 1983: 4; Roman 1988b: 222 : Nica 1996) or even on islands (Roman 1987: 335 sq.; Roman 1996: 32).

Like the Glina settlements , just few Schneckenberg ones possessed possible fortification elements, but even those are still uncertain (Ariu~d, Sf. Gheorghe -Orko, Borosneul Mic, Malnas Bai, Sanzieni-Perko [Zs. Szekely 1997a: 37-38]).

In Transylvania, the materials of Zoltan type have been found in settlements situated on the high terrace of the Olt river (Cavruc 1997: 97), while those of Iernut type (Ciugudean 1996: 111 and map no. 1) especially in settlements of the hillock zone of the Mure~ val1ey, not higher than 250-300-m.

18.1.4. Livezile group 18.1.9. Mako, Ro~ia and Mure~ cultures In Central and South-Western Transylvania, during the first known aspect of the EBA, the Livezile group, settlements had been located also in the high regions (Livezile-Baia) (Ciugudean 1996: 80; Ciugudean 1997b: 7 sq.), as well as in caves or rock shelters (Nandiu-Pe~tera Spurcata [Ciugudean 1996: 80]).

18.1.5. Copaceni group The last investigations undertaken in the same region have shown the existence of two types of settlements belonging to the Copaceni group, respectively on heights and on terraces (Rotea 1993: 75: Ciugudean 1996: 96-100). Subsequently, in the same area, in the range of the Soimu~ group a greater differentiation could be noticed (Andritoiu 1992: 20: Ciugudean 1996: 101). The communities chose as places for establishing their settlements the high and often isolated zones (Soimu~-Cuculeu, Carpini~, Zlatna-Magura Duda~ului, Poiana Ampoiului) which provided a natural defense and dominated the neighboring regions. The higher terraces of some rivers (Alba Julia) and m~adows (Pianu de Jos) were also populated.

18.1.6. Jigodin group The highland zones had been preferred also by the Jigodin communitie s, the site from Lelicen i (Roman, DoddOpritescu , Janos 1992: 143 sq.) being an eloquent example: the settlement was situated on a mountain with an 8 shape, with two tops (710,20-m respectively 725,20-m altitude).

18.1.7. Odaia Turcului group and NaeniSchneckenberg group In Muntenia, the settlement of Oda ia Turcului, of the ho326

The Mako settlements have been located in Western Romania, especially in the plain regions, while those belonging to the Ro~ia group in caves (Pe~tera Vacii-La Tarina, Calatea , lzbucu Toplitei, Gala~eni, lgrita, Izbandi~), but also in less higher places (Rapa) (Emodi 1985; Roman and Nemeti 1986). In the case of the Mure~ culture, one should mention rather big settlements, with many archaeological strata like Pecica (Chicideanu 1995: 226). Other sites are to be found in regions which were rich in salt (Lunca Vanatori , Sarata Monteoru) , and this fact gives a picture of the economic system which played an important role in choosing the location of the settlement. Even if our review represents a very synthetic approach , one could notice that the communities belonging to the various cultures, when placing their settlements, have always taken into account the geographic environment , the economic system, the underground resources and the social aspects . A relevant example is that of the Glina Culture, whose bearers , in the process of occupying new territories , adapted themselves to the environment. Generally, all settlements of the EBA in Romania had relatively small dimensions and comprised a small number of dwellings. Naturally defended places had usually been chosen and, in case of danger, some of them had also been fortified. Thus, it couldn't be stated that the various cultures preferred a certain kind of environment. Settlements with several archaeological strata are rare, a fact which would suggest their use by groups with a life in permanent movement. Due to this way of Jiving, the domestic architecture remains basically unknown.

Dwellings

18. 2. Dwellings and their annexes of the EBA in Romania The dwellings of the Zimnicea-Mlajet-Zabala-San.zieniTuria horizon are not yet very well known , while those of the Glina Culture are better known (Schuster 1997a: 53 sq.; 1997b ). A careful approach to this topic has been made by P. Roman (1976b: 28), E. Com~a (1991 : 21-22) and J. Machnik (1991c : 14). Both in Muntenia and in Oltenia , earthen-huts ( or semi-earthen huts) , of oval , rounded , rectangular or 8-shaped form, have been discovered at Crivat, Bucharest-Ciurel, Udeni , Calugareni , Morare~ti , (Schuster 1997a: 34-35). Their dimensions are relatively small : the longest sides were found at Crivat (3-m: earthen hut no. 5) (Com~a 1991: 21) , Udeni (3,09-m) (Bichir 1983: 58) and Bucharest-Lunca Barze~ti (4-m) (Sandu 1992: 168). The inner arrangements were very poor (Schuster 1997a: 36-37): at Bucharest-Catelu Nou there were a small pit , probably a domestic refuse pit (Leahu 1965: 21 ), and a step between the two spaces of the earthen-hut investigated in 1963 (Leahu 1965: 24-25 and fig.? ; Schuster 1997a : fig . 11/2). E. Com~a had stated that the earthen huts were the shelters preferred by the Glina communities at the beginning of the culture's evolution ( Com~a 1991: 21 ). That conclusion has been supported also by the fact that the earthen huts appeared in Muntenia's settlements in the first two phases of the culture . Yet , the presence of an earthen hut at Calugareni in Western Oltenia and at Morare~ti , near Craiova , in Glina settlements, which certainly could belong neither to the first nor to the second phase , have proved us that this kind of dwelling had been used also in the late phases. The inventory of the earthen huts , as well as the way they were constructed, account for the fact that such complexes had been used especially as habitations . Even if the absence of a central pillar , which would have sustained the roof , has been noticed , it cannot be excluded that , in some cases , these spaces had initially been used to store the food and only later to throw in various domestic remnants (Schuste r 1997a: 37). As none of the Glina settlements has been exhaustively studied, we do not know , which·might have been the density of the earthen huts in a settlement , or the surrounding parcel attributed to a single hut. But we know that between the earthen huts A and Bat Bucharest-Ro~u there was a distance of about 5-m (Constantiniu-Panait 1963: 302 and fig. I), a smaller one in the case of the dwelling complexes at Cascioarele (Nanu 1989: pl. l} and a bigger one at BucharestDude~ti (Turcu 1976: fig. 1). The Glina communities had built also surface dwe11ings (Schuster 1997a: 38 sq. ; Schuster 1997b: 95 sq.). Unfortunately, most of them do not have a clear outline , but generally they have two longer sides and two shorter ones . It is possible that these dwellings had a rectangular shape , maybe with rounded corners too (Muntenia: Mihaile~ti-Tufa , Greci ; Oltenia : Govora Sat-Runcuri , Ostrovul Corbului). Even when the dimensions of the dwellings were not exactly

known , some authors have spoken of a rectangular shape , such as at Branet (Ulanici 1975 : 58; 1981:20; 1983: 23). The dimensions of the surface dwellings were relatively small at Schitu-La Conac , Mihaile~ti-Tufa , Crivat , Branet , but bigger too , as at Branet (Ulanici 1975: 58; Schuster 1997a: 39). The inside adjustments were usually missing; even when present , they were restricted to treaded clay floors - Odaia Turcului (Tudor 1982b: 60 ; Tudor 1983; 108) and Crivat (Berciu 1966: 531) -, fire hearths - Greci , Odaia Turcului , Dragane~ti-Olt , Morare~ti -, domestic ovens - Bucharest-Glina , Dragane~ti-Olt -, pits or small cavities Schitu-Gaura Despei , Branet . We cannot know precisely the number of surface dwellings of a Glina settlement. Four dwellings have been identified in the first settlement at Schitu (La Conac) (Schuster 1997 a: 40 and fig. 9/2) , while at Schitu-Gaura Despei there were six. At Branet , fourteen 14 surface dwellings have been investigated in two layers. In all the settlements that have been studied more intensively the surface dwellings were not placed according to a visible plan, but in a chaotic way . The distances between them could be relatively small , as it was the case at Branet , but also bigger - of about 7 m - as at Schitu-La Conac . Especially if we take into consideration the fact that the GI ina groups were in permanent movement , we understand the preference for these shelters that could be raised quite easily. At the beginning of the researches in the Schneckenberg settlements (Prox 1941: 14) clearly outlined surface dwellings were not unearthed. Subsequently , the investigations at Cuciulata (Bichir 1962b: 89) allowed a better knowledge of that kind of dwelling . Thus , besides the huts , whose dimensions could not be established , bigger shelters were also found ( l ,05x3 ,65-m), planked with limestone slabs , with a bench and a fire hearth in their inner perimeter clearly delimited by pillars. Th e information regarding the surface dwelling of the Schn eckenberg Culture has been improved by the results of the research at Sf. Gheorghe-Orko (Szekely 1957 : 157; Zs. Szekely 1997a: 40-41 ), where the floor of the rectangular construction was made of treaded clay with traces of secon dary burning. In the light of the latest research , it seems that the Schneckenberg Culture bearers didn't build earthen huts. It is possible that the relief where the settlements were placed didn't allow that. In turn , an earthen hut has been investigated at Alba Iulia , also in Transylvania , in the range of the ~oimu~ Group (Ciugudean 1996: l O1). The Livezile group also used to live in (semi-) earthen huts (Ciugudean 1996: 80). In turn , the Copaceni (Rotea 1993: 75), ~oimu~ (Ciugudean 1996: 101) and Jigodin type communities (Roman , Janos , Csaba 1973: 562) would have erected surface dwellings. Those were rectangular in shape and some of them had a solid wooden structure , stuck with clay . Also the Livezile 327

Chapter I 8 Early Bronze cultural pattern in Romania

group communities lived in simple huts (Ciugudean 1996: 80). At last, during the Odaia Turcului group , surface dwellings of small dimensions were used in the eponymous settlement (Tudor 1982b: 60; Schuster 1997a: 120). In various settlements of the EBA in Romania, while studying the dwellings (earthen huts or surface ones) , pits have been unearthed too. Both pits in the floor (Schitu-Gaura Despei, Bucharest-Ciurel) and pits outside the dwellings (Odaia Turcului, Udeni, Varlaam, Morare~ti) (Schuster 1997a: 41-43) were present in die Glina milieu. Their shape was similar to a pear (Bucharest-Catelu Nou , Mihaile~tiTufa), bell-like (Mihaile~ti-Tufa, Cascioarele-Manastirea Catalui), a truncated cone (Udeni, Morare~ti) , a cylinder (V arlaam, Morare~ti) or a trapezium in vertical section (Schitu-La Conac ). As to their destination, one should mention domestic pits (Schitu-La Conac , Varlaam , Dragane~ti-Olt , Morare~ti) , storage pits (Udeni, Bucharest-Ciurel) , pits used as fire hearths (Bucharest-Ciurel) and pits designed for cult (pit no . 5 from Schitu-Gaura Despei) (Schuster 1997a: 42). The dimensions of the pits, their building technology but also the differences in shape have shown us that they were not dug in a single, typical manner. Probably , every dwelling had one or several pits as annexes. The distance between dwellings and pits gives us information on the perimeter in usage for each household. At Schitu-La Conac, between dwellings and pits there could be a distance of about 1,802,54-m, while at Schitu-Gaura Despei it varied between 1.50 and 1,87-m. The domestic pit from Bucharest-Catelu Nou (investigated in 1960) was locat~d at 6,50-m from the semiearthen hut (Leahu 1963: 21) and the one which was studied in 1963 at 15-m from the earthen hut (Leahu 1965: fig. 2). Pits existed in settlements characterized by both a consistent or a thinner stratum: they were built in places inhabited by Glina communities for a long time as well as in places used only for a short period (Schuster 1997a: 43). Bell-shaped pits, or irregularly shaped pits , all of domestic destination , were specific to the Odaia Turcului group (Tudor 1982b: 60: Bajenaru 1996: 83; Carciumaru 1996: 94). Other annexes of the dwellings, except pits , were ovens and external fire hearths. Both in Muntenia and Oltenia, the G lina Culture bearers made fire hearths inside the dwelling's perimeter (Greci, Mihaile~ti-Tufa , Branet, Teica , Morare~ti) or outside (Bucharest-Glina) (Schuster 1997a: 43-44). They were of rounded shape (Cascioarele , Branet) , oval (SchituLa Conac) or semi-oval (Schitu-Gaura Despei). The dimensions of the fire hearths varied , according to their shape. At Greci , the hearth was of 0,75-m, while at SchituLa Conac and Schitu-Gaura Despei the dimensions varied between 0,60 and 1,20-m. At Branet , there were hearths with a diameter of 0,70-1 ,50-m. Some of them had been erected directly on the ground (Odaia Turcului, Greci , Branet, Morare~ti) or on a bed consisting of ceramic fragments (Dragane~ti-Olt , Branet).

328

Some of them were in use for a short period of time, as shown by the lack of repairs and rebuildings (Mihaile~tiTufa, Branet) ; others were used for a longer time , as suggested by the presence of rebuildings (Dragane~ti-Olt , Morare~ti , Branet). The majority of the fire hearths can be included in the category of features with domestic destination. In nearly all the cases a rich archaeological deposit - made of ceramics , stone artifacts, bone, horn and burnt clay pieces or animal bones had been accumulated around them (Ulanici 1979a: 9; 1979b: 27). At Schitu-La Conac the fire hearth was surrounded by a sack-shaped vessel, preserved in situ, a miniature receptacle with traces of ochre inside , a zoomorphic idol made of burnt clay, flint implements and a miniature chariot wheel. It is possible that the mentioned hearth had a cult destination (Schuster, Popa 1995: 27). At Branet (Ulanici 1979b: 27), a miniature chariot wheel as well as a shaft-hole votive axe, made of clay, have been found near the fire hearth in dwelling no. 10. In this case too it is possible to find extra arguments to assume that the fire hearths might also have functioned as cult hearths in specific moments (Schuster 1997a: 44). The domestic ovens of the Glina Culture (Schuster 1997a: 44) had been erected inside the dwellings (Bucharest-Glina, Dragane~ti-Olt) . Even if they were preserved in a precarious condition , we could say that, for example , the oven from Dragane~ti-Olt was different from a similar construction known in the Romanian Banat: it was of small dimensions and had an oval shape, its orientation was similar to that of the dwelling and it was built as an extension of the fire hearth. As it has already been observed , not only the construction of settlements but also that of shelters had been influenced by the environment. Given that a certain way of life, that we consider to have been a semi-sedentary one, was specific to the EBA, surface dwellings had been preferred as they were easier to build. Of course , when necessary , earthen huts or bigger houses had also been constructed , but their number is relatively small in comparison with that of simple huts. The inner adjustments of the shelters, at least those archaeologically detectable - floors , fire hearths, benches - were missing in most of the cases and this simple aspect would suggest the semi-sedentary character of the communities . The building materials were obtained from the close neighborhood , where wood , clay , rush could be abundantly found. Like in the case of the perimeter destined to the living - the settlements, and that of the dead - the cemeteries and burials, the infonnation that we possess is unequal from one cultural manifestation to the other , as a consequence of the research stage and of the pure impossibility the funeral vestiges to being found in some cases.

