The Archaeology of the Trobriand Islands, Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea: Excavation season 1999 9781841714578, 9781407324722

Table of contents :
Cover Page
Copyright Page
Table of Contents
Preface
Introduction
Chapter 1: The Archaeology of the Trobriand Isaldns Excavation Season 1999
Chapter 2: The Surveys of Labai and Mwatawa
Chapter 3: The 1999 Excavations in Labai and Mwatawa
Chapter 4: The Budou and Selai burial caves in Labai
Chapter 5: The Lithic Material from Labai and Mwatawa
Chapter 6: The Ceramics from Labai and Mwatawa
Chapter 7: The Oral Traditions of Labai and Mwatawa
Chapter 8: Climage and Culture

Citation preview

BURENHULT (Ed.)   THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE TROBRIAND ISLANDS, MILNE BAY PROVINCE

B A R

l na tio ne di nli ad l o ith ria W ate m

BAR  S1080  2002  

9 781841 714578

The Archaeology of the Trobriand Islands, Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea Excavation season 1999

Edited by

Göran Burenhult

BAR International Series 1080 2002

The Archaeology of the Trobriand Islands, Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea Excavation season 1999 Edited by

Goran Burenhult

BAR International Series 1080 2002

ISBN 9781841714578 paperback ISBN 9781407324722 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841714578 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

Contents PREFACE ..................................................................................................................................................................................... 4 by Dr. linus digim’Rina, Department of Anthropology, University of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby, PNG INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................................................ 7 by Professor Göran Burenhult, Gotland University College, Visby, Sweden Chapter 1 THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE TROBRIAND ISLANDS, EXCAVATION SEASON 1999 .......................................... 14 By Maria Davidsson, Archaeoosteological Research Laboratory, Ulriksdal Palace, Stockholm University, Sweden GEOGRAPHICAL, GEOLOGICAL AND CLIMATIC BACKGROUND ................................................................................ 14 Geography Geology and Topography Climate and Vegetation SETTLEMENT HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC ISLANDS ......................................................................................................... 15 Language origins Early Traces of Human Settlement in Melanesia The Lapita Cultural Complex The Early History of the Trobriand Islands PREVIOUS INVESTIGATIONS ON THE TROBRIAND ISLANDS ....................................................................................... 16 STRUCTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL AIMS OF THE PROJECT ................................................................................... 17 The MFS Surveys 1998 Archaeological Aims of the Test Excavations 1999 THE TEST EXCAVATIONS IN 1999 ........................................................................................................................................ 17 Oilobogwa, Mwatawa - Sites 1:A, 1:B and 1:C Odubekoya, Labai - Site 1 The Burial Caves Surveys and Mapping Additional Areas of Investigation Acknowledgements REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................................................................. 20 Chapter 2 THE SURVEYS OF LABAI AND MWATAWA .................................................................................................................... 21 By Jeanette Lilja, Jonna Lindqvist and Li Olsson, Survey team 1999 INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................................................................ 21 Definition of terms Environment Methodology List of located sites THE MWATAWA SURVEYS 1998 and 1999 ............................................................................................................................24 Localization & site descriptions THE LABAI SURVEYS 1998 and 1999 ......................................................................................................................................29 REFERENCES ..............................................................................................................................................................................35 Chapter 3 THE 1999 EXCAVATIONS IN LABAI AND MWATAWA ..................................................................................................36 by Ann-Charlotte Larsson, and Susanne Svensson, Archaeoosteological Research Laboratory, Ulriksdal Palace, Stockholm University, Sweden INTRODUCTION ….................................................................................................................................................................36 Excavation areas Topography Methodology Layers Finds

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MWATAWA ...........................................................................................................................................................................… 37 Oilobogwa Site 1A Postholes Coral rocks LABAI .....................................................................................................................................................................................… 38 Odubekoya Site 1 Postholes Coral rocks BURIALS .................................................................................................................................................................................… 39 Graves 1-6 PRELIMINARY RESULTS ......................................................................................................................................................... 41 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................................................................. 41 TABLE OF EXCAVATED SQUARES AT OILOBOGWA ....................................................................................................... 42 TABLE OF EXCAVATED SQUARES AT ODUBEKOYA ...................................................................................................... 43 TABLES OF FINDS FROM MWATAWA AND LABAI .......................................................................................................... 44 TABLES OF OSTEOLOGICAL ESTIMATIONS FROM THE ODUBEKOYA BURIAL GROUND .................................. 45 TABLES OF OSTEOLOGICAL ESTIMATIONS FROM BONE FINDS IN SQUARE METRES ......................................... 48 CATALOGUES OF SKELETONS AND FINDS ....................................................................................................................... 74 EXCAVATION PLANS AND SECTIONS FROM OILOBOGWA .......................................................................................... 76 EXCAVATION PLANS AND SECTIONS FROM ODUBEKOYA ......................................................................................... 85 Chapter 4 THE BUDOU AND SELAI BURIAL CAVES IN LABAI .................................................................................................... 107 By Gabriella Venturi, Archaeoosteological Research Laboratory, Ulriksdal Palace, Stockholm University, Sweden INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................................... 107 Environment Methods of documentation SELAI CAVE ............................................................................................................................................................................. 108 Halls A-H BUDOU CAVE .......................................................................................................................................................................... 109 Halls A-E THE OSTEOLOGICAL ANALYSES ....................................................................................................................................... 110 REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................................................................... 112

Chapter 5 THE LITHIC MATERIAL FROM LABAI AND MWATAWA ......................................................................................... 115 By Charlotte Fernstål, Björn Hjulström and Annica Sterner, Department of Archaeology, Stockholm University, Sweden INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................................... 115 Rock classification and the geology of the region STONE ARTEFACTS ............................................................................................................................................................... 116 OBSIDIAN ................................................................................................................................................................................. 117 Acknowledgements REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................................................................... 118 TABLES OF FINDS .................................................................................................................................................................. 119 FIGURES .................................................................................................................................................................................... 123 Chapter 6 THE CERAMICS FROM LABAI AND MWATAWA ......................................................................................................... 126 By Sandra Gustafsson, Jens Lindström, Ulrika Malm, and Olaf Winter, Department of Archaeology, University of Stockholm, and Gotland University College, Sweden INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................................... 126 Ceramics from the Oilobogwa Sites 1A-C at Mwatawa Ceramics from the Odubekoya site at Labai The ceramics of the Obuwaga burial cave at Labai COMMENTS ............................................................................................................................................................................. 127 Acknowledgements REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................................................................... 128 2

FIGURES .................................................................................................................................................................................... 129 TABLES OF FINDS .................................................................................................................................................................. 134 Chapter 7 THE ORAL TRADITIONS OF LABAI AND MWATAWA ............................................................................................... 142 By Pia Andersson, Department of Archaeology, University of Stockholm, Sweden INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................................... 142 Why and what How and where THE SOCIOLOGICAL FUNCTION OF TALES OF ORIGIN ................................................................................................ 143 The intricate relationship of knowledge and power The delicate relationship of archaeology and politics LEGENDS RELATED TO THE EXCAVATION SITES ......................................................................................................... 145 Legends of Oilobogwa and the area around Mwatawa village Legends of Odubekoya and the area around Labai village Legends of Selai and Budou and other neighbouring caves TALES OF ORIGIN OF THE TROBRIAND PEOPLE ............................................................................................................ 148 Emerging from the ground Before Labai Alternative beliefs of origin CONCLUSION .......................................................................................................................................................................... 151 Acknowledgements REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................................................................... 152 Oral references Interpreters Unpublished references (in authors possession) Chapter 8 CLIMATE AND CULTURE Proposed Study on Stalagmites from the Kiriwina Burial Caves ........................................................................................ 154 By Katarina Lundblad, Department of Physical Geography and Quaternary Geology, Stockholm University, Sweden INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................................................................................... 154 PURPOSE AND PLANS ........................................................................................................................................................... 154 METHODS ................................................................................................................................................................................. 156 Dating, based on the decay-path 234U -> 230Th Analysis of the growth-layers, using digital imaging Stable Isotope analysis ( 13C and 18O) The cosmogenic beryllium isotope 10Be Analysis of other incorporated elements STARTING THE PROJECT ...................................................................................................................................................... 158 REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................................................................... 158

Please note that the CD referred to on p. 7 has now been replaced with a download available at www.barpublishing.com/additional-downloads.html

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Preface Dr. linus digim’Rina Department of Anthropology, University of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby, PNG

To many students of social anthropology, the Trobriands Islands, Bronislaw Malinowski and anthropological fieldwork are synonymous. As a Trobriander I have been, many a time, embarrassed by the frank and yet often warped images of Trobriand Islands by the average outsider. For instance, “This is Linus from the Trobriand Islands” or, “I come from the Trobriand Islands…”, and the invariable reaction is “Oh, Malinowski…Sexual life of the savages!” or, “Islands of Love”. For the records, “Islands of Love” was not coined by Malinowski. I suspect it originated from some white traders who were on the island in the early part of the 1900s.

pottery, megaliths, cave burials leaves one with much quandary.4 With the exception of Damon’s (1979, 1983c) notable efforts on Muyuw ancient trenches, those that followed Malinowski were similarly uninterested, as if a note in the appendix is about the only deserved place for this category of cultural imprints. However, was it because that prehistoric indicators were outside of their expertise or, were they because academically/anthropologically not in vogue?5 The initial excitement of an invitation by Dr. Wulf Schiefenhövel to join a team of archaeologists from Gotland University college, Sweden was largely due to the realisation of this lack of intensive archaeological documentation of the islands’ past traditions. The project’s proposal was quite ambitious, I thought, as it intends to recover traces of the early settlement of the Trobriand islands. This was premised on popularly unified theories of Oceania represented in an Austronesian mono-culture or proto-oceanic origin whose people had settled the Pacific. My own imaginations of the possible outcome of this endeavour threw me into the project with high expectations. At last, I would be part of a team whose projected research objective might be able to fill in the obvious lacunae left open in the wake of intensive anthropological research in the area. My hopes were for a broader scope of understanding the history and cultural constitution of my own people than one presented by anthropology so far.

Indeed, what is now known as the Trobriand Islands or Kiriwina was in fact Bweyowa/Boyowa for the locals and their immediate neighbours, as opposed to Demwana, Yewau, Muyuwa, Budibudi, Koyakoya as well as Dobu (digim’Rina 1995). This little, however now overpopulated coral atoll was made famous at the beginning of the 20th century largely through the seminal works of the Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski. Excitement generated perhaps by Malinowski’s superb writing style and/or his meticulous methods of documentation invited a steady influx of anthropologists that continued well into the last decades of the twentieth century.1 A large corpus of literature burgeoned, mainly focussing on the islands’ customs and traditions. Presumably for a large number of these anthropologists and others as well, Trobriand culture was not particularly unique and yet somewhat intriguing.

Being a novice in archaeology with limited field training (BA Hon. 1985 in archaeology and later a PhD in social anthropology), I was given the role of a local anthropological advisor to the project. In the field however, I constantly found myself playing the role of a mediator between the team and the immediate villagers, elders and local authorities - more so than the ideal scholar. Nonetheless, it was a role that I particularly enjoyed not only because I was a local but also because my anthropological perspective had a hand in allowing me to skilfully overcome the various challenges that emerge. Invariably, disagreements and/or suspicion leading to verbal confrontation were basically a result of ignorance and misunderstanding of each other’s research intentions, on one hand, and differences in cultural predisposition, on the other.

Additionally, numerous publications sprang from various corners of the globe, even from individuals who had never set foot on the island let alone utter a meaningful Trobriand sound.2 Very quickly the island became well known especially in the anthropological literature. Ironically however, it remained largely unknown to the people themselves - even though it was about them. Why, but perhaps more importantly what, has the world learnt from the people of Bweyowa after almost a century of anthropological debate along its own basic tenets? To this day, one cannot possibly envisage covering the entire literature of the Trobriand Islands without embarking on a major research project or even a quarter of a lifetime’s effort. The extensive literature notwithstanding, a marked feature of this anthropological corpus is a glaring absence of prehistoric and even archaeological data about this island’s culture. The Trobriand Islands have thus remained without an indepth history, with of course, exception to its own myths, well documented and at times blown out of proportion legends and nebulous cosmological beliefs. Until the brief contributions from a handful of archaeologists, chemists and geologists this island region had remained uninteresting insofar as archaeological research is concerned.3 Indeed, Malinowski’s lack of attention to apparent manifestations of past cultural activities including

Much to my own dismay, I realised that my role as a mediator/ facilitator began from dealing with the national government authorities (NRI) for visa purposes, down to the provincial government for research permits, to the local district for protocol, and further to the villagers and land owners. Again, I was basically appealing for understanding from villagers and authorities alike therefore parrying off misunderstanding of scientific research, for instance. Rural villagers in Papua New Guinea, and Trobrianders are no exception, are particularly skilful at “bleeding outsiders to their last penny”. Most seemed

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to have the perceived notion that all foreigners are filthy-rich with cash and therefore any attempt to deal with their local territory naturally invites compensation. (Indeed, it is not such a bad idea to at least acknowledge cultural notions of space and authority that usually go hand in hand). However, not infrequently the requested compensation fees are shockingly exorbitant all over, and it pays to negotiate from a very well informed position!

disciplines of geology, archaeology and ethnography/social anthropology, Kirch arrived with a compelling, while comparatively-historical, study of Mangaia and Tikopia societies. Implicitly, it emerged as a reconstruction of what he describes as “Microcosmic histories” of these people, but a reconstruction with the benefit of varied research methods and approaches. This was simply for a deeper and better understanding and appreciation of a people, society and their adaptive strategies for sustainability. It seems that until interdisciplinary studies are acknowledged and thereby seriously harnessed, the century old questions raised by anthropologists, about the enigma of the Trobriand chieftainship, for instance, will but remain elusive (cf. Brunton 1975, Macintyre 1994). I am inclined to concur with Bickler (pers.comm. 2000) in that anthropological methodologies alone cannot adequately deal with questions of a diachronically and holistic view of a Massim tradition, if at all. Rather what may be required is a greater variety of research methods and areas of focus be involved for a more satisfactory conclusion. Let me allow the contributions from below to evince the potential for such integrative research efforts, even at this very embryonic stage.6

Given such an observed scenario, it is therefore my view that the national government of PNG must review its policy on research conditions and procedures and arrive at more realistic measures in order to: 1) accommodate and inform the village hosts more reliably of the need for such research and 2) control and monitor the research fees and levies in a way that villagers are equally compensated and their authority acknowledged. It is clear that research permits obtained by researchers from the provincial governments do not in any way alleviate the researchers’ initial problems with the people. In many cases researchers find themselves thrown into some of the most politically unsettling circumstances. That is partly because there is very poor communication between the provincial government, the local level government and the village elders who remain as hosts. Until this is attended to, researchers and villagers alike will continue to misunderstand each other based on ignorance and unnecessary suspicion. Unfortunately for the researcher, greater efforts are diverted towards creating proper conditions for research which in the process might inadvertently yield biased data.

1

H. Powell 1950s; J. W. Leach 1960s; A. Weiner, S. Montague, S. Campbell; M. Young and G. Scoditti 1970s, to mention just some of the major contributors. 2

J.P.S. Uberoi, E. Leach 1960s, F. Norick 1970s; D. Battaglia 1980s; M. Mosko, J. Persson 1990s, and the list goes on. 3

See especially Williams (n.d.), Austen (1939); Egloff (1972, 1978, 1979); Irwin (1983, n.d.a); Holdsworth & Ollier (1977); Ollier, Holdsworth & Heers (1970a, 1970b, 1971a, 1971b, 1973); Ollier & Pain (1978a, 1978c) and Bickler (1991, 1997, 1998).

At this juncture, however, I remain contented with the initial progress and preliminary results of this project’s findings. Respective preliminary dates of c. 1500 AD and 950 AD from the cave burial sites and the open burial site at Labai certainly invites tantalizing assumptions about the possibility of major phases of cultural transformation (Bickler pers.comm February 2000; Burenhult pers.comm March 2000). Additionally, it draws chronological parallels to nearby prehistoric dates from Muyuw (Bickler 1998) concerning pottery industry, burial practices and stone arrangements. Damon’s (1990; 1999) own interest in cultural notions of structural orientation of village sites, garden sites and even graves too is yet another phenomenon worthy of further research.

4

It should however, be noted that Malinowski made a huge collection of Trobriand wooden and stone artefacts during his time. They are now housed in at least three major museums outside of the country (see Norick 1976 - unpublished PhD dissertation). 5

After learning of the astonishing archaeological dates from this Trobriand archaeology project Michael Young, the authorised biographer of Malinowski, remarked of some unpublished notes by Malinowski regarding this issue. Malinowski’s “…ideas about Kulturkreise in Kiriwina, about possible migrations and sequencing that he never published because it was ideologically improper to do so (he invented functionalism, after all, which was supposed to ignore that kind of thing).” (Pers.comm. March 9, 2000).

Hence, what could we make of a Trobriand tradition some 1000 years ago? So far, myths and legends can hardly explain let alone recollect of such practices. And if there had been a successive series of cultural transformation, what could have been the causes? These, I suppose, ought to be the fundamental questions the project should seek to answer. The work has begun as a due contribution to a possible overarching view of a tradition. A tradition that is both unique and yet complimentary to many of its other Melanesian societies. After almost a century of intensive anthropological focus on the island’s existing cultural parameters, it nevertheless remains clear to me that many of the questions and mysteries of some Trobriand culture have remained unanswered. Might there be a need for an interdisciplinary approach to research on cultures?

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Special thanks to the people of Labai and Mwatawa, in particular Tolosi, Dubaveka, Elesana Modadeda and Topsi Mokotubasi for their assistance. Paramount Chief Pulayasi, Pakarai, Serah & Rodney Clark, Lydia, Kenneth Kalubaku, and the rest of the archaeology team were just mmmm……mm.

REFERENCES Austen, L. 1939-40. Megalithic Structures in Kiriwina, Trobriand Islands. Oceania 10:30-53.

It is noteworthy that Kirch (1997) has ably demonstrated the need for interdisciplinary studies. Combining results from the

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Bickler, S. 1991. The Great Chain: Early Pottery Trade Along the South Coast of Papua. M.Phil. thesis. University of Auckland.

ern Papua. Studies in Speleology 3: 50-65.

Bickler, S. 1997. Early Pottery Trade along the South Coast of Papua New Guinea. Archaeology in Oceania 32:151-62.

Irwin, G.J. 1983. Chieftainship, Kula, and Trade in Massim Prehistory. In J.W. Leach and E. Leach (eds), The Kula: New Perspectives on Massim Exchange, Pp. 29-72. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press.

Bickler, S. 1998. Eating Stone and Dying: Archaeological Survey on Woodlark Island, Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea. PhD Dissertation. Department of Anthropology, University of Virginia.

Irwin, G.J. n.d.a. Archaeology in the Kula Area. Paper presented to the Kula Conference, Charlottesville, Virginia ([1981]) [derived from Bickler’s 1998 bibliography - paper not sighted].

Brunton, R. 1975. Why do the Trobriands have Chiefs? Man 10(4):544-558.

Kirch, P.V. 1997. Microcosmic Histories: Island Perspective on “Global” Change. American Anthropologist 99(1):30-42.

Damon, F.H. 1979. Woodlark Island Megalithic Structures and Trenches: Towards an Interpretation. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 14(3):195-226.

Macintyre, M. 1994. Too Many Chiefs? Leadership in the Massim in the Colonial Era. History and Anthropology 7:24162.

Damon, F.H. 1983. Further Notes on Woodlark Island Megaliths and Trenches. Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association Bulletin no. 4:100-113.

Norick, F.A. 1975. An Analysis of the Material Culture of the Trobriand Islands based upon the Collection of Bronislaw Malinowski. PhD Dissertation. University of California, Berkeley.

Damon, F.H. 1990. From Muyuw to the Trobriands: Cultural Transformations Along the Northern Side of the Kula Ring. Tucson. University of Arizona Press.

Ollier, C.D., D.K. Holdsworth & G. Heers 1970a. Megaliths at Wagura, Vakuta, Trobriand Islands. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 5:24-26.

Damon, F.H. 1998. The Reciprocity of Difference: forms of regional integration in the Kula ring. Unpublished paper presented at the 1999 AAA conference, Chicago.

Ollier, C.D., D.K. Holdsworth & G. Heers 1970b. Megaliths of Kitava, Trobriand Islands. Records of the Papua New Guinea Museum 1:5-15

digim’Rina, l.s. 1995. Gardens of Basima: Mortuary Feasting and Land Tenure in a Matrilineal Society. PhD Dissertation. Research School of Pacific & Asian Studies, Australian National University.

Ollier, C.D., D.K. Holdsworth & G. Heers 1971a. Inakebu. Cave Art at Kitava in the Trobriand Islands. Archaeology 24:2227

Egloff, B.J. 1972. The Sepulchral Pottery of Nuamata Island, Papua. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 7:146-63.

Ollier, C.D., D.K. Holdsworth & G. Heers 1971b. Further Caves of Kitava, Trobriand Islands, Papua. Helictite 9:61-70. Ollier, C.D., D.K. Holdsworth & G. Heers 1973. Megaliths, Stones and Bwala on Kitava, Trobriand Islands. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 8:41-50

Egloff, B.J. 1978a. The Kula Before Malinowski: A Changing Configuration. Mankind 11(3):429-35. Egloff, B.J. 1978b. Recent Prehistory in Southeast Papua. Terra Australis 4. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian national University.

Ollier, C.D. & C.F. Pain 1978a. Caves of Woodlark Island, Papua New Guinea. Helictite 16:64-78.Ollier, C.D. & C.F. Pain 1978b. Some Megaliths and Cave Burials: Woodlark Island (Murua), Papua New Guinea. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 13:10-18

Holdsworth, D.K. & C.D. Ollier. 1977. Cave Burials in East

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Introduction The Trobriand Islanders – Original Settlers or Later Migrants? Professor Göran Burenhult Gotland University College, Visby, Sweden In November 1998, Gotland University College, Visby, Sweden, started a new archaeological research project on the Trobriand Islands, Papua New Guinea, and during AugustNovember 1999 sixteen Swedish archaeologists and osteologists carried out excavations and osteological analyses at newfound sites on the northern part of Kiriwina Island. The aim of the project is to study the introduction and subsequent cultural development of the Trobriand culture. Central questions at issue include the time of initial colonization of the area; the existence or non-existence of long-term cultural continuity in the islands as revealed by the archaeological record; the identification of possible hiatuses in the cultural development which may be associated with e.g. the influx of intrusive populations (as revealed by ongoing genetic studies of the skeletal material). In the initial stage, radiocarbon dates (AMS) and post

mortem DNA-analyses on skeletal remains will form a crucial fundament for the planning of the forthcoming investigations. This introduction presents a short summary of the preliminary results. All colour maps, figures and photographs in this report are placed on the enclosed CD-ROM disc. BACKGROUND The Trobriand Islands form part of the Melanesian archipelago, and politically they belong to Papua New Guinea (maps 1 and 2). The unique and colourful culture of the Trobrianders, including their famous system of ceremonial exchange, the Kula ring, was studied extensively by Bronislaw Malinowski in the early 20th century (Malinowski 1922, 1929, 1935). However, nothing is known about the earliest occupation of the islands. Nor do we know why the Trobriand Islanders differ markedly

The excavation camp at Mwatawa Beach in 1999. Photo: Göran Burenhult

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from other Melanesian populations with respect to their social organization, cultural set-up, physical characteristics, and genetics, instead bearing some resemblance to Polynesian populations further east (e.g. Hagelberg et al 1999). The Trobriand Islanders have been subject to intense anthropological studies, but apart from a partial excavation of one of the megalithic tombs on the island of Kiriwina in the 1940’s, no stratigraphic archaeological excavations have been carried out on the islands. However, extensive surface collections of potsherds have been made and analysed in the 1970’s , both on Kiriwina, Vakuta and Kuyawa, and some burial caves have been mapped. Also, surface collections of potsherds have been made on the nearby Amphletts and Goodenough Islands (Egloff 1977, 1978, 1979). Recently, archaeological investigations on Woodlark have produced important data on the early settlement on the island (Bickler 1998). We do not know if the megalithic tradition in the Trobriands (represented by e.g. the Otuyam tomb on central Kiriwina), was carried by ancestors of today’s population or by an earlier and culturally different group of people (Austen 1940). Present-day Trobrianders have no cultural relation to the megalithic structures on their islands, an unusual situation for Melanesia, where the megalithic traditions in most places are still very much part of the present cultures or, at least, well remembered and ethnographically documented.

promised to facilitate the localization and identification of earlier settlements in this area. This area also contains a number of caves with burial remains. The area around the villages of Mwatawa and Labai may also be of some interest with regard to the local oral tradition, which holds that the first Trobriand woman was born out of one of the nearby caves and that Labai is considered to be the oldest village in the Trobriand Islands. As a part of the 1999 investigations, also the oral traditions of Labai and Mwatawa, with respect to prehistoric sites and burial caves, were recorded in detail (Andersson this volume). Two of the burial caves were selected for a detailed study, Selai Cave and Budou Cave. The interior of the caves themselves has been provisionally mapped, and burial depositions registered. The archaeological investigation includes a documentation of the position of all bones within the depositions with the aim of making possible a reconstruction of e.g. deposition and reburial traditions. Documentation methodology includes drawing and photography, using both conventional and digital cameras, and the methodology used in the caves will be equal to conventional stratigraphic excavation during open air conditions. Bone samples were also collected from a third cave in Labai, Obuwaga Cave. As the bone depositions in this cave show clear signs of recent disturbances, and most bones obviously are displaced, no detailed analyses were carried out. A rock-shelter burial overlooking the sea was found and investigated at Labai Beach, Bwara Tudava.

Much controversy still surrounds the arrival of the Austronesian language family, which presently dominates most parts of the Pacific. The traditional view holds that Austronesian-speaking peoples entered the archipelago from Southeast Asia around 3000 BC, but there is no evidence for such a large-scale migration into Melanesia in the archaeological record. The evidence for this scenario is mainly linguistic, but not even the linguists agree. It is possible, instead, that people have been moving in successively during a very long period of time, and many archaeologists believe that local evolution accounts for much of the cultural development in the area. The Lapita culture, for example, has traditionally been considered to be associated with migrating Austronesians from Southeast Asia, but, following intensified archaeological work in the area, it has also been suggested that this in fact developed in the Bismarcks, as a result of intense exchange networks, from where it spread into the Pacific. Several archaeologists today claim that the Polynesian culture, an extension of the Lapita, originated in eastern Melanesia, not East/Southeast Asia (Green 1973, 1974, 1976, 1978, 1979a, 1979b, 1981, 1982, 1985, 1991a, 1991b, 1993; Irwin 1973, 1978, 1980, 1981a, 1981b, 1983, 1985, 1990, 1991, 1992, 1993; Bellwood 1979, 1980, 1985, 1988, 1989, 1991, 1996; White 1979; White & O’Connell 1982; Allen 1984; Spriggs 1984, 1990, 1991, 1992, 1997, 1999; Guise 1985; Terrell 1986, 1989; Kirch 1987, 1988, 1990; Kirch & Hunt 1988; Hill & Serjeantson 1989; Hunt 1989, 1993; Irwin et al 1990; Allen & Gosden 1991; Gosden 1991, 1992; Spriggs et al 1993; Cavalli-Sforza et al 1994; Anderson 1994; Bellwood et al 1995).

The osteological analyses comprise the determination of death age, sex and length; the determination of the minimum number of individuals (MNI); and a study of possible diseases or other pathological changes including dental paleopathology, injuries, congenital abnormalities, discrete traits, stress or activity markers such as activity-induced pathology, as well as possible cutmarks or defleshing marks. Also, paleodemographic issues will be addressed. Most analyses have been conducted outside the entrances to the caves, and the bones have been put back in original position after the investigation. Samples for radiocarbon dating (AMS), stable isotope analyses (diet reconstruction), trace element analyses, and post mortem DNA analyses were collected, commonly a small part of a tooth is used for these purposes. A total of 23 prehistoric sites have so far been located in the Labai and Mwatawa areas by means of stray finds of e.g. axes/ adzes and pottery, and phosphate surveys were used in order to determine the extension of the defined activity areas. Test excavations were carried out in order to determine the depth and character of the stratification. All located sites have been mapped using both traditional mapping methods and GPS (Global Positioning System). The surveys include a topographic landscape analysis using aerial photography and ordnance survey maps, as well as the detailed mapping produced within the project. Local site grids and excavation plans have, together with the mapping data, been compiled in MapInfo GIS program for the final analyses and presentations (Lilja, Lindqvist & Olsson this volume). Two sites were chosen for larger excavations, Odubekoya in Labai and Oilobogwa in Mwatawa.

