The Archaeology of Slieve Donard: A Cultural Biography of Ulster's Highest Mountain 0956727867, 9780956727862

Table of contents :
Foreword i
Acknowledgements v
Chapter 1. Slieve Donard: An introduction to Ulster’s highest peak 1
Chapter 2. The geology and paleoenvironment of Slieve Donard 9
Chapter 3. Slieve Donard in myth and legend: An Otherworldy domain 17
Chapter 4. A passage tomb and Bronze Age cairn on Slieve Donard 25
Chapter 5. Slieve Donard and its prehistoric landscape 35
Chapter 6. St. Donard’s Churches and the Festival of Lughnasa pilgrimage on Slieve Donard 57
Chapter 7. Further events in the life of Slieve Donard: The Ordnance Survey and the construction of the Mourne Wall 83
Chapter 8. Where the Mountains of Mourne sweep down to the sea 95
Chapter 9. A cultural biography of Slieve Donard 107
Appendices
Appendix I: Sites and Monuments Records (SMR) for prehistoric monuments around the Mourne Mountains 120
Appendix II: Summary of excavations undertaken by A. E. P. Collins at Dundrum Sandhills, Co. Down 154
Appendix III: Description of the cross slabs at Maghera ecclesiastical site, Co. Down 157
Glossary 159
Bibliography 163

Citation preview

The Archaeology of Slieve Donard A Cultural Biography of Ulster’s Highest Mountain

Sam Moore

This Project was funded by the Heritage Council under the Archaeology Research Grant Scheme 2009 and has been published with support from the Northern Ireland Environment Agency

This is a Down County Museum publication, supported by Down District Council, with the assistance of the Mourne Heritage Trust and the National Trust,

The Archaeology of Slieve Donard A Cultural Biography of Ulster’s Highest Mountain Down County Museum 2012, Downpatrick All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. Text ” Copyright Down County Museum and author. Images ” Copyright Sam Moore unless otherwise stated. ISBN: 978-0-9567278-6-2 Book by Sam Moore Photography by Sam Moore unless otherwise stated Designed by Sam Moore Published by Down County Museum, Downpatrick, Co. Down Front cover: Slidderyford Dolmen, Wateresk, Co. Down with Slieve Donard Rear Cover: Background image of Mourne Mountains from Newry, Co. Armagh. Inset image of Mourne Mountains from the Isle of Man (courtesy of Liz Mitchell).

Foreword The Mournes are known the world over as the mountains that sweep down to the sea. Nowhere is this more evident than at the town of Newcastle, where they dip their gnarled, weather beaten toes in the waters of the Irish Sea and rise steeply to the domed crown of Slieve Donard. The spectacular convergence of upland and coast; of granite, sea and sky, is just one of the qualities that make this mountain a very special place. Thanks to Sam Moore’s painstaking exploration of its ancient and more recent past, we have in this book a vivid account of Donard’s many other dimensions – geographical, historic, spiritual, mystical, human. Thousands of pairs of feet make the ascent of Northern Ireland’s highest peak every year, while many more visitors enjoy the simple pleasure of relaxing under its gaze. Every day the people of the Mournes go about their daily business; sometimes pausing to reflect on the majesty that towers above them, sometimes not. On occasions, the head of the mountain disappears from our view beneath a blanket of cloud or presents itself in soft focus through a light sea mist. At night it can seem to adopt a two dimensional form; a sentinel in silhouette. As light and weather and people come and go, Slieve Donard sits serenely in our midst - an enduring yet subtlety changing presence. While many of those who know the shifting moods of Mourne have their own particular insights into Donard’s storied past, even those familiar with every inch of its heather clad slopes will undoubtedly find something new in this scholarly and engagingly written work. When the author addressed the Mourne Heritage Trust Annual General Meeting in Warrenpoint in 2009, he held a well-informed audience genuinely spellbound. To say that some among us who would previously have claimed to know Donard intimately were humbled by the experience is something of an understatement! The happenstance that brought Sam Moore, a Dublin-born Sligo-resident, to become so wonderfully fascinated with the highest of the Mournes is a Donard tale for another day. But it is one that has ultimately produced a marvellous resource for those of us who seek to ensure that the stories associated with the natural and cultural heritage of the Mournes are preserved, uncovered and shared. We in Mourne Heritage Trust hope that this publication marks just the beginning of a series of opportunities to bring the magic of Donard to a wider audience. We could have few better templates for our approach of ‘conservation through inspiration’ than this aptly named ‘cultural biography’ of the highest and foremost of our mountains which, through this telling of its life story, becomes all the more inspiring.

Martin Carey, Chief Executive, Mourne Heritage Trust i

General map of the eastern side of the Mourne Mountains

ii

Table of Contents Foreword Acknowledgements

i v

Chapter 1 Slieve Donard: An introduction to Ulster’s highest peak Chapter 2 The geology and paleoenvironment of Slieve Donard Chapter 3 Slieve Donard in myth and legend: An Otherworldy domain Chapter 4 A passage tomb and Bronze Age cairn on Slieve Donard Chapter 5 Slieve Donard and its prehistoric landscape Chapter 6 St. Donard’s Churches and the Festival of Lughnasa pilgrimage on Slieve Donard Chapter 7 Further events in the life of Slieve Donard: The Ordnance Survey and the construction of the Mourne Wall Chapter 8 Where the Mountains of Mourne sweep down to the sea Chapter 9 A cultural biography of Slieve Donard Appendices Appendix I: Sites and Monuments Records (SMR) for prehistoric monuments around the Mourne Mountains. Appendix II: Summary of excavations undertaken by A.E.P. Collins at Dundrum Sandhills, Co. Down Appendix III: Description of the cross slabs at Maghera ecclesiastical site, Co. Down Glossary Bibliography

1 9 17 25 35 57

83 95 107

120

154 157 159 163

iii

One of the entrance stones at Ballynoe stone circle with Slieve Donard in right background

iv

Acknowledgements The Slieve Donard Archaeological Project would not have been possible without the encouragement and support of Mike King of Down County Museum, Downpatrick and I am extremely grateful to him for all his assistance and enthusiasm. Much appreciation is due to Alex Attwood, MLA, the Minister for the Environment, for his backing of the project, and Margaret Richie, MP for South Down, for her full support. Another debt of gratitude is owed to John O’Keefe and Ken Neill of the Northern Ireland Environment Agency who both expressed constant interest and assistance regarding the project. Many thanks also to Malachy Conway, Archaeologist with the National Trust, along with Martin Carey and the staff of the Mourne Heritage Trust. I am in debt to Aine McAlarney and Orla McCarthy for looking after me so well while conducting field work and research in the Mourne Mountains. Others who helped include Pat Clarke of Newcastle; Gemma Ward, formerly of County Down Library Headquarters in Ballynahinch and now of Downpatrick Library; Francis McGee and Aideen Ireland, National Archives of Ireland; Harry Welsh of the Ulster Archaeological Society; Siobhan Fitzpatrick, Royal Irish Academy; the staff of Newcastle Library; the National Library of Ireland (especially Tom) and the Queen’s University Library, Belfast; along with the staff of the Northern Ireland Sites and Monuments Record (NIEA) at Waterman House, Hill Street, Belfast for their patience and help. I also appreciate the suggestions made by Angelique Day and Michael Herity concerning the research associated with the Ordnance Survey. I am grateful to Liz Mitchell in the Isle of Man for the her photo and to Jonathan de Ferranti for use of data from his website http://www.viewfinderpanoramas.org/. I benefited enormously from the input received from Marion Dowd, Robert Hensey and Padraig Meehan through their discussions and suggestions on the text. Thanks are also due to Moira O’Rourke and Brian Williams for their comments. I am greatly indebted to Robert Hensey whose remarks and editing skills were essential to completing the text. Francis Maye, Gordon Ramsey and Isabel Hood helped by explaining tides. Martin Byrne aided with the layout and design of the book, and Sarah Levick assisted with proofing and provided much support. Finally, this project could not have happened without the support of the Heritage Council of Ireland, who provided a vital research grant in 2009, and the Northern Ireland Environment Agency who made a generous grant to Down County Museum for publication in 2012. Sam Moore March 21st 2012

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1.1 Trigonometric Station on the summit of Slieve Donard

1.2 Slieve Donard from the beach at Newcastle

Chapter 1 Slieve Donard: an introduction to Ulster’s highest peak. The landscape of the Mourne Mountains is essentially romantic. Their fame does not depend on their height, but on their beauty, their strength and their power. They lie gracefully on the horizon when viewed from many parts of County Down and from day to day they always look different: swathed in bands of mist or standing out against a brilliant clear sky; blanketed by clouds or windswept with small white sails scudding across a background of fields, walls and heath. Gallagher and Rogers 1992, 87. Slieve Donard, Co. Down, is the highest mountain in Ulster at 849 m OD, and the seventh highest mountain in Ireland. Dramatically sited at the edge of the Mourne Mountains it provides spectacular views in all directions. Its distinctive granite peak, which lies only 3 km from the Irish Sea makes it highly recognisable from very far distances, particularly from the sea. The summit of Slieve Donard has two cairns; the Great Cairn and the Lesser Cairn. From collected early sources and descriptions we can put together a picture of the biography of these monuments and assess their importance throughout prehistory and history. The Mourne Mountains, the varied landscapes around them, the sea, lakes and rivers have all combined to make this region a very special place and have inspired artists, writers and musicians through the ages. The landscape has attracted settlement from at least the Late Mesolithic period (c. 5500-4000 BC). People have left a permanent mark 1

1.3 Walkers on the Great Cairn on Slieve Donard

on this landscape, which is reflected in the large range and number of archaeological sites that cover the lower regions of the Mournes. The mountainous regions were sparsely populated but the plains to the north, south and west of Slieve Donard tell a different story. Here there are numerous megalithic tombs of the Neolithic period (c. 4000-2400 BC) and settlements and ritual monuments of the Bronze Age (c. 2400-600 BC). The area is steeped in history and legendary tales; a place where Viking raiders, Gaelic lords, and Anglo-Normans were all active. In the region around the Mournes figures such as St. Patrick, St. Donard, St. Malachy, the Norwegian King Magnus Barelegs, John de Courcy, Edward Bruce and Shane O’Neill all left their mark in one form or another. The focus of this book is on the summit of Slieve Donard and looks at other monuments in the region that have associations with the mountain. The study also looks at the impact of the region’s saint, St. Donard, and the pilgrimage to the summit of Slieve Donard. Pilgrims climbed the mountain at the end of July up to the 18th century and perhaps into the 19th century and this pilgrimage was linked to the nearby ecclesiastical site at Maghera. The archaeology of Slieve Donard is just one part of the rich and distinctive cultural heritage of this region of Co. Down. It is hoped that this book might be of use to anyone interested in the Mournes, and to the visitors and local people who climb Slieve Donard, many of whom may not fully realise just how significant the mountain’s summit was in the past. Slieve Donard was originally Benn Boirchi - ‘the peak of Boirche’ (Ó Mainnín, 1993, 122-4). Boirche was a magical cowherd or shepherd who dwelled on the mountain, and was said to have been killed there by the ancient Irish god of the sea Manannán mac Lir. Slieve Donard’s other name was Sliabh Slángha. Slángha, son of the legendary 2

Partholón, was interred in a cairn on its summit following his death, and the mountain was named after him (ibid.). The summit also features in a collection of tales called The Boyhood Deeds of Fionn MacCumhail (Meyer 1904, 189-90). From the 19th century the region became widely known through the activities and writings of antiquarians, travel-writers and naturalists such as John O’Donovan of the Ordnance Survey (Herity 2001) and Charlotte Elizabeth (1838; 1845). Other guide books include Hardy (1830) and Doyle (1854), both of whom use Harris (1744) for much of their information on history and antiquities. With the opening of Newcastle Railway Station on 25th March 1869 (closed on 2nd May 1955), visitor numbers grew and played a vital role in the promotion of tourism in Newcastle, located on the coast north-east of Slieve Donard. The railway made possible the construction of the Slieve Donard Hotel in 1897 and helped develop the Royal County Down Golf Course by running a weekly 'Golfers' Express' from Belfast to Newcastle. The growing numbers of visitors prompted William Beatty, a Newcastle businessman to write Beatty’s Guide and Directory of Newcastle and Vicinity (1894), with archaeology and hill walking being among the many activities promoted. The Belfast and County Down Railway Company commissioned Robert Lloyd Praeger to write an Official Guide to County Down and the Mourne Mountains (1898). Praeger recorded many aspects of the natural and built heritage of the region. Praeger refers to the Mourne Mountains as “my favourite and frequent playing ground during twenty years of my more vigorous years, and I may fairly claim to have traversed every acre of them” (1937, 124). The two cairns on the summit of Slieve Donard are both recorded prehistoric archaeological monuments. The Great Cairn is the irregular pile of stones closest to the Mourne Wall and the trigonometric point on the tower, located on the south-west side of the summit (figs. 1.3 and 1.4). The summit of the mountain is covered with boulder outcrops making it difficult to determine the exact definition of the cairn. However it appears to be a round cairn measuring 36.5 m north to south by 43 m east to west and c. 1 m high. Its northern limit is indistinct. There is a well-defined heap of stone maintained by modern walkers constantly adding stones or re-placing them on the top of the cairn. This measures 10 m in diameter and 3 m high. Based on various sources the Great Cairn appears to have been a Neolithic passage tomb possibly dating to between c. 3300-3000 BC, which was later converted into a cell by the hermit St. Donard (Jope 1966, 86). The passage tomb on Slieve Donard is the highest passage tomb known in Britain and Ireland (Herity 1974, 230). The second, Lesser Cairn, is c. 210 m to the north-east of the Great Cairn and overlooks the town of Newcastle (fig. 1.5). It is situated in an area of outcropping close to slopes falling off to north-east and east. It is difficult to differentiate exactly between the natural rocks and the round cairn itself. However the Lesser Cairn’s approximate diameter is 18 m north to south by 16 m east to west. It stands some 4.5 m high but there is a pinnacle that rises to 5.3 m, which is maintained by visitors to the site adding stones to it. This monument appears to have been an Early Bronze Age multiple-cist cairn, possibly dating to c. 2300-1950 BC that was later used as an oratory by St. Donard. 3

