The Art of the Bambui Kingdom (Western Grassfields, Cameroon) [1 ed.] 9781443858809, 9781443856690

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The Art of the Bambui Kingdom (Western Grassfields, Cameroon)

The Art of the Bambui Kingdom (Western Grassfields, Cameroon)

By

Mathias Alubafi Fubah

The Art of the Bambui Kingdom (Western Grassfields, Cameroon), by Mathias Alubafi Fubah This book first published 2014 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2014 by Mathias Alubafi Fubah All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-5669-X, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-5669-0

To the memory of Tabah Premus FUBAH

CONTENTS

List of Illustrations ..................................................................................... ix Foreword .................................................................................................... xi Acknowledgments ..................................................................................... xv Introduction ............................................................................................. xvii Chapter One ................................................................................................. 1 Abe-eh mbeuh or the Bambui Fondom Geographical Location History Foreign or Other Ethnic Groups Chapter Two .............................................................................................. 17 Social Organisation of the Fondom Social Organisation Some Customary Societies Some Traditional Ceremonies Traditional Religious Practices Social Norms Chapter Three ............................................................................................ 51 Treasures of the Bambui Fondom Categorisation of Objects Object Makers and Consumers: Artists and Patron Bambui Styles Bambui Aesthetics Forms and Meanings of Artistic Representations Human Representations Multiple Representations Geometric Representations Animal Representations Functions

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Contents

Plate Captions ............................................................................................ 89 Bibliography ............................................................................................ 103

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figures 2.1 The Fon of Bambui, His Royal Highness Angafor Momboo III seated on the throne 2.2 Fon Angafor Momboo III seated on the throne, surrounded by his wives and notables 2.3 Female elites during mendele celebrations 2.4 Traditional priests responsible for protecting Bambui spaces 2.5 Nko-oh and Nikang on stage during the second funeral celebration of a notable, Tah Fomanju 2.6 Traditional priests responsible for propitiating the ancestors of Bambui and protecting Bambui against the unknown 2.7 Bambui notables during mendele celebrations 2.8 Fon’s dance during mendele celebrations 3.1 Masquerade walking into the dancing field 3.2 Chief priest sprinkling anti medicine on dancing field to welcome dancers 3.3 Fulie notable Pa Mbunuo celebrating with Eshum masks lodge 3.4 Larger xylophones being played alongside other musical instruments in preparation for a masquerade performance 3.5 Royal staff. Bambui Royal Collection 3.6 Royal bowl use for storing snacks such as kola nuts 3.7 Wall painting depicting the late fon of Bambui, Amungwafor II and his successor, Angafor Momboo III 3.8 Bambui fon’s open living room for guests

Tables 1.1 Days of the traditional eight-day week in Bambui and Bambili 1.2 Common names used for men and women in Bambui and Bambili 2.1 Genealogy of the fons of Bambui 2.2 Days of the Week in Bambui 2.3 Some Bambui shrines 3.1 Artists and patrons, objects and uses

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List of Illustrations

Plates 1 Slit drum (kwe-eh) 2 Slit drum (kwe-eh)—replacement for the previous slit drum considered to have lost its potency 3 Royal furniture 4 The sacred royal house (Atsam) 5 Drinking horn throne 6 Fon Angafor Momboo III on the throne 7 Statue of a standing man holding a pipe 8 Statue of a seated man 9 Ceremonial drinking horn (ndongiendieuh) 10 Ceremonial statue 11 Royal bed (eku-ufo) 12 Female drum (afobebengieu) 13 Statue of seated man and two standing men 14 Statue of a lion (bikem) 15 Female helmet mask (atuomangie) 16 Dance mask of princes society (atuomukumboto-oh) 17 Buffalo mask (atuokoomukum) 18 Anthropomorphic wooden mask (atuomukum) 19 Ram mask (atuonkobe) 20 Wooden elephant mask (atuofuhn)

FOREWORD

The Art of the Bambui Kingdom is part of the ongoing Bambui Museum and Ecotourism Project (BMEP). The project started in 2001, following the call to establish museums in some palaces of the Western Grassfields by an Italian NGO, Centro Orientamento Educativo (COE). Although Bambui applied and was not selected by the COE, the idea of a museum in the palace did not diminish—it continued to gain support from across the village, and specifically from the Bambui Cultural and Development Association (BACUDA) and the Bambui Traditional Council (BTC). As a native of Bambui with a background in museum studies, I was assigned from the outset to work on a catalogue of the objects in the Royal Palace that will eventually be displayed in the museum when it is completed. Accordingly, fieldwork for this book started in 2004. It involved yearly visits and participation in traditional religious activities such as the protection of space, marriages, births, burials or first and second funeral celebrations, enthronement, and ancestral propitiation. In 2006, I was initiated into some of the societies and rituals that are considered secret, such as Kwifor, for example, allowing me to have an in-depth knowledge of their internal affairs. I was also privileged to be given access to the Royal Treasure Chamber, allowing me to see the richness and diverse nature of the treasures held. Having participated in most of the traditional religious rituals associated with art and material culture, and seen the deplorable conditions under which the treasures are preserved, I am interested in opening up and strengthening the possibilities for a more critical debate on what can be done in order to promote and preserve these treasures for the benefit of the entire fondom. In fact, I am interested in raising public awareness of the need to preserve these rather than to continue to use and discard them when they are no longer useful, as is often the case. In other words, I am reiterating the case for the creation of a modern museum in the Bambui Fondom where these treasures can be preserved. Having a museum where these treasures can be preserved is particularly significant because it will help address some of the issues associated with antiques and other cultural assets across the region, such as theft and illegal traffic of objects, exploitation of poor fondoms and kingdoms by African art dealers and researchers from the West, and lack of education about the different ways and means the fondoms could

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employ to transform these resources to the benefit of all. As noted by Notue, problems associated with antiques and other cultural assets such as the ones I have mentioned, have brought “renewed interest both in developing and developed countries on study, training and research relative to different aspects of national heritage” (2005, 13). But in spite of the efforts being made in training Africans to be able to curate their artistic and cultural heritage, some regions, such as the Bambui Fondom for example, are still disadvantaged because there is no one to conduct an effective campaign to raise awareness about what can be done to protect and preserve the treasures. Hence, the treasures in the Bambui Royal Collection seem to have been abandoned precisely because people do not know the best way to promote them. This book is a pilot attempt toward addressing this issue. In terms of previous research, there is very little literature on the art and material culture of the Bambui Fondom. A few dissertations were written by students of Bambui ancestry at the Saint Thomas Aquinas Major Seminary (STAMS), Bambui, but the focus was on particular aspects of Bambui organisation and folklore. By contrast, there is a vast amount of literature on the Cameroon Grassfields as a whole and the western Grassfields (where Bambui is located) in particular (cf. Gebeaur 1979; Geary 1981, 1987, 1996; Engard 1986, 1989; Diduk 1987, 1989, 1992; Rowlands 1993, 1995; Knöpfli 997, 1998; Argenti 1998). As noted by Warnier (1975, 15), the vast amount of literature on the Western Grassfields can be divided into three main types: first, travel accounts and published reports of the German period (1884-1916); second, publications by Christian missionaries in connection with missionary work; third, scholarly work by Western anthropologists, historians and art historians, for example. Yet, in spite of the vast amount of literature on the Western Grassfields, there is little, if anything, specifically on the art and material culture of the Bambui Fondom. In most cases, Bambui is merely mentioned as a missionary centre, perhaps because of the numerous missionary institutions across the village, or simply highlighted precisely because of its location at a cross-road on the Bamenda Ring Road rather than a fondom with a rich and diverse heritage that is worthy of study. For comparison, while the art and material culture of other fondoms in the western Grassfields, such as Bafut, Mankon, Nsei, Kedjom Keku, Kedjom Ketingo, Oku, Bali, Nso, Babungo and Kom, for example, continue to gain prominence in Western art discourse, little is known about the art of the Bambui Fondom. Yet, the Bambui Fondom, like most fondoms in the Grassfields and particularly the western Grassfields, has a rich and diverse

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tradition of art and material culture that can be studied. This book sets out to fill the gap created by the absence of Bambui art and material culture from the literature on Grassfields art. Unlike previous studies that have been undertaken on the art and material culture of the western Grassfields, this book is particularly significant because it is the first of its kind in terms of the artistic and cultural heritage of the Bambui Fondom. Of course, there are features common to all the fondoms of the Cameroon Grassfields that allow us to describe the entire region as a distinct cultural and art-producing area, with the possibility that Bambui has nothing new to offer. But there are also reasons to believe that Bambui has a lot to offer, especially considering the level of misinformation sometimes encountered in the literature. As Geary (1987, 43) has pointed out, catchwords such as kingship, palace, secret societies, retainers, and hierarchy that are normally taken for granted and applied as meaning the same thing across the Grassfields, can only be fully understood if the particular context is elucidated. This book addresses the problem of misinformation and the generalising approach in Grassfields artistic studies by presenting a detailed study of the artistic and cultural heritage of one ethnic group, the Bambui Fondom. It is intended especially for young scholars and museum staff as well as for African art lovers.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I decided to write this book because I believe that Bambui has a lot to offer in terms of art and material culture, and that in narrating what is unique about Bambui, the reader will gain insight into what is distinctive about Bambui’s artistic and cultural heritage. For anyone aspiring to learn about the rich and diverse art of Bambui, this book will prove useful, especially since it is written by someone who has lived, and still is living, the Bambui experience. I have approached my writing journey in the same way that books of this nature are written, especially those focusing on the kingdoms of the Western Grassfields. I had very little idea how to order my work in a way that would be appealing to understand. I just knew what I wanted to achieve. The rest I thought I would figure out along the way. In the process of bringing this book together, I benefited from the help and support of many people and institutions. My sincere thanks are due to: Dr Sue Malvern and Dr Paul Davies of the University of Reading and Professor Dunja Hersak of Universite Libre de Brussels for assisting with my PhD dissertation from which this book emerged; Professor Anitra Nettleton of the University of the Witwatersrand for reading through the book proposal and providing me with useful insight, as well as for recommending me for the Cambridge/Africa Collaborative Research Programme on Arts and Museums in Africa 2012/2013; and Professor Cynthia Kros of the Wits School of Art for recommending me for the same fellowship. My participation in the Cambridge/Africa Collaborative Research fellowship gave me additional strength and inspiration, the outcome of which is this book. I would also like to thank the Centre for the Creative Arts of Africa (CCAA), University of the Witwatersrand, where I was a Research Associate during the research for this book, the Leverhulme and Sir Isaac Newton Trusts for sponsoring my research at the Centre of African Studies, Cambridge; the coordinators of the 2012/2013 Cambridge/Africa Collaborative Research Programme on Art and Museums in Africa, Professor Nicolas Thomas, Professor Harri Englund and Dr Sally Ashton for providing the necessary assistance throughout my stay in Cambridge; and Rachel Hand for providing biscuits and tea each time I walked into her office as well as support in the Museum of

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Acknowledgments

Archaeology and Anthropology (MAA) collection store. I am grateful to the staff of the Centre of African Studies for their generosity. I am especially grateful to the fon of Bambui, Angafor Momboo III, his notable, Pa Mokezang and the lone palace retainer, Pa Amungwa Peter Nkoh for granting me access to the royal treasury or traditional palace museum. Dr Amy Niang of Wits University and Dr Ngambouk Vitalis provided me with much needed advice and encouragement in difficult moments of the study. Angafor Julius provided me with relevant information about traditional days and activities in Bambui while Elisabeth Salverda and Jeni Harris assisted in proofreading the manuscript. Angafor Giddeon sold his copy of A Short History and Traditions of Bambui 1700-2012 to me at a time when the book was scarce. My parents Pa Joseph Fubah and Mama Mariana Mbuh Fubah provided the foundation by sending me to school and I will forever be grateful to them. Finally, special thanks go to my wife Alubafi Miranda, and children Alubafi Agnella and Tabah Agnel for their support and encouragement during my six-and ten-month residence in Cambridge and Berlin in particular, as well as numerous visits to Cameroon. Without their understanding this book would never have been completed.

INTRODUCTION

Bambui or Abe-eh Mbeuh as it is popularly known is one of the many autonomous fondoms/kingdoms in the Western Grassfields, which came into existence some five and a half centuries ago. It has a population of about thirty thousand inhabitants, who are in turn divided into thirty-seven Nte-eh (s) or quarters. Archaeological and linguistic sources of the Western Grassfields, including Bambui, suggest that the Bambui Fondom has been occupied successively for about five and a half thousand years. The language of the fondom known as Agho-oh Mbeuh belongs to the Ngemba group of languages, and is considered by most Grassfields scholars as a subdivision of East Grassfields (which also include Central Bamileke), one group of the Bantu languages of the former West Cameroon. This group of different but interrelated languages dates back to at least five thousand years and is therefore considered a result of a long diversification of a single basic language called proto-Bantu. Like most of its neighbours, Bambui has a well demarcated territory, a population of diverse origins, well defined institutions and military power, all answerable to a sacred male sovereign, efor-mbeuh or the Bambui fon or king. The Bambui fon, then, is the spiritual and secular leader of his people. Like most Grassfields fons, he plays the role of an overseer in issues relating to social organisation, traditional religious rituals and performances, judicial matters and the promotion and preservation of relationship with neighbouring villages. He heads and is responsible for the creation and functioning of all traditional societies and juju or masks lodges across the fondom. His powers are closely monitored and regulated by his numerous sub-chiefs or notables, heads of clans or quarters and Kwifor or regulatory society. The capital, nto-oh, is located in the royal palace and it is considered the overall cultural, administrative and religious centre of the fondom. It is at nto-oh where the fon, his mother, his numerous wives, children and servants live. Additionally, nto-oh is the meeting place for most of the traditional societies in the fondom. It is home to the Royal Treasure Chamber that houses and supplies a wide variety of cultural objects used in ceremonies and other royal manifestations such as mendele or annual dance. Like most villages or fondoms across the Western Grassfields, Bambui has a long history of

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producing and using art objects in socio-cultural, religious, political and even economic activities. The art presented in this book serves as a window into the Bambui Royal Treasure Chamber. It is by no means restricted to Bambui because the artefacts were collected from across the Grassfields either as gifts, war trophies or objects of commercial exchanges. Such treasures, made up for the most part of objects of foreign provenance given by allied kingdoms, reflect Grassfields fons’ preoccupation with the appropriation of the world or foreign other (Warnier 1975; Geary 1996; Argenti 1998, 1999; Rowlands 1996, 2007) Acquiring such objects from another kingdom marked the giver’s subjection to the receiver in a complex diplomacy of gift exchange (Warnier 1985, 70; Rowlands 1987, 60-1). Objects of foreign provenance were thus “inextricably tied up with histories of war and conquest. In some cases prestigious objects of European origin were not only locked away in storehouses but also displayed on the battlefield” (Argenti 1998, 767). Similarity in the forms of objects is indicative of the fact that both art and artists circulated throughout the region in different forms of exchange—ending up in different fondoms where styles and aesthetics were also copied and replicated—and is now seen as part of the history of these kingdoms. The richness and diverse nature of the treasures is very much in line with local features of art and craft production across the Western Grassfields and their stylistic homogeneity can also be observed across the African continent and beyond. Although the art of the region is increasingly adapting to the forces of innovation and change, Bambui has remained faithful to its ancestral values and traditions, embracing modernity but still promoting and preserving what was handed down by its ancestors. This is noticeable particularly in the domain of artistic creation in which artists present both the individual and collective traditions of the regions. The contradictory nature of ancestral values and traditions across the Grassfields has been well highlighted by Grassfields scholars as “a certain continuity and dynamism with changes and innovations based on external influences and internal contradictions in the course of a long past” (Notue 2000, 16). In spite of the turbulence resulting from colonisation, Bambui arts not only survived but is thriving. Like most of its neighbours, Bambui was a major centre of commercial activities in the pre-colonial era, allowing its rulers the opportunity to amass a huge collection of treasures made up of diverse objects from neighbouring and distant kingdoms. Following wars with the Germans (such as the 1898 punitive expedition against Bambui for providing refuge

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to the fon of Bafut, Abumbi I), as well as fires over the years, most of these treasures were destroyed. Some were however smuggled out of the fondom and these surviving treasures now form the basis of the objects in the Royal Treasure Chamber, comprising drinking horns, religious architecture, statues, royal furniture, royal head-dresses and costumes, masks, musical instruments and spears. The objects are meant to promote and preserve the power and integrity of the Bambui fon and his numerous sacred societies and notables. Although the objects presented in this book have been selected from those found in the palace, other important pieces are dispersed throughout the fondom, especially in the homes of sub-chiefs, quarter heads, and other traditional and modern urban elites (see for example plate 10). Some royal objects however, especially those belonging to sacred societies, are still locked away in secret storerooms of the palace and only brought out during traditional religious ceremonies involving the societies’ initiated members. A review of the objects discussed in this book shows a picture of the rich visual and intellectual history of the Bambui Fondom. Bambui art, which like that of its neighbours swings between tradition and creativity, is not motionless. It is functional, exhibitionist, expressionist and decorative: most of these traits are illustrated by this catalogue. This pioneer book on the art of the Bambui Fondom is divided into four main parts. Part One focuses on the geographical location and history of Bambui. Part Two discusses the social, political, religious and cultural meanings of the different categories of artefacts and art in the fondom. Understanding the historical context within which artefacts and art are produced and used is particularly important, as numerous studies have already highlighted, because it corresponds to current art-historical research which aims at “integrating the works in their specific ecological, social and cultural environments” (Notue and Triaca 2000, 16). It is also important because it will serve as a stepping stone towards the reconstruction of the history of the artistic and cultural heritage of the Bambui Fondom in particular and the western Grassfields as a whole. Part Three is an examination of the forms, functions and meaning of the objects, while part Four catalogues some of the pre-eminent pieces found in the Bambui Royal Treasure Chamber.

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Map. Bambui in the region of Bamenda with its quarters and roads linking the fondom to other fondoms and regions of the western Grassfields. Royal Archives, Bambui, 2008.

CHAPTER ONE ABE-EH MBEUH OR THE BAMBUI FONDOM

Geographical Location Bambui is one of the four fondoms found in Tubah Sub-Division, North West Region, Cameroon. It is located some 12 kilometres north-east of Bamenda town in Mezam Division. It lies between latitudes 5059’ and 6001’ N and between longitudes 10013’E and 10015’ E within the subequatorial climatic region characterised by two distinct seasons: the wet and dry. The fondom is situated on the flanks of the Bamenda volcanic highlands, along the very range that consists of the Oku and Bamboutos Mountains on the main Cameroon fracture line oriented south-west to north-east. The region is an important frontier rich in water resources; its crest-line corresponds to part of the geographical boundary between West and Central Africa and is the actual division of the large basins of the River Niger and Congo.1 Bambui shares boundaries with Bafut to the west, Kedjom keku (Big Babanki) to the north, Kom (Boyo Division) to the north-east, Kedjom Ketingo or Small Babanki (with Sabga settlement) to the east and southeast, Bambili to the south, and Nkwen to the south-west (see map). It stretches 3.8 kilometres of the Bamenda Ring Road, which is the principal highway of the region, and 8.1 kilometres of the Bambui-Fundong road. Morphologically, Bambui is divided into three main regions, namely the Bambui plains in the west, the low plateau in the centre and the high lava plateau in the east and north-east. The lowest altitude in Bambui is about 1050m on the plains and corresponds to the valley of the Fengwang River (a tributary of the Menchum River). The highest point is 2400m on the north-eastern extreme of the high plateau. The high lava plateau is separated from the low plateau by a west-facing escarpment. The high plateau has dense patches of indigenous forest interspersed with Savannah vegetation. Bambui legend informs us that the forest used to harbour plenty of wild life, including elephants, monkeys, buffaloes, lions, chimpanzees, and antelopes—right up to the 1920s. However, because of

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Chapter One

indiscriminate or uncontrolled hunting, destruction of the forest as well as cattle grazing, most of the wild animals are now extinct. Bambui has a dense network of streams. The main streams that drain the village are Ntsa Fengwang, Ntsa Saakeu, Ntsa Tunui, and Ntsa Ntie— running along the Bambili frontier, and Ntsa Mbeuh and Ntsa Mbee — running along the Bafut frontier in the west. The principal watershed is Alegefor and mending hills, in the east and north-east of the fondom. Specifically, there are three sub-watersheds: the Mbeuh, Alegefor and Ntahmbang. All the streams except for the Tunui and Mbee take source from these watersheds and flow towards the lowland in the west and north-west. It is hypothesised that the Ntsa Tunui originates from a spring which is believed to be an outlet of Lake Bambili. It has an unusual regime with high discharge recorded during the dry season. Interestingly, all the streams eventually flow north-westward to merge with the Fengwang that feeds the River Menchum. From the highlands, most of the streams cascading as waterfalls with the Meya-ah waterfall being the most notable. There are also dozens of springs all over the area, with one hot spring at Atuoh (Felie Quarter) that flows into the Mbeuh Stream evidence that the area is of volcanic origin. These diverse physical attributes offer many opportunities for economic and social development, especially in the area of tourism, but most of them are yet to be fully exploited.

History Bambui legend holds that the people of Mbeh (as they were previously referred to) came from the upper Mbam River, the region of the sacred lake usually referred to as Kimi or Rifum, home to the present day Tikar.2 Between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, they emigrated from present day Adamawa region passing through the Mbam Valley, and eventually took up temporary settlement in Ndop.3 Because of conflicts and the struggle for leadership by various group leaders as well as the search for fertile land, they later moved out of the Ndop plain. They were led out of Ndop by a brave warlord called Zehtingong who subsequently became the first fon or king of Bambui (date not known). From Ndop, they settled on a hill in present day Bambui called Phedieuh before moving on to Nka’ah (the former Wum Area Development Association, WADA) and later to Atuala-ah, another prominent hill site. Settling on hill sites in those days was considered safe and an advantage because it allowed them the opportunity to see in all directions, and therefore prepare against attack if they saw their enemies approaching.