METHODOLOGY An area on northern Kiriwina around the villages of Mwatawa and Labai was selected for investigation. Numerous stray finds of polished stone adzes and axes of various types and sizes in the surrounding gardens, combined with phosphate surveys,

THE MFS SURVEYS The extensive field surveys and preliminary mapping, includ8

ing phosphate surveys, as well as a comprehensive registration of stray finds, was carried out as an MFS survey (Minor Field Study) in October-December 1998 by two students from Gotland University College. The MFS program was financed by the Swedish International Development Authority (SIDA). The MFS field project consisted of three major parts. The first part of the project was a registration of the numerous stray finds in the area, e.g. the artefacts found by the villagers in the gardens and other areas surrounding the villages. After the fieldsurvey of stray finds, maps showing the distribution of findings were produced. GPS was used for the mapping. Thirdly, phosphate surveys were conducted on located settlements in order to determine their extension. The phosphate surveys were carried out by using the spot-test method (Österholm & Österholm 1997).

Radiocarbon date from Selai Cave: Ua-15487 (Sample 1/99, dens, ID 60001) 315±55 BP / c. AD 1570 CAL. Budou Cave The entrance to Budou Cave is located 12 metres above the sea level, and the lowest parts are situated below the present sea level. The total depth so far explored is about 60 metres. Five halls have been investigated, named Hall A-E. An assemblage of fresh-water at the bottom of the cave constitutes a separate section of the cave, Hall B. Altogether, twenty-one depositions of human bones have been recorded, containing males, females and children. A number of the crania were trepanated. Several of the depositions have been placed in large sea-shells (Tridacna gigas). No grave-goods accompanied the buried individuals (Venturi this volume).

THE INVESTIGATIONS OF AUGUST - NOVEMBER 1999 Based on the results from the MFS surveys, a team of sixteen archaeologist and osteologists from Gotland University College, Visby, the Archaeoosteological Research Laboratory, Stockholm University and the Department of Archaeology, Stockholm University, made a series of test excavations of stone age settlements identified around the villages of Labai and Mwatawa on northern Kiriwina under the direction of Maria Davidsson. Also, a preliminary osteological study of the human bone material found in two of the burial caves in the Labai area, Selai and Budou, was carried out. One of the located settlements in Labai, Odubekoya, revealed a well preserved burial ground, and so far five graves containing at least eighteen individuals have been excavated. The bone material is very well preserved, in the burial caves as well as in the settlements and burial ground, due to the calcareous environment, and a series of samples have been collected for C14 dating and also for post mortem DNA and stable isotope analyses. Also, rich quantities of charcoal from the excavated settlements will allow for additional radiocarbon dates. Rich quantites of potsherds and stone artefacts, including obsidian, have been recorded.

Obuwaga Caves 1 and 2 The Obuwaga cave is fairly easily accessible and situated close to Labai village, and frequent visits to the cave in recent times have displaced the bone depositions. Photographic documentation from 1984 shows that the depositions of human bones appeared then to be more or less intact. Also two large ornamented clay vessels, containing human bones, were almost intact (Burenhult 1986:332; Venturi this volume). During the investigation in 1999, both pots were found broken into pieces. Samples of pottery and bone were collected for analyses. Radiocarbon date from Obuwaga Cave 1: Ua-15985 (Sample 2/99, dens, ID 60002) 445±75 BP / c. AD 1450 CAL. Bwara Tudava Rock Shelter, Labai At Labai Beach, overlooking the sea, a rock shelter burial was located about six metres above the beach, containing bones from several individuals. Three pointed limesticks made of human bones (radius) were associated with the burials. Samples were taken for radiocarbon dating and DNA analyses.

Selai Cave The entrance to Selai Cave is located 10.62 metres above the sea level, and the lowest part 3.75 metres above the sea level. The total depth so far explored is about 50 metres. Eight halls have been investigated, named Hall A-H, and altogether twentytwo depositions of human bones have been recorded, containing males, females and children. A number of the crania were trepanated. No grave-goods accompanied the buried individuals (Venturi this volume).

Radiocarbon date from Bwara Tudava Rock Shelter: Ua-15990 (Sample 10/99, dens, ID 60010) 200±85 BP / c. AD 1650-1850 CAL. Oilobogwa Site, Mwatawa The Oilobogwa site is situated north-west of Mwatawa village. Twenty-seven square metres were excavated. Most excavated sections proved to be very thin, providing a total depth from topsoil to limestone rock of about 20-30 centimetres (Larsson & Svensson this volume). Nine post-holes were documented in the excavated areas. The find material consists of pottery, tools and flakes of lithics and charcoal. The excavations at Oilobogwa revealed approximately six kilograms of pottery, about 21% of these were decorated (Gustafsson, Lindström, Malm & Winter this volume). Among the lithic material, a large number of obsidian flakes were recorded (Fernstål, Hjulström & Sterner this volume). Dated charcoal samples are most likely associated with recent gardening.

A striking feature in Selai Cave is that most of the bones are covered in calcitic speleothems, in some cases in the form of stalagmites. Samples from this speleothem growth have been collected for uranium dating and stable isotope analyses (Lundblad this volume). The fact that the human bones and crania are often completely “cemented” onto the rock, and consequently not possible to move without causing damage, is an important taphonomic indication that their position has not been disturbed in modern times. This makes the bone depositions in Selai Cave especially important in the forthcoming studies of the burial traditions.

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Radiocarbon dates from Oilobogwa: Ua-15988 (Sample 8/99, charcoal, ID 60008) 134±1 BP / c. AD 1740-1930 CAL. Ua-15989 (Sample 9/99, charcoal, ID 60009) 105±70 BP / c. AD 1740-1930 CAL.

Looking at the pottery associated with the burials at Odubekoya, and the sherds documented in the Obuwaga burial cave, again distinct differences can be shown. A detailed presentation and analysis of the ceramics will be presented elsewhere. It is reasonable to believe that the megalithic tradition developed on the Trobriand Islands during this intermediate period (Austen 1940). Such a date would correspond well to the appearance and subsequent development of most other megalithic traditions in the Pacific area (Emory 1970; Wallin 1993; MartinssonWallin 1994; Green & Pawley 1998; Weisler 1998a, 1998b; Green 2000).

Odubekoya Site, Labai The Odubekoya site is situated on a hill north-west of Labai village. Thirty-six square metres were excavated. As at Oilobogwa, the total depth of the stratigraphy was 20-30 centimetres (Larsson & Svensson this volume). Ten deep holes in the solid coral rock were documented, all with a diameter of 30-40 centimetres, and a depth of as much as 2,5 metres. The holes may have been dug for planting prestige yam (kuvi).

If the cultural change suggested here between AD 1250 and AD 1450 is the result of a continuous local development, or an appearance of new people, cannot be archaeologically determined without further excavations. However, the results from recent mitochondrial DNA, HLA and Y-chromosome polymorphism analyses on today’s Trobriand population have indicated strong Polynesian markers (Hagelberg et al 1999). The mtDNA data are highly suggestive of a recent migration of Polynesian maternal lineages to the Trobriand islands, and the results argue for a considerable back migration from Polynesia to island Melanesia and coastal New Guinea in recent times (Hagelberg et al 1999:149-50). The forthcoming DNA-analyses of the human bones from the Odubekoya burial ground and the burial caves may prove to be of great importance in this context.

During the excavation of Odubekoya five burial depositions were found, containing at least seventeen individuals, males, females and children. None of the crania were trepanated. Various grave-goods accompanied the skeletons in most of the graves, including obsidian (memetu), magical stones (binabina), axes/adzes (utukema) and pottery. The excavations at Odubekoya revealed approximately fifteen kilograms of pottery, about 28% of these were decorated (Gustafsson, Lindström, Malm & Winter this volume). Test pits outside the main excavation area were excavated with the aim to demarcate the site, and the settlement and burial ground can be provisionally estimated at sixty-one by forty-five metres, or c. 2.745 square metres (Larsson & Svensson this volume).

Acknowledgements We are deeply indebted to various persons and institutions, without whose help the project would not have been possible. They will be acknowledged accordingly in the individual chapters of this report.

Radiocarbon dates from the Odubekoya burial ground: Ua-15467 (Grave 1, Sample 4/99, dens, ID 60004) 930±80 BP / c. AD 1100 CAL. Ua-15468 (Grave 2 / Individual 5, Sample 5/99, dens, ID 60005) 1100±70 BP / c. AD 950 CAL. Ua-15986 (Grave 3, Sample 6/99, dens, ID 60006) 755±70 BP / c. AD 1250 CAL. Ua-15987 (Grave 5, Sample 7/99, dens, ID 60007) 1045±80 BP / c. AD 1000 CAL.

I would like to warmly thank Mr. Tom Cameron, President of the Kiriwina Local Government, and Paramount Chief Guyau Pulayasi for allowing us to carry out scientific archaeological fieldwork in the Trobriand Islands; and to Chief Tolosi of Labai village and Chief Polomla of Mwatawa village, as well as all people in both villages, for generously permitting the Swedish team to stay in the area and explore prehistoric sites on their land.

PRELIMINARY CONCLUSIONS The archaeological and osteological investigations in 1999 have revealed a series of data that may indicate significant cultural change on the Trobriand Islands between AD 1250 and AD 1450. This applies to both bone deposition traditions, the manipulation of the bones, ceremonial features, and grave goods. The radiocarbon dates so far available from the Odubekoya burial ground show that the individuals were interred between c. AD 950 and AD 1250, while dated samples from individuals in two of the burial caves center around c. AD 1500. Also, the inhumations at Odubekoya are final interments with skeletons in anatomical positions, as opposed to the cave burials, the bone depositions of which can be shown to be secondary burials, e.g displaying defleshing marks, with the bones in nonanatomical positions. Furthermore, a large number of the crania in the caves have been trepanated, while none of the individuals so far excavated at Odubekoya display this feature (Venturi this volume). The dates from the Odubekoya burial ground corresponds well to Bickler’s first phase on Woodlark, which has been dated to c. AD 800-1200 (Bickler 1998).

I would also like to thank Professor Wulf Schiefenhövel, Forschungsstelle für Humanethologie in der Max-PlanckGesellschaft, Andechs, Germany, for initiating the project; Associate Professor Paul Sinclair, Department of Archaeology, Uppsala University, and SIDA (Swedish International Development Authority), for supporting the initial surveys of the project in the form of a MFS (Minor Field Study) program in 1998; and Stern Magazine, Hamburg, Germany, for sponsoring the 1999 excavation season. Invaluable help was given by Dr. linus digim’Rina, Head of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Papua New Guinea, who also participated in the field-work; and I would also like to thank Director Dr. Soroi Marepo Eoe and Chief Curator Dr. Nick Araho at the National Museum and Art Gallery of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby, for generous help with formal documents and find handling; as well as Dr. J. Peter White, Department of Archaeology, University of Sydney, Australia, for taking part in the project and for sharing with us his knowledge and experience of the archaeology of the region. 10

The Swedish team of archaeologists and osteologists, directed by Maria Davidsson, has performed outstanding archaeology and osteology under quite demanding conditions, and also in a short period produced this comprehensive excavation report. I would like to thank them warmly for their excellent work. I am convinced that their stay in and experiences from the Trobriand Islands will be a long-lasting, pleasant memory. I would like to direct special thanks to Camp Master Håkan Lundberg, without whose invaluable work in organizing camp practicalities, transport, and logistics, as well as in the delicate negotiations with the people of Labai and Mwatawa, the results presented in this report would never have been achieved.

Bellwood, P. 1991. The Austronesian dispersal and the origin of languages. Scientific American 265(1). Bellwood, P. 1996. Hierarchy, Founder Ideology and Austronesian Expansion. In J.J. Fox and C. Sather (eds.): Origins, Ancestry, and Alliance: Explorations in Austronesian Ethnography. The Australian National University, Canberra. Bellwood, P., Fox, J.J & Tyron, D. (eds.) 1995: The Austronesians: Historical and Comparative Perspectives. The Australian National University, Canberra. Bickler, S. 1998. Eating Stone and Dying: Archaeological Survey on Woodlark Island, Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea. Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of Anthropology, University of Virginia.

The Trobriand archaeological project is carried out in collaboration with the Department of Archaeology, University of Sydney, Australia (Dr. J. Peter White); the Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Papua New Guinea (Dr. linus digim’Rina, Head of Anthropology and Sociology); the National Museum of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby, PNG (Dr. Soroi Marepo Eoe, Director, and Nick Araho, Chief Curator); Institute for Behavioural Studies, Max-PlanckGesellschaft, Andechs, Germany (Professor Wulf Schiefenhövel); Ångström Laboratory, 14C-Lab, University of Uppsala (Professor Göran Possnert); Department of Biochemistry, University of Otago, New Zealand (Dr. Erika Hagelberg and Murray Cox, Research Assistant); and Department of Physical Geography, Stockholm University, Sweden (Associate Professor Karin Holmgren and Katarina Lundblad, Research Assistant).

Burenhult, G. 1986. Speglingar av det förflutna. Höganäs. Cavalli-Sforza, L.L., Menozzi, P. & Piazza, A. 1994. The history and geography of human genes. Princeton. Egloff, B. (ed.) 1977. Pottery of Papua New Guinea. The National Collection. Port Moresby. Egloff, B. 1978. The Kula before Malinowski: A Changing Configuration. Mankind 11. Egloff, B. 1979. Recent prehistory in Southeast Papua. Terra Australis 4.

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Gosden, C. 1992. Production systems and colonization of the Western Pacific. World Archaeology 24(1). Green, R.C. 1973. Lapita pottery and the origins of the Polynesian culture. Australian Natural History: June.

Austen, L. 1940. Megalithic structures in the Trobriand Islands. Oceania 10:1.

Green, R.C. 1974. Sites with Lapita pottery: importing and voyaging. Mankind 9.

Bellwood, P. 1979. Man’s Conquest of the Pacific: The Prehistory of Southeast Asia and Oceania. Auckland.

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Bellwood, P. 1980. The peopling of the Pacific. Scientific American 243(5). Bellwood, P. 1985. Prehistory of the Indo-Malayan Archipelago. Sydney.

Green, R.C. 1978. New Sites with Lapita Pottery and their Implications for Understanding the Settlement of the Western Pacific. Working Papers in Anthropology, Archaeology, Linguistics and Maori Studies, No. 56. Department of Anthropology, University of Auckland.

Bellwood, P. 1988. A hypothesis for Austronesian origins. Asian Perspectives 26. Bellwood, P. 1989. The colonization of the Pacific: some current hypotheses. In A.V.S. Hill and S.W. Serjeantson (eds.): The Colonization of the Pacific: a Genetic Trail. Oxford.

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Green, R.C. 1979a. Early Lapita art from Polynesia and island Melanesia: continuities in ceramic, barkcloth, and tattoo decorations. In S.M. Mead (ed.): Exploring the Visual Art of Oceania. University of Hawaii. Honolulu.

Hill, A.V.S. and Serjeantson, S.W. 1989 (eds.): The Colonization of the Pacific: a Genetic Trail. Oxford. Hunt. T.L. 1989. Lapita Ceramic Exchange in the Massau Islands, Papua New Guinea. University Microfilms, Ann Arbor.

Green, R.C. 1979b. Lapita. In J. Jennings (ed.): The Prehistory of Polynesia. Cambridge.

Hunt. T.L. 1993. Ceramic province studies in Oceania: methodological issues. In B.L. Fankhauser and J.R. Bird (eds.): Archaeometry: Current Australian Research. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Occasional Papers in Prehistory No. 22. Canberra.

Green, R.C. 1981. Location of the Polynesian homeland: a continuing problem. In J. Hollyman and A.K. Pawley (eds.): Studies in Pacific Languages and Cultures in Honour of Bruce Biggs. Linguistic Society of New Zealand: Auckland. Green, R.C. 1982. Models for the Lapita cultural complex: an evaluation of some current proposals. New Zealand Journal of Archaeology 4.

Irwin, G. 1973. Man-land relationships in Melanesia: an investigation of prehistoric settlements in the islands of the Bougainville Strait. Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 8.

Green, R.C. 1985. Comment: Spriggs’ “The Lapita cultural complex”. Journal of Pacific History 20.

Irwin, G. 1978a. Pots and entrepots: A study of settlement, trade and the development of economic specialization in Papuan prehistory. World Archaeology 9.

Green, R.C. 1991a. Near and remote Oceania: disestablishing ‘Melanesia” in culture history. In A.K. Pawley (ed.): Man and a Half: Essays in Pacific Anthropology and Ethnobiology in Honour of Ralph Bulmer. Polynesian Society, Auckland.

Irwin, G. 1980. The prehistory of Oceania: colonization and culture change. In A. Sherratt (ed.): The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Archaeology. Cambridge.

Green, R.C. 1991b. The Lapita cultural complex: current evidence and proposed models. Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Bulletin 11.

Irwin, G. 1981a. How Lapita lost its pots: the question of continuity in the colonisation of Oceania. Journal of the Polynesian Society 90.

Green, R.C. 1993. Tropical Polynesian prehistory-where are we now? In M. Spriggs, D.E. Yen, W. Ambrose, R. Jones, A. Thorne and A. Andrews (eds.): A Community of Culture: The People and Prehistory of the Pacific. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australain National University, Canberra, Occasional Papers in Prehistory No. 21.

Irwin, G. 1981b. Archaeology of the kula area. Paper presented at the 2nd kula conference, University of Virginia. Irwin, G. 1983. Chieftainship, kula and trade in Massim prehistory. In J.W. Leach and E. Leach (eds.): The Kula: New Perspectives on Massim Exchange. Cambridge.

Green, R.C. 2000. Religious Structures of Southeastern Polynesia: Even More Marae Later. In: Wallin, P. and H. Martinsson-Wallin (eds), The Kon-Tiki Museums Occasional Papers, Volume 5. Essays in Honour of Arne Skjølsvold 75 Years. Oslo.

Irwin, G. 1985. The Emergence of Mailu as a Central Place in Papuan Prehistory. Terra Australis 10. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra.

Green, R.C. and A.K. Pawley 1998. Early Oceanic architechtural forms and settlement patterns. In: M. Ross, A. Pawley and M. Osmond /eds), The Lexicon of Proto Oceanic: The Culture and Environment of Ancestral Oceanic Society. I: Material Culture. Pacific Linguistics Series C162. Canberra: Australian National University.

Irwin, G. 1990. Human colonisation and change in the remote Pacific. Current Anthropology 31. Irwin, G. 1991. Pleistocene voyaging and the settlement of Greater Australia and its near Oceanic neighbours. In J. Allen and C. Gosden (eds.): Report of the Lapita Homeland Project. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Occasional Papers in Prehistory No. 20.

Guise, A. 1985. Oral traditions and archaeological sites in the Eastern Central Province. Record No. 9. National Museum of Papua New Guinea. Boroko.

Irwin, G. 1992. The Prehistoric Exploration and Colonisation of the Pacific. Cambridge.

Hagelberg, E., Kayser, M., Nagy, M., Roewer, L., Zimdahl, H., Krawczak, M., Lió, P. & Schiefenhövel, W. 1999. Molecular evidence for for the human settlement of the Pacific: Analysis of mitochondrial DNA, Y chromosome and HLA markers. Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society of London, B 335.

Irwin, G. 1993. Voyaging. In M. Spriggs, D.E. Yen, W. Ambrose, R. Jones, A. Thorne and A.Andrews (eds.): A Community of Culture: The People and Prehistory of the Pacific. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Occasional Papers in Prehistory No. 21. 12

Irwin, G.J., Bickler, S.H. and Quirke, P. 1990. Voyaging by canoe and computer experiments in the settlement of the Pacific. Antiquity 64.

Spriggs, M. 1992. Alternative prehistories for Bougainville: regional, national or international? The Contemporary Pacific 4.

Kirch, P.V. 1987. Lapita and Oceanic cultural origins: excavations in the Mussau Islands, Papua New Guinea, 1985. Journal of Field Archaeology 14.

Spriggs, M. 1997. The Island Melanesians. Oxford Spriggs, M. 1999. Pacific Archaeologies: Contested Ground in the Construction of Pacific History. The Journal of Pacific History, Vol. 34, No. 1.

Kirch, P.V. 1988. Long-distance exchange and island colonization: the Lapita case. Norwegian Archaeological Review 21(2).

Spriggs, M.; Yen, D.E,; Ambrose, W.; Jones, R.; Thorne, A.; and Andrews, A. (eds.) 1993: A Community of Culture. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Occasional Papers No. 21.

Kirch, P.V. 1990. Specialization and exchange in the Lapita complex of Oceania (1600-500 B.C.) Asian Perspectives 29(2). Kirch, P.V. & Hunt, T.L. (eds.) 1988: Archaeology of the Lapita Culture Complex: a critical review. Burke Museum Research Report No.5. Burke Museum, Seattle.

Terrell, J.E. 1986. Prehistory in the Pacific Islands: a Study of Variation in Language, Customs and Human Biology. Cambridge.

Lauer, P. 1974. Pottery traditions on the D’Entrecasteaux Islands of Papua. University of Queensland Occasional Papers in Anthropology 3.

Terrell, J.E. 1989. Commentary: what Lapita is and what Lapita isn’t. Antiquity 63.

Lundblad, K. 2000. Climate and Culture. Proposed study on stalagmites from the Kiriwina burial caves. In: Burenhult, G. (ed.), The Archaeology of the Trobriand Islands. Excavation Report 1999. Reports from Gotland University College 1/2000. Visby.

Wallin, P. 1993. Ceremonial Stone Structures. The Archaeology and Ethnohistory of the Marae Complex in the Society Islands, French Polynesia. AUN 18. Uppsala. Weisler, M. 1988a. Hard evidence for prehistoric interaction in Polynesia. Current Anthropology 39.

Malinowski, B. 1922. Argonauts of the Western Pacific. London.

Weisler, M. 1988b. Issues in the colonization and settlement of Polynesian islands. In: P. Vargas Casanova (ed.), Easter Island and East Polynesian Prehistory. Santiago: Instituto de Estudios Isla de Pascua, Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad de Chile.

Malinowski, B. 1929. The Sexual Life of Savages. Boston. Malinowski, B. 1935. Coral Gardens and Their Magic. New York.

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Österholm, I. and Österholm, S. 1997. Spot test as a phosphate survey method in the field: practical experiences. In: Burenhult, G. (ed.), Remote Sensing, Vol. I. Applied techniques for the study of cultural resources and the localization, identification and documentation of sub-surface prehistoric remains in Swedish archaeology. Vol. I. Osteo-anthropological, economic, environmental and technical analyses. Theses and Papers in NorthEuropean Archaeology 13:a. Department of Archaeology, Stockholm University. Stockholm.

Spriggs, M. (ed.) 1990. Lapita Design, Form and Composition. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Occasional Papers No. 19. Canberra. Spriggs, M. 1991. Lapita origins, distributions and contemporaries revisited. Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association 11.

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The Archaeology of the Trobriand Islands Excavation Season 1999 Maria Davidsson Archaeoosteological Research Laboratory, Ulriksdal Palace, Stockholm University, Sweden

GEOGRAPHICAL, GEOLOGICAL AND CLIMATIC BACKGROUND

Geology and Topography New Guinea was once a part of what biogeographers refer to as Sahul, i. e. the area of biotic similarity encompassed by the present large islands of New Guinea, Australia and Tasmania when they were still one single land mass. Sahul consists of the Australian continental plate with sediments and volcanics which is welded at the northern edge, and this folded area is basically present-day New Guinea. The closeness to the intersection of the continental plates makes earthquakes and volcanism frequent, especially in the islands east of New Guinea. This closeness also makes the area geologically complex, with the result that high quality stone for different technological purposes are readily available (White & O’Connell 1982).

Geography The Pacific Islands can be broadly divided into two main parts. Near Oceania encompasses the islands of the western Pacific from New Guinea in the west to the island of San Cristóbal in the Solomons Archipelago in the east. Many of the islands of Near Oceania are quite large (e.g. New Guinea, New Britain, New Ireland and many of the Solomon Islands), and separated from each other by relatively narrow gaps of water. Far or Remote Oceania includes all the remaining islands east of New Guinea as far north as Hawaii, as far south as New Zealand and as far east as Easter Island. The water barriers dividing the islands and archipelagoes of Remote Oceania mostly exceeds 350 kilometres, and the islands are generally smaller than those of Near Oceania (Terrell 1986, p. 14f).

The geological construction of the Trobriand Islands is that of coral atolls, and they are consequently very flat. There are very few elevations, except for the island of Kitava, and generally the topography raises only a few metres above sea level. Because of the fact that they are coral islands, the Trobriands display no other naturally present rocks or minerals. This in turn indicates that any stone artefacts found must have been imported from sources elsewhere. The implications of this will be discussed further in Chapter 5 regarding the stone artefacts found during the 1999 excavations.

The regions of Near and Remote Oceania can in turn be divided into three smaller areas, or ’ethnic regions’ as proposed by the French explorer Dumont d’Urville in 1831. This division is still in use when discussing the art and anthropology of the Pacific islanders. The regions are: Polynesia (”Many Islands”) including Tonga, the Cook Islands, Hawaii and Marquesas Islands, Easter Island, Society Islands and New Zealand, Micronesia (”Little Islands”) including e.g. the Marshall, Gilbert, and Palau Islands, and Melanesia (”Black Islands”) including New Guinea, New Ireland, New Britain, the Solomons, Fiji Islands, Vanuatu and New Caledonia (Terrell 1986, p. 15).

Climate and Vegetation The Trobriand Islands are situated close to the equator, the area of investigation at 8°25’S and 151°1’E, and belong to the climatic zone of tropical rainforests; hence the climate is very hot and humid throughout the whole year, with a mean temperature of 30°C during the day and an air humidity close to 100%. Rainfall is frequent during the whole year, with a rainy season that lasts from the end of November to March (these are also the hottest months of the year). The tropical rainforest allows for a diverse flora and fauna with many species. This kind of rainforest is generally very dense and can at times be almost impenetrable without the aid of a bushknife.

The Trobriand Islands are located north-east of the easternmost tip of the mainland of Papua New Guinea, and form part of the Melanesian archipelago. Politically, the whole area with the surrounding D’Entrecasteaux Islands, Marshall Bennett Islands and the Louisiade Archipelago belong to Papua New Guinea, and is known as Milne Bay Province. The Trobriands are named after Denis de Trobriand, the first lieutenant of the French explorer Antoine Bruni D’Entrecasteaux, who sighted the islands as early as 1793 (Weiner 1988, p.10). The group consists of four main islands - Kiriwina, Kitava, Kaileuna, and Vakuta - and surrounding these are a number of small islands and islets. Kiriwina, which has been the only area of investigation for this archaeological expedition, is by far the largest of these islands, with a length of approximately 40 kilometres and a width of three to 12 kilometres. It has a population of about 25 000 people.

The eastern and northern shores of Kiriwina have sandy beaches, which are bordered by coral cliffs rising up to 40 meters high. These cliffs are replaced by mangrove swamps toward the south, where the land area diminishes. No rivers or streams are present, and the swamps are drained by tidal creeks. Water is provided through freshwater caves along the coral outcroppings and springs along the shoreline and at the edges of the swamps (Weiner 1988, p. 11). The northern part of Kiriwina mainly consists of swampy terrain surrounded by rich garden lands cultivated through slash-and-burn technique. The

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main crops are yam, taro and sweet potatoes, which are also the staple foods in the Trobriand Islands. In addition to this, coconut palms, eggplants, pineapple, papaya, mango, bananas and other fruits and vegetables are cultivated, along with the valuable betel nut trees.

itants partly resemble Polynesian populations further east with respect to physical characteristics and cultural set-up. This is one of the many unsolved questions regarding the Trobriand Islands, which, as stated above, they share with many other islands in the Pacific.

SETTLEMENT HISTORY OF THE PACIFIC ISLANDS The research on the history of early settlement in the Pacific region is still filled with a number of unanswered questions, and the different theories have been legio concerning the first inhabitants and the spread of the diverse cultures and languages of the area. A brief outline of the present evidence and theories will be presented here, to be able to put the Trobriand project in its proper context.

Early Traces of Human Settlement in Melanesia Two of the earliest sites of human occupation in the New Guinea Highlands are Kosipe and Nombe, situated on an altitude of 2000 and 1720 m.a.s.l. respectively. They were both occupied at least 25,000 years ago. Kosipe, which is an open site, is located adjacent to a pandanus swamp where palynological evidence for forest clearance by human hands have given a date of 30,000 BP. Hence Kosipe has been interpreted as a focus of seasonal collection of pandanus. Nombe is a rock-shelter site, and has yielded evidence of hunting of different animal species. Both sites display the same kind of artefact, namely a stone tool commonly named as the waisted blade (Allen 1993, p. 140f).