1.4 The Great Cairn

St. Domhanghart, commonly referred to by his anglicized name, St. Donard, eventually gave his name to the mountain. He was founder of the hermitage and oratory on the summit of Slieve Donard and the monastery of Maghera (2.6 km north north-east of Newcastle) (Evans 1989, 104-5; Hamlin 2008, 305-9, 104-5). Later in time alterations to the cairns were made by pilgrims who visited the summit sanctified by St. Donard. This pilgrimage is documented from 1645 up to the early 19th century but is probably of much greater antiquity (MacNeill 2008, 91). The pilgrimage was held on the last Sunday of July and was one of Ireland’s four principal Lughnasa Mountain Assemblies (the others being Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo, Mount Brandon, Co. Kerry and Church Mountain, Co. Wicklow). A new chapter in the biography of Slieve Donard occurred in 1826 when the Royal Engineers used the cairns to establish base stations on the summit of Slieve Donard for the Principal Triangulation of Ireland in advance of the Ordnance Survey six-inch-to-one-mile scale maps (Andrews 2001, 43). The construction of the Mourne Wall resulted in further change and consequent damage to the Great Cairn. This wall runs across the summit on its northern and western shoulders and was built between 1904 and 1922 by the Belfast Water Commissioners to enclose the water catchment in the Mournes (Carson 1981, 1-5; McAfee 1999, 100-1). Today, further alterations are being made to the two summit cairns by hill-walkers who repeatedly add stones to them (fig. 1.6). Through the ages both sites have undergone considerable alteration and change since their original construction, but a few clues exist that can aid us in identifying certain features that may suggest what their form, function and structure might have been in the distant past. These clues consist primarily of historic descriptions, information contained in legends, and comparisons that we can draw with similar monuments also located on mountain summits. 4

15 The Lesser Cairn

The various ‘biographical’ strands or ‘timemarks’ (Chapman 1997) in the story of human interactions with Slieve Donard suggest that the mountain played an important role in the lives of people who lived around it or could use it as a reference point from afar. Its prominent shape and its great height act as an important navigational aid and landmark in both the landscape and seascape of this region. This book hopes to explore the various facets of its importance, starting with a brief description of its geology and paleoenvironment. There is a consideration of various myths and legends, providing a background to some Otherworldly perceptions of Slieve Donard. A section deals with the archaeology of the prehistoric cairns, and historical accounts which help us to understand their use in early prehistory. Following that there is a brief overview of the prehistory of the region. A further chapter looks at St. Donard, his life, the foundation of his hermitage on Slieve Donard and his monastery at Maghera, as well as reviewing the Lughnasa pilgrimage to the mountain summit. There follows a brief examination of the activities of the Royal Engineers on the summit during the Principal Triangulation of Ireland in 1826. The construction of the Mourne Wall and its impact on the mountain are also considered. The penultimate chapter deals with the significance of Slieve Donard in the context of the Irish Sea cultural zone. In conclusion, we shall assess the implications of the evidence and consider why Slieve Donard has experienced such a varied biography. Visitors still come to the region in great numbers for the amenities, attractions, outdoor pursuits and wealth of natural and built heritage. The beauty and uniqueness of the mountains, however, are best appreciated by walking through them and over them. It is the physical engagement with the Mourne Mountains that captures the spirit of the places and its inhabitants (Pochin Mould 1955; Kirk 2003). The region was designated as an Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty in 1986 and is managed through the Mourne Heritage Trust with the support of a range of funding bodies. Slieve Donard is part of a European Union designated Special Area of Conservation because of some of its rare 5

1.6 Walkers cairn on the southern side of the Great Cairn (with memorials left by visitors).

flora. The National Trust manage and own parts of the Mournes, including Slieve Donard, some of the coastal paths and the Murlough National Trust Reserve. The region remains a special place and, thanks to the efforts of the local community and various organisations, its heritage is being preserved for future generations to learn from, to love and enjoy.

6

2.1 High Cross at Downpatrick Cathedral, which was made of granite from near Slieve Donard. (courtesy Down County Museum) 7

2.2 Quarry site near Crannoge on south side of Slive Donard

8

Chapter 2 The geology and paleoenvironment of Slieve Donard The geology of a region is its skeleton and in many ways all the cultural activity in an area is influenced by the rock, on which everything rests. Soil types, water and drainage, topography, coastlines and routeways are all vital influences on how people interact with their environment. The geology of the Mourne Mountains has undergone considerable change over enormous time periods. In Ulster there is evidence for dramatic geological activity creating collisions between continents, ancient oceans, tropical seas, scorching deserts, and great sheets of glacial ice, earthquakes and volcanic eruptions. Over vast periods of geological time both gradual, and in some cases very rapid, changes have occurred in the landscape due to actions of erosion and deposition. Mountains that were once incredibly high have been worn down by the combination of wind, rain and ice, with water and rivers carrying away debris to be deposited elsewhere. The erosion of coasts by oceans and storms, the creation of valleys by ice-sheets tearing apart the land, and large-scale depositional processes are just some of the dramatic impacts that have shaped this region (McKeever 1999; Mitchell 2004). The Mournes are usually described as being entirely formed of granite, but this is something of an over-simplification (Dillon 2000, 7). The Mourne granites are intrusions, formed by an ‘injection’ of molten rock, or magma, into existing cracks beneath the surface of the Earth. This is distinct from a volcanic rock-mass which has erupted from the surface, such as is the case with the Antrim basalts and the igneous rocks of Slieve Gullion in southern Co. Armagh, as well as the mountains of the Cooley Peninsula in Co. Louth. The rocks, into which the granite intruded, are the main geological bedrocks of Counties Down and Armagh, and are mainly from the Silurian geological period, which dates from between 442 to 417 million years ago. They form what is known as the Irish and British Caledonides (Anderson 2004, 41). These particular rocks around the Mournes are called the Hawick Group and are made up of sandstones, siltstones, mudstones and greywacke, which were deposited on the floor of an ancient ocean during the Silurian period (McKeever 1999). The Mourne granites formed in large domes beneath the Earth’s surface during a period of great shifts in continental plates. This was part of the Paleogene period of geology that occurred between 65.5 and 23 million years ago. The focus of the intrusive Paleogene igneous activity was focused in Counties Down, Armagh and Louth (Cooper and Johnson 2004, 179). The Mourne granites never broke the surface but cooled underground to form granite below a dome made up of the Silurian deposits. These in turn were affected by contact with extremely hot molten magma, and the tremendous heat and pressure caused the Silurian rocks to alter, metamorphosing them into slaty layers. Further volcanic material squeezed into cracks in the granites and the Silurian rock, which formed minor dykes. The intrusions partially retain the general shape of the steep-walled mould into which they were formed. These igneous granite rocks have 9

2.3 Mourne granites (after McKeever 1999, Fig. 8)

been dated to between 56.2 million to 54.6 million years ago (Gibson et al. 1995, 25), with the peaks of Slieve Donard and Commedagh being the older parts of this formation. Geologists can tell that the magma never reached the surface because the roof of the magma chambers still exists in places, but it had intruded at a high level within the Earth’s crust. The intrusions were from two successive injections of molten lava making up the eastern and western Mourne Mountains. On the eastern side there are three distinctive granites called G1, G2, and G3; while the western Mournes are made up of two, G4 and G5 (fig. 2.3). Successive injections of magma occurred at long enough intervals to allow each granite to solidify before the next intrusion (McKeever 1999, 70-71). The domes of these intrusions have eroded away and parts of the roofs and walls of different granites can be seen. The highest summits of the Mourne Mountains are Slieve Donard and Slieve Commedagh, both of which are G1 granites. When ascending Slieve Donard along the Bloody Bridge River by the Brandy Pad, or along the Glen River route from Donard Park up to the Saddle, the interface between the G2 and G1 granites can be seen, particularly at two locations: in the cliffs at Eagles Rock, along the trail west of the Glen River (fig. 2.4), and also in the cliffs at ‘The Castles’, found by following the Brandy Pad towards the south of Slieve Commedagh (Evans 1989 31-39). Mourne granite has been used at least since the Early Medieval period for the manufacturing of millstones and crosses. The millstones found at the monastic site at Nendrum, on the shore of Strangford Lough, Co. Down, dating to the late 8th century AD, derive from the granite outcrops found in the upper reaches of the Bloody Bridge 10

2.4 Eagles Rock on left and the Glen River. The granite interface is visible in the cliffs in Eagles Rock

River on the southern slopes of Slieve Donard (McErlean and Crothers 2007, 199-200). It is possible that they were transported across land via Maghera and Downpatrick and on to Nendrum, but it seems more likely they were moved by boat across Dundrum Bay, around St John’s Point and into Strangford Lough. The slabs of Mourne granite used to carve the shaft and head of the Downpatrick High Cross were probably transported the same way in the late 9th century (Ian Meighan pers. comm.) (fig. 2.1). The geology of the region provided employment to many men who became stone-workers in the quarries that were opened up around the lower slopes of Slieve Donard and surrounding mountains. The Granite Trail walking route, a short loop-walk from Newcastle Harbour, testifies to this. In 1824 John Lynn opened a quarry on Millstone Mountain on the eastern side of Slieve Donard and laid a railway line to King Street in Newcastle. Newcastle and Annalong were the primary harbours for the shipping of granite to various destinations, and Newcastle became more important with the improvements made to the pier by Lord Annesley. By 1859 a more productive quarry on Thomas’ Mountain was opened and was used up until relatively recently. The funicular railway line, known locally as the ‘Bogie Line’, now part of the Granite Trail, led from the quarries to Newcastle Harbour (figs. 2.5 and 2.6). Tens of thousands of tons of granite were produced here every year when the quarries were at their busiest (see Evans 1989, 165-75 for techniques and tools of the stone-workers as well as the history of the granite quarries in general). Impressive buildings around Ireland and Britain were made from this granite, such as Downpatrick Courthouse and Queen’s Bridge, Belfast. With the outbreak of World War II the railway line fell into disuse and was dismantled; the tracks and bogies were then sent to Belfast 11

2.5 Example of a quarry sledge on the Granite Trail

to help in the war effort. Mr. Ernie Wilson has undertaken important fieldwork in the Mournes by recording and mapping many locations of worked granite, in the form of remnants left by the builders of the Mourne Wall, quarries and millstone-making sites (fig. 2.7) (Martin Carey, Mourne Heritage Trust, pers. comm.) The Mournes since the Ice Ages The Quaternary period, from about 2.5 million years ago, completed the geological history of the Mournes. Its deposits, which cover most of the older rocks, form the basis of the modern soil types of the region. The climate during this period dramatically changed, resulting in long periods of glaciations. The Quaternary period is divided into the Pleistocene, which ended with the melting of the ice-sheets 12000 years ago, and the Holocene, which is the period in which we live today (Bazley 2004, 213; Hall 2011). During the Pleistocene there were a number of warm periods where the great ice-sheets temporarily melted, leaving the area around the Mournes with tundra-like conditions. Animals such as musk ox, woolly mammoth, wolf, bear and Giant Irish deer would have roamed the region (McKeever 1999, 81). There is no evidence for humans in Ireland before the end of the last glaciation, and the earliest evidence for man in Ireland comes from Mount Sandal, near the mouth of the River Bann, c. 8000 BC. It was the action of the last Ice Age and the present warm period that sculpted Slieve Donard and the Mourne Mountains into their current form. Drumlins were formed, valleys carved out, esker ridges created, mountains smoothed over, and boulder clays deposited (Evans 1989, 41-61). With the gradual ending of the last Ice Age, land bridges disappeared and sea levels rose dramatically and huge areas were flooded. Gradually the climate continued to warm and the land surface began to rise up following the removal of the enormous 12