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Conflicts at their temporary settlements resulted in the creation of a hierarchical structure aimed at compensating the various factions (i.e. group leaders, family heads and princes). Following the new leadership structure, traditional titles such as fo(s) or sub-chiefs were created and assigned various functions to assist the fon. Some of the notable names that emerged at the time and have survived until the present day include: Fo-manjuh who later became the sub-chief of Manju quarter; Fo-mallam who later became the sub-chief of Mallam quarter; Fo-ngueh who later became the sub-chief of Manduba quarter; Fo-matula-a who later became the sub-chief of Atula-a quarter; and Fo-magho who later became the subchief of Magho-o quarter. Although the sub-chiefs were seen as subordinates to the fon, most of the people under their leadership continued to address them as fon; thereby creating confusion as to who the real fon or overall traditional ruler was. The sub-chiefs also added to this confusion by carrying their palm wine calabashes with Nka-azang or royal palm leaves—a symbol of power reserved for the fon. To ensure that only one fon reigned, two of the fon’s closest aides, Tarh Anembe and Tarh Asogho Fameunghie protested against the use of the Nka-azang by sub-chiefs. Following the protest, which happened at a traditional gathering of the fon and his sub-chiefs (no date given), it was unanimously agreed that the use of Nka-azang on palm wine calabashes by sub-chiefs be terminated. Henceforth, all sub-chiefs were given the title of Tarh (subordinates to the fon), rather than fo as they were previously addressed by their people. However, one of the subchiefs, Tarh Moteh was given preferential treatment because of his prominent position in the Bambui Fondom. He was allowed to continue to use his palm wine calabash with Nka-azang but only within his compound rather than carrying it around elsewhere as was previously the case. With the leadership squabbles addressed and a traditional structure in place, Bambui territory was formally demarcated into quarters and placed under the care of the different Tarh(s), allowing them to move out of the temporary settlements to permanent sites, some of which were named after them—such as Mallam named after Tarh Fo-mallam and Manju named after Tarh Fo-manjuh. Henceforth, Bambui became something like a confederation ruled by the Bambui fon whose premises was also relocated from the temporary settlement to the various sites, before finally relocating to the present site, Nto-oh-fi or new palace, at Bielaamfo-oh. Within the confederation, the clans or sub-clans were allowed a degree of independence and the privilege of managing their own affairs. Additionally, the Tarh(s) participated in the central administration of the fondom, assisting their overlord the Bambui fon as requested. They were allowed the privilege of

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Chapter One

organising hunting expeditions, but were required to pay tribute to the Bambui fon by offering him all royal animals (such as elephant, buffalo and leopard) that were captured. Bambui legend also holds that a commercial centre existed around the palace where non-royal animals captured in the hunting were exchanged for other valuables. Until about 1895 when the German explorers constructed bigger roads linking the different chiefdoms across the Western Grassfields, the Bambui commercial centre was connected to other chiefdoms by foot-paths. Following an imperial German punitive expedition on the Bambui palace in 1898, the palace and neighbouring commercial centre were destroyed, and seventy-eight Bambui people lost their lives, thus forcing the traditional ruler to suspend trading activities at the centre for some time. The punitive expedition was meant to force the Bambui traditional authorities to hand over the fon of Bafut, fon Abumbi I, who had taken refuge in Bambui following an earlier attack on his palace by the German colonists. Dr Eugen Zingraff, the German researcher and explorer who was dispatched to open up the interior of Cameroon in 1886, had attacked Bafut because fon Abumbi I refused to succumb to German requests for cheap manual labour and primary materials for German industry and commercial endeavours in the then Kamerun. In 1898, fon Abumbi I returned to Bafut and voluntarily surrendered himself to the Germans. Zingraff welcomed his decision but decided to send him to Victoria (a coastal city) in order to avoid another uprising from Abumbi and his people. Abumbi thus spent some time in Victoria before returning to Bafut to resume his position as the fon. Shortly after his return, Abumbi visited the Bambui fon to express his gratitude for the support he received when the Germans attacked and burnt down his palace. Together with his Bambui counterpart and various notables, the two fons signed a traditional “brotherhood pact” suspending all boundaries that existed between Bafut and Bambui. Henceforth, the two chiefdoms existed as brotherly villages and the boundaries separating them were not enforced until fairly recently, when skirmishes started erupting between them—with the fon of Bafut, Abumbi II accusing the fon of Bambui, Angafor Momboo II of encroaching onto his territory and vice versa. This, in fact, is one of the main reasons for the contemporary boundary crisis between Bambui and Bafut. While understanding this is beyond the scope of this particular study, it presents a potential research area for those interested in boundary issues because of the complex nature of the causes of the crisis. When all former German colonies were seized and placed under the jurisdiction of the League of Nations in 1919, the British and French

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partitioned Cameroon into two regions: East and West. Following the partition, the French took East Cameroon (about three quarters of the territory) while the British took West Cameroon (about one quarter of the territory). West Cameroon, the region where Bambui is located, was administered as part of British Eastern Nigeria. When the British instituted the system of Indirect Rule in 1922, West Cameroon became known as British Southern Cameroon but was still administered as part of Eastern Nigeria. However, traditional administration was in the hands of local chiefs because the British admired the manner in which the chieftaincy system was organised and managed. The British colonial officials in Eastern Nigeria established relationships of cooperation with the chiefs in British Southern Cameroon, most of whom acted as intermediaries between their communities and the British officials. This practice continued until 1961 when British Southern Cameroonians voted in a United Nation organised plebiscite to join La République du Cameroun that had earlier achieved independence from France in 1960.

Foreign or Other Ethnic Groups Foreign ethnic groups, here, refer to those groups that settled in Bambui shortly after the establishment of the kingdom, as well as those that came during the colonial and postcolonial era. Notable amongst these groups are the Nsongwa, Bambili, Baforkum, Finge, Bamoum, Wimbum and the Cattle Fulani (Bonu 2012). Ethnographic sources and recent literature suggest most of these groups were attracted to Bambui by the hospitality of the people as well as by the availability of abundant fertile land. Some groups settled elsewhere as a result of disputes over succession between some of the princes of the different groups in their original settlements or kingdoms. While some settled only temporarily and left, others persisted and were either integrated or assimilated into the Bambui traditional system. Yet, in spite of their assimilation, most groups, especially the Finge and Baforkum, still practise some of the customs and beliefs they brought from outside, alongside those of the Bambui. Analysing their history, however, is not to suggest that the founding dynastic clans of the Bambui kingdom were not foreign. Rather, it is meant to give an in-depth account of the historical biography of the kingdom. The activities of these foreign ethnic groups, no matter how small, contributed to the story of what is now known as the Bambui kingdom, and by extension, its treasures.

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Chapter One

Nsongwa Ethnic Group Bambui’s legend tells us that the Nsongwa were the first foreign ethnic group to request and be granted settlement in Bambui (year unknown). Their settlement was at present day Masoh quarter, about half a kilometre from the Bambui palace. As noted by Bonu (2012, 105), the Nsongwa only settled in Bambui for a short time, before leaving for their present site close to Bali Chomba (date unknown).

Bambili or Mbeligih The Bambili, also known as Mbeli, were the second foreign ethnic group to be granted settlement in Bambui. As was the case with most of the kingdoms in the Western Grassfields, this group migrated from Tikar, settling temporarily at Ndop before moving to Bambui. Arriving in Bambui shortly after the Nsongwa had left, the fon (name unknown) of Bambui at the time allocated to them the same piece of land at Masoh. While at Masoh, their activities were coordinated by their leader or fon (name unknown). But as time went by, they realised that they were not comfortable in Bambui because of their second-class status. As a result, they started searching for an alternative place that would allow them independence. Through their search, they discovered a virgin kola nut forest to the south of Bambui. The forest attracted them to the extent that they harvested some kola nut and brought it to the fon of Bambui, their host, as a symbol of gratitude. Over the years, they continued to explore the kola nut forest in an attempt to make it more habitable for when they would eventually relocate. However, their effort to relocate was disrupted by the death of their fon. Accordingly, they buried their leader and spent some time at Masoh before finally relocating to their present site (date unknown). Prior to their departure from Masoh and Bambui, they constructed a memorial stone called Azahmengong (“Only the Gods Know”) on the grave of their leader. Over the years, Bambili traditional elites continued to make a libation to their leader on the spot but it is not clear if this practice still continues or its potency has been transferred to Bambili palace. Unlike the Nsongwa, the Bambili people settled in Bambui for many years and this resulted in the acculturation or assimilation of Bambui culture by the Bambili and Bambili culture by the Bambui in turn. Hence, there is a sense of “oneness” in the culture of the two kingdoms that has survived to the present day. Bonu (2012, 106) has noted that this is manifested in the similarities in the days of the traditional eight-day week,

Abe-eh mbeuh or the Bambui Fondom

7

as well as in the names of men and women in Bambui and Bambili. The language of the two kingdoms is another area of similarity. A Bambui person for example does not need to learn the Bambili language just as a Bambili person does not need to learn that of Bambui. Below are tables showing the days of the eight-day week in Bambui and Bambili as well as those of men and women in the two kingdoms. Bambui Week Days Yientie Yienkue Yielie Yiendue Yieko-o Yiejung Yiemphie Yieleng

Bambili Week Days Yentigi Yekha Yeligi Yenghiwhi Yekho Yejung Yemphigi Yeshimbang

Table 1.1 Days of the traditional eight-day week in Bambui and Bambili (adopted from Bonu 2012, 106)

Bambui Names Amungwa Tanjong Fombalang Fobejung Azanui Ngweni Saanui Azunishie

Bambili Names Amuhngwa Tanjong Fombalang Fobejung Azanui Ngweni Saanui Azunishie

Table 1.2 Common names used for men and women in Bambui and Bambili (adopted from Bonu 2012, 106)

Baforkum The Baforkum, literally translated as people of “forkum” or people of chief Akum, arrived in Bambui around 1910. Oiginally from Santa-Mbei, and were led by one of their princes, called Akum. Prince Akum and his brother Prince Ndifor were both sons to the fon of Santa-Mbei, fon Ngufor (Bonu 2012). When their father fon Ngufor “went missing” or died (date unknown), the two brothers quarrelled over the throne, thereby dividing

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the kingdom into two factions. As the dispute continued, Prince Ndifor became more popular and was eventually enthroned. Dissatisfied with the outcome of the dispute, Prince Akum took his followers out of Santa-Mbei and they wandered across the region for some time before finally settling on a piece of land allocated to them by fon Asoghogo II, the fon of Bambui at that time. The area was then known as Mendeng, and later as Alaakuba before the Germans changed its name to Baforkum. Prince Akum was crowned sub-chief, answerable to the fon of Bambui. Prior to the arrival of Prince Akum and his followers, Mendeng was a farming site punctuated by raffia palms (mostly in the valleys) that were owned by Bambui notables such as Tarh Fo-manju, Taform, Fornimoh, Azubuh and others (Bonu 2012). The allocation of the area to Prince Akum and his people, however, did not affect the Bambui citizens who owned land in the area. However, when the British Southern Cameroon government created what is today the Regional College of Agriculture (RCA Bambui) in the early 1940s, most of the people were displaced while the marshy area in the region was developed into fish ponds, and thus its affiliate name “fish pond - Baforkum.” The other sections were developed for irrigation purposes and one of them is until the present day, used by one of the government farms, Multiplication Farm, Bambui. Over the years, Baforkum has had successive leaders, all from the group that came from Santa-Mbei. They too have also been assimilated into the Bambui traditional system—through intermarriages, for example. One notable example is Chief Akum who married a Bambui woman; they produced many children, naming one of them Ngufor, after his paternal grandfather, fon Ngufor of Santa-Mbei. Interestingly, the young Ngufor also had a son and named him Akum, after his father in-law, Chief Akum of Baforkum. The population of present day Baforkum has grown exponentially, allowing the sub-chief, in consultation with the fon of Bambui, to allocate a quarter head or heads to assist the ailing Chief James Boma with the administration of the region. Like the fon of Bambui and most of his subchiefs and quarter heads, the members of authority in the traditional hierarchy in Baforkum have also assembled a huge collection of treasures in their homes. I was privileged to be given access to some of these treasures during field work (plates 3-10).

Finge The name Finge originates from Kom, and is one of the regions in the present day Belo sub-division, precisely above the Mbingo Baptist

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9

Hospital. At the turn of the twentieth century, some of its indigenes left Belo because they sought autonomy from the main Kom kingdom. In fact, they wanted to have their own Kwifor, the regulatory society in most or all Grassfields kingdoms, but this privilege was never granted. After Kom, they settled at Kifem, a region in Kedjom Keku or Big Babanki, but this did not last either as their host Big Babanki also refused them the right to the autonomy they desired. Accordingly, they started searching for a new area until one of their leaders called Ngam visited Bambui for traditional treatment at Ndzembue quarter and used the opportunity to ask fon Acheyifor (the fon of Bambui at the time), if his people could be allowed to relocate there. Because Ndzembue at the time was essentially virgin land made up of kola nut forests and raffia palms for the fon and some of his notables and citizens, fon Acheyifor granted Ngam’s request and his people left Kifem in Big Babanki in about 1925, settling in Bambui under the same name of Finge, and retaining the Kom language. Prior to their relocation, Ngam and his people entered an agreement with the fon of Bambui in which they accepted that they would obey and respect the fon of Bambui and all its institutions, such as Kwifor or regulatory society, Takembeng or the society of princes. Respecting these institutions meant that the Finge were never going to form rival institutions such as Kwifor because they were accepted as a sub-chiefdom under Bambui and sub-chiefdoms normally don’t have a Kwifor. Besides, two Kwifors are not allowed to exist side by side in one kingdom in Grassfields traditional ideology. Hence, the terms of the agreement were to be strictly followed. The founding chief of Finge, Chief Ngam, respected and enforced the terms of the agreement until his death. After his death, his successor Chief Waze began going against the terms of the agreement. Shortly after taking over Chief Waze created a rival Kwifor, which greatly provoked fon Acheyifor and the Bambui traditional authorities. Chief Waze’s actions were interpreted not only as a violation of the terms of the agreement but also as an indication that Finge was never going to recognise Bambui as its overlord. Hence, Chief Waze and his people were advised to leave Bambui in about 1932. From Bambui, they settled at Kedjom Ketingoh or Small Babanki, situated precisely between Mile 14 and Mile 16 on the Bamenda-Kumbo Highway, part of the Bamenda Ring Road. At their new site, Chief Waze and his people thought they had found a solution to the problem of autonomy because they were not answerable to anyone as their host. For one, the fon of Kedjom Ketingoh and his people pretended to be different from Kedjom Keku and Bambui, by remaining silent, thinking Chief Waze and his people had learnt lessons from their

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previous encounters. But, this was short-lived because Chief Waze tried again to re-establish his Kwifor at the new site. Kedjom Ketingoh saw this as a threat to their sovereignty and cautioned Chief Waze about the implications of his actions. Besides, Chief Waze and his people soon realised that the region did not possess most of the resources that could support their survival. Bonu (2012) explains that life was unbearable at their new site due to: - Poor soil—it was only good for Irish potatoes, cabbages and herding. - Farmer grazer problems—Sabga is inhabited by the Fulanis whose livelihood is cattle rearing. Their cattle graze all over the place. - Climatically, the area is cold and windy. - Lack of firewood for domestic purposes—it is an almost treeless location characterised by shrubs and brush (112-113).

Against this background, Chief Waze and his people started the search for a new site which also extended to a reconsideration of some of the previous sites. Eventually, Ndzembue, the previous site in Bambui came up as one of the most suitable, resulting in Chief Waze sending some of his men to appeal to the fon of Bambui and ask if he could allow them to return. This was followed by successive pleas until fon Acheyifor decided to reciprocate by also sending two of his notables, Mbunuo Mayah and Solomon Beloke, to Chief Waze. As royal messengers, the two notables took with them two calabashes of palm wine “stocked with raffia palm leaves”—- as a symbol of royalty (Bonu 2012, 113). Their message was simple and straightforward: it stated that “fon Acheyifor and the Bambui Kwifor had heard the Finge plea with great sympathy and therefore granted their request” (ibid.). This was welcomed with a lot of alacrity and in about 1941 Chief Waze and his followers started the process of returning to Bambui. The return and eventual resettlement of Chief Waze and his followers is described in the following extract: Upon their arrival in Bambui, some of the Finge people such as the parents of Aban Mbu took refuge with old friends while fon Acheyifor housed their leader Chief Waze at his former compound at Mandzembang. A new site, called Ndzemesang, an area that was used in cultivating guinea corn was allocated to Chief Waze and his people. The new site was rich in agricultural resources such as raffia palms and kola nut trees planted by Bambui people such as Pa Ngeh Langsi, Pa Asogofa, Pa Yigha-a, Pa Zoghochu, Pa Chiembife and also the fon of Bambui at the time.

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As a gesture of goodwill, fon Acheyifor got his people to assist Chief Waze and his followers to settle on the new site. Thus, Bambui people assisted in constructing a palace for Chief Waze using bamboos and other traditional building material from the raffia palms at the site. Finge people were also supplied with bamboos for their own homes. With the support from Bambui and his previous experience, Chief Waze promoted and enforced a cordial relationship between Bambui and his people. In return, fon Acheyifor named the new site Finge, after their original settlement in Kom. (Bonu 2012, 113-114; emphasis added)

This suggests that the handing over and re-naming of Ndzemesang as Finge made the Finge the second foreign group after the Baforkum to settle permanently in Bambui. But was the cordial relationship going to last? The answer rests in what followed Chief Waze’s demise. Chief Waze died at some point in 1945 and was succeeded by Chief Mathew Mbengwe Lobti, a Basel Mission Catechist, who until then had been based in Ndop. The enthronement of Chief Mbengwe in Finge was followed by the death of fon Acheyifor of Bambui in 1947. Fon Acheyifor was succeeded by fon Amungwafor II, another kind-hearted ruler who Chief Mbengwe sought to manipulate. Hence, as early as 1950, barely a few years after taking over the throne in Finge, Chief Mbengwe and his people started ignoring the terms of the agreement signed between Bambui and their previous leader, Chief Waze. Ethnographic sources, as well as the history of Bambui compiled by Bonu, tells us that Chief Mbengwe started by claiming ownership of land, raffia bushes and kola nut trees that belonged to Bambui people. This claim was later extended to farming, in which all Bambui men and women going to work on their farms in Finge were targeted and treated as intruders. Additionally, royal tapers (or retainers responsible for taping the fon’s raphia or palm wine) as well as those charged with caring for, and harvesting the Bambui fon’s kola nuts were denied access to the royal farms. As if this was not enough, Chief Mbengwe created his Kwifor to rival that of Bambui, which was interpreted in Bambui as extreme provocation. Accordingly, fon Amungwafor II encouraged Bambui people to ignore Chief Mbengwe’s actions and continue with their activities at Ndzemesang. In return, Chief Mbengwe instructed his people to attack any Bambui person coming to tap raffia wine or harvest kola nut in the area. This was followed by a case against fon Amungwafor II at the civil court in Bamenda in 1954. Chief Mbengwe claimed in this summon that Bambui people were encroaching on his territory and he wanted an explanation or them out. Since 1954, Bambui has had successive court cases with Finge—all have been ruled in favour of Bambui. The climax of this situation, however, was reached in

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1996, when Bambui attacked Finge because of continuous provocation, and resulted in the loss of lives, property, as well as treasures from both sides. It also served as a reminder to Bambui of the danger that lies within its borders in the name of sub-chiefdoms and chiefs. At the moment, Bambui still considers Finge as one of its sub-chiefdoms, but how Finge sees this remains an open question. While successive Finge chiefs continue to provoke Bambui by their continuous search for autonomy, Bambui traditional hierarchy and its people feel they are in control and will ensure the terms of the agreement that granted the Finge the right to settle in Bambui remain applicable and enforced. Whatever happens in future, the fact remains that Finge has played and is playing a crucial role in the historical biography of the Bambui Fondom. Yet, in spite of this important role, I cannot address the rivalry here in detail because it is beyond the scope of this book. A more detailed account of the BambuiFinge crisis can be found in Bonu (2012, 115-178).

Bamoum The Bamoum, one of the largest ethnic groups in the Western Region of Cameroon, also settled in Bambui for some time. But before coming to Bambui, they settled briefly at Babessi in the Ndop plain of the North West Region. For them as for other ethnic groups before them, the settlement at Babessi was uncomfortable, thus forcing them to leave. As narrated to Pa Bonu Chungong by one of the oldest members of the Bamoum group that settled in Bambui, Ma Nji Yaoubuh, they were led out of Bamoum by one of their princes, Prince Musa of Foumban. This was because of a succession dispute between Prince Musa and his brother Prince Seidou Njimoluh Njoya over their father, King Njoya’s throne. Following the enthronement of Prince Seidou Njimoluh Njoya as successor, Prince Musa took his own followers and left disgruntled, first settling as I have already indicated in Babessi for three years before leaving for Bambui. In Bambui, they were welcomed by fon Acheyifor who gladly offered them a piece of land in the Mushu quarter. At their new site, the Bamoum constructed their houses and lived happily with their Bambui host, respecting the traditional customs and beliefs of Bambui but without necessarily neglecting their own, until 1948. In that year, Prince Musa’s brother, now Sultan Seidou Njimoluh Njoya negotiated with him and the two reconciled their differences, allowing Prince Musa and his followers to return to Foumban. Some members of the group however, such as Ma Nji Yaoubuh, remained in Bambui, eventually settling at Four corners. This explains the similarities

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in names between some of the people at Bambui Four corners and those in Foumban. Although ethnographic research has not shown similarities in other domains, especially brass work, a skill for which the Bamoum are particularly noted, the fact that Ma Nji Yaoubuh was a renowned brass worker suggests that brass work might have come to Bambui through the Bamoum. If this is true, then the history of some of the brass objects in the Royal Collection might be traced to the fact that the Bamoum settled in Bambui.

Wimbum The Wimbum were attracted to Bambui by the vast stretches of virgin forest that existed across the kingdom. Some of the early arrivals were Pa Zacharia Njapku and Pa Peter Njapsi. While in Bambui, they were housed by Pa Amungwa Douala at Mile 10. Pa Amungwa’s compound was and still is located opposite Akunkieuh, one of the forests in Bambui that was considered a sacred site in those days, that is to say, in 1962. Living with Pa Douala and seeing the vast forest reminded the two Wimbum men about the work they used to do in Wimbum as wood sawyers. Accordingly, the two decided to acquire land around Akunkieuh because of the available raw material. They also contacted the fon of Bambui at the time, fon Amungwafor II about the possibility of cutting down some of the trees for timber. Their request was granted and they invited their families and relatives to join them in Bambui. Slowly and steadily the Wimbum population in Bambui increased exponentially, creating the need for other facilities to accommodate them. One notable facility in this regard was the Baptist Church. For one thing, the Wimbum were staunch Baptist Christians in a predominantly Catholic Bambui kingdom. Together with the few Baptist Christians of Bambui origin, they contacted fon Amungwafor II for a piece of land to construct a church. The fon responded positively, offering them a piece of land at Tubah—where a Baptist church was eventually constructed. Hence, in some sense, the Wimbum thus contributed to the development of the Baptist church in Bambui. However, when the government of the Republic of Cameroon negotiated and acquired Tubah from Bambui to construct administrative offices, the Baptist church was destroyed and a new one constructed at the current site—still at Tubah. Although the activities of the Wimbum in Bambui were beneficial, they ended up destroying most of the forests because they did not make any effort towards replacing the trees that were cut down by planting

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more. As the raw material started to decline over the years, most of them left Bambui for Wimbum, while those who were already settled stayed behind and became integrated in the Bambui community. In present day Bambui, it is difficult to distinguish between a Wimbum and a Bambui person. They live as brothers and sisters, their differences having been neutralised through intermarriages and assimilation. Their contribution to the artistic and cultural heritage of Bambui, and by extension the Royal Collection, if any, is largely unknown. But what is certain is that through their skills in wood work, they contributed in extracting the raw materials for some of the objects, especially those carved from wood.

Cattle Fulani The Cattle Fulani or Bororo, as they are popularly called across the Western Grassfields, trace their history to the Adamawa region of Cameroon, where their founding dynastic clan the Fulbe still lives. They are called Cattle Fulani because their livelihood depends on cattle rearing and because of their nomadic lifestyle, always moving from one place to the other in search of grazing land for their cattle. Hence, it was because of the search for abundant grazing land that they decided to migrate from Adamawa in the 1930s before finally settling in different regions of the Western Grassfields, including Bambui. Bambui was particularly convenient for them because it possessed vast stretches of virgin and uninhabited land in comparison to the other kingdoms across Tubah. Bonu has noted that the Cattle Fulani did not contemplate settling in Bambui upon arrival because they discovered grazing land both in lower and upper Bambui (2012). While lower Bambui denotes the area corresponding to present day Fonta which was rich in grazing land in those days, upper Bambui denotes the area corresponding to present day Alegefor and extending to Sabga, the region that was named after one of the leaders of the Cattle Fulani, Sabga Abbdulai. Between 1930 and 1968, the Cattle Fulani settled and grazed their cattle in these two regions of Bambui, but some also settled in neighbouring Bambili. However, when the Presbyterian Church negotiated the acquisition of Fonta from Bambui in 1968 to construct the Presbyterian Rural Training Centre (PRTC), Fonta, most of the Cattle Fulani in the Fonta area were displaced. While some moved to join their fellow brothers and sisters at Alegefor and Sabga, others, such as the families of Jee and Manjo, relocated to the hills above Finge. Similarly, the family of Magaji relocated to neighbouring Nkwen.