Language origins In the Pacific region a large number of languages are spoken, and they are divided into either the Austronesian or the NonAustronesian (NAN) language family. The Austronesian family is the larger of the two and is spoken along some areas of the coast of mainland New Guinea and most islands in Melanesia, Micronesia, Polynesia and Island Southeast Asia. The NAN language family is mainly spoken in the inland of New Guinea, but also in some islands east of the mainland as far as the Santa Cruz Islands, located southeast of the Solomons and in some parts of eastern Indonesia (Terrell 1986, p. 20). Over 400 Austronesian languages are spoken in Melanesia alone, together with about 1 200 NAN languages spoken on New Guinea and close-by islands. This shows that two thirds of the languages spoken in the Pacific region occur in Melanesia alone. The question why so many different languages are spoken in such a small area as Melanesia, and Austronesian languages spoken by people of such differing physical and cultural characteristics as Melanesians, Micronesians and Polynesians is a controversial one in the science of linguistics (Terrell 1986, p. 42). The origin and spread of the Austronesian language family within the Pacific is still in many parts an enigma, and many theories exist concerning this problem.

In the New Guinea lowlands a thermoluminescence date of 40,000 BP has been obtained for waisted axes found between the volcanic ash layers on the coral terraces of Huon Peninsula. This is currently the oldest dated site with human traces in Melanesia. This kind of artefact occurs in the highlands, the lowlands and the islands from 40,000 BP to 6000 BP, and appear as undated surface finds in the Solomons. The general preservation of Pleistocene sites in the lowlands of New Guinea is not very good, since the marine transgression following the last glacial maximum around 18,000 BP has in most cases submerged the coastal sites. Tectonic uplift has in some instances saved the archaeological remains from being drowned, as in the case of the Huon Peninsula. The same applies to New Ireland, where similar processes have exposed limestone terraces in which rockshelter caves have been discovered along the east coast. Here five sites have been investigated; Matenbek, Matenkupkum, Panakiwuk, Balof 2 and Buang Marabak. At Buang Marabak a date of c.32,000 BP has been obtained in the shell midden deposits. Also at the Matenkupkum cave the deposits consist of shell middens and the multiple dates cluster around c.32-33,000 BP, thus making these two sites the currently oldest investigated Melanesian island sites. Matenbek has given dates of 18-20,000 BP and Panakiwuk and Balof 2 appear to have received initial occupation around 14-15,000 BP (Allen 1993, p. 142f).

Based upon the physical spread of Austronesian and NAN speakers in Near Oceania the following conclusions have often been drawn; that the Austronesians must have arrived in the Pacific after the NAN speakers had already settled there; that the Austronesians entered the Pacific area by migration along the north coast of New Guinea, where we today still find their descendants; because they were seafarers and traders they did not move inland, but stayed along the coasts; that the contact with the Non-Austronesians was not friendly, and the Austronesians pushed them up into the mountains away from the coasts (Terrell 1986, p. 31). The most common theory on the origin of the Austronesian- speaking people is that they came from Southeast Asia, and migrated into the archipelago somewhere around 3000 BC. However, the diversity can be explained either as a local development in the area of their present distribution or as a result of people moving into the archipelago during a long period of time, and not necessarily being the result of a large-scale migration (Terrell 1986, p. 51ff).

Other Melanesian island sites include the Kilu rockshelter site, located on Buka Island in the northern part of the Solomons. The Kilu cave has yielded a date of 29,000 BP, and is consequently the third oldest site in the Melanesian islands. At Kilu faunal remains have been found, including lizards, fish, marine shellfish, bats, birds and rats (Allen 1993, p. 143), and studies of the stone tool assemblages have suggested that many of the discovered flakes were used for the scraping and cutting of Colocasia taro prior to cooking. Before the adoption of agriculture, taro and other wild growing roots would probably have formed the basis of vegetable subsistence for the hunter-gatherer societies, and one of the earliest examples of domesticated taro, dated to 23,000 BC, has also been found in Kilu cave (Spriggs 1993, p. 188). On Manus Island the limestone cave of Pamwak has been excavated, containing deep deposits which

The language spoken in the Trobriand Islands is called Kilivila, and belongs to the Austronesian language family. The Trobriands belong geographically to Melanesia, but the inhab-

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include faunal remains from different animals, and it has so far given a radicarbon date of c.12,000 BP with additional 2 m of cultural deposits below this level (Allen 1993, p. 143).

of the megalithic monuments in central Kiriwina, the Otuyam megalith, located not far from the village Omarakana (See Austen 1939-40). An interesting aspect of the megalithic tradition of the Trobriand Islands is that, as opposed to other megalith-erecting societies in Melanesia, the Trobrianders of today have no cultural relation to the megalithic monuments of the island. Other megalithic traditions in this area are often to a high degree part of present-day culture, or at least still in living memory and well documented ethnographically. Since this is not the case in the Trobriands, we do not know if this megalithic tradition was carried by the ancestors of the present population and now forgotten, or if an earlier and perhaps culturally different population once was present on the islands, and responsible for the erection of these monuments.

The Lapita Cultural Complex The name of the Lapita culture originates from the site of Lapita in New Caledonia, and is the denomination for a specific phase of development in the Pacific region. The Lapita culture is primarily associated with the characteristic pottery decorated with elaborate stamp-designs, but also stone tools, obsidian and shell ornaments are part of this cultural complex (Spriggs 1993, p. 192f). The origins of the Lapita cultural complex are controversial and several theories exist. One places the origins in Southeast Asia, from where a migration of Austronesian peoples suggestedly arrived into the islands, and the most recent views the Bismarck Archipelago in the western part of Melanesia as the home of the Lapita culture, from where a system of exchange linked island after island (Fagan 1991, p. 373ff).

Rock-shelters on Kiriwina may contain the remains of a previllage/hunter-gatherer stage on the island. There may also be caves along the coastline, today submerged under water, containing traces of the earliest settlers of the islands. This can however only be determined by extensive diving along the coasts, but this may be one of the ways of determining the initial stage of colonization of the islands, since under-water caves presumably have been untouched since the water level rose above them.

The timeframe of the Lapita culture is roughly 3600/3200 BP to 2500/2000 BP (Spriggs 1993, p.188) and the novelties of this culture are of course the distinctive stamped pottery, but Lapita also presents the first convincing evidence for agriculture in the region. This is indicated by macrofossils of a range of domesticated plants and settlements in areas where a subsistence of a non-agricultural nature would be unlikely or impossible, e.g. Remote Oceania, and Polynesia in particular. Lapita also marks the first appearance of domesticated pig, dog and chicken, as well as a new settlement pattern with large villages, generally not re-occupying previously used locations. A distinctive range of stone tools and shell ornaments is present in the Lapita cultural complex, and New Britain and Admiralties obsidian are spread through exchange and trade longer distances into Polynesia. Lapita also appears to be the founding culture south and east of the Solomons, thus representing the initial human colonization of Remote Oceania and Polynesia (Spriggs 1993, p. 192f).

The physical appearance of the Trobriand islanders present another problem of interpretation, since they bear more resemblance to Polynesian populations further east, despite the fact that they belong geographically to Melanesia. Their cultural set-up also reminds more of Polynesian ways of culture. PREVIOUS INVESTIGATIONS ON THE TROBRIAND ISLANDS The anthropological interest in the Trobriands has been intense during the last century, due to the quite unique culture of these islands. Extensive studies of Trobriand culture were undertaken by the legendary British-Polish anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski between 1915 and 1918, including studies of the famous system of primitive exchange, the Kula ring. He published the results of his fieldwork in three major volumes Argonauts of the Western Pacific (1922), The Sexual Life of Savages in North-Western Melanesia (1929) and Coral Gardens and Their Magic (1935) - as well as in numerous articles. He was later followed by Annette B. Weiner, who between 1971 and 1981 undertook several months of fieldwork in the Trobriands, published in Women of Value, Men of Renown, New Perspectives in Trobriand Exchange (1976), which predominantly deals with the power of women and their exchange of wealth within the Trobriand society. This volume was later followed by The Trobrianders of Papua New Guinea (1988) and additional articles in various journals.

The prevailing model of colonization of Polynesia is that of the development of Ancestral Polynesian society as an occurrence within Western Polynesia from an antecedent Eastern Lapita cultural complex. The migration of people from elsewhere in Oceania or Southeast Asia seem to be a less creditable solution to the problem. The culture of the Polynesian societies is rather viewed to have developed in place with little or no relation to other sources. The inheritance of some of the contents of Polynesian culture from a Lapita ancestor, the loss of, and the replacement or addition of a number of items are some of the explanations to the origins of Polynesian culture. Long-term functional and stylistic developments are also evident, above all in the adaption to a volcanic high island and atoll world. The settlement of the entire Fiji/West Polynesian region is now seen as a more or less contemporary process, rather than sequences of settlement of particular islands or island groups from designated primary dispersal centres (Green 1993, p. 221f).

As can be seen, anthropology has played a vital role in increasing our knowledge about the complex culture of the Trobriand Islands and in making these islands famous, while archaeology on the other hand has been largly overlooked. Virtually nothing is known about the origins of the Trobriand Islanders, and why they in several respects differ from other Melanesian populations with respect to their physical characteristics and cultural set-up. As for proper archaeological excavations none have been performed, except for a partial investigation of one

The Early History of the Trobriand Islands Of the earliest history of the Trobriand Islands little is as yet known, as no stratigraphical excavations of settlements have been undertaken. The single exception is the excavation of one 16

of the megalithic tombs in Kiriwina, the Otuyam megalith, in the 1930’s (Austen 1939-40). However, extensive surface collections of ceramics have been undertaken in the 1970’s on the islands of Kiriwina, Vakuta and Kuyawa, as well as on the nearby Amphletts and Goodenough Islands (Lauer 1970; Egloff 1979; Irwin 1981). Some of the burial caves on Kiriwina have also been previously mapped. Despite this, most questions concerning the first settlements and successive development of the unique Trobriand culture remain unanswered. In light of this, the archaeological project initiated by Gotland University College in 1998, aims to contribute in answering some of the unsolved questions concerning the Trobriand Islands.

ies based on the field-surveys of stray finds and the phosphate analyses of the MFS field study. Apart from the two excavation sites, two burial caves belonging to the village of Labai have been documented. Continued surveys of old settlements, mapping of the area surrounding Labai and Mwatawa and the collection and documentation of the oral traditions of the villagers, concerning the different sites, have also been important parts of the fieldwork. During the 1999 test excavations, datable material in the form of bone- and charcoal samples has been collected. Since the Trobriands are coral atolls, the bone material both at the excavation sites and in the burial caves is very well preserved, due to the calcareous environment. The forthcoming dates will be instrumental in the selection of suitable areas for more extensive investigations, and in the preparation of a forthcoming major excavation.

STRUCTURE AND ARCHAEOLOGICAL AIMS OF THE PROJECT The MFS Surveys 1998 In 1998, Gotland University College, Visby, Sweden, launched an archaeological research project named The Archaeology of the Trobriand Islands, Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea with the aim to study the prehistoric cultural development of the Trobriand Islands. The first part of the project was carried out during October-December 1998 as an MFS survey (Minor Field Study) by two students from Gotland University College, financed by SIDA (the Swedish International Development Authority). The aim of this field study was to try to locate prehistoric settlement areas in the north of Kiriwina, primarily around the villages of Labai and Mwatawa. The first step in achieving this was to register the numerous stray finds, consisting of potsherds, stone axes and adzes of various types, tools and fragments of obsidian as well as bone material, found by the villagers in their gardens and areas adjacent to the villages. Documentation of the local oral tradition concerning the sites where stray finds were encountered, as well as other places where according to the oral tradition ’old villages’ were located, was carried out. The stray finds found during the fieldsurvey constituted the base for maps showing the distribution of findings. This was done with the aid of GPS (Global Positioning System), to obtain the exact locations of the finds. To determine the extension of the located settlements, phosphate surveys using the spot-test method were carried out, together with minor test excavations of a few square meters. These surveys enabled the localization of a number of possible settlement areas, and formed the basis of the continued test excavations during 1999.

THE TEST EXCAVATIONS IN 1999 Oilobogwa, Mwatawa - Sites 1:A, 1:B and 1:C The first place chosen for test excavations was a settlement named Oilobogwa, meaning ’very old village’ in Kilivila, located northwest of the village Mwatawa. The grounds for selecting this particular site were based upon the results of the field survey made in 1998. A number of settlement areas had been located around Mwatawa, and the process of selecting suitable excavation areas started with visiting all these sites, to try to assess which one was the most satisfactory for further investigations. The suitability of the different sites was determined by looking at the number and categories of stray finds encountered, and by taking into account what the oral tradition could tell about the different places. Another important factor in this selection was purely practical; whether or not the sites were surrounded by presently cultivated gardens, making the delimitation of the settlements possible or not. The choice finally fell upon the site Oilobogwa (photos 1-3), where a large number of stray finds had been previously located. One of the test pits from 1998 also displayed two interesting features in the coral rock, which could be interpreted as postholes. The oral tradition concerning this site held that this was the location of an old village, and that the coral blocks found here were the foundations of old yam houses, liku. According to oral tradition there seem to be two kinds of coral blocks explained as yam house foundations, one kind being hollowed out. These are held to have been the single foundation stones of an ancient kind of yam house resting on one large pole (called Bomyoyewa), which moreover could rotate on this single supporting pole (photo 5). The other type is built on coral rocks in formations of between four and six stones. An interesting fact is that the present-day yam houses are still constructed in the same way, with normally four coral blocks supporting the wooden structure. Both types of coral blocks were found at Oilobogwa.

Archaeological Aims of the Test Excavations 1999 Based on the results from the MFS surveys, test excavations during August-November 1999, have been conducted by a team of sixteen archaeologists and osteologists from Gotland University College, Visby, the Archaeoosteological Research Laboratory, Stockholm University and the Department of Archaeology, Stockholm University. The primary aims of the project are to determine the time of initial colonization of the Trobriand Islands; to examine the archaeological record for the existence or non-existence of long-term cultural continuity in the islands and to identify possible hiatuses in the cultural development, indicative of earlier intrusive and culturally different populations. The areas of investigation in 1999 have been two sites located outside the villages of Labai and Mwatawa in the northern part of Kiriwina. They were selected for further stud-

The Oilobogwa site was divided into three different areas of investigation, namely sites 1:A, 1:B and 1:C, due to the large area of the entire site and the possibility of thus being able to delimit the settlement. At each of the three sites a number of square metres laid out in a rhombic system were opened. They

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were all placed within a local grid, and it proved the most convenient to maintain and extend the same coordinate system for all three sites. The heights of the fixed points were determined by moving the Z-value from the beach (0 m.a.s.l.) up to the sites using long-distance levelling. Consequently, the Z-values are actually meters above the highest waterline during the field period, m.a.w. The value of the fixed point of site 1:A was 5.90 m.a.w, of 1:B 6.50 m.a.w. and of 1:C 6.56 m.a.w. The coral blocks which may represent foundations of old yam houses were documented, and test pits between the sites were opened in order not to overlook any possible delimitations of the settlement. The three sites of Oilobogwa displayed finds of both decorated and undecorated ceramics, whole and fragmented stone axes and adzes of various types, commonly called utukema by the villagers, as well as pieces and flakes of obsidian of varying size, named memetu. Some small quantities of animal bones were also encountered, mostly fish vertebrae. The total number of working hours at Oilobogwa, Sites 1:A, 1:B and 1:C were 480, not including find-documentation and osteological analyses, which were carried out in the camp during the afternoons.

amounts of decorated and undecorated ceramics, utukema and memetu were encountered. The major difference between the sites is that whereas only small quantities of animal bones, and no human remains at all were discovered at Oilobogwa, a gravefield or burial ground was unearthed at Odubekoya. A number of five graves with 13 more or less complete inhumed individuals in anatomical position were documented (photos 6, 919). One of the graves contained at least eight individuals placed on top of, beside, or in line with each other, and the osteological analysis has presented a total MNI (Minimum Number of Individuals) of 17 for the five graves. Both men, women and children of different age categories are represented in the material, and several of them had been accompanied by gravegoods in the form of memetu, utukema and pottery sherds. Another interesting feature documented at Odubekoya is the presence of a number of circular holes in the solid coral (photos 20-23). These holes could be shown to have a considerable depth, and probing was made as far down as 2.50 metres. These holes present a major problem of interpretation, since it is difficult to assess whether they are man-made or natural formations. In favour of the theory that they are postholes are their general conformity in size and appearance, and the fact that they seem to be placed in parallel rows. However, their depth might indicate a natural origin. A fact worth mentioning is that some of them were encountered beneath some of the buried individuals in the graves. The villagers explain them as holes made for the cultivation of a special kind of prestigious yam, called kuvi, which can be up to 1.8 metres long. Documentation of the coral blocks, possibly representing foundations of old yamhouses, placed along the path leading to the site and on the site was also done. The total number of working hours at Odubekoya, not including find-documentation and osteological analyses, were 786.

Odubekoya, Labai - Site 1 A second excavation site was chosen in the vicinity of the other village included in the investigations of the MFS survey, namely Labai. The site, called Odubekoya (photos 7-8) meaning ’on top of the hill/mountain’ in Kilivila, was chosen with the same objectives in mind as in Mwatawa. The survey conducted in 1998 had located several old settlements here as well, and the first step was to examine all of these before determining which one seemed the most interesting from an archaeological point of view. The Odubekoya site proved the most promising for a number of reasons; firstly because of the very large amounts of stray finds of decorated and undecorated ceramics, utukema, memetu as well as both animal and human bone material. The phosphate surveys also gave indications of a probable settlement area. Secondly, this place was also held to be an old village according to the oral traditions of the villagers. Thirdly, the fact that Odubekoya is placed on the top of a hill as opposed to the majority of the present-day villages in Kiriwina also makes it very interesting. The height above sea level is about 24 metres, compared with Oilobogwa, Mwatawa, where the figure is no more than 7 metres. There are also a number of coral blocks, some of them hollowed out, along the path leading to the site and on the site, which according to the villagers are remnants of old yamhouses. Lastly, the site is interesting in so far as that the first Trobrianders are said to have emerged from the ”cave of origin”, or ’come out of the ground’ at a place called Obukula (Weiner 1976, p. 46), located not far from the site Odubekoya. The village of Labai is also said to be the oldest village in the Trobriands according to the oral tradition. Taking all of this into consideration, Odubekoya seemed a very promising area of further investigation.

A general summary of the stratigraphy of both the Oilobogwa sites and Odubekoya would depend on the fact that the Trobriand Islands are coral atolls, with a very flat topography. Hence the stratigraphy is very shallow, and the humus formation not particularly thick above the solid coral outcrops (photo 4). The custom of slash-and-burn cultivation may also be responsible for the lack of stratigraphy, since most arable land has been used and reused for gardening a number of times. The graves at Odubekoya were also quite shallow, and their anatomical placement would indicate that this particular site has not been used for gardening. On the other hand a few of the individuals were in a disturbed state without anatomical relationship between bone elements, and some of them consisted only of a small number of bones, indicative of some kind of disturbance. The villagers of Labai claim that they had no knowledge of the burials at the site, however they said the site had been cultivated in modern times (For a complete report on the excavated sites see Chapter 3).

The method of excavation was the same as at the Oilobogwa sites; a rhombic system of square metres was laid out, covering the cleared area of the site, and a local grid was established. The height value of the fixed point was moved from the Mwatawa sites through long-distance levelling, and was found to be 23.83 m.a.w. The findmaterial from the square metres at Odubekoya was very similar to that of Oilobogwa, in that large

The Burial Caves In addition to the excavated sites at Oilobogwa and Odubekoya, some of the burial caves situated in the surroundings of Labai and Mwatawa were localized and documented. There is a large number of caves containing human remains in these parts of the island, and many of them figure in a major way in the oral traditions. The first step in the documentation and selection of 18

burial caves suited to osteological purposes, was to enquire from the villagers what caves they knew about, and which of these to their knowledge contained bones. Visits to a number of caves was the second step, and an examination of the quantity of bone material, the degree of preservation and not least the accessibility and physical possibility to work in a meaningful way inside them, was made. The choice finally fell upon two burial caves, Selai and Budou, belonging to the village of Labai, where there were large quantities of well preserved bone material. The two caves are located close to Labai Beach, which permitted access along the coastline during low tide, thus saving the longer time it would take to walk by land.

The study of both the caves included a preliminary mapping of the interiors, together with a registration of the location of the different burial depositions. The contents of the depositions were also preliminary documented, i. e. a registration of which bone elements were present in each deposition, to be able to separate them from each other. One deposition taken from Selai, C:3, was thoroughly analysed osteologically with respect to MNI (Minimum Number of Individuals), age, sex, body length, pathology, non-metric traits, activity-induced pathologies etc. (photos 7-13) The bone material was then replaced in original position after the analyses. Bone samples for radiocarbon (AMS) dating purposes (commonly teeth) have also been collected. Samples of the speleothems covering the bones were taken, as well as a sample of the mineral-filled dripping water responsible for the stalagmite formations, collected during 24 hours (See Chapter 4 for a full report on the burial caves).

The cave that was located first, Budou, displays a very large amount of inhumed human bone material, placed either in depositions directly on the ground, in large shells or on rock-shelves (photos 21, 23-27). Generally the degree of preservation is good, but many of the depositions are in a very fragile condition, and more or less fall to pieces when moved. Many of the bones in the depositions in the ”chambers” of the cave were partly covered in speleothem growth, and in the first freshwater-filled ”chamber” complete crania and other bone elements lay openly on the bottom. The main part of the skeletal material found in the water has probably fallen down from the shelves they were originally placed upon, and some of the depositions in the chambers close to the entrance have most likely been disturbed as well. However, the innermost chambers may be relatively untouched, and therefore the most interesting from an archaeological and osteological point of view. Some of the crania in the Budou cave displayed trepanations, which is a feature not previously noted in the Trobriand Islands. There were also ossa longa with traces of cut- or defleshing marks (photo 22), which may be explained by the fact that the depositions probably are reburials, due to their lack of any anatomical relationship between bone elements.

Surveys and Mapping Continued surveys of the area, with the aim of locating additional settlements and other areas of interest were carried out as part of the 1999 expedition. The surveying included visits to places held to be ’old villages’ by the oral tradition, and the mapping of these sites with the aid of compass, pedometer and GPS. The planned mapping of the entire area around Mwatawa and Labai with the aid of levelling instrument had to be modified, due to the extreme circumstances of the at times almost impenetrable vegetation of the surrounding rainforest. This kind of vegetation made it impossible to use the instrument in the way normal when mapping an area, since the visibility needed was very hard to obtain. The mapping was instead executed by means of compass and pedometer, and has been compiled together with aerial photography and ordnance survey maps in MapInfo GIS for a complete presentation (See Chapter 2 for a detailed report on the surveys). Additional Areas of Investigation Apart from the above described areas of investigation, of which each has been the main area of responsibility for one to three members of the project, there have been additional areas of investigation. These are accounted for in this report as separate chapters, and concern ceramics, lithics, oral tradition, and speleothem growth. The report work on the ceramics found at both Oilobogwa and Odubekoya was commenced already in the Trobriands, when most of the practical work was carried out. This applies in equal part to the report on the lithics. Moreover, both groups received great help at The National Museum of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby, PNG with some of the analyses of the material and with comparisons of the material present at the museum. Out of necessity, a majority of the report work on the oral traditions was performed while on the Trobriand Islands, as it obviously involved interviewing the villagers regarding the concerned areas (for a detailed report on the lithic finds, see Chapter 5; on ceramic finds, see Chapter 6; and on the oral traditions, see Chapter 7).

The second burial cave selected for investigation is called Selai, and contains an equally large amount of human skeletal material. The bones are generally in a better condition than in the Budou cave, and have the same appearance of being reburials. However, one individual was found stretched out in anatomical position in a small and almost inaccessible chamber (photo 6). The placement of the depositions was different from Budou, in that they were all resting directly on the ground, since no shelves are present, and no large shells were encountered (photos 15, 16, 19, 20). In Selai the bones were to an even higher degree covered in speleothem growth, and in one recess at least four crania and a number of other bones were completely covered in speleothem growth (photo 18). A number of trepanations were present here as well, and one of the depositions containing a trepanated cranium was the object of a preliminary osteological analysis (photos 7-13), describing in detail which bone elements were present and documenting all kinds of anomalies, non-metric traits, pathologies etc. The depositions in this cave seemed to be in a more undisturbed state than those of Budou, and this may be explained by the fact that the villagers seemed to be unaware that this cave contained human remains. An interesting aspect is that the villagers do not seem to have any cultural relation to these caves, or the burials within them, and that according to them the freshwater in Budou is used for having a wash.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The project has been aided in various ways by a number of people and institutions, of which some deserve a special mentioning. Invaluable help concerning the documentation of the oral traditions, and also the social and cultural aspects of the crew’s stay in Kiriwina, was given by Dr. linus digim’Rina,

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Head of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Papua New Guinea, during his participation in the field-work. He was also of great assistance during our stay in Port Moresby, where he helped us in our contacts with the National Museum of Papua New Guinea, where we received a lot of help in comparing our excavated material to the reference collections. Professor Wulf Schiefenhövel of the Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, Andechs, Germany, gave us medical assistance during our stay in Kiriwina, and also generously shared his knowledge of the Trobriand Islands and their culture. Finally, the whole crew of the Swedish Project in the Trobriands are above all indebted to Paramount Chief Pulayasi, Omarakana, and of course to Tomwaya Polomla of Mwatawa, who allowed us to build our camp on Mwatawa Beach and to excavate at Oilobogwa, and Chief Tolosi of Labai, who gave his permission for us to excavate at Odubekoya and to work in the Selai and Budou caves. We are also immensely grateful for having received the friendship and assistance of Tom and Elekana of Mwatawa and Topsi and Tony of Labai, as well as all the villagers of Mwatawa and Labai, without whose help and friendliness this project would not have been possible.

Irwin, G. 1981. Archaeology in the Kula area. Paper presented at the second Kula Conference, University of Virginia. Kirch, P.V. (ed.) 1986. Island Societies: Archaeological Approaches to Evolution and Transformation. Cambridge. Lauer, P.K. 1970. Pottery Traditions of the D’Entrecasteaux Islands of Papua. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Australian National University. Malinowski, B. 1922. Argonauts of the Western Pacific. London. Malinowski, B. 1929. The Sexual Life of Savages in NorthWestern Melanesia. Boston. Malinowski, B. 1935. Coral Gardens and Their Magic. New York. Spriggs, M., Yen, D.E., Ambrose, W., Jones, R., Thorne, A. and Andrews, A. (eds.) 1993. A Community of Culture: The People and Prehistory of the Pacific. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Occasional Papers No. 21.

REFERENCES Allen, J. 1993. Notions of the Pleistocene in Greater Australia. In: M. Spriggs, D.E. Yen, W. Ambrose, R. Jones, A. Thorne and A. Andrews (eds.): A Community of Culture: The People and Prehistory of the Pacific. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Occasional Papers No. 21.

Spriggs, M. 1993. Island Melanesia: The last 10,000 years. In: M. Spriggs, D.E. Yen, W. Ambrose, R. Jones, A. Thorne and A. Andrews (eds.): A Community of Culture: The People and Prehistory of the Pacific. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Occasional Papers No. 21.

Austen, L. 1939-40. Megalithic Structures in Kiriwina, Trobriand Islands. In: Oceania 10:1. Sydney.

Terrell, J.E. 1986. Prehistory in the Pacific Islands: A Study of Variation in Language, Customs and Human Biology. Cambridge.

Egloff, B. 1979. Recent prehistory in Southeast Papua. Terra Australis 4. Fagan, B. 1991. People of the Earth. An Introduction to World Prehistory. New York.

Weiner, A.B. 1976. Women of Value, Men of Renown: New Perspectives in Trobriand Exchange. University of Texas Press, Austin.

Green, R.C. 1993. Tropical Polynesian Prehistory - Where Are We Now?. In: M. Spriggs, D.E. Yen, W. Ambrose, R. Jones, A. Thorne and A. Andrews (eds.): A Community of Culture: The People and Prehistory of the Pacific. Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, Occasional Papers No. 21.

Weiner, A.B. 1988. The Trobrianders of Papua New Guinea. Case Studies in Cultural Anthropology. New York. White, J.P. & O’Connell, J.F. 1982. A Prehistory of Australia, New Guinea and Sahul. Sydney.

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The Surveys of Labai and Mwatawa Jeanette Lilja, Jonna Lindqvist and Li Olsson Gotland University College, Visby, Sweden, and Department of Archaeology, University of Stockholm, Sweden. Tables compiled by Li Olsson.