2.6 Example of a ‘Bogie cart’ on the Granite Trail

weight of the ice, a process called ‘rebounding’. This rising land caused some coastal areas to rise, creating raised beaches. Much of the road from Bloody Bridge towards Annalong is built on one of these platforms that were formerly beside the sea (Evans 1989, 60-1). Plants and animals gradually colonised the region. Kenneth Hirons’ (1988) work on pollen analysis was carried out in the Rocky and Rowan Tree River in the lower Mournes, principally around the area of the Black Bog, south-east of Hilltown, gives some indication of the vegetation of the Mournes after the end of the Ice Age. The earliest phase of vegetation at the Black Bog, dating from before 7600 BC, indicates vegetation typical of early post-glacial conditions. Soon after the warming of the climate, following the end of the Ice Age, birch and juniper were the dominant trees, along with willow. Large amounts of grass and sedge pollen were present with sorrels, meadowsweet and crowberry suggesting an open, perhaps scrubby, woodland area. By c. 7000 BC hazel colonised the slopes of the hills, and other trees such as pine, then elm and oak, gradually appeared throughout the area. The peat in the shallow lake at Black Bog dried out suggesting warming, but pine trees managed to live in it (preserved stumps can still be seen in the Mournes and ancient pine has been found at heights of c. 400 m OD (Hirons 1988, 50-51)). The water levels changed and pine survived until c. 5300 BC. Alder appeared in the pollen record of this area by c. 6000 BC but became more extensive by c. 5250 BC. A gradual decline in pine and elm occurred during the subsequent period with an increase of ribwort plantain, nettles, sorrel and bracken; and ash pollen appeared for the first time. This evidence might be an indication of the first opening of the woodland for agriculture sometime after 4000 BC. The woodlands remained more or less open and were of a different composition. By about 1400 BC pine had disappeared, elm was 13

2.7 Unfinished millstone on slopes of Slieve Donard (E. Wilson, courtesy of Mourne Heritage Trust)

much reduced and greater amounts of herb pollen, especially plantain, appear in the record. There was also the appearance of cereal pollen and a fall in tree pollen, particularly that of hazel, up to AD 500. This combined evidence shows an increasing local intensification of agricultural activity. Grazing and agricultural activities continued, with further intensification of grazing through the introduction of sheep in large numbers from the end of the 18th century onwards. It was suggested that seasonal exploitation of the hills through time was occurring, perhaps similar to the more recent ‘booleying’ in the mountains, even though no prehistoric or early medieval settlement has been identified within the mountains themselves (see Gardiner 2008 for details on booleying in the Mourne Mountains). This picture is, of course, a local one around the Black Bog area, but it is possible that similar vegetation may have been present in the vicinity of Slieve Donard. There is also some correlation with the data collected by Armstrong, Calvert and Ingold (1929-31). The impact during the Neolithic period around 4000-2400 BC is relatively slight but a greater change occurs from the Bronze Age onwards, from c. 2500 BC. Blanket bog from around this period spreads, with suppressed tree regeneration in some places and pine woods growing on the bogs. Over millions of years, erosion and action by the glaciers on the land-mass of the Mourne Mountains and Slieve Donard would have gradually shaped them into their current form. Frost shattering caused great quantities of scree and outcropping on the summit. Weathering of wind, rain, heat and cold is still gradually eroding the mountain. The soil cover would have been thin, and no trees could have grown at this altitude. The summit of Slieve Donard is likely to have been an ecological zone of summit heath 14

2.8 Granite tors in the Mourne Mountains (courtesy Mourne Heritage Trust)

initially dominated by heathers. The summit’s ecology has been described in detail by Armstrong, Calvert, and Ingold (1929-31; 1934). It would have been primarily composed of clumps of Woolly fringe moss (Racomtrium lanuginosum) and various species of grass such as Sheep’s fescue (Festuca ovina) as well as the occurrence of the Dwarf willow (Salix herbacea) (fig. 2.9). The glacial till and post-glacial drainage patterns created soil types and the flora that they support. Although actions by humans have changed and altered the landscape through time, it is unlikely that the summit of Slieve Donard has physically changed a great deal since the end of the Ice Age.

2.9 Vegetation map of Slieve Donard’s summit (after Armstrong et al 1929-31) 15

3.1 Map indicating sites associated with the legendary figure Boirche

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Chapter 3 Slieve Donard in myth and legend: An Otherworldly domain. There are a number of figures associated with the summit of the mountain and also with the cairns. Three individuals, Boirche, Slángha and St. Donard have all given their name to the mountain, as it has been called Benn mBoirchi, Sliabh Slángha and Sliabh Dónairt, now Slieve Donard. There is a particular emphasis towards Otherworldly figures in the legends concerning Slieve Donard compared to other mountains in Ireland that are named after a mythical figure or saint. The legends identify the monuments on the summit of Slieve Donard as being dwellings or burial monuments of Otherworldly beings. The stories do not necessarily reflect the monuments’ original purpose. Champion and Cooney’s (1999) discussion of the passage tomb complex at Loughcrew in Co. Meath suggests that the oral traditions about the cairns form another part of the story of the site, and the monuments become ambiguous mythical places where the real world and the Otherworld collide. Cathy Swift’s (2003) work on the Brú na Boínne passage tomb complex in Co. Meath, where the great monuments of Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth occur, points out the myths appear to reflect a later Iron Age origin for the mythical characters associated with the site and that these characters are associated with the Túatha Dé Dannan, the ancient gods of Ireland. Miranda Green (1999) sees the medieval interest in the monuments at Loughcrew and Brú na Boínne as a reaction of the composers of medieval Irish myth to their ancestral past, and notes that these monuments were held in high esteem by local communities throughout the early medieval period. Because megaliths appear to have acted as ‘timemarks’ in the landscape, they invite later peoples to rediscover, reinterpret and reuse them (Holtorf 1998, 30; also see Hingley, 1996) and this too seems to be the case at Slieve Donard. In a number of early sources, including the 9th century text of the Triads of Ireland (Meyer 1906, 4-5) and the 11th and 12th century versions of the Dindshenchas, or ‘Lore of Famous Places’ (Stokes 1893, 487-8), Slieve Donard is referred to as Benn mBoirchi, which means the Peak of Boirche. The plural, Beanna Boirche, referred to the entire range of the Mourne Mountains, but because Slieve Donard is the highest and most prominent peak in the Mournes, it received the singular name of Benn mBoirchi. In the Triads of Ireland it is described as one of the three great heights of Ireland, the two others being Crúchán Aigli, now Croagh Patrick in Co. Mayo, and Ae Chúlalann, which is either the Great Sugarloaf or Lugnaquilla in Co. Wicklow (ibid.., 155). The Great Sugarloaf is visible from Slieve Donard (see fig. 8.9), while Lugnaquilla and Croagh Patrick are not. Boirche appears to have been a mythical cowherd and legendary King of Mourne in the 3rd century AD. Within the Dindshenchas we are given two versions of the origin of the name: “That peak was the seat of Boirche, the cowherd of the son of Ross Rigbuidhe, and he would tend every cow equally from Dunseverick to the Boyne, and they would come at his call to Bend Boirche, and no cow would graze more than another. Whence 17

Bend Boirche, ‘Boirche’s Peak’, derives its name” (Stokes 1893, 487-8). The other version of the origin of the name relates how the son of Boirche was killed on Slieve Donard by Manannán, the ancient Irish god of the sea: “Bennan son of Boirchenn killed Manannán’s son Ibel for going in unto his wife Lecon, daughter of Lotar. . . And after that he killed Bennan on that peak. Whence Benna Boirchi is said.” (ibid.; Joyce 1869, 138). Manannán’s abode in legend is said to be the Isle of Man, formerly called Manu, within sight of Slieve Donard (Ó hÓgáin 1999, 151) (fig. 3.3). There is also a reference to the legendary hero, Cú Chulainn, dwelling near Beanna Boirche, or the ‘Peaks of Boirche’ (Reeves 1847, 206). The plural, Beanna Boirche, referred to the entire range of the Mourne Mountains and was the name used for this mountain range up until the late 12th century, when a tribal group of the Mughdhorna (a branch of the MacMahon clan) migrated from their territory in Cremourne, Co. Monaghan, to south Co. Down. They gave their name to the region and the mountains, Sléibhte Múghdhorn, which was anglicized to the mountains of Mourne (Ó Mainnín, 1993, 122-4). There are various traditions about Boirche. Evans says he ruled his kingdom, the Barony of Mourne to the south of the Mourne Mountains, from the summit of Slieve Binnian, and not Slieve Donard as stated in the Dindshenchas (1989, 103). O’Laverty identifies the enclosing cashel at the church site of Kilmeloge as being Cathair Boirche, Boirche’s Fort (1878, 28). Kirk suggests that Boirche’s burial place was on Slievenamiskan overlooking Spelga (2003, 120), and Russell identifies Boirche’s fortress as being in the parish of Kilcoo in Drumena or Moneyscalp (2007, 33, 237) (fig. 3.1). In the 15th century text relating the stories of the legendary King of Ireland, Conghal Cláiringneach, Conghal, then king of Ulster, returns from Scotland and is joined by Fergus mac Rosa. They go to the hostel or Brú of Boirche Casulach, the son of Eochaidh Sálbhuidhe in south-east Co. Down, and he defeats his rival Fergus mac Léide (Ó hÓgáin 2006, 113). Ó Mainnín suggests this hostel, or Boirche’s fortress, is the motte site at Ballymaghery townland in Clonduff, which is known as Mota Beanna Boirche (1993, 123). A further element that associates Boirche with Slieve Donard, apart from the Dindshenchas, is attested by P. W. Joyce, who states that “the people have a story, as I heard it on the spot, that there is a subterranean passage from Ballaghanairy to the very summit of Slieve Donard, which old Borka the shepherd traversed when he pleased” (1913, 75) (fig. 3.1). A more direct association of a mythical Otherworldly character with Slieve Donard is Slángha, son of one of Ireland’s mythical invaders Partholón. The earliest reference of the mountain being called Sliabh Slángha is recorded in the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick (Stokes 1887, Vol. I, 120). We are given more information by Dubhaltach Mac Firbishigh in his Chronicum Scotorum (Hennesey 1866, 6-7): “In the succeeding year died Slángha, the fourth chieftain of Erinn, who was interred by Partholón in Sliabh Slángha; hence from him that mountain is named”; and in the Annals of the Four Masters listed under the year of the world 2533 we are told that “Slainge, son of Partholón, died in this year, and was interred in the cairn of Sliabh Slángha” (O’Donovan 1856 Vol. I, 6-7). 18

3.2 The Lesser Cairn (left), the Great Cairn and Mourne Wall (right) (courtesy Aine McAlarney)

Gerald of Wales or Giraldus Cambrensis (1146-1223) was related to the important Norman family of the Fitzgeralds and came to Ireland in 1183 to assist his uncle, Maurice Fitzgerald, in its conquest. He came a second time in 1185 under instruction from King Henry II and wrote his book The History and Topography of Ireland c. 1187. In this he discusses the legendary Partholón, calling him Bartholonus and that his son Slángha, who he calls Salanga, gave his name to the mountain that “overlooks the sea between Ireland and Britain . . . Now, however, this latter is called Dominic’s mountain (Mons Dominici), because Saint Dominic built a fine monastery [Maghera] at its foot at a much later time” (O’Meara 1982, 94). Here Giraldus is mistaking Dominic for St. Domhanghart (St. Donard), but the reference suggests that the use of the name Sliabh Slángha was going out of use by at least the end of the 12th century and was being replaced by the name of Slieve Donard. Much of the story of Partholón’s arrival in Ireland comes from the pseudo-historical text Lebhor Gabála Érenn, the Book of Invasions of Ireland, partially preserved in Lebor na hUidre (Book of the Dun Cow) and dating from the end of the 11th century (Slavin 2005, 1-23). He is said to have left Greece after murdering his mother and father in order to take the kingship from his brother. He is descended from Noah and the event occurs three hundred years after the Flood. Partholón arrived in Ireland with his wife, three sons (Slángha, Laighlin and Rudraige) along with their wives and retinue. He and his group are credited with bringing the first cattle to Ireland, clearing four great plains, building the first guest-house, introducing cooking and brewing, fighting a demonic 19