Dwellings

18.3. Funeral rite and ritual of the EBA in Romania The Zabala culture of Southeast Transylvania is represented by a single certain funeral find (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 32-33). It is possible that the deceased had been buried in a crouched position, with an East-West orientation, facing eastwards (Zs. Szekely 1997a: pl. LXXXVIII), close to a possible dwelling. Near his hip, on the left side of the skeleton had been placed an amphora, with cylindrical neck and rounded body and with two flattened handles on its shoulder (Zs. Szekely 1997a: pl. IV/2=:XXXIl/16). Taking into consideration the green spot that had been noticed in the region of the neck, it was not excluded that the dead could have worn also a bronze adornment. The container had analogies in the aspects of transition to the Bronze Age - CemavodaFolte~ti, Catelu Nou, Cotofeni and EBA, both inside and outside the Carphathians arch (Zimnicea, Glina, Schneckenberg, Livezile manifestations (Prox 1941: pl. 2/4, 1; Leahu 1965: fig. 5; Petrescu-Dimbovita and Dinu 1974: fig. 15; Alexandrescu 1974: pl. 6/6; Roman 1976a: 21 and pl. 23/3; 1976c: fig. 55/5-6; Ulanici 1979a: fig. 8/5: Ciugudean 1996: fig. 21/12; Szekely Zs. 1997a: 32-33). Glina-Culture. Little is known about the funeral rite and ritual of these communities (Schuster 1997a: 47-48). A burial was discovered at Bucharest-Fundeni Ziduri intre Vii, on an island of the Fundeni lake: the skeleton was set on its left side, with the knees raised (Ip to the face. According to S. Morintz and D.V. Rosetti, the deceased had a small vessel near the legs and head. The skeleton orientation was southwest (the head) - north-east (the legs) (Morintz-Rosetti 1959: 22). Unfortunately, other data could not be provided by the authors of the investigations, but they - on the grounds of their good knowledge of the Glina Culture and of its ceramics - firmly assigned the burial to the period that we are referring to. The same opinion was shared by P. Roman (1976c: 33, 35) and M. Petrescu-Dimbovita (1994: 195). As we have already mentioned, at Cascioarele-Catalui has a skeleton was crouched on its left side, with a north-east (the head) - south-west (the legs) orientation, facing eastwards , with the left hand under his head and the right one on his chest (Nanu 1989: 3 8 and pl. 1, 2, 5). The author of the discovery advanced the hypothesis that the deceased from the Glina dwelling belonged to that culture. A similar position has been expressed by R. Bajenaru (1995: 183). In our opinion, we are facing a funeral discovery subsequent to the Glina culture, thus being affected the remnants of a complex which belonged to the latter (Schuster 1997a: 47-48). The funeral vestiges of Late Glina from Verbita are more interesting (Berciu and Roman 1984; Roman et al. 1992: 115 sq.). In these three tumuli there were inhumation burials with skeletons crouched on their back and with legs flexed on the right side, with the right hand on the abdomen and the left one stretched along the body, while the head was orientated to the north (tumulus I); in the same position and with a NNE-SSV orientation, with the right hand on the chest (tumulus II - child skeleton) and once more in the same position, with the right hand on the abdomen and the left one on the chest (tumulus III).

The funeral inventory of the burials comprised several pots (two for each complex) , a silver ring (tumulus II), a bovine head (tumulus III) and traces of leaves (tumulus 11). The inhumation rite in stone cists was specific to the first phase of the Schneckenberg Culture (Prox 1941: 70 sq.; Szekely 1957: 31 O; 1970; Roman 1986: 41; Szekely Zs. 1980; 1995; 1997a: 41 sq.; 1997b), while the cremation rite was used later (Prox 1941; 75-76; Szekely 1957: 31 O; Szekely Zs. 1995: 106-107; 1997b: 43). Out of the 14 cist burials described by Prox (I 941: 70-77), the best investigated are the 3 from Codlea, Br~ov County). The first burial, with an East-West orientation, had a cist of 0,90xl ,26-m and contained the skeletons of 4 adults. One of the skeletons was in a crouched position, with the head to the east and the legs to the west; the two other cist burials, in boxes of about 0,40x0 ,60 m, with the same orientation as the previously mentioned burial, were cremation ones. At Rotbav (Bra~ov County), the stone cist contained the skeleton of an adult in a crouched position, with the head to the East. The burial was biritual , as a stratum of cinder , charcoal and human cremated bones was found behind the skeleton: the inhumed skeleton might have been placed first into the stone cist - and the dimensions of the cist would account for that, then the remains of another deceased might have been added (Szekely 1957: 310; Zs. Szekely 1997a: 41). The discovery in 1908 of another stone cist of l ,20x 1,70 m, which contained only burnt remains , was indicative of the existence of a cremation burial (JSzNM 1910: 48) at Eresteghin (Covasna County). Subsequently , the excavations undertaken by Zs. Szekely led to the investigation of a tumulus burial (diameter of about 12 m and 2m in height) which also contained a stone cist of 2,02x0 , 72 m (Zs. Szekely 1980: 44-45). This time the cist contained a skeleton, crouched on the right side, with the head to the west and the legs to the east. Near the head of the inhumation , there was a cup with a wide mouth, that had two vertically pierced handles on the rim (Zs. Szekely 1980: fig. 4; 1997a: pl. XL/2). The decoration of the vessel, with parallel lines and triangles, had been done with a twisted cord (Roman et al. 1992: pl. 57/3). The author of the research has seen analogies with the ceramics of the Ghimbav burial (Prox 1941: 73 and pl. 26/5) and of tumulus II at Milostea (Popescu and Vulpe 1966: 148-153, fig. l/7a-b) , assigning the funeral complex from Eresteghin to the phase Schneckenberg 8 (Szekely Zs. 1980: 44; 1997a: 43). P. Roman considered that this kind of decoration is a general trend of the Cotofeni Culture with Vucedol imports (Herculane , Ostrovul Corbului), of the late levels from Ezero and from the late burials in tumuli from Ploie~ti-Triaj and Gurbane~ti (Roman et al. 1992: 78 and pl. 29/15-16 , 19, 21; 45/3; 64/1-2 ; 65/3-5), thus assigning the burial from Eresteghin also to a period later than Schneckenberg B (Roman et al. 1992: 78). The discovery of a cist burial made of stones, in the Schneckenberg settlement from Sf. Gheorghe-Orko , was rather surprising (Szekely 1970: 205). Near the inhumation they found a copper dagger, shaped in form of a leaf with 329

Chapter 18 Early Bronze cultural pattern in Romania

median nervure (Szekely 1970: 234 and fig. 211) and several ceramic fragments, among which the upper part of an askos, assigned to the Monteoru IC3-IC4 Culture (Szekely 1970: 206; Szekely Zs. 1997a: pl. XLVI3). That burial, as well as the settlement , has been considered by A. Vulpe as part of the Naeni-Schneckenberg milieu (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 184). Recently, the researches in the Bradut-Biborteni region have restarted (Szekely Zs. 1995; 1997b). The burials in tumuli were already known in the past century (Orban 1868: 223) and had stimulated the interest of some specialists (Roska 1942: 33 and fig. 28/2-3; Kalicz 1968: 23 sq.; Roman, Dodd-Opritescu, Janos 1992: 77). The investigations carried out since 1994 have discovered , inside tumulus 1, a cremation burial where the burnt bones of the deceased were mixed with cinder and placed under several stones of different dimension (Zs. Szekely 1995: 106). The subsequent campaigns ( 1995-1996) have allowed the identification, inside tumulus 8, of a stone cist burial that contained an inburned skeleton in a crouched position , a great amount of cinder and a fragmented dish with a corded decoration (Zs. Szekely 1997b: 41, 43 and fig. VI/I ; V/2). Tumulus 11 contained an empty stone cist and it was interpreted as a cremation burial (Zs. Szekely 1997b: 43 and fig. VI/2 =VIII/I); a similar case is that of the stone cist burial, of 1,10x0,65 m in dimension, from tumulus 13 (Szekely Zs. 1997b: 42 and fig.Vl/3-Vlll/2). The latter had a NE-SW orientation. After having investigated 18 tumuli grouped between Bradut-Biborteni on Dealul cu Cioturi and Dealul Rotund, it can be stated (Szekely Zs. 1997b: 43) that those in the first site belonged to the Schneckenberg B Culture, while those in the second one to the EBA as well as to the first phase of the Noua Culture. Those in the EBA had analogies with the ceramics of the Jigodin group (Roman et al. 1992: 77) and were, according to Zsolt Szekely, contemporaneous with the burial from Eresteghin (Szekely Zs. 1997a: 42).

In the Livezile group, the typical funeral rite was the in tumuli with a stone mantle (Ciugudean 1996: 30-80 , 129 sq.). As shown by H. Ciugudean, the deceased used to be laid on the ground and then covered with a film of earth and another one of stones. Until now two categories of burials have been documented - those with crouched skeletons and those with disconnected skeletons. The cemeteries identified in the eastern and southern parts of the Apuseni Mountains are of small dimensions (Geoagiu de Sus, Izvoarele-Gruiu Ro~u etc.). Sometimes , for instance at Mete~-Pleasa inalta, isolated tumuli have been found (Ciugudean 1996: 129). Cheile Aiudului (Vlassa, et al. 1986; 1987) and Ampoita (Ciugudean 1991; 1996: 30-37) are among the cemeteries exhaustively investigated. Sometimes , in places such as Tureni-La Furci (Lazarovici and Kalmar 1988: 998-1000 ; Rotea 1993: 74-75; Lazarovid and Maxim 1994: 16-17; Maxim 1994: 347-349; Ciugudean 1996: 69-70) and Mete~ 330

(Ciugudean 1995: 26 and fig. 5/13; 1996: 55-57), stone rings have also been observed . The communities of Copaceni type also practiced the inhumation in a crouched position under stone mounds, as seems to be proved by a burial in tumulus VI at Cheile AiuduluiDealul Velii (Ciugudean 1996: 97). Burial 11 of the same tumulus could be included into the same category. The dead might have been buried also in the settlements, as shown by the discovery at Copaceni-La Moara, burial 1. It had -1, 70 m in depth and comprised 5 skeletons: one was an adult and the other four were children , laid down together with the lower part of a large vessel (Rotea and Wittenberger 1998: 17 sq and pl. I-IV). The inhumation was also preferred by the communities of the Ro~ia group. P. Roman and I. Nemeti have seen connections in the funeral rite, especially in the burials of Livezile and Priboj type (Roman and Nemeti 1986: 230). The deceased were placed in a crouched position , on one side. One of the inhumations from Calatea had some pots beside it (Roman and Nemeti 1986: 221 and fig. 10/3, 5; 12/2-4).

I. Chicideanu observed that, the funeral rites of the Mure~ Culture "are characterized by a strong standardization of behavior in function of sex and age groups, males being buried in a crouched position on the left with the head to the north, while the women are crouched on the right with the head to the south. Differences of rang are marked by metal jewelry, shells, glass paste ("faiance"), bone or, in the case of men graves, by arms" (Chicideanu 1995: 227[230]; cf. SandorChicideanu and Chicideanu 1994). At Naeni-Colarea have been discovered several burials belonging to the Naeni-Schneckenberg group (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 175 sq.; Vulpe 1981: 491). It has been noticed that the funeral rite was the inhumation in a strongly crouched position. Usually, several individuals were placed in the same pit, as in the case of burials 1 (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 175; Vulpe 1981: 491) and 2 (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 176 and fig. 6; Vulpe 1981: 491 ). It is remarkable that all the funeral complexes had been dug into the rock and in all of them snail shells have been found in great number (species Stoguicola palustris and Cepaea vindobonensis ). The rest of the funeral inventory is rather poor: splinters of flint blades or copper objects are only seldom present. Except burial 2 (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 176 and fig. 8/1-3) that contained 3 pots, in each of the others no more than one vessel has been found - M.3, M.8 (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 177; Vulpe 1981: 491). As to the abundance of snail shells, it is thought that they were used at the funeral banquet and that they were brought to the site of the funeral from the plain, approximately 10km away from the necropolis. It is also possible that about 600 snail shells were distributed for each inhumation (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 179). Burial l had probably been covered with a stone slab (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981:175 and fig. 5; Vulpe 1981: 491)

Economic life

and inside M. l (Vulpe and Drambocianu 198 I: 175) and M.3 (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 177 and fig. 7/1) have also been discovered human cremated bones. M. 9 was one more cremation burial (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 177178 and fig. 7/4). The anthropological analyses have been assured by D. Nicolaescu-Plop~or and M. $t. Udrescu (1981: 447-453).

(2,56%) and Equus caballus (1,70%).

The biritual necropolis, which - according to those who had discovered it (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 180) - from the cultural point of view belonged to the manifestation, has analogies in the stone cist burials of Southeast Transylvania and of Northern Muntenia. The individuals interred at Naeni-Colarea had the same origin as the subsequent human communities of Monteoru type (Nicolaescu-Plop~or and Udrescu 1981: 452).

The archaeological researches have clearly shown that there was no settlement belonging to Glina Culture without animal remains. This characteristic was confirmed, for example, by the osteological remains from Mihaile~ti-Tufa, Schitu-La Conac, Schitu-Gaura Despei and from Dragane~ti-Olt.

18.4. Economic life By analyzing the archaeological materials of the EBA in Romania, we see that stock-breeding, plant cultivation, hunting and other various occupations (pottery-making and production of stone, bone or horn implements) were the most important components of the economical life in that period and that they assured the necessary food and the essential products for the communities' everyday life. The existence of some incomplete and, sometimes, contradictory pieces of information, has given an approximate image of the economical life in general and of agriculture in particular. It cannot be excluded that our assumptions on the prevalence of one economic branch or another, mainly when referring to agriculture do not entirely correspond to the realities of those times.

After the excavations carried out at Cascioarele-Catalui, the osteological materials analyzed by $t. Udrescu, who detected the following hierarchy: Bos taurus, ovicaprines, Sus scrofa domestica and Canis familiaris (Perianu, Udrescu 1989).