INTRODUCTION The surveys and preliminary mapping of prehistoric sites in the Labai and Mwatawa village areas commenced during the MFS field project in October-December 1998, and was continued in September-November 1999. The surveyed area is about eleven square kilometres.

Definitions Beku Digital distance pedometer Garamut-drum GPS

The main tools for the localization of potential sites were the registration of stray-finds of stone artefacts and ceramics, phosphate surveys, and the oral traditions of the villagers. For the delimitation of the sites, phosphate surveys were conducted. The phosphate survey method used was the Spot-Test method (Österholm, I. & S. 1997). As stray-finds proved to be extremely abundant over vast areas, delimitation of site areas by means of mapping finds of stone artefacts and ceramics was abandoned at an early stage. In a test area of 100x100 metres, no less than 56 axes and adzes, utukema, were found on the ground surface and in stone heaps from field clearences (Site 2, Mwatawa, Map:No. 2). At the villagers request, the collected axes/adzes were left in the village. No other stray-find collections have been made.

Kundu-drum

Kuvi Lagi Liku Malik Memetu Ouyedi Starting-point

Utukema

For the positioning of located sites, two parallel methods were used: GPS (Global Positioning System), and digital distance pedometer and compass. As no DGPS (Differential GPS) was available, a conventional hand-held GPS, with SPS (Standard Positioning Service), was used for the preliminary positioning, providing an accuracy of ±50 metres. Consequently, an error of 100 metres must be calculated for the GPS-values. Where visibility permitted, also conventional levelling instrument was used in the positioning. All recorded data are presented in the tables below.

Large, highly polished stone axe Device used for measuring distance by foot A wooden slit drum (Global Positioning System) measuring device for positioning: latitude, longitude, and meters above sea level Small wooden drum, used in traditional dances. The drumhead is made of lizard-skin Long yam Cave Old yam house Fish consumed only by the Paramount Chief Flakes and tools of obsidian Sea-shells The positions at Labai and Mwatawa villages where the distance measuring using digital pedometer started Axe/adze made of stone

Environment Kiriwina is one of a number of low-lying coral islands in the Trobriand archipelago, situated east of Mainland Papua New Guinea. In the Trobriand group there are four major islands. Kiriwina is the largest, and is flanked by the smaller islands of Kitava, Vakuta and Kaileuna as well as more than one hundred small uninhabited islands and islets. All islands are flat coral atolls, except for Kitava, which has a slight elevation. The islands are located just below the equator and remain very hot and humid throughout the year, with frequent rainfall.

For the mapping, the Papua New Guinea 1:100 000 Topographic Survey Map was used, combined with the 16,000 feet Aerial Survey of the Trobriand Islands, 1973, Sortie 31, Run 7. Digitized versions of these have been used in MapInfo GIS for the presentation of located sites (maps 1a, 1b, 2a and 2b).

The island of Kiriwina is 44 kilometres long and from 1 to 15 kilometres wide. The largest land area consists of swampy terrain and dense tropical forest, surrounded by rich gardens. Along the coastline, there are caves and springs in the coral outcrop and at the edge of the swamps that provide fresh water (Weiner 1988:11). The highest point on Kiriwina, which is in the northern part of the island, is about 40 meters above sea level. Larger tree size plants usually include casuarinas (ironwood), barringtonia, hibiscua, pandanus, Indian almond and coconut palm, and the lower vegetation consists of various vines and legumes, wiry bunchgrass, ferns and sedges (Oliver 1989:19).

During the 1998 and 1999 surveys, a total number of 23 sites were located and provisionally mapped. As dense rainforest conditions exclude penetration in many areas, it should be underlined that the surveys do not present a full coverage of the areas (photos 1-3).

21

List of located sites (see maps 1a, 1b, 2a and 2b)

Methodology As a complement to the GPS-positioning of the located sites, digital distance pedometer and compass were used. The digital distance pedometer is calibrated to the step-length of the individual measurer, with a margin of error estimated to ±5 metres every 100 metres. An accuracy of ±35-50 metres has been calculated for each site. Due to the accumulation of successive bearings, the locations of sites closer to the starting-points have a greater accuracy than sites further away.

1a. 1b. 1c. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

The data presented in the tables are: - The place from where the positioning started (starting-point) - The distance to the site in meters from the starting-point - The distance in meters between each measuring point - The bearings (not corrected for magnetic north) - The GPS-values The positions of located sites during the 1998 and 1999 surveys will be shown in tables. Also, comments on the method of localization, as well as short site descriptions, are presented. The table below gives an example of how the positioning data are presented (fig. 1). The Papua New Guinea Topographic Survey map used was produced by the Royal Australian Survey Corps in 1979. The coordinate system is Australian Map Grid, Zone 56, with Australia Geodetic Datum 1966 (AGD 66). The accuracy is ±25 metres in the horizontal position of well-defined details. The average accuracy in elevation is ±10 metres, except in dense vegetation where this accuracy may not be achieved. The contour interval is 40 metres. The map was reprinted by the National Mapping Bureau in 1986. The grid convergence is 0.3º (5 miles). Magnetic north is correct for 1975 and moves eastwards by 0.1º (2 miles) in about five years. The grid-magnetic angle is 6.7º (119 miles). In 25 years the magnetic north is estimated to have moved easterly by 0.5º. This makes an angle of 7.2º, which should be added to the measured bearings in columns No. 4 when converted into MapInfo GIS mapping when using the AGD 66.

Oilobogwa site 1A, Mwatawa. Oilobogwa site 1B, Mwatawa. Oilobogwa site1C, Mwatawa. Losewa tunnel, Site 2, Mwatawa The Old village in the Mwama block, Site 3, Mwatawa Oliyamila burial cave, Mwama block, Mwatawa The Stones of Boma, Mwatawa Kwadibwara burial cave, Mwatawa. Kwaliwa, Mwama block, Mwatawa Wasali, Mwama block, Mwatawa Olitalata, Mwatawa. Odubekoya, Site 1, Labai. Lubakayaula, Site 2, Labai Kawai, Site 3, Labai Dukulola, Site 4, Labai. Obukula tunnel, Site 5, Labai Obwanogwa, Site 6, Labai. Kobada, Site 7, Labai. Wameku ravine, Labai. Wateta ravine, Labai Obuwaga burial cave, Labai. Selai burial cave, Labai. Budou burial cave, Labai. Bwara Tudava rock cliff, Labai.

1. Comments

2. Distance from the starting-point

3. Distance between measuring points

4. Bearing

5. GPS-values

The starting-point is the northwestern gate in Mwatawa, and the bearing is 360 .

56

56

360°

08 26 04 S 151 03 25 E

After 56 meters turn to bearing 60 and walk 34 meters, then turn to bearing 20 , and walk 11 meters, then turn to bearing 360 etc.

90

34

60°

101 119

11 18

20° 360° 300°

Measuring ended facing the cleared excavation area. The distance and direction was measured up to the point of origin. The site is 20x12 meters, and stretches out towards the west.

Fig. 1. Example: Table showing how the data from the localization and positioning of Oilobogwa site 1A, Mwatawa, are presented in the report. 22

Fig. 2. Aerial photograph of northwestern Kiriwina, showing numbered located sites in the vicinity of Labai and Mwatawa villages. Aerial Survey of the Trobriand Islands, 1973, Sortie 31, Run 7.

23

1

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2

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3

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4

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6

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7

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9

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11

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The Budou and Selai burial caves in Labai Gabriella Venturi Archaeoosteological Research Laboratory, Ulriksdal Palace, Stockholm University, Sweden INTRODUCTION

According to the villagers in Labai, the name of the cave is Obuwaga, but in 1984 another name was used, Kituma (Göran Burenhult, pers. comm.). On our visit to the cave, it was obvious that many bones had been moved since then. Also, the two pots had been smashed, and the sherds were scattered over the floor. The bones were generally displaced, and it seems as if the elements had been deliberately displayed in a certain way. The positions of the bones reflect the fact that the people of Labai bring paying visitors to this cave.

A number of caves exist in the steep, uplifted coral reef along the coastlines of Labai and Mwatawa villages in the northern part of Kiriwina Island. Some of them are known to have been used as burial caves, others are as yet unexplored. One of the aims of the 1999 excavation season was to locate and, using archaeological and osteological methodology, investigate two caves in order to establish the chronological relation between the reburials in those caves and the located and excavated openair settlements. Also, deposition traditions and possible traces of ritual handling and manipulation of the human bones were to be studied.

In reality, Obuwaga consists of two caves with the entrances facing each other. One of them, Obuwaga 1, is substantially larger than the other, Obuwaga 2. Both of them contain large amounts of human bones and ceramics. Many of the skulls had been trepanated (photo 5). Because of the high degree of taphonomic disturbance, none of the caves were chosen for a closer investigation (photos 3 and 4). A cranial sample (neurocranium) with a trepanation was collected for detailed analysis, and another sample (dens) was collected for radiocarbon dating. Also, samples of pottery were taken from Obuwaga 1 for analyses. With the help of the villagers in Labai, two more caves were located and permission for a detailed study was granted. These caves seemed to be more untouched in recent times, as it was possible to distinguish clear features. The names of the caves are Selai and Budou, and they are located close to each other near Labai Beach. Environment The Selai and Budou caves are situated about five minutes walk from Labai Beach, less than a hundred meters from each other. The cave openings can be reached from two directions. By land it is possible to walk from Labai village, which, however, involves difficult climbing over the steep, uplifted coral reef. It is also possible to wade in the sea at low tide from Mwatawa Beach, where the archaeologists’ camp is located. The latter route is preferable, as heavy and fragile equipment, such as cameras, levelling instruments, torches and drawings, had to be carried to the caves daily, although high tide occasionally caused some problems.

Gabriella Venturi and Maria Davidsson studying a cranium found in the water at Budou Cave. Photo: Göran Burenhult.

Methods of documentation To distinguish intact burial depositions from other concentrations of human bones, the following criteria were applied: the positioning and morphology of the bones, the contextual situation and the degree of preservation. By using these criteria, a series of bone depositions could be distinguished. Only these concentrations of bones have been documented and osteologically analyzed in more detail.

One of the burial caves in Labai has been known for a long time. Photographic documentation by Göran Burenhult in 1984 shows that the depositions of human bones appeared then to be more or less intact. Also two large ornamented clay vessels, containing human bones, were perfectly intact (photos 2-3).

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As no laser distance measuring instrument was available during the 1999 season, the physical documentation and mapping of the caves themselves are provisional. For the same reason, no sections of the caves have as yet been drawn. Compass and measuring tapes were used to create preliminary plans of the caves, and the halls were measured and drawn to allow for a mapping and identification of the bone depositions (maps 1 and 2). The dotted lines on the plans indicate parts of the caves that remain undocumented due to inaccessibility, lack of oxygen or high risk of falling rocks from the roof. The features have been numbered and registered on the plans, and a complete photographic documentation has been carried out. However, additional sections of the caves have been investigated but not documented in the plans. In Selai there is a wide crack in the cave floor between Hall A and Hall F, which leads to the “bottom floor” and an assemblage of freshwater. Through this crack it is possible to climb down to the water-filled rooms below the upper part of the cave. In the southern part of the cave, there are passages and halls which are partly filled with freshwater and leads far away from the halls that are connected to the entrance. No bone depositions have been found in these sections. Detailed maps will be compiled during the forthcoming investigations.

HUMAN BONE DEPOSITIONS FROM SELAI CAVE Selai has been divided into eight rooms, Halls A-H. A brief description of each deposition is given below. Hall A No bone depositions have been found in Hall A. Hall B B:1- A separate chamber measuring about 1x2 meters (photo 6). A complete skeleton of an adult individual was found in anatomical position on the chamber floor, located in a N/S direction (the cranium to the south). This deposition is the only burial in articulated position so far found in any of the caves. The skeleton is partly buried in the ground material. Access to B:1 is extremely difficult, due to a very narrow passage, and no detailed determinations have yet been carried out. Hall C C:1- Some mineralized fragments of bone are located on the ground together with a few coral rocks. Two fragments of neurocranium and one fragment of ulna could be identified. It is warranted to believe that many of the “coral rocks” are bones as well, covered in speleothems. This is most probably not a burial deposition. C:2- Deposition of fragmented bones. Around the feature, which is located on a slab, fragments of both juvenile and adult bones are distributed in a way that suggests recent disturbance. C:3- Cranium with a trepanation, placed together with many other human bone fragments in a ”basket” of stalagmites. C:4- Mineralized and semi-mineralized bones are placed on a rock shelf about 1,5 meters east of C:3. A crack between these features leads to Hall E, which is located beneath Hall C. C:5- Assemblage of mineralized bones located about 1,5 meters north of C:3. It contains among other bones a fragmented cranium that was destroyed before the mineralization. C:6- Bone deposition on the rock shelf beside the abyss that leads to Hall D. The bones are relatively fragmented.

SELAI CAVE Selai Cave is situated in a garden, its mouth facing west and covered by a giant tree. The entrance is steep and slippery because of the constant dropping of water from stalactites in the roof. The cave consists of different parts that are separated by formations created by the coral rock and stalagmite structures. The entrance to Selai is located 10,62 meters above the shoreline, and the lowest part of the hall which is directly connected to the entrance is at a level of 3,75 meters above the shoreline. Consequently, the floor in the entrance hall drops about 7 meters. The cave continues further down under the cave floor of the entrance hall. It could be determined that the deepest part of the cave is located several meters below sea level. The lower part of the cave is filled with freshwater. It is used by the people of Labai for catching bats. Traces of torches made of palm leaves, and a post leading up to the roof in one of the halls close to the entrance, are evidence of recent hunting activity in the cave. The total depth of the parts explored so far is about 50 meters (map 1).

Hall D Hall D is located 2-3 metres underneath Hall C and contains large amounts of bones. The bones are distributed over the whole surface, but no distinguishable features were found. Some bones show traces of defleshing from sharp stone instruments, and pathological stress on certain bones has been noted. Two seashells had been placed among the bones.

One striking feature in Selai Cave is that most of the bone depositions are covered in calcitic speleothems, in one case in the form of a stalagmite, 10-15 centimetres in height (photos 6-20). Samples from speleothem growth have been collected for uranium dating and stable isotope analyses. A radiocarbon sample (dens) from one of the skulls in Hall F, deposition F:2, covered in speleothems, has provided an AMS date of about 1500 A.D. The fact that the human bones and crania are often completely “cemented” onto the rock, and consequently not possible to move without causing damage, is an important taphonomic indication that their position has not been disturbed in modern times. This makes the bone depositions in Selai Cave especially important in the forthcoming studies of the burial traditions.

Hall E E:1- Bone deposition on a rock shelf in the southern part of the hall. A cranium is placed on a smaller rock shelf above the other bones. Some of the bones are embedded in the rock surface. E:2- Bone deposition about 2 meters from E:1. E:3- Scattered bones. Hall F F:1- Deposition located in a natural apse on a low rock shelf, containing bones from several individuals. The wall behind the feature has cavities, in which bones have been placed. Some of these bones cannot be removed from the wall due to speleothem growth. F:2- Deposition located in a natural apse containing rich 108

quantities of bones and a cranium with a trepanation on the left parietal bone. A stalagmite measuring approximately 12 centimetres has grown on the top of the cranium. Many other bones in this deposition are covered in speleothem growth. F:3- Deposition located about 2,5 meters further in, containing fragments of long bones. F:4- Feature even further in, ”in front of” F:3. It contains long bones, including two humerus with well-preserved caput. F:5- A cranium placed between three stalagmites. The feature also contains a mandibula and two other fragments. This may not be a separate feature but the cranium is of interest because of the high degree of preservation and the lack of speleothems, which makes it different from the other bones in this part of the cave.

B, the cave continues in a westerly direction. To go deeper into the cave, it is necessary to pass through the underground lake into a tunnel, about five meters long, leading into the next room, Hall D. In contrast to Hall A and Hall B, where the daylight penetrates the entrance and lights up parts of the halls, Hall D rests in total darkness. The room has extensive formations of stalactites and stalagmites. Also in this room, parts of the roof have collapsed. Beyond Hall D, the cave continues and forms a long and narrow room, Hall E. Large amounts of stalactites have fallen from the roof and are spread all over the floor. The floor is sloping upwards towards the western part of the room. The cave stretches beyond this room in the same direction, and this part forms a narrow passage that runs at least twenty meters from Hall E. The total depth of the parts explored so far is about 5060 meters (map 2).

Hall G G:1- Deposition containing rich quantities of bones, some of which are covered in speleothems, and at least three crania totally covered in speleothem growth. G:2- Small section in front of G:1 containing a crushed cranium covered in speleothem growth. This feature also contains a mandibula, coxae and fragmented ossa longa. G:3- Deposition N/E of G:2 containing two fragments of cranium.

BONE DEPOSITIONS IN BUDOU CAVE Budou Cave has been divided into five rooms, Halls A-E. A brief description of each deposition is given below. Hall A A:1- Rock shelf with skeletal elements from several individuals. A large shell (Tridacna gigas) is placed in the grave. A:2- Rock shelf about 4 meters west of A:1, with an assemblage of bone fragments. A:3- Rock shelf about 2 meters west of A:2, by the freshwater lake, containing bone fragments. A neurocranium is placed in a natural cavity in the wall. A:4- Concentration of bones between two rocks. A:5- Deposition containing a large amount of bones from several individuals. The bones are very fragmented and porous. A:6- Deposition located on a rock shelf containing fragmented bones.

Hall H H:1- Deposition containing many fragments of bones, e.g. a partly mineralized coxae in a ”basket” of stalagmites. H:2- About 1 meter N/E of H:1 there is a similar ”basket” containing a fragment of a cranium with trepanation. This deposition is connected to F:5. H:3- N/E of H:1 and H:2 above G:1 is a deposition containing pieces of long bones and scapula. H:4- A few long bones on a small rock shelf. This small deposition contains a tibia with drilled holes and defleshing marks. BUDOU CAVE

Hall B As explained above, Hall B is not a separate room, but an area with a freshwater lake in the lowest part of Hall A. This underground lake contains a large amount of bones, which are in a better state of preservation than the bones in Hall A. The bones have been placed along the northern edge of the water assemblage. No features can be determined. Several crania have been found in the water. Two of them have defleshing marks on the condyles of the lateral parts of foramen magnum, and one of these crania has perfectly preserved teeth, showing red traces from betelnut chewing.

The entrance of Budou is located 12 metres above the shoreline in a northeasterly direction. A big tree makes it impossible to see the entrance from the passage that leads from the sea in a northern direction towards the beach of Kaibola. The entrance is very steep and has partly slid down. The entrance hall, Hall A, consists of a big room which is sloping down towards an assemblage of freshwater at the bottom of the cave (map 2). Also in Budou, the deepest parts of the cave are situated below the present sea level. In all parts of the cave, coral rock fallen from the roof can be seen on the floor. In one cave room in the northern part of Hall A, a major part of the roof has collapsed. Also in Hall C, substantial parts of the roof have fallen down, but it is still possible to climb through. Beneath Hall C, there is another water-filled section of the cave. The entrance to this room consists of a narrow crack in the coral rock. No bones were found in this area.

Hall C C:1- Two crania and two large shells on a rock shelf among a few other bone fragments. Hall D D:1- Concentration of fragmented bones at the entrance of the tunnel leading to Hall D from Hall B. D:2- Deposition located about 4 meters further in, at the same side and level as D:1. Below these features there is a cranium (c1) in the water to the right side after the tunnel from Hall B. Another cranium in the

The assemblage of freshwater at the bottom of the cave constitutes a separate section of the cave, and is called Hall B. The positioning of bones found in the water differs greatly from the concentrations of Hall A, although the two areas in reality belong to the same hall. On the other side of the water in Hall

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water (c2) is located at the left side of the rock. The reason for not classifying these crania as belonging to Hall B (the water) is that they are placed in such a way that it is likely that they could belong to either D:1 or D:2. One of these crania (c1) has defleshing marks on the lateral parts of foramen magnum and traces of red colouring from betelnut chewing. D:3- Concentration of a few fragmented bones. It contains sacrum and coxae. D:4- Bones placed in an apse with long bones in upright position. Two tibia and two radius has accentuated traces of the muscles. These bones probably belong to the same individual. D:5- Small concentration of fragmented bones in the apse above D:4. D:6- Deposition in an apse on the opposite side of D:4 containing, among other bones, cranial fragments. D:7- Burial at the end of the room. This deposition contains the bones from several individuals and three shells filled with fragmented bones. Some of the bones in this arrangement have been mineralized and one of the crania is trepanated. D:8- A few mineralized bones located in the central area of the hall. A piece of a femur, covered by stalagmites, is visible.

out. For several reasons, deposition C:3 was chosen for this analysis. The location of C:3, an assemblage of bones in a ”basket” of stalagmites, composes a distinguishable, delimited area. The deposition contains a majority of bones that are not mineralized, as well as a well-preserved cranium with a trepanation on the right parietal bone. The long bones were placed to the east by the occipital region of the cranium. There were no specific assemblages of the other bones, which were distributed throughout the basket of stalagmites. Some of the bones are mineralized. In the western part of the feature, some bones are petrified into a clod of stone and bones, covered in speleothem growth. This clod contains a mandibula, a vertebra, a fragment of ulna and two fragments of costa. A detailed photographical documentation was carried out, and drawings were made in situ, before the bones were removed from their original context. The bones were then brought out from the cave into the daylight for analysis. All four osteologists in the excavation team participated in the determinations. The bones were grouped according to types, and also more specific subdivisions, where side (left and right) was decided, were performed. Furthermore, estimation of MNI (Minimum Numbers of Individuals), estimation of sex and age and quantification was carried out. Finally, detailed analyses of the trepanation, possible defleshing marks etc. were carried out. After the examination, the bones were returned to their original position in the cave.

Hall E E:1- Concentration of bones on the floor, about 1,5 meters from the entrance to the hall. E:2- A very well-preserved cranium that has been trepanated. The character of the scar indicates a process of healing. This cranium is located close to other fragments of both cranial and postcranial fragments. E:3- Scattered fragments at the end of the hall. E:4- Four mandibulae placed in a small pit on the floor, filled with water, and covered with a small slab. These are located four meters from the entrance to Hall E. E:5- Concentration of fragmented bones placed on a rock shelf together with a shell. The concentration contains, among other bones, cranial fragments with defleshing marks. E:6- Concentration of bones below E:5, containing, among other bones, a cranial fragment with a trepanation and a visceral fragment with a blue coloured molar.

In Budou, no detailed osteological analysis was made due to the porous state of the bones in this cave. During the documentation of the depositions in the cave, marks and traces in the bone material were noted. Many of the long bones had defleshing marks and also drilled holes. Marks were found on several skulls, mostly in the frontal-parietal regions. Two skulls found in the water assemblages in Halls B and D have defleshing marks on the lateral parts of foramen magnum (the articular surfaces that joins the atlas have been cut off). It is possible that these individuals have been decapitated. One of these skulls has red-coloured teeth as a result of betelnut chewing. Similar traces are found on the teeth from several jaws in the cave. It is evident that people of varying age have been deposited in both Selai and Bodou. The bones from very small children as well as from old individuals have been found. One of the most spectacular depositions contains a skull of a child covered in speleothem growth (G:1, Selai).

THE OSTEOLOGICAL ANALYSES After the provisional documentation of the bone depositions in the Selai and Budou caves, a detailed osteological investigation of one deposition from Selai Cave was carried

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The Postcranial Skeleton Type of bone Clavicula Sternum Scapula V.thoracice V.lumbale Sacrum Costae Humerus Ulna Radius Mc Ph Ilium+Ischi Ilium+Pubis Pubis Ilium Femur Tibia Fibula Talus Calcaneus Naviculare Cuboideum Cun. Lat. Mt

Whole

Proximal Epifys

Diafys

Distal epifys

Fragments

D=1 S=1 2 D=1 S=1 U=1 9

5+1* 4

2+2♦ 33+2*

S=1xI U=1xI U=2xPh1

D=1 S=1 S=2* D=2 U=2

D=1 U=1

D=1 S=1 D=1 D=2 S=1 U=1xPh2

S=1

S=1 D=1 S=1 U=2

D=2 D=1 S=1

S=1 D=1 S=1 D=1 S=1 D=1 D=1xI,1xII S=1xI,1xIII, 1xIV

Explanations D= dexter, right side of the body S= sinister, left side of the body U= unidentified side *= bone covered in speleothem growth ♦= matching fragments The Cranial Skeleton Type of bone Cranium Frontale Temporale Occipitale Zygomaticum Maxilla Mandibula

Total

Amount 1 (temporale D is missing) 2- 1orbita+nasale S, 1orbita D 3- D=2 S=1 3- 1protub., 1condylus S,1For. mag. 2- S=1, 1orbita S 1 1*

Dentes The teeth in the mandibula are covered in speleothem growth and cannot not be distinguished. Maxilla 1 (from the relatively undestroyed cranium): P1 D, P2 D+S, M3 D+S Maxilla 2: P1 D+S, M1 D+S, M2 D+S Loose teeth: P1 U, M1 U (belongs to the relatively well-preserved cranium), M2 U, M1 or M2 U Minimum number of individuals The deposition contains at least 2 individuals (tables).

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D=1 D=1 U=1 U=1 D=1 U=2

2 2 3 15 4 4 35 5 4 5 4 3 1 1 1 1 5 4 4 1 2 1 1 1 5

Number of identified specimens

brought to the Archaeoosteological Research Laboratory, Stockholm University, for detailed analysis. Three star-shaped engravings are visible beside the main area of trepanation, which indicates the performance technique of the surgeon (fig 28). Most of the trepanations from the Labai caves show no sign of healing, but one of the trepanation scars (E:2, Bodou) has soft edges, which may be the result of partial healing. The tradition of trepanation is unknown by the present islanders, but in the rest of Melanesia the operation is known to have occurred in recent times (Lisowski 1967:652). The reasons for performing the surgical procedure of trepanation varies (Merbs 1989:180). One reason is to alleviate headache due to injury to the head. This practice can be seen among present-day cultures in Africa (Merbs 1989:180) and this way of alleviate the pressure on the brain is probably the most common reason for trepanation in Peru and Melanesia. There are also magicoreligious reasons for the practice in prehistoric Europe and present-day Africa, where roundels of human skull bone have been worn as amulets (Brothwell 1981:122).

Identified postcranial and cranial bones/fragments: 169 Number of unidentified specimens Unidentified: about 250 small fragments Ossa longa (unidentified): 15 Estimation of sex The well-preserved cranium has four features suitable for sex estimation: 1. The nuchal crest (protuberantia occipitale externa) 2. Processus mastoideus 3. Margo supra orbitalis 4. Glabella Among the other cranial fragments only one has characters for estimating the sex: 1. Margo supra orbitalis 2. Glabella

Radiocarbon dates According to Ascadi&Nemeskieri (Standards, 1994:20) both of the crania are male. The frontal fragment with margo supra orbitalis and glabella has very distinct male features. The masculine traits are accentuated and this must be due to either pathological causes or some kind of mineralization post mortem.

The following samples have so far been dated: Selai Cave Ua-15487

The sciatic notch on a pelvic fragment is well-preserved and estimated to be masculine (no:4 according to ) (Standards, 1994:18).

ID 60001

Sample 1/99

315±55 BP (c. 1570 CAL.)

Obuwaga Cave 1 Ua-15985

The age at death Age estimation was possible on the auricular surface on a pelvic fragment. The individual was at least 45-50 years by the time of death.

ID 60002

Sample 2/99

445±75 (c. AD 1450 CAL.)

REFERENCES Brothwell, D.R. 1981. Digging up bones. Oxford.

The maxillar teeth of the well-preserved cranium was estimated at an age of 45+. The teeth of the other maxillar fragment is covered by a mineralized layer which makes it difficult to see the attrition of the occlusal surfaces. The rounded shape of the cusps indicates an age of 30-. In addition, the third molars are not erupted (Brothwell, 1981:72 ).

Buikstra, J.E. and Ubelaeker, D. 1994. Standards for data collection from human skeletal remains. Proceedings of a seminar at The Field Museum of National History. Arkansas archaeological survey research series no.44. Guise, A. 1985. Oral tradition and archaeological sites in eastern central province. Record no.9, PNG National Museum. Boroko.

Pathological traces Some of the bones in the Labai caves have pathological traces. The radius and tibiae of Deposition D:4, Bodou, have accentuated cristae and muscular attachments which indicate strain. Trauma (fracture) was noted on a humerus. The fracture has been healed in a rough way.

Lisowski, F.P. 1967. Prehistoric and early historic trepanation. In D Brothwell and A. T Sandison (eds): Diseases in Antiquity. Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas.