3.3 Isle of Man, the abode of Manannán, as seen from Slieve Donard

race already in Ireland (called the Fomorians), and prompting the first case of adultery and jealousy in Ireland (Ó hÓgáin 2006, 417). Partholón’s name is related to St. Jerome’s interpretation of Barthlomaeus, which means ‘son of him who stays in the waters’; a reference to the Biblical Deluge (O’Rahilly 1984, 75). Although most scholars agree he is devoid of historical significance, there appears to be agreement that the Partholón story belongs to an ancient tradition of primitive myth. It may be that his story refers to a distant memory of changes that happened in Ireland with the adoption of farming (MacNeill 2008, 86). There are further connections between Co. Down and Partholón’s other two sons; Laighlin gave his name to Loch Laighlinne which is identified as Belfast Lough; the other son gave his name to Loch Rudraige, which is identified as Dundrum Bay, north-east of Slieve Donard (ibid.). ‘The Boyhood Deeds of Fionn’ (Irish: Macgnímartha Finn) is a medieval narrative belonging to the Fenian Cycle of Irish mythology. As its title implies, it recounts the boyhood exploits of Fionn mac Cumhaill (sometimes called Finn), the cycle's central figure. The most important manuscript is Laud 610 in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (folio 118Rb-121Va), which is missing the ending of the tale. Kuno Meyer has assigned this text to the 12th century. The last section from the Laud 610 folio translates as follows: “Thereupon Finn and Fiacail went onward. Now, Fiacail had a tryst with the fian at Inver Colptha [the Boyne Estuary]. . . Now, one hour of the night, as Finn was watching, he heard a cry from the north, and did not wake the warrior. He went alone in the direction of the cry to Slieve Slanga. While Finn was there, among the men of Ulster, at the hour of midnight, he overtook three women before him, at a green mound, with horns of fairy-women. As they were wailing on that mound, they would all put their hands on the mound. Then the women flee into the fairy-mound before Finn. Finn caught one of the women as she was going into the fairy-knoll of Slanga, and snatched her brooch out of her cloak. The woman went after him, and besought Finn to give her 20

back the brooch of her cloak, and said it was not fit for her to go into the fairy-knoll with a blemish, and she promised a reward . . .” Meyer 1904, 189-90 Here unfortunately the text finishes, but Meyer mentions that we learn from a character called Gilla in a poem by Chomded (contained in the Book of Leinster), that the woman of the Sídh (a member of the Túatha Dé Danann) presented Fionn with a vessel full of gold and silver, which he divided among the Fianna (Meyer 1904, 189-90; also see Cross and Slover 1936). This motif regularly occurs in the Fenian tradition of tales where there is an existence of an Otherworldly foe who threatens the safety of mortals. It has its roots in the early myth of Lugh, the ancient Irish sun god, killing his tyrannical one-eyed grandfather, Balor of the Evil Eye (Ó hÓgáin 2006, 243-244; also see Ní Bhrolcháin 2009 for discussion of the symbolism associated with these tales). This motif of a potentially dangerous Otherworldly foe is also repeated concerning the dramatic story of Fionn killing Aillen mac Midhna. The text is of a 12th century date which relates how the high-king at Tara, Conn Céadchathach (Conn of the Hundred Battles), was dreading the Samhain feast day (Halloween) because for nine years on that Samhain eve the citadel of Tara was burnt by the Otherworldly being Aillen. He would play enchanted music, that lulled everyone to sleep, and would then proceed to burn the hill of Tara by blowing magical fire from his mouth. Fionn, who was ten years old at the time, offers to stand guard for the king. Fionn manages to stay awake when Aillen’s enchanted music began to play by placing a spear against his forehead. He chased Aillen from Tara to an entrance to a Sídh mound at Sliabh Fuaid (Few Hills, Co. Armagh) where he killed Aillen and then beheaded him. We are then informed that Aillen is king of the Sídh of Benn Boirche: “To Aillen then his mother came : . . ‘Aillen is fallen: fairy chief of Benn Boirche: now are the numbing death mists come upon him O Boirche; 'tis a lamentable case!’” (O’Grady 1892, 145-146). The cairn containing the entrance to the Sídh (in this case an Otherworldly palace belonging to the Túatha Dé Danann) on Sliabh Fuaid may have been one destroyed in the late 19th century after being used as building material when the Synott family built Ballymonear House. It was located at Clady Beg in the vicinity of the Few Hills in Co. Armagh (Neill 2009, 138). Fionn’s deed of saving Tara from Aillen’s fires was rewarded by Conn who installed him as head of the Fianna of Ireland (Ó hÓgáin 2006, 244). The story indicates that Aillen was a dangerous Otherworldly figure associated with Slieve Donard who is named by his mother as being ‘fairy chief of Benn Boirche’, that of Slieve Donard. Another tale that involves both Sliabh Fuaid and Benn Boirche is the tale of Buile Shuibhne. This is a 9th century story dealing with a 7th century king of the Dál nAraidhe, a kingdom in south Co. Antrim and north Co. Down. In this story the mad Suibhne, or Sweeny, believed he was a bird after being cursed by St. Ronan and went to live at Gleann Bolcáin, the valley of madmen (possibly Rosharkin in Co. Antrim). In this story 21

he is tormented by horrendous phantoms at Sliabh Fuaid and spends a number of winters on the summit of Benn Boirche, enduring terrible suffering (Talbot-Crosbie 1914; Ó hÓgáin 2006, 463-5). The Otherworldness of Slieve Donard The stories about Slieve Donard share certain traits with a number of important archaeological complexes and remains in the Irish landscape, which add to their cultural significance. Also, many sites remote from human settlements, such as mountain-tops, retain certain elements of Otherworldness that are reinforced by myths and legends associated with that place. So-called liminal places are locations in between two realms (such as land and sky on mountain summits, or water and land, such as inter-tidal zones or bogs). Gazin-Schwartz and Holtorf (1999, 16) suggest that, in certain instances, references to Otherworldly entrances in folklore might represent a continuation of local knowledge regarding the original function of prehistoric mounds. However, the meanings associated with many monuments change through time, as successive communities alter their perception of the past, and it is important to bear in mind the memories and histories associated with such ancient monuments. Myths, legends, folktales and superstitions typically do not contain accurate or reliable interpretations of the past, but they may reflect parts of the biography of particular monuments, which extend from their construction to up to the present (Holtorf, 1998). Until recently, many archaeologists focused on the construction of a particular prehistoric site and its intensive or initial stages of use without analysis of the apparent array of meanings that they gather through time and how they are perceived today. Folklore represents one of the layers of meaning that monuments accrue through time. It often reflects some of the later interpretations of prehistoric sites, while contemporary narratives reveal how people might perceive monuments today. Many Irish passage tombs and megalithic tombs are associated with these mythical figures but there are also ringforts, mottes and other archaeological sites that are associated with them, along with lone bushes, springs and rivers, caves and ‘enchanted’ lakes within hills and mountains. Irish folklore accounts often describe misfortune, or even fatality, befalling people who interfere with the Sídh or their dwellings. To some extent this has helped preserve monuments in the Irish landscape (Champion and Cooney, 1999); unfortunately this was not so for the cairns on Slieve Donard. Although they seem to have been “conspicuous features in the landscape that provide tangible points of reference to which legends can be anchored” (Layton, 1999, 28), the cairns on Slieve Donard have undergone much alteration. The medieval stories concerning Slieve Donard indicate there was a perception that the summit of Slieve Donard was inhabited by Otherworldly beings such as Boirche, Slanga, the three women of the Sídh who were pursued by Fionn, and Aillen mac Midhna, the ‘fairy chief’ of Slieve Donard. These were potentially dangerous

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Otherworldly foes that could cause damage and destruction. This idea of danger appears to be reflected through the story of Suibhne enduring terrible suffering on Slieve Donard, a theme which we will return to in the final chapter.

3.4 The Great Cairn from the south-east, the legendary abode of many mythical figures.

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The Great Cairn (on right next to the Mourne Wall tower) and the Lesser Cairn (left) looking south from Castlewellan (photo Aine McAlarney) 24

Chapter 4 A passage tomb and Bronze Age cairn on Slieve Donard The stories about Slieve Donard contain certain recurring themes: the summit is portrayed as the burial-place of the legendary Slángha, the abode of Boirche, the king-cowherd, and as an Otherworldly entrance for three women of the Sídh chased by Fionn. These stories reflect the perceived importance of the summit and mountain in general, but also share certain characteristics with other prehistoric burial mounds in Ireland and elsewhere. Although both cairns on the summit of Slieve Donard are badly damaged, and have been considerably altered through time, most scholars agree that the Great Cairn is likely to have been a passage tomb (Jope 1966, 85-6; Cooney 2000, 139; Evans 1989, 90-1; Herity 1974, 229-30; Mallory and MacNeill 1991, 68) and that the Lesser Cairn was a multiple cist cairn dating to the Early Bronze Age (Jope 1966, 86; Evans 1989, 91; Herity 1974, 230). By reviewing the historical references to the two summit cairns it is possible to create a picture of their form prior to their destruction. A vivid picture of the cairns as they stood in the 18th century comes from the Anglo-Irish historian and vicar-general to the Protestant Bishop of Meath, Walter Harris (1686-1761). Writing in 1744, Harris mentions the Lughnasa pilgrimage (see chapter 6) and then relates: “On the Summit of this Mountain are two rude Edifices (if they may so be termed) one being a huge Heap of Stones piled up in a pyramidical Figure, in which are formed several Cavities, wherein the Devotees shelter themselves in bad weather while they hear Mass; and in the centre of this Heap is a Cave formed by broad flat stones, so disposed as to support each other without the help of Cement. The other Edifice is composed of many stones, so disposed in rude Walls and Partitions, called Chapels, and perhaps was the Oratory and Cell erected by St. Domhanghart [St. Donard].” Harris 1744, 121. The description of the ‘huge Heap of Stones’ appears to be of the Great Cairn on the summit of Slieve Donard, and the ‘Cave’ could refer to a chamber of a passage tomb. The ‘Cavities’ Harris described may be side-recesses, while the ‘broad flat stones’ might be corbel-stones. It is this description which scholars have drawn upon to conclude that the Great Cairn was a passage tomb. However, this is not clear-cut, and the features Harris mentions could equally be the collapsed remains of St. Donard’s Cell, a ruined church, a possible Bronze Age cairn or some other structure. The second structure, described by Harris as having walls and partitions, may be identified as the Lesser Cairn. Other sources tend to support the theory that increases the likelihood that the ‘Great Cairn’ was a Neolithic passage tomb and they provide tantalising glimpses of what kind of monument once stood at the summit. One strong piece of evidence can be found 25

4.1 1834 plan of the Great Cairn on Slieve Donard. From the Fair Plan of sheet 49 for Co. Down (National Archives of Ireland, O.S.105 E. 63.1)

on an Ordnance Survey Fair Plan (a final manuscript drawing before the engraving of plates for the printing of the six-inch-to-one-mile scale maps). This Fair Plan is for the six inch sheet for Co. Down (sheet no. 49) which dates from 1834 and contains a plan of the ‘Great Cairn’ (National Archives of Ireland, O.S. 105 E. 63.1) (fig. 4.1). The cairn is depicted with what appear to be 27 kerbstones surrounding it. Looking at the shading on the plan, a circular wall-like enclosure is drawn inside these kerbstones, with the central part of the cairn hollowed out and a rectangular shape, labelled ‘well’, at the centre. A mound of stones appears on the west side of the cairn, which was most likely made by the Ordnance Survey for the purposes of triangulation, as it is marked with a triangle and dot, the symbol for a triangulation point (see chapter 7). Also indicated is what appears to be a depression in the outer limit of the cairn, with another rectangular shape labelled ‘seat’, just slightly north of the eastern edge. This could be interpreted as a surviving lintel stone above an eastern orientated entrance. The plan also gives a diameter of ‘80 Feet’, which is 24.4 m. John O’Donovan visited Slieve Donard while he was collecting information on place-names in County Down in 1834, the same year as the Fair Plan was made. O’Donovan (1806-1861) was an extraordinary Irish scholar and Ireland’s first historical topographer. He began working for George Petrie in the Topographical Department of the Ordnance Survey in 1830, and he continued to work there until 1842. While staying 26