In a study comparing the mentioned data and those relative to the Soimu~ group (Andritoiu 1989: 40), it could be noticed that, as regards domestic individuals, the leading position in the settlements from Tebea and Soimu~ was occupied by bovids and ovicaprines. Interestingly, domestic animals represented 78,57% at ebea and I 00% at Soimu~ (Andritoiu 1989: 40) out of the total osteological remains recovered. H. Ciugudean has shown that, at Poiana Ampoiului, as well as in the whole mountainous region (Ciugudean 1996: 116), the importance of ovicaprines had grown to the detriment of bovids - a fact which would partially contradict what has been stated above as to other Soimu~ settlements. In the mentioned archaeological site, horse remains have also been found. As a result of the research concerning the animal materials from the Neolithic up to the Getic-Dacian civilisation on the whole territory of Romania, it has been established that the most important domestic mammal was Bos taurus.

The sources that accounted for some activities were of two distinct types: direct and indirect. In the first category we comprise plant and animal remains, as well as some implements specific to some activities (which were made out of stone, clay or metal). Other pieces, which employed the organic matter as raw material, could be included in the second category.

The fact might not be surprising , especially for the EBA as, out of all domestic animals, this mammal could assure the most significant quantity of meat. Besides, there was the milk as, by their shape, some receptacles were suitable for it. Moreover, it should not be neglected that this animal had been most intensively employed for traction and field working.

18.4.1. Stock-breeding

The presence of the horse was rather scarce during the EBA. Probably, it didn't achieve a main role as a traction animal a fact that, as we' 11further see, would be indirectly confirmed by miniature wagons (Schuster 1996b: 120-12 1).

During the investigations undertaken in 1969 within the Glina settlement at the eponymous site almost 1500 domestic organic remains were taken as samples: 1423 of them have later been determined by S. Haimovici ( 1997). The most important part of the materials consisted of mammals, followed, at great distance, b.ymolluscs-gasteropodae (Helix pomatia), reptiles-cheoloniens (Emys orbicularis) and birds. The mammals were both domestic (1379 osteological fragments from 102 individuals, namely about 86, 15%) and wild ones (about 13,85%). Within the domestic mammals, the first position was occupied by Bos taurus (68,71%), followed by Ovis and Capra (23,83%), Sus scrofa domestica (10,2%), Canis familiaris

As to the dog, S .. Haimovici considered that this was not a source of food but was rather used as a guarding animal (1997).

18.4.2. Hunting and fishing In the Bucharest-Glina settlement , belonging to the eponymous culture, the incidence of wild mammals was I/6 of that of domestic ones. The bones revealed the presence of Cervus elaphus (3,40%), Castor fiber (2,85%), Sus scrofa ferrus (2,56%), Bos primigenius (1,70%) Capreolus capreolus (0,85%), Lepus europaeus (0,85%) and Meles meles 331

Chapter 18 Early Bronze cultural pattern in Romania

(0,85%) (Haimovici 1997).

18.4.4. Handicraft

In the Schneckenberg Culture, for instance, at HarmanDealul Lempe~, the percentage of wild animal bones - composed of stag, boar and wolf - was 2,66% (Haimovici 1968: 302).

In this category we can included the everyday domestic activities, such as pottery-making, weaving, spinning, the processing of skins as well as wood, horn, bone, fangs or metal.

H. Ciugudean has found that hunting played a role in Central and South-Western Transylvania , particularly in the Livezile Group, greater than in the subsequent cultural manifestations (Ciugudean 1996: 117).

In our opinion, all these occupations could be performed in the settlement itself, probably by each family, without of a specialized work in this respect.

The technical aspects of hunting, the people who took part in it and the moment when it was performed are other elements not yet defined. It is likely that, besides the bow and the arrow, documented in the Romanian EBA by stone arrow points, traps had also been employed, while axes and daggers were used for fighting (Schuster 1997a: 139). The skins of the animals were processed also with the help of razors, which have relatively often been found in the settlements, together with other lithic instruments. Even if among organic remains fish bones are missing, as well as some specific implements for fishing, we consider that this activity was also practiced. The location of some settlements on river or lake banks, rich in fish, as well as the presence of weights for trawling would support our theory.

18.4.3. Plant cultivation If the information is somehow obvious for stockbreeding and hunting, the data for plant cultivation are extremely scarce in the EBA. At Greci (Ulanici-Trohani 1975: 78), in the filling of dwelling 1, that belonged to the Tei Culture of the MBA, besides the fragmentary Glina ceramics has been found a cup containing charred grains. In all the EBA settlements where shelter remains have been found, the adobe lumps had traces of straws and chaff coming from cereal plants. Also some bone, horn and stone implements - planters, little hoes and sickels - allow us to infer the pr~ctice of agriculture. A sample of chaff from Panicum miliaceum and Setoria cf. viridis as well as seeds of Chenopodium albicum have been recovered from a pit of the Odaia Turcului group (Carciumaru 1996: 145-146). The millet could be used for the preparation of a porridge or for producing ferments, while the Chenopodium seeds were boiled or employed in bread making (Carciumaru 1996: 172). Gh. Bichir (1962b: 108) and, subsequently, M. PetrescuDimbovita ( 1974: 278) shared the opinion that the main activity of the EBA communities of Transylvania, especially those of the Schneckenberg Culture, was stock-breeding, while plant cultivation was specific to those in Muntenia. But, as shown also by J. Machnik (1985: 42; 1991: 31), no conclusion as to the weight of each agricultural branch could be drawn from the frequency of the specific implements (sickles, little hoes and grinders) .

332

18.4.5. Pottery.: producing We would briefly review the main pottery types made by the communities of the various cultural manifestations during the Romanian EBA. The Zabala Culture had the following vessel shapes: the oval or pyriform amphora, that had high body, cylindrical neck and two tube handles on the belly (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 27 and pl. XXX/6, XXXIl/10); the receptacle with a cylindrical neck and bulging body, with two flattened handles on the shoulder (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 28 and pl. IV/2; XXXIl/16); bowls with articulated shoulder and Trichterrand (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 28 and pl. VIIl/3; X/2-3; XIl/2-5; :XXI/4; XXXIl/1-5) ; mugs with one handle starting from the rim (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 28 and pl. IX/5; XXXIl/17); globular receptacles (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 28 and pl. XXIll/6; XXXIl/15); askoi (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 29 and pl. XII; :XXl/ 1; :XXII/1-5; XXIII/1; XXXIl/18-20); dishes with a semi-spherical body and Trichterrand (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 29 and pl. XX/1-5: XXl/5-6 ; XXV/2, 6; XXVl/1-3, 5; :XXII/6-9). Analogies could be found for all these shapes during the transitional period to the Bronze Age (Cemavoda III, Cemavoda 11-Folte~tiII, Cotofeni), but also in the EBA, namely in the Zimnicea, Schneckenberg and Glina aspects. The decoration conceived by incisions (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 29) and the relief one (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 30) had correspondences with Baden, Cotofeni, Cemavoda II, Zimnicea, Schneckenberg, Glina, Jigodin, Livezile, Bogdane~ti etc. manifestations. The ceramics of the Glina Culture were different (Schuster 1997a: 60 sq.), comprising: sack-shaped vessels (Schuster 1997a: 60-61 and fig. 99/3; 103/3; 106/2; 107/6; 109/1; 114/ 4 etc.); jars (Schuster 1997a: 61 and fig. 65/1-2; 88/3, 5-6; 76/4; 92/10-11; 99/4; 104/1-2; 105/2; 106/1 etc.); vessels shaped in form of flower pots (Schuster 1997a: 61-62 and fig. 56/4-5; 99/2; 89/3; 92/8; 96/4; 99/1; 103/6 etc.); globular vessels of various types (Schuster 1997a: 62 and fig. 56/2-3; 66/ 1-3; 95/3; 97/ 1; 105/ 1, 3; 111/6; 112/1, 3-4; 113/2 etc.); bitruncated vessels (Schuster 1997a: 62); amphorae (Schuster 1997a: 62-63 and fig.. 60/3; 118/3; 118/3; 121/ 1-2; 127/4; 130/4, 6 etc.); three variants of bowls (Schuster 1997a: 63-64 and fig. 59/3; 76/5; 90/2;91/1-2, 45; 93/2; 97/4; 100/3; 113/6 etc.); dishes (Schuster 1997a: 64 and fig. 64/2; 73/5; 75/1; 76/2; 77/1; 143/4, 9); askoi (Schuster 1997a: 64-65 and fig. 60/2); mugs (Schuster 1997a: 65 and fig. 60/4; 64/3; 76/ 1; 127/1-2; 129/ 1-3, 5-6);

Economic life

beakers (Schuster 1997a: 65 and fig. 57/1, 3, 5-9; 58/2-4, 6; 73/1-2; 89/1-6; 97/7); cups (Schuster 1997a: 65-66 and fig. 58/7-8; 89/7); plates (Schuster 1997a: 66 and fig. 92/1-2); pots with wide opened mouth (Schuster 1997a: 66); strainers (Schuster 1997a: 66 and fig. 83/4); miniature vessels (Schuster 1997a: 66 and fig. 83/1-3) and lids (Schuster 1997a: 62). Analogies could be established with Neolithic contexts (Salcuta), contexts of the transitional period (Cemavoda III, Cemavoda 11-Folte~tiII, Cotofeni) and of the EBA (Zimnicea, Schneckenberg, Odaia Turcului, Livezile, Copaceni, Soimu~, Jigodin, lemut , Monteoru, Zoltan). Analogies with more distant cultural areas have also been noticed: Gorodsk, Ro~ia, Periam-Pecica, Mako, Vinkovci, Somogyvar and Nagyrev. Part of the Glina vessels have been decorated by incision relief, piercing and they also had analogies with other manifestations: Cemavoda III, Cernavoda II, Cotofeni, Schneckenberg, Livezile, Copaceni, Soimu~, J igodin and Vucedol. Prox (1941) and Zs. Szekely (1997a: 45 sq.) would show that amphorae, askoi, footed cups, dishes, cups etc. were present in the Schneckenberg Culture, and together with their decoration (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 4 7-48) they had correspondences to various cultural aspects, such as: Cernavoda II , Zabala, Zimnicea, Glina and Livezile. The Livezile group (Ciugudean 1996: 82 sq.) included the following pottery types: dishes (Ciugudean 1996: 82-83 and fig. 5/3-5; 4/4-5 ; 61; 7/8; 10/2-4; 11/2, 4; 12/4; 13/3, 9 etc.); bowls (Ciugudean 1996: 83-84 and fig. 4/6; 11/612/ 1-3, 5); cups (Ciugudean 1996: 84-85 and fig. 4/1 ; 14/6; 21/1-2 ; 22/1023/1, 3, 7-10 etc. ); mugs (Ciugudean 1996: 85 and fig. 14/7, 9; 20/4) ; beakers (Ciugudean 1996: 85-86 and fig. 14/4; 15/4; 16/4 , 6-7; 21/9; 23/4-5; 31/2; 37/4 etc.); amphorae (Ciugudean 1996: 86 and fig. 8/2, 6; 15/5; 21/ 12; 31/7; 37/12-13; 38/1 l);jars (Ciugudean 1996: 86-87 and fig. 4/2; 8/1; 23/2; 37/10 ; 41/7) ; vessels with globular body (Ciugudean 1996: 87 and fig. 8/7; 9/2; 16/8-9); Hangegefasse (Ciugudean 1996: 87 and fig. 20/2) and footed cups (Ciugudean 1996: 87 and fig. 17/6). These types have analogies with pottery of both Romania (Cemavoda III, Cemavoda II, Folte~ti II, Cotofeni, Zimnicea, Zabala, Schneckenberg, Glina, Jigodin and Ro~ia) and other regions (Baden, Cham, Nodling-Zoding/Jevisovice B, Mako and Vucedol). The decoration didn't differ too much from other ornaments specific to the EBA ceramics in Romania and in the neighboring areas (Ciugudean 1996: 88 sq.). The receptacles of Copaceni type were also interesting finds (Ciugudean 1996: 97 sq.). They comprised a large variety of: dishes (Ciugudean 1996: 98 and fig. 49/6; 50/ 1-3; 51/6; 52/2, 5-6; 53/4. 14; 54/ 4, 8); bowls (Ciugudean 1996: 98 and fig. 49/9; 52/15); cups (Ciugudean 1996: 98 and fig. 49/3; 51/8) mugs (Ciugudean 1996: 98 and fig. 50/4; 55/8); beakers (Ciugudean 1996: "98 and fig. 51/7); amphorae (Ciugudean 1996: 98 and fig. 49/l) ; jars (Ciugudean 1996: 98 and fig. 59/ 6, 9); sack-shaped vessels (Ciugudean 1996:

98 and fig. 50/8, 10; 51/9; 52/13) and Hangegefasse (Ciugudean 1996: 98 and fig. 48/8) . The decoration of these finds was rather poor (Ciugudean 1997: 98-99). In the $oimu~ group pottery production included: dishes (Andritoiu 1992: 22 and pl. l 1/A/1-14; Ciugudean 1996: 102-103 and fig. 57/3; 57/5; 59/9; 60/1-2, 6; 61/1-4, 6, 8 etc.) ; bowls (Andritoiu 1992: 22 and pl. 11/8/20-21 ; Ciugudean 1996: 103 and fig. 65/7); cups (Andritoiu 1992: 22-23 and pl. l l/C/15-16; Ciugudean 1996: 103-104 and fig. 59/2; 64/ 3-4, 6; 65/5; 74/22, 25); mugs (Andritoiu 1992: 23 and pl. 11/D/l 7; Ciugudean 1996: 104 and fig. 64/1-2) ; vessels with wide opened mouth (Andritoiu 1992: 23 and pl. 11/ E/18); amphorae (Andritoiu 1992: 23 and pl. l l/F/19; Ciugudean 1996: 104 and fig. 58/8, 65/1-3 ; 73/17) ; beakers (Andritoiu 1992: 23 and pl. l l /G/22; Ciugudean 1996: 104 and fig. 74/20; 79/9); vessels with bulging body (Andritoiu 1992: 23 and pl. l l/I/28-30); sack-shaped vessels (Andritoiu 1992: 23 and pl. l l/J/31-33 ; Ciugudean 1996:105 and fig. 67/1, 4; 68/1, 4; 69/1, 4; 70/1-2; 73/6, 9; 74/ 1, 3, 6, 8-10, 12-13, 15); jars (Ciugudean 1996: 105 and fig. 63/3); askoi (Ciugudean 1996: 105 and fig. 63/1) and small plates (Andritoiu 1992: 23 and pl. l l/k/34). Similarities have been found in the Cotofeni, Zimnicea, Glina, Schneckenberg, Jigodin, Odaia Turcului, Monteoru IC4, Mako, Mure~, Vinkovci, Somogyvar, Nagyrev , Macedonian and Aegean-Anatolian EBA and Cetina complexes. As regards decoration, correspondences should also be searched in the already mentioned zones (Andritoiu 1992: 23-24: Ciugudean 1996: 105-107). Even if the research in the eponymous settlement of the Odaia Turcului group is still in progress, we could state that, up to now, pots of big dimensions, amphorae, bowls, dishes, mugs, beakers and cups have been unearthed (Tudor 1982: 67 sq; Schuster 1997a: 121-122). These artifacts, as well as their decoration, had analogies in the Baden, Folte~ti, Glina, Monteoru IC4, Naeni-Schneckenberg manifestations (Tudor 1982b; Schuster 1997a: 123-124). To the NaeniSchneckenberg group belonged other pieces of pottery, namely: jars (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981; 173 and fig. 3/ 1-5, 8); amphorae (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 173 and fig. 4); askoi (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 173 and fig. 3/6, 9, 17); mugs (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 179 and fig. 3/7, 10, 12); cups (VuJpe and Drambocianu 1981: 178 and fig. 3/14), but also vessels with bulging body (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 176). According to Vulpe, the decoration differed from that of Glina and Schneckenberg, especially due to the absence of knobbed-holes (Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 175). Big pots (Gogaltan 1993: 52 and pl. 1/2-3), medium ones (Gogaltan 1993: 52 and pl. 2/2-4), plates (Gogaltan 1993: 52 and pl. 4/ 1), bowls and dishes (Gogaltan 1993: 52 and pl. 5/ 1-2, 4; 6/ 1, 3-4; 7/ 1-4) were typical of the various local appearances of the Besenstrich and Textilmuster horizon the Foeni settlement represents a good example of this situation. At Zoltan they found instead bowls (Cavruc 1997: 98 and fig. 7/ 1-4; 10/ 1-3; pl. 1/10), sack-shaped vessels (Cavruc 1997: 98 and fig. 3/ 1; 8/ 1-3; pi. 1/8), pot-bellied vessels (Cavruc 1997: 98 and fig. 9/5, 7; pl. 1/11), dishes (Cavruc 333

Chapter 18 Early Bronze cultural pattern in Romania

1997: 98 and fig. 9/6), colanders (Cavruc 1997: fig. 9/2-3) , vessels with wide opened mouth (fig. 8/4), with growing narrow upper part (fig. 8/7; pl. 1/1) and with cylindrical or truncated upper part (Cavruc 1997 : fig. 10/6-7; 8/8; pl. 1/1).