The trepanations Several documented crania in the caves have been trepanated. In Selai, Bodou and Obuwaga there are three examples in each cave. The scars are almost identical in all recorded examples. The holes are round and quite small (1-2,5 cm). The surgery has probably been carried out with some kind of stone chisel. A cranial sample from Obuwaga 1 with a trepanation has been

Merbs, C.F. 1989. Trauma. In M Y Iscan and A. R Kennedy (eds): Reconstructing life from skeleton. New York. Personal comments Burenhult, G. October 1999.

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113

114

The Lithic Material from Labai and Mwatawa Charlotte Fernstål, Björn Hjulström and Annica Sterner Department of Archaeology, Stockholm University, Sweden

INTRODUCTION

when highly viscous molten lava cools rapidly and thereby precludes the process of crystallisation (Glascock et al 1998:16). Obsidian resulting from these events has been identified within four main areas: Admiralty Islands (Lou, Pam and Manus); New Britain (Willaumez Peninsula and Mopir); D’Entrecasteaux group (East Fergusson, West Fergusson, Dobu and Sanaroa); and Banks Islands (Vanua Lava and Gaua) (e.g. Summerhayes et al 1998:130).

During the excavation season 1999 on Kiriwina, Trobriand Islands, Papua New Guinea, two sites, located in close proximity to the villages of Mwatawa and Labai respectively, were excavated. Altogether, 787 pieces of obsidian were found, as well as a number of fragmented stone artefacts. All finds of stone and obsidian are recorded in the list of finds. Archaeological research has shown that obsidian was used and traded over great distances as early as 20 000 years ago (e.g. Summerhayes et al 1998:130). Only four different locations of obsidian sources can be found in Melanesia, and it is now possible, using the method of proton-induced x-ray emission (PIXE) and proton-induced gamma-ray emission (PIGME), to determine with accuracy from which source the obsidian originates. Obsidian is therefore widely used in archaeological research for tracing trade routes in Melanesia.

When locating possible sources for the rocks found on Kiriwina Island, a first glance at the geological map shows that all the nearest import areas belong to the Melanesian Oceanic Province (map 1). The nearest land to the west of the Trobriand Islands is the Papua New Guinea mainland and to the north the big island of New Britain in the Bismarck Archipelago. Both of these areas belong to the Melanesian Oceanic Province were the rocks consist entirely of the products of oceanic volcanism. They comprise lavas extruded on the deep ocean floor, island arc submarine lavas, agglomerates, tuffs, volcanolithic sediments and some reef limestone (Dow 1997:13).

The Trobriand Islands are coral islands and no rocks are naturally present. As all stone must be imported, an attempt has been made to identify the different types of rock found during the excavation, and the geology of the surrounding areas has been studied in order to find possible sources. A number of different stone artefacts have been identified and classified with great help from the local inhabitants of Kiriwina Island, who have provided much useful information, on which the identification of different stone artefacts is partly based.

The nearest islands to the south of the Trobriand Islands are the D’Entrecasteux islands. Goodenough, Fergusson and Normanby are the biggest islands in this group and they consist of domes and broad anticlines of metamorphic rocks. Each dome probably has a core of granodiorite. Ultramafic and associated gabbroic rocks are in fault contact with the metamorphics on all major islands (Davies 1973:7).

Rock classification and the geology of the region To the east, the closest islands are the Marshall Bennet Islands, which are coral islands similar to the Trobriands. Further east is Madau and Woodlark Island. Woodlark Island consists mainly of coral but it has a mountainous core. The coral foundations almost completely encircle the mountainous centre of the island but these formations seem to have been subjected to secondary geological movements (Damon 1983:310). Stone quarrying of hornfels on Woodlark was once a major item in ritual exchange and tool making in the Massim. The stone from the Suloga quarry on Woodlark has been identified as dark green hornfelsed tuff or meta-rhyolite (Leach 1983:14). The rock used for the Trobrianders´ ceremonial beku axe, is said to come from Woodlark and the Suloga quarry. Further to the southeast is Misima Island in the Louisiade Archipelago (Melanesian Oceanic Province) with geology similar to the D’Entrecasteaux Islands and Woodlark Island with much metamorphosed igneous rocks.

The Papua New Guinea region extends over the boundary of the Pacific and Australian plates. The result is a mixture of convergent and extensional tectonism, frequent earthquakes and volcanic activity. Papua New Guinea is divided into three broad geological divisions: (a)

(b)

(c)

The Australian Platform; the part underlain by the Australian continent in south-western Papua New Guinea. The New Guinea Mobile Belt; stretches between the two other zones from the West Sepik in the west over the highlands towards the Central Province in the east. The Melanesian Oceanic Province; covers the northern and eastern coastal area of the mainland and all the islands in the Bismarck Sea and the Solomon Sea.

Because of the intersection of the Pacific plates, the area has witnessed much recent volcanic activity. Obsidian is formed

115

Table 1. Classification of rocks found on Kiriwina

Kilili: The kilili is also used for sharpening axes and knives. The type of rock used is always pumice. Because of its porosity, it can not replace the simata but can be used for finer sharpening after the simata has been used.

Granodiorite Microdiorite Volcanic rock Fine volcanic rock/Microdiorite Pumice Metamorphosed sediment Hornfels limestone Hornfelsed siltstone Weakly metamorphosed gabbro Chert

Maia: From these stones, the locals cut a small piece, which is pulverised and mixed with water. The mixture is then used in combination with a simata to sharpen knives. The maia we have has been provisionally identified by Professor Davies as being made of granodiorite. Gola (fig 3): The gola is a polished, circular, flat stone with a circular hole in the middle. According to villagers in Mwatawa, people who are considered ‘important’ use it as a yam house decoration. The gola we were shown was 6 cm in diameter, approximately 1 cm thick, and the diameter of the circular hole was 2 cm.

During the identification of the rocks, it was confirmed that all the rocks on Kiriwina might originate from the Melanesian Oceanic Province. It can also be suggested that they may all originate from islands belonging to the Kula circle, such as the D’Entrecasteaux islands, Woodlark Island and Misima Island. It seems very likely that the stone material came from these places, as it is well known that contact and trade existed between the Trobriand Islands and these regions (e.g. White 1996:201). However, it has not been possible to establish a more accurate determination and exclude other sources.

Beku (fig 4): The beku is only used for ceremonial purposes, and is still today considered to be a very important and valuable object (Weiner 1988:47:86f). Their shape and size make them useless for any kind of practical work. The length can vary but they are always quite thin, only 1–2 cm. The surface is polished and the colour of the beku is dark green and/or black. They are made of hornfels, probably from Woodlark Island. Today the beku can be polished on simatas and kililis (digim’Rina 1999, personal comment).

STONE ARTEFACTS Below the different kinds of stone artefacts from Kiriwina have been listed, as well as their use, shape, size and type of rock when significant. In some of the artefact groups, every artefact is made of a certain type of rock while other artefact groups include several different types.

Utukema (photos 1-6): The villagers find stone axes and adzes quite often in their gardens, and they call all these axes and adzes utukemas. However, there are several different kinds of tools among the utukemas we have found and been shown. Below we will try to explain and classify the different types.

The suggested use of the artefacts named below is mainly based on information from the locals in Mwatawa and Labai. There might, however, exist other kinds of stone artefacts, which we have not been informed of, and the use and names of the artefacts may differ in other parts of the island.

The utukemas were in use until the iron was brought to Kiriwina about 100 years ago and probably for some time after that. The utukema differ from the beku in that they were made and used for functional purposes, rather than ceremonial, and they can be made of different kinds of rock. The utukemas are not generally in use today, but is regarded as a valuable object to be traded to visitors on the island. It can be seen that most of the pieces of stone have wear marks, but it is not always possible to identify their original shape or function since most pieces are too small or shapeless. However, we have been able to classify some of the utukemas.

Binabina: The binabina is a roundish stone, which today is used for cooking (as they hold the heat longer than coral stones), as well as for magical purposes. It is buried in the soil together with the planted yams, or placed inside the yam houses, in order to make the yams grow larger and last longer. In some parts of the island the binabina is also called imkuba (digim’Rina 1999, personal comment). The binabina can vary in size, at least from 8 cm long and a few cm thick, up to 30-40 cm long and 15 cm thick. Different kinds of rock are used, e.g. volcanic rock or metamorphosed gabbro (Davies 1999, personal comment).

- Polished axe or adze (photo 1). The cutting edge is straight and the top is broken but it seems to have been thick-butted. It is 12 cm long, 6 cm wide and 2.5 cm thick at the thickest part.

Vakata (fig 1): Vakata is a pounding stone used by the locals when building canoes. It has one quite flat side, used for pounding, and one side, which fit in the hand. The word vakata can also refer to other objects and activities in the Kilivila language.

- Polished adze with a pointed neck and rounded cutting edge (photo 2). It is 6.5 cm long, 4.5 cm wide and 1.7 cm thick at the thickest part. - An adze with a straight cutting edge and a flat, polished back (photo 6). The top is broken but it has probably been thickbutted.

Simata (fig 2): In the villages the simata is placed on the ground. The upward surface is flat or slightly curved. The villagers use the simata for sharpening iron axes and knives, but in earlier times it was used for sharpening stone axes. For various reasons, it was not possible to bring a simata for identification of the rock.

- Chisel (photo 3). Two pieces (one intact chisel and one fragment) which are identical in shape to each other. The top of the intact chisel is flat and seems to have been used as a 116

pounding area. The cutting edges of both chisels are straight, one side is flat and the opposite is rounded. The intact chisel is 8 cm long, 2.5 cm wide and at the thickest part 1 cm thick. The width and thickness of the fragment is very similar; 1.7 cm wide and 1 cm thick.

Today, the islanders call all the obsidian memetu. They use the obsidian for cutting themselves when they are injured or in pain, but the memetus are also used for scarification in connection with dancing and for magical purposes. For example, a man can cut himself in the arm if he wants to become a better carver or if he wants to aim better with the spear. The custom of using obsidian for medical purposes is widely spread in Papua New Guinea (e.g. Seligman 1907:326; Watson 1986:5).

- Fragments of two rounded cutting edges, which are quite similar (photo 4), except that only one of them is polished. They are similar in that they are quite flat but wide. The polished fragment is 4 cm wide and 0.9 cm at the thickest part. The unpolished piece is also 4 cm wide, but 1.4 cm at the thickest part. The lengths of the pieces are not relevant here since they do not tell us anything about the probable original sizes of the tools.

The collected obsidian comes from two locations on Kiriwina, one site belonging to Mwatawa village, Oilobogwa, and the other belonging to Labai, Odubekoya. At the Oilobogwa site, 30 m2 were excavated and at Odubekoya, 36 m2. Most of the finds were surface finds, collected during surface survey at the sites, and found in the top layer and layer 1. However, there are finds as deep as layer 5. Eighteen of the pieces were also found in graves at the Odubekoya site, associated with the inhumations.

- Fragments of two rounded cutting edges (photo 5). The smaller fragment is polished. They are similar in shape but have originally been larger than the other stone tools. The larger piece is 10 cm wide and at the thickest part 3 cm thick. The size of the smaller piece is not relevant, since it is such a small piece compared to its probable original size.

There are four categories of obsidian finds: 739 flakes with sharp edges, which can be used for cutting (for example as memetu). The weight varies between 0.02 and 6.2 grams, with an average weight of 0.45 grams. 48 lumps of obsidian, weighing between 0.9 and 9.6 grams, with no suitable edges for cutting, or from which it can be seen that flakes have been chipped off. The average weight is 1.64 grams. At least four pieces which are retouched, weighing between 0.8 and 2.5 grams. One scraper (7.6 grams) (photo 7).

Pestle-shaped tool (fig 5): In Mwatawa village we were shown a tool, the function of which was unknown to the villagers. In comparison with mortar pestles from other parts of Papua New Guinea, available at the Papua New Guinea National Museum, we suggest that this tool is a mortar pestle. Its length is 12 cm and the object is quite rough in shape. Tools from Okaiboma Village (figs 6-7): We were shown some stone artefacts from Okaiboma Village on the eastern part of the island, the functions of which were not known. Both were ‘hoe’ shaped with a handle. One of the tools was rounded and the other was more rectangular in shape. One suggestion is that they are some kind of agricultural tools.

A villager from Mwatawa showed us a larger piece of black obsidian. Today it is used for making memetu, but it looked like it might originally have been some kind of tool, although the villagers in Mwatawa and Labai do not recall any other use of obsidian than as memetu. Obsidian has probably been used for other things in the past, and with more than one type of wear i.e. used for more than one kind of activity on a single piece of obsidian (Watson 1986:2), even though this is not the case today.

OBSIDIAN The characteristics of obsidian have contributed to its unique role in archaeological research. For instance, its fragile nature means that it had a high replacement rate, its chemical composition at a particular source is homogenous and different sources are compositionally different from each other, and the number of sources are limited (Glascock et al 1998:16). To date, PIXE-PIGME analysis to trace the obsidian source has, however, not been carried out on the material unearthed during the excavation.

During the excavation at the Odubekoya site, nine individuals were found buried with obsidian. Individuals 1, 2 and 7 in grave 2 were buried with four pieces of memetu each. Individuals 3, 5 and 8 in grave 2, individual 1 in grave 3, individual 1 in grave 4 and individual 1 in grave 5 had one memetu each. Out of the 18 memetus found in these graves no less than six were placed in very close contact with the craniums. They were all flakes with sharp edges and somewhat larger than the average size, but did not otherwise differ from the rest.

Obsidian is a subclass of volcanic glass and is usually black or grey in colour. It can also have a streaky appearance. The obsidian found during the excavation, 787 pieces in total, consists of small flakes with an average weight of 0.52 grams. All pieces are black except from three pieces, which have a brownish red colour.

A difference in the obsidian material can be seen between Oilobogwa and Odubekoya in that the pieces from Oilobogwa are smaller (average weight 0.50) than at Odubekoya (average weight 0.54). This may indicate that the Oilobogwa site is more recent than Odubekoya, since it has been noted in other places in Melanesia that the size of obsidian material often decrease from the older to the younger sites (Sheppard 1993:131).

In many sites in Melanesia obsidian from two or three different sources have been found together (Torrence et al 1992:84), but in this case, the obsidian is most likely to originate from one source: Fergusson Island. It is the closest obsidian source as well as a participant in the Kula circle.

117

Acknowledgements

Seligmann, M. D., Joyce, T. A. 1907. On Prehistoric Objects in British New Guinea. Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor. Pp. 325-341.

We wish to thank Dr. linus digim’Rina, Head of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Papua New Guinea, for invaluable help and interesting discussions; Professor Wulf Schiefenhövel, Max-Planck-Gesellschaft, Andechs, Germany, for comments on the material; Nick Araho, Chief Curator of Prehistory at Papua New Guinea National Museum, for all help and for giving us access to the museum material; and Professor Hugh L. Davies and students Kivung Warvakai and Henry Opu Aufa at the Department of Geology, University of Papua New Guinea, for helping us find relevant literature and with the classification of the rocks. We are also indebted to the people of Mwatawa and Labai, and especially Modu, Tom and Mwexie, for making the work easier and more fun through their response.

Sheppard, P. J. 1993. Lapita lithics: trade/exchange and technology. A view from the Reefs/Santa Cruz. Archaeology in Oceania, 28. Pp 121-137. Summerhayes, G. R., Bird, J. R., Fullagar, R., Gosden, C., Specht, J. & Torrence, R. 1998. Application of PIXE-PIGME to Archaeological Analysis of Changing Patterns of Obsidian Use in West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. In: Shackley, M. S. (ed) Archaeological Obsidian Studies. Pp. 129-158. New York. Torrence, R., Specht, J., Fullagar, R. & Bird, R. 1992. From Pleistocene to Present: Obsidian Sources in West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. In: Sutherland, L. (ed) Chalmers, R. O. Commemorative Papers (Mineralogy, Meteoritics, Geology) Records of the Australian Museum Supplement 15 Pp 83-98.

REFERENCES Damon, F. H. 1983. What moves the Kula: Opening and closing gifts on Woodlark. In: Leach, J. W. & Leach, E. R. (eds.) The Kula: New Perspectives on Massim Exchange. Cambridge.

Watson, V. D. 1986. Obsidian as Tool and Trade: A Papua New Guinea Case. Burke Museum Contribution in Anthropology and Natural History No. 4. Thomas Burke Memorial, Washington State Museum.

Davies, H. L. 1973. 1:250 000 Geological Series - Explanatory Notes. Fergusson Island, Papua New Guinea, sheet SC/56-5. Bur. Miner. Resour., Geol., Geophys. Australia, Canberra. Dow, D. B. 1997. Geology of Papua New Guinea. Selected Papers on PNG Geology. Compiled by H. L. Davies. Pp. 3-16. The University of Papua New Guinea, Department of Geology.

Weiner, A. B. 1988. The Trobriands of Papua New Guinea. New York.

Glascock, M., Braswell, G. E., Cobean, R. H. 1998. A Systematic Approach to Obsidian Source Characterization. In: Shackley, M. S. (ed.): Archaeological Obsidian Studies. New York.

White, J. P. 1996. Rocks in the Head. Thinking about the Distribution of Obsidian in Near Oceania. In: Davidsen, J. M., Irwin, G., Leach, B. F., Pawley, A. & Brown, D. (eds.): Oceanic Culture History: Essays in Honour of Roger Green. New Zealand Journal of Archaeology Special Publication Pp 109209.

Irwin, G. J. 1983. Chieftainship, Kula and Trade in Massim Prehistory. In: Leach, J. W. & Leach, E. R. (eds.) The Kula: New Perspectives on Massim Exchange. Pp. 29-72. Cambridge.

Personal comments Dr. linus digim’Rina, Department of Anthropology, University of Papua New Guinea.

Leach, J.W. 1983. Introduction. In: Leach, J. W. & Leach, E. R. (eds.) The Kula: New Perspectives on Massim Exchange. Pp. 1-28. Cambridge.

Professor H. L. Davies, Department of Geology, University of Papua New Guinea.

118

Papua New Guinea, The Trobriand Islands, Mwatawa, Oilobogwa, Site 1A, 1999 Obsidian/memetus FIND NO

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS ID 20021 Obsidian ID 20022 Obsidian ID 20023 Obsidian ID 20024 Obsidian ID 20025 Obsidian ID 20026 Obsidian ID 20027 Obsidian ID 20028 Obsidian ID 20029 Obsidian ID 20030 Obsidian ID 20031 Obsidian ID 20032 Obsidian ID 20033 Obsidian ID 20034 Obsidian ID 20035 Obsidian ID 20036 Obisdian ID 20037 Obsidian ID 20038 Obsidian ID 20039 Obsidian

X 6 6 -3 -3 -3 0 0 6 6 6 3 -3 -3 -3 0 3 3 0 0

Y LAYER/Z PIECES, No WEIGHT, G. LUMPS, No WEIGHT, G -6 2 1 0.3 -6 Top 18 5.9 1 1.2 15 Top 14 4.5 15 1 3 0.4 15 2 1 1.1 6 Top 8 2.8 1 1.4 6 1 2 4.7 0 Top 9 2.4 12 Top 9 4.6 1 0.9 12 1 3 1.9 9 Top 3 0.7 1 1.7 9 Top 4 0.9 9 1 4 0.8 1 0.7 9 2 3 1.2 1 0.9 12 Top 1 0.5 15 Top 5 1.8 1 1.2 15 1 16 3.1 18 Top 10 4.8 2 1.5 18 1 12 6.0 2 1.4

Papua New Guinea, The Trobriand Islands, Mwatawa, Oilobogwa, Site 1A, 1999 Lithics FIND NO F2 Mwatawa

F3 Mwatawa F1 Mwatawa

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS ID 20018 Stone ID 20125 Stone ID 20126 Stone ID 20127 Stone ID 20019 Stone ID 20017 Stone ID 20128 Stone ID 20129 Stone

X 0 0 3 3 3 6.90 6 6

Y LAYER/Z PIECES, No 6 Top 1 18 Top 2 9 Top 3 15 1 3 15 3 1 5.30 1 1 6 Top 1 12 Top 1

Papua New Guinea, The Trobriand Islands, Mwatawa, Oilobogwa, Site 1B, 1999 Obsidian/Memetus FIND NO

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS ID 20040 Obsidian ID 20041 Obsidian ID 20042 Obsidian ID 20043 Obsidian ID 20044 Obsidian ID 20045 Obsidian 1 redbrown piece ID 20046 Obsidian ID 20047 Obsidian

X 12 14 10 10 14 20 20 17

Y LAYER/Z PIECES, No WEIGHT, G LUMPS, No WEIGHT, G -30 1 1 0.3 -36 Top 3 0.4 -26 Top 5 0.9 -26 1 4 0.9 -33 Top 1 2.3 1 0.7 -27 Top 11 3.8 2 1.8 -27 1 3 0.4 -30 Top 1 0.8

Papua New Guinea, The Trobiand Islands, Mwatawa, Oilobogwa, Site 1B, 1999 Lithics FIND NO

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS ID 20130 Stone

X 17

Y LAYER/Z PIECES, No -30 Top 1

119

Papua New Guinea, The Trobriand Islands, Mwatawa, Oilobogwa, Site 1C, 1999 Obsidian/Memetus FIND NO

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS ID 20049 Obsidian ID 20050 Obsidian ID 20051 Obsidian ID 20053 Obsidian ID 20054 Obsidian ID 20055 Obsidian ID 20056 Obsidian ID 20057 Obsidian ID 20058 Obsidian ID 20059 Obsidian ID 20060 Obsidian ID 20061 Obsidian ID 20062 Obsidian ID 20064 Obsidian ID 20065 Obsidian ID 20066 Obsidian ID 20067 Obsidian ID 20068 Obsidian ID 20069 Obsidian ID 20070 Obsidian ID 20071 Obsidian ID 20072 Obsidian F7 M watawa ID 20020 Obsidian Scraper ID 20073 Obsidian ID 20074 Obsidian ID 20063 Obsidian

X 8 -4 -4 -4 5 5 5 3 7 7 2 2 7 8 8 23 23 23 2 2 -3 -3 5 7 8

Y LAYER/Z PIECES , No WEIGHT, G LUMPS , No WEIGHT, G -78 Top 1 1.0 -72 Top 5 3.4 -72 1 1 0.4 -72 3 3 1.4 -75 1 1 0.2 -75 3 1 1.6 -75 5 1 0.2 9 1 2 0.2 Stray find 1 0.2 -72 Top 1 0.3 -72 2 4 2.5 2 1.9 -76 1 2 1.1 -76 3 1 1.5 -72 3 1 0.5 -78 Top 1 0.6 -78 1 2 1.0 -74 Top 7 2.8 1 2.5 -74 1 5 1.0 -74 2 2 0.5 -76 4 1 0.7 -72 1 2 0.5 -77 Top 5 2.6 -77 1 1 7.6 -75 Top 2 0.2 -72 1 4 1.6 -78 2 4

Papua New Guinea, The Trobriand Islands, Mwatawa, Oilobogwa, Site 1C, 1999 Lithics FIND NO FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS X Y LAYER/Z PIECES , No F6 M watawa ID 20131 Stone 8.70 -78.21 z 5.94 1 F5 M watawa ID 20132 Stone -4 -72 Top 1 ID 20133 Stone -4 -72 Top 1 ID 20134 Stone 5 -75 5 1 ID 20135 Stone 5 -75 3 1

Papua New Guinea, The Trobriand Islands, Mwatawa, Garden east of Oilobogwa, Site 1, 1999 Lithics/Obsidian FIND NO

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS ID 20136 Stone East of site ID 20052 Obsidian East of site

X

Y LAYER/Z PIECES , No WEIGHT, G stray finds 16 stray finds 9

120

Papua New Guinea, The Trobriand Islands, Labai, Odubekoya, Site 1, 1999 Obsidian/Memetus FIND NO

F23 Labai

F15 Labai F14 Labai

F3 Labai F4 Labai F5 Labai

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS ID 20075 Obsidian 1 retouched piece ID 20076 Obsidian 1 retouched piece ID 20077 Obsidian ID 20078 Obsidian ID 20079 Obsidian ID 20080 Obsidian ID 20081 Obsidian ID 20082 Obsidian ID 20083 Obsidian ID 20084 Obsidian ID 20085 Obsidian ID 20086 Obsidian ID 20087 Obsidian ID 20088 Obsidian ID 20089 Obsidian ID 20090 Obsidian 1 redbrown piece ID 20091 Obsidian ID 20092 Obsidian ID 20093 Obsidian ID 20094 Obsidian ID 20095 Obsidian ID 20096 Obsidian 1 large piece 6.2 g ID 20097 Obsidian 1 large piece 4.7 g ID 20098 Obsidian ID 20099 Obsidian ID 20100 Obsidian ID 20101 Obsidian ID 20102 Obsidian ID 20103 Obsidian ID 20104 Obsidian ID 20105 Obsidian ID 20106 Obsidian ID 20107 Obsidian ID 20108 Obsidian ID 20109 Obsidian ID 20110 Obsidian ID 20111 Obsidian ID 20112 Obsidian 1 red-brown piece ID 20113 Obsidian ID 20114 Obsidian ID 20115 Obsidian ID 20116 Obsidian ID 20011 Obsidian Grave 5 ID 20010 Obsidian Grave 4 ID 20117 Obsidian ID 20119 Obsidian 1 retouched piece ID 20120 Obsidian ID 20121 Obsidian Grave 2 ID 20122 Obsidian Grave 2 ID 20002 Obsidian Grave 2 ID 20003 Obsidian Grave 2 ID 20004 Obsidian Grave 2

X -2 -2 -2 -2 -3 -3 -3 -3 -5 -5 -5 -5 -5 -8 -8 -8 -8 -8 -11 -11 -11 -11 -11 -11 -14 -14 -14 -15 -15 -17 -17 -17 -20 -20 -20 -20 -23

Y LAYER/Z PIECES , No WEIGHT, G LUMPS , No WEIGHT, G 1 Top 6 3.5 -5 Top 55 21.6 -5 1 1 0.4 -5 2 1 1.5 -5 Top 15 5.8 2 3.1 -5 1 36 8.8 1 0.9 -5 2 3 2.1 1 4.7 -5 3 1 0.3 -2 1 1 0.8 -2 3 1 0.5 -8 Top 13 4.2 3 1.9 -8 Top 1 8.9 -8 1 8 3.2 1 0.8 -5 Top 8 3.3 1 0.5 -5 1 3 1.3 -11 Top 25 6.4 1 1.4 -11 1 23 3.5 -11 2 2 15.2 -2 Top 6 4.7 -2 1 6 3.2 -2 2 1 0.3 -8 Top 9 8.9 -8 1 9 6.5 -14 Top 10 3.3 -5 Top 4 1.4 -11 Top 4 2.6 -17 1 23 10.2 -5 Top 3 1.0 1 1.4 -6 Top 2 0.7 -2 Top 17 4.8 -2 1 9 3.0 1 1.1 -14 Top 30 9.7 2 1.3 -5 Top 7 1.7 -5 1 1 1.7 -11 Top 21 5.3 3 2.9 -11 1 18 5.4 -14 Top 4 1.3 stray finds 57 36.5 4 4.5 -28 -37 ? 13 4.1 1 0.9 -12 -40 2 5 2.5 -20 -17 Top 1 0.5 -10.8 -3 1 2 1.7 -14.17 -7.83 z 23.04 1 7.2 -8.17 -5.75 z 22.70 1 1.9 15 -7 ? 8 5.6 -23 -8 Top 16 8.7 -8 -1 Top 8 5.5 -8 -1 2 1 1.5 3 1 0.7 -8.27 -0.72 z 22.53 1 1.5 -7.99 -0.15 z 22.40 1 0.7 -8.17 -0.52 z 22.51 1 0.8

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FIND NO F6 Labai F7 Labai F10 Labai F11 Labai F12 Labai F18 Labai F19 Labai F20 Labai F24 Labai F23 Labai

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS X Y LAYER/Z PIECES , No WEIGHT, G LUMPS , No WEIGHT, G ID 20005 Obsidian Grave 2 -8.44 -1.01 z 22.45 1 3.2 ID 20006 Obsidian Grave 2 -8.62 -0.78 z 22.42 1 0.2 ID 20007 Obsidian Grave 2 -8.4 -0.96 z 22.40 1 0.3 ID 20008 Obsidian Grave 2 -8.23 -0.64 z 22.42 1 0.6 ID 20009 Obsidian Grave 2 -7.92 -1.43 z 22.25 1 0.8 ID 20014 Obsidian Grave 2 -9.09 -1.97 z 22.45 1 0.7 ID 20015 Obsidian Grave 2 -9.42 -2.17 z 22.45 1 4.9 ID 20016 Obsidian Grave 2 -9.46 -2.24 z 22.45 1 1.4 ID 20124 Obsidian 1 retouched piece -12 -40 Top+1 7 6.2 ID 20150 Obsidian Grave 2 -10.19 -2.51 z 22.6 1 ID20118 Obsidian -20 -5 4 ID20123 Obsidian -20 -5 2 7 Stray find ID 20151 Obsidian Red 1

Papua New Guinea, The Trobriand Islands, Labai, Odubekoya, Site 1, 1999 Lithics FIND NO

F1 Labai F2 Labai F17 Labai F16 Labai

FIND ID MATERIAL COMMENTS X Y LAYER/Z PIECES , No ID 20137 Stone -2 -5 Top 2 ID 20138 Stone -3 -5 Top 2 ID 20139 Stone -3 -5 1 1 ID 20140 Stone -5 -2 Top 2 ID 20141 Stone -5 -2 1 1 ID 20142 Stone -17 -14 Top 1 ID 20143 Stone -20 -11 1 1 ID 20144 Stone -23 -14 Top 2 ID 20145 Stone Grave 2 -8.5 0.5 1 2 ID 20000 Stone Grave 2 Utukema -8.55 -0.95 z 22.78 1 ID 20001 Stone Grave 2 Utukema -8.52 -1.05 z 22.57 1 ID 20013 Stone Grave 2 Utukema -9.19 -0.96 z 22.45 1 ID 20012 Stone Grave 5 Bina bina -14.12 -8.24 z 23.10 1 ID 20146 Stone -12 -40 2 1 ID 20147 Stone Utukema stray finds 27 ID 20148 Stone West of site stray finds 2 ID 20149 Stone North of site stray finds 3 ID 20048 Chert Light purple stray find 1 ID 20152 Stone -12 -40 2

Obsidian, total number of pieces and weight S ITE M watawa 1A M watawa 1B M watawa 1C Mwatawa 1 Total:

PIECES , NO WIEGHT, G LUMPS , NO WEIGHT, G 125 47.3 12 12.0 29 9.8 3 2.5 59 31.0 5 7.0 213 88.1 20 21.5

Labai 1 Total:

526

232.9

28

57.2

Grand Total:

739

321.0

48

78.7

Lithics, total number of pieces M watawa 1A M watawa 1B M watawa 1C Mwatawa 1 Total:

13 1 5 19

Labai 1 Total:

52

Grand Total:

71

The Lithics: Captions to figures Fig .1. Vakata. 1:2. Drawing by Charlotte Fernstål. Fig. 2. Simata. 1:3. Drawing by Charlotte Fernstål. Fig. 3. Gola. 1:1. Drawing by Charlotte Fernstål. Fig. 4. Beku. 1:3. Drawing by Charlotte Fernstål. Fig. 5. Pestle-shaped tool. 1:2. Drawing by Charlotte Fernstål. Figs 6-7. Tools from Okaiboma village. 1:1. Drawing by Charlotte Fernstål. 122

123

124

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The Ceramics from Labai and Mwatawa Sandra Gustafsson, Jens Lindström, Ulrika Malm, and Olaf Winter. Tables compiled by Olaf Winter.