4.2 Detail from the 1834 Fair Plan of sheet 49 for Co. Down depicting the Great Cairn and Lesser Cairn (National Archives of Ireland, O.S.105 E. 63.1)

in Castlewellan, he climbed Slieve Donard, and in a letter from there dated Tuesday April 6th, 1834, he relates: “. . . two circular cairns on its summit, one to the N.E., and the other to the S.W., the former is now much destroyed, and the well which my guide informs me was springing in the centre of it filled up with stones [the Lesser Cairn]. . . The cairn to the S.W. [the Great Cairn] is much more perfect, but destroyed in a great measure to erect the Trig. Station. . . The well in this cairn is now dried up and I can scarcely believe it ever held spring water. To the East of the well there is a stone, which to me appears to have been used by the saint [St. Donard] as an altar, and it would also appear probable that he roofed this cairn and used it as a little chapel. . . . I am also of the opinion that this cairn had been originally used as a druidical place of worship and the hermit [St. Donard] took advantage of the pile {as the Sappers have of the chapel} to build a little house and place of worship for himself and his visitors . . . The sappers have left a good many circular cairns on this mountain. I hope these will never be taken for Druids’ circles or chapels of hermits”. O’Donovan in Herity 2001, 55-6. Another interesting description of the Great Cairn comes from the 1836 Statistical Report on the Parish of Kilkeel contained in the Ordnance Survey Memoirs (Day and McWilliams 1990, 46-52). Under the heading ‘Discoveries on Slieve Donard’, it states: “. . . on the top of Slieve Donard, among a great confusion of stones, which are evidence of there being a large stone cairn at one time. . . There is also on the top, almost in the 27

centre of the cairn, a well of about 4 feet [c. 1.2 m.] deep, and 2 or 3 old steps to it; the well is dry, and it appears hard to account for any water but rain water remaining in it, as it is one of the highest points in Ireland; the well is walled round” Day and McWilliams 1990, 51. We get another description of the Great Cairn and well on Slieve Donard, three years after O’Donovan, from Charlotte Elizabeth Tonna (1790-1846) who penned all her works under the name Charlotte Elizabeth. She was an English evangelical Protestant writer who spent some time in Ireland. Two of her many publications contain information on Slieve Donard, which she describes after a walk she undertook to the summit while staying as a guest of Lord Roden at his estate at Tollymore in July 1837 (Charlotte Elizabeth 1838, 264-72; 1845, 207-8). “At the summit there is a heap of stones . . . of various sizes; many so large that my utmost efforts could not have moved one of them . . . They are arranged, or rudely heaped, in an imperfect circle, with some appearance of a division into two or more compartments. Enclosed within the range is a well which the guide told us was holy; and the little boy who carried our cloaks added that the water would cure any sick person who was dipped in that well. Near it was a broad slab supported on uneven blocks, and from the vegetation that crept round it must have been there a long time – this was used as an altar. The place is now forsaken, so far as its supposed sanctity is concerned” Charlotte Elizabeth 1838, 268. “At the summit is a heap of stones, the irregular outline of which might probably enclose as much ground as a moderate sized dwelling house stands upon. In some places the wall thus formed was several feet in thickness, and between seven to eight feet in height [c. 2.4 m.]; at other points only a few scattered stones marked the boundary of the principal heap, within which was a well of excellent water, and close beside it a large slab of dark grey stone, supported by heaps of various dimensions, and formerly used as a Romish altar [i.e. Roman Catholic]. . . Many a diseased creature had dragged his feeble, perhaps crippled, limbs and exhausted frame to the top of Slieve Donard, to plunge them in the so-called holy well, hoping to find a healing power in its spring” Charlotte Elizabeth 1845, 207-8. So it appears the Great Cairn was relatively intact but altered with the construction of, or flooding of, a chamber to create a well which is likely have been filled by rainwater. A spring well would be geologically impossible so an artificial well was created in the Great Cairn. O’Donovan’s observation that the cairn was prehistoric in origin is the most illuminating, as he calls it a ‘druidical place of worship’, a term often used by antiquarians to describe prehistoric monuments (Hayman 1997; also see Evans 1989, 91). Based on O’Donovan’s description of the cairn, located to the south-west of Slieve Donard’s summit, during his visit in 1834, Charlotte Elizabeth is also describing the Great Cairn. The dried-out well that the Statistical Report and O’Donovan describe is now full of water in Charlotte Elizabeth’s account. As with Harris’ description, she too 28

describes compartments. The wall around the well mentioned in the Statistical Report and the irregular wall “several feet” thick and c. 2.4 m high in Charlotte Elizabeth’s account, is most likely referring to the enclosed space depicted on the Fair Plan (fig. 4.1). Several notable 19th century scholars do not offer any further description of the summit cairns, such as O’Laverty (1878, 47-53) or Knox (1875). However, Praeger remarks that “several built portions” were in existence at the Great Cairn when he wrote his Guide to County Down (1898, 211). These appear to have been obliterated by the subsequent construction of the Mourne Wall between 1904 and 1922. Canon H.W. Lett (1905) fails to give a clear description of the site in 1905, only referring to a well in the Great Cairn, which he suggests was created by the Ordnance Survey during their stay on the summit in 1826. He also records that the remains of the Royal Engineers’ camp were visible a short distance south of the Great Cairn (ibid., 232). Estyn Evans, writing prior to 1951, observed that two parallel rows of slabs were visible in the Great Cairn which were flush with the height of the surviving cairn and suggests that they were possibly part of a passage that led into the central chamber of a passage tomb; however he does not give an orientation. Concerning the Lesser Cairn, Evans recorded that a number of cists were recognisable within the cairn (1989, 90). The Archaeological Survey of Northern Ireland’s publication on County Down suggests that the Great Cairn is comparable with the passage tomb on Slieve Gullion in Co. Armagh (Jope 1966, 85-6). Concerning the Lesser Cairn, the Survey, like Evans, states that several cists were still recognisable within the cairn (ibid. 86). Herity points out that the two cairns exactly parallel the cairns on the summit of Slieve Gullion and notes that the Lesser Cairn contained several cists (1974, 229-30). The file contained in the Northern Ireland Sites and Monuments Record describes the summit as being strewn with boulder outcrops and scree, and remarks that the damage to the cairn, coupled with the geology of the mountain, makes it very difficult to realise the dimensions of the Great Cairn. An area in the centre had an east-to-west linear arrangement of stones that were possibly structural. This could be the remnants of St. Donard’s cell, or possibly the orthostats of the Neolithic passage tomb. This structural element is not visible today. A large circular cairn is present on top of the south side of the Great Cairn which has been created by hill-walkers throwing stones onto it. A lot of small cairns to the south-east and east of the lesser Cairn are described as being possible penitential cairns similar to those on Slieve Croob (see chapter 6 for discussion), although the description does heed O’Donovan’s interpretative caution, in that they may be related to the actions of the Ordnance Survey. As mentioned above, the passage tomb and cist cairn on the summit of Slieve Donard appear to have parallels with the two cairns on Slieve Gullion in Co. Armagh, and it is worthwhile giving details of Slieve Gullion in order to provide a possible comparison with Slieve Donard. Slieve Gullion is approximately 34 km south-south-east of Slieve Donard and the two mountains are intervisible from their respective summits (figs. 4.3 29

4.3 Slieve Gullion, Co. Armagh, from the Great Cairn on Slieve Donard

and 4.4). The Ring of Gullion is a rich prehistoric landscape with a large concentration of monuments in its vicinity (Halpin and Newman 2006, 103-8). The passage tomb on its 557 m high summit is the highest intact example in Ireland (fig. 4.5). Although the tomb was damaged in the 1780s, it underwent an excavation in 1961 (Collins and Wilson 1963). The passage tomb on Slieve Gullion is located at the south end of the mountain. Its south-west facing entrance leads to a polygonal chamber with a distinct central recess, almost forming a cruciform plan (fig. 4.6). It is built of horizontal granite slabs in a dry-stone walled form, with a corbelled roof and lintel stones across the roof of the passage, increasing in height closer to the chamber. Three basin stones were found, two in the chamber and a broken one near the entrance. A small quantity of cremated human bone was recovered in addition to a convex scraper. Secondary use during the Early Bronze Age was suggested by the find of a barbed-and-tanged arrowhead and a selection of struck flints. The cairn was surrounded by faintly visible kerbstones. At the north end of the ridge on the summit is a Bronze Age cairn (fig. 4.7). Two cists were found on its east side, with the more centrally-placed, well-built example being empty (probably due to the 1780s activity). The other cist had a charcoal-rich fill of soil, with the cremated bone of one adult and fragments of pot from the bowl tradition dating from c. 2300 to 1950 BC (ibid.; Neill 2009, 128-30, 145-7). Given the evidence presented here, in particular the 1834 Ordnance Survey Fair Plan, it appears highly probable that the interpretations and observations of various scholars are correct: that the Great Cairn is a Neolithic Passage tomb, possibly dating to the latter part of the 4th millennium BC, and that the Lesser Cairn is a Bronze Age multiple cist cairn dating to the later 3rd to mid- 2nd millennium BC. There are striking similarities between the Slieve Donard monuments and those on Slieve Gullion. Based on the 30

4.4 Slieve Donard from the south cairn on Slieve Gullion

information preserved, it seems that the passage tomb on Slieve Donard had a diameter of 24.4 m, with a possible east-facing entrance. Judging from the plan of the monument on the Ordnance Survey Fair Plan, the distance from what appears to be a lintel stone labelled ‘seat’ to the ‘well’, which is most likely the flooded chamber of the passage tomb, is c. 9 m. Charlotte Elizabeth (1845, 207) is the only one who gives an approximate height of c. 2.4 m. The south cairn on Slieve Gullion is 29 m in diameter, 5 m high and its passage is 8 m long, which is relatively similar in dimension to the Great Cairn. It is remarkable that the monuments on Slieve Donard have endured the construction of a cell and oratory by St Donard (in the Great and Lesser Cairns respectively), the alterations made to them by pilgrims over time, the construction of trigonometric stations by the Ordnance Survey in 1826, the use of them as material to build the Mourne Wall, and most recently the changes made to them by hill-walkers and visitors.

31

4.5 North Cairn passage tomb on Slieve Gullion, Co. Armagh

4.6 Plan of passage and chamber of the Slieve Gullion passage tomb (after Collins & Wilson 1963, fig.5)

4.7 North Cairn on Slieve Gullion, a Bronze Age cist cairn. 32

Legananny portal tomb with Slieve Donard (left) and Slieve Commedagh (right)

33

5.1 Map of Mournes indicating megalithic tombs

34

Chapter 5 Slieve Donard and its prehistoric landscape (Also see Appendix I) The Mesolithic (c. 8000 - 4000 BC) Human settlement began in Ireland in about 8000 BC, when the first people colonized parts of the country. The earliest known site is Mount Sandel near the mouth of the River Bann in Co. Antrim. This period was the Mesolithic, or ‘Middle Stone age’, and was characterised by nomadic groups who hunted, fished and gathered wild fruits and plants. The Mourne region, like the rest of Ireland, would have been covered in dense deciduous woodland, with the only open parts of the landscape being waterways, the coast and the higher mountains. The area at the base of Slieve Donard would have been an attractive environment for Mesolithic settlement, with plenty of natural resources such as estuarine locations, beaches and sheltered bays, proximity to fresh water and woodland. However, the evidence for Mesolithic activity is extremely limited. Because of their lifestyle, it is very difficult to locate the settlements of Mesolithic peoples, and often it is the scattering of distinctive stone tools that indicate their presence in an area (for further information on the Irish Mesolithic see Conneller and Warren 2006). The earliest record we have for human activity in the vicinity of Slieve Donard comes from a discovery during construction works at the Annalong Marine Park, where 87 pieces of worked flint were found (Sheridan 1984; 1989). The material was from a disturbed context, but it was evidence of early prehistoric activity in the general vicinity of the north side of the mouth of the Annalong River. There were five cores, various flakes and blades and a possible small axe, as well as pieces of burnt flint (fig. 5.2). The quality of the flint suggests that it was obtained from local cobbles, probably of marine or glacial erratic origin, and was of poor quality, similar to the flints found at the Dundrum Sandhills settlements sites by Collins (see below; Sheridan 1984, 5). Sheridan suggests that the finds represent a brief episode of human activity, where people spent some time at the site knapping flint to make tools and possibly cooking 5.2 Mesolithic tools from Annalong food. The location at the river mouth (after Sheridan 1984, Fig. 2) 35

5.3 Megalithic tombs around Mourne Mountains and Carlingford Lough (after Cooney 2000, fig. 15)

may suggest that fishing could have taken place. The material evidence suggests a date range of c. 6500 – 4000 BC. There was also a find of a Mesolithic flake found at Dundrum (Sheridan 1984, 6) and a possible Mesolithic midden site at Ballinran, overlooking Carlingford Lough (SMR file), but, apart from this there is very little evidence for Mesolithic activity in the immediate area. It is not clear whether this lack of evidence reflects a lack of Mesolithic activity or whether material has simply not been found. The Neolithic (c. 4000 - 2400 BC) Dramatic changes happened in the Mourne region, as elsewhere in Ireland, around 6,000 years ago with the arrival of the first farmers, a period known as the Neolithic, or ‘New Stone Age’. This is when domesticated animals such as cattle and sheep, and plants such as wheat, arrived in Ireland along with new types of stone tools and the introduction of pottery. Small groups of people came to Ireland by boat and brought these new innovations and ideas with them. By clearing tracts of forest, the landscape was dramatically changed to create open fields for pasture and the growing of cereals. Polished stone axes, made from porcellanite or other suitable stone, are probably the most characteristic stone tools from the period, along with concave and convex scrapers, and knives and arrowheads made from flint or chert (Cooney 2000; Waddell 2010, chapters 2 and 3). The most visible, impressive and enduring Neolithic monuments in this region are megalithic tombs. Although communal burial practices (mainly in the form of 36