18.4.6. Burnt clay objects This kind of objects did not occupy an important position in the cultural milieu of the EBA in Romania. Most of them were spindle-whorls - Zabala (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 32 and pl. XXVIl/4: XXVIIl/9), Glina (Schuster 1997a: 75-76 and fig. 45/1-2, 5; 47/1-6 etc.), Schneckenberg (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 48 and pl. XLVIl/2; XLVIIl/1 , 3), Soimu~ (Andritoiu 1992: 24 and pl. 10/9, 14, 17, 26, 31), Odaia Turcului (Schuster 1997a: 120 and fig. 41/4 ; 42/2); miniature wagon wheels Glina (Schuster 1997a: 76 and fig. 46/1 , 4), Soimu~ (Andritoiu 1992: 24 and pl. 10/21, 30), Zoltan (Cavruc 1997: fig. 5/ l ); - miniature wagon containers (Schuster 1997a: 76), weights (Schuster 1997a: 77 and fig. 42/5; 43/ 13; 46/2-3 ; 51/2), beads (Schuster 1997a: 77 and fig. 45/3 -4; 49/1) , spoons (Schuster 1997a: 77-78 and fig. 44/1; 42/2; 44/1) , miniature axes (Prox 1941 : pl. XII/1-9 ; Roman , Dodd-Opritescu , Janos 1992: pl. 6/30 ; 136/ 16-18; 147; 9 ; Schuster 1997a: 78 and fig. 44/2; 54/2-4); Ciugudean 1996: 137; Cavruc 1997: fig. 5/3, 5, 7), anthropomorphic and zoomorphic statuettes (Cavruc 1997: fig. 5/2).

18.4. 7. Flint objects Stone tools were produced (Paunescu 1970: 70).

out of

"Prebalkan" flint

The instruments found are the following: arrow points (Paunescu 1970: 70, 205 and fig. 42/8; Roman, DoddOpritescu, Janos 1992: 156-157 and pl. Vl/1-6; 76: 3-5 ; 77/1-5; Ciugudean 1996: 107 and fig. 71/6; Schuster 1997a: 51), saws (Schuster 1997a: 50 and fig. 31/4) , gratoirs (Schuster 1997a: 50 and fig. 29/3; 31/5; 32/7) , racloirs (Schuster 1997a: 50 and fig. 29/6), curved knives (Schuster 1997a: 50), blades (Schuster 1997a: 50 and figs. 29/ l ; 30/3-4 , 6; 31/3) and small chisels (Schuster 1997a: 51 and fig. 30/1).

18.4.8. Polished stone objects The leading position in this class is occupied by axes with various socket types (Prox 1941: pl. 1/8; Ha~otti 1985: figs. 5, 7); Ciugudean 1996: figs. 18/19-21: 21/4 , 6; 37/9, 11; 42/7; 71/5 , 9; 76/19 ; Schuster 1997a: 52 and figs. 33; 34; 35). There are also curved knives (Krummmesser) (Schroller 1933: 65 and pl. 53/4-5, 8-12; Prox 1941: pl. 29/1-6, 8; Bichir 1961: 356 and fig. 7/8; Vulpe and Drambocianu 1981: 175 and fig. 9/9-10 ; Andritoiu 1989: 48 and fig. VIII/12 , 17; Andritoiu 1992: 25 and pl. 10/12, 17: Ciugudean 1996: 108 and figs. 7111-2; 74/29; Schuster 1997a: 53 and fig. 34/5 ; Zs. Szekely I 997a: 49 and pl. XXXVI/1 ; XLV/5-6), scepter-maces (Schuster 1997a: 53 ; Zs. Szekely 1997a: 49 and pl. XLVIII/4) , ha!Ilffiers, chisels , grinders and amulets (Schuster 1997a: 51-53 and fig. 32/1; 42/3-4).

334

18.4.9. Bone, horn and tooth (fang) objects This kind of pieces were generally barely represented among the EBA materials in Romania. Among the artifacts belonging to the Glina Culture one could mention pins, awls, little chisels , daggers , arm shields, arrow points , adornments , hammers, axes and hoes of small dimensions (Schuster 1997a: 55-56 and fig. 36). As to the Livezile group (Ciugudean 1996: 92 and figs. 17/ 12; 19/1-20 ; 20/3 ; 38/7 ; 42/9 , 11) awls, small chisels , spatulae and various adornments have been published. The Copaceni Group bearers had awls and some pieces of adornment (Ciugudean 1996: 100 and fig. 52/ l, 3, 7, 14, 16), the Soimu~ communities used the bone for making razors and chisels (Ciugudean 1988: fig. 4/1, 3; Ciugudean 1996: fig. 79/18) while those of Schneckenberg type (Prox 1941: pl. XXXI/12, 6-8; 100/3; XXXIl/1-2; 5-6) employed it for manufacturing awls , polishers , daggers and buckles .

18.4.10. Metal objects We won't insist too much upon this topic ; this will be completed by our colleague , L. Nikolova. We want to stress here that the mentioned activity varied from one geographic region to another , being probably conditioned by the existence of raw material sources. The Glina communities , for example, used, among others, flat axes , Randleistenbeile, Veselinovo, Corbeasca, Baniabic, Dumbravioara type axes , daggers , knives , pins, awls , tweezers and adornments (Berciu 1939: 101 sq.; Vulpe 1975: 29-32, 35-37; Schuster 1997a: 110-141 and figs. 37/ 1-4; 38/1-4;); The Schneckenberg tribes used flat axes, Randleistenbei/e , crossed-arms axes; chisels , piercers , axes with transversal socket (of Dumbravioara, Padureni type), daggers, spear points , pins or bracelets (Zs. Szekely 1997a: 64 sq.). Various adornments (spectacle-shaped pendants , bracelets , saltaleoni , hair pins, ear rings or lock rings), weapons (flat axes , Randleistenbei/e, of Baniabic , Corbeasca , Dumbravioara, Patulele daggers type) and tools (sickles) (Ciugudean 1996: 1/9 sq.) were characteristic of the EBA - namely the Livezile, Copaceni, Iemut and Soimu~ manifestations - in South-Western and Central Transylvania . All the artifacts just mentioned have been made of copper and, rarely , of bronze. Objects made of rare metals - rings , lock rings (Ciugudean 1996: 127-128) and ear rings · (Ciugudean 1996: 128) - have occasionally been found too.

18.4.11. Other occupations Part of the items produced by the various communities of the EBA could be considered as destined to trade. The development of commerce implied the existence of some centers of production , unfortunately not yet identified . This conclusion does not exclude occasional exchanges on more restrained or wider areas. Even if we admit, for example , that the metal pieces had been produced by the Glina com-

Economi c life

munities themselves , the raw materials had to be brought, most probably , from Transylvania. Another item intensively exploited for further trading was salt.

been practiced both by land, with wagons, and by water, along certain inner rivers of Romania (Olt, Mure~, Arge~) as well as on the Danube (Schuster 1997a: 146).

The transport of the various raw materials had probably

335

Chapter 19

Cultural Interactions

In this chapter the main tendencies of the culture processes will be defined in the context of the problems of the interactions and migrations. The method point followed below is a complex of archaeological evidence to be argued for any hypothesis concerning interactions. Special point is the possibilities of multi-aspect interpretation of the ceramic changes and ceramic similarities. The last will be discussed more theoretically as far as the main record, the pottery, was analyzed in more details in the chronological chapters. On the whole, an interaction theory will be asserted, according to which the culture interactions were a primary factor for the cultural developments during the Fourth and Third Millennia in the Balkans. The ceramic styles and the burial rites represent the primary archaeological background for the analysis, as well as the metal fmds. The explanation of the similarity between the distinct elements of the different cultures is a subject of many discussions in the modem research, and the different defined models in my research (Nikolova 1991, 1994a; jig. 19.3) help in the interpretations. A question of an explanation of ceramic style changes occurs in course of the interpretation of LC - FC I, FC I - FC II, EB I - EBII, EB 11-EBIIIand EB III-MB transitions. The other research task of primary importance is the nature of the pastoral structures in the Balkans in light of the later prehistoric Balkan evidence.

19.1 Final Copper Age: Transformations and innovations Final Copper Age in the Balkans is one of the prehistoric periods of the most dynamic culture development - a result of transformations, integration, social conflicts and innovations. The absence of Final Copper archaeological evidence from tells in eastern Bulgarian Thrace arises different explanations. Firstly, in the context of the discovered scepters there, it can be assumed that this area was one of the first regions destroyed by the steppe tribes. The arguments for this thesis are the discovered scepters at Drama and Ruzhevo (the Maritsa basin [Govedarica and Kaiser 1996]) and mainly the chronological possibility these scepters to have being synchronous with the end of Karanovo VI - Gumelnita - Varna complex. But the upper chronological border of the distribution of the scepters in the Balkans is earlier Fourth Millennium BC corresponding to the Salcuta - Telish culture based on the evidence from ~elish IV and Salcuta IV.

Having in mind the data on climatic deterioration, a second postulation about eastern Bulgarian Thrace occurs, namely about economic changes from agricultural-stockbreeding towards pastoral mobile and semi-mobile structures. The last economy had characterized the Final Copper II in all the micro-regions of the Balkans. Recently, the evidence from the Yunatsite tell infers that the social conflicts characterized the Old European cultures, as well (chapter 16). In the last case an inner conflict of Karanovo VI culture population or between Karanovo VI and KSB complex can be assumed during FC I. Less probable is a conflict between the Karanovo VI and the Salcuta - Telish cultures to be hypothesized, at the beginning of the Final Copper II. Based on the comparative data, the Cemavoda I culture occurred in later Final Copper I in the eastern Lower Danube basin (chapter 7). To a great surprise, contact data between this culture and the other regions in the Balkans exist from three distant micro-regions - the Ostrovul Corbului cemetery in the western Lower Danube, Sozopol site in the southern Bulgarian Black Sea and the Yagodina cave in the central Rodopi Mountains. In the case of Ostrovul Corbului, the Cemavoda I affinity of some pottery can be explained by contacts between stockbreeders and even ethnical interactions especially by exogamy marriage law, but the fashion of channeling is very close to the Gumelnita culture. The contacts were one of the ways the Krivodol- Salcuta-Bubanj population to be introduced to the functional pottery of semi-mobile population, which began to predominate in Final Copper II in the Balkans. In the case of the Yagodina group, a tradition of graphiteornamented cultures was followed based on innovations in the ceramic style toward smaller personal vessels. The spheroid shapes began to predominate - exactly like in the northeastern Balkans. This similarity assumes the presence of long-distance contacts of the Rhodope population and exchange of ideas in the pottery production. The Black Sea community from the Burgas District occurs as a possible mediator between the northeastern and southern Balkans, but direct seasonal movements of the Rhodope population are to be also assumed. Why did gradually the luxurious pottery disappear in the Balkans, as well as new morphological standards occur? It is not possible to give a synonymous answer to this question. One explanation was given by the idea that the economic change toward mobile and semi-mobile structures required more functional pottery, while the luxurious pottery is con-

337

Chapter 19 Cultural interactions

nected with sedentary close int~rrelated communities. The morphological changes of the fine pottery can be due to the structural changes of the households towards smaller families. Additional reason is a possible increased role of the milk in the diet of different populations followed by popularity of the spherical cups with one handle. The reducing of the supply of clay of high quality can be also assumed, as well as the indirect influence of the climatic deterioration on those resources. So, the FC 1-11ceramic changes in the Balkans seem to have being a complex process mainly of inner transformations, in which contacts between the different populations were of primary importance for the stability of the social structures including culture unification in several macro-regions. There was no migration of vast groups of populations in the Balkans. Recently, there is no record supporting a possible foreign origin of the Cernavoda I culture.

It can be distinguished several tendencies of leading culture contacts during FC 1-11in the Balkans: Contacts between the Qld European cultures in the central Balkans and the Danube basin during Final Copper I; Contacts between the southern Middle Danube and northern Middle Danube during Final Copper 1-ll; Contacts between mobile pastoral and semi - pastoral FC 1-11cultures in the different micro-regions of the Balkans.