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The displacement of the Cattle Fulani resulted in a shortage of cattle across Bambui and Tubah, prompting the local populations to engage in cattle rearing. Over the years, more Bambui, Bambili and Nkwen people joined the profession, thereby creating an atmosphere of competition in the cattle market with the Fulani. As a result, cattle rearing became common and unprofitable. To ensure a means of livelihood, most of the Fulani began to integrate themselves into the Bambui community, by intermarrying, acquiring land, and also by opening small and medium-size businesses. Due to the difficulty of fully integrating into the Bambui community, however, most of them are still at Sabga. For one thing, integrating into Bambui requires much more than just intermarrying and acquiring land. It also has to do with learning and practicing the traditional customs and beliefs of the kingdom, something that most of the Fulani cannot guarantee because of their nomadic lifestyle.

Kungi Kungi is one of the small villages or chiefdoms in Nkambe, Donga Mantong Division in the North West Region, Cameroon. Ethnographic sources on the history of Bambui hold that one of the princes from Kungi, Prince Sheku, his wife and daughter Malaah settled in Bambui between 1963 and 1965. Prince Sheku left Kungi following a succession dispute with his brothers, in which the brothers emerged victorious. Disappointed by the outcome of the dispute, Prince Sheku sought and was granted refuge by a Bambui man called Pa Paul Kechum Ngwa. While in Bambui, Prince Sheku and his family lived with Pa Ngwa until one of the chiefs from his native Nkambe came and negotiated his return in 1965 (Bonu 2012, 182). Living under the custody of their host, Pa Ngwa, Prince Sheku and his family did not leave any footprints in Bambui, hence their story ended when they departed for Nkambe. The relationships between the Kungi and Bambui, if any still exist today, are limited to the family of Pa Ngwa but the fact that they settled in Bambui for two years makes their story an important part of Bambui history.

Baba II Baba II is a small village in Santa Sub-Division of the North West Region. It is called Baba II to avoid confusion with Baba I in the Ndop plain. Like Kungi, Baba II also has a history in Bambui and this relates to one of its natives, Chief Lebere John. How this man came to be called chief remains obscure but he is generally recognised and addressed across

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Bambui as Chief Lebere John of Baba II. In an interview with Pa Bonu Chungong in December 1990, Chief Lebere John revealed that he came to Bambui for treatment, giving the impression that he was not running away from a succession dispute as is often the case with other chiefs. While living in Bambui, he received treatment from a traditional healer, Pa Mbosi, for a year. He later bought a piece of land from Pa Daniel Funge Abungo and constructed his house. Over the years, one of his daughters married the fon of Bambui, making him an in-law to the Bambui royal family. Becoming an in-law to the royal family cemented Chief Lebere John’s relationship with Bambui and he now sees himself as a native of Bambui rather than as someone from Baba II.

Notes 1. Most of the information on the geographical location of Bambui was provided by Nchangvi Sebastine, a native of Bambui and a geographer with the Cameroon Ministry of Education. 2. The name Bambui came into existence in 1891, shortly after the Germans conquered Bali Nyonga and decided to rename most fondoms of the region with the prefix “Ba.” Henceforth, “Mbeh” became Bambui, “Mbelie” became Bambili, “Nso” became Banso, “Bufu” became Bafut, and so on (cf. Bonu 2012, for more on the renaming of fondoms by the Germans). 3. Evidence to support the fact that the Bambui people first settled at Ndop plain are the use of names from most of the fondoms in Ndop by Bambui families such as: Fomanka in memory of the fon of Bamunka; Fobesa-ah in memory of the fon of Babessi; Forbalang in memory of the fon of Bambalang; Taba in memory of the fon of Balikumbat; Forbeteh in memory of the fon of Bamessing; and Ntehnguh in memory of a quarter in Babungo.

CHAPTER TWO SOCIAL ORGANISATION OF THE FONDOM

There are two major male secret societies that are at the head of Bambui social organisation. They include: Kwifor or regulatory society and Takumbeng.1 Of these two, Kwifor is the most powerful, and its members are: sub-chiefs, nobles, quarter heads, and modern urban elites who have been initiated or empowered to through rituals. Bambui legend associates Kwifor with Tarh Nchuh, a man believed to be the first person to settle in Bambui before the arrival of Zetingong and his people from the Ndop plain. When Zetingong and his people arrived in Bambui, and settled at Phedieuh, they had to survey the territory in order to acquire more land and demarcate their boundary from that of their neighbours. During one such exploratory tour across the bushes and forests, Zetingong’s people came across a beautifully constructed dome-shaped structure (a hut) in the middle of nowhere. What struck them about the structure, however, was the rich traditional music emanating from inside. As they came closer to the structure, they also noticed some smoke coming out of the hut, indicating that there was fire inside. Then suddenly a man came out of the hut and introduced himself as Nchuh—the first person to settle on the land. The rich music was that of his masquerade or juju—known as kwifor. In accordance with the tradition of the group, the discovery of Nchuh was immediately made known to fon Zetingong, who on hearing of this person, arranged to meet him. In the course of their discussion, fon Zetingong discovered that Nchuh’s Kwifor had magical powers and authority and that it could help strengthen his own authority over his people. As a result, he deceived Nchuh and appropriated Kwifor into his palace, replacing it with a weaker masquerade for Nchuh. In addition, Zetingong gave Nchuh jewels and made him a notable in his administration. Henceforth, Kwifor became recognised as the overall regulatory society across Bambui. To be initiated into Kwifor, men had to, and until the present day still undergo certain traditional religious rituals and take an oath of secrecy. Additionally, they are required to present items such as palm wine, food, fowls, kola nuts, palm oil and salt for the

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ritual. In the past, the ritual of initiation into Kwifor was performed once or twice in the lifetime of a fon.2 As is the case across the Western Grassfields, Kwifor has the power to enthrone and to overthrow a fon. It has powers to exile people identified as “unwanted” in the community because of their deeds. Prior to religious secularisation in Bambui, Kwifor had the power to kill anyone who was suspected of practising witchcraft. It also had the power to kill or exile anyone who was suspected of having an affair or sex with the wife or wives of the fon or important notables.3 For this to happen, suspects or victims were given a kind of traditional concoction to drink while their reactions were closely monitored. Based on their reaction after taking the concoction, Kwifor was able to determine if they were guilty of the crime. Once determined to be guilty, the victims were beaten and escorted to a place called Mbohtikonotuh or valley of darkness.4 Kwifor was closely assisted in the execution of its duties by Takumbeng, a secret society made of princes. Unlike Kwifor, Takumbeng had the power to choose who was going to be the next fon. In the event of abdication or death of the traditional ruler, Takumbeng was called in to select from among the princes in line to the throne. The person who was selected was then presented to Kwifor who retained the right to accept or reject Takumbeng’s choice if there was genuine reason. As was the case with Kwifor, Takumbeng had an initiation rite for its members, and it was performed once or twice in the life of a fon. Takumbeng was also an exclusively male secret society, though in rare cases one or two of the eldest princesses could also be incorporated into it. Nowadays, the leader of the women’s regulatory society, Fuembueng, is also given access to some of the activities of Takumbeng and Kwifor.5 Across the Bambui Fondom, therefore, Kwifor and Takumbeng were and still are the two main traditional authorities responsible for assessing the state of traditional affairs and making recommendations to the fon. To these two bodies and the community at large, the fon remains the secular and spiritual ruler of the Bambui Fondom (see figure 2.1). He is the head of the fondom as well as Tah-to-oh or head of the royal clan. He presides over traditional religious rituals, ndiehmukum or houses of the different masks groups and the war council, all comprising traditional and modern urban elites chosen by him on the basis of social status. The fon is the highest magistrate in the Bambui Fondom and is by his status charged with the task of presiding over all cases except those relating to murder and treason that are handled by Kwifor and Takumbeng or state judiciary institutions. The fon is considered the intermediary between the villagers and their ancestors, especially late fons who are believed to be his advisers

Sociial Organisation n of the Fondom m

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mbui, His Royal Highness, Anggafor Momboo III seated Figure 2.1 Thhe Fon of Bam on the throne. Bambui, 20100 (Photo by Matthias Fubah)

in issues of tradition and the well-bein ng of the entirre Bambui com mmunity. Succession tto the throne is hereditary or passed dow wn from fatheer to son. Some of thee unique featuures of the fon n outlined by Bonu Barnabas (2012, 27) are that: - The fon is addressed ass Mbeih. - Subjectss clap hands whhen greeting thee fon. - Subjectss do not shake hands h with the fon. f - Only fonns exchange haandshakes. - Subjectts must bow inn front of the fon when greeeting or deliveering a message. - Fons doo not eat in publlic. - Fons driink only from a special cup—tthe buffalo hornn. - The fon’s drinking cup is called anouffor. mmoners. They are said to disaappear and reap ppear . - Fons doo not die as com Traditionally their deathh is expressed ass “the fon is misssing.” —traditionally itt is expressed a s “there is cold d in the - The fon is never sick— palace.” mselves from orrdinary - Only foon’s wives wearr cowries to diistinguish them women.

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Chapter Two H travels with a cover for hiss chair - The fonn does not sit onn a bare seat. He called Am mphee-fo.

Figure 2.2 Baambui Fon surrrounded by no otables during m mendele or ann nual dance celebrations. Bambui, 2010 (Photo by Math hias Fubah)

The fon is closely assisted in his du uties by his addvisers, most of whom are also notaables, such ass Tabifor, Ndiifor, and, Moffor as well as me-eh-fo or queen m mother (see figgure 2.2). Mee-eh-fo can bbe the fon’s biological b mother or one of his sisters s if his mother is ddeceased. Mee-eh-fo is responsible for recruiting and educating g the fon’s wivves about the rules and regulations of the palacee. She is also o responsible for resolving g disputes between thhe fon’s num merous wivess and presennting their in ndividual problems to the fon, espeecially in the event where tthe woman in n question is too shy too speak directlly to her husbaand, the fon. T The me-eh-fo enjoys e all the privilegees reserved foor male elites,, and in the evvent of her deeath, may be buried in the same mannner as a fon. Similarlyy, me-eh-fo iss assisted by itsento-oh oor the palace guard or retainer. Itseento-oh is som meone who iss recruited byy the fon to liive in the palace and tto serve as ann intermediary y between thee palace or thee fon and the rest of thhe villagers or o guests from m outside the ffondom. Itsento-oh can be recruitedd from any fam mily backgrou und, but he muust be someon ne who is mature enouugh (say from the t age of 18-2 20 upwards) too be able to un nderstand,

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respect and practise the rules and regulations governing his position in the palace. Once recruited, itsento-oh is taught how to serve the fon, me-eh-fo, fon’s wives, notables and all guests to the palace correctly. He is given accommodation in the palace and is expected to remain in the palace except when sent out by the fon or me-eh-fo. Itsento-oh is normally recruited as a bachelor but once he reaches marrying age (28-32) and finds a partner, he is given a title in recognition of his services to the palace and is assisted in settling with his wife outside of the palace premises. He is eventually replaced by a new recruit (but this is optional, meaning he can still continue to serve in the palace if he wishes) who is also expected to go through the same procedure. Apart from itsento-oh and me-eh-fo, there are male and female elites or notables who are always in the palace observing, advising and assisting the fon whenever need arises. Bambui oral history suggests the village has had twenty fons including the current ruler (see table 2.1). Name of fon 1. Fon-Zehtingong 2. Fon-Lungsi 3. Fon-Suhnie 4. Fon-Lam 5. Fon-Nineh 6. Fon-Gwemukong 7. Fon-Fehnjuma 8. Fon-Tsehndeng 9. Fon-Momafor I 10. Fon-Momafor II 11. Fon-Fehkughemvie 12. Fon-Angafor Momboo I 13. Fon-Asoghofor I 14. Fon-Atseyifor I 15. Fon-Amungwafor I 16. Fon-Aga Momboo II 17. Fon-Asoghofor II 18. Fon-Atseyifor II 19. Fon-Amungwafor II 20. Fon-Anga Momboo III

Sex Male Male Male Male Male Male Female Male Male Male Female Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male Male

Year Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown Unknown … - 1912 1912-1947 1947-1992 1995-

Table 2.1 Genealogy of the fons of Bambui (Source: Pa Momah, interview, 2005)

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The table suggests Bambui has had two female rulers. However, this is uncertain because my informant pointed out that those who gave him the information also harboured doubts (Pa Atenhuo, pers comm. May 2005). In addition to the individuals mentioned above, sorcerers with supernatural powers played an important role in the social structure of the Bambui Fondom. Numerous men who were believed to be capable of controlling the wind, rain and bees existed and were recruited by the fon to assist in protecting the fondom. One of the prominent sorceres of note was Atsokang who was capable of controlling the wind. Atsokang’s wind control workshop was located underneath a tree at a place called Ntehsam, opposite present day Comprehensive High School, Bambui. His wind control powers were used whenever Bambui wanted to take revenge on an enemy and this was done by using the wind to destroy the home(s) or crops of the victim(s). To promote and sustain his wind control powers Atsokang had very strict roles to follow, which included always keeping the inside of his house dark; moving backward whenever he wanted to go out; not looking backward whenever he was outside and walking on the road; and moving backward when he wanted to enter his house (Bonu 2012, 40). Failure to respect these roles was believed to bring misfortune either in the form of sudden death or the withdrawal of Atsokang’s supernatural powers by his ancestors and deities. In the same vein, men who were capable of controlling bees, stored their bees in bags and were called upon to help whenever the fon or sub-chief was faced with a threat. Bees were launched on enemies and called back by singing songs which served as a form of command understood only by the bee owner and his bees. Another sorcerer was noted as being capable of assisting people to transform into the animal of their choice. His house was located near the fon’s palace for easy accessibility since it was believed that human to animal metamorphosis was one of the fon’s prerogatives. Although people continue to talk about men and women with supernatural powers across Bambui, it seems most of these powers no longer exist, which might stem from the fact that most of the men who had these supernatural powers died without passing the skills on to their descendents or be due to the transformation of society through religion and education.

Customary Societies/Administration in Bambui Traditional administration in Bambui is in the hands of princes, subchiefs, notables, quarter heads and other modern urban elites appointed by the fon. The socio-political set-up in Bambui is based on a patrilineal organisation, and on the division of the territory into quarters. Overall,

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Bambui has seventeen quarters which are in turn divided into two or more sub-quarters, adding up to a total of thirty-four quarters. A quarter or subquarter is headed by a quarter head who is appointed by the fon, in consultation with the quarter elders. Some quarters or sub-quarters comprise mostly one or two lineages, while others are made up of members of different lineages. Densely populated quarters, some of which are also the oldest quarters in Bambui, such as Mallam, Manju, or Ntaahbang for example, are placed under the leadership of both sub-chiefs or tarh, and quarter-heads. This results from the fact that some of the subchiefs were founding members of the Bambui Fondom and the quarters were named after them. Other quarters, such as Finge and Baforkum comprising people from neighbouring villages, are also placed under subchiefs. The sub-chief title to the heads of these quarters is as much a form of recognition for their role in their people settled in Bambui, as it is a form of compensation as a result of the fact that they failed to be fons in their original villages before relocating to Bambui. Like sub-chiefs in other quarters across Bambui, they are also seen as subordinates to the Bambui fon. Although all quarters are headed by male elites, female elites are seen in the quarter administration representing the interests of women, such as the quarter leaders of Fuembueng or female regulatory society (see figure 2.3). Together with their male counterparts, these female elites belong to customary societies that assist and advise the fon on issues affecting the Bambui community. Among some of the notable customary societies are: Kwifor, Takumbeng, Fuembueng, Mukume-eto-oh, or palace masks, and the traditional healer’s group. As one of the key customary societies, Kwifor is the custodian of Bambui tradition. It plays an important role in ritual and judiciary issues: the role of cleansing people who have committed crimes such as suicide, rape, arson and related misdeeds. The traditional symbol of Kwifor is the U-shaped iron gong that is normally played whenever it is going to perform somewhere. The sound of the iron gong in Bambui is an indication that Kwifor is approaching and that people—especially the non-initiated should hide. Kwifor is also made up of numerous sub-groups responsible for different domains, including the customary law group responsible for placing injunctions, the policing group responsible for issuing convocations and passing judgment, the traditional medicine group, responsible for removing all bad medicines found anywhere in the fondom, the agriculture group responsible for performing rituals during times of poor harvest or drought and the religious group responsible for performing traditional religious rituals aimed at promoting and preserving the artistic and cultural heritage of the

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fondom (seee figure 2.4). The T sub-group ps are: Mabu’’u, Nko-oh and d Nikang. However, w while Kwifor iss normally preeceded by Ma bu’u during itts outings and perform mances, Nko--oh is preceded by Nikaang during important i celebrationss such as thhe death celebration of sub-chiefs and a other important nootables (figuree 2.5). Fuembueeng is the oveerall regulatory y society for w women acrosss Bambui. Like Kwiforr, it plays a similar role, defining andd regulating th he sociocultural, pollitical and religgious activitiees of women aacross the fond dom. The leader of F Fuembueng, Me-eh-fuembu M ueng, is appoointed by thee fon, in consultationn with Kwifoor and Takum mbeng. Mukuume-eto-oh, or o palace masks are soome of the cuustomary socieeties responsibble for first an nd second funeral celeebrations, prootection of sp pace and the entertainmen nt of the Bambui com mmunity duriing traditional and contem mporary maniffestations such as Menndele or the annnual dance th hat comes up eevery Decemb ber. Njwikwifor or Kw Kwifor’s day, iss Yijong: the day tribal casses are judged d at ehsooh-kwifor orr the Kwifor fiield in the palace.

Figure 2.3 Feemale elites duuring mendele celebrations. B Bambui, 2010 (Photo by Mathias Fubaah)

Sociial Organisation n of the Fondom m

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Bambui spacess. Bambui, Figure 2.4 Trraditional priests responsible for protecting B 2005 (Photo bby Mathias Fubbah)

Traditionnal days are an importan nt part of thhe activities of these customary ssocieties becauuse such activ vities are not jjust performeed on any week day. The traditionnal week consists of eightt days with the local market meeeting on the eighth e day off every weekk, Yiendue. Ap part from Yiendue, eacch of the eighht days has a traditional m meaning in thee Bambui traditional ccalendar. The most importaant of these eiight days is Njwi-la-ah Nj or traditionaal holiday, andd they include: Yikoh and Yintieh. Njwilla-ah is a day or days reserved by the t Bambui co ommunity for performing trraditional rites in com mmemoration of all departted fons or vvillage heads (Angafor Julius, pers comm. Octobber 2007). Bam mbui people bbelieve in the existence of smaller ggods alongsidee the supremee God, and ass a result, Njw wila-ah is reserved as a day of saccrifices to these gods andd their ancesttors. It is believed thaat if these sacrrifices are not performed, thhe traditional gods and ancestors m may retaliate byy causing deaath, bringing ggeneral illnessses to the village, caussing poor harvvests or may even render m men and wom men sterile until such time that they are a venerated. Traditional aactivities perfo formed on Njwila-ah suuch as the poouring of libaation at Nifoubbe or the maiin shrine, located in thhe fons’ palace,, are carried ou ut by special trraditional prieests called

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uring the secondd funeral celebrration of a Figure 2.5 Nkko-oh and Nikaang on stage du notable, Tarh Fomanju. Bam mbui, 2012 (Pho oto by Mathias F Fubah)

biche-eh niffoube, nobilityy of the shrines, and they iinclude people such as Tarh Mokezzang, Tarh Nambeh and Tarrh Forseh (figgure 2.6). In a situation where the abbove notables are absent, th he fon can eithher perform th heir duties or the eventt is postponedd to the next convenient Nj Njwila-ah. Njw wila-ah is also a day rreserved for community c wo ork such as ggeneral cleanin ng across the village aand people arre barred from m working on their farms especially e when it conncerns using hoes h and macchetes as is thhe case on Njigong Nj or general dayy. It is also a day of Kwifo for, the regulaatory society. On such days, Kwiforr may invite the t whole villaage to the palaace either to evaluate e a project, monnitor work inn progress or to inform thhem of any im mpending danger suchh as a suspeected attack by b an enemyy or issues related r to witchcraft.

Sociial Organisation n of the Fondom m

27

f propitiating the ancestors of o Bambui Figure 2.6 Trraditional priestts responsible for and protectinng Bambui agaainst the unkno own. Bambui, 22005 (Photo by Mathias Fubah)

Oral hisstory suggestss that Bambu ui had three ““Njwila-ah,” including Yintieh, Yenndue and Yikkoh reserved for traditionnal activities, but that because of a land disputee with Kedjom m Keku (a neeighbouring village) v in the 1930s, tthe number was w reduced to t two, Yikohh and Yintieh.. Bambui notables poointed out thaat the traditio onal council ddecided to reeduce the number of Njwila-ah because b Ked djom Keku w women weree always encroachingg on Bambui land on Yen ndue which w was a markeet day in Bambui andd Njwigong orr farming day y in Kedjom K Keku. Furthermore, in the 1980s ccontemporary and youth associations a inn Bambui succh as the Bambui Culltural and Deevelopment Association A (B BACUDA) co omplained that many N Njwila-ahs were w not helping the Bam mbui community. As a consequencee, the pouringg of libations on Yikoh waas shifted to Yintieh Y so that people ccould go to thheir farms on Yikoh Y or stay aat home if they y wished. Njwigong iss an ordinary day d or days when w people arre free to work k without restrictions oon the farms or o homes.

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Traditional Week Days Yiendue Yielie Yijong Yikoh Yiemphie Yieleng Yienkieu-eh Yintieh

Market Days and Country Sundays Bambui market day Market eve Ordinary day Country Sunday or holiday Ordinary day/Bambili market eve Ordinary day/Bambili market day Ordinary day Country Sunday or holiday

Table 2.2 Days of the Week in Bambui

Nifoube or the village shrine is considered a burial ground for late fons. In the past, that is to say up to the 1940s, libations to late fons were performed by connecting a pipe to the mouth of the deceased and pouring raffia wine through the pipe to his stomach. Today, the skulls of deceased fons are stored at Nifoube and libation is made by a traditional and half naked priest rubbing bueh, a locally-made camwood powder, on the skulls and reciting a traditional song known only to special people. The purpose is to appease the local gods and ancestors as well as to thank them for all the good things they are doing for the village, such as providing good harvests and many children to all families. As is the case in most villages across the Bamenda Grassfields, bueh is a traditional symbol for peace and is used by the traditional hierarchy and individual families during traditional ceremonies as a sign of harmony between the living and the dead. Bueh is normally rubbed on the forehead, hands and legs of individuals during special ceremonies such as abuni-for or the rite of passage to greet the fon. Apart from Nifoube, there are other shrines in Bambui where libation to appease ancestors and spirits is made. Some are listed below: Names of Shrines Atunui Feugho-oh Nifeh-meya-ah Nifeh tahmiuh Atuo-la-ah Table 2.3 Some Bambui shrines

English translations God’s head Untranslatable Waterfall shrine Maternal waterfall Village head’s shrine

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Unlike the village shrine in the palace, libation in these shrines is performed once a year and since 1996 has been restricted to Atunui and Fuegho-oh. One of the reasons for this is that Atunui and Fueghoh are both easily accessible in a geographical sense. Apart from village shrines, individual families also own shrines where periodic rituals are performed in honour of their ancestors and deities. Family ancestors are consulted whenever a family member is taken ill or when the family wants to undertake a major traditional celebration, such as twin or second funeral celebrations. Most family shrines are located in family homes and the spirits of the ancestors are represented by objects such as the small round stone that represents the skull of the ancestor in fondoms across the Grassfields. When a person dies, a small round stone and his drinking horn are placed or rubbed on his forehead before he is buried. Before placing the stone on the forehead of the deceased, the family representative or person performing the ritual will say “we are going to bury you but this stone will remain with us as your head” upon which we shall pour libation (Bonu 2012, 50). With the drinking horn, the person performing the act will invite the deceased to “go with empty hands and leave them with fresh hands” (cf. Fubah 2012). Once this ritual is complete, the stone is placed in a special corner in the kitchen or in the man’s living room, where periodic sacrifices will henceforth be performed. The drinking horn is put into a bag and stored in a secure place in the man’s house until after his second funeral when the horn is handed to his successor. Once the drinking horn is handed to the successor, he or she becomes a representative of the ancestor(s) and can use the horn in pouring libation on the stone when necessary. Hence, celebrations in the family are usually preceded by the pouring of libation informing the ancestors and offering them their own share of the food, as well as asking for blessings. Successors are compelled to carry the stone with them, in case they decide to relocate—or else they face the wrath of the ancestors.