Department of Archaeology, University of Stockholm, and Gotland University College.

INTRODUCTION

ceramics were documented. A majority of the ceramics was found in the upper layers (fig. 1).

During the test-excavations in September-November 1999, two open-air excavations were carried out: the Oilobogwa sites 1A, 1B and 1C northwest of Mwatawa village, and the burial ground at Odubekoya, northwest of Labai village. A considerable amount of ceramics was found at all sites. At Odubekoya, 15,35 kilograms of decorated and undecorated ceramics were documented, and at the Oilobogwa sites 1A, 1B and 1C, altogether 5,73 kilograms of decorated and undecorated

Also, comparative ceramic investigations were carried out in three of the Labai burial caves: Obuwaga, Budou and Selai. In the Obuwaga cave, remains of decorated, broken pots were found. In the Budou and Selai caves, only two pieces of undecorated pottery were found (one in each cave). The potsherds found in the caves are considerably different from the ceramics found at the open-air sites, with respect to colour,

180

Toplayer

160

Layer 1 Layer2

140

Layer 3 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 Mwatawa 1A

Mwatawa 1B

Mwatawa 1C

Labai 1

Fig. 1. Average concentration of ceramics found in the different layers at the sites of Oilobogwa, Mwatawa village, and Odubekoya, Labai village, shown as grams per square meter. The table demonstrates that a majority of the ceramics appears in the top layers at all sites, and that the subsequent layers generally show a significant decrease in ceramic content. The amount of ceramics in layer 1 is, at most of the sites, about half the amount of that of the top layer, except at the Mwatawa site 1C where the amount of ceramics is almost equal in the top layer and in layer 1. At only two sites it was possible to identify ceramics in layer 3, which means that ceramics were rarely found deeper than 30 centimetres below the ground level. Diagram compiled by Jens Lindström. 126

decoration, tempering and thickness.

are considerably thicker, and the colour is greyish/brownish rather than reddish. Also, the tempering is very coarse, and the clay is less well fired.

Ceramics from the Oilobogwa Sites 1A-C at Mwatawa The excavations of Oilobogwa sites 1A-C revealed approximately six kilograms of ceramics. A majority of the sherds were found in the top layer and in layer 1 (fig. 1). Only small quantities were found exposed on the ground surface. Approximately 21 percent of the potsherds found are decorated. The decorated sherds display a variety of decoration patterns, and eighteen different types of decoration have been documented, among those incisions, appliqués, and cord marks. Obviously, several of the sherds may originate from the same pots, showing a combination of patterns (fig. 2, photo 3). No differences in tempering, thickness, or colour between the sherds from the three sites could be distinguished. Most of the clay seems to be fairly well fired. Also, the decorations seem to be representative for all excavated Oilobogwa sites. Two sherds from Site 1A show distinct traits, similar to potsherds collected on Goodenough Island in 1973 (Egloff 1977) (fig. 3). Furthermore a number of decorated sherds are corresponding to the ceramic categories used by Simon Bickler on pottery from recent excavations on Woodlark Island. The Oilobogwa ceramic categories which correspond to Bickler’s are: G: corresponds to Bicklers Early Muyuw Types Punctate Geometric 2, J: corresponds to Bicklers Geometric Gashed, and Q: which corresponds to Bicklers category Geometric Grooved and Incised (Bickler 1998: 111- 120).

The ceramics of the Obuwaga burial cave at Labai In the Obuwaga burial cave, 2,63 kilograms of ceramics were collected for comparative studies. This pottery shows no resemblance in any respect to the ceramics found at the openair excavations. The remains of at least two very large decorated pots were found. The pots are decorated with appliquéd spirals and circles (photos 1-2). The design motifs of these pots are almost identical to pottery found on Woodlark Island, and described by Bickler as Incised Curvilinear Pottery. Bickler categorize the pottery to probably late Muyuw types (Bickler 1998: 107-108). The Obuwaga pots were documented as completely intact in 1984, then containing human bones from re-burials (Burenhult, 1986: 332) (see Chapter 4, The Burial Caves). COMMENTS A detailed analysis and comparative study of the ceramics found during the 1999 excavations, and their position in the Milne Bay area context, will be presented elsewhere (Winter in prep). However, a few preliminary comments on some of the finds will be made here. No stratigraphic excavation have previously been carried out on the Trobriand Islands, with the exception of a partial investigation of one of the megalithic tombs on Kiriwina, the Otuyam site in Omarakana (Austen 1939-40), comprehensive stray-find collections have been made both on the Trobriand Islands and on e.g. Goodenough Island, Dobu Island and Woodlark Island, as well as on the New Guinea mainland coast (see e.g. Irwin 1981). Also, some investigation of the pottery from burial caves has been carried out (see e.g. Guise 1985). The pots from the Obuwaga cave bear resemblance to ceramics from Collingwood Bay, and similar pottery has also been found at the megalithic site of Otuyam and on abandoned sites on Kiriwina, and is also widely distributed on Goodenough Island (Austen 1939-40; Riesenfeld 1950:283; Egloff 1977:5; Irwin 1981:10). However, the motifs on the pots from the burial caves in Kiriwina are slightly different from the Collingwood Bay pots (Irwin 1981:12). Extensive trade of pottery from Collingwood Bay to Goodenough Island and the Trobriand Islands apparently took place between 1000 AD and 1500 AD (White & O’Connell 1982). Chemical tests prove the exported pottery to be mineralogical indistinguishable from pottery found at Wanigela in Collingwood Bay (Key 1968). Also, pottery trade from the mainland has been suggested before 1000 AD (Irwin 1981; Bickler 1998).

Ceramics from the Odubekoya site at Labai At Odubekoya, approximately 15 kilograms of decorated and undecorated ceramics were found. As opposed to the Oilobogwa sites, large quantities were found exposed on the surface: 8,64 kilograms. Of the ceramics found in the different layers, 28 percent were decorated. Also here, a majority of the sherds were found in the top layer (fig.1). The Odubekoya potsherds also display a rich variety of decoration patterns. Twenty-seven different patterns were represented, several of which are likely to have been used in combinations on the same pots (fig. 4, photos 4-5). As at Oilobogwa, a number of sherds from the Odubekoya site correspond well to Bickler’s ceramic categories: E: corresponds to Bickler’s Linear Vertical Incised Pottery, H: corresponds to Bickler’s Geometric Incised Pottery, and I: corresponds to Bicklers Fingernail Impressed forms (Bickler 1998: 123 – 131). At the excavation at the Odubekoya site, 5 inhumation burials were found, containing at least 17 individuals. In two of them, Grave no 2 and 3, decorated ceramics were found. In Grave no. 2, 10 decorated potsherds can be associated with the buried individuals. Four of these potsherds were found under the cranium of one of the individuals, and they are decorated with vague incised horizontal lines (fig. 5). All potsherds found in the graves are made of reddish clay with a fine sand tempering, and appears to have been well fired. They show clear resemblances to the Oilobogwa pottery, although the latter appears to be less well fired. Technically, the sherds from the graves are distinctly different from the ones found on the surface and in the top layer, both with respect to pot size, colour, tempering and firing. The sherds from the surface and layer 1

Stylistic traits and X-ray diffraction analyses of clays have shown that the Trobriand Islands, Goodenough Island, and Collingwood Bay were involved in pottery trade between 1000 AD and 1500 AD. This pottery has been regarded as ancestral to the Amphlett ware, which is the only pottery known in the Kula trade of more recent times (Egloff 1978). Amphlett ware subsequently replaced the mainland Collingwood Bay trade, and at about 1500 AD, the Amphlett potters achieved a

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monopoly on the Trobriand market (Irwin 1981:13).

Burenhult, G. 1986. Speglingar av den förflutna. Höganäs.

Acknowledgements

Egloff, B. (ed.) 1977. Pottery of of Papua New Guinea. The National Collection. Port Moresby.

We wish to thank Nick Araho, Chief Curator of Prehistory at the Papua New Guinea National Museum, for allowing us access to the ceramic collections for comparative studies. We would also like to thank Li Olsson and Sven Österholm for making the drawings for this chapter.

Egloff, B. 1978. The Kula Before Malinowski: A Changing Configuration. Mankind 11.

REFERENCES

Guise, A. 1985. Oral tradition and archaeological sites in the Eastern Central Province. Record No. 9. P.N.G. National Museum. Boroko. Papua New Guinea.

Austen 1939-40. Megalithic Structures in Kiriwina, Trobriand Islands. Oceania 10.

Irwin, G. 1981. Archaeology in the Kula area. Papers presented at the Second Kula Conference, University of Virginia.

Bickler, S.H. 1998. Eating stone and dying: Archaeological survey on Woodlark Island, Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea. UMI Dissertation Service. Michigan (Unpublished dissertation).

Riesenfeld, A. 1950. The Megalithic Cultures of Melanesia. Leiden. White, J.P. & O’Connell, J.F. 1982. A Prehistory of Australia, New Guinea and Sahul. North Ryde.

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Fig. 2. Decoration categories: Oilobogwa site 1a, 1b, 1c, Mwatawa. Drawings by Olaf Winter

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Fig. 3. Examples of potsherds from Goodenough Island and Kiriwina.

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Fig. 4. Decoration categories: Odubekoya, Labai. Drawings by Li Olsson.

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The Oral Traditions of Labai and Mwatawa Pia Andersson Department of Archaeology, University of Stockholm, Sweden

INTRODUCTION

myths are the prime source of knowledge of history. Hence the initial effort of this archaeological endeavour began with a survey heavily relying on data from the oral tradition of the local people. The native stories and legends of ancient whereabouts are without doubt what directed us to the places of potential archaeological sites. Likewise the legends and myths might in time find themselves influenced by our archaeological results, and so the inevitable effect one has on the other should be obvious. Thus the motivation for this attempt to study a selected portion of the oral tradition as part of this archaeological expedition.

As it fell on my behalf to map the traditional local knowledge of the sites we excavated, I was fortunate to extend my knowledge of the culture we were dealing with to include, not only the archaeological data the findings produced, but also a more intrusive understanding of the local view of history and of prehistoric remains. This includes how this view might have changed with the influence of Christianity and an Englishspeaking, Westernised school-system and how we – as archaeologists – and our methods to find the truth, were perceived by the locals. But more than that I soon found myself delving into more areas than what I had set out to do in the first place. As it seemed, after all, the correlation between legends (myths, oral traditions called liliu), knowledge, power and politics on the Trobriand Islands far exceeded my initial impressions and comprehension of the subject of study. These, seemingly distinct aspects of a society in our Western world, I found on Kiriwina to be tightly knitted together in an intricate web of mutual dependence.

With sufficient education only in the discipline of archaeology and merely modest experience of anthropological methods, from studies of religious movements in our own contemporary society, I took on this task with no more tools than a very sincere interest, an insatiable inquisitiveness and a trust in my own common sense and ability to improvise. A personal interest as well as judgment of its relevance to the archaeological work also directed me in enclosing the obvious questions of the archaeological remains, with additional questions more focused on the local view of history of origin for the Trobriand people. I have deliberately chosen to leave all anthropological literature out of this study at this stage, making it a pure fieldwork result in the most strict sense, for practical reasons as well as considered and calculated motives. Hereby, this study seeks to reflect today’s Trobriand culture and its knowledge of the past, as unbiased as can be by preset expectations and preconceived ideas. As the result of this study would probably have looked different if filtered by and compared to the works of Bronislaw Malinowski, Annette Weiner and the others, one might find this disregard as not being the most desirable solution. Nevertheless it’s a one chance method of learning, as knowledge is undoubtedly easier to add on than to ignore and not be influenced by, once there. Consequently the choice of this disregard, when confronted with the Trobriand culture for the first time.

Additionally, one advantage of spending a great deal of time in the villages, talking to the locals, also yielded an insight on the impact our archaeological presence had in their society. Ever so often I found myself being the one answering questions – instead of asking them – of our whereabouts and reasons for coming and doing what we did. In their confrontation with us and our scientific framework, I noticed a slight difference in both interest and respect, most probably correlating to the level of education and previous amount of exposure to the Western culture. While people from all categories asked questions, I sometimes found the reasons behind their questioning and their interpretations of the answers to be slightly different. The current as well as ex-students of Kiriwina High School, who were familiar with the scientific method and the Western worldview from school, and also briefly introduced to archaeological methods in school-books, often had a lot of genuine curiosity, earnestly wanting to understand and learn more of our work. While some of the older and less educated did too, I also found a lot of them very happy and content with the traditional truths about history, not concerning themselves too much with the endless amount of holes we dug or why we did it.

How and where During our stay of two months at Mwatawa beach on Kiriwina, I conducted around twenty interviews with local people (see list of references). Although my knowledge of the Kilivila language grew day by day, it alas remained far too modest for use in extensive discussions and queries. Therefore I stand in eternal gratitude to some very generous and helpful local people, who spent extensive amount of time with me, translating Kilivila into English (see list of references) – sometimes from tape recordings, sometimes simultaneously during the interview itself. Most of all I owe gratitude to Dr. linus digim’Rina, as he did not only translate, but also introduced me to people with

Why and what Generally the use of legends as guidelines for archaeological excavations is a distinctive characteristic of non-academic, pseudoscientific archaeology. Nevertheless there might be of use to apply a more humble approach concerning the potentials for integration of legend material, when applying archaeology in non-literate societies – societies where oral tradition and

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valuable knowledge and spent extensive time explaining the relationships in the Trobriand web of cultural expressions. To him I also owe the initiative of involving the students of Kiriwina High School in the work of collecting legends of origin. This co-operation did more than just help me covering a wider area, as it also introduced the local students to the interest of their grandparents’ old legends and the importance of appreciating aspects of the culture threatened by oblivion.

are of interest. According to linus, the meaning of the Liliu for the Trobriander includes important social aspects such as identity, status, power, rights and security. Therefore we will begin with trying to follow the pattern of relationships between the origin tales and the knowledge of them, the power of having the “correct” knowledge of them, and the politics surrounding these issues. Our own archaeological presence, I hasten to suggest, gradually became part of some of the conflicts emanating from these oft-sensitive issues. It might also be relevant, I suggest again, for us to take a closer look at these whilst trying to reflect on the challenges of archaeological excavations, or any other research endeavour for that matter, in a traditional society like the Trobriands’.

The selection of interviewed people was determined mostly by age and to some extent by social rank, due to the presumed close relationship between knowledge, status and power. That apart, the selection criteria was further relied heavily upon the fate of whoever I happened to come in contact with during these two months. One person usually led to another, and I owe also here immense gratitude to a lot of people - both local villagers, local academics and Swedish team members introducing me to other prospects for interviews. While our archaeological work was limited to the areas of Mwatawa and Labai villages and their vicinity, I found it insufficient to limit the study of oral tradition in the same manner, as one of the project’s hypotheses in choosing the selected area was due to its uniqueness as a centre in the tales of origin for all groups all over the Trobriand Islands. Consequently, I expanded the area of attention – as much as time and effort allowed – to also include some of the villages nearby (Bwetavaia, Tubowada and Liluta), as well as a journey to the Paramount Chief of the Trobriand Islands in Omarakana village. I also had the opportunity to talk at length with some of the local intellectuals – Kevin Kaidoga of Ayebwelim village, Topsi Mokotubasi, the executive officer of the Kiriwina Local Government in Losuia and linus digim’Rina.

The intricate relationship of knowledge and power The introduction of literacy no doubt enabled us for the first time to preserve knowledge and information for future use, in a way that prevent vulneralibity to distortion through inadequate memory as in oral traditions. As long as reading and writing stays a privileged tool of exploitation it will be tightly knitted together with social and political power. However, when the aim is to democratize literacy – as the intentions of the Western school system – that will unfortunately not bode well with the oral traditional social system of power. Hence the problems I encountered as I – while blindfolded by my own cultural values of knowledge – set off to find out all there was to learn of the local knowledge of Trobriand ancient history. At first I was fascinated when confronted with the abundance of inconsistency of details in the legends, perceived it as a natural and accepted part of oral tradition and started reconsidering my own society’s preoccupation with trifle facts. But as time went by, I began to understand that the inconsistency of details were the mere core of social and political power in this oral traditional society. Knowledge on the Trobriand Islands is a delicate thing. As you gain power and prestige by showing your knowledge, you also take a risk by giving it to someone, making that person able to eventually gain a dominant position in relation to you. The question of who has the right to certain knowledge is a topic of frequent debate, nevertheless as these matters invariably point to land ownership and disputes that go with it, linus explained. Land, it seems therefore, is the common denominator. A group can “own” a legend or tale of origin, in a way that they alone can claim to have the correct knowledge of it. Hence this imply that certain knowledge should stay within a clan or group, thereby preventing the potential risk of being appropriated and misused by others. Kevin Kaidoga explains:

This study, concerning oral traditions surrounding the area and sites chosen for archaeological survey, stand in proportion to the time and effort available for the study, and has therefore its own limitations as the expedition was primarily an archaeological one. It is by no means exhaustive and cannot in any way claim to explain or arrive at conclusions with any certainty as yet. As such it should be viewed as an initial attempt wishing to inspire and generate more thorough investigations, maybe preferably solely under the cloak of the anthropological discipline, and not as an archaeologist’s extra job on the side. Besides aspiring to elucidate the comprehension of the function and meaning of oral traditions in the Trobriand culture, I nonetheless admit that this is a mere superficial representation of some of the current local knowledge of the chosen ancient sites and tales pertaining to the origin of the Trobriand people. THE SOCIOLOGICAL FUNCTION OF TALES OF ORIGIN

“I [wish to] highlighted [sic] an important point for all anthropologists to know. I said: ‘Your historical background is an asset to your clan, I myself – Kwenama tribe [sic] – can be very general with you, to tell you I came from there, and this is where I went and what and you know, but I can’t go in details with respect to the landclaims and other things, because if another clan posesses [acquires] that knowledge he [they] can use it against you.’ That’s why I made a point to all the researchers. That’s why any person who give you… if you are researching stories or information like that, you

Before entering the realm of Trobriand tales of origin there are some aspects concerning the legends’ existence – primarily their meaning and function – that are valuable to reflect upon in the process of understanding their relevance in an archaeological context. On the Trobriand Islands there are basically three kinds of legends. The so called Vinavina and Kukwanebu legends differ from the Liliu legends in the way that they are not believed as true stories. Hence, regarding tales of origin considered as historical facts, only the Liliu legends

143

can only get a segment of it, you can’t get the rest, because it belongs to that clan. It’s an asset to that clan. It must be kept a secret.”

influence the Trobriand society both through Christianity and the school-system, there ought to be some major confrontations of different value-systems ahead. Or might the two be able to continue to live side by side? The relationship between knowledge and power is nevertheless an important factor to consider, when trying to access knowledge of this kind, or when attempting to interfere with its foundations.

Hence the problem with correct knowledge. As there are no ordinary encyclopedias to tell the “true facts” of things, the issue can be – and is – debated. There is one person though, perceived by most Trobrianders as the one who has surpreme authority and “ownership” of the correct knowledge, and one might compare him to a living encyclopedia – the Paramount Chief stationed in Omarakana, Guyau Pulayasi. When linus and I met with him, in the end of the two months of interviews, I was very curious of his versions – of the supposed true versions – of the tales of ancient history and of the sites we excavated. What he told us bestowed me with important insight, though I must confess, not of the kind I had expected beforehand. Pulayasi nicely but firmly told me that if I wanted information from him I should have come to him first. Now it was too late.

The delicate relationship of archaeology and politics The Swedish archaeological investigations on Kiriwina are attempting to interfere with the foundations of knowledge, and will thereby, though maybe more inadvertently, also interfere with the cornerstones of social power. Consequently the conflicts of political nature in confrontation with the local authorities. More than once, secret plots were made to send us all home, linus revealed to us afterwards. Most of us stayed happily unaware of those events, since linus himself managed to solve some of the problems and misunderstandings. But other conflicts were more obvious. The importance of having a close and frequent communication with the local villagers was repeatedly being underestimated. As rumours travel as fast as they grow out of proportion in small societies, our comprehension of a situation was not significant if not conceived as such by the locals. Hence the importance of rhetoric and the skill of communicating and negotiating should not be overlooked.

The day after our visit to Omarakana linus explained that Pulayasi is not particularly happy with researchers and anthropologists choosing the sites and informants first, and not until later on realizing they have to come to him as well. Preferably they should go to him first, if they want any information from him anyway. According to linus, Pulayasi does not mind researchers choosing to do research on other parts of the islands than in Omarakana, and having other informants than himself. However, his concern is that most researchers – especially on the issues of origin – will never get the overall picture, and hence not the real and correct origin picture. Rather just a fragment of it or worse, a totally warped picture, when only asking informants other than himself. He suggests that the best way of researching on matters of origin is to start in the center (Pulayasi and Omarakana) and then to spread out from there, not the other way around. Indeed a very valuable piece of advice that however reached me just a little too late to be able to make use of. Nevertheless, it might be worth noting for future research of this kind.

Not intending to leave our camp master Håkan Lundberg without credit concerning negotiation skills, our greatest asset in this regard was without doubt linus digim’Rina. Besides having one foot in each world, as both a Trobriander and an academic, he was also equipped with the social skills of a rhetorician. When the questions concerning the excavations and our procedures and intentions became more sticky, and we also started having some trouble with disturbances of the excavation sites (moving bones around etc.), linus gave an informative but casual lecture in both the Mwatawa and Labai villages. He told the local villagers of the procedures of archaeology, the potentials of the results and the reasons of the importance of leaving the excavation sites undisturbed when we were not there. He also invited them to ask questions. We concluded that this kind of open communication is beneficial had it been done at an earlier stage.

More pertinently, Pulayasi further explained that “Tolosi and the others had no right whatsoever” to tell legends of origin, and that they “have no knowledge of that matter anyway”. Since they were merely the keepers of the land, not of knowledge of that kind. Likewise we met the same kind of attitude concerning ownership of legend knowledge in the hamlet of Kemwamwala at Liluta village, where Pakarai told us the “true” version of the Tudava story. “This is our legend. The true legend of Tudava. Others do not have the right to it, and should not attempt to tell it. We own it, by ancestral rights, since we are the true descendents of Tudava,” the old man explained. In the same fashion I found myself a lot of times confronted with claims and allegations such as: “Oh, he doesn’t know the real story, I know the real story” or “They don’t have access to knowledge like this, only we do. That’s why they say it’s not true.”

The conflict that occured towards the end of our stay illustrates the points outlined above. As our excavation at Odubekoya (the excavation site near Labai village) uncovered more and more graves, the villagers became more anxious as a result of misinformation and ignorance. The locals directing us to this site were obviously not prepared for the findings we made there, as they had only known it as an old village and not a graveyard. Rumours soon had it (falsely) that the Swedish archaeologists were going to take the bones of the Labai ancestors to Sweden, never to be seen in Papua New Guinea again. On top of this an unknown man from Giwa village on Kaileuna island reported to the local government police in Losuia that Topsi, the leader in Labai village, had taken far too little as payment in order for us to excavate on the land. Moreso, this was not his land to decide over, they said, but land belonging to the government of Papua New Guinea. Consequently the police came one

While the restriction of knowledge seemed to be the traditional, old-fashioned attitude, the local intellectuals had another approach to learning. They shared both extensively and willingly, believing in the importance of preserving the old knowledge before it is forgotten, and maybe also partly in the equality of access to knowledge. As the Western values 144

morning with the intentions of arresting him and also Polomla, the village elder in Mwatawa village. After some heated and yet very diplomatic deliberations the matter was put to rest. Both Topsi and Polomla assured us, much to our own relief, that they were not so concerned about the situation as they knew they were in the right. Although they would probably go to trial to solve the issue. In the final analysis however, it became a non-issue as the instigator of the problem had it all wrong from the beginning.

ago. There used to be a big village there, but because they were fighting a lot with Mwatawa people so they brought them to that place and the shark ate them all. And no more village.” But while the stories about Oilobogwa are scarce there are more stories to be told of the area around Mwatawa. Augustin, Mwexie and Andrew all mention another equally old village on the west side of Mwatawa called Mwama, now gone. It was not very big, just a few families, therefore they had to move back to Mwatawa. Augustin tells how the Mwama people, like the Oilobogwa, also used to fight a lot: “Mwama people too much fighting. Told them to go to Ferguson island to live there. So they did.”

I hasten to suggest that most of the conflicts the excavation team confronted, one way or the other, boiled down to one common thing – money. (Locals not agreeing on the amount of money to be paid or not distributing the given amount of money in a fair manner among themselves). The monetary system is not yet fully controlling the Trobriand society – probably because of everyone’s sufficient access to food through the common practice of gardening – but the creation of new needs come with the influence of Western values, and with that also the infatuation with money. There might be no simple step-bystep universal solution of how best to deal with this problem when doing archaeological excavations in non-monetary based societies, as it seems that while dealing with the problem one inevitably worsens it as well. Perhaps a greater awareness of the issues involved might help, as well as bestowing more time in trying to understand the problems that may arise before they do. Not to say the least, an appreciation of the fact that archaeological issues can never quite escape the political – wherever in the world we find ourselves – should never be overlooked.

There are also different versions of legends explaining the relationship between Mwatawa and Labai. According to legend, Labai is sometimes refered to as the big brother while Mwatawa is the small brother. Topsi Mokotubasi tells the story of how this came to be: “Now, there was a man called Tudava. Now, that Tudava of Malasi clan, from my clan. He stayed with his brother Toriba. Now, they were staying together in Labai. After staying there, one day they fought. They had a quarrel and then they fought. They quarreled over a girl. One of them was married, Tudava was married to the girl, from Lukuba clan. Now, his brother was trying to take the girl away from his brother. Maybe he has too many wives, you know that is typical of this kind of people. He has many wives. Now, the younger brother was trying to get the girl from Lukuba clan, or a subclan of Lukwasisiga clan, so they quarreled over that girl, and they quarreled and they started fighting, so he chased his brother out. He chased his brother out, and his brother – Toriba – they went to the beach, and from the beach they went across, to where you are staying now, and the brother decided to come to the village of Mwatawa and stay there. He settled in Mwatawa.”