deposited cremations) occurred at these monuments, they appear to have functioned as places for ritual and religious activity, possibly linked to ancestral worship. These megaliths (from the Greek mega lithos – ‘big stone’) have been classified into four different types based on the shape and form of the monument. These are court tombs, portal tombs, passage tombs and wedge tombs (Jones 2007). The latter belong to the Early Bronze Age from c. 2400 BC and continued to be built into the Bronze Age, up to 1700 BC (Brindley and Lanting 1991/92; Carlin and Bruck 2012). The region around the Mourne Mountains is rich in the remains of megalithic tombs (fig. 5.1) (see Jope 1966, 71-99; Evans 1989, 223-7 for details; also see Appendix I). A number of cairns have been assigned as Bronze Age monuments, and a considerable number of standing stones (which are very difficult to assign a date to) have also been recorded. Only one possible wedge tomb exists in the region, dating to the Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, at Moneycarragh a short distance west of Dundrum (SMR File). Cooney (2000, 139-42) gives some indication of the richness and complexity of the megalithic tomb sites around the Carlingford Lough region, including the Mourne Mountains, the Cooley Mountains and Slieve Gullion (fig. 5.3). There are three portal tombs to the south of Slieve Donard at Kilfeaghan (fig. 5.4), the Crawtree Stone at KiIkeel (fig. 5.5), and Ballynahatten at Loughananka (destroyed during the construction of the World War II American aerodrome). There are also two portal tombs to the north of Slieve Donard at Wateresk, known as Slidderyford (fig. 5.6), and Goward (fig. 5.7). Further north on the slopes of Slieve Croob, is Legananny portal tomb (fig. 5.9). Kilfeaghan was excavated in the early 20th century but no record was kept. Subsequently Estyn Evans found coarse Neolithic pottery sherds and flint scrapers in what was probably the excavator’s spoil heap (Evans, 1937). A test excavation by Collins showed that the cairn at Kilfeaghan extended over 24 m south of the chamber and over 7 m north of it (Collins 1959b). The portal tomb at Goward was excavated before 1834, with some form of prehistoric pottery being found along with a flint arrowhead and large quantities of bone (Dublin Penny Journal, 6/12/1834). At Ballynahatten a sherd of Neolithic type pottery and fragments of cremated bone were found in 1936 (Evans 1948). There is a considerable concentration of court tombs in the region and this has led to a debate about the origins of the monuments. Evans once proposed that the first farmers in Ireland arrived from Scotland and that the Carlingford tombs were related to the Clyde-type Scottish tomb giving rise to terms such as the ‘Clyde-Carlingford culture’ (Childe 1947, 53-7; Davies and Evans 1962). This was argued against by de Valera who pointed out that there was a denser concentration of court tombs in the Mayo/Sligo area and suggested that the builders had arrived from north-western France (1960, 1965). This argument is now redundant, in that early farming had arrived some time before the construction of court tombs and their origins are far more complex (Waddell 2010, 96-7; O’Brien 1999, 263-75). Recently a dating programme of a number of court tombs in Ireland has shown that their construction date was 3750 – 3700 BC with their main use being 3700 – 3570 BC (Schulting et al. 2011, 30). 37

5.4 Kilfeaghan portal tomb, Co. Down with Dandalk Bay in the background.

5.5 The Crawtree Stone, Kilkeel, Co. Down 38

There are seven court tombs to the south and south-east of Slieve Donard on the plain between Rostrevor and the Bloody Bridge River, south of Newcastle: Ballinran, Ballyedmond, Ballyrogan, Dunnaman, Ballintur, Moyad and another possible site at Ballyveagh Beg. To the north are two court tombs at Goward, and to the west there are four court tombs at Aughnagon, Edenmore, Carnanbane at Milltown, and Burren. Excavations at Ballyedmond uncovered fragments of Neolithic bowls but no traces of burial deposits were found (Evans 1938). Cremated bone was discovered during excavations at Ballinran (SMR file), while at Ballyrogan (Mourne Park), partially burnt human remains were found, as well as fragments of three different Neolithic pots (Davies 1937/38). The Burren site (‘McKinley’s Flagstaff’) was excavated in 1965 with only a few fragments of cremated bone uncovered. The court tomb at Goward was also excavated and Neolithic pottery was found as well as small collections of cattle bones; no human remains were discovered (Davies and Evans 1932/33). Edenmore was partially excavated, where a pit containing charcoal was found (SMR file). The two standing stones in Ballyloughlin, near the portal tomb of Slidderyford at Wateresk, might be the remnants of a destroyed court tomb (Jope 1966, 95; Dubourdieu 1802, 271-2) (fig. 5.8). One of the court tombs, at Dunnaman (Massfort), near Kilkeel, is particularly interesting as its design suggests a Scottish influence in the way its side-stones overlap to form chambers in the gallery, a feature which is similar in megalithic tombs in the Clyde region of Scotland (fig. 5.10) (Jope 1966, 73-4; Sheridan 1989, 19). There are also a considerable number of unclassified megalithic tombs, in that most are too damaged to categorise. Some sites have been destroyed in the past and no traces survive, but some account is given of their existence. These include megalithic sites to the south of the Mournes at Glasdrumman, Kilfeaghan, Backenagh East, two sites at Ballyveagh More, and another at Aughnahoory. Further sites occur to the north of the Mournes at Goward, Drumadonnell, Islandmoyle, and Tamnaharry. As well as the possible passage tomb on the summit of Slieve Donard, there is a small, low-lying, badly-disturbed passage tomb at Annadorn 150 m north-west of Loughinisland Lake, at the Buck’s Head crossroads (fig. 5.11). It now consists of a rectangular chamber of three side-stones with a slightly displaced capstone. However, Dubourdieu describes the chamber as being covered in a cairn c. 18 m in diameter which had a lintelled approach passage. He records that in c. 1770 ‘ashes and a number of bones, to appearance human’ were found in the chamber (1802, 271). The hill-top cairn on the summit of Slieve Croob is unexcavated and classified as a prehistoric cairn. However, given its height and commanding location, it could be a ruined passage tomb. This, of course, is impossible to prove without excavation. The site today marks the boundary of four townlands, three parishes and two baronies. It is badly damaged, as 12 smaller cairns have been made from the material of the large cairn, possibly as part of the pilgrimage to the mountain. These smaller cairns have now been further altered into circular redoubts, possibly by the British Army (fig. 5.12) (SMR File; Jope 1966, 83). 39

5.6 Slidderyford Dolmen, Wateresk, Co. Down

5.7 Goward portal tomb, Co. Down 40

5.8 Ballyloughlin Stones by James Howard Burgess, c.1840s. The stone on the right is no longer visible (courtesy Down County Museum).

Altogether, there is evidence of 22 megalithic tombs and 12 other possible megalithic tombs, probably dating to the Neolithic period, across the Mourne region. These create a considerable concentration of monuments, given that there are fewer than 1600 megaliths in Ireland as a whole (Shee-Twohig 2004). They are indicators of considerable Neolithic settlement in the region; but there are other sites that attest to Neolithic activities and the best-known of these are the settlement sites located in the Dundrum Sandhills, located c. 6 km to the northeast of Slieve Donard. For many years people have been finding large quantities of stray archaeological material dating from the Neolithic to the Medieval period among the sandhills either side of the mouth of Dundrum Bay, at Ballykinler and Murlough. There was so much material that in the late 19th century Beatty actually advertised the fact to attract tourists to come and collect ancient objects (Beatty 1894, 28; Down Recorder 5/9/1908; Russell 2007, 11-17). Many of the records appear to suggest that Neolithic and Bronze Age objects were being found, predominantly flint tools, but also bronze objects, pottery (from various periods), occasional middens and slag from metal production have all been found. Funerary remains in the form of pits and cists were also discovered and appear to date to the Early Bronze Age. Thousands of flint objects have been found, often occurring in dark bands of exposed turf-line seen in the sand. A. E. P. Collins became interested in Dundrum and Murlough in the years 1933-1936, and excavated ten sites in the 1950s (1952; 1959a). In places he found evidence of 41

5.9 Legananny portal tomb, Co. Down 42

5.10 Court tomb at Massfort, Co. Down

5.11 Annadorn passage tomb (courtesy Northern Ireland Environment Agency)

hearths, indicated by quantities of charcoal and burnt stones. One of the structures found comprised a series of small stakeholes, which could be dated to the Neolithic by flint tools and a distinctive type of pottery that was given the name of Sandhills Ware (Mallory and MacNeill 1991, 53). During his excavations hundreds of Neolithic flint tools and sherds of Neolithic pottery were found. Tools identified within the assemblages included concave scrapers, convex scrapers, and arrowheads (a summary of his excavations is supplied in Appendix II). Another Neolithic site is located on the summit of Knockiveagh Hill, north of Rathfriland, with excellent views in all directions, including Slieve Donard, 20 km to the south-east. The Neolithic activity appeared below a Bronze Age burial cairn, which had been previously dug into; its central cist had been greatly disturbed (Collins 1957). The main body of the monument, built of granite boulders, was bounded by a kerb 43

5.12 Cairn on summit of Slieve Croob, Co. Down

arrangement of larger granite blocks. In a disturbed area of the cairn were the crushed fragments of a Bronze Age food vessel associated with the cremated remains of at least two individuals, an adult and a child. Collins interpreted these as secondary burials and there was no evidence of what the robbed-out central cist contained. Found below the cairn was a layer of black earth, up to 10 cm thick, which contained high-quality Neolithic pottery, charcoal, and carbonised hazelnuts. Leaf-shaped arrowheads, two fragments of axes (dolerite and greenstone) and 64 pieces of worked quartz were found. A radiocarbon date of c. 3060 BC was obtained from this dark layer of material (Watts 1960). The evidence suggests that there was Neolithic occupation on the hill before the cairn was built. Other possibilities are that it either represented a pre-cairn funerary pyre, based on the quantities of charcoal, or that the material was dumped there as some form of ritual act prior to the construction of the cairn. The site may be compared to the cairn on Lyles Hill in Co. Antrim (Collins 1957, 18-19; Jope 1966, 84; Waddell 2010, 43). A Neolithic house was found at Dunmore during construction of the Mourne Pipeline (SMR File). It was identified on the north slope of Dunmore Mountain near the summit. There is also a possible Neolithic settlement site at Drumadonnell, where a number of Neolithic flint scatters were investigated by Lawrence Flanagan in 1964, which suggested some form of settlement (SMR File). Flint tools were found in the valley before the flooding created by the construction of Spelga Dam (SMR File). An important find of a Great Langdale Class VI stone axe in Drumgooland suggests distant trade and exchange networks, as the source of this stone comes from near Sca Fell Pike in the Lake District of Cumbria in England (Mallory and Hartwell 1997, 7). As mentioned in chapter 2, there is also the evidence of woodland clearance during the Neolithic to clear land for pasture and cereal at the Black Bog near Hilltown (Hirons 1989).

44

5.13 Slieve Donard from Dundrum Sandhills

The Bronze Age (c. 2400 – 600 BC) The Neolithic was a time of change, of novelty, a time of increasing population, and perhaps of new accents and languages being heard on Slieve Donard. After an initial burst of activity the new way of life became ordinary and workaday; from our view point the next great wave of innovation would have to wait two and a half thousand years. Around 2400 BC, metalworking was introduced to Ireland in the form of copper and gold working. By c. 2200 BC, bronze, a copper and tin alloy, began to be made in Ireland. Some Bronze Age objects have been found throughout the region and have been documented by Jope (1966). Bronze Age activity appears to be focused on the north side of the Mournes, with very little evidence found on the south side (Evans 1989 95; Sheridan 1989, 21). By the end of the Neolithic and beginning of the Bronze Age, megalithic tombs in the form of wedge tombs were still being constructed throughout Ireland, but later these were replaced by single cremations and unburnt remains in stone cists. Such remains were often associated with pottery known as food vessels, in the shape of bowls or vases, and other objects. These types of burials are sometimes found in earthen mounds called barrows or sometimes in flat cemeteries. Quite frequently Neolithic monuments were re-used and many hill-top cairns found in the Mourne Mountains may be Bronze Age in date. Increasing social hierarchy and social complexity, warfare and hillfort-building are features of the Late Bronze Age period (for further information see Cooney and Grogan 1999, chapters 6-8; Waddell 2010, chapters 4-7). Stone circles and standing stones generally date to this period. Ballynoe stone circle is an example, but this appears to be a multi-phase monument, initially constructed in the Neolithic (Bradley 1998b, 6-8) (fig. 5.15). It closely resembles a stone circle in Swinside, in the Lake District of Cumbria (Burl 2000, 130-4). Like many megaliths, this stone circle seems to have been altered and changed through early prehistory, perhaps up to four times. Its earliest phase might have consisted of the stone circle with two 45

5.14 Map of region showing distribution of Neolithic and Bronze Age sites

46

5.15 Ballynoe stone circle, Co. Down. Slieve Donard is visible on the right horizon.

passage tombs built inside this. These were altered and made into an oval earthen mound which contained burnt bones of a male adult in a cist found at the east end of the mound. At the west end there was another burial comprising the burnt bones of two females. The circle has a west-south-west orientated entrance portal. It has been tentatively suggested that it is aligned to the mid-winter sunset where the sun would set between Slieve Donard and Slieve Commedagh around 21st December but this needs further analysis (Burl 1995, 191). An example of a Bronze Age burial site was found at Carrickinab just north of Ballykinler, on the north-east side of Dundrum Bay. In 1962 a cist burial was discovered during ploughing and it consisted of the cremated remains of a single adult male dated to c. 1700-1600 BC. Finds included a complete food vessel bowl, a small bronze dagger, a double-pointed awl and two flint scrapers (Collins and Evans 1968; Mallory and McNeill 1991, 97). The relative richness of this burial suggests that its occupant may have been accorded special status in the community (Sheridan 1989, 23). Nearby at Lisnashimmer in Ballykinler Upper were a series of cists that contained pottery, human remains and charcoal (Reeves 1847, 211; O’Laverty 1878, 125). The Marquis of Downshire discovered a cist with nine urns inverted over cremated bones in 1858. These were found during the construction of an embankment from Keel Point, near Dundrum, to his planned new residence of Murlough House (Russell 2007, 11-12). A site excavated by Collins in the Dundrum Sandhills uncovered a group of three small burial cists of probable Bronze Age date, one of which was surrounded by a ring-ditch. (Collins 1952, 1959; Jope 1966, 96-7). The Dundrum Sandhills have also produced evidence of settlement during the Bronze Age including material from the Beaker period (c. 2400-2000 BC) (Collins 1952, 1959; Jope 1966, 96-97) (see Appendix II).