Some Traditional Ceremonies Nto-oh or the Palace The palace is the seat of all traditional ceremonies and activities, as well as the administrative and judicial headquarter of the fondom. It is a place of reverence and people are expected to follow certain rules and regulations when they are in the palace. Entering into the inner chambers of the palace is strictly controlled by the tsento-oh or palace retainers. Men are not allowed to wear hats or caps if they want to go into the inner

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chambers of the palace while women without hair-scarves are not allowed into the palace all. In the absence of a palace retainer, visitors are expected to follow these rules and announce their presence in the inner chamber by coughing loudly. The palace consists of numerous buildings, with each playing a particular role or various roles. Amongst the most notable buildings are Atsam or the fon’s sacred house, with a conical roof, Abe-eh-kwifor or the Kwifor compound, the fon’s apartment, the queen mother’s apartment, the fon’s wives apartments, the visitors or waiting house, and the village halls. Entry into some of these houses is opened only to certain members of the palace and fondom. For instance, entry into Atsam is restricted to the fon, his mother, wives and some notables. Similarly, entry into Abe-eh-kwifor is reserved to initiated members or those who have been traditionally empowered to view Kwifor. Within the palace vicinity, there is Nifoube or the home of “missing” or dead fons. Special notables visit Nifoube every week, usually on a Yintieh, in order to offer sacrifices and pour libation on behalf of the entire fondom. Additionally, the village plaza where all traditional ceremonies and activities, such as the annual dance, are performed is located in the palace.

Ngong or Village Assembly The village assembly is normally convened by Kwifor, with the purpose of assessing the state of the social and economic affairs of the village. The village assembly comes up once or twice a year and is normally convened by Kwifor, the overall custodian of tradition in Bambui. Ngong summons is communicated to the villagers by a ntumkwifor or village-crier who is usually dispatched by Kwifor one week or so before Yiejung (the summons day) to alert the public to the impending assembly. Ngong announcements are made during the early morning hours, say between 3 and 5am, when people are still asleep, in order to ensure that everyone gets the message and adjusts their daily programme accordingly. For one thing, normal village activities such as farm work, business, construction and even church services are suspended on such days until after the assembly meeting. People found to be involved in any of the above activities during ngong meetings are heavily fined. Although ngong is convened by Kwifor, the deliberations are chaired by the fon. The deliberation starts with the arrival of the fon and his entourage. The fon’s arrival is normally made known to the anxious crowd by a messenger from abe-eh-kwifor or the Kwifor compound who walks around quietly, monitoring the overall attendance. If the attendance is

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satisfactory, the messenger will alert Kwifor who will in turn send two messengers known as thenka or minang to the assembly with the agenda of the meeting. Although Kwifor messages are taken to the general assembly by two messengers, they are communicated by one person while the other plays the role of a reminder in case the other person forgets something important. Even though the messages are meant for the general assembly, the two messengers talk among themselves by whispering to each other in order to agree on what has to be communicated to the public before making a declaration. Whispering is also intended to give the anxious audience the impression that the message is an important one. As Bonu (2012) notes, messages from Kwifor are like presidential decrees and are intended to influence the direction of events in the fondom in one way or another. In a more recent ngong held in the Bambui Palace on 6th February 2012, the following declarations were made (Bonu 2012, 35): - From today, Yiejung, the traditional practice of the second shaving of heads after the death of a relative or loved one is abolished. - From today, Yiejung, second funerals or death celebrations that used to be performed approximately a year or so after the first funeral or burial will now be performed immediately after burial or thereafter depending on the family concerned. - From today Yiejung, wake keeping before burial is totally abolished because of the economic strain involved. - From today, Yiejung, visitors to the palace who wish to see the fon must consult the palace messenger, cough loudly, or shout mbieumaah to signal someone in the palace for assistance, in the absence of a messenger. - From today, Yiejung, women carrying harmful medicines will not be allowed into the palace and those practicing witchcraft must desist from it or face severe sanctions. - From today, Yiejung, all social gatherings across the village should close by 7.00pm at the latest. - From today, Yiejung, motorbike riders should end their activities at 8.00pm. - From today, Yiejung, smokers of marijuana, especially the youth are under strict surveillance and will be punished accordingly or handed over to law enforcement officers. - From today, Yiejung, double-dealing in land sales is forbidden. Kwifor will seize any land under such dealings. - From today, Yiejung, family heads should give land to female children as they do to male. - From today, Yiejung, Yientieh, one of the traditional days in Bambui is reserved as a special Country Sunday in honour of Zetingong, the founder of the Bambui Fondom. All manual activities across Bambui are forbidden on such a day.

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Apart from the village assembly, there are also assemblies held by subchiefs such as the sub-chiefs of Baforkum and Finge as well as quarter and family assemblies convened by quarter and family heads in order to update the quarter or their respective families about developments in the quarter and family.

Childbirth and Twin Celebration Childbirth in the Bambui is considered an important event and as a result is recognised and celebrated as one of the major traditional ceremonies in the fondom. The birth of a child in a family is accompanied by numerous traditional religious rituals and ceremonies between the two families of the child’s parents. It is believed that a woman has to be traditionally married before having a child in order to guarantee that these rituals and ceremonies are conducted by both families. Rituals and ceremonies for babies born out of wedlock are low-key, especially in cases where the child’s father is known but not accepted by the woman’s family. In Bambui in particular, such refusals are usually associated with the fact that the man is not known to the ancestors of the woman—meaning he did not formally request the woman’s hand in marriage to enable her family to perform traditional religious rituals introducing the couple to his wife’s ancestors. Instead of festive rituals and ceremonies, celebrations following the birth of a baby under such circumstances are in most cases marred by anger, hatred, confusion and neglect of the baby’s mother if she supports the baby father’s family or, on the other hand, total support for her if she supports her family’s decision to reject her baby’s father. A baby whose mother supports her family against the child’s illegitimate father is registered as one of the mother’s siblings rather than in the father’s name and is recognised and supported by her grandparents. Instead of traditional gifts such as palm oil, wood, gourds, clay pots and related items being given by the baby’s father to the mother’s family, they are given by the baby’s mother’s parents to their own in-laws because they now have two different sets of children. Instead of newborn house festivities or different performances by different family groups taking place at the home of the baby’s father or his parent’s compound, these performances are shifted to the compound of the mother’s parents.6 In Bambui, having many children is not only considered a sign of power and happiness (Notue and Triaca 2001, 34), but also as a sign of wealth and authority in the community. Such authority, however, is different from that of tanyis and manyis or fathers and mothers of twins. The birth of twins to any family in Bambui is accorded great consideration

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and respect by all, including members of the traditional elites as well as commoners. In Bambui, as in many other villages in the Grassfields, bennui, twins or children of god, are considered to be special and extraordinary children with supernatural powers capable of controlling the destiny of their families as well as that of the village. As a result, “their innate powers are likened to those of the fon, to whom the twins are not obliged to show the same level of humble respect as ordinary people” (Forni 2001, 196), but are still closely monitored because of the belief that they have the potential to harm themselves or their relatives if not well looked after. In Bambui in particular, it is believed that if twins are not respected and treated well, they may bring misfortune to their siblings, parents, and relatives or may become ill and die. As a result certain rules and regulations associated with twins are obligatory. Amongst some of the notable norms are: -

Respecting the traditional names of the twins, which must be given following the order in which they were born, that is Bih or Che for first girl and boy and Mbuh or Angong for the second girl and boy. Performing rituals based on the order in which they were born (beginning each ritual with Bih or Che and ending with Mbuh or Angong). Using relevant objects for each of them and placing them at the appropriate spot. Performing regular annual rituals as required by tradition. Ensuring that their presence is recognised and respected in all sociocultural festivities both within the family and across the village. Respecting nkeng or the “peace plant” as the generally accepted symbol for twins across the Bamenda Grassfields. Isolation of the twins and their mother from the public for the first six months or so (pers comm. Mami Meyahnui Angella, December 2004).

When they reach a certain age, say between three and four years, the abe-ehbennui (traditional celebration of twins) is organised in order to appease and contain their supernatural powers. The celebration, which in Bambui for example normally lasts a week or two, is attended by the families of the twins’ parents, twin ritual specialists, all village tanyis and manyis, members of the traditional elites and other well wishers or close friends. The celebration normally starts with the planning exercise, during which the twins’ parents, relatives, friends, and some important notables gather in the twins’ parents’ compound to decide on an appropriate date for

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the occasion. Notable issues commonly discussed during such planning meetings or gatherings are: -

Selection of priests and priestesses who will assist in performing the various sacrifices during the celebration—priests and priestesses must be manyis or tanyis who have performed similar rituals before. Selection of items that will feature in the menu such as food, drinks, the type of animal to slaughter (or purchase)—for example, goat, cow, pig or fowl. Arrangement for the provision of camwood, castor oil and palm wine. Arrangement for the provision of clay pots, calabashes, leaves and branches of nkeng or the peace plant.

Activities performed on the first day of the twins’ celebration ritual normally range from the rubbing of clay pots and calabashes to be used with castor oil, to the painting of two white marks on the rims of the calabashes and pots, symbolising that they are twin objects, through to the posting of two burning lights of incense on the rims of the pots and calabashes. The incense is meant to appease the ancestors and deities of the family and to ask for their blessings throughout the celebrations. This is followed by the cooking of the palm wine for the celebration. To cook palm wine, the priest and priestess will have to pour some palm wine into two snail shells and put them in a boiling pot and also make some incantation to the gods that will cause the snail shells to float on top of the pot. Once the snail shells start to float, the whole house will clap in jubilation that the ancestors have answered their prayers, declaring abeehbennui open (cf. Bonu 2012, 53). At this juncture, the priests and priestesses, as well as other tanyis and manyis will distribute and drink the palm wine from the pot, followed by the general audience. Henceforth, family members, notables, invitees and visitors will be grouped in various corners of the compound and served with food and drinks. The staple meal in Bambui is aku-uh or achu and abo-oh or fufu corn and they are eaten with yellow soup and traditionally prepared spinach. However, before the eating and feasting commences, the calabash and pot are given a new name, nikeng. The calabash and pot are then placed in a special spot beside the wall of the twin celebration room. Additionally, a small pot containing a mixture of palm oil and burnt herbal leaves is placed on top of three stones in the celebration room for all visitors to consume. Bonu (2012, 53) notes that all visitors who enter the room to greet the symbolic twins must “first lick the mixture from the pot with two fingers and eat before drinking from the calabash.” Once this is done, and

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depending on what the visitors have brought, they are then invited to the different corners and fed by their host. As tradition demands, in Bambui female visitors with a basket of fufu corn or achu are given about one quarter of their food to eat and one quarter to take back home while the remainder is used by the host in entertaining other visitors. Similarly, male visitors with a jug or twenty litres of palm wine or a crate of beer are given ten litres or six bottles of beer to drink while the rest is used by their host for entertaining other visitors. The understanding is that some people might bring palm wine with them intended for the host and request to be given beer and vice versa. The same applies to women who might also bring achu and request to be entertained with fufu corn. Refreshment is followed by njang moo or baby dance, and feasting for seven days. The last day, which is the eighth day, is marked by closing activities, which are normally performed in the following order: - First, nikeng (i.e. the twin calabashes and pots) are filled with fresh palm wine. - The living twins and parents drink from nikeng. - They are escorted to the nearest stream for another ceremony. The journey to the stream is led by the officiating tanyi and manyi, with one holding a spear and the other a fowl. - The ceremony at the bank of the stream is performed using a feather from the fowl and by making incantations. - The return journey is marked by the moulding of a ridge on the way on which seeds of maize, beans, groundnuts and egusi are planted. - Upon their return to the compound hosting the twin celebration, dancing continues. While others are dancing, some prepare achu and fufu corn for the final stages of the celebration. Once ready, the food is shared and eaten with a mixture of egusi, meat and palm oil (Bonu 2012, 54).

The last stage of the twin celebration is the exchange of gifts; in which the hosting tanyi and manyi offer a goat, raffia bag, a cap, a fathom of cloth and a hoe to the officiating tanyi and manyi in exchange for the right to perform similar rituals and receive similar items in future. Even when the celebration is over, the family of the twins, especially the tanyi and manyi will still continue to venerate the nikeng, which is usually kept in a special corner of the kitchen, as a way of showing respect to the twins. Moreover, special attention is given to nikeng prior to and after any traditional religious ritual that is to be performed in the compound and sometimes extended family. This is done by cleaning and rubbing the nikeng calabash with palm oil and also pouring libation with palm wine using the an ancestral cup in order to propitiate the ancestors and ask for guidance during the ritual.

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Death, Burial and Coronation of a New Fon/King The death ritual for a fon in Bambui is so special and unique that as a result, I will present it as described by one of the Bambui notables, Chungong Bonu in a recent publication titled A Short History and Traditions of Bambui (2012) so that those who have not had the opportunity to read his book can benefit from his knowledge as one of the oldest Bambui elites and as someone who has lived the experience. In Bambui tradition, the fon does not die. He is said to be “missing” and people must look for him. Searching takes days and sometimes weeks. Within the period of searching, the king-makers rally in the palace secret locations and put their heads together. They consult the ancestors in the form of libation for directions to choose a good ruler. Until the missing fon is found, no public announcement is made. News about the missing fon is observed with solemnity and a halt to village activities. Within the period of solemnity, the population goes to the palace, clears it, repairs fences, and renovates certain areas and prepares the palace for the enthronement of the new fon. Whilst waiting for the enthronement, some days of public mourning are declared by Kwifor. Mourning is unique. Instead of normal dresses, men and women cover themselves with dry plantain leaves. Village scouts known as begwe, paint their bodies with white wash and charcoal. Some women rub their bodies with camwood and wood ash. In fact, nobody goes to the palace in formal dress. You find mourners at corners of the road looking very strange, full of solemnity and expectation. The entire fondom shaves their heads irrespective of status. On the appointed coronation day, the lost but found fon is brought to the public. This is the day of coronation. Since he is the spiritual leader of the people, everyone is allowed to touch him once only. Touching is not with the hand. It is by throwing a pebble or mud at him. It is the first and last day of such an action—so all those present must participate. The coronation of the fon is followed by that of Ndifor, Mofor, and Tabifor who are his advisers in village matters. The enthronement of a new fon brings life to the community. Activities resume with pomp and pageantry. Main activities include feasting, dancing and merriment as a whole. Quarters take turns in the palace for gun firing, feasting and dancing. The new fon joins them in the merriment. Allied villages take turns immediately or after. Visitors come with presents, dance groups and all forms of merriment. Such an occasion highlights culture through drumming, gun firing and regalia of the people. The celebration of the death of a fon or queen’s mother is called nikwi. Special preparations and traditional rites precede a nikwi. It is a serious belief that if nikwi is not celebrated, the village is doomed to disaster. (Bonu 2012, 48)

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Death and Burial in Bambui Death and burial celebrations are some of the most important aspects of the customs and beliefs of the Bambui people. Death in the first instance is considered unnatural and as a result, traditional consultation is undertaken to determine the cause of death. In most cases, people believe consciously or unconsciously that death, especially that of a young person, is caused by someone—just as they believe that a person causes other people’s illness and misfortune. For the most part, death is thought to have been caused by a witch, a sorcerer or perhaps an evil spirit (Knöpfli 2002, 85). More particularly, a sudden death is attributed to an ancestor or ancestors who are not happy with the state of affairs in the family. An ancestor who is otherwise friendly creates unrest in the form of illnesses or accidents in order to remind members of the family or clan of a neglected sacrifice, an inadequate death or twin celebration or an impending disaster (cf. Knöpfli 2002 and Bonu 2012). To the causes of death in Bambui, must be added nyongo—a cult practice in which members sacrifice their relatives or friends in exchange for money or living longer. It is believed that failure to perform such sacrifices and obligations can result in the death of the cult member. In Bambui, as in most villages across the Grassfields, news about death spreads fast. In fact, everyone including relatives, friends and the entire community moves to the death scene to offer their sympathy. At the home of the deceased, women, and sometimes men, sit on the ground and weep, while others move around stamping their feet on the ground and reciting traditional hymns as a form of mourning. Family members, especially men, gather in small groups trying to figure out what rituals need to be performed before burial, as well as the type of burial to be given to the deceased. In all cases, the fon is informed, and the deceased traditional record is assessed to determine if he/she lived his life in accordance with the ethical standards of the fondom or village. Where it is determined that the deceased or his family does not owe the village any form of fine associated with traditional rituals or development in the village, burial is performed immediately. Similarly, if it is determined that he/she or the deceased family owe some fine to the village, burial is delayed until the fine is paid. Items normally requested as fines are varied and can range from goats, pigs or fowls to palm oil, maize meal or fufu corn/achu (the staple food in Bambui), palm wine, beer, whisky and corn beer. But the items also vary depending on the social status of the deceased. In cases where the deceased was wealthy or from a wealthy background, the fine is usually exaggerated in comparison to the fine charged for someone from a disadvantaged background.

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Death in Bambui can be divided into two categories: good and bad. A good death is one that occurs when someone: -

-

Has acquired enough land and invested on the land for his or her descendents; Has been blessed with many children, both sons and daughters; Has succeeded in raising and educating all his children to the level where they can look after themselves; Has lived to enjoy the fruits of his labour by benefiting from the harvest of his children and carrying his grandchildren; Has lived his life in accordance with the ethical standards of his/her ethnic group; Leaves behind a “will” that will guide his children in continuing his legacy; Dies in the presence of his family members; Dies of old age, say from the age of eighty years and above.

In contrast to the above, however, a bad death is when someone dies without descendants, commits suicide, dies under suspicious circumstances or dies at a young age—before the age of seventy or eighty years. Irrespective of whether someone dies of a good or bad death, diviners are consulted in both cases to determine the cause of death because the community believes all deaths are caused by someone. As Knöpfli (2002, 89) notes “if there is uncertainty about the cause of death, things can be clarified by carrying out a traditional post-mortem examination (autopsy).” Traditional autopsy entails a careful examination of the internal organs of the deceased such as the bladder, kidneys, liver and heart to verify if certain distinctive marks such as blood clots, growths and deformations are present. Although this practice has been banned by the Cameroon Ministry of Public Health, it is still common in some regions of the Western Grassfields, such as Ndop and Donga Matung Division. Once any of these signs are present, it is concluded that the deceased died of poisoning. Alternatively, people who are suspected of having contributed to the death of their kinsmen are invited to take an oath before the coffin is closed for burial. In cases where there is suspicion but an oath is not taken, the deceased can still be buried with traditional medicine, in the belief that the medicine will invoke their spirit to strike whoever has a hand in their death during a particular time, say two to twelve months after burial. This practice is deeply rooted in Bambui, and by extension Grassfields traditional ideology, and many people believe it is one of the best methods of determining the silent killers of their loved ones. However, a major

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weakness of the practice is that friends or relatives of the deceased can often be held responsible for the death, especially if one or some of them happen to die within the two or twelve months following the burial of the deceased. The conclusion will be that the dead friend or relative had a hand in the previous death and his/her death has been caused by the traditional medicine used in the burial. One of the most important traditional religious rituals performed when a notable, family head or titleholder dies in Bambui is to transfer his power and initiate his drinking horn before he or she is buried.7 This is done by placing a flat stone and the deceased’s drinking horn on their forehead in order to transfer whatever power he/she possessed to the stone and cup before closing the coffin for burial.8 The placing of the stone is followed by incantations such as, “We are burying you but this stone will be your head upon which we shall pour libation to venerate you and ask for blessings” (Bonu 2012, 50). Once this is done, the stone is placed in the house near the cooking stones or in a special corner, making the area a family shrine for most ancestral libations. With regards to the drinking horn, it is believed the dead person’s power is added to any other vestiges of ancestral power in the title cup because most of them have been inherited from previous generations. In a situation where the deceased person does not own a drinking horn or title cup, one may be purchased and used in this ritual in order to ensure he/she leaves behind an ancestral cup that will eventually be handed to his/her successor. If the deceased was a notable, camwood is sent from the palace to be rubbed on the corpse before burial. Additionally, some rituals are also performed depending on the social status of the deceased before burial. The grave of married women is normally dug behind their kitchen while that of married men is dug behind the main building that contains his living room or parlour and his bedroom. Unmarried men and women are buried further away from their father’s compound but within the family compound boundary. In all cases, unmarried men, especially those that do not have children, are buried with a small stone in their right hand to symbolise the fact that they did not leave behind any progeny and all rituals that might be performed over the years to venerate them will be at the discretion of the family. Burial is followed by a war dance and heavy gun firing around the grave for married men and women. The last part of the burial is traditional refreshment in which a plantain is harvested, roasted and eaten with roasted fowls, churned into palm oil and shared among men only. Thereafter, refreshment follows in various rooms and corners of the deceased compound.

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Second Funeral or Death Celebration for Men and Women The second funeral or death celebration is the ritual that used to be performed approximately a year or more after the first burial. Nowadays, it is performed approximately a day or two after burial. This is because the Bambui Traditional Council (BTC) and the Bambui Cultural and Development Association (BACUDA), as well as the fon have realised the implications of not performing the celebration immediately after burial. Some families, especially those without the means to perform celebrations used to carry forward second funerals; in some cases families might delay as many as five second funeral celebrations, thereby increasing the financial burden upon themselves. For instance, the author’s maternal grandmother’s second funeral was delayed for almost two decades (19922010). That of his grandfather was also delayed for fifteen years. When both were to be celebrated in 2010, the financial burden was huge. Each new death in the family is attributed to the fact that the previous second funeral was never celebrated and each second funeral requires its own celebration items, especially in terms of gifts and fines owed to the palace, as well as to the different masks that will perform during the celebrations. Bonu describes the nature and purpose of second funerals in the following extract: Traditionally, death celebrations are important aspects of Bambui culture. It is a culture handed down by the ancestors to commemorate the culture of the living dead. It is believed that the spirits of ancestors continue to loom until celebrations are carried out. If that is not done, misfortunes such as illnesses, more deaths and disasters will come to the family. It is a means of paying back debts which parents or grandparents had incurred through attending other second funerals. Failure to celebrate may result in ridicule from counterparts who had celebrated theirs. Celebrations revive other aspects of culture such as rituals, music, dances, regalia, diet etc. In the past, second funerals lasted for a week but that has been reduced to a day. Kwifor has an important role to play before second funeral celebrations. Some weeks or months before, Kwifor must be invited to perform sacrifices in the compound where the celebration will take place. The sacrifice is done mostly at night. The compound head or successor supplies goats, fowls, palm wine and food for Kwifor members and others in attendance. No death can be celebrated without Kwifor’s authorisation. Prior to the start of the celebration, the family selects the dancing ground. Family members, in-laws and friends come with food, palm wine and fowls. The selected area is cleared, levelled and a special corner is screened for the fon and notables. The dates for the celebration are confirmed by all. After feasting all go home fully aware of the role they will play on the day of the celebration.