19.1.1. The Old European cultures in the central Balkans and the Danube basin The influence of Salcuta- Krivodol-Bubanj complex in western Bulgarian Thrace is evident by the pottery, including the distribution of the kantharoi vessels. The last were discovered on the latest Karanovo VI settlement ( s) on the Yunatsite tell. In the Olt basin, the culture change from the Gumelnita ceramic style to Salcuta ceramic style characterizes the northern Balkan development. At Dragane~ti tell, the layer of the Gumelnita culture was followed by late Krivodol culture. One explanation strategy of these changes assumes the decreasing of the Gumelnita and the Karanovo VI culture centers and the orientation of the peripheral micro-regions (the upper Maritsa valley and the Olt valley) towards the neighbor Salcuta- Krivodol - Bubanj complex. The other possible explanation assumes a population movement towards the western periphery of Gumelnita-Karanovo complex when the last was in a period of a graduate decreasing. The social tragedy documented at Y unatsite where numerous killed people were discovered may confirm probably the second assumption, having in mind that Karanovo VI culture continued in the upper Maritsa valley longer than in eastern upper Thrace. The social stagnation is also evident by the decreasing of the ceramic style of KSB complex (Ostrovul Corbului and the 338

Devetaki cave, Skodrino Polje , Krivelj) , where only a few elements left from the sumptuous graphite ornamented pottery. So, in contrast to the interactions from previous stages of KSBC, which stimulated the flourishing of that complex, the FC I social environment infers a tendency towards more unsophisticated style of life in context of the climatic deterioration and social conflict and crisis. However, the typological parallels from neighbor regions - with similar process the transformations - indicate that the decline of the economic and settlement pattern "does not necessarily imply a regression in complexity" (Baxevani 1995: 86).

19.1.2 In interactions in the Middle Danube basin For the time being, it is not clear the character of some culture changes in the Middle Danube basin during later Balkan prehistory. As far as the Final Copper Age concerns, the change from the Tiszapolgar ceramic style to the Bodrogkereszrur ceramic style reflects a northern Middle Danube influence. The last can be explained by the fact that during Final Copper Age the southern Middle Danube became for a long time (until the earlier Early Bronze II) an integrative part of the Middle Danube culture system. The center of Bodrogkeresztur culture probably was in the eastern Tisza and from there the ceramic pattern was distributed to the south and the southeast. This reflected in the unification of the culture in the eastern Tisza basin favored by the mobile and semi-mobile structure of the bearers of the Tiszapolgar and the Bodrogkereszrur cultures. Probably they were traders of metal finds and distributors of the Jaszladany axes from the west to the east and the southeast. B. Brukner (I 976: 29) sees also overpopulation as a possible reason for moving of Bodrogkeresztur culture towards south in western Serbia from middle Syrmia. But there is no evidence of many sites of that culture in northern Yugoslavia, as well as there is no reason to explain every change of ceramic style as an evidence of ethnic changes. After the Bodrogkereszrur culture, the Hunyadihalom Vajska culture, which followed the former culture in Backa and Syrmia, continued to connect culturally southern and northern Middle Danube. The gold objects from the Vajska cemetery , which followed the traditions of the Late Copper Age probably was an import in this micro-region. The problem of genesis of the Vajska-Hunyadihalom group occurs applying the interaction theory. The contacts in a vast region - from Baalberg in Moravia to Salcuta-Telish culture - includes ellipsoid applications , despite of the morphological diversity.

It was in 1930-ties when the rescue excavations of Gy. Torok on the Hunyadihalom site discovered a new culture for Hungary. Fragments from vessels with disk-like handles (Torok 1935:plate 28:1-8) was attributed in this time to develop Bronze Age in the Tisza basin. During the following decades , several sites were discovered from this type not only in Hungary, but also in northwestern Yugoslavia. The definition of Hunyadihalom - Vajska culture was argued.

Final Copper: Transformations and innovations

The fact that in the Middle Danube there are no preceding cultures, which can be genetically connected with the Hunyadihalom- Vajska culture, arouses a hypothesis about its origin in the Lower Danube. I. Bogmir-Kutzian assumed interrelation between applications on the ceramic vessels and metal vessel. No arguments appeared in the next decades for this hypothesis. At the same time, evidence of similar pottery from western Lower Danube emerged. In the light of that data, B. Brukner (1976), N. Kalicz (1992) and other researchers continued to believe that the movement of population from West Lower Danube toward middle Danube are precondition for _the origin of the Hunyadihalom - Vajska culture. In my opinion, there are no reasons to assume that the Salcuta - Telish culture and Baile Herculane group began before the Hunyadihalom - Vajska culture in earlier Final Copper II. It can be assume a synchronous process of a rapid distribution of common elements in different ceramic style in the northwestern Balkans included the discussed plastic application. The last appears in later Bodrogkeresztur, but that type is represented on the cemetery of Ostrovul Corbului very rare. So, in the western Lower Danube basin the Disk-handled vessels horizon followed the Bodrogkeresztur culture. The settlement data infer dynamic structure during Final Copper 1-11 in the western Lower Danube and southern Panonia. Then, it can be assumed there were some centers of genesis of the ceramic styles from the Disk-handled vessels horizon formed by populations , which more quickly generated a new ceramic style - for the purposes of more dynamic semi-mobile economy in a context of unfavorable climatic conditions. Possible centers were the caves - Baile Herculane, Zlotska Pecina and Magura give examples for innovative ceramic styles. It is clear, that in sites like Telish and Galatin the population grounded there the Final Copper II sites came after a chronological hiatus. In this case of special importance is the evidence from the · Devetaki cave where later that Telish 3 phase of SKB complex exists. In the light of recent evidence, the culture change from KSBC to Salcuta-Telish culture does not look as a drastic change of the ceramic style. The Salcuta III phase (KSBC D in this study) is exactly the interrelated phase between both cultures.

In case of climatic deterioration the caves gave a better preconditions for life especially during the winter. On the other hand, the fact that the new similar styles were distributed rapidly on vast territory infers that dynamic interactions existed between different mobile stockbreeding and semimobile stockbreeding-agricultural groups. In the Final Copper II the Tisza basin became a border between the Lower Danube traditions and the Middle Danube, respectively between the Baile Herculane group and the Hunyadihalom- Vajska culture. So, despite of interactions, bigger population groups were organized following, along with fashion pottery, specific standards in their ceramic styles.

19.1.3. The scepters and the Balkans The scepters appear in the Balkans in three kinds of contexts: Accidental finds; Grave good; Settlement context (Govedarica and Kaiser 1996); The accidental finds from eastern Bulgarian Thrace probably originated from graves, as B. Govedarica had found traces of ochre over one of the scepters. They correspond to a find from Northeastern Bulgaria where an inhumation in crouched position on back was documented as a single grave , along with a scepter. There are no evidence about direct contacts between the scepter ' s people and local population in the eastern Balkans, so a limited penetration from northwestern Black Sea can be assumed based on these single data. For the time being, it is not clear whether the scepters in the northeast Balkans are related to the Cernavoda I culture or their belong to the so-called Suvorovo group from the Northern Black Sea. The situation in the western Lower Danube and Pelagonia is different. The scepter from Telish originates from a settlement, as well as probably that of Salcuta and Suplevac. It could be assumed social contacts between the mobile stockbreeding population from the northeast and that of the Salcuta - Telish culture, or the scepters became a popular social symbol in the FC Balkans - see chapter 7. In the case of Suplevac, the presence of corded ware along with the scepter and the ceramic change, probably infers a long-distant contacts with the population from the eastern Lower Danube during FC II. But on the other hand, the idols indicate contact with the South. So, in the light of recent evidence the multi-aspect culture transformation and evolution characterized the Final Copper I-II based of the decreasing of some cultures, social conflicts, trades and culture interactions . As far as the scepters concerns , the recent systematized evidence infers they were more popular social symbols in the western Circum-Pontic . We can conclude - based on that evidence - they characterize an ideology of mobile population but they are not ethnical differentiating items.

19.1.4. Contacts between the Balkan mobile and semi-sedentary communities during FC I-

II In the light of the Ostrovul Corbului cemetery data, the coexistence of graves with the latest Salcuta and Cernavoda I pottery infers regular contacts between mobile and semimobile groups, in the period of transformation of Krivodol- · Salcuta- Bubanj complex onwards . The first clear evidence of Cernavoda I culture in the western Lower Danube basin dates to the period of the latest Salcuta culture. The other direction of contacts was with the south. On the 339

Chapter 19 Cultural interactions

one hand, the steppe mobile pppulation tried to penetrate into eastern Thrace, but it was the Early Bronze 1-11periods when the steppe nomads more permanently occupied some micro-regions there (the Pit Grave Culture). But the process was bi-directional. It can be argued - in the light of the Yagodina cave evidence - that this local population after some innovations, trying to combine the new ceramic style with the Old European technology (Yagodina I group), later adopted entirely the new Balkan ceramic style. On the other hand, it created a variant with emblematic one and twohandled spheroid vessels. The problem is complicated, because some of the shapes - especially the wide mouthed spheroid vessels were popular in the western Lower Danube or Struma valley as well. The evidence for metal items daggers - with parallels in the northern Balkans makes stronger the thesis of dynamic culture interactions between different mobile and semi-mobile groups in the Balkans.

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The FC II Salcuta - Telish culture ceramic style parallels with the Cemavoda I culture ceramic style. The common plain pottery S-profiled, jars with disk-like handles, vessels with high handle and incised ornamentation shared both cultures ( chapter 6). The absence of ellipsoid applications at the end of handles from the Cemavoda I pottery distinguishes both ceramic styles. Only at Oltenita-Renie I was discovered a fragment possibly similar with that kind of application, which infers neighbor culture contacts in the border zone between the Cemavod; I and Salcuµi- Telish culture in the northern Lower Danube basin. At the same time, it was argued in chapter 6 that the Salcuta - Telish culture ceramic style is very close to Baile Herculane and Vajska - Hunyadihalom cultures ceramic styles. The common element was very popular there - the ellipsoid application at the lower end of the handles, which distribution included also Central Europe , as well as Hissar micro-region in Metohia. This fact can be explained by intensive contact between mobile and semi-mobile groups in the western Balkans in course of which the special ceramic fashion was distributed. The last probably appeared in central Europe. But not in the lower' Danube basin. To the south , Salcuta - Telish elements .in the pottery emerged in the upper and middle Struma valley. Vaksevo and Kolarovo 2 sites reveal parallels in the pottery . The pottery from the Yagodina site corresponds both to the SalcutaTelish culture , as well as to the Cernavoda I culture ceramic styles. The apses houses architecture was more popular in the EBA, but recently apses houses have been documented on the newly investigated Telish 4 settlement , which is dated c. 3800 BC. The published by the excavator V. Gergov house (1996: fig. 1;Jig. 19.1) is rectangular and apses is on the one of the shot walls. For the time being , it is the earliest 340

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Figure 19.1. The earliest apses-house in the Balkans. FC II Telish 4. Reference: Gergov 1996

known such a building in the Balkans. A parallel of this house originated from the Dereivka settlement of the Sreden Stog culture (Telegin 1973: fig. 15). In combination with the discovered at Telish 4 scepters (Govedarica and Kaiser 1996: fig. 17:2) and the pottery with parallels at the Cemavoda I culture, the apses house can be an argument for a steppe origin of the population of Telish 4. It is even possible to assume a steppe origin of the entire Salcuta - Telish culture. An additional arguments can be the scepter from Salcuta, the absence of a continuity in the pottery style between the Salcuta - Krivodol - Bubanj and the Salcuta - Telish culture , as well as a possible diffusion of the ceramic style of Salcuta - Krivodol to the west. But the apses houses appeared already in the late Copper Age in the Lengyel culture in Central Europe. They are discovered also in continental Greece in Rachmani settlement from the Final Copper Age. Therefore, the comparative analyses , as well as the possible connection of the apses houses with pastoral way of life contradict the ethnical interrelation of the architecture of the apses-houses.

19.1.5. The contacts with neighbor cultures The similarity of the western Central Balkans with the Rachmani culture from Thessaly includes headless idols. On the other hand , the Balkan style of the graphite painted pottery can be argued from the earlier stage of that culture. To the south , the possible contact data are to be extended to the Kephala culture (idols). There are some elements of the Rachmani pottery comparable with later Bodrogkeresztur culture and Scheibenhenkel horizon (Raczky 1988).

Early Bronze I: Interactions and cultural integration

The Anatolian cultures were in close interactions with the Balkans from Early Neolithic (Nikolov 1998b with ref.; Nikolova 1998) and even earlier. However, beginning with the Final Copper, a graduate integration between both regions could be argued. The FC evidence is still limited. For example, at Ikiz Tepe idols (Alkim et al. 1988) with some parallels in the KGV complex have been documented. That similarity may indicate direct sea contacts, but it could be assumed that possible Balkan population migrated in that area in the critical for the Balkans FC I period as well. The second expressive instance is that of Ilipinar cemetery where the metal finds are comparable with the FC metal production in the Balkans (Begemann et al. 1994). On the other hand , the close similarity between Ilipinar (Roodenberg et al. 1989-1990) and Tilkiburnu (Ozdogan 1982) indicates the southeastern areas of European Turkey were in close interrelation with northwestern Anatolia. It can be assumed the tendency of transformation and newly unification of the ceramic styles in the Final Copper Balkans reflects other similar structures. The economic - mobile and semi-sedentary bases - are to be assumed based on the missing of long-term settlements and on the new pottery style . The similar social structure also seems thinkable because of the absence of difference in the settlement pattern. At the same time, some hierarchy argues the graves from Vajska where golden items were discovered - similar to the Varna cemetery and Late Copper in the Tisza basin.

19.2 Early Bronze I: Interactions and cultural integration A Balkan culture system develop in the Early Bronze I consisted of different cultures with dynamic interactions between. The background was the Final Copper II integrated cultures, but the intensive contacts were of special importance for development of EB I system. For the time being , only in the eastern lower Danube is documented a cultural continuity between FC II and EB I - Cernavoda I - Cernavoda Ill transition.

19.2.1. The northern Balkan interactions During the Final Copper II ~o different cultures characterized the Lower Danube. The first was that of the Cernavoda I - Folte~ti culture complex from the eastern Lower Danube and Moldavia and the second - that of Salcuta - Telish · Baile Herculane - Vajska - Hunyadihalom horizon in the western Lower Danube and the Middle Danube. At the beginning of Early Bronze , the integration processes were accelerated in the Lower Danube basin resulting in the unification of the ceramic style known as Cernavoda III Boleraz horizon. The last included also eastern Central Europe and diffused to the south - in the upper Strouma valley and in western Bulgarian Thrace. The common alder ornament appeared in the later stage of the Cernavoda Ill cul-

ture. N . Tasic (1983) has seen parallels of that ornament at Mihajlovka II and together with the arm-fold idols, it is his argwnent for a migration of the population from the northern Black Sea to the west and the southwest , which formed the Cernavoda III culture. But the problem looks complicated because: 1.

Recently , a continuity between the Cernavoda I and Cernavoda III culture is well represented in the Cernavoda - Hotnitsa-V odopada Oltenita-Renie II Koprivets sequence (Nikolova 1996a).