47

5.16 Murlough Beach, Dundrum Bay and Dundrum Sandhills from Lesser Cairn, Slieve Donard. (courtesy Mike King) 48

Another area rich in Bronze Age burials is the area below and south-west of Deehommed Mountain. This 318 m high mountain is located c. 5.5 km west-south-west of Slieve Croob and 2.5 km north of the village of Moneyslane. In 1973 Lawrence Flanagan excavated a Bronze Age flat cemetery at Cloghskelt, c. 200 m south-west of Drumgooland Presbyterian Church (SMR File). Prior to the excavations, two Bronze Age pots had been found in a cist there. Flanagan located a further 23 burials of widely variant forms within an area of c. 13 m by 5 m. One was a small polygonal cist containing four Bronze Age pottery vessels. Other burials comprised pits covered by one or more stones. Nine had no pottery, just cremations. The majority of pottery was of the vase tradition (Waddell 1990, 76). A plano-convex knife and flint convex scraper were also found. The excavation uncovered a possible cremation pyre consisting of a thick black charcoal deposit containing fragments of burnt human bone (Waddell 2010, 166). On the summit of Deehommed Mountain, north-east of Cloghskelt, is a much-disturbed cairn with a possible central cist. A decorated Bronze Age pot was found there in 1873 (Jope 1966, 88). Not far away at Gransha there was a report in March 1854 of a Bronze Age pottery vessel being found containing four flint arrowheads, charcoal and cremated bone (SMR File). Among other examples of Bronze Age burials, a cairn with two cists was uncovered at Drumcaw, 2.5 km north-west of the village of Clogh, in the 19th century, each cist containing a food vessel (Jope 1966 83-4). The secondary Bronze Age burial of an adult and child at the cairn on Knockiveagh Hill was mentioned above (Collins 1957). On the top of a hill with commanding views north-east of Mayobridge in Tamary are four cairns. One of them contained a cist which was opened in the 19th century but there were no remains (SMR File). To the south-east of Hilltown is ‘Murphy’s Fort’ in Mullaghmore (SMR File). This site on high ground comprises a Bronze Age ring barrow where the central earthen mound was built over a pit, surrounded by a bank and internal ditch. The pit was excavated in 1948 and contained numerous Late Bronze Age pottery sherds, a small blue glass bead and the cremated bones of at least four individuals. Beside the barrow is a set of five standing stones. A large pot with two cremations was excavated at this site in the 19th century (Jope 1966, 93). Sitting against the north-eastern edge of this barrow is a possible embanked ring ditch which was also excavated, but only a centrally-placed post-hole was identified. North-east of the court tomb at Goward in the townland of Ballyaughian is the remains of a mound, and it was here that a cup-and-ring marked stone was located (Bigger 1898, 188; Jope 1966, 17) (fig 5.17). Also near here, a finely made flint javelin head was found (Flanagan 1981/82, 185; Evans 1989, 95) (fig. 5.18). Near the western boundary of Tollymore Park is ‘the King’s Grave’, a round grass-covered cairn. A depression on the top marks where an excavation was carried out in 1905 which uncovered a large cist containing a pot, possibly a food vessel, and a number of bones (Jope 1966, 86) (fig. 5.19). A few kilometres north of this is Carnbane, which overlooks Lough Island Reavy and has a robbed-out central cist (Jope 1966, 84. Other potential Bronze Age sites include the hill-top barrow at Lisnacroppan, north of Rathfriland (SMR File). One of the few 49

possible Bronze Age sites on the south side of the Mourne Mountains was a possible barrow at Dunnaman, which overlooked the Aughrim River, but it is no longer visible (SMR File). There are a number of cairns scattered around the region, many of which have been classified as possibly Bronze Age in date, and many are located on hill-tops. Without excavation these cannot be dated with any certainty, but most appear to be prehistoric. To the north-west of Slieve Donard lies the closest 5.17 Ballyaughian ring-and-cup cairn to the Great and Lesser Cairns, located on Slieve marked stone (after Bigger 1898) Commedagh, at 765 m OD (Evans 1989, 224; Jope 1966, 85) (fig. 5.20). Another possible cairn is located on the summit of Carn Mountain (Evans 1989, 225). Others include Carn Hill just south of Kilcoo, Goward Hill, Stang and Ballykeel (Jope 1966, 82-86). Closer to Slieve Croob are hill-top cairns at ‘The Cove’ or ‘Moat Hill’, Legananny Mountain, Clarkhill and Aghalisnafinn (SMR Files). Towards the west of the Mournes there is one on the summit of Slievecarnane and another on Carnadrana. Further south, other hill-top cairns are found on Burren, Thunder’s Hill, 5.18 Javelin head from Ballyaughian Slievemartin and Knockshee (SMR Files) (fig. 5.21). (after Flanagan 1981/82). Dotted around the entire region are many standing stones. They are difficult to date, but are predominantly Bronze Age, and were erected for various reasons. In recent centuries standing stones were erected as scratching-posts for cattle, but in prehistory they seem to have more symbolic meanings. Some were erected as burial-markers, as appears to be the case at ‘Murphy’s Fort’ mentioned above. Some may have been erected as some other form of commemoration, marking a battle-site, for example. Others may have acted as territorial boundary markers or as route-way markers. Many standing stones in the Mourne region appear to be located along river valleys. Some standing stones may have been part of an earlier monument, with only one or two stones remaining of a more substantial structure. This is probably the case at the possible court tomb in Ballyloughlin, near Slidderyford portal tomb (fig.5.8). A good example of a standing stone can be seen at the 2.4 m high ‘Long Stone’ east of Annalong in Moneydarragh More (fig. 5.22). Bronze Age activity is also evident through the discovery of two adjacent fulachta fiadh, or burnt mounds, found beside a stream at the base of the east side of Dunmore Mountain (SMR File). These date to c. 1800-800 BC and are the most common prehistoric field monument in Ireland, with over 6000 recorded. They are considered to be cooking-places, but could be used for any process where a large quantity of hot water 50

was needed; from boiling meat to brewing beer; from dying clothes to creating a sauna (Mulligan 2005, 32). It has recently been suggested that alluvial gold deposits found in streams in the north-western part of the Mourne Mountains, mainly the Upper Bann area, and in the south-western zone, may be linked to the production of Early Bronze Age gold artefacts (Warner et al. 2009). These finds suggest that the Mourne Mountains may have been a source of Irish gold from the earliest usage of this metal in Ireland. Most primary in-situ gold is found in veins of rocks that usually contain quartz, and other metallic minerals. Where these veins break the surface and the gold can be seen, prehistoric prospectors could extract it. Croagh Patrick in Co. Mayo is a location where this primary gold has been identified. Secondary gold is where gold is detached from gold-bearing boulders and eventually is washed out by water action, with the denser gold becoming concentrated in lower levels of sediment. This type of gold is called placer gold or alluvial gold. Work carried out by archaeologists and geologists has shown - based on the scientific analysis of the impurities of silver, copper and casserite (tin-oxide) in the gold - that many Early Bronze Age gold objects in Ireland appear to have been made from placer gold from the Mourne Mountains (fig. 5.23) (Warner et al. 2009, 29). However, the gold found in the western Mourne Mountains may originally have come from County Tyrone through the action of ice-sheets and glacial melt-waters and is not native to the Mournes at all (Meighan 2012, 31-2) The Iron Age (c. 600 BC - AD 450). Further innovations and social changes occurred within the Mourne region following the arrival of ironworking along with the occurrence of new innovations and cultural influences around 600 BC, but these only became widespread by c. 300 BC. These new styles and the use of iron were thought to belong to a great invasion of central European warriors – the ‘Celts’, but this is now accepted as being a simplistic explanation for a more complex development (Collis 2009, 233-40). It is now believed that no substantial

5.19 ‘The King’s Grave’ cairn, Tullymore Park. 51

5.20 Cairn on Slieve Commedagh (marked by arrow) with tower and Mourne wall to left.

folk movement or so-called ‘Celtic’ invasion occurred in Ireland, although it is possible that small numbers of western European iron-using people arrived (Waddell 2010, 302-5). A more likely explanation is that social and technological changes came through trade and interaction between the growing warrior elites along the western Atlantic fringe with the influence of sea-routes and that new ideas, new technologies, and even languages were gradually introduced throughout the 1st millennium BC (James 1999). Some burial sites, particularly the ring barrows mentioned above, may actually date from this period and not the Bronze Age. Certain Neolithic megaliths may have been re-used as Iron Age burial sites. At Goward court tomb, the excavators in 1932 suggested that the megalithic tomb was re-used as a possible Iron Age occupation site (SMR File). There were certain finds from the Dundrum Sandhills that suggest possible Iron Age metal-working (Collins 1952; 1959a) in addition to a find of a rod-bow fibula from Dundrum (Mallory and MacNeill 1991, 159). Throughout the region, and Ireland as a whole, there is scant archaeological evidence from this period regarding the day-to-day life of these iron-using people, and few definitive Iron Age sites have been excavated. One exception is the Late Bronze Age or possible Early Iron Age hillfort at Cathedral Hill in Downpatrick (Mallory and Hartwell 1997, 27; Pollock and Waterman 1964) (fig 5.24), although subsequent excavators have re-interpreted the ditches as medieval features (Brannon 1986;1995). The Great Cairn and Lesser Cairn on Slieve Donard in their Prehistoric Landscape Context The concentration of early prehistoric ritual activity, burial sites and settlement evidence around the Mourne Mountains is an indicator that this landscape was particularly important to people in the past. The dramatic physical presence of the mountains seems to have been linked to the symbolic activities of people in both the Neolithic and Early 52

5.21 Knockshee with its summit cairn visible as seen from the capstone of Kilfeaghan portal tomb.

5.20 ‘The Long Stone’ Moneydarragh More 53

Bronze Age. Certain patterns emerge that warrant further study, such as clustering of monuments, orientations, and their proximity to natural features, all of which could be themes in a detailed landscape study of the region. Cummings has tackled some aspects of this, but more detailed analysis would aid our understanding of the Neolithic landscape in the Mourne region (2009, 166-71). Examination of the artefacts found at all these sites, and the gathering of evidence of distant contacts, through the identification of the source of lithic assemblages, and study of pottery styles and fabrics, would also be useful. Radiocarbon dating of much of the material collected from the excavated sites would also be an 5.23 Map of Mournes showing location of placer gold important contribution to our (after Warner et al 2009, 25.) understanding of this landscape. The concentration of Bronze Age activity north and west of the Mournes is worthy of further research, and we should also ask the question why there seems to be so little Bronze Age material to the south of the mountains. Neolithic monuments, such as the portal tombs and court tombs, appear to date from c. 3700 BC onwards, while the passage tomb on Slieve Donard could be dated to approximately 3300-3000 BC based on typological comparison with similar monuments elsewhere in Ireland. These dates are only very approximate, as there is extremely limited dating evidence for megalithic tombs in general (Cooney et al. 2011, 563-669). Cummings has shown that the sites of many of the Neolithic megalithic tombs (court and portal tombs), have a close relationship with mountainous regions (2009). In her study of the Irish Sea zone she noted that there are large areas of non-mountainous landscapes that are practically devoid of Neolithic monuments, and there is a focus on locating megaliths in sight of prominent mountains. Her case-study in north-east Ireland showed that out of 78 monuments visited, 74 (95%) of them had views of mountains (ibid., 140). She also noted that a number of monuments in the region have apparent links with water, particularly the sea. The megalithic sites around the Mourne Mountains, and indeed the nearby Cooley Mountains and Slieve Gullion, have Neolithic tombs that possess some consistency in their relative locations. Court tombs, for example, are often located on south-facing 54

5.22 Slieve Donard from entrance to Down Cathedral on Catherdral Hill, Downpatrick

slopes and many tend to be on natural platforms halfway up the slope of the hills they are located on (Cooney 2000, 139-40). These megaliths are not in the mountains, nor are they on the shoreline of the sea, but inhabit places suitable for early farming settlements where there are views of mountains, the sea, or both. There is also apparent clustering of sites at places such as Goward, Edenmore and Aughnagon, Burren, and those on the southern slopes of Slieve Croob, for example (figs. 5.1 and 5.14). The entire area around Slieve Donard shows evidence of a dense concentration of megalithic tombs along with prehistoric settlement and ritual activity in general. Many sites seem to display a tendency of having views of the Mourne Mountains, and some are also positioned with views of the sea. Slieve Donard appears to act as a focal mountain for a number of the monuments that are located on the north side of the Mourne Mountains. However, the summit of Slieve Donard is particularly visible from long distances away, especially from the sea and other mountain areas such as the Cooley Mountains in Co. Louth and Slieve Gullion in Co. Armagh. The passage tomb on the summit of Slieve Donard expresses a regional focus that is very similar to Clermont Cairn on Black Mountain in the Cooley Mountains and the South Cairn on Slieve Gullion.