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Normally, on the evening before the first day of celebration, Yiemphie, the family and in-laws provide fixed items including food, plantains, wood and fowls. Once all are assembled, one of the men is appointed to assess the items. Failure to present the required quantity invites fines and sanctions. In some cases, the family concerned might rally together and come up with the missing items in order to avoid sanctions. After assembling the items, one family member is appointed to act as a priest in performing the ritual of akwonsinevie or pre-celebration rite. Normally, the priest will pour palm wine into a pot standing on three stones. While pouring the palm wine into the pot, he pronounces some words to recall the living dead—e.g. I am pouring this palm wine in the name of A or B...on the occasion of the second funeral of A or B....In fact, this ceremony is the climax of the celebration. Unless this rite is performed there can be no second funeral celebration. After this rite of pouring palm wine, the contents of the pot are put into calabashes and all can then drink. The plantains are shared, fowls are roasted and merriment begins. This may continue till dawn. The first day of the second funeral celebrations is Yieleng. The morning starts with gun firing. Firing usually starts at 6. 00am. This launches the joyful celebration. After gun firing, food, fowls, and palm wine are lined up to break the feast. This particular ritual is known as alie nivu. A break of about three hours is given for members and the different masks lodges to prepare. Dance groups in uniform, gun firers and jujus enter the dancing field in turns. Entertainment goes on at selected sites till the day ends. The second day Yientieh continues with dancing and merriment till the end of the day. The family meets on the third day for evaluation and concluding rites. (Bonu 2012, 51-53).

This part constitutes what Michael Jindra calls “the most serious part of the entire death celebration” (2005, 362). To him, the family meeting is the “summation of the event, the final event that confirms the unification of the family” (ibid.). Family unity across Bambui is as important as the death celebration itself. It is the responsibility of family heads and elders to bring the family together. It has been noted that “ancestors bless families that are unified and harmonious and they curse those that are divided, where bad feelings reign” (ibid.). Accordingly, family members continue to perform sacrifices after the death celebrations in order to show their unity to the ancestors. In Bambui in particular, family heads are expected to organise periodic meetings with family members in order to assess the state of events in the family and in turn communicate with the ancestors about the family’s needs.

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Succession Succession in families across Bambui is an obligation and a ritual that must be performed when someone dies. It is performed after the second funeral or death celebration. A second nikeng is celebrated prior to the succession or enthronement ritual. Food stuff such as plantain, cocoyam, maize meal and related items are harvested and prepared with a variety of meat to use in the celebration. The reason for this is not only to celebrate the life of the deceased but also his or her farming life. The cooked food is shared among family members and guests to eat before proceeding to the enthronement. The enthronement ritual is performed by an appointed titleholder or someone who has also undergone a similar rite. Succession is patrilineal and it is expected that the deceased has left behind a “will” to guide the family on who he or she would like to take over the throne. In the absence of a “will,” the family will have to sit together and decide on the most appropriate son or daughter as heir. The person to be made successor in case the deceased was a man, is always one of his sons, while that of a deceased female is one of her daughters. The first son or daughter is never made a successor. Instead, he or she is considered an adviser to his or her siblings and to the person who will eventually be made successor. This particular aspect is normally negotiated and agreed before the enthronement ritual. The ritual is performed by rubbing the chosen successor with beuh or camwood, dressing him or her with loin cloth and beads before presenting the successor to the family and public. Once presented to the public, the drinking cup of the deceased is handed to the successor, allowing him the opportunity to take over the name of his predecessor. In the case of women, the cup to be handed to the successor is the small calabash drinking cup used by most women across the Grassfields. If the deceased man or woman was Angafor or Bimiati, then the male successor will be called Angafor and the female successor, Bimiati. Henceforth, the successor becomes the head of the family and is accorded the same privileges that were given to his or her predecessor. He or she is expected to take over the deceased’s seat or position in all traditional societies and masks lodges in which he/she was a member. Exceptions do exist however, in terms of how the deceased acquired his titles and seats in various masks lodges and secret societies. For instance, some titles that were given to the deceased for his services to the community such as the red feather, ends with his death. His successor is not allowed to wear a red feather on the grounds that his father or predecessor had one.

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Traditional Religion Traditional religion in Bambui is still very much alive. Numerous traditional prayers are performed by the village or ritual priest and traditional elites asking for forgiveness and blessings from the ancestors. Ifegh Ngong or the air of the village is an annual ritual that used to be performed at Bueondang, Atuola, and Aluento (all former palaces). Once every year, villagers used to congregate at these places, beginning from Atuola and continuing to Bueondang and then Aluento. The congregation used to be, and still is, led by the two village or ritual priests, Tah Anambe and Tarh Mokehzang. Normally, Tarh Mokehzang went in front with a calabash of raffia wine, while Tarh Anambe followed closely with a bowl of Bundu or camwood. The general population came last. At each of the three former palaces, the two priests led the prayers, beginning with the recounting of all the names of former fons or traditional rulers before proceeding to the prayer proper: The prayers were normally said in the following order (P=priest and Pop=people) P: Asi Nlue Mulu yi ni beili? Pop: Aye P: Atieze Pop: Hummm P: Alenkwi Pop: Hummm P: Nkezamte Pop: Nkezamteh P: Fuo nwe akia ni lenebue abiilallah? English P: Is this not our old mimbo? Pop: It is P: This is your tree Pop: Yes P: Which was planted? Pop: Yes P: It has grown Pop: yes P: Is it not multiplying? Pop: It is multiplying P: If someone looks at it with jealous or bad eyes, what will he do? Pop: He will give his head (at this point, people will stamp their feet repeatedly on the ground shouting all sorts of curses on evil forces trying to reap where they did not sow)

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Thereafter, the raffia wine and camwood is sprinkled on the ritual stone as a form of libation to the ancestors, and some is rubbed over the bodies of the two priests. The population is then advised to return home and wait for the final ritual in the evening. At about 6pm on the same day, the ritual begins from the palace with a loud noise (in the form of shouting) from the fon, notables and his numerous wives, with each of them holding some wood ash that will then be blown into the air outside in a westerly direction shouting and saying, “All bad things should go downward,” so that they can gain sound sleep. Once this call echoes across the village, all the families carry wood ash and move out of their houses, blowing the ash into the air and shouting, “All bad things should go down so that we can have sound sleep too.” It is believed this particular ritual helps in sending away evil spirits from Bambui territory, thereby making the village a safe place for its citizens.9 Additionally, sacred places/sites, especially those that are considered to house the spirits of ancestors and gods of the fondom, such as Atunui, and Fe-egho are also respected and venerated through the performance of ceremonies and celebrations relevant to each of the sites. Traditional prayers are performed annually on these sacred places/sites, asking the ancestors for a good harvest at the beginning of the planting season and also thanking them after harvesting. Pre-planting rituals are performed by placing portions of the different seeds to be planted on designated spots in these sites before pouring libation on the seeds inviting the ancestors to bless all seeds that will be planted across the fondom so that they can multiply when harvested. Similarly, thanksgiving prayers are performed by placing portions of the different crops on the same spots where preplanting seeds were placed, before pouring libations, inviting the ancestors to collect their own share of the harvest. In most cases, however, such items are collected after the ritual by the ritual priest rather than by ancestors as it is claimed. Furthermore, traditional prayers are also performed when there are serious illnesses or drought, and to help with the problem of infertility amongst men and women in the fondom. Also known as invocation rituals, this particular prayer is normally performed by pouring libation on a designated spot at Atunui and Fe-egho, recounting some of the good things that the fondom has done to the ancestors over the years and inviting them to intercede with the almighty God on behalf of the villagers. Alongside Ifegh ngong and the prayers at sacred sites, Bambui people also perform the ritual of mendele or the annual dance. It is performed once a year, usually in December or early January, after all other prayers to the ancestors and deities of the kingdom have been performed. The

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objectives of mendele are: to honour the achievements of the founding dynastic clans of Bambui; to commemorate the past rulers of the Bambui kingdom; to honour the traditional sovereignty of the Bambui fon within the territory handed down by his predecessors; and to celebrate the achievements of the sons and daughters of Bambui—both at home and in other parts of Cameroon. The celebrations are preceded by sacrifices to Bambui ancestors and the exchange of traditional gifts among Bambui people. Dances are interspersed with heavy gun firing, a display of guns, swords and spears to give honour to the fon of Bambui and to exhibit his strength over the Bambui people (see figures 2.7 and 2.8). As with other traditional ceremonies across Bambui, mendele is an occasion for “people to meet potential mates, discuss village affairs, get news, exchange gossip, renew friendships and meet distant relatives” (Jindra 2005, 361). The last day of mendele is marked by decorations in the form of awards to selected people because of their services or contribution to the development of the Bambui Kingdom. One notable traditional item usually given as an award is the red feather, i.e. the red feather of the touraco. The choice of the red is determined by the fact that red feathers are generally scarce. In some cases, the red feather is accompanied by a buffalo horn because the newly crowned titleholder is expected to join the ranks of other titleholders who by tradition are required to drink from buffalo horns during important ceremonies. A new horn is purchased in a situation where the red feather is not accompanied by a buffalo horn, because using the red feather without a buffalo horn is considered an insult to the traditional ruler who bestowed the feather.

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Figure 2.7 Baambui notables during mendelle celebrations. Bambui, 2010 (Photo by Mathias Fubaah)

Figure 2.8 F Fon’s dance duuring mendele celebrations. B Bambui, 2010 (Photo by Mathias Fubaah)

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Social Norms in Bambui One outstanding feature of the Bamenda Grassfields is the organisation of social relations along ancestral lines. Across Bambui, it is paternal. A solid foundation for the social norms of each family, and by extension the village, is constructed during childhood when children are educated about good and bad practices within the family and community at large. In Bambui, in particular, good practices such as traditional respect to the fon, ma-afo, other members of the traditional elites and elders are encouraged. However, children grow up with the mentality that control over economic and symbolic capital lies in the hands of men rather than women. Children see women as wives, mothers, daughters and sisters who belong in the farm and kitchen and whose independence rests solely in these places. It is believed that women are weak-minded and therefore cannot be entrusted with secrets that are essential for the wellbeing of the society. As a result, women are excluded from key traditional functions such as libations at Nifoube and titles in the traditional government. Land ownership and control is also reserved to men because it is believed that women will get married and leave their parents at some point. The secrets of the family must not be shared with women because they may sell it to their husbands or friends and put the family at risk, observed Lydia, a female informant. Different individuals, families and quarters are rewarded on the basis of their attitudes towards these norms. Likewise anti-social behaviour is considered a taboo and those who practise it are isolated and punished either by jungle justice or mob action, or are handed to law enforcement officers to face judgment. Responsibility for the teaching of good practices in Bambui is in the hands of parents or the elderly. A parent or an elder in the society is not necessarily a brother, sister or family relative: any person who has children or is mature and versed enough with the customs and beliefs of Bambui is considered fit to advise the younger ones. These practices cut across the different facets of traditional Bambui society enabling children to understand the traditional structure of their respective villages and to be able to match different art objects with these structures. However, understanding the role of different categories of art objects in Bambui is not only a matter of being a parent or an elder in the society; it also has to do with the environment and way in which children are brought up. Those who are brought up in a traditional setting understand the parameters of the traditional society better than their counterparts in the cities, who in most cases can only gain superficial knowledge about village tradition during intermittent visits.10 What these city children understand better on the other hand are some of the new genres of art

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produced by modern city institutions that are more often than not associated with tourism rather than being a reflection of the real customs and beliefs of the people of the Bambui Fondom.

Notes 1. Kwifor and Takumbeng are institutions that assist in regulating social life across the village, rather than exclusively secret societies as some commentators would say. Like all other customary societies, they too have secrets that are reserved only to members. 2. Nowadays, the Kwifor initiation ritual is performed occasionally, and is sometimes done on request. 3. In neighbouring Bali Nyonga, however, any man who was suspected of having an affair with the fon’s wife was murdered by hanging, together with his adulterous partner. 4. Mbohtikonotuh, where individuals judged guilty by Kwifor were taken is a “valley of darkness” not only because it was a deep and therefore very dark valley but also because, once thrown there, victims were bound to die and never return again. Their families too were left in darkness because they were banned from mourning any relative who died at the valley or from shaving their heads as was the case with families who lost loved ones through normal death. 5. In a recent traditional decree passed in Bambui (February 2012), all traditional elites, family heads and guardians were called upon to treat all women as equal to men, suggesting that women can now become family heads, and by extension, members of most of the traditional institutions of the fondom, such as Kwifor and Takumbeng. 6. Following Bamenda Grassfields traditions regarding marriage and child birth, objects and performances associated with babies born by two traditionally recognised partners gained their meaning and authenticity by common consensus on all traditional religious rituals undertaken by the two families. When this happens to not be the case, the meaning and authenticity of objects and performances are open to questions and possibly denial either by one family or the other (see also Forni 2001, 194-197, for a similar situation relating to meaning and authenticity in pots for children, adults and spiritual beings in Nsei). 7. Even if the title cup has previously been initiated, it is initiated again when the user dies. The cup is initiated in order to transfer that particular person’s power into the cup irrespective of how many times the cup has been previously initiated. Initiation refers to the ritual in which the drinking horn is traditionally empowered into an ancestral object. This allows the drinking horn to be used as a means of communication with the ancestor(s). Initiation also refers to the empowerment of a person to membership of a customary society. 8. Weber (1964, 152 in Arens and Karp 1989, xiii) defines power as “the probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in the position to carry out his own will despite resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability rests”. Across Bambui, traditional medicine is considered a source of

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power and is used either to protect humans against witches and evil spirits, or to protect traditional space. It is believed titleholders and family heads possess a kind of power that allows them to see what ordinary family members and commoners cannot. 9. Most of the data on traditional religion in Bambui was provided by one of the elderly notables of Bambui, Pa Tamukum of Fonta. 10. Intermittent visits by people from Bambui residing in other parts of Cameroon such as Douala and Yaoundé are common throughout the year. Those living and working in these cities return to Bamenda occasionally either to visit their families or to participate in family rituals. Traditional religious rituals constitute an important part of the lives of the people of Bambui to such an extent that no matter where they go, tradition requires them to return home when need arises; when they do, some bring along their children in order to introduce them to the customs and beliefs of their ancestors.

CHAPTER THREE TREASURES OF THE BAMBUI FONDOM

Objects found in the Bambui Royal Treasure Chamber date back to the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The objects are said to have been assembled by successive Bambui fons. Ethnographic data from Bambui suggest that over the years fons have come and gone, but their treasures have remained, and that more were produced in order to celebrate their rule. Hence, in present day Bambui, a vast amount of treasures dating back to the eighteenth century are stockpiled in the royal treasury in the palace (cf. Nkwi 1996, in the case of the Kom Kingdom). However, Bambui legend associates most of the masterpieces of these objects to the reign of fon Acheyifor (1912-1947), an industrious leader who laid an admirable foundation for the palace that Bambui is now desperate to re-traditionalise.1 Acheyifor II was an ambitious and inventive leader who saw his position at the helm of the Bambui Fondom as an opportunity to place Bambui on a par with the other kingdoms, such as Kom and Kedjom Keku, who by then were already recognised as major art producing centres in the Grassfields (cf. Northern 1973; Gebaeur 1979). Although not an artist, he recruited professional carvers such as Pa Che Saghih Nghia-che, from Fulie quarter, Bambui, and Pa Awangiah, a carver from Kedjom Keku, who settled in Bambui in the 1920s to work in the palace. As palace carvers, the two enjoyed the patronage of fon Acheyifor and some of his notables until the end of his reign in 1947. The two were responsible for carving most of the pre-eminent objects in the Bambui Royal Treasury. Although the palace continued to add to its treasures over the years, the names of the other artisans are not known. Some pieces were attained as a result of the system of gift exchange practised by fons across the region; while some were purchased from the art market or artisan workshops. Through the work of these carvers, fon Acheyifor was able to replace most of the objects that were looted or burnt down during the German punitive expedition on Bambui.2 He was also able to demonstrate himself as a champion of tradition, for any leader who did not value the treasures of the palace was akin to a bad fon. This was the case with his predecessor,

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fon Angafor Momboo II (before 1912) who was accused of disrespecting Bambui tradition by providing refuge to fon Abumbi I of Bafut in his palace, thereby provoking the Germans who later attacked and burnt down the Bambui palace, destroying most of its treasures. Objects in the palace collection can be divided into two main categories: sacred and secular. Sacred objects are those that are considered to have potency in them such as mhvie-eneveh, the male and female statues that are locked away at Abe-eh-kwifor or house of Kwifor and other categories of objects in the homes of secret societies across the palace.3 Although the objects in the secret chamber at Abe-eh-kwifor were carved by Pa Awangieh and Pa Che Saghih Nghia-che, they were initiated by Pa Saghih because he was considered a true son of Bambui, and therefore someone who could not easily reveal the secrets associated with the objects.4 What is more, secrecy emerges as an important aspect to our understanding of Bambui and by extension, African art (Diduk 1987; Warnier 1993; Rowlands 1995; Nkwi 1996; Jindra 2005).5 Like most ethnic groups across the Western Grassfields, Bambui traditional elites believe that some of their objects and the knowledge associated with them are worth valuable only if they are restricted to a select few. In the words of Simon Harrison, “knowledge widely shared must have little or no significance” (1995, 11). In other words, the value of any information, and by extension objects associated with such information is “inversely proportional to the number of people who possess it,” which explains why Harrison, in the case of the Baktaman of New Guinea holds that the connection they posit between the value of knowledge and its secrecy, scarcity or difficulty of access, works in both directions (ibid.). Valuable information, he goes on, “must be restricted because dispensing it freely would be a senseless waste of an important social resource. And conversely, to restrict information can in itself make it important and desirable” (ibid.). Hence, the sacred statues, and by extension other sacred objects in the Bambui collection, were and still are placed out of the sight of villagers, not only because the traditional elites want to increase the value of the objects, but also because of the fear that the objects have the power to harm members of the community who believe and practise the traditional religion of the Bambui Fondom but are not initiated into the secret society.6 Accordingly, sacred statues are only brought out during performances involving initiated members. The widespread practice of secrecy by African kingdoms has led Joseph Nevadomsky to note, in the context of the Benin Kingdom that, “where knowledge is of absolutely crucial importance to the survival of the [Benin] kingdom and the well-being of its caretakers, secrecy is

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paramount and precautions against reckless revelation are uppermost” (1984, 42, cited in Nooter 1993). The promotion of secrecy surrounding African objects is intended to preserve the integrity of the communities and ownership of such objects shows that the community or its owners own a form of power. Access to secrets is a mechanism of inclusion and exclusion used by titled men, elders or initiated members of a particular community to define their status and to distinguish themselves from untitled men and women of their society. This has been the basis for the Bambui Royal collection, which might also explain why there is a growing interest in establishing a modern museum in the palace. Secular objects, on the other hand, are those in the storage rooms in the palace that are used on a daily basis in traditional religious rituals and activities both in the palace and across the kingdom. Secular objects refer to all categories of art, including masks, statues, stools, drinking horns, musical instruments, tobacco pipes, and other items which, if they ever had a religious or secret affiliation no longer do. Most secular objects represent prestige items once owned by prosperous and influential personalities. They form the basis of the secular Royal Treasure Chamber and are used essentially for entertainment, as in the case of the Kom Kingdom (Nkwi 1996, 102) and they ranged from drinking horns, architecture, statues, and musical instruments to masks, dress and other throne items. They are the basis of this chapter.7

Categorisation of Objects in the Bambui Collection Drinking Horns (plates 3-9) The drinking horn is one notable object that defines the status and authority of most traditional elites across the Bambui Fondom in particular and the Grassfields as a whole. The drinking horn is made from one of the following:

- the buffalo horn, used mostly by traditional elites such as the fon, sub-

chiefs and tah-kwifor or head of Kwifor; the dwarf cow horn, used by quarter and family heads; the deer horn used by nobilities of the shrine and other traditional elites; the cow horn used by modern urban elites, youths and commoners; the gourd head used by commoners, women, and youths.

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In its original context, a carved horn, especially that of a cow is simply referred to as a drinking horn. But once initiated (or empowered or transformed through traditional religious rituals), it becomes a title cup. The buffalo horn, however, is considered a title cup even when it is not initiated because the buffalo is considered one of the royal animals across the Grassfields. The drinking horn is initiated when its owner dies, or when a traditional elite member, such as the fon or sub-chief or family head, for example dies.8 Some drinking horns are bestowed as a reward from the traditional ruler or fon to a member of his community in recognition of the person’s contribution to the development of his people. As noted by Knöpfli (1997, 17), it is “one of the most precious heirlooms handed down to the most honourable member of the family from one generation to the next.” Every family in Bambui and by extension the Cameroon Grassfields has a title cup of some sort because it is one of the most important instruments that distinguishes a titleholder, and sometimes, a family head, from the other family members. A drinking horn that has been initiated is considered one of those objects that carry the secrets of each family in possession of one. Because of the secret nature of such drinking horns, the knowledge or information relating to them cannot be easily revealed to people who are not titleholders, but everyone can see the horn. The essence, again, is to promote and preserve the integrity of the family.