2.

Vajska - Hunyadihalom culture is replaced in the southern Middle Danube by the Baden I culture following the traditions of intensive interactions in the Middle Danube.

So, in both cases the ceramic change reflected a cultural evolution and seems to be not a result of a migration. Having in mind the interaction model, the unification of the ceramic style in the northern Balkans can be explained by the active culture contacts between the neighbor and distant semi-mobile and mobile communities. The dynamic change of the micro-demographic structure can be also asswned based on the evidence of the thin-level settlements. They indicate a frequently change of the habitations of the different pastoral households. Despite of the similarity , Cernavoda III culture and Baden I culture preserve some strong own diagnostic features. For example , the fashion of the typical of Baden culture geomorphic amphora vessels penetrated only in the peripheral contact zone between the Baden I and the Cernavoda III culture like the site of Brza Vrba. An the same time , a site like Mostonga represents only the typical features of late Baden I culture . During later Early Bronze I in the Lower Danube basin the cultural evolution resulted in the emergence of new regional cultures or groups in the Lower Danube basin - Cotofeni I culture and Orlea- Sadovets group. They reflect the increasing of the regionalism in the northern Balkans where Baden II-Ill developed in southern Middle Danube as a southern variant of the vast Baden complex. Baden ceramic elements were characteristic of the V elika Morava valley that infer cultural interaction between both micro-regions along the Danube River and Velika Morava River. At the same time , the cremation grave from Mokrin and of Sosari-Sac connect the burial rites from Banat and Drina valley with that of from northern Middle Danube - Hungary , Slovakia , etc. (Nikolova 1992b; 1993). In course of EB I contacts in the northern Balkans , the metal and metal finds ' trade were of special importance and especially that of daggers. Similar types of daggers occurred in the northern Balkans as a result of exchange or finds or technology (Hotnitsa - Vodopada , Durankulak , Vucedol , etc.).

341

Chapter 19 Cultural interactions

19.2.2. The interactions in the central Balkans The appearance of Boleraz type lids in the central Balkans (Radomir - Vakhovo, Gladnice) documented the contacts between the Pernik I group and Ostrikovac - Bubanj I group on the one hand, and later Boleraz , from the other hand. It can not be excluded that these lids belonged to ritual vessels and indicate social contacts of the ruling top of Boleraz in their attempt for a communication route towards the Aegean. The argument for this hypothesis is the fact that similar lids were discovered in continental Greece (Maran 1998; 1999). As a record of social contacts were interpreted the cups with high handle from Sitagroi IV and classical Baden (Renfrew 1986). A single example of this kind of cups occurred at the Dubene IIA settlement (fig. 19.2). It is with local ornamentation of pricked triangle motifs , but it can not be excluded that it was a ceremonial cup influenced by the Aegean ruling top fashion or made with respect to an Aegean visiting in the upper Suyama valley. The contact data between the Baden II-111and the Ostrikovac - Bubanj group I from the Velika Morava valley , as well as between the Sitagroi - Dikili Tash group I and the northwestern Balkans infer that the dynamic culture contacts had included vast regions in later Early Bronze I. The channel pottery distributed defines a communication line - Danube - V elika Moniva - Strouma - the Aegean , which probably was of great importance in the Early Bronze Balkans. It should be expected a trade contacts between these neighbor and distant cultures, with a possible final point in the northeastern Aegean (Poliochni and Thermi). At the same time, the new evidence from Yunatsite , Dubene-Sarovka and Karanovo VIIA poses a question about close interaction between Bulgarian Thrace cultures and the

· western central Balkans through the Sredna Gora Mountains passes. Similar channel pottery and other common ceramic elements shared the different cultures. So, the Maritsa - Topolnitsa - upper Strouma communication route, as well as the Maritsa - Suyama - the upper Strouma route could be also defined as communication lines of primary importance for the Early Bronze I development of the Balkans. In the light of the new evidence from Yunatsite 17-15, Dubene IIA and Karanovo VIIA , it is clear that the channel pottery was rather popular in EB I in Bulgarian Thrace. In my opinion , one of the possible directions of its distribution in EB I was the northeastern Aegean - the Balkans - central Europe. In the case of Yunatsite , the appearance of the channel pottery was explained with the Maritsa communication line, which connected easily western Bulgarian Thrace with the northeastern Aegean (Nikolova 1991). Similar pottery has been recently documented at Karanovo (Hiller and Nikolov 1998; chapter 8), integrating that micro-region with the other areas of distribution of the channel pottery and connecting closely the Balkans with the northeastern Aegean. So, new arguments in favor of the influence in direction southeast - northwest occurred. Despite of possible influence from Anatolia already in EB I, the fact that different Balkan micro-regions were involved in one and the same culture system infers the inner interactions were of primary importance for the development of the Early Bronze I culture system in the Balkans. But for the contacts in a direction north - south, the Stara Planina Mountain was a geographical barrier. For the time being, it can be accepted that mainly the Iskur River had connected culturally southern and northern Bulgaria , partially the upper Suyama valley with the Lower Danube , through the Zlatitsa-Pirdop and Sofia valleys. So, the western passes of the Sredna Gora Mountains were used for a culture trans-

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Figure 19.2. EB IB Dubene /IA cup o/Sitagroi IV type. Reference : Niko/ova 1995b

342

5-cm

Early Bronze II: Interactions and social prosperity

mission from eastern Bulgarian Thrace into western Bulgarian and the northwestern Balkans, and vice versa.

19.2.3. The eastern Balkans and the Pit Grave Culture initial penetration Of special importance was the above mentioned communication route through the eastern Stara Planina Mountains for PGC pastoralists, which mainly seasonally (and especially in the winters) had occupied steppe-like regions in northeastern Thrace. Recently, the possible earliest Final Copper II (Turgovishte) evidence was added by evidence from the end of EB I in the area of the Golyama Detelina and Ovcharitsa Tumuli. Graves with typical of PGC characteristics infer seasonal or permanent immigrants from the north (chapters 9 and 22). PGC chronologically followed the Cernavoda III culture in the eastern Lower Danube penetrating from the northwestern Black Sea at the end of EB I. The graves with numerous ceramic vessels belong to the earliest graves of Golyama Detelina Tumulus. They infer interactions between the PGC and Ezero culture, as well as an exchange of pottery between the agriculturists and pastoral communities, as well as possible settling down of PGC communities and adopting of the ceramic traditions of the Ezero culture.

19.2.4. The Balkans and the Aegean The interactions between the Balkans and the Aegean during Early Bronze I were in three directions: with the northeastern Aegean (Poliochni and Kumtepe IB), with the Cyclades and the continental Greece. During the later Early Bronze I, at the Poliochni site a specific pottery style developed, in which the channel ornamentation predominates. There is no a big similarity between the morphology of the northern Aegean pottery and that of Poliochni, but southern influence can be assumed in context of the geographical neighboring and the fact that the northern Aegean pottery looks like an imitation of the Poliochni burnished ceramics. Some of the elements of the Poliochni ceramic style occur at Yunatsite and in the classical Baden ceramic style in the northern Middle Danube including handles with alder channels. In this case a long - distant contacts can not be excluded . In the light of recent evidence , only the obsidian artefact from Dikili Tash confirms sea contacts between the northern Aegean and the Cyclades in earlier Early Bronze . At the same time, some parallels between high handle cups from continental Greece and Sitagroi IV may indicate direct contacts between the North and the South, confirmed by the lids with incised ornament (see Maran 1998; 1999).

19.3. Early Bronze II: Interactions and social prosperity

The dynamic interactions between the neighbor and distant cultures characterized the Balkan Early Bronze II reflected in the ceramic styles, metallurgy, architecture, burial rites, etc. The first tendency was the distribution of the fashion of the encrusted pottery, which replaced the tradition of the channel pottery from later EB I. The encrusted ceramics already specified EB I, but only at the beginning of EB II it began to predominate by the fine earthenware. New metal types occurred in the EB II Balkans like flange and shaft-hole axes (chapter 15). In the architecture, the apses houses began to predominate in some cultures , which can be explained with culture contacts and influence on the village architecture. In the burial rites the cremation defused in the Lower Danube basin as a result of influence from the southern Middle Danube, as well as the PGC was distributed in different micro-regions of the Balkans. Some evidence demonstrates the culture contacts of PGC with a population of Balkan cultures - for instance the encrusted pottery from Mednikarovo , Tumava and Doino Sakhrane. During the EB II the flint arrows with concave basis were popular in some microregions (chapter 14). That common element can be also explained by the interaction theory.

19.3.1. The central Balkan culture integration In the central Balkans the culture interactions between the Yunatsite culture, Sitagroi - Dikili Tash, Pemik and Ostrikovac - Bubanj groups continued during EB II. The same communication routes were used, as well as again - like in EB I - the pottery was the most representative shared component. The common elements and motifs of the encrusted pottery styles (Nikolova 1996a; Nikolova 1996b) include net incisions, rhomboidal , zigzag, chess motifs, etc. But it should be stressed that the different cultures had their own favorite compositions and motifs, so the similarity includes namely common tendencies in the ornamentation, as well as single motifs. On the other hand, the contacts of the central Balkan cultures with neighbor cultures from the eastern Balkans (Ezero) and from the northwestern Balkans (Cotofeni , Kostolac and Vucedol) also were very intensive. The last fact defines some peculiarities in the ceramic style of the distinct central Balkan cultures. One of the integrated elements in the central Balkan ceramic styles was the Kostolac ceramic style fashion. It concerns the special ornamentation of pricked, incised and stamped motifs organized in chess, metope, band like and other kind of compositions. For the time being, the milieu of emergence of this style can be localized in the area of the Gomolava site. But it can not be excluded that it occurred as an interaction fashion between the Velika Morava valley and southern Middle Danube populations at the beginning of Early Bronze. In last process , a reflection of the northern Aegean and northwestern Anatolian ceramic styles, as well as of the Thrace and Cotofeni culture ceramic style should be assumed.

343

Chapter 19 Cultural interactions

The encrusted pottery already had traditions in later Early Bronze I in the area of the Baden 11-111and Cotofeni I cultures, as well as at some villages in Bulgarian Thrace like Ezero, Yunatsite 15 and Dubene IIA. But only with the beginning of the Early Bronze II, it began to predominate in many Balkan ceramic styles. Kostolac fashion occurred as an innovation in the Baden ceramic style, as well as for big part of the Balkans, continuing to the north - in Iza (Slovakia). In some micro-regions mixed styles appeared - like Kostolac-Cotofeni or Cotofeni- Kostolac ceramic styles in Northeastern Serbia (Tasic 1997: 82 with ref.; Nikolic 1997). At site of Klokocevac the ratio between the Cotofeni and the Kostolac ceramics was 60: 40 percent (Tasic 1997: 82). For the time being , the most south point of the distribution of the Kostolac style is Sitagroi Va . At the site of Kovachevo and Hotovo , mixed elements of Kostolac with the Balkans-Anatolian incised technique s of ornamentation can be distinguished. The Kostolac pricked ornamentation diffused from the upper Stryama valley to the south in the area of the Pernik group including pricked triangle like ornament on bowl handle (Kulov and Kulova 1992: fig. 1:5), dot and dash encrusted motifs (Kulov and Kulova 1992: fig. 1: 4,6), etc. The second very expressive common element in the central Balkans is the apses houses. For the time being, only in the area of the Yunatsite culture and of the Sitagroi - Dikili Tash culture have been documented EB II apses houses. But it could be remained that there is no an architectural evidence from the middle and upper Struma , as well as from the Velika Morava valley. The apses house from Vucedol assume a southeastern influence , so it could be expected that they were also distributed in the Pernik group and in Ostrikovac - Bubanj group , that had connected geographically the areas with documented apses houses (the northern Aegean and Bulgarian Thrace). The apses houses discovered at bubene (Apses house no. 1) and Sitagroi (the Burnt House) pose the question not only about architectural influence, but also about ideological interaction or influence , because both the houses belonged to the most dignified buildings on those villages. It is visible from the stable constructions , as well as from the imposing equipment and from house finds. Similar houses were reported also from the Yunatsite tell. Having in mind that in the EB II the apse s hous es already were very popular kind of buildings in southeastern Europ e including continental Greece , there is no reason to connect them only with community ruling top . But at the same time , the evidence confirms the assumption that there were one of the signs of social stratification and hierarchy in later Balkan prehistory. The questions arise Did the Dubene villagers follow some southern fashion in their architecture or Did the Sitagroi villagers follow some northern tradition s? It seems the Sitagroi house followed northern architectur e contrasting to the contin ental Greek-b uilding traditions . But mutual interact ion in a confinnat ion of apses houses as a hierarchical 344

social symbol can be assumed in the context of the similar social structures and initial chiefdoms emerged - chapter 16. Other common elements - the arrows with concave basis , stone axes , bone implements - were a standard of the most of the Balkan cultures , probably chain-like distributed and also paralleling with finds outside the Balkans.

19.3.2. The eastern Balkans In compare to the central Balkans , the cultural and historical situation was more complicated in the eastern Balkans . The agricultural-stockbreeding villagers of the Ezero culture had faced the problem of the PGC penetration at the end of EB I and durin g EB II, as well as on th e western Black Sea coast a strong communities of traders developed known as the Ezerovo-Sozopol group . It is probable that the main economic interest of the Ezero population s was the contact s with northwestern Anatolia (metal finds , agricultural and valuable product s, etc.). That fact explain s the common ceramic elements between Ezero 10-5 and Troy 1-11 . But in north western Anatolia it was never distributed the corded earthenware confirming that the influence was mainly from southeastern towards northwestern. As an exception , some objects like the so-called anchors occur at Poliochni. They were influenced by the Balkans or continental Greece. The possible metal trade with the Balkans also indicates the shaft-hole axe from the same site. A new problem occurs with the distinguishing of the Yunatsite culture in western Bulgarian Thrace - that of the character of contacts between the last and the Ezero culture. In tenns of archaeological evidence , both the cultures followed one and the same standards in the process of the developing the material cultures . On the one hand , we can speak about common tendencies , which more often had different materialization , which is especially evident in the pottery production . At the same time, some of the common elements were also distributed in other Balkan cultures (daggers , flat axes with thicken edges , arrows with concave basis , different types of stone axes, etc.). On the other hand, some common elements like the apses houses with stones in the foundations possibly have being distributed as a result of interactions of ideas or culture contacts. It can not be excluded also the presence of exogamy in the consuetudinary Jaw the Balkan cultures and some of the common elements to have being distributed in the course of intennarriage ceremonies or in intertribal feasts . As an evidence of such a ritual ( or trade) exchange , the cup from Doino Sakhrane occurred in the upper Toudzha basin , that probably was produced in an upper Strouma village. The cup was discovered in a grave with PGC elements. PGC occupi ed different kinds of culture zones in the eastern Balkan s. In the most of the eastern Lower Danube areas the barriers of this culture developed relative independently , whereas in eastern Bulgarian Thrace they penetrated in the Ezero cultur e habitant s. The Early Bronze II pottery in the Eastern Balkans was characterized by the cord ed war e, which integr ated the Ez-

Discussion

ero culture II with the Ezerovo - Sozopol group I and the Cernavoda II culture. The shaft-hole axes occur as a new metal type, as well as different adornments were distributed - chapter 15.