LEGENDS RELATED TO THE EXCAVATION SITES After a brief introduction of the backstage setting, as well as some food for thought concerning archaeology’s relation to oral tradition, we will now turn our attention to the actual legends themselves, the Trobriand myths and tales of origin. Chapter 1 – 6 of this archaeological report, have already made you aquainted with our four areas of excavation – Oilobogwa, Odubekoya and the Selai and Budou caves. We now know the archaeological data of these places, and have also heard the archaeologists’ theories and conclusions, drawn by presented facts. But what are the locals’ stories of these places, and how well do they coincide with the archaeological data? To find this out we will now take a closer look at the legend material surrounding these areas of excavation.

Nagaruwa and Polomla calls one of the brothers Siketawaga, but disregarding that, the stories seem to want to explain the same taboos and nature-anomalies. Polomla, and others with him, use the legend to explain the feet imprints in the coral rocks on the way between the village and the beach, both in Labai and Mwatawa. There seem to be some confusion of which of the two brothers committed adultery, as there are different versions. Topsi of Labai tells of how Tudava, the older brother, committed adultery with his younger brothers wife, and the big brother chased the younger from Labai all the way to Mwatawa, stamping the corals with heavy, angry feet. Nagaruwa has a more loving version of the brother legend: “Tokulakalala and Siketawaga [were] two brothers from Labai. Siketawaga came to Mwatawa. Her grandfather [Siketawaga – Nagaruwa’s ancestor] saw a woman there sitting, dumb. He did magic on her mouth with memetu and magic words. He married her and brought her to the village. But the older brother married her, and told his younger brother Siketawaga to take care of the other side of the village: ‘You gave me your wife, I give you anything,’ he said.”

Legends of Oilobogwa and the area around Mwatawa village The stories about the Oilobogwa site outside Mwatawa village are scarce and modest. It is simply referred to as an old village (Mwexie, Nagaruwa, Topsi Mokotubasi, Andrew, Augustin). Polomla, elder and leader of Mwatawa village, tells us: “Oilobogwa used to be a village. Mwatawa too, but these Oilobogwa people used to fight a lot. So Mwatawa people went and chased them and then took all of them and brought them down to Kiau, there’s a place called Kiau. And then a shark ate them all. And no more village of Oilobogwa. There may be two or three generations

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Topsi of Labai, Topsi Mokotubasi, Polomla and Nagaruwa explain that the older brother was later offered water and food in Mwatawa by his younger brother, but threw it away. Hence the still existing taboo of Labai people not being allowed to eat food or drink water from Mwatawa. Tudava later killed his brother Toriba, Topsi Mokotubasi explains, and took his body and carried it around to different villages, trying to make them eat it, but everybody said no. Finally some Dobuan traders took it and ate it, as the legends suggests the Dobuans used to be cannibals. There are quite a few different versions of stories about cannibals, and a lot of them refer to the abundance of skeletal remains in the caves. Hence we will discuss the cannibal issue more closely below.

Besides the spinning yamhouse, the houses for living also looked different from today. Mwebwena says he does not know how many houses were there, but it was a “little bit big village”, but smaller than Labai of today. About the houses he says: “A hole… and make fire on the ground. Posts are in the house and the roof goes all the way to the ground. And the floor is the ground. So they sleep on the ground.” He also explains why: “Because you know those times there’s [were] many sorcerers. If you make your floor up, sorcerers will be under your house, and they make you die very quickly. So they have to make the roof all the way to the ground, stopping from people entering.” When asked why the house design is different today, he says: “Because most of the magic-people had died …most of them had died, so they decided to lift the post up and the floor up. And the other thing is this: they found out that living on the ground caused a lot of disease and sicknesses, so they have to change the way they do the houses and make the floors up. Yeah, these are the two main reasons why.”

Legends of Odubekoya and the area around Labai village In contrast to Oilobogwa, the legends of the excavation site on the hill north of Labai village are more abundant. There are different versions and detailed descriptions of this place, mostly described as the origin place of all Trobriand people. Close to the Odubekoya site is a place called Obukula, where – according to legend – the very first people of the Trobriand Islands are supposed to have emerged from the ground. It is said to be an entrance to a cave or a tunnel there, but nowadays hidden by magic. Consequently, the Obukula area is prohibited. Today, the theory of an accident at sea off the shores at Labai beach, seek to explain in a more rational way the sudden emergence of human beings on the island, and why they appeared right here at Labai. One can speculate if this transformation of meaning will, in time, remove the magic significance of Labai, as a result from questioning whether there might have been other shipwrecks elsewhere around the Trobriand Islands.

Mwebwena goes on to say that they buried their dead behind their houses. He says: “The spot you are digging, that’s where, that… this side is for burial. Long ago they used sticks, they used sticks to do all the work – gardening and bury people. So they just dug about 30 centimeters or 20, and put the dead people. Just to cover it. And did they use to give gifts in the grave with the dead person? No, no. No gifts? No, no gifts. No utukema? No. Memetu? No. Ceramics? No. If he really loves his son, and the son dies, if [then] he [is] going to put some gifts inside, if not – just leave him without gifts, you bury him.” As the ship sank outside the coast of Labai beach, and the survivors swam to the shores and, after living in Selai cave for a while, found the tunnel leading to Obukula, Bomyoyewa was, according to legend, their very first settlement on the Trobriand Island. It is described with much detail in which order the different groups of people emerged out of the Obukula enterance. Tolosi explains that between Obukula and Bomyoyewa is a place called Vaisi, meaning “to divide”, and it was here those first people divided themselves into different groups (kumila and dala). After staying some time in the village on Odubekoya, they decided to find a new place to stay as it was too windy on the mountain, and so they left Bomyoyewa and came to the place where the present village of Labai lies.

Topsi Mokotubasi explains that the actual name of the old settlement is not Odubekoya, as that is the name of the area, simply meaning “on top of the hill” (koya meaning hill or mountain). The name of the old village is Bomyoyewa, named after the significant yamhouse which gave the village its fame. This yamhouse had just one post, instead of today’s four, and it spins as the wind blows. According to Mwebwena the legend says that the ancestors used magic to keep this yamhouse on its post in this spinning state, and that this magic later was lost: “Yes, they used magic. So, wherever the wind blows the yamhouse stands towards the wind. Now, it’s lost. Nobody… Tolosi doesn’t have the magic. It’s lost.” Topsi Mokotubasi explains:

Legends of Selai and Budou and other neighbouring caves

“When the wind blows it spins around, because there is only one post. We do not know how they did it. They tied some strings here […] you put timber like this and they build a house, a yamhouse. So if the wind is blowing, it sort of faces the wind. So, if the wind is blowing from the east it faces the east. But for what reason? Why was it spinning? Why they used this yamhouse? I really do not know why they used it. But after using it for a while, they started using another yamhouse with two posts – one here and one at the back. And then you have little small supporters here. […] When the wind is blowing very hard, it usually take the top, the roof, it takes the roof and takes it down, so they decided to use another kind.”

A rich flora of oral tradition concerns the affluence of coral caves on the island. As most of them, either small or enormous in size, contain an abundance of human skeletal remains, they do inspire imagination. The most popular explanations for the presence of human bones talk of giants and cannibals, and not too seldom is the leading figure of the legend attributed with both these qualities. Of all the caves the local villagers showed us in the area around Mwatawa and Labai, two were chosen for a closer survey and bone analysis – the Selai cave and the Budou cave. As both are located on the way between Labai village and the beach, their location also implies their historical significance concerning tales of origin. But there were also smaller caves in the neighbourhood, with floors covered with human bones, that adhered to the oral tradition. 146

When asked about old legends concerning Labai and Mwatawa area in ancient times, almost everyone told their version of the legend of Dokanikani and Tudava. It seems that this might be one of the most popular liliu legend’s of today’s northern Kiriwina. While confronted with around 15 versions of this story I must conclude that their conformity is nevertheless impressive. To give a brief outline of the legend, it tells of a giant by the name of Topilayu, but mostly known by the name of Dokanikani. Where he originally came from is generally unknown, but he settled in Silakwa, not far from Liluta village. As there was severe hunger on the island, he started eating human beings and liked it so much that he ate all the people in the villages nearby, and in some versions all the people on Kiriwina, except six brothers and their sister Mitigisi/Bolitukwa. They managed to flee from their home in Liluta and came to Labai beach. From there they travelled to Keli island, leaving their sister behind, as there was not enough space for her in the canoes. She hid in the Selai cave for many years, got pregnant and gave birth to a son – Tudava – which would turn out a hero, challenging the giant and finally killing him, more due to his cleverness and his mother’s magical herbs than pure physical strength. The head of the giant was sent in a wooden bowl to her brothers at Keli. Thereby they understood the giant was killed and returned to Kiriwina.

catching men for eating as they went by on their way to the beach for fishing. Similarly, there are stories of male giants who lived alone in caves surviving on eating human flesh. Some of the caves were also used in a special way when fishing the Kalala fish (mullet). Magic surrounds the fishing procedures of this special fish, and in the past, when the moon stood in its right position for Kalala fishing, nobody was allowed to die in the villages, as this would disturb the magic. The old and sick people, close to death, were sent off to a cave, to wait for death there, while the magical fishing took place, Topsi Mokotubasi explains – he being the one in charge of the Kalala fishing magic today. Even though the name “Selai” is more frequently mentioned than Budou in the oral tradition, both concerning tales of origin and other liliu legends, this might be misleading. A lot of times one simply refers to “the Labai cave”, meaning anyone of the caves in that area. As the Selai and Budou caves are situated only about eighty meters apart, it might be reasonable to suggest they have both at times been the Labai cave of central attention. But there are also stories of people living in one of the two caves, while burying their dead in the other. Concerning the practice of secondary burial, which a lot of the skeletal remains in the caves seem to indicate, there seems not to be anything left in oral tradition of this, or at least there is no knowledge of it that the locals were willing to share, I might say. This could very well be a situation due to the impact of Christianity, as some educated locals can confirm this practice, abandoned less than a century ago. All that is said of old burial customs today is that sometimes the people wrapped the dead in banana leaves and laid them inside the caves, sometimes they dug holes with sticks and buried them in the ground. Mostly, I was just told that they have always buried the people the way they do today, again pointing towards the missionarie’s success in changing cultural values.

Besides this framework of events, the oral tradition has kept record of an abundance of details concerning the Dokanikani and Tudava legend, about which I will not go into further detail here. Though this legend might not carry essential relevance concerning our archaeological excavation sites, it does stage all its crucial moments in the Labai area. In fact, it is possible to trace almost every single event in the legend along the trail from Odubekoya down to the Labai beach, as all the places along the trail are named after events from the legend. Likewise, the Selai cave holds a central place, as this is the home and cache of Mitigisi and her son Tudava. Some versions of the legend also explain how Mitigisi got pregnant when laying down in the cave, having drops of water from the cave ceiling enter her body, thereby inspiring her other name – Bolitukwa (litukwa meaning dripping water, in this case, from the stalactites).

The caves today are mainly used as rain and sun shelters, as working and washing places, and the thousand bats that haunt Selai cave make good prey. The human skulls and bones that lie around are not taken much notice of. Although the water in a cave full of bones, like Budou, is generally not used as drinking water, it can be used for swimming and washing, as the relationship to their ancestor’s remains is casual and children play with them without any scoulding from adults. As some locals have realized the profitable attraction these caves have on tourists, one often finds the bones re-arranged to enhance the legend of the giant’s last supper. Philip of Bwetavaia has found himself a skull of religious use. He claims to have received a message from God (the Christian God) commanding him to go into the Selai cave and fetch the skull of a person named David. According to himself, he now uses the skull, as well as some additional bones, as a Christian disciple, while praying and enhancing strength, power and talent in different ways.

But there are also other versions of legends of a giant called Dokanikani. Bovaragima tells the story of how Dokanikani’s own relatives got tired of his cannibalism and managed to trick him, leaving him on another island. Augustin admits to Dokanikani being one of his own family’s ancestors, and explains how two brothers, tired of him fighting too much, tricked Dokanikani and left him on Ferguson Island. Giyounawana writes about two giants, a female one from Mwama and a male one from Silakwa. Sometimes Dokanikani is not referred to as an individual, but a kind of people who eats other people – cannibals. Likewise, to be a giant sometimes implied eating human beings as well. Andrew talks of three dala that were more violent than others: “They were dokanikani – the kind of people that eats people,” he explains.

As a last comment on the oral tradition surrounding the caves, the human bones, giants and cannibals, I would like to cite the educated local Kevin Kaidoga’s comments on these issues. When I asked him why the Dokanikani story always came up he said:

The smaller caves in the area are often referred to as shelters in war times. The wounded were then both treated and buried in the caves, Mwexie explains. There are stories of a female giant who lived alone in one of the caves, hiding behind stones and

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“Dokanikani is not an old legend. It happened before, in that respect that there were Dokanikani here before. There was a giant here, …so many years ago, and he ate a lot of people and what… so it’s not really… It’s a true story too. He was here. There was a man-eater on the island once. But nobody has taken the time to study that – what were giants really from? But there was really a giant here, on the Trobriand islands, because the man… the historian was – who died already – a very good historian, I would have referred him to you. His grandfather tried to fight the giant, so that he could… he killed and ate a lot of people and the giant killed him, and that’s the story, and when he tells that story about [how] he fell, he’ll tell you, about Mwanausi, his great grandfather who fought with the giant.”

More examples of this we find in the legends of origin from the Kiriwina High School students: “When the first people came to the Trobriand Islands, they lived in one group. They lived in caves. These people are not what they call from Labai. They are said to be the first people to come. Their leaders were two sisters namely: Botilakoba and Bokuruodu. Their cave was situated in the middle of Labai and we can still find the cave even to this day. There is water inside. […] They stayed in Labai for some time and then they decided to move on.” (Nicola Kasaipwalova) or “Early in the past, the ancestors of todays inhabitants of Trobriand Islands came from various directions of the island. For eg. some of them [who] came to settle the inland came from the north of the island from Labai caves.” (Paul Kamtabogi) and “They [There] were three women [who] came out of Labai cave. They came out and they were walking until they reached Kemwamwala and it was already dark. So they just stayed there to sleep.” (Josaline Miseya).

TALES OF ORIGIN OF THE TROBRIAND PEOPLE One can say that the discipline of archaeology, dealing with origin and development, in some ways aspire to replace religion as it endeavour to answer some of the most fundamental religious questions. The ‘wheres’, ‘hows’, ‘whens’ and ‘whys’ concerning our origin are all topics of interest and focus in both religious and archaeological agendas. As there is little scientific knowledge of how and when the Melanesian islands (including the Trobriands) were initially settled by people, this archaeological excavation aimed at trying to shed some light on these questions. Thus it became a natural part of the study of oral tradition to include this topic as well. What was the local knowledge of the issues which established science didn’t know? What were the local beliefs of the origin’s ‘wheres’, ‘hows’, ‘whens’ and ‘whys’ that archaeology sought to replace? Who were the first people on the Trobriand Islands, and how, when and why did they come here, according to the oral tradition of the islanders themselves?

There is also a frequent mentioning of people emerging from holes in the ground, mostly from Labai, but also from elsewhere. While most informants talk of emergence from holes, Mwexie shows us the group of stones from where his ancestors originally came from. He says the ancestors’ spirits still live in these stones and help their clansmen, while frightening the other groups of people. Mwexie explains: “This is how we came out of the rocks. Long, long ago there was a man who was related to my family. But we don’t know… some of them stayed inside the rocks, some of them they used to go to the caves. That’s where my clan, I mean my ancestors came from the rock. That is the first thing they did. They came out from here and moved, and they moved to the place here.” The leader of Bwetavaia village, Mubeona, explains that in the past, they used to believe that the people of Bwetavaia originated from a hole in the ground in a place called Bwedaga, not far from Bwetavaia village. But today they claim to know better: “In fact we came from Asia with two sails, and then from Labai side,” Mubeona clarifies. Onesmas’ grandmother Kisa also talks of holes in the ground concerning the issue of origin: “There were some holes formulated [formed] into the ground. And they went and imaged from… the name is Mukunela, near the airport there is a hole from were they came out. But they are the original inhabitants of this place near Labai – that cave. And they went through the channel. They just travelled under the ground. Most of the island is covered with channels. So, they came out of the hole and they settled. […] All people come from Labai, and they came to Labai from Kaileuna. And from Kaileuna they came from Dobu.”

Emerging from the ground During interviews, when questioned on the origin of the Trobriand people, most local villagers would only answer in respect of their own clan’s (kumila) and subclan’s (dala) origin, whereas knowledge of the origin of the people of all Trobriand Islands seemed a knowledge only a few possessed, or wanted to touch upon. This probably refers back to the issue of land ownership as being the reason for treating this delicate subject with caution. Hence, many dala origin tales describe how the first ancestors travelled around discovering new places or were sent off in different directions, for example Veronica Peter’s tale of origin from Vakuta island as well as Joseph Bewada’s origin legend of Kudukabilia dala and Naboila Tauriki’s legend about Sakapu dala. The typical story of a dala origin, although ever so unique and original, almost always in some way seem to refer to Labai, as Kevin Kaidoga puts it: “Many people come back to Labai saying they came from Labai, which is true. Many different clans. All over the island. Some clans didn’t come through Labai, they joined them in different beaches, and they have their own versions and they have their own stories about their own clans, you see. But, the Trobrianders believe, that the earliest settlers, the first people who landed on the Trobriand Islands, came through Labai.”

Before Labai While some of the Trobrianders of today are not satisfied with an explanation of a mysterious emergence out of the ground, from holes or rocks, a more rational version has gained popularity. According to Demalakilivilas grandfather Kabinanu, two sailing boats with dimdims, white people, came many, many years ago from east Asia. They were sailing around, discovering the world, but as they came to the Trobriand Islands one of the ships sank just outside Labai beach. While the other ship sailed on, the surviving people of the misfortuned ship swam to the shores of north-west Kiriwina. Some people 148

settled in the caves on the shore while some climbed over the cliffs and came to Labai. Kabinanu explains how the population multiplied and people thereafter spread all over the island looking for food, for some time living like nomads as hunters and gatherers.

the Tabalu, the Kweoma and the Ibuya, soon left Obukula and the village that was founded there, Bomyoyewa, to move on – first to Labai village, and then further on to the inlands. It was agreed upon that only the Tabalu, Kweoma and Ibuya dala would stay on in Labai, and the others were to move out towards the inland. Tudava of Malasi clan (not to be confused with the Tudava of Lukuba clan who killed Dokanikani) – who was the leader at that time – and his sister Malita, was in charge of this endeavour, deciding which group should go where, according to Topsi Mokotubasi. The different groups moved to different areas of the island and founded new villages. From that point in history the issue of origin is beginning to become a rather precarious business, as we now inevitably touched upon the subject of land ownership, dealing with questions of who were first and where. Given the sensitivity of the issue and my own relative ignorance of Kiriwina ‘politics’, I choose not to divulge any further details of the whereabouts of this initial conquest of the Trobriand Islands.

Andrew, the father of David and Mwadakula, tells of how the ancestors came with ships from the north. One boat capsized and the survivors swam to Labai beach. There were both black and white people, who at first chose to live as one clan, not divided up in four like today. On the question of why today’s Trobrianders are black, if their ancestors were white dimdims, both Kabinanu and Andrew answer that the skin colour changed to black from living for so many generations in the warm and sunny climate of the Trobriands. Andrew further explained how they did not live at Labai, but built rafts and sailed to other islands, like Gawa and Kitava, before settling down in Mtawa village. There they finally decided to divide themselves into the four clans that still exist today – Malasi, Lukuba, Lukwasisiga and Lukulabuta. From Mtawa groups of people started to move out. First out was the Tabalu dala, as they settled at Omarakana village, according to Andrew. High School student Natasha Kasaipwalova writes of how chief Nalubutau, now deceased, points to an elephant’s tusk in the possession of Kabulula dala and a magic spell, used when closing one year and opening another, originally being a Hindu prayer, to indicate the true origin of the dala to be Indian.

The initial reason for dividing the people into different kumila and dala, according to Tolosi, was a distribution of work in serving the Paramount Tabalu dala. Tolosi explains that Tabalu became the supreme dala because of them rescuing certain valuables from the sinking ship: “…Tabalu is the head of the others. Because they came with them, with so many things. They came with them with their decorations. […] When they came here they got their decorations, and started putting them on their heads, like during dances you will see, they will wear long feathers. So they said this clan is to be the head of all the clans, so now Tabalu is the head of all clans. And now they have that Paramount Chief there from Tabalu tribe [dala] And where did they get these things from? These things were in the boat, but when the boat was broken, they are the only people who got these things, so they own these things. While other clans did not attempt to get any of them. Did they bring anything else from the boat? Beku, claypots… they brought this with them, as their valuable things. They came with them. He [Tolosi] said that these things were very valuable to them so, when the boat was smashed they got [the things] with them and moved out, swam to the beach and went into that cave there – Selai.”

Topsi, the leader of Labai village, says a boat came from Asia, maybe Japan. It had travelled all the way to Hawaii, and now, as it came to Labai beach it was smashed by the waves at the rocks. According to legend, says Topsi, all the people sank, but found some underwater caves and went into them, followed a tunnel and came out at Obukula. “But today we believe that the people swam to the beach and walked to Obukula”, Topsi concludes. Augustin tells his version with his poor but distinct English: “Japan, one canoe. Everybody on this boat came to Labai beach, the boat sank and people came to Labai. They used the cave as house. We are Japan people. Tolosi told me.” But when talking of this issue with Tolosi himself, another place of origin is suggested. Tolosi explains that he was told by his father and uncles that there was a boat by the name of Herod, with a captain by the name of Heron who came sailing all the way from Egypt. At the place off Labai beach called Katupwarabuyai [“to crack open”, buyai meaning blood], a strong wind came, when the ship was anchored there during the night, and smashed the ship at the rocks. According to Tolosi there is some red paint on the rocks, marking the place where the ship sank. The survivors swam to Labai beach and all of them went to live in the Selai cave for a long time. Tolosi says that at this point three of the clans (kumila) were created – the Malasi, the Lukwasisiga and the Lukulabuta.

Alternative beliefs of origin While Tolosi claims he learned the story of the Trobriands descending from Egypt from his father and uncles, Kevin Kaidoga talks of the matter in another way. According to him, this idea was born about six years ago when John Kasaipwalova’s son Kelai was approached by one of his professors while attending school in Brisbane, Australia. Kevin Kaidoga tells the story:

After living in Selai cave, they all moved through a tunnel, coming to Obukula. The first people to emerge out of Obukula was Webitu dala of Malasi, then Kelavasia dala of Lukulabuta. Third to move out was Osusupa dala of Malasi and fourth was Tabalu dala of Malasi – that dala was to become the paramount dala. The fifth and sixth groups to emerge were Kweoma dala of Lukulabuta and Ibuya dala of Lukwasisiga. All dala, except

“John Kasaipwalova has a son. He has very light skin, he looks like an Egyptian kid. The professor was lecturing and he thought ‘Why is it that I have an Egyptian child right here in my class?’ So after the class he asked – the boy’s name is Kelai – he asked him, he said, ‘Are you from Egypt?’ He said: ‘Why? Why? I’m

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a Trobriand Islander!’ He said: ‘Are you sure?’ […] So he said to the boy: ‘Are you sure you’re not an Egyptian?’ ‘No, no, I’m a fullblooded Trobriand Islander, Papua New Guinean!’ Still… okey, so he said: ‘Where is Trobriand Island?’, so he had to show him on the map and then he said: ‘Right!… I bet you, on Trobriand Islands you would find a very important place on Trobriand Island called… something or rhyming with the word ‘Havai’ or ‘Hawai’ or ‘Mavai’ or ‘Labai’.’ And he said ‘No! Labai!’ So the professor said: ‘Can you pronounce that word for me?’ He said: ‘Labai.’ ‘Okey, you hear the rhyme – Hawai and Havai – does it sound the same?’ and this child said: ‘Yes.’ He said: ‘Right, your ancestor is from Egypt’, and he came up with the story: ‘On Trobriand Islands can you tell me, are you all Melanesian or are there Polynesians there or half-curly, half-straight hair or you know…?’ He said: ‘No no, on Trobriand Islands we’re… there are some more Melanesian, some are very Polynesian and you know… light skins and straight hairs and different… sharp noses and flat noses and you know…’ And he said: ‘Right.’ So he came out with his thesis, he said: ‘This is my hypothesis or this is my thesis and I tell you a story…”

Misimans or the Western Samoans… I’ve been there to those islands and when I met those people I felt at home, because those people are really the same type of people that I have been living with. But when I went to the other side of the Papua New Guinea, across from Port Moresby to the Highlands, to the outer islands, I found it completely different. The way, the outlook, the attitude… so here it sort of confirms to me, my ancestors must have come from that side.” Kevin Kaidoga confirmed that he had told both Tolosi and the Paramount Chief Pulayasi of this Egyptian origin version, and according to him, they both seemed inclined to believe the theory. If Tolosi in fact has heard the story from his father and uncles or from Kevin Kaidoga or elsewhere remains unknown, though a qualified guess would suggest the obvious. A fact is that he somehow seems to prefer the Egyptian origin to any of the other suggestions (presenting it as the truth when questioned of origin), without quite having persuaded others, such as Topsi, the leader of Labai. While lovers of an objective truth might find these scientifically pseudo-considered theories irrelevant in an archaeological context such as this, I hasten to suggest that while both Tolosi and Pulayasi are authorities on Trobriand subjective truth – and considering all that this could imply – it is of utmost importance to be aware of these alternative interpretations of history as well, again pointing to the fact that archaeology can never detach itself from politics.

Kelai was told that in Egypt, when pharaos wanted to be buried, they want areas removed as far away from the empire as possible, so they could build their pyramid graves on remote places. Hence, the Egyptian pharaos sent out expeditions, to find new places for their graves and also in attempt to conquer the world. On this very expedition they sailed to what nowadays is called Hawaii, and named it Havai – according to Kevin meaning “the sacred place”. The pharao sent them in different directions. Everybody had to go out and come back and report. After visiting Hawaii the expedition went on, looking for better places, and so they came to this island, and named the sacred place Labai. Therefore, Labai has remained sacred to the Trobriand islanders.

However, when I met the Paramount Chief Pulayasi in Omarakana, he did not mention Egypt at all. Instead he gave some remarks on the issue of origin, looking at the problem in another way. He began with stressing the question of how. As the established version, put forward by his forefathers, states that people came out of the ground, Pulayasi explains it is only lately that they started having ideas of where they came from before that? A lot of possible explanations have emerged, leaving the one suggesting some kind of boat accident at sea outside Labai beach as the most credible one so far. Pulayasi considered the potential truth in this version as it is logically satisfying, believing the survivors swam ashore and slowly moved towards Labai and settled there. But he also expressed concern of the fact, without going into detail, that not all issues in Trobriand history allow themselves to subordinate to some kind of order, as they fail to appear as a series of events.

Kevin Kaidoga is very tempted to believe the story of Kelai’s professor: “This is just a theory at the moment, and to me, I’m inclined to support that theory, [rather] than having to believe what the museum was saying that [where] I came [from], or [that] my ancestors came through China and other places, through west India and… more likely [they came] from Egypt.” When I ask why he finds this more likely he says:

Another area of concern on the issue of origin on today’s Trobriand Islands is Kiriwina High School and the knowledge and values taught there. Hence, most of the High School students seem to embrace the established scientific truths on the issue of origin and evolution. For example, Onesmas firmly suggests he himself should start off telling me of the origin, as his grandmother doesn’t know. He explains how the Australoids, one of the four races of people in the world, crafted simple canoes and, due to very low sea level at that time, were able to cross the waters and settle on the islands. Likewise, Demalakilivila tells me how the first people were hunters and gatherers, living like nomads, and that the practice of gardening was not introduced until much later.