Architecture (plates 3-4) Different types of traditional houses are constructed for various purposes and are classified according to the different ranks of the members of the traditional elites and customary societies. The most important of these houses are Ndia-kwifor, Atsam, and Ndia-takumbeng. Ndia-kwifor is constructed with traditional building material such as staffs, palm fronds and branches and is plastered with mud. Ndia-kwifor is the sacred meeting house for members of Kwifor and is used as a store house for Kwifor sacred objects—such as symbols of power, musical instruments, ritual carvings, drinking horns, costumes and accessories, statues and masks. Most of the sacred objects are used during Kwifor activities while others are preserved as traditional protection because of the power the objects are believed to possess. Ndia-kwifor is also guarded round the clock by tsendia-kwifor or retainers.9 The main symbol depicted on the external walls of Ndia-kwifor is the iron or double gong, which is known across the Grassfields as the symbol of Kwifor or regulatory society. The sound or signal of the double gong is a message to the public that Kwifor is

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approaching and therefore requires non-initiates to hide until Kwifor passes and it is safe for them to continue with their business. Some of its signals are also an invitation to the population to assemble at designated places for emergency announcements such as war and royal funerals. The inner chamber of Ndia-kwifor is reserved to its members and it is here that important decisions associated with public and private affairs of the fondom are taken. Ndiabesie-eh or Atsam is the sacred royal house of the Bambui fon and ancestral shrine because it is believed to house the graves of his ancestors. Ndiabesie–eh is constructed with traditional building materials such as bamboo, wooden pools, palm fronds and staffs, and is plastered with ati-ichea-a or mud. The roof is made of straw and there is a small triangular building on top of the main building. The grass roof is rethatched once a year but some essential parts of the house, including pools, palm fronds and other traditional building materials are only replaced in the event of the death of a fon. Ndiabesie-eh has a horizontal bamboo push door built into the framework, and is placed off the ground to protect it from being eaten by termites. The bamboo door is clab with fibre which is the traditional symbol for a shrine or sacred place in the Bamenda Grassfields. The poles and fascia boards are decorated with carvings of royal animals such as the buffalo and leopard and also with human motifs, representing palace attendants in postures of submission to the fon. Various motifs depicted on the walls of Ndiabesie-eh are also meant to serve as a window into the type of treasures found in the building. For instance, treasures found in Ndiabesie-eh in Bambui include royal stools, statues of late fons, musical instruments, pipes, carvings of royal animals and symbols and a royal bed. The small house at the top, which is made of the same material (excluding mud to minimise its weight) and a thatched roof, is usually constructed on the ground before raising it to the top of the fon’s house. The significance of this house in Bambui is not only that the fon is the highest authority, as many will naïvely understand, but also that the ancestors buried beneath in the shrine are carrying the fon as their representative in the world they have left behind. Ndiabesie-eh is used by the fon and selected members of the traditional elites to perform rituals associated with traditional healing for the general well-being of the Bambui community. Notue (2000, 88) has observed in the context of Mankon that “the fon retires to Ndiabesie-eh [also known as Atsum] when he is seriously ill and in mortal danger,” and this is also the case in Bambui. The house is also used as a storage place for special concoctions. For example, the concoction that prevents

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lightning in most villages across the region is stored in Ndiabesie-eh or Atsam. Ndia-takumbeng or Takumbeng house is one of the traditional houses that belong to the royal cleansing cult reserved for the first-born sons of the fon. This male society must not be confused with the female political group also known as Takumbeng.10 The male society is second in the traditional ranking of sacred societies in the Bambui Fondom. The house is similarly (to Atsam) composed of a small entrance with a carved wooden frame and a horizontal bamboo push door built into the framework, and is placed off the ground for protection. In constructing Ndia-takumbeng in Bambui, the four walls of raffia bamboo and palm fronds were attached together using raphia fibre before being raised onto the stone and mud foundation constructed at the entrance to the palace. Unlike other customary lodge houses within the village, Ndia-Takumbeng does not have windows. Although no reason has been advanced for the conspicuous absence of windows in these types of houses in Grassfields palaces, the association of the eyes of Takumbeng and Kwifor with the natural landscape seems to be a possible reason—that is the eyes of these societies connect to the earth. The use of traditional building materials like raffia bamboo, grass, wood and mud suggest that as the eyes of Kwifor are all that make up the traditional and supernatural environment, so too is the house, composed of these materials, the eyes of the village (Pa Ndifor Ndi, pers comm. November 2004). Put differently, the traditional materials used in constructing Ndia-Takumbeng allow the house to see whatever is happening across the village because the material has potency that allows it to see what others cannot. In Bambui, as is the case in Mankon and the other villages, Ndia-Takumbeng or Indoeru-Takumbeng is the most respected and venerated of Bamenda Grassfields traditional houses because it is considered to house the secrets of the fon, and by extension, those of the entire community. Other forms of traditional architecture in Bambui are found in the homes of some members of the traditional elites such as the homes of Tarh Formanju, Tarh Formallam, Tarh Moteh and Tarh Fomallam.

Statues (plates 3-7, 8, 10, 13) Statues and statuettes in the Bambui Royal Treasure Chamber are mostly anthropomorphic, and are meant to represent traditional elites such as the fon, sub-chiefs, me-efo-oh or the queen mother, quarter heads, princes, princesses, palace attendants and royal palm wine tappers. Some statues are also meant to represent traditional ceremonial scenes such as

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the pre-planting ritual, in which the traditional priest pours libation to the ancestors asking for a good harvest, and the post-harvest ritual, in which the priest pours libation thanking the ancestors and deities for the good harvest. Generally, most of the statues in the Bambui Fondom are used for various purposes in the palace or in family and customary society rituals and activities. Notable rituals and activities in which the statues can be used are: ancestral worship, divination, healing, fertility, twin celebrations, enthronement, justice and agricultural rites. Statues in the fondom can be divided into two main categories: sacred and secular. Sacred statues are those which are considered to have potency in them such as the male and female statue, Mhvie-eneveh kept behind locked doors at Ndia-kwifor and other male and female statues in the homes of secret societies across the palace. On the other hand, secular statues are those that are used for rituals and entertainment. Additionally, there are some contemporary statues that are meant to represent important modern urban elites from the fondom as well as political leaders who have contributed in one way or another towards the development of the fondom. This category of statues is found mostly in private homes.

Throne Objects (plates 3-3, 5, 6, 11) Throne objects in the Bambui Fondom are those that are associated with succession and successors. They do not only include the fon’s furnitures—such as the wooden throne or stool, royal bed, royal costumes, wooden tables, and drinking horns—but also those of his sub-chiefs, notables, the queen mother, quarter heads, and family heads. Most of the throne objects are believed to be hereditary because they are handed down from father to son or mother to daughter. The shapes and designs on most of the throne objects are an indication of the owner’s social status. Royal seats belonging to the Bambui fon and some of his sub-chiefs are noted for their size, which sometimes can be very large in comparison to those used by other elites in the community. Stools and thrones of the Bambui fon and some of his sub-chiefs are elaborately decorated with royal motifs and symbols such as images of the leopard, buffalo, elephant, earth spider and human figures. These images are meant to express and emphasise the fon’s power and authority over the Bambui Fondom. Most of his throne objects are brought out for public viewing only during important celebrations such as the enthronement of a notable and the Mendele or annual dance celebration. Although the fon and other notables in possession of throne objects have the right to replace some of the furniture they inherited, such actions are normally undertaken in consultation with the relevant

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authorities. In the case of the fon wanting to replace his furniture, he would normally inform some of his closest advisers about his decision to replace one of the seats or throne objects that was handed down to him by his predecessor. This is because, in some cases, they might have to transfer power from the old to the new before storing the old in the Royal Treasure Chamber or simply discarding it, as is often the case. On his accession to the Bambui throne in 1995, the present fon, Angafor Momboo III commissioned a new wooden throne decorated with carved cow horns and dressed with the skin of a leopard as a replacement for one of the seats he inherited from his father and predecessor, Amungafor II. Before his accession to the throne, carved cow horns had never been used as a motif on Bambui throne objects. But because the fon had the right to replace some of the furniture he inherited with objects of his choice, he decided in favour of a wooden throne that is decorated with carved cow horns. The fon’s new throne is admired by the Bambui community because it represents both the present and the past. For one thing, the buffalo that used to be depicted on the fon’s wooden throne, and whose horns would have been used on the fon’s new throne is extinct from the Western Grassfields. The few buffalo that are left in the region are found in game reserves and are protected by government legislation. The only other horned animal is the cow, which, though not a royal animal like the buffalo, is nevertheless the only suitable replacement. Besides, the royal drinking horn that used to be made from the buffalo horn has now been replaced by the cow horn; it is logical for the Bambui fon to match the motifs on his throne with his drinking horn.

Masks (plates 3-15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20) Traditional religious rituals in the Bambui Fondom involve performances by masquerades with masks of different shapes, sizes, decorations and motifs. A mask in the Bambui Fondom refers not only to the carved wooden object but also to the entire moving unit including the carved wooden head, the costume and accessories, such as dancing sticks or staffs, whisks, spears, ankle rattles and most importantly, the dancer himself (Gebeaur 1979; Meyer 2001; Knöpfli 2002, 112). A mask in the fondom, contrasts sharply with wooden objects displayed in museums as Grassfields masks. The mask is one of the most symbolic expressions of Bambui art and each mask group is associated with Kwifor or regulatory society, the palace, notables, customary society, quarter heads or a family that uses it during traditional religious ceremonies, entertainment and other cultural manifestations. Notue (2000) has noted that the masks in the

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Grassfields aare associated with a rite, daance, choreogrraphy or an ap ppropriate piece of muusic during cuultural activities. It has sppecific functio ons at the socio-cultural, political, therapeutic, ritual, r and relligious level— —and the case is veryy much the same s in Bam mbui. Palace ggroups of dan ncers are generally coonsidered to be b more impo ortant across tthe entire fond dom than those that beelong to the cuustomary sociieties and privvate individualls such as notables, quuarter heads orr family head ds. This is beccause of the power and danger assocciated with thhe palace and by extension everything th hat has to do with it. T The most danngerous and feared f masks aacross the fon ndom are night maskss and those thhat normally perform p durinng the first an nd second funerals of the fon, the queen q motherr or some othher important notables, such as the ssub-chiefs. The woooden head massks found in th he Bambui Rooyal Treasure Chamber are both antthropomorphiic and zoomo orphic. Anthroopomorphic masks m are mostly maskk helmets witth carved out eyes and teetth, pointed no ose and a richly decoorated head. Zoomorphic masks are mostly thosee of the elephant, ram m, and the bufffalo.

Figure 3.1 M Masquerade waalking into the dancing field. Fulie Quarterr, Bambui, 2005 (Photo bby Sue Malvernn)

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Figure 3.2 C Chief priest sprrinkling anti medicine m on daancing field to o welcome dancers. Fuliee Quarter, Bambbui, 2005 (Photto by Sue Malvvern) .

Figure 3.3 Fuulie notable Paa Mbunuo celeb brating with Esshum masks lo odge. Fulie Quarter, Bam mbui, 2005 (Photo by Sue Malv vern)

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Traditional Dress Most masking in the Bamenda Grassfields is accompanied by male and female dancers wearing an array of symbolic costumes and head dresses, each corresponding to their rank in the hierarchical structure of the traditional or modern urban elites. Male and female elite costumes in Bambui range from exceptionally decorated royal gowns such as inndob nwa or the king’s cloth and toogo-oh or the popular traditional Bamenda gown, to ordinary traditional dress such as a wrapper (or wrap-around) worn by the rest of the community. Royal costumes, especially those of the fon and some of his notables are decorated with elaborate royal symbols such as cowries, and nwei-eh or moon—which is an appliqué ornament on the back of the garment. Knöpfli (1997, 17) has noted that the king’s cloth is made of “narrow bands of cotton” stitched side by side and with very special designs. It has a blue indigo background with “geometric motifs in stylized white lines representing the moon, the sun, stars or animals” (ibid., 127). Similarly, Knöpfli (2002, 164) has pointed out that the Bamenda gown is comprised of a singlet, an undergown and two aprons or ntuum tied around the waist, with the long one in front and the slightly shorter one behind forming something like a skirt. The outer garment consists of three pieces of fabric sewn together: an upper part of black cotton fabric, a middle section of printed material and another black piece at the bottom. Both the king’s cloth and Bamenda gown are expected to be worn with a cap. In Bambui, it is strictly forbidden for the fon or any of his notables to wear such a dress or appear in public without his cap. Different types of caps, including the black cap, the coloured cap, the prestige cap, the feather cap and the cap with ear-flaps can be worn with either the king’s cloth or the Bamenda gown. Other accessories that can go with the king’s cloth and the Bamenda gown are the red feather (for those who have been awarded one), different categories of necklaces, the spear and the dancing whisks. All these different categories of dress and accessories are found in the Bambui Royal Collection. In the past, the Bamenda gown and king’s cloth were used exclusively by traditional rulers and sub-chiefs. But nowadays, they can be used by any member of the public who can afford the cost. Some are given to visitors such as diplomats, researchers and tourists as a reward for their contribution to the development of the fondom. The difference between the various gowns, however, is that those meant for the fon are decorated with the symbol of the moon while those for other members of the public are decorated with a V-form both in front and behind.

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Music and Musical Instruments (plates 3-1, 2, 12) For all categories of art found in the Bambui Royal Collection, music creates the platform necessary for the use of objects. Music is inseparable from the traditional religious rituals of the Bambui Fondom: it is the medium used in communicating messages to the Bambui public. Musical instruments in the Bambui Royal Collection include wooden xylophones, drums and iron bells, all portraying features and motifs associated with power within the fondom. In Bambui, xylophones are used concomitantly with drums and iron gongs as well as richly decorated dancing costumes and head dresses. The xylophones in the Bambui collection are made of parallel wooden bars graduated in length, which produce different notes when struck with wooden mallets. Longer bars produce low pitches while the shorter the bar the higher the pitch. The xylophones in the collection can be divided into two categories: the larger xylophones and what has come to be referred to as the “portable xylophones” (Knöpfli 2002, 31). Of these two types, the most common are the larger xylophones usually comprising “up to twenty bars or more mounted on two freshly cut banana or plantain stems” (ibid.). The larger xylophones are placed parallel on the ground in such a way that a minimum of three and a maximum of six players (usually male members of a masking society) can play simultaneously. In contrast, portable xylophones are not found in the collection but are very common across the fondom. Portable xylophones are “mounted on a cushioned oblong frame, with a strap to suspend it round the player’s neck” (ibid.). Most portable xylophones across Bambui have cylindrical calabashes fixed beneath them for resonance. Unlike larger xylophones that are played mostly during traditional religious rituals across Bambui (such as royal and ordinary death celebrations, annual festivities as well as periodical liturgies), portable xylophones are played exclusively for individual, family or group entertainment. Playing the xylophone in the Bambui Fondom is considered a profession and sometimes experts of portable xylophones are invited to give live performances both in the royal pub opposite the palace for the fon’s entertainment and in other drinking spots across the fondom. Their songs are mostly about contemporary issues in the fondom, especially those relating to the achievements and failures of the traditional ruler and his notables since coming to power. Some of the songs are also about awareness campaigns on issues such as HIV/AIDS, and the promotion and preservation of the artistic and cultural heritage of the fondom.

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d alongside otheer musical instrruments in Figure 3.4 Laarger xylophonees being played preparation foor a masqueradde performance. Fulie Quarter, Bambui, 2005 (Photo by Sue Malvern))

Another musical insttrument found d in the Bam mbui collectio on is the drum. Drum ms of differentt makes, sizess, shapes andd different feaatures and motifs are foound in the coollection. The most commoon drum typess found in the collectioon are the skkin-covered drum d and thee slit drum. The T skincovered druum is one of thhe oldest cateegories of druums in the fon ndom and region and iis highly valuued as one of “mankind’s m most ancient means of communicattion” (Knöpffli 2002, 32 2). Some off the most common drum in the Bambui traditional m motifs depictted on the skin-covered s collection arre human figuures, the doub ble iron gong,, cowry shellss, lizards, frogs and bbat-heads (ibidd.). On the otther hand, thee slit drum, otherwise o known as thhe talking, calling or signal drum is the llargest of all the t drums in the collecction. It is useed for public announcemen a nts, such as waar signals and royal deeaths. The slit drum is also important i beccause each auttonomous Grassfields fondom is enntitled to have only one slitt drum at any moment, and that thee drum is coonsidered by all memberss of the fond dom as a unifying vooice because of the uniqu ue role it playys in the com mmunity. Bambui leggend suggests that the slit drum currenntly being useed in the fondom wass carved in 19969, when the new palace w was reconstru ucted. The previous druum at that poiint was abandoned becausee its aesthetic or timber

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was no longer appealing to the community and the traditional ruler at the time, Amungwafor II, decided to transfer its potency to the new drum, which has survived until the present day.

Other Objects: Containers, Pipes, Staffs, Gourds The Bambui Royal Collection also boasts a variety of other objects that are used in conjunction with those discussed above. They include: ancestral bags, poles, staffs, pots, jars, bowls, jugs, and pipes. These objects are used in the palace, by the community and at the family level, as ritual, ceremonial, and kitchen objects. Bags, caps and staffs are some of the ancestral or throne objects that are handed down from father to son or mother to daughter. A variety of poles and staffs also exist in the Bambui collection and are differentiated by royal and abstract motifs: usage is determined by the social rank of the user. For example, the fon of Bambui has an exceptionally carved staff, decorated with royal motifs such as cowries, rattles, royal animal motifs and some bird feathers attached at the top. The staff was handed to the fon in 1995, as part of the royal treasures left behind by his father and predecessor. It is meant to symbolise the fon’s authority over his people. Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic pipes, including those which are actually smoked, called travelling pipes, and ceremonial pipes that are never lit but lifted to the lips and exhibited during cultural solemnities are also part of the Bambui Royal Collection. Most of the pipes were produced in other localities such as Nsei, Babungo and Kedjum Keku or Big Babanki and brought to Bambui as gifts to the fon or as objects of commercial exchange. Additionally, containers such as jugs, pots and vases used for storing palm wine, palm oil and water are also found in the collection. The containers are differentiated by human, animal and geometric motifs. Notue (2000) has classified the most common containers that can be found in Grassfields royal collections into the following groups: x wooden object receptacles x baked clay receptacles x bags and basketwork x gourds and others, most of them made either with or without beads.

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To all these must be added other Bambui ceremonial objects such as the fly whisk, dancing whips and all sorts of small staffs and trophies used by the Bambui Palace youth in their own performances and for entertainment.

Figure 3.5 Royal staffs. Bambui Royal Collection, 2010 (Photo by Mathias Fubah)

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Figure 3.6 Royal bowl used for storing snacks such as kola nuts. Bambui Royal Collection, 2010 (Photo by Mathias Fubah)

Painting Painting, especially on the walls of some of the buildings in Bambui Palace is one notable category of art that needs to be mentioned. This category is fairly recent, and can be attributed to the decline in the carving profession across the region. Over the years, carving has witnessed a steady decline precisely because most of the professional carvers are either too old or have died. Moreover, most young people, especially those from lineages with a history of carving are not interested in the profession. Ethnographic data on the decline in the number of carvers across Bambui and the Western Grassfields as a whole suggest that youths feel the carving profession is too tedious and demanding in comparison to painting. Apprenticeship alone takes between twelve and thirty-six months and wood, the raw material used in carving is believed to be scarce nowadays. For instance, the damage caused by migrants from Wimbum to the forest in Bambui is still fresh in the collective memory. Shortage of raw materials has made the finished products unnecessarily expensive, thereby deterring potential customers and consumers. Painting on the other hand is

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believed to be less strennuous and most m of the raaw material is i readily available. Foor instance, a short walk orr drive to a buuilding materiaal store is enough to ssupply the arttists with any y type of painnt for his or her h work. Besides, paiinting is conttemporary in the words oof one of the painters, Abongham (pers comm.. April 2012), and thereffore fashionab ble. This suggests thaat apart from m the reasonss advanced aabove, carving g is also considered aan outdated prrofession. Howeverr, images paiinted on walls are not soo different fro om those carved on w wood. They innclude human n as well as animal imagees. While human imagges are mostlyy those of decceased fons annd some of th he current fon’s wives, animal images are essentially those of tthe five royall animals: the lion, leopard, buffallo, python an nd elephant. L Like those carved on wooden objects, painted images are meant m to comm memorate thee reign of deceased kiings and theirr notables, ass well as to pportray the status and authority off the current Bambui B traditional hierarchyy. But, paintin ng is also a means of cchallenging thhe status quo because it is llargely associiated with the young w while carvingg remains asssociated with the elderly and a titled men.

Wall painting deppicting the late fon of Bambuii, Amungwafor II and his Figure 3.7 W successor, Anngafor Mombooo III. Bambui Paalace, 2012 (Phhoto by Mathiass Fubah)

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Object Makers and Consumers: Artists and Patrons The objects found in the Bambui Royal Collection were produced by local artists and colleagues from neighbouring and far away fondoms. The objects are part of the historical, socio-cultural and religious life of the Bambui people. Like most of the royal collections in Grassfields palaces, the objects in the Bambui Royal Collection are also strongly influenced by a number of elements, including: “artists, patronage, techniques, materials, instruments used, clientele, and market” (Notue 2000, 58, in the case of the Mankon collection). Carvers of most of the sculptures found in the collection were members of Kwifor, such as Pa Che Saghih Nghia-che, from Fulie quarter and Pa Awangiah, a Big Babanki man who settled in Bambui in the 1920s. Although carving was their profession, they were specifically hired by the fon of Bambui, Acheyifor (1912-1947), to work as palace carvers, partly because of his admiration for their work and partly because he wanted to ensure that objects of art that had gone missing or been discarded were continuously being replaced. Again, objects in the secret chamber at Abei-eh-kwifor or house of Kwifor were carved by both Pa Awangieh and Pa Che Saghih Nghia-che, but they were initiated only by Pa Saghih because he was considered a true son of Bambui and therefore someone who could not easily reveal the secrets associated with the objects. Pa Saghih was also responsible for the carving and decoration of the fascia board and wooden pillars on the fon’s sacred royal house, Atsam. Apart from the above two artists, the identity of most of the creators of the other objects in the collection is unknown. According to information provided by the Bambui fon, Angafor Momboo III and one of his notables, Pa Mukezang, some of the objects were produced by artists (such as Ngandoba and his son Wamia) who came from Bali Nyonga and settled in Bambui after the death of Pa Saghih and Pa Awangieh. This was because they wanted to take advantage of the vacuum left behind by the loss of the two artists; the cheap raw material in Bambui (such as wood) was a further attraction in comparison to Bali and other fondoms where PresCraft had workshops and wood for carving was scarce and very expensive. Iron objects found in the collection were produced in Bambui by Bambui blacksmiths such Pa Mbisah of Manju quarter and Pa Binengti of Atunibah quarter. Although Pa Mbisah did not hand down his metal-smithing skills to any of his sons and is now deceased, Pa Binengti is still alive and producing work in his smithy workshop in his compound at Atunibah. Bambui women, such as the late fon’s wives (names not given) also played a pivotal role in the production of some of the objects found in the

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collection. The fon’s multicoloured glass-beaded calabash was produced by one of the late fon’s wives. Baskets and bags found in the collection are also said to have been produced by some of the deceased palace women. Still, some of the objects are attributed to pupils from St Jude School, one of the Catholic primary schools situated in the palace neighbourhood. Objects such as bamboo chairs were produced by pupils from St Jude School as part of their handwork projects. Catholic missionaries had a major impact on the domain of art and craft production in Bambui because their schools were fully staffed with handwork or manual art apprentice instructors. Between 1922 and 1960, Catholic schools in Bambui and other parts of British Southern Cameroon had over 259 art instructors. Primary school pupils were expected to either carve or weave any form of art or craft that was within their reach during handwork lessons. As a result, pupils developed craft skills up until the early 1990s when handwork was gradually replaced by lessons on agriculture. Because St Jude School was the nearest primary school to the palace, most of its headmasters made it a duty to always donate part of the school’s handwork collection at the end of the term or academic year to the palace. The objects in the Bambui Royal Collection are a reflection of both tradition and innovation across the fondom over the last one hundred and ten years. Although earlier artists such as Pa Saghih and Pa Awangiah produced art in accordance with the traditional model across the Western Grassfields, others who came after them, such as Pa Ngandobo and son Wamia, as well as the school pupils who also contributed to the collection, displayed aspects of inventiveness and creativity in their works. These qualities are all clearly visible in the objects because most of them do not only reflect notions of importance and meaning in Bambui cosmology, but are also a reflection of the contemporary society of which Bambui happens to be a part. The use of plastic language such as carefully coded motifs on the objects, expressing traditional ideas associated with mythical scenes, historical tales, ancestral rituals and so on, is indicative of the relation that existed between the producers and consumers of the objects. As a result, artists were, and still, are highly respected across Bambui because of the role they play in ensuring the survival of the fondom’s core traditional religious practices through their work. In fact, artists have always been among some of the closest individuals to the traditional ruler, his notables and customary societies across the Bambui Fondom. As Notue (2000, 58) describes, in the case of the Mankon Fondom, such a relationship is “facilitated by the fact that each title, function and benefit in Grassfields palaces is attached to a specific symbolic or cultural object of prestige, which can either be statues, masks, seats, pipes, ornaments, architectural

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elements, emblems, costumes or drinking horns.” In other words, each person possesses items according to his or her social status in the hierarchical structure of the society. Patrons of Bambui art are, first and foremost, members of Kwifor, the fon, traditional elites such as sub-chiefs, princes, quarter heads, the queen mother, modern urban elites, family heads, members of the community and visitors to the fondom. Among this group of patrons, however, some categories of art, such as sculpture that is decorated with royal iconographic motifs (of the buffalo, leopard, elephant and crocodile, for example) are reserved for the fon because he is equally considered to possess similar characteristics to these animals and therefore has monopoly over such treasures. As the overall custodian of the artistic and cultural heritage of Bambui, the fon plays a significant role in assembling most of the objects in the collection through his alliances with his colleagues across the Western Grassfields. As noted by one of the present fon’s advisers, Tarh Mokezang, some of the masks and statues in the sacred chamber came about as a result of fon Acheyifor’s (1912-1947) relationship with the fon of Bafut and Babungo. In the case of fon Abumbi I of Bafut, I was told (though with uncertainty) that the statues were presented to Bambui as a reward in recognition of the assistance that Bambui offered to him during the German punitive expedition on Bafut in 1898. Similarly, some of the objects also came about as a result of the alliance between some Bambui notables and princes with their counterparts in the neighbouring fondoms of Big Babanki, Kom, Small Babanki, Bambili, Mankon and Bafut. Tarh Mukezang, for example, told me how he had never yet gone on a visit to Big Babanki or Kom and returned home without a carved stool given to him as a present or gift to bring to the Bambui fon. There are many such objects, he notes, in the Royal Collection but he cannot remember exactly which came from Kom or Big Babanki. As Notue (2000, 60) details in the case of the Mankon collection, “the various movements of materials, objects of art and men led to exchanges between the kingdoms of the Grassland. Accordingly, the palace or fondom where a piece is found is not necessarily where it was produced.” In addition, objects of foreign provenance found in some of the royal collections came about as a result of Grassfields’ fons’ preoccupation with the appropriation of the world or the foreign other. In the Oku Royal Collection, as in many Grassfields palaces, Argenti (1998, 767) notes, this aesthetic of the foreign is extended to the material culture of Europe, and several objects of European provenance are included, such as German Toby jugs and vases (in imitation of local ceremonial drinking horns and

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calabashes). Although I am yet to encounter objects of European aesthetics in the Bambui Royal Collection, the likelihood they might exist is high considering the activities of the German administration in the region between 1890 and 1914. The movement of materials and objects of art was also accompanied by the movement of artists from one fondom or region to another in order to supply or sell their work to customers. In some cases, some artists actually relocated from one fondom or region to another because they wanted to take advantage of a possible art market in the area. One notable example here, again, is the Bali artist, Pa Ngandobo and his son Wamia who relocated to Bambui because they wanted to take advantage of the vacuum created by the deaths of Pa Awangiah and Pa Saghih. As traditional rulers, notables, artists and objects of art moved from one fondom or region to another, different styles also circulated, allowing even the artists who did not have the opportunity of travelling to other places to copy or reproduce some of the styles based on what they saw on objects from other fondoms. This has continued in recent history. Similarity in the styles and forms of objects of art found in the Bambui Royal Collection in comparison to other royal collections across the region is, therefore, living testimony to the fact that local artists appropriated and adopted similar styles and forms circulating across the region in their time. The various artists and patrons associated with the objects in the Bambui Royal Collection as well as the uses of the objects can be classified as follows: Artist type Carvers

Gender Male

Object type Statues, Masks, Drums, Stools, Beds, Tables, Drinking Horns etc.