19.3.3. The northern Balkans At the beginning of the Early Bronze II, a southern influence reflects on the ceramic production of Batin-Zimnicea group from the eastern Lower Danube where askoi like pitchers were popular, with parallels in the earlier Yunatsite and Ezero cultures. The new evidence of the PGC in northeastern Thrace confirms south - north interactions. The EB II is the period of the vastest distribution of the PGC in different areas of the northern Balkans. It should be stressed the absence of nwnerous contact-data between Ezerovo group and the PGC in Northeastern Bulgaria , but some trade interactions can be expected. The earlier Early Bronze II is a period of a diffusion of the cremation rite from the south Middle Danube to the east, in the area ofCotofeni culture (Nikolova 1993) and of the integration of the Pit Grave cul~e in Northwestern Bulgaria. The diffusion of the late Glina ceramic style towards west resulted in culture change in the western Lower Danube basin, where the Cotofeni culture disappeared. At the same time, a Vucedol and southern Balkans influence on the ceramic style characterizes Govora Sat pottery of the later Early Bronze II. The Velika Morava valley connected the central Balkans with the southern Middle Danube through the Danube River and the Kostolac and Vucedol ceramic styles, in which common elements with the central Balk.ans culture appeared. The Kostolac ceramic style probably diffused to the east and the southeastern direction having in mind Kostolac - like ceramic style at Hissar. The possible influence of the central Balkans on the architecture of the Kostolac culture infers interactions in both directions . The common metal types were distributed in the Balkans during the Early Bronze II including axes and different type of adornments - chapter 15.

19.4. Early Bronze changes and trade

III:

Ceramic

The transfonnation of the ceramic styles during the Early Bronze Ill was influence by intensive culture interactions. One of the typical features in the south was the decreasing of the encrusted pottery and the beginning of predominating of the plain pottery. This tendency was extended to the west - in Serbia. However , the style of the encrusted pottery was not popular in the areas in the Vardar basin and to the west of it - see Kastanas pottery (Aslanis 1985). On the other hand, in the lower Maros basin, a new style of encrusted pottery became popular , which was gradually developed in later EB III and earlier MBA.

In the eastern Balkans nwnerous common elements shared the Ezero culture III and Ezerovo - Sozopol group II. The so-called Sveti Kirilovo ceramic style diffused in Northeastern Bulgaria through the Stara Planina Mountains - for instance at Osmankin Dol. Some elements penetrated up to northern Muntenia - in the area of the Odaia Turcului group. The ceramic similarity infers intensive culture contacts between northeastern Thrace with the western Black Sea, as well as with Northeastern Bulgaria. The system of the interrelations was extended to northern Muntenia. northeastern Thrace was also involved in intensive contacts with southeastern Thrace and probably indirect contacts with northern Anatolia. That is the period when several economic centers can be defined in the southeastern Balkans as Gulubovo and Kirklareli , which according to K. Leshtakov were the north points of economic-trade system including also northern Anatolia. Depa amphikype/la from Baa Dere and Konstantia are the main evidence of the southeast contacts, as well as the anthropomorphic vessel from Ezero (Leshtakov 1996: 239-46). The contact data including the pointed bottom cups connected the Yunatsite culture lII with the ·northern Aegean (Sitagroi VB), as well as with the Velika Morava valley (Bubanj III). In the same time, western upper Thrace , the northern Aegean and Northwestern Bulgarian EB III cultures share the rounded bottom cups. For the time being, their absence in the middle Strouma valley arouses a hypothesis of possible contacts between western upper Thrace and the Osum basin through the Stara Planina Mountains (recent Bekleme pass). The vessels with two handles connected the western Balkans with the Middle Danube , where the Nagyrev culture developed . The more close were the contacts between the V inkovci and the Nadyrev culture resulting in the numerous common elements in the pottery. The earlier Maros culture was developed in closed contacts with the central Europe as well.

19.5. Discussion It is time to pose the problem of the factors for the dynamic culture contacts during later Balkan prehistory, which were argues in above sections. These factors can be defines as geographical , technological and social. The geographical factors include the presence of natural communicated lines like the big rivers (the Danube, Maritsa, Strouma, Velika Morava, Olt, Iskur, etc.) and easy accessible mountain passes in the Stara Planina Mountains , the Rhodope Mountains and the Carpathians. Very important is the climate which favored the community contacts with warm weather, and at the same time required some season movements of the stockbreeders , which were one of the possibilities of active contacts between the agriculturists and mobile population. The technological factors can be divided into two groups: communicative and exchange. The wheel transport belongs to the communicative factors, as well as the boats. 345

Chapter 19 Cultural interactions

It is not clear when appeared th~ wheel transport in the Balkan prehistory. It earliest archaeological evidence is a clay model of flat wheel from Early Copper Maritsa culture in eastern Bulgarian Thrace (an item from unpublished excavations ofK. Leshtakov). Another Copper Age clay wheel object is also known from the Maritsa basin . That evidence definitely contradicts any theory, which connects the appearance of the wheel transport with one area and especially the researchers who connect the wheel transport only with Proto-Indo-Europeans and Proto-IndoIranians. Even the ancient traditions of the cattle wheel transport is one possible reason to believe that during the Bronze Age the horses were not popular in the Balkans. The model of cattle car from Baden culture and cattle pair from Budakalasz cemetery confirmed that theory by evidence from the earliest Bronze Age period . Three burials of cattle were documented in pits of the Baden and Kostolac cultures on the site of Vucedol -Vineyard Streim , along with burials of dogs and other animals as well - chapter 20. In contrast to the North Black Sea, there are few data about horses from the Balkans - chapter 14. But with the beginning of Bronze Age (?), very popular became the clay models of wheels with thickened ring around the hole. These items leave the impression, that they document the initial wheel transport: We do not know the function of the discovered wheels. Probably they we attached to a wooden body . Another possibility is to believe that they were part of ritual as functioning pars pro toto - because of the discovered real wooden wheels in the Plachidol burial from the Pit Grave Culture. Of importance the conclusion is that those wheels confirm the popularity of the wheel transport in the Bronze Age, imitating the shape of a real wheel. If there was a wheel transport, a question arises: Were road nets in the Balkans, or the cattle transport was used only for close distance. It seems the long distant contacts of the populations were mainly by the rivers , and the searched close contact points were within walking distance. These points include roads between neighbor villages and a crossing of the mountains . So, the known small human or goat tracks were used in the contacts. There is no real evidence of long distance car road in later Balkan prehistory. The question which kinds of necessities course the cultural contacts faces the social factors in the Balkan prehistoric culture interactions. It should be stressed that the communities in the villages had practically everything what they need for their subsistence with exception of the metal recourses. But the travel strangers could provide for metal and exotic finds. The social hierarchy requiring organized well-defended social system, was not obliged on intensive contacts. Despite all these negative factors, the rapid unification of the Balkan prehistoric cultures and the numerous contact data between neighbor and distant cultures infer that dynamic interactions were one of the most typical feature s of the prehistory betw een the Carpathians and the Balkans. 346

There are different explanation models of that phenomenon. In the past , the travelers were the only mediators between the populations. At the same time , the trip or the voyage gives the possibility for discovering of innovations. The prehistoric people had a willing quickly to adopt the innovations , which is confirmed by the numerous similar data and the numberless examples of similar rhythms of cultural change. At that point, facing with the question What was the purpose of the contacts, one possible answer is the contact with the center. But the problem of the central and secondary sites is not very easy to define in the prehistory. In Bulgarian Thrace - for example - the possibility of formation of communities in small Balkan valleys resulted in predominance of small-scaled social structures . At least three communal areas can be distinguished in western upper Thrace with discovered centers - Yunatsite in the upper Maritsa valley , Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe in the Plovdiv area (EB II-III) , and Dubene - Sarovka in the upper Stryama valley (EB I-III earlier). At the same time, in the Nova Zagora area several tells were occupied in distance from 5 to 10 km during Early Bronze, so there similar standards can be assumed. Then, we can not easy recognize the center of this micro-region - and of the Ezero culture - based on the archaeological evidence chapter 13. Some comparative data are in favor of Dyadovo as a central place - localized on a hill in the center of the plain . Probably the arising of Dyadovo as a local center was a reason the villagers of Karanovo to leave the tel) during Early Bronze II. It should be mentioned that the presence of production of metal items is not a sign of center , because at Yunatsite and at Plovdiv - Nebet Tepe there are no traces of such an activity. Therefore , the geographical and partially the microregional positions seem to be very important factor in the development of one site as a central place. Two kinds of contacts can be distinguished - individual {personal) and group (social). Both were of primary importance. The individual contacts between the villagers in neighbor sites resulted in the unification of the ceramic styles and as an exception - in the distribution of staff discovered as imports . The individual contacts between the villagers from distant sites attend distributions of innovations and confirmation of standards. We should include the modern term fashion if we would like to understand the nature of the prehistoric interactions. As the Balkan prehistory shows, the rhythm of inventions and rapidly distribution of the innovations is the ceramic styles were 100 - 200 years . The new fashion is distinguished in the records as a new phase or new culture. The pottery production seems to be a household activity. It probably was a seasonal, involving the women. By that activity , the predominant fashion was followed. But the people traveling have a possibility to see and to obtain foreign ves-

Discussion

sel. Subsequently, new elements occurred among the village pottery. That model may explain the slow evolution of the ceramic styles. · In contrary, there are some periods of relatively rapid general change of the ceramic styles in Balkan later prehistory especially the EB II-III transition. But this change looks sudden only on the sites with hiatus of the occupation (Sitagroi) while at Ezero and Yunatsite (unpublished) a smooth transition from encrusted towards predominating plain pottery was documented. How did it happen? Why was the standard of the encrusted pottery forgotten? In this case the role of northwestern Anatolia should be stressed where the quick-wheel-made production influenced the entire ceramic style. The quick-wheel remained unpopular in the Balkan pottery manufacture, with few exceptions (Leshtakov 1996). At the same time, the decreasing of the encrusted pottery in EB III influenced all the pottery production. By that case the rejecting of the innovation probably infers that the pottery production has not only a technological function, but it was important part of the household economy. It is difficult to believe that the population will not adopt it without any reason. The economic objective is that there was not a possibility and willing of the communities to change the organization of pottery production , because the quick-wheel pottery production means to occur professional potters - an idea unpopular in the Balkans till late Early Iron Age. From that prospective-negative analysis of the case of a rejection of an innovation - we can return to EB I - II, when numerous parallels exist between the Balkans and northwestern Anatolia artefacts. Recently, Kirlkareli and surface unpublished finds of corded ceramics from European Turkey connect the last region with the Ezero culture. The corded ware was not distributed at Troy, but at the some time many common motifs exist between the Balkans and the Thermi - Troy I encrusted pottery. That selective nature of the distribution of the innovations can be explained by the fact that different societies were in contact with different standards. Already at the time of black Poliochni (EB I), the northeastern Aegean became a culture center. For different reasons - in search for market, row materials and especially metal - the northeastern Aegean population contacted the Balkans and the common fashion of the channel pottery was distributed. The EB II shaft-hole metal axe from Poliochni infers the existence of these contacts. Some exotic objects like the so-called anchor models also reached Poliochni from the Balkans or continental Greece. Already at the end of Early Bronze I - the period of population growth in southeastern Europe - initiated the difference between the Aegean culture circle (continental Greece, the Cyclades and the eastern Aegean) and the Balkans. As long as the Aegean cultures, they began to change themselves towards systems with town centers (Aegina, Lerna, Tyrins, Thebes, Manika, Thermi Troy , etc.), the Balkans developed the social systems consisted of small and central villages in-

tegrated in relatively independent tribes. However, if the formative urbanization stage is comparable with chiefdom stage (Konzola 1984a: 177), then, despite of the different settlement pattern , there was a similarity in the social levels of high hierarchy and development of the interdependence of the close and distant settlements. The interrelations between tribes and the archaeological cultures is without clear definition , because we do not know the nature of the tribes during Early Bronze I-III in the Balkans. According to the written record , during Late Bronze Age the Balkans were occupied by numerous smaller or bigger tribes. These tribes are generalized as Thracian and there is no reason one not to believe the population of the ProtoThracian tribes had no consciousness of the ethnic interrelations . Accordingly , the ethnical motivation of the individuals and communities for contacts between and with the bigger centers like the Aegean arise as a factor for the intensive culture interaction in late prehistoric Balkans as well. The corded earthenware in Thessaly probably records a Proto-Thracian newcomers there, keeping in mind the later written evidence documents immigrants from the North in continental Greece. But in Thrace there are missing the emblematic features of Aegean culture. There are two groups of EB evidence common of the continental Greece and the southern Balkans - the so-called anchor-models and the babies' burials. Both are from the ritual sphere indicating a presence of common rituals and possible ritual interactions. The arising of the Cyclades as a culture center in the EB (van Andel and Runnel 1988 with ref.; Barber 1987) can be an argument about some influence on the encrusted pottery in western Thrace (Nikolova 1992) or on the emergence of the Vucedol style, but these are only elements, which diffused in "own milieu". The recent discoveries on the Island of Thasos interconnected the northern Aegean with the Cyclades. However, different culture and religious systems existed in the Balkans and the Cyclades, with different symbolic systems. The religion of the Proto- Thracians and Proto-Illyrians (in the western parts of the Balkans) were without iconic presentations. Over the pottery of the Early Bronze II, geometric and some solar composition represented cosmological symbols. As exceptions, idols occurred - chapter 17. It is strange, but even after presentation of the fertility symbols with female image (the EB I Yunatsite anchor object , unpublished) , the image disappeared by the next items. The problem of distribution and adoption of the innovation in the Balkans concerns the so-called contrasted relationship, hypothesized for Cordware and Bell Beaker cultures (Wiermann 1998: 131), the meaning of which is the willing to reply in opposite manner to the innovation. This problem concerns actually not only the synchronous distribution of the innovations, but the diachronic interrelations, as well as the possible reasons of emergence of some innovations as a reaction against traditions . One model of such an interpretation gives the Yunatsite culture where the burial tumuli were not popular, in contrast to eastern upper Thrace. Other pos347

Chapter 19 Cultural interactions

sible record of similar interpretation are the settlement burials, which were not distributed in all the micro-regions or followed different traditions. The unpopularity of the encrusted incised or corded earthenware in earlier Glina culture may being also explained by that model. As far as the diachronic relations concern , the emergence of the encrusted pottery , as well as the devolution of this fashion can be to some extend explained by the reaction of the young generation against old-fashioned pottery. But in general terms , the Balkan cultures were interrelated and the innovation spread over vast territories of several cultures. A peculiar social factor can be excepted to be the contacts between the chieftain elite of the close and distant societies. The social stratification observed not only in the EB II (see above) , but in neighbor regions to the south and southeast

The bronze metallurgy may appear to become increasing factor for the culture interactions , as well as for the developed social structures. Many central sites are close to mining resources in the Balkans , as in northern Anatolia (ikiztepe ). Therefore, the cultural interactions in Balkans in the Fourth and Third Millennia were a primary factor for the regional development. The existence of intensive integration proc-

C

B

A

·A

(Bilgi I 985: 35) indicate that such contacts probably were a stabilization factor of the inner social and economic structures. On the other hand, some possible evidence of longdistance prestige trade could be an argwnent about organized redistributing mechanism , characterizing the chiefdoms - for the interrelations between the so call developed chiefdoms and international trade in Sicily see Leighton 1996: 107.