“Because it’s the people. How they look. That is a very important factor, you cannot hide it, I mean, no matter what thesis you want to come up with, you can tell from the people – these people are not Melanesians, they are also Polynesians, and once you sail the sea islands, like I’ve been out as far as Woodlark and Misima. When you come to Misima you will know it is really Polynesians, not Melanesians. […] Okey, just to confirm what this professor was saying that most likely the ancestors came here… is that our sails, the canoes we build, are very similar to the Egyptians. The way we put up our sails to sail, are all the same as the Egyptians do. And also the way of life. The boats, the people, the way…[…] The Trobrianders or the Woodlarks or the

The school book used on the topic in eighth grade – “Papua New Guinea’s Origin” (1988) – have solved the problem with 150

a common education in a country of such diverse cultural background, by presenting different suggestions instead of teaching dogmatic facts. On the issue of origin, an Aboriginal legend is presented along with a Papua New Guinean origin myth, the Bible’s story of Genesis and the scientific explanation of stars and the universe. Neither is presented as being preferred or better, though the difference of the scientific way of believing is pointed out in the fact that it is indulgent toward change, while the other beliefs are static. Nevertheless, this unprejudiced and desirable example of the school books is not always compatible with the reality of everyday life, as Christianity’s impact on the Trobriand society cannot be ignored. This can – and does – imply some confusion concerning truth, reality and authority thereof. Who will end up as most victorious in the race for authority of truth – Science, Christianity or the old traditional beliefs – we still have to find out. Though archaeology might never put an end to existential questioning, I hasten to point out the beneficial potentials when allowing it to perform its alloted share, in trying to straighten these things out.

Since the earliest known European contact in 1793, the Trobriand Islands have been frequently visited by missionaries, administrators, traders, tourists, moviemakers, anthropologists and other scholars and researchers. The Trobriand culture has hereby been both implicitly influenced and explicitly reorganized. As archaeology and Swedish culture traits now enter the Trobriand arena, this will inevitably cause changes too, especially since archaeology – as science in general – seeks to alter the prevailing paradigm of knowledge. This might suggest that, when archaeology is put into practice in a society where oral tradition is the sole keeper of historical knowledge, an anthropological survey of the oral knowledge thereof, should precede, in trying to avoid cultural loss. As money is starting to become a coveted possession on the Trobriands, so is an intelligible way of identifying one’s past and origin, which correlates with new imported values. As it used to be a sufficient explanation to know the ancestors emerged from the ground, today there seems to be an urge to find another kind of explanation. It might now be the case, that the research of the early twentieth century anthropologists conveys more knowledge on certain issues, than do the local villagers of today. Unanswered questions of such things as secondary burial, trepanation, decapitations and the use of human bones might prove this point. Although, it would need more extensive and thorough investigation, to thereby conclude that unanswered questions naturally imply lack of knowledge. Christianity’s impact on Trobriand values of ethics and morals might suggest a conscious neglect of knowledge. Likewise, the issue of knowledge having a precarious correlation to social power and politics might insinuate a profound dimension of information inaccessible to outsiders and perhaps insiders alike.

CONCLUSION Following this exposé of contemporary local ideas, theories and beliefs on the issue of origin of the Trobriand people, related to the area and archaeological sites of Labai and Mwatawa, some very important points have yet to be explicitly enunciated. First and foremost, I wish again to emphasize the severe restriction of this survey, due to the fact of this being a minor part of a first-hand archaeological expedition. Hereby, this report cannot claim to sufficiently delineate the Trobriand oral tradition concerning tales of origin, neither does it assert to give a comprehensive picture of the local knowledge of this expedition’s archaeological excavation sites. But although restricted, in a scientific sense of the term, this survey does give a picture, if ever so limited, of the contemporary local theories and beliefs of origin and history. Moreso, it elucidates the situation of outside influence on values as well as believed historical facts.

In perspective of an advancing reciprocal influence of different cultures in the world due to the rapid globalisation, I hasten to suggest that all beliefs, both new and old, might shed some light on our enigmatic past. As the ambition of this survey was to learn the current local oral tradition concerning the areas of archaeological interest around Labai and Mwatawa villages, the result suggests that a certain degree of cultural change – affecting ways of life as well as ways of thinking and believing – might have taken place in the last decades, at least since Bronislaw Malinowski walked the footpaths of Kiriwina. The old traditional knowledge of origin and liliu legends surrounding historical places and ancient remains, seems either to be partially forgotten and might then preferably be found in anthropological literature, or is hidden behind the private doors of local politics. But all cultures of the world are subject to change due to communication, and the Trobriand culture is no exception. The emotional unease experienced when trying to correlate the words of the pastor with the information at school is part of today’s everyday life on the Trobriand Islands, as well as the possible confusion of who owns what and which set of laws are applied when and where. Large portions of the oral tradition might be either forgotten or well kept secrets behind locked doors. Either way, to help prevent a possible situation of culture loss, I wish the inadequacy of this survey may act the part of an appetizer, an inspiration and encouragement for further exploration in the field.

To state that allusions to origins from Asia, India, Japan, dimdims, Western Samoa and Egypt represent a part of the Trobriand oral tradition as tales of origin would be wrong. According to linus, it would even be wrong to call them theories of origin. He says: “These ideas are rather a product of some undisciplined and yet excited Trobriand mind yearning to explain his own existence albeit, without putting any effort into proper research.” As this is probably a correct way to explicate the situation, nevertheless these new versions of tales of origin seem to flourish in the Trobriand culture of today. Although these ideas may not hold potential of promoting scientific investigations in the matter of origin, nor should – yet – be considered as part of the oral tradition, as “tradition” implies a legacy from bygone times, these expressions of yearning to find new explanations suitable for new ways of thinking, do, from an anthropological point of view, deserve their own place in the scheme of Trobriand culture. No culture is thoroughly static, especially not in a time of growing global communication, and the outside influence leaves its imprint in the way of thought as well as in the way of life.

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Acknowledgements

REFERENCES

When doing a survey like this – involving interviews in a foreign language in a totally foreign culture – undoubtedly all success depends upon the help of friendly and generous local people. The Trobriand culture is overflowing with these personality traits, and I will forever stand in gratitude to the warmth and amiability of this culture. There is no possibility here to mention everyone who have in some way done my work easier, and I hope they all know who they are and know my gratitude. There is a distinct group of people, though, that I wish to send a special thanks hereby mentioning their names.

Oral references Andrew/Kunuyobu. Tape recording from interview with Andrew/Kunuyobu, middle-aged man of Mwatawa village, 9/ 10-1999, Interpreter: his sons Mwadakula and David. Augustin/Tokunou. Tape recording from interview with Augustin/Tokunou, middle-aged man of Mwatawa village, 12/ 10-1999. Bovaragima. Tape recording from interview with Bovaragima, old woman of Mwatawa village, 12/10-1999, Interpreter: Harrietta Erico.

Most of all I wish to thank linus digim’Rina as he has helped me in every way possible concerning all aspects of this work. I also wish to send a very special thanks to Harrietta Erico in Mwatawa village for, besides letting her family and their veranda become a second home to me, also helping me in so many ways – introducing me to people, translating during interviews, teaching me of Trobriand culture and of the Kilivila language. I wish to thank Topsi Mokotubasi in Losuia for his warm generosity and for sharing his invaluable knowledge during several hours long interviews as well as Tolosi in Labai for letting me come back three times with more questions. Likewise I am grateful to Kevin Kaidoga, for a wonderful both on- and off-record interview, covering almost all aspects of life.

Demalakilivila Bwetayobu. Tape recordings and notes from interviews with Demalakilivila Bwetayobu and his grandfather Kabinanu, Kiriwina High School student of Bwetavaia village, 30/9-1999, 5/11-1999 & 10/11-1999. Guyau Pulayasi. Tape recording from interview with Guyau Pulayasi, the Paramount Chief of the Trobriand Islands, Omarakana village, 24/10-1999, Interpreter: linus s. digim’Rina. Harrietta Erico. Tape recordings and notes from interviews with Harrietta Erico, young woman of Mwatawa village, 27/91999, 28/9-1999, 2/10-1999, 3/10-1999 & 13/10-1999.

I wish to thank The Paramount Chief Guyau Pulayasi for taking time in talking to me and linus, and Pakarai of Liluta for sharing his dala’s true version of the Tudava legend. I want to thank Mwexie Mweyaya Mwawebu for writing legends in my notebook and sharing generously of his culture and beliefs, as well as Demalakilivila Bwetayobu from Bwetavaia, Tovakewa Milinton Mweyaya from Labai and Onesmas Emasi from Tubowada for all your unhesitating generosity, for introducing me in your villages and spending long time interpreting for me during interviews. Likewise, I thank Tobby Toweyaga of Mwatawa for lending me his school books and papers on archaeology and early cultural development, David and Mwadakula from Mwatawa and Jona from Labai for helping me translate Kilivila into English.

Kabinanu. Tape recordings from interviews with Kabinanu, old man of Bwetavaia village, 30/9-1999 & 5/11-1999, Interpreter: his grandson Demalakilivila Bwetayobu. Kevin Kaidoga. Tape recording from interview with Kevin Kaidoga, chief of Ayebwelim village, 17/10-1999. Kisa/Iyonai. Tape recording from interview with Kisa/ Iyonai, old woman of Tubowada village, 4/10-1999, Interpreter: her grandson Onesmas Emasi. linus s. digim’Rina. Correspondence, tape recordings and notes from interviews with linus s. digim’Rina of Okaiboma village, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby, 5/10-1999 – 17/11-1999.

I also wish to thank the Kiriwina High School students who helped me collect legends of origin and to say I’m truly sorry for the misfortunes with broken tyres and heavy rainfall that disabled your visit at the excavation sites. I also wish to thank Mr. Tatai, Mr. Abraham Kobwata and the Headmaster of Kiriwina High School Navako Hompi, for invaluable help in making schedule time for this co-operation. I want to thank Kisa of Tubowada; Topsi and Mwebwena of Labai; Polomla, Nagaruwa, Andrew, Augustin and Bovaragima of Mwatawa and Kabinanu, Mubeona and Philip of Bwetavaia for all their help and generosity. I am forever grateful to all these wonderful people who taught me of tales of origin and Trobriand culture. Additionally, I wish to express my gratitude to all those people who helped me more indirectly by inviting me to their home or their activities, offering not only the daily necessities like shade, food and coconuts, but also a warm and generous friendliness.

Mwexie Mweyaya Mwawebu. Tape recordings and notes from interviews with Mwexie Mweyaya Mwawebu, young man of Mwatawa village, 17/9-99, 18/9-1999, 19/9-1999 etc. Mwebwena. Tape recording from interview with Mwebwena, old man of Labai village, 21/10-1999, Interpreter: Tovakewa Milinton Mweyaya. Mubeona. Tape recordings from interviews with Mubeona, leader of Bwetavaia village, 30/9-1999 & 10/11-1999, Interpreter: Demalakilivila Bwetayobu. Nagaruwa. Tape recording from interview with Nagaruwa, old woman of Mwatawa village, 19/10-1999, Interpreter: Harrietta Erico.

Agutoki sena kweveka, sami opilatala 152

Onesmas Emasi. Tape recording and notes from interviews with Onesmas Emasi and his grandmother Kisa/Iyonai, Kiriwina High School student of Tubowada village, 4/10-1999.

Mwadakula of Mwatawa village, Kiriwina High School student, son of Andrew. Onesmas Emasi of Tubowada village, Kiriwina High School student, grandson of Kisa/ Iyonai.

Pakarai. Tape recording from interview with Pakarai, old man of Kemwamwala hamlet of Liluta village, 24/10-1999, Interpreter: linus s. digim’Rina.

Tovakewa Milinton Mweyaya of Labai village, Kiriwina High School student drop out.

Philip. Tape recordings from interviews with Philip, middleaged man of Bwetavaia village, 30/9-1999, interpretor: Demalakiliwila Bwetayobu.

Unpublished references (in authors possession)

Polomla. Tape recording from interview with Polomla, elder and leader of Mwatawa village, 5/10-1999, Interpreter: Harrietta Erico.

Nicola Kasaipwalova. “How the first people settled.” Paper assignment in Social Science, Kiriwina High School, of grade 9 student Nicola Kasaipwalova of Mwadawosi village, October 1999. Informant: her grandfather Kalabaku.

Tolosi. Tape recordings from interviews with Tolosi, village elder of Labai village, 6/10-1999, 15/10-99 & 18/10-99, Interpreters: linus s. digim’Rina, Tovakewa Milinton Mweyaya and Jona.

Paul Kamtabogi. “The origin of Moidavadila.” Paper assignment in Social Science, Kiriwina High School, of grade 9 student Paul Kamtabogi of Kaibola village, October 1999. Informant: his grandmother Bokavariku Mowana.

Topsi Mwakwana/Dubaveka. Tape recording from interview with Topsi Mwakwana/Dubaveka, leader of Labai village, 15/ 10-1999, Interpreter: Tovakewa Milinton Mweyaya.

Josaline Miseya. “History of Mwadoya tribe.” Paper assignment in Social Science, Kiriwina High School, of grade 9 student Josaline Miseya of Kuluwa village, October 1999. Informant: not known.

Topsi Mokotubasi. Tape recordings from interviews with Topsi Mokotubasi, executive Officer of Kiriwina local level government district office in Losuia village, 21/10-1999 & 28/ 10-1999.

Giyounawana M’nayogwa. “The story of the two giants.” Paper assignment in Social Science, Kiriwina High School, of grade 8 student Giyounawana M’nayogwa of Mwatawa village, October 1999. Informant: M’nayogwa.

Tovakewa Milinton Mweyaya. Tape recordings from interviews with Tovakewa Milinton Mweyaya of Labai village, Kiriwina High School student drop out, 15/10-1999, 21/10-1999 & 6/ 11-1999.

Veronica Peter. “The origin of a man. How a man came out from Vakuta.” Paper assignment in Social Science, Kiriwina High School, of grade 9 student Veronica Peter of Vakuta Island, October 1999. Informant: Yoriku Levi.

Interpreters Natasha Kasaipwalova. “The real wealth from Asia.” Paper assignment in Social Science, Kiriwina High School, of grade 9 student Natasha Kasaipwalova of Mwadawosi village, October 1999. Informant: chief Nalubutau.

David of Mwatawa village, Kiriwina High School student, son of Andrew. Demalakilivila Bwetayobu of Bwetavaia village, Kiriwina High School student, grandson of Kabinanu. Harrietta Erico, young woman of Mwatawa village, grown up in Port Moresby.

Joseph Bewada. “How Kudukabilia tribe came to be.” Paper assignment in Social Science, Kiriwina High School, of student Joseph Bewada of Simsimla village, October 1999. Informant: Bewada.

Jona of Labai village, Kiriwina High School student drop out. Dr. linus s. digim’Rina/Silipolakapolapola of Okaiboma village, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Papua New Guinea, Port Moresby.

Naboila Tauriki. “This legend is about Sakapu tribe.” Paper assignment in Social Science, Kiriwina High School, of grade 9 student Naboila Tauriki of Kuruvitu village, Kusibauvalu section, October 1999. Informant: Tauriki Kunuyobu.

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Climate and Culture Proposed Study on Stalagmites from the Kiriwina Burial Caves Katarina Lundblad Department of Physical Geography and Quaternary Geology, Stockholm University, Sweden

INTRODUCTION

Climate is always changing and fluctuating. Even after the latest ice-age it has varied much more than researchers previously believed. One example is the widely discussed so called ”Little Ice-Age”. In Europe, historical sources tell us that the mean temperature was unusually low around A.D. 1700. (Manley, G., 1974; Pfister, C., 1992) This is also confirmed by physical and chemical changes in different climate ”archives” in nature, for example in tree-rings and glacial ice (figures 2 and 3). It seems like the temperature has been about 1°C lower during the Little Ice-Age times - which is enough to influence nature in a way that will affect human life. Corresponding changes have been seen also in material from many other parts of the world (in documentary records, sediments, ice-cores, tree-rings, stalagmites et c.), suggesting that the climate change was global. (Bradley and Jones, 1993; Keigwin, 1996; Holmgren et al., 1999; Briffa, 2000) Similar signs of colder climate have been found for example in samples from around A.D. 800, 1600 and 1800, while a warm period seems to have occurred in many places at around 1000. (Serre-Bachet et al., 1992; Keigwin, 1996; Moberg and Bergström, 1997; The Greenland Summit Ice Cores CD-ROM, 1997; Holmgren et al., 1999; Briffa, 2000) (Figures 2-4) Changes in climate could possibly, at some time, also have affected the lives of ancient Trobriand Islanders.

When water flows through cracks in limestone bedrock, some calcium carbonate (CaCO3) dissolves. If the solution then drips down in a cave through fissures in the ceiling, speleothems may form (figure 1). The speleothems consist mainly of reprecipitated CaCO3, but the drip-water usually also contains some other components that might be enclosed in the precipitates. This can for example be humic acids from the vegetation above, and trace elements from the surrounding soil and bedrock.

Fig. 1: Schematic cross-section of a limestone cave with speleothems (drip-stones) of different types.

PURPOSE AND PLANS The aim of the proposed climatology project is to build up a well-dated climate-chronology from the Trobriand Islands, by studying stalagmites from the burial caves on Kiriwina. Possibly, the information regarding the last hundreds of years can also be double-checked, by analysis of growth-bands in coral skeletons from the reefs around the island.

The old burial caves on Kiriwina Island are decorated with lots of speleothems. The beauty of these formations is not their only advantage - the contents in different growth-layers of a stalagmite can also tell us something about climate variations during the time when this drip-stone developed. (Stalactites can not be used in a climate study, since they are usually hollow, with drip-water flowing both inside and outside, giving irregular precipitation layers.) Stalagmites can usually be dated very accurately, because they contain trace amounts of uranium that starts to decay into thorium when a drip-stone layer has precipitated (see below). In the Selai Cave, speleothem formations cover most of the archeological findings. A very exact minimum age for those findings could be determined by dating their carbonate cover, if the precipitates contain enough uranium and are compact enough to have a stable chemistry. This was the reason why Professor Göran Burenhult contacted Associate Professor Karin Holmgren, Stockholm University, who has been working with climate-studies on stalagmites for many years. Then some interesting discussions, about a possible collaboration archeologists/climatologists, started.

Very little is known about the climate history of this part of the world, closely south of the equator. A study on stalagmites here could therefore be an important contribution to the understanding of climate patterns - and thereby help to improve the conditions for making models and prognoses about future climate variations. The results will be compared with results from other palaeoclimatological studies as well as with the local archeological information. We hope that information from the stalagmites shall contribute both to the understanding of variations in climate and their underlying causes; and to insights about the lives of the ancient Trobriand Islanders.

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Fig. 2: Summary of several different tree-ring chronologies from various parts of the northern hemisphere (Mongolia, Alaska, Canada, Sweden, and eastern, western and central Siberia). (After Briffa, 2000)

Fig. 3: Oxygen isotope data from a Greenland ice-core. (Diagram created by Karlén, Department of Physical Geography, Stockholm University, with ”GISP-2”-data from The Greenland Summit Ice Cores CD-ROM. 1997.)

Fig. 4: Oxygen isotope data from two South African stalagmites (After Holmgren et al., 1999)

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METHODS Dating, based on the decay-path

234

isotope ratios of the stalagmite. The connections are complicated, but intensely studied. Differences in the proportions of 18O/16O from layer to layer can, under different circumstances, be interpreted as temperature changes and/or changes in the amount of rainfall. (Lauritzen, 1995; Hoefs, 1997; Holmgren et al., 1999)

U −> 230Th:

The uranium isotope 234U is soluble in water. When water is flowing through a bedrock containing 234U, some of this uranium will follow the flow and later possibly end up in a stalagmite. The thorium isotope 230Th, on the other hand, does not dissolve in water. Hence, provided that there is no detrital contamination, any 230Th present in a stalagmite must come from decay of 234 U. Since the half-life is known, the age of a sample can be calculated if the proportions of 234U and 230Th are analysed (using first α-counting for some test-samples, and then, for more precise data, Thermal Ionisation Mass Spectrometry, TIMS). (Dickin, 1995)

Samples for these analyses will be drilled out from a longitudinal slice of the stalagmite, and analysed with IRMS (Isotope Ratio Mass Spectrometry). For doing both the 13C- and the 18Oanalysis, only a very small sample is needed. (Around 0.050.1g is taken out from a stalagmite-layer, using a dentists drill.) Therefore, if the stalagmite quality allows a good growth-layer analysis (see above), the timing of changes in isotopic composition can be very exact.

Samples for 230Th/234U-dating will be taken from different parts of the stalagmite, so that a growth-curve can be made.

The cosmogenic beryllium isotope 10Be: Cosmic rays can cause spallation of nitrogen and oxygen atoms in the atmosphere. One of the new nuclides produced by this reaction is the unstable 10Be, which decays by β-emission to the boron isotope 10B. The half-life is 1.51 Myr. 10Be is washed out of the atmosphere by rain. The residence time in the atmosphere is only ca 1 week to 2yr. (Dickin, 1995)

Analysis of the growth-layers, using digital imaging: The composition of the precipitate usually varies from one growth-layer to another, which gives a banded structure to the stalagmite. Ideally, a band consists of one dark and one light part and represents one year (for example because of one dry and one wet season). Otherwise, regular changes may be caused by repeated wet-/dry-spells (or other similar phenomena) that span over several years. In both cases, a growth-layer analysis may be useful, both to improve the exactness of the dating and to study the growth-rate at different times.

By analysing the amount of 10Be in different parts of a stalagmite (using Tandem Accelerator), we hope to get an idea of how the rate of cosmic ray influx has changed over time, around the area under which the cave is situated. The residence time of 10 Be in the atmosphere is short enough to allow a rather exact timing of changes in 10Be production. The intensity of the cosmic ray influx is considered to be affected by solar activity and geomagnetism. (Beer et al., 1990; Dickin, 1995; Bard et al., 1997; Chambers et al., 1999; Kok, 1999) It would therefore be of great scientific interest to compare 10Be-data with climate information (see above) from the same growth-layers of a stalagmite, to see if there are any co-variations. We will also compare our climate-data with previously known changes in solar activity.

The stalagmite is first cut longitudinally, and a gray-level scanning-picture with high resolution (1270 dpi) is made. Digital imaging (with the programs Photoshop and Image Tool) can then help to show the growth-layers more clearly; so that they can be counted, and their varying thickness measured. Changes in color are also often seen on a longer time-scale, superimposed on the short-term fluctuations (figure 5). The long-time fluctuations can be measured, by constructing a graylevel profile, using a gray-level scanning-picture with lower resolution (127 dpi). Gray-level values, along a line parallel to the growth axis, are plotted against depth and/or time; and then compared with other data from the same layers (see below). (Svanered, 1998; Holmgren et al., 1999)

10

Be-analyses have been done in many studies on ice and sediments, but using 10Be in a stalagmite study is new. So far we have only started, by getting eight samples from one South African stalagmite analysed for 10Be (at the Tandem Laboratory, Uppsala, Sweden). It is too early to say if the method will work for stalagmites, but if it does, the information it gives can be highly valuable.

Stable Isotope analysis ( 13C and 18O): Different types of vegetation contain different proportions of the carbon isotopes 13C and 12C. Changes in carbon isotope proportions, from one stalagmite layer to another, can therefore give information about changes in the vegetation above the cave - which in turn tells us something about possible changes in climate. (Hoefs, 1997; Holmgren et al., 1999)

Analysis of other incorporated elements: Samples, from stalagmite-parts representative of different colors of the precipitate, will be taken and analysed for several elements with ICP-MS (Inductively Coupled Plasma Mass Spectrometry). Knowledge about how the color of the stalagmite varies with composition, may permit more conclusions from the digital imaging (see above) - which does not consume any of the material.

When CaCO3 precipitates from a solution, the proportions of the oxygen isotopes 18O and 16O that go into the precipitate will vary, depending on the temperature in the cave. The proportions of 18O and 16O in the rainwater in turn changes with varying outside temperature, which can also give an imprint in the 156

Fig. 5: Scanning-picture of the lower part of a longitudinally cut stalagmite from South Africa. 157

STARTING THE PROJECT

Chambers, F.M. et al.: ”Palaeoenvironmental evidence for solar forcing of Holocene climate: linkages to solar science”, Progress in Physical Geography 23,2 (1999), pp 181-204

A piece of flowstone (figure 1) from Selai Cave has been 230Th/ 234 U-dated (only α-counting). Unfortunately the quality of this stone was not good. It was very porous, which means that the chemistry can have altered quite a lot after deposition, and the uranium content was very low. Because of these problems, the dating can not be trusted. The result was 59.26 ka (+20.46, 17.53); extremely imprecise and surely not correct, since the 14 C-dating of underlying archaeological findings gave the result A.D. 1570. If the low uranium content in the analysed flowstone is due to a too low uranium content in the bedrock, material from this cave might not be useful for climate studies; but another plausible reason for the lack of uranium in the flowstone is that its porous structure has allowed exchange with water around it. The latter explanation would also give a reason why we got such a high age: 234U may have been washed out from the porous stone (while most of the 230Th has stayed, see Methods above), which would give a high 230Th/234U quote, falsely interpreted as high age.

Dickin, A.P.: “Radiogenic Isotope Geology”, 490pp, Cambridge University Press (1995), pp 305-326 (U-dating) and-372-384 (10Be) Hoefs, J.: ”Stable Isotope Geochemistry”, 201 pp., SpringerVerlag Berlin Heidelberg New York (1997) Holmgren, K. et al.: “A 3000-year high-resolution stalagmitebased stable isotope record of palaeoclimate for northeastern South Africa” The Holocene, 9,3 (1999), pp 295-309 Keigwin, L.D.: ”The Little Ice Age and Medieval Warm Period in the Sargasso Sea”, Science vol.274 (1996) pp1504-1508 Kok, Y.S.: ”Climatic influence in NMR and 10Be-derived geomagnetic paleointensity data”, Earth and Planetary Science Letters 166 (1999) pp 105-119

To check if a climate study is possible, we have to find a stalagmite that is much more compact, so that uranium leakage (and other chemical changes after deposition) is not likely to have occurred. According to photographs, such stalagmites indeed seem to be present in parts of the Selai Cave.

Lauritzen, S.-E., ”High-Resolution Paleotemperature Proxy Record for the Last Interglaciation Based on Norwegian Speleothems”, Quaternary Research, 43 (1995), pp 133-146 Manley, G: ”Central England temperatures: monthly means 1659 to 1973”, Q. J. R.. Meteorol. Soc., 100 (1974) pp 389405

Dr. Linus Digim’Rina, University of Papua New Guinea, has kindly offered to collect the first stalagmite sample next time he visits his family on Kiriwina. A stalagmite and some dripwater will be taken from one of the caves on Kiriwina preferably from Selai Cave if the land owner admits it - and sent to Stockholm University, Sweden, where Katarina Lundblad, Department of Physical Geography and Quaternary Geology, will start the first analyses to test the usefulness of the stalagmite. If the quality of the stalagmite is good enough for climate studies, further analysis of it is intended to be included in a Ph.D.-project.

Moberg, A. and Bergström, H.: ”Homogenization of Swedish temperature data. Part III: The long temperature records from Uppsala and Stockholm”, International Journal of Climatology, vol. 17 (1997), pp 667-699

REFERENCES

Pfister, C.: ”Monthly temperature and precipitation in central Europe 1525-1979: quantifying documentary evidence on weather and its effects” In: Bradley, R.S. and Jones, P.D. (ed.s): ”Climate Since A.D. 1500”, Routledge London and New York (1992), pp 118-142

Bard, E. et al.: ”Solar modulation of cosmogenic nuclide production over the last millennium: comparison between 14C and 10Be records”, Earth and Planetary Science Letters 150 (1997), pp 453-462

Serre-Bachet, F. et al.: ”Dendroclimatic evidence from southwestern Europe and northwestern Africa” In: Bradley, R.S. and Jones, P.D. (ed.s): ”Climate Since A.D. 1500”, Routledge London and New York (1992), pp349-365

Beer, J. et al.: “Use of 10Be in polar ice to trace the 11-year cycle of solar activity”, Nature (1990), vol 347, pp164-166

Svanered, O.: ”Varvsanalys av en stalagmit från Sydafrika”, Examensarbete i naturgeografi, Stockholms Universitet, 1998 (”Growth layer analysis of a stalagmite from South Africa”. Unpublished report (in Swedish), Department of Physical Geography, Stockholm University, 28 pp.)

Bradley, R.S. and Jones, P.D.: ”’Little Ice Age’ summer temperature variations: their nature and relevance to recent global warming trends”, The Holocene 3,4 (1993) pp 367-376

The Greenland Summit Ice Cores CD-ROM. 1997. Available from the National Snow and Ice Data Center, University of Colorado at Boulder, and the World Data Center-A for Paleoclimatology, National Geophysical Data Center, Boulder, Colorado

Briffa, K.R.: ”Annual climate variability in the Holocene: interpreting the message of ancient trees”, Quaternary Science Reviews 19 (2000) pp 87-105

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