Patrons Traditional/ Modern Urban elites, Community members, Missionaries, Researchers, Diplomats, Youths

Uses Symbol of status/power/ prestige, Gifts, House furniture, Ritual items, Museum/ Research objects, Souvenirs etc.

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Weavers

Male/ Female

Baskets, Bags, Mats, etc.

Traditional/ Modern Urban elites, Community members, Missionaries, Researchers, Diplomats, Youth

Blacksmiths

Male

Bells, Bangles, Spears, Hoes, Cutlasses or Machetes, Knives

Traditional/ Modern elites, Community members, Missionaries Researchers, Diplomats, Youth

Symbol of status/ power/ prestige, Gifts, Storage of ritual items/ food/ clothes etc. Museum/ Research objects, Souvenirs etc. Symbol of status/ power/ prestige, Museum/ Research objects, Souvenirs

Table 3. 1 Artists and patrons, objects and uses From the above table, we can deduce that most of the artists as well as the patrons are male. Although women are generally known to form the bulk of those in the weaving profession, the trade is nevertheless shared by both men and women.

Bambui Styles Over the past few centuries and years it is clear that art has been part and parcel of the cultural heritage of the Bambui Fondom, although no style has been identified as uniquely Bambui. Style as defined by Notue is “originality, beauty, mastery of the subject: it is a concept used to classify and to analyse objects, which can be distributed under several different headings (a heading could refer to a historical period, a social or cultural group, a workshop, even an artist, etc.)” (2000, 62). Although the objects in the Bambui collection do not show any unique style, they nevertheless exhibit characteristics similar to Notue’s definition. In Notue’s work on the treasures of the Mankon Fondom he stipulates that “style is a way of doing things peculiar to a community or to an artist—of assuming and indicating the shapes, values and rhythms, or even a set of characteristic and constant forms, in a certain geographic space

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and for a certain period of time” (2005, 54.). Accordingly, style can be used in distinguishing an object by one artist or from one community or geographical region from another. For instance, art produced in the Cameroon Grassfields can easily be distinguished from that found in other parts of Africa (such as Cross River and the Congo Basin) by way of comparing their styles. Artistic style prevalent in the Cameroon Grassfields is unique to the region specifically because it exhibits shared practices and belief systems (cf. Kopytoff 1981; Nkwi and Warnier 1982; Geary 1987; Rowlands 1993; Koloss 2000; Jindra 2005). Yet, although a unique style is common in most of the masterpieces of art across the region, there are also many sub-styles and numerous personal styles associated with fondoms (such as Kom and Oku), workshops (such as Prescraft and Bamenda Handicraft Cooperative, BHCS) or even individual artists. Notue has divided the main artistic styles found across the Grassfields into two, namely: “that of the highlands (Bamileke, Bamoum and the Grassland of the north-west) which make up more than ninety percent of the total production, and that of peripheral areas with their heterogeneity (Widekum in the south-west, Tikar to the east of Bamoum, the far north of the Grasslands where the Mambila, the Mfunte and Mbembe live)” (2000, 62). Within this style range, however, the objects in the Bambui collection can be associated largely to the several sub-styles of the Western Grassfields: including those of the KomOku-Wum region, Bali, the Babanki or Kedjom Keku, Mankon and Bafut areas. This, again, can be attributedto the commercial exchanges that existed, and continue to exist between these kingdoms. Prominent Bambui artists such as Pa Awangieh and Pa Che Saghih Nghia-che who were responsible for producing most of the objects in the collection are known to have had strong affiliations to these fondoms and through such affiliations, also benefited from various styles associated with each. Some categories of objects in the collection are reserved to the creations of school children and modern art and craft institutions such as Prescraft and Bamenda Handicraft Cooperative Society that clearly exhibit aspects of both traditional and contemporary art. These pieces and styles are mostly found in some of the king’s open reception area in the palace and are meant to position him within the contemporary society in which he is clearly one of the social actors.

Bambui Aesthetics Aesthetics is a term that is variously defined but it boils down to one meaning—the contemplation of the meaning of art. Notue (2000, 64)

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defines aesthetic as a term that refers to any “philosophical reflection on art, including the theory of artistic creation on the one hand and the theory of contemplating works of art on the other.” More particularly, aesthetics is a term dealing with the nature and purpose of a work of art, including its creation and the appreciation of its beauty. It is a universal concept but each region has its own way of determining what it considers the aesthetic qualities of a work of art. Hence, what a particular region might see as the aesthetic qualities of a work of art is not exactly the same as what others might perceive. In the Bambui Royal Collection, the works are a reflection of both the utilitarian function for which they are designed to play as well as the beauty that the artists attempt to portray in order to ensure their work is not underrated in the highly competitive carving profession. Most of the styles are known to date as far back as the time of the founding dynastic clans of the fondom—while others are quite recent and commensurate with the styles and aesthetic practices of present day society. The function of a work of art and its aesthetic qualities are two sides of the same coin. It is not surprising, then, when Notue (2000, 64) observes that “the more important the functions of a piece of art, the more its qualities are evident.” In the Bambui Royal Collection, notable pieces such as drinking horns carved from the buffalo horn and reserved for elders and titled men are highly valued and respected not only because of their function but also because of the status accorded to the buffalo as a royal animal as well as the numerous iconographic motifs on the horns. Similarly, the cow horn, commonly used by modern urban elites and youth nowadays are respected not solely because of their function as drinking cups during youth gatherings but also because of the more contemporary iconographic motifs such as images of Bruce Lee and flower designs depicted on them. Accordingly, each piece of art is a work of reason, because not only are the artists guided by certain principles, the patrons are also influenced by such aesthetic practices or principles. Each motif depicted on an object is a message that the artist is attempting to put across and it is understood by the locals. In most of the pieces, therefore, the artist pays special attention not only to what is essential to him/her but also to the community because failure to emphasise such iconographic motifs might attract a negative response from the patrons. Hence, in a carving depicting a notable sitting on a royal stool, the artist ensures he gives special emphasis to the royal beads on the notable’s neck, the two retainers by the notable’s side ready to serve him, with one actually pouring palm wine from the royal calabash into his drinking horn (see plate 13). In another object, a human helmet

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mask, the artist places special emphasis on the jaws and mouth as symbols of healthy living. Apart from the above, other aspects, including human, animal and geometric designs, further express the beauty of the objects in the Bambui Royal Collection.

Forms and Meanings of Artistic Representation in the Bambui Royal Collection The objects in the Bambui Royal Collection carry messages that cannot be understood without sound knowledge of the plastic motifs represented on them. Some of the objects, such as statues depicting scenes of the fon, the queen mother, and notables or palace attendants, have several attributes that can only be decoded through a careful examination and understanding of the forms and meaning of the representations. Stools are decorated with the figures animals and humans, as well as geometric designs. Still, some objects carry multiple images of animals, humans and geometric designs that cannot be understood simply by viewing or looking at the objects. Most of the motifs depicted on the objects are not unique to Bambui—they cut across the Western Grassfields, and might be interpreted differently in different fondoms. This is however highly unlikely because the kingdoms of the region exhibit many shared practices and beliefs allowing scholars to delineate the western Grassfields as a distinct cultural region (Kopytoff 1981; Nkwi and Warnier 1982; Geary 1987; Rowlands 1993; Koloss 2000; Jindra 2005). The interest, here, however, is on some of the animal, geometric and human representations on the objects in the Bambui collection. It does not extend to other fondoms across the region.

Human Representations The representation of human beings on objects in the Bambui Royal Collection is meant to reflect aspects of the social organisation of the fondom and traditional religious rites and rituals associated with such a structure. As one of the notable notes, “if we carve royal animals on our objects to reflect the status of our fons and fail to carve human motifs as custodians of our society, including these animals, then we render the meaning creation process incomplete” (Pa Amashie, Interview 13/03/05). The depiction of human motifs on some of the objects is therefore a visual means intended to counter this notion and to articulate man’s control in the socio-political, cultural, religious, and economic life of the Bambui society in which objects are exchanged and used. Different parts

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of both the male and female sexes, including the head, torso, arm, stomach, neck and breasts are depicted on some of the objects to reflect war, fertility, rank and the traditional rites or rituals associated with each individual. Objects of art in the Bambui collection with human heads, for example, are a symbol of war. This might be interpreted differently by different villages, but one of the central meanings alludes to war or success on the war front.11 Bambui artists and male elites interviewed on this topic unanimously agreed on the association of human heads with war and pointed out that the history of inter-tribal wars in the Bamenda Grassfields dates back many centuries. One way of portraying success in wars by fons across the region was to behead war captives and cut off their heads. Those who succeeded in doing so and bringing back the heads to the palace were awarded the coveted title of the insignia of the red feather. Prior to this, the heads were displayed in front of the fon for inspection and appreciation, after which the medals were then awarded. In awarding these traditional medals, fons demonstrated their supremacy and authority over their enemies by chanting some traditional messages associated with victory. Although this practice is believed to have originated from Kedjom Keku and Kedjom Ketingo because of their complex inter-tribal war history with Kom and Bambili, it was taken up by other fondoms in the region, including Bambui, not only as a reflection of their successes in wars, but also as a royal symbol of authority or rank within the traditional elites. In pre-colonial Bambui society, skulls of war captives were hung along the eaves at the entrance into palaces as a form of decoration and to show the achievements of the fondom to its people and other sympathisers. However, because of the inhumane nature of this system and processes of modernisation, traditional authority decided to replace the use of skulls with art objects; and not, therefore, because warfare is no longer practiced in the Bambui Fondom as suggested by Hans Knöpfli (1999, 47). Inter-tribal wars as they are commonly called in the Western Grassfields are still rampant and even as I am writing this sentence (on the 27th of November 2012), there is severe fighting in the region between the fondoms of Bali Kumbat and Bafanji in the Ndop region. The causes centre around land ownership and as long as subsistence agriculture continues to be the mainstay of the population, larger and stronger fondoms will continue to encroach onto the territory of smaller ones thereby provoking fighting or resistance. As was the case in the past, there will be war captives, and this might still have resulted in more skulls for exhibition were it not for the termination of such inhumane practices. A more decent way of displaying war captives nowadays is depicting human

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head motifs on various objects, including architecture, throne furniture, dress and musical instruments. These are not only meant to replace the human skulls but are a symbol of royalty and most objects carrying these motifs are exclusively for fons and some members of the royal clan. A major point of disagreement about the significance of human heads on the objects in the Bambui Royal Collection is the arrangement of these motifs in rows of two or three. According to some informants in Kedjom Keku, who happen to have also discussed this lengthily with Hans Knöpfli, the arrangement of the heads in three rows indicates the ranks of society. As they argued, the heads on the upper row represent the highest officials in the traditional hierarchy (including the fon and some top members of the traditional elites). The heads in the middle row stand for the sub-chiefs while those at the bottom or in lower rows represent quarter heads. The dividing strips between these rows are considered technical necessities rather than as representing a python as observed by some commentators. As noted by Ngwa Emmanuel, son of Neba Godlove Ngwa, a onetime artist with PresCraft Bafut, his father was fond of carving stools with human heads in a slightly different design, but all were meant to symbolise rank in the Bafut Fondom. The stools used to have three rows of twelve heads but without any horizontal partition, like those carved in the two Kedjoms. Following the structure of Bafut society, the heads in the middle row are shown with head adornments or caps while those in the upper and base rows do not have head ornamentation. As Ngwa points out, the arrangement of human heads in this manner shows the seating positions of members of the traditional elites during traditional religious rituals or gatherings. At the time of the late fon Abumbi I of Bafut, the middle row was comprised of the fon and his closest notables while both the upper and bottom rows were assigned to commoners. Varying interpretations associated with human heads on objects across the Bambui Fondom in particular and the Western Grassfields as a whole are an essential element of the spaces that underpin these motifs within one village as opposed to another. In Kedjom Keku, the upper row is considered to be composed of the highest officials in the traditional hierarchy, who in terms of administration are at the centre; but hierarchy in Bafut is represented by the middle row, which puts them directly at the centre of traditional government. Accordingly, this points to some form of unanimity in the meaning of human heads on objects between the different fondoms in the Grassfields. However, there are also exceptional cases where multiple figures (animal and human motifs) are depicted on the same art object.

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Multiple Representations Objects of art with multiple representations are also found in the Bambui Royal Collection. Most of the multi-figure objects are the outcome of the emergence of modern art and craft institutions across the Western Grassfields, beginning in the 1960s with the creation of the Presbyterian Handicraft Centre (Prescraft) and the Bamenda Handicraft Cooperative Society (BHCS). Hans Knöpfli (1998, 70) has pointed out that through the influence of the Prescraft project the number of combinations has increased during the last thirty years. This is reflected in most of the objects in the Bambui Royal Collection, including stools, tables and beds. The multi-figure representations (combining human, animal and geometric designs) are meant to decorate as well as to reflect aspects of the changing nature of the socio-cultural, religious and political structure of Bambui society. As modernisation takes a stronger hold on the traditional structures of Bambui society, people are also responding by appropriating and adopting some aspects of the foreign “other” in order to keep up with the changing times. One such method employed by both artists and their patrons is the representation of multi-figure motifs on objects of art. Francis Nyamnjoh has pointed out that “more and more modern urban elites do not seem satisfied with their achievements within the modern sector and bureaucratic state power, and are increasingly investing as well in neo-traditional titles of notability for symbolic capital” (2002, 7). The implication that this has for the objects of art in the Bambui Royal Collection is that new configurations of power, the direct consequence of modernity, have resulted in new combined motifs appearing on stools, beds, tables, masks and drums. Most of the traditional and modern urban elites in Bambui believe that having stools with multiple motifs as part of their furniture is a symbol of the different titles that they have received from the fondom and other places because of their contribution to development in such societies. Barnila Billy, an artist at Finance Junction, Bamenda also believes Christian homes have a special interest in multi-figure modern religious art such as the statues of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary with representations of the twelve apostles and the dove descending from heaven in their home collection. Such objects are interpreted as a symbol of Christ’s presence in their homes. Although there is nothing of this nature in the Bambui collection, it is possible that similar objects exist in private homes across the fondom, considering the history and impact of Christianity in Bambui.

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Geometric Motifs Geometric figures on some of the objects of art in the Bambui Royal Collection are meant to articulate the expressive style and symbolic power of the objects. In his study of the Mankon and Babungo Royal Collections, for example, Notue (2000, 74) observes that geometric figures are omnipotent and omnipresent in Grassfields artistic creation. He points out that simplified motifs, such as those of the toad are “made up of a rhombus, symbolising fertility,” and that different styles of spiders are transformed into simple dots, circles, or small cylinders laid out in various ways to form the decoration of several pieces. Sometimes, objects, including various forms of receptacles, pipes, bells, bracelets, cowries and others, gain artistic status and are incorporated into the different categories of art after undergoing the different stages of stylisation. Geometric figures on the objects of art in the Bambui Royal Collection, especially objects meant for local consumption are inseparable from other features that reflect the hierarchical structure of the society; in fact, they are a visual means of communicating the essential symbols of the traditional hierarchy to citizens. In modern art institutions, such as PresCraft, Bamenda Handicraft Cooperative Society, however, the representation of geometric motifs on objects of art has a slightly different meaning attached to it. The representation of geometric figures in the context of modern art and craft institutions is intended to reflect aspects of the changing society of the region, especially following its exposure to forces of modernisation. As noted by the former manager of the Bamenda Handicraft Cooperative Society, Ananmagze Athanasius, “it is essential that we represent different geometric figures on our objects, in order to match the natural and social environment with what we produce” (pers comm. December 2004). Geometric figures on the objects of art produced at BHCS cannot be seen through the lens of traditional religious activities because customers might associate the artwork solely with tradition rather than with the changing environment that is now part and parcel of the Bamenda, and by extension Cameroonian society. As some BHCS patrons have openly declared, “Geometric figures are an attraction that makes them [customers] always want to buy from us because they are stylistic and modern” (pers comm., 14/03/05). They express the decorative strength of BHCS artists rather than their understanding of traditional symbols and this is good for BHCS’s survival and sustainability.

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Animal Representations The Python Motif The python, otherwise known as ingham in the Bambui language, is not a poisonous snake but it is by far the largest and longest snake that attacks humans and other animals by constricting its victim to death. Bambui legend relates the depiction of python motifs on Bambui throne figures or stools to the association of the snake with the Bambui fon. Throughout the Western Grassfields, it is believed that fons have the power and the ability to transform into any of the five royal animals. In the case of anything that threatens the authority of the Bambui fon, he is expected to transform himself and swallow his opponents or destroy their property in order to render them helpless. By so doing, the Bambui fon is considered someone who can protect his people from aggressive neighbours. Most Bambui people will flee from a python, but the fon and the python are expected to slow down as a sign of respect for each other if they meet accidentally. Python motifs are found on the Bambui fon’s throne figures or stools with armrests and they are carved entwined round the two armrests to the back of the throne. The strength of the python as a royal animal is also based on the fact that hide extracted from the skin of the python is used by the Bambui fon either to rest his feet on or as an ingredient in some royal rituals. In Bambui, as is the case across the Western Grassfields, the bile of the python is considered one of the most poisonous parts of any royal animal. Although the Bambui fon is generally considered by his people as someone who is as poisonous as the python, the depiction of the python motif on his throne is not meant to portray him as a dangerous person to his people. Rather, it is intended to portray his ability to protect his people. By making the python and its motifs a royal animal and symbol, ordinary Bambui people are prevented from having access to the poisonous bile, which may only be used as a weapon against their enemies. As an informant hinted, the Bambui fon has a duty to protect the people he governs because without these people, his authority is baseless. Using poison from the python’s bile to destroy his own people would mean destroying the very meaning of his fondom.

The Buffalo Motif Although buffalo no longer exist in the forests of Bambui or the Western Grassfields, their motif is still depicted on objects of art in the

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fondom. Like the python, the buffalo is considered a royal animal in the Bambui Fondom. This is because of its reputation as one of the most dangerous animals in the Bovidae family. Its two curved horns are considered symbols of strength and authority in comparison to the other bovines (such as antelope, ram and bull). As a result, the horns are reserved for the fon, because he is also considered to be an embodiment of strength and authority by his subjects. One notable part of the buffalo that is common on the objects of art in the Bambui Royal Collection is the head, perhaps because of the horns attached to it. The buffalo horn is one of the most important categories of art in the Bambui Royal Collection because it is used as a title cup by titleholders, both for drinking and for making libation to the ancestors (cf. Fubah 2012). It is also important because it is considered an object of exchange between titleholders across the region. Hunting and killing a buffalo is considered an achievement across the Bambui Fondom and any hunter who succeeds in doing so is required to bring the carcass to the palace. Once this is done, the hunter is rewarded with the traditional insignia of the red touraco feather, thereby making him a titleholder for daring to kill a royal animal.

The Elephant Motif Otherwise known as ihsei-eh in Bambui, the size of the elephant and its bodily features, including the two curved ivory tusks and a long trunk, and its reputation for having a quick ear and good eye, as well as its retentive memory, is associated with the fon who is considered to possess all these features. Notable parts of the elephant that are depicted on the objects in the Bambui collection are: its large ears, small eyes, frightful tusk and long trunk. The depiction of elephant motifs on objects of art in the Bambui collection is meant to symbolise the might, wealth and dignity of the Bambui fon. The elephant’s two tusks are used as footrests by the fon during important ceremonies such as mendele or the annual dance. They are also used as a trumpet by manjong houses on manjong Sundays.

The Leopard Motif The leopard, otherwise known as ihnoghwo-o in the Bambui language, is considered one of the most dangerous flesh-eating animals in the entire history of the village. Hans Knöpfli (1998, 34) describes the leopard as “a large feline, powerful, fast-running and flesh eating animal, active

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particularly at night and very unpredictable.” Bambui people have a history of mixed feelings about the leopard because its victims are both animals and humans. Even though it is extinct in the Bambui Fondom, traditional legend continues to hold that hunters or a hunter who succeeded in killing one in the past was given traditional recognition and rewards in the form of a red touraco feather. Bambui hunters are not allowed by traditional law to hunt leopards alone because of its dangerous nature. It is also believed that a hunter who kills and then hides and eats the meat of a leopard alone risks developing leprosy. An informant from Kedjom Ketingo told me that the disappearance of leprosy in Tubah SubDivision is not due to improvements in medicine but is a result of the fact that the forest no longer harbours leopards that will cause people to disobey traditional law and be punished with the illness. According to Hans Knöpfli (1998, 34), the tawny yellow coat with black rosette-like spots are valuable royal items and are left in the Bambui palace for the fon to place his throne and rest his feet upon in order to absorb the leopard’s power. The leopard’s teeth are also highly prized by traditional rulers as a means of reinforcing and strengthening the importance of the bead necklaces worn by some members of the traditional elites. The Bambui fon is likened to the leopard because its motif is considered the royal symbol for strength and vigilance and is usually depicted on royal sculptures such as the fon’s throne or stool, table, and drum.