B B·

C C

D J)

2

Figure 19.3. Chain influence(]) and multi-directional influence over one system (2) - models 4 and 7 after Niko/ova 1994a

348

Part4

Burial customs

Chapter 20

Settlement burials 20.1. Introduction Burials on settlements emerged in the Balkans in the Mesolithic. They characterized the western lower Danube basin (Lepenski Vir, Vlasac, etc.). But in the Early Neolithic they became a culture standard in the Balkans. The tradition continued in the Late Neolithic while in the Copper Age that burial mode decreased, so, single data originate from the Gumelnita culture in the eastern Lower Danube basin (Rousse tell), as well as from the Krivodol - Salcuta Bubanj complex (Devetaki cave - unpublished; Derdap, etc.).

20.2. Final Copper The data on settlement graves from Final Copper are scanty. Two Cernavoda I inhumations were discovered probably on the periphery of the synchronous site - see I. Manzura, chapter 7. One of the inhumations was in a crouched position to its side, following the Gumelnita tradition of the burial ritual (Sb-3). A record of a child inhumation in a crouched position originates from Baile Herculane where the interment was without burial goods (Sb-1 ). It was being published as a Cotofeni grave. But according to the later personal information of the excavator P. Roman, it might have belonged to the Final Copper layer in this cave - the Baile Herculane group. The child is oriented to E-SE (?), strongly crouched to the right, with arms bent and hands in front of the chest. Stone plates covered the lower part of the body. Over the body a layer of stone and earthen thin clay coating was documented. An ox rib discovered in front of the face might have belonged to the burial. As an exception in the Balkans, burials in semi-seating position characterize Bakamo Gumno II (Sb-2). According to ~he scanty pottery published, the burials belong to the FC I Suplevac - Bakamo Gumno. group. It is interesting to mention a semi-sitting female figurine originates from the same layer. Based on these limited data, it seems the Final Copper cultures in the Balkans continued the Copper Age tradition of rare practice of the burials on the settlements. One argument about this conclusion is the fact that on the entire excavated site like Telish 2-3, no burials were unearthed. The ritual of inhumation in the discovered single graves was similar to that in earlier Balkan Prehistory, but the same ritual also characterized the neighbor regions and especially

the area of later Tripolie - Cucuteni complex in the northwest (Avilova 1990: 204 with ref.).

20.3. Early Bronze I In contrast to Final Copper Age burial practice, the settlement interments typified or specified several cultures in the Early Bronze Balkans. In the southern Middle Danube, the Baden culture bearers practiced pit-inhumations - Vucedol - Streim Vineyard (Sb19), Vucedol - Gradac (Sb-18), Bogojevo (Nevizansky 1985: 268 with ref.), Dobanovci (Sb-4), etc. The Baden burials from Northwestern Yugoslavia parallel with many others from the same complex in the north: Northeastern Austria [Pitioni 1954: 205, 208) Hungary (Banner 1956: 68 sq., 76 sq., 111, I 18; Nevizansky 1985: 260-68); Slovakia - Sarovce, Bajc, Jel~ovice, Nitriansky Hradok (Nemejcova-Pavukova 1963: 6; Siska 1970: 194-95; Nevizansky 1985: 260-61; 265-66); Southern Poland - Igolomia, Krakuv-Nova Huta, Vuchaze (Sochacki 1967 : 36 sq.; Sochacki 1970a, 349-53; Sochacki 1970b: 322-25, 326 Fig. 110: 12), Branocice ( Milisauskas and Kruk 1989: 88). Typical of the Baden culture were inhumations in crouched position to the left or to the right, with crouched arms and hands before the face. As an exception, inhumations in crouched position on their backs occurred, as well as in stretched position on chest. There was no a regularity in the orientation of the body. The single graves predominated but double and collective graves were also registered. The burials belonged to children, as well as to adults. Two female burials in opposite crouched position to the left were unearthed at Vucedol - Gradac (Sb-18), at a depth of 3 .10-m. The first grave was in crouched position with strongly bent legs towards the breast. The upper part of the body lay on its chest. The left arm was bent under the breast and the right crouched with hand towards the shoulder. The inhumation from grave No. 2 was crouched on its left side but by the shoulders it lay on back. The arms were bent at right angles , so the right hand was near the pelvis. The burial-goods consisted of small shells heaping and few big bones, as well as a bone awl documented by the grave 2. The pit graves at Vucedol - Streim Vineyard (Sb-19) were documented on the periphery of the settlement, along with numerous refuse and(?) storage pits. The grave No. 3, at a 349

Chapter 20 Settlement burials

depth of 2. 71-m from Baden B2 or earlier phase , was in an extended position and in the upper part laying on its chest, oriented E - SW/W (fig. 20.1: 1). The arms were bent before the chest. It was an adult buried perhaps with a flint knife and dagger that were discovered near the pelvis. In a distance of this grave, a child burial was unearthed in a pit at a depth of 3.65-m , partially, destroyed by a Kostolac pit (fig. 20.1: 2). The inhumation was in a strong crouched position laying on its semi-left side (NW-SE) with legs strongly crouched before the stomach, and arms bent before the chest with hands in front of the head. According to N. Tasic (1995 : 63) , the double grave attributed by R. Schmidt to the Baden culture , might have belonged to the Kostolac culture, then, the discovered Baden finds might have been no burial-goods . But the depth of the burials , the similarity of the posture of grave 1 (on chest) with that of Baden grave from Streim Vineyard may indicate both graves belong really to the Baden complex . Also , R. Schmidt wrote that they were unearthed deeply below the level of the upper building level of the apses house s (1945 : 4 I). But the level of the Apses house No. I ( at a depth of 3.00-m) is similar to that of the graves. On the plan, the grave No. 2 is in a distance of that apses house while according to the excavator, the last one had destroyed partially the inhumation. In addition, the Ezero graves were also in shallow pits. Accordingly, there are controversial arguments, which do not favor any distinct chronology. For the time being, late Boleraz -Baden II can be accepted as the tenninus post quern of both the graves. Because of the fact that the last were covered by the Vucedol megaron-house level, the Kostolac is the latest possible dating of the graves. According to the anthropological characteristics (Schmidt 1945: 163-65), both inhumations differ considerably from the Vucedol burials. At the same site, five children inhumations were documented at different depths, in a deep oval pit from classical Baden. Four of them were inhumations in a contracted lat-

eral position , but the fourth - without clear posture. The babies ' (4) and the child's (4-8 years old) inhumations were discovered along with fragmentary or whole ceramic vessels, two bone awls, valves and animal bones. It is difficult to interpret last items as burial-goods, because of the possibility primary the pit to have had a refuse function . The excavator attributed the multiple grave to the Vucedol culture (Schmidt 1945: 45-47). Later M. Garasanin , discussing in detail the stratigraphic context of the pit and the graves, inferred that they have belonged to the Baden culture (1967). The pit (Ki-G , 3.20-4.60-m) was primary a storage one. The Apses house No. 1 covered the pit partially , along with one of the child burial. Therefore , there is no doubt that the pit preceded the last house . The pottery published from the pit is not numerous (table 20.1) . We can assume an influence from the north in the southern Middle Danube Baden culture in the burial rituals . One double inhumation of female and child was discovered in the base of an oven (Bajc [Nemejcova-Pavukova and Siska 1970: 194]). Two collective graves were documented at Nitriansky Hradok in Slovakia. But comparing them with the Vucedol burials, they were of different type (Vlcek E. 1953: 733-36; Nemejcova-Pavukova and Siska 1970: 19495; Nevizansky 1985: 261, 266). The first grave pit appeared to be a deep, with a niche enlargement in the ground (a depth of 3-m and diameter of the orifice 1.50-m). Human skeletons of at least 11 individuals were discovered in the niche , along with a dog buried in the middle of the floor. The burial-goods consisted of ceramic channel vessels. The second grave pit with a depth of 4-m also had an enlargement in the ground as a niche , where at least 20 individuals , 5 dogs and other domestic animals were buried. In Branocice a burial pit with 17 inhumations was documented. Thirteen were children and infants (Milisauskas and Kruk 1989: 88). The inhumation burials of the Baden culture complex are

I I I

I

•Jo~

G

c:::alz

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••

.;

i I

• 1_

:

---

I

~~~-=,.••.~ ~:=>~ ~=

I I ·, I

1

Figure 20.1. Baden culture burials from Vucedol - Strejm Vineyard. Early Bronze IB. Ref erence: Tezak-Greg/ 1985

350

2

Early Bronze I

without burial goods or consist of ceramic vessels (a standard of 1-3 in middle Danube), valves, etc. A bronze dagger along with a flint knife was discovered in one of the adult graves from Streim Vucedol site. In Baden settlement burials in Hungary a cremation coexists with the inhumation (Budakalasz - Bekasmegyer [Banner 1956: 69, table 38: 13, 15, 19.]). There are no instances of cremation burials on settlements from the southern Middle Danube. For the interpretation of the Baden burials in the southern Middle Danube, of special importance is the fact that some of them have peculiar elements. The last feature contrasts to the regular single inhumations - the position of the body (on chest) or of the grave (at the periphery of the settlement among refuse pits). Keeping.in mind that there is no discovered cemetery of the Baden culture in the southern Middle Danube - with exception of some tumuli - the data consider a controversial interpretation of discovered burials. In the case of the Vucedol-Gradac site, the interpretation of the two graves depends on two features: the position of the site - on a small hill, as well as the absent of cemetery localized in the Vucedol area. Asswning initial social stratification during the EB I in the Balkans , the burials - with respect to the cult of the ancestor - confirm the higher position of the habitants on the hill. At the same time, the collective grave of the babies very probably documents a personal tragedy of family or an impossible to survive babies . Another aspect represents the burials from Streim Vineyard. They reflect a tradition of peripheral settlement burials as a transitional ritual between burials in or near the houses and cemeteries. Similar rites have been observed at earlier EB Ezero. Notwithstanding the bronze dagger and flint knife, the posi-

Depth (m)

tion of the buried from Streim Vineyard, grave No . 2, differs from the regular body posture, then, it perhaps indicates a violent death or the deceased might have died by dangerous disease (see a discussion below). A typological parallel in the Balkans exists from the Neolithic in the upper Strouma valley (Sofia-Slatina). Bulgarian Thrace is the second region in the Balkans where the tradition of the settlement burials became popular in Early Bronze I. They typified the Yunatsite culture, as well as the Ezero culture. In the earliest stage of the Yunatsite culture two single inhumations in crouched lateral positions were discovered at Yunatsite [Sb-20] close each to other. They were inhumed in rectangular burial pits. The woman was adorned with pair of silver spiral earrings (unpublished). These graves have been the only burials of adults on the Early Bronze Yunatsite tell documented. But the urn inhumations in crouched position of newborn babies were typical of this tell during the earlier Early Bronze. One of the burial urns from the first phase of the Y unatsite culture was filled with ashes and no bones were there discovered. The um was found close to a fireplace of the 16th horizon and the ashes might have filled secondary that vessel. Other possibility is the urn ritually to have been filled with ashes and the bones of the newborn baby to have been decayed by the grave discovering The absence of cremation burials in Thrace from Early Bronze I-II extremely reduces the hypothesis of a cremation interment. On the Ognyanovo tell (Sb-15) in the upper Maritsa valley, an urn was unearthed. According to the excavators , ashes with calcified bones were documented in the vessel. Stratigraphically , the cremation might have belonged to the earliest levels of the tell dated to Early Bronze I, respectively to the first stage of the Yunatsite culture. Unfortunately, the data are incomplete. Based on the record from

Pottery

Schmidt 1945

4.20

A plain jar handled? by the rim

Plate 21: I

4.24

A conical bowl with rounded rim, plain

Plate 21: 9

4.00

A high necked-jug with vertical channels over the round earthen body

Plate 25: 6

4.30

A small high necked-jug with flatten body and high handle

Plate 25: 11

3.60

A small high necked-jug with flatten body channeled and high handle

3.60

With truncated cone body and flat bottom and broken high handle

Plate 26: 2

Plate 26 :8

Table 20.1. Vucedol-Gradac. Pottery from the pit-cellar KiG at a depth of 3.20-4.60-m. The depth of the burial layer- c. 3.90-m.

351

Chapter 20 Settlement burials

Ezero, it is also possible the inhumation to have been documented , with ashes additionally· ~dded in the um. Also, because most of the pottery belongs to the EB III, it cannot be completely excluded the um to have belonged to the EB III. The pottery of the last stage is still not well investigated in western Thrace.

ments discontinued in the period of the 10th - 9 th horizon (earlier Early Bronze II), according to the record in the excavated area. On ten other hand, there are no data on babies burials from the EB I on the tell. That fact contrasts to the situation in western upper Thrace where babies' burials occurred from the very beginning of the occupation of the tell.

In the area of the Ezero culture, in eastern Bulgarian Thrace, the inhumations of adults occurred at the earliest levels of the Ezero tell (Sb-7). Single graves were discovered under the floor of houses (?), between houses and on the periphery of the settlement. They are with south I southwestern orientation, contracted to the left, right or on back. The ritual did not require burial-goods (flg.20.2).

In the Early Bronze II the interments in the settlements continued in the same micro-regions. In the south middle Danube they characterized the local cultures, Kostolac and Vucedol.

The tradition of the adult inhumations at the Ezero settle-

At Gomolava (Sb-8) an inhwnation was discovered from the

20.4. Early Bronze II

Q)

•ts

Q

~

I

I

0

Ntf!j

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