The Lion Motif (plates 3-14) Although lions no longer exist in Bambui or in the Bamenda Grassfields more generally, the name Bikem is still used, especially when someone makes a very loud and strange sound. I remember some Bambui women shouting at their children to stop crying like Bikem, the sound that used to come from lions. It is simply addressed as lion across Bambui in present day Grassfields, and this relates to the history of its extinction. Based on a story narrated to Hans Knöpfli by the Bali-Nyonga people, it is believed that lions existed in the Bamenda Grassfields right up to the turn of the early twentieth century. While leaving her farm to relieve herself, a Bali woman who died in 1992 at the age of eighty, fell into a pit believed to have possibly be dug by the lion. Assuming that the woman was born in 1912, Knöpfli concluded that people were still hunting lions in the Bamenda Grassfields in 1920, but that since then traces of the lion have not been heard or seen in the region (Knöpfli 1998, 35). It is now extinct across the western Grassfields.

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The depiction of the lion on objects in the Bambui collection is meant to symbolise might and power, in much the same manner as with the other royal animals. Notable parts of the lion depicted in sculpture are the head and in rare cases the entire body. In some of the palaces across the Grassfields, images of lions are painted on the walls, especially at the entrances, while some representations are carved and displayed as decorations in special rooms and corners of the palace.

Functions of the Objects As is the case across the Western Grassfields, the objects of art in the Bambui collection play a utilitarian, religious, social, political, economic and mythical function within the Bambui community. As utilitarian items, the objects are used as royal furniture (tables, stools, beds, and thrones) especially by the fon, sub-chiefs, princes and notables. As royal furniture, the objects contributes to decorating the royal palace, including the fon’s “open” and “closed” living rooms, as well as the palace surroundings. By “open” living room in the Bambui palace, I should be understood as referring to the fon’s reception area where all visitors are received before deciding on whether or not to invite them into the “closed” living room. Except for the fon’s thrones and stools, most of the furniture displayed in the open and closed living rooms is “impotent” or does not have “power” and can be used by most of his guests. Additionally, some of the utilitarian items are found in the homes of princes, sub-chiefs, notables, me-ehfor or the queen mother, me-ehfuembueng or the leader of fuembueng or the mother (leader) of the female regulatory society. These notables and their homes constitute what I call the palace surroundings because even though some of the utilitarian items are found in their homes, they are nevertheless an extension of the palace because their owners the notables owe their authority to the palace. As religious items, the objects are used for sacrifices, offerings, traditional prayers and ceremonies, all aimed at propitiating the ancestors and other deities of the fondom. In his study of the Mankon collection, Jean Paul Notue notes that, in Mankon or the Grasslands in general, “artistic creation (in particular relating to cultural or ritual objects) is subject to rules and a code, based essentially on the native religion described as ‘animist’ and ‘fetishist’ and which enters this domain in several ways:

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Figure 3.8 Thhe Bambui fonn’s open living room for guessts. Bambui Pallace, 2012 (Photo by Maathias Fubah) -

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Firstly, itt is a source off inspiration forr the artist in aas much as alliaances with animals aand the forces of o nature, the need n for protecction and powerr, ancestor cults, the mystery of ferttility amongst others, o are all thhemes related to o religious oomorphic concepts translated into many works of art from the rroyal palace (zo and anthrropomorphic reppresentations prrovide examplees). Secondly, rituals, prayeers and sacrifices are indispennsable to the production, p s of the use annd the exhibitioon of certain culltural objects (ddrums, gongs, symbols the kingddom’s authoritty held by the Kwifor, cerrtain seats masks, royal emblems etc.). Thirdly, rreligion guides the artist in the values and the counter-valuess of the Mankon ccommunity withhin the scope of what is alloweed and what is forbidden. Fourth, several pieces from f the palacce are either veehicles or receeptacles of occult powers or religious concepts. Th hese works aree used in culturaal or royal ceremonies such as the initiation i and enthronement e riites of a fon, th he mendele or annuall dance and nivee-ehfor ritual an nd nive-ehme-eehfor ritual—fon n or queen mother’s second funeral celebration (20 000, 80).

Across thhe Bambui Foondom, as in other o Grassfiellds fondoms, therefore, art and tradiitional religion are complem mentary forcees because thrrough art,

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traditional religious ideas that might otherwise not be expressed verbally are easily represented on objects of art and vice versa. More particularly, such inexpressible representations are messages of inclusion and exclusion and are understood mostly by members of the social class associated with the symbols and rituals. For instance, the depiction of iconographic motifs of the python, buffalo, leopard, lion and elephant (all royal animals) on Bambui throne objects and stools is meant to reflect the fact that the Bambui fon or traditional ruler is as powerful and wild as these animals, and has the ability to transform into any one of them. The objects of art in the Bambui collection, then, are a means of social distinction in the politically complex traditional structure of the fondom. As religious and royal objects, they play a crucial role in promoting and preserving the authority of the Bambui fon and his notables over the fondom. Thus, when the Bambui fon sits in state on ceremonial occasions, his retainers and some of his many wives will assemble around him, holding his important regalia: the royal sword, tobacco pipe, drinking horn, calabashes and staff, which they hand to him at prescribed moments during the ceremony (cf. Geary 1981, 43, in the case of the Bamum king). As observed by Jean Paul Notue in the case of the Mankon collection, the palace collection is meant to “show the greatness of the fon; to exalt his power and competence; to exhibit the prestige of royalty; to symbolise the numerous attributions of the monarch (as a distributor of wealth, the political and religious leader; the great judge, the priest and possessor of supernatural powers and associated with totemic animals, the source of the prosperity and survival of the kingdom etc); and to underscore the social values to be safeguarded by the sovereign” (2000, 81-2). Besides, the objects play an important role in the social organisation and functioning of the entire community. By recognising the authority of the fon and his notables, as represented by the objects in the Royal Collection, a sense of shared values and common belonging is promoted and preserved amongst the Bambui community. Hence, through the objects in the Royal Collection, the spirit of collective solidarity is enhanced and this is largely manifested through the mendele or annual dance that usually comes up at the end of the year. And the mendele, as I have already indicated, is the period when the entire Bambui community is brought together to celebrate and honour the founding dynastic clans of Bambui, including the fon, through various artistic and cultural manifestations in the palace. Last, but by no means least, the objects of art in the Bambui collection also serve as a window into the Bambui fon’s, and by extension his fondom’s numerous network of alliances, exchanges, and war victories.

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For that matter, the objects contribute in enhancing social cohesion and relationships between the fon, palace, fondom, as well as with neighbouring and distant fondoms.

Notes 1. This is understandable especially considering that the kingdom was attacked by the Germans in about 1898, and most of its treasures destroyed by fire or looted (see the Bambui-Bafut protracted Land Dispute Report, 2005, for more on the German punitive expedition in Bafut and Bambui). Besides, interest in foreign aesthetics by contemporary and youth associations across Bambui and the Grassfields suggest the resources of the past such as the traditional palace museum is no longer compatible with the needs of today. 2. In about 1898, the Germans attacked and burnt down Bafut Palace because the Bafut king at the time, Abumbi I, refused to give in to the German request for cheap labour to work in the plantations on the coast. Following the destruction of his palace, King Abumbi sought and was granted refuge in Bambui. When the German came asking for Bambui to hand over Abumbi to them, the fon of Bambui at the time, Angafor Mombo-o II, refused on the grounds that Bafut was a neighbour and brother. Following Bambui’s refusal, the Germans also attacked and burnt down Bambui Palace. Seventy-eight Bambui people lost their lives in the attack and master pieces from the royal treasury were burnt and looted. 3. Mhvie-eneveh can literally be translated as “things of the ancestors”. 4. By initiation here, I mean the process in which the objects are empowered or given potency to render them powerful and therefore secret. This is done by performing some rituals and also rubbing the objects with traditional medicine. 5. The view held by these Grassfields scholars is that secrecy is an essential part of Grassfields ideology and is based on such things as age, gender and titles. For instance, in the Bambui Fondom, secrecy and by extension sacred objects are largely things for the elderly and titled men, as opposed to secular pieces. 6. Some commentators, however, still claim sacred items are kept outside the view of people for convenience more than for secrecy (cf. Rowlands 2008). This might be the case for Westerners who don’t believe or practise the traditions of the Grassfields. 7. Sacred objects are not included in the catalogue and they will not be part of the Bambui museum collection either. 8. When a title holder or family head in Bambui dies, his power is transferred into his drinking horn before burial. The essence is to create a link between the deceased and his descendants (see Fubah 2012 for more on the transfer of power into the drinking horn). 9. By retainers here, I mean young men who were recruited to serve in the palace in various capacities. The practice was not unique to Bambui, it cut across the kingdoms in the Grassfields. As Nkwi notes in the case of Kom, “retainers were the mainstay of the palace and state apparatus. They were recruited throughout the kingdom; former retainers were required to send sons to the palace to serve. Some

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were also forcibly recruited from among the brightest young men of the kingdom” (1996, 103). 10. It should be noted that Ndia-takumbeng in Bambui collapsed some years back and has never been reconstructed. 11. Nkwi (1996, 103) has noted, in the case of the Kom Kingdom, that “retainers are often depicted on stools, beds, and vessels as caryatids in the posture of support” to the king.

PLATE CAPTIONS

Pl. 1. Slit drum (kwe-eh) Early twentieth century Wood Length: 125 cm Diameter: 35cm Previously used for royal announcements

Kwe-eh or slit drum is carved from a hollowed tree trunk with each extreme decorated or undecorated (with animal, human or geometric motifs) depending on the choice of the patron. Players of the slit drum normally use two wooden clappers to beat the rectangular holes at the top in order to produce music. The drum is known to produce different sounds, each corresponding to a particular event; notable sounds are those used to announce royal deaths and war.

Pl. 2. Slit drum (kwe-eh) 1980 Length: 122 cm Diameter: 30 cm Replacement for the previous slit drum Bambui Royal Collection

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This drum was carved in 1980 as a replacement for the old drum that was discarded on grounds it was no longer producing a good sound and had lost its potency. Potency was transferred from the old to the new. Like the previous slit drum, it is used for royal announcements.

Pl. 3. Royal furniture 1975 Lengths: doorpost 185 cm, table 150 cm and statue 145 cm Bambui Royal Collection (missing since 2004)

The royal furniture comprises two wall or doorposts, a royal table, statue and tortoise on the table. The doorposts are decorated with anthropomorphic and zoomorphic motifs. The table is decorated with zoomorphic motifs such as the elephant head and earth spider. On top of the table is the statue of a royal palm wine tapper wearing a cap on his head and a bag and palm wine calabash on his left shoulder. The royal furniture was a part of the Bambui fon’s collection when I visited in 2004. It has since disappeared from the palace to an unknown destination.

Pl. 4. The sacred royal house (atsam) 1969 Bambui Royal Collection

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Atsam is the sacred royal house of the Bambui fon or an ancestral shrine because it is believed to house the graves of his ancestors. Ndiabesie–eh is constructed with traditional building materials such as bamboo, wooden poles, palm fronds and staff, and is plastered with ati-ichea-a or mud. The roof is made of straw and there is a small triangular building on top of the main building. The grass roof is re-thatched once a year but some essential parts of the house, including poles, palm fronds and other traditional building materials are only replaced in the event of the death of a fon. Indiabesie-eh has a horizontal bamboo push door built into the framework and is placed off the ground to protect it from being eaten by termites. The bamboo door is clad with fibre, which is the traditional symbol for a shrine or sacred place in the Bamenda Grassfields. The poles and facial boards are decorated with carvings of royal animals such as the buffalo, leopard and also with human motifs, representing palace attendants in postures of submission to the fon. Various motifs depicted on the walls of Ndiabesieeh are also meant to serve as a window into the type of treasures found in the building.

Pl. 5. Drinking horn throne 2000 Mixture of iron bars, wood and drinking horns Bambui Royal Collection

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The throne is made from a mixture of iron bars and wood with drinking horns (cow horns) stacked on the edges. It is covered with leopard skin to signify its royal nature. Kings across the Western Grassfields are associated with the leopard—it is believed they have the power to transform into the leopard or indeed any of the royal animals. As a result, their thrones are covered with leopard skin. The drinking horn throne is the first of its kind in the Bambui palace and was specifically commissioned by the current fon of Bambui, Angafor Momboo III. The throne is surrounded by other royal paraphernalia such as the beaded top stool, statue, staff and related items.

Pl. 6. Fon Angafor Momboo III on the throne 2010 Bambui palace

The fon of Bambui, Angafor Momboo III on his drinking horn throne, surrounded by some of his treasures. He is both sitting on the leopard’s coat of tawny yellow and black rosette-like spots and resting his feet on the leopard skin on the floor in order to absorb the leopard’s power. The leopard’s teeth are also highly prized by traditional rulers as a means of reinforcing and strengthening the importance of the bead necklaces worn by the fon. Again, the Bambui fon is likened to the leopard because its motif is considered the royal symbol for strength and vigilance and is usually depicted on royal sculptures such as the fon’s throne or stool, table and drum. The beaded beauty vase on top of the beaded stool was made by one of the fon’s wives. It has a decorative purpose. The fon’s staff decorated with anthropomorphic and zoomorphic motifs was carved shortly after he acceded to the throne in 1996.

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Pl. 7. Statue of a standing man holding a pipe 1940s Carver: Pa Saghih Ngia Che Early twentieth century Wood, cowries Height 100 cm; length 35 cm; width: 30 cm Bambui Royal collection

The standing man holding a pipe in his right hand and supporting a human face object in his left hand is wearing a traditional cap with two lobes. His genitals are covered with a mesh of raffia fibre fastened by means of a belt. According to the palace retainer Pa Amungwa Nkoh, this statue was sculpted by Pa Saghih, the Bambui artist from Fulie quarter before the 1940s. King Acheyifor, who ruled Bambui from 1924-1947, commissioned this work, which was intended to replace an old statue that had been damaged by termites. It is mainly used during coronations, such as that of Fon Amungwafor II in 1948 and Fon Angafor Momboo III in 1995. Since 1995, the statue has remained in the royal treasury and has never been exhibited.

Pl. 8. Statue of a seated man 1940s Carver: Pa Saghih Ngia Che Wood, cowries Height 100 cm; length 35cm; width 30 cm Bambui Royal collection

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The sitting man holding a wooden drinking horn in his right hand and a pipe in the left hand and hanging an object in the form of a small lizard is wearing a cap on his head and cowries on the neck. His genitals are covered with a mesh of raffia fibre fastened by means of a belt. According to the palace retainer Pa Mungwa Nkoh, this statue was sculpted by Pa Saghih, the Bambui artist from Fulie quarter before the 1940s. King Acheyifor who ruled Bambui from 1924-1947 also commissioned this work, which was intended to add to the palace treasures. Similarly to the statue of a standing man (plate 7), it is mainly used during coronations, such as that of Fon Amungwafor II in 1948 and Fon Angafor Momboo III in 1995. Since 1995, the statue has remained in the royal treasury and has never been exhibited.

Pl. 9. Ceremonial drinking horn (ndonjiedieuh) 1940s Maker unknown Bambui Kingdom Length: 27 cm Bafoukom quarter head’s collection

This ritual buffalo drinking horn is decorated with geometric motifs. It is one of the most precious heirlooms handed down to the most honourable member of the family from one generation to the next. Every family in Bambui has a title cup of some sort because it is one of the most important

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instruments that distinguishes a titleholder, and sometimes a family head from the other family members. A drinking horn that has been initiated is considered to carry the secrets of each family in possession of one. Because of the secret nature of such drinking horns, knowledge or information relating to the horns cannot be easily revealed to people who are not titleholders, although everyone is permited to see the horn. Its essence is to promote and preserve the integrity of the family. The quarter head of Bafoukom, Pa David Tebueh, also a traditional doctor, acquired this buffalo horn in 1975 to match his status in the community and family.

Pl. 10. Ceremonial statues 1940s Maker unknown Bambui Kingdom Bafoukom quarter head’s collection

These three statues, two male figures sitting on the left and right and a female figure in the middle, are part of the collection of the quarter head of Bafoukom, Pa David Tibueh. The man sitting on the right hand side is holding a drinking horn in his right hand and a pipe in his left while the man sitting on the left is also holding a drinking horn attached to his mouth and a pipe in the left hand. The genitals of both men are covered with a black cloth fastened by means of a belt. The woman standing in the middle is holding a calabash of palm wine waiting to serve both men. The three statues wear a traditional robe on the neck, which according to Pa Tibueh is a form of charm or medicine meant to prevent the statues from being stolen. Pa Tibueh acquired the statues in 1980 to add to his private collection. They are used essentially for entertainment rituals.

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Pl. 11. Royal bed (eku-ufo) 1940s Maker unknown Wood Height 27 cm; length 175 cm; width 55 cm Bambui Royal collections

This carved royal bed with edges partially destroyed by termites is decorated with zoomorphic motifs. A crouching leopard figure is sculpted in relief at one end of the smooth rectangular top (not visible from its current position) of the bed, serving as a headrest. The bed was carved during the reign of Fon Acheyifor 1924-1947 and has been used successively by three Bambui fons, including Acheyifor, Amungwafor and the current Fon, Angafor Momboo III. After his coronation in 1995, Angafor Momboo III slept on this bed for about a week before replacing it with a new bed. This bed was then relegated to the palace treasure chamber, allowing it to be damaged through negligence.

Pl. 12. Female drum (afobebengieu) 1960s Maker unknown Wood, animal hide, synthetic fibre Height 69 cm; height with pedestal 70 cm; width 32 cm Bambui Royal collection

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This female drum with feet has a cylindrical body with a single drumhead covered with a membrane of animal hide. The surface of the drum is decorated with human face and double gong motifs. Beneath the double gong are geometric designs in the form of lines and dots. The pedestal is decorated with human motifs. According to the palace retainer, the drum was acquired in about 1965, to promote the participation of palace women or the fon’s wives in traditional ceremonies, who until then had never had a good drum. It has been in use since then but is always returned to the royal treasury after use for preservation.

Pl. 13. Statue of seated man and two standing men 1940s Maker unknown Wood Height 120 cm; length 45 cm; width 42 cm Bambui Royal collection

The seated man wearing a cap and wooden necklace is holding a wooden drinking horn. He is surrounded by two men, one to the left holding a calabash of palm wine ready to serve the seated man and the other to the right also holding something like a wooden drinking horn. On the ground in front is a double gong and a beauty vase on the side to the left. According to the palace retainer, the statue was commissioned by Fon Acheyifor from a Babungo carver in the early 1940s to add to the palace

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collection. It was initially brought out and displayed during annual celebrations but has remained in the royal treasury since 1996. The reason for this is the fear that it might be stolen since many other statues displayed during celebrations have gone missing shortly after their use in events.

Pl. 14. Statue of a lion (bikem) Post-colonial, 1975 Carver: Pa Awangieh Wood Bambui Royal collection

The statue of the lion is meant to reflect the Bambui fon’s qualities as a lion or as someone who can transform into one. The images of lions and other royal animals are painted on palace walls, especially at the entrance into the palaces while some are carved and displayed as decorations in special rooms and corners of the palace. The depiction of the lion on objects in the Bambui Royal Collection is meant to symbolise might and power, in much the same manner as the other royal animals. Notable parts of the lion depicted in sculpture are the head and in rare cases the entire body as in the carved statue seen here. It was commissioned by the late Fon of Bambui, Amungwafor II (1948-1995) from a Babanki carver. Although lions no longer exist in Bambui, the name Bikem is still used, especially when someone makes a very loud and strange sound.

Pl. 15. Female helmet mask (atao mangie) Post-colonial, 1975 Carver: Pa Awangieh (junior) Wood Length 40 cm; width 33 cm

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This mask represents a female head and is usually worn by the dancer(s) personifying women in the masks lodge. Masks lodges with some of their dancers using female masks are usually witnessed during first and second funeral celebrations. This mask is part of the Bambui Royal Collection and is used regularly for ritual and entertainment purposes.

Pl. 16. Dance mask of the princes society (atuo mukumbonto-oh) Post-colonial, 1975 Carver: Pa Awangieh (junior) Wood Height 35 cm

This crest mask represents the head of a man wearing a cap with a hollow top. It is regularly used by the princes’ masks when performing during first and second funeral celebrations, and it is worn by one of the dancers together with a sleeveless feathered mesh costume and foot rattles. It was commissioned alongside other masks from the son of a Big Babanki carver (who settled in Bambui in the 1920s) in 1975.

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Pl. 17. Buffalo mask (atuoh Koomukum) Maker unknown Post-colonial, 1975 Wood Height 10 cm; length 40 cm Bambui Royal collection

This mask represents the head of a buffalo, one of the royal animals. It is used by middle dancers in the masks lodge together with a feathered dance costume, rattles tied round the ankles and a horsetail fly whisk in the right hand. It has not been used since 1996, which might explain why it has been partially eaten by termites.

Pl. 18. Anthropomorphic wooden mask (Atuo mukum) Post-colonial Carver: Pa Awangieh Height 20 cm; length 48 cm; width 35 cm Bambui Royal collection

The wooden helmet mask represents the head of a man. The mouth is wide open with teeth and eyes pointing out. The external surface of the head and chin is decorated with human hair that has been painted with mbue-eh or camwood. It is one of the masks usually worn by koomukum or leading

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mask during celebrations. This particular mask was last used in 1996, shortly after the coronation of the current Fon of Bambui, Angafor Momboo III.

Pl. 19. Ram mask (atuo nkobe) Colonial, 1940 Carver: Pa Awangieh Wood Height 22.5 cm; length 38 cm; width 30 cm Bambui Royal collection

This wooden mask represents the head of nkobe or ram. The mask is characterised by subtle engravings of vertical lines along the central axis dividing the mask into two symmetrical parts. The base of the horns is adorned with two rows of geometric lines. The eyes, nose and mouth are wide open. The mask was carved by one of the palace carvers, Pa Awangieh during the reign of Fon Acheyifor (1924-1947). The ram mask is worn by the middle dancer together with a feathered costume, a hessian hood, and holding a horsetail fly whisk in the right hand. The ram is important in Bambui traditional religious practices as a sacrificial animal. It is slaughtered by the Bambui fon and his notables in rituals meant to venerate the ancestors and deities of the kingdom. The rituals are also intended to thank them for blessings received during the year and to ask for guidance and protection in the coming year.

Pl. 20. Wooden elephant mask (atuo fuhn) Post-colonial, 1975 Carver: Pa Awangieh (junior) Length 75 cm; width 20 cm Bambui Royal collection

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This wooden elephant mask has two large raised ears on the sides of the head, which has a curved profile extending in front with a trunk. The mask is used by the middle dancer in the princes mask lodge and other mask lodges owned by Bambui notables. It is mostly used during first and second funeral celebrations as well as during the annual dance at the end of the year. It is worn together with a feathered dance costume, ankle rattles and a horsetail fly whisk in the right hand. The music that the mask responds to when dancing is played using xylophones and drums. Like most of the other masks in the collection, this wooden elephant mask was last used in 1996.

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