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6.1 Round tower at Maghera ecclesiatical site with Slieve Donard in background 56

Chapter 6 St. Donard’s churches and the Festival of Lughnasa pilgrimage on Slieve Donard St. Domhanghart, or Domangard, also known as St. Donard, was a follower of St. Patrick, and the patron saint and first bishop of Maghera in Co. Down. His feast day is 24th March and this became the traditional day he was honoured at Maghera (O’Hanlon 1875, Vol. VIII, 936-41; Reeves 1847, 377); although dates of 18th March and 18th April are also given (Stokes 1905, 100, 116). As mentioned previously in the chapter on myths and legends, Giraldus Cambrensis refers to: “that exceedingly high mountain which overhangs the sea, that flows between Ireland and Britain, and which is called Salanga [Slángha]. And because at the foot of it, after the lapse of many ages St. Dominicus [St. Donard] had erected a distinguished monastery, it more commonly bears the name of Dominicus’ mountain [Slieve Donard]. O’Meara 1982, 94. The distinguished monastery Giraldus is referring to is that of Rath Muirbhuilg, now called Maghera. St. Donard’s death is given as AD 506 (O’Donovan 1856). This date appears to be too early, based on his genealogy and the death of his uncle Cairill (see below) and it does not appear in any of the very early sources (Reeves 1847, 154-5). Although there is no evidence for a definitive date, the early 6th century is most likely for the establishment of his churches. Apart from in the Tripartite Life, St. Donard does not appear in any earlier Patrician sources, but all the sources that he does appear in suggest he was born of royal blood. St. Donard is associated with Slieve Donard in a number of texts which will be explored below. Although his feast day is 24th March, formerly celebrated by a pilgrimage to Maghera, 25th July was his popular patron day and the traditional day for pilgrims to climb Slieve Donard to the oratory and cell of the saint, located in the cairns on the summit (O’Hanlon 1875 VII, 391; Mac Neill 2008, 92-3). St. Donard appears to have made the Great Cairn into a hermit’s cell. Such cells were often the living-quarters of early medieval hermits and monks. Famous examples of cells are the bee-hive hut structures on Skellig Michael in Co. Kerry and those on Inishmurray Island in Co. Sligo (Hamlin and Hughes 1997, 74-5). The Lesser Cairn was used as St. Donard’s oratory. Oratories were small stone churches, such as Gallarus Oratory in Co. Kerry (fig. 6.2). The remainder of the chapter will consider other places associated with St. Donard, such as the monastic site of Maghera and St. Mary’s Church, near Bloody Bridge. Although there are a number of references to this saint, the history of both Maghera monastery and the hermitage on the summit of Slieve Donard is a relatively obscure one (Hamlin 2008, 305).

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6.2 Gallarus Oratory, Co. Kerry

St. Domhanghart, son of Eochaid, the Last Pagan King of Ulster We do not possess a life, or vita, for St. Donard, unlike a number of other Irish saints. However, there are various sources that help us piece together some of his genealogy. Reeves quotes from the Book of Lecan which tells us that St. Donard was of noble blood and descended from the Dál Fiatach (1847, 202). These were one of the three ruling groups of the Ulaid kings of east Ulster who dwelt in the region between Dundrum Bay and Belfast Lough, with their capital located at Dún dá Lethglas (Downpatrick) (Byrne 2004, 106-7). Muiredach Muinderg son of the first Dál Fiatach king, Forgg Mac Dalláin, who died in AD 479, had two sons Eochaid and Cairell (ibid. 285). Eochaid was the father of St. Donard and an interesting event is described in the Life of St. Patrick from the Book of Lismore: Patrick went to Eochaid, son of Muiredach, king of Ulster when he was condemning and punishing two holy virgins who had offered their virginity to God [and] constraining them to marriage and to worship of idols. Patrick begged a boon for them, that they should not be punished, and it was not obtained. Then Cairill, son of Muiredach, the king’s brother, made intercession with Patrick, and the king consented not. Said Patrick to Eochaid: ‘There will never be either kings nor crowns from thee. . .Thy brother, however, even Cairill, he himself will be king and there will be kings and princes from him over thy children and all over Ulster for ever’. Wherefore those are the ‘seed of the kingdom’, even the seed of Demmán, son of Cairill, through Patrick’s words. So the king's wife went and prostrated herself at Patrick's feet. Patrick gave her a blessing, and blessed the child that was in her womb, and he is Domangart, son of Eochaid. He it is that Patrick left in his own body, on Sliabh Slanga, and he will abide there forever; for he is the seventh person whom Patrick left alive safe-guarding Ireland. Stokes 1890, 160. 58

An almost identical event is described in the Tripartite Life of St. Patrick (Stokes 1887, Vol. I, 224-5). In each of the various versions of the story we have St. Patrick blessing the unborn St. Donard who is to become the ever-living protector of the faith from the mountain Slieve Donard. In addition, he is the son of the last pagan king of Ulster, whom Patrick curses. This appears to represent the familiar trait of St. Patrick: the banishment of paganism. Patrick also defends the Christian women who were to be punished by Eochaid by being forced to marry and worship pagan idols. Indeed it is Cairill, Eochaid’s brother, who appears in the genealogies of the Ulaid kings and takes the kingship in AD 503. Cairill’s son Demmán then becomes king and dies in AD 565 after being killed by the shepherds of Boirinn (Burren). Demmán’s son, Fiachnae, then becomes king, but dies in a battle against the Dál Riata in AD 627. Fiachnae is the ancestor of all subsequent kings of the Dál Fiatach (Byrne 2004, 111, 123, 285; Hennesey 1866, 59; Reeves 1847, 202). St. Donard’s mother’s unusual name is recorded as Derinill Chethar Chichech (Derinill of the Four Breasts) in a list of mothers of Irish saints from the Book of Leinster; (MacNeill 2008, 90; contra Reeves 1847, 236; O’Laverty 1878, 54). This apparently is because she suckled four children of four successive fathers. Each of her children became saints: St. Donard of Maghera, St. Mura of Fahan, St. Machumma of Drumbo, and St. Cillan of Achaidh-chail, with two other saints also named as her sons, namely St. Aidan and St. Ailleach. It has been suggested that Donard, Cillan and Machumma were all from the same father (O’Hanlon 1875, 937-8). A more recent folklore story concerning Donard meeting St. Patrick contains the motif of a chieftain and the resuscitation of a ferocious bull which is common to a range of Lughnasa assembly sites and legends concerning St. Patrick (MacNeill 2008 Appendix I). On his journey from Saul to Tara, Patrick and his entourage encamped in or near what is now the village of Maghera. Patrick approached Domangard and asked him to help him on his journey. Domangard, who is said to have been a ferocious and warlike chief, offered him a bull. This was not as generous as it sounds for Domangard knew that the bull was so fierce that it could not be taken. However, Patrick plaited a rope from straw and placed it over the head of the animal and led it out like a lamb. The bull was killed cut up and packed away. When Domangard heard that the animal had been taken, he denied that he had given it to Patrick and accused him of theft, Domangard swore he would banish Patrick and all his followers from the territory. An argument ensued and eventually Patrick said he could have the bull back. He called for a sheet to be spread on the ground and reassembled the bull’s remains as best as he could, He then knelt down and prayed to the disposer of all things to restore the animal to its former life and ferocity. The distorted joints of the bull were replaced in their respective sockets and all the organs restored to their original functions, the animal immediately started into life as ferocious as ever. Domangard was terrified at the sight and threw himself at the feet of the Saint, begging him to baptize him. From that moment the ferocious and warlike chief became a humble disciple of Patrick, he resigned his chieftainship, abandoned his residence and betook himself to the summit of Slieve Slanga to spend the rest of his life fasting and praying. O’Donovan 1834, in Porter 2000, 39. 59

In the Tripartite Life, quoted above, it applies to Donard’s father, Eochaid, while in this local folktale it is Donard himself who is described as the pagan chief, as recorded by O’Donovan in 1834. In essence the symbolism is similar in both stories, as they both show St. Patrick winning over a pagan ruler who converts to Christianity, or punishing one for not doing so (Herity 2001, 57-8; MacNeill 2008, 436-7). St. Donard as the Perpetual Guardian The idea of St. Donard being a perpetual guardian and dwelling in the mountain, similar to that in the quotation from the Book of Lismore above, is further developed in a passage in the Bethú Phátraic: There are moreover heirs of Patrick’s community living still in Ireland. One of his men is in Cruchan Aigle [Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo]. His bell is heard but he is not to be found. And one is in Gulban Guirt [Benbulben, Co. Sligo], a third is to the east of Cluain Iraid with his wife [Cloonard, Co. Meath]. . . . One of his men is in Druimne Breg [Colon Hills in Co. Meath]. Another is in Sliabh Slainge [Slieve Donard], i.e. Domangart son of Echu. It is he who will rise Patrick’s relics shortly before doomsday. Raith Murbuilc [Maghera] on the side of Sliab Slainge is his church, and a haunch of meat with its usual complement of food and pitcher of ale awaits him there every Easter and is given to Mass folk on Easter Monday as a rule. Stokes 1887, Vol. I, 120-1. A similar version is recorded in the Leabhar Brecc Homily (Stokes 1887, Vol. II, 479). Again we see Donard as immortal and living ‘in’ Slieve Donard. The possibility of the feast accompanied by ale on Easter Monday at Maghera may relate to his feast day falling near Easter. However, the meat and ale element has been interpreted as relating to a belief that good fortune would befall people who attended mass on Easter Monday at Maghera (Archdall 1786, 281; O’Laverty 1878, 52). The accompanying legend that St. Donard would raise the relics of St. Patrick before the Day of Judgement might infer that St. Donard was at Downpatrick when Patrick’s remains were being interred there. This is somewhat supported by the idea that St. Donard was instrumental in the construction of a church at Downpatrick (Harris 1774, 121). This tradition in the belief of St. Donard being a perpetual guardian was also recorded by O’Donovan in 1834 when a local informant told him that: “St. Donnaght says Mass every Sunday on his altar, in the north-western Cairn on the mountain. There is a cave running from the sea shore, on the South of Newcastle, to the summit of the mountain, if report be true. Some men entered this cave, but after they had gone some distance, St. Donnaght, in his robes, met them, and admonished them of their folly. He also told them that it was his own peculiar residence to the Day of Judgment.” O’Donovan 1834, in Herity 2001, 57. 60

6.3 Maghera Church as seen from the summit of Slieve Donard (x3 zoom)

O’Laverty also notes this cave and its association with St. Donard and refers to a note within the manuscript Leabhar Brecc saying that “Domangard son of Eochaid went into the mountain and is yet living in it 300 years” (1895, 19). The cave is named ‘Donard’s Cove’ and is described in the Ordnance Survey Memoirs for Kilcoo in 1836 as “a high and narrow opening in the rock which can only be entered by sea and which is said by the vulgar to go many miles underground. The high water admits a boat upwards of 100 yards into it” (Day and MacWilliams 1990, 41). The same idea is expressed in the Dublin Penny Journal (20/9/1834) which repeats that “. . . it is said by the fishermen to run far under the mountains, and to stop directly under the highest point of Slieve Donard, and is therefore called ‘Donard's cave’”. This is interesting as there is an exact parallel of the same story relating to Boirche, the magical cowherd who lived on the mountain. Joyce states that “the people have a story, as I heard it on the spot, that there is a subterranean passage from Ballaghanairy to the very summit of Slieve Donard, which old Borka the shepherd traversed when he pleased” (1913, 75). This possibly suggests a Christianization of an earlier pre-Christian memory relating to Boirche, and one where the new Christian saint has replaced an ancient pagan figure. O’Donovan’s version of the story seems to suggest a local belief in 1834 that St. Donard was indeed still living literally ‘in’ the mountain and was ever-present there, saying Mass each Sunday. St. Donard, Slieve Donard and pilgrimage to the mountain “This Cheronese [headland] is bounded by that exceedingly high mountain celebrated in the western world, which formerly bore the name Slanga, but in the common use of modern times, that of Domhanghart . . . I cannot forbear to observe how our saints, scorning the earth about which the miserable race of man so vehemently contends sought a loftier range; for it is a fact for which I can vouch that, on the summit of that lofty pile, and in a different region of the world, as it were, they sought an abode of holy retirement, of which heavenly seclusion the traces still remain; for in that elevated region of the sky there exists a hermitage sacred to St. Domhanghart”. Father McCana (1643) Irish Itinerary. 61

McCana’s Itinerary was located by Reeves in the Burgundian Library in Brussels and was translated by him from the original Latin (1845; also see Archdall 1786, 280). Although the earlier sources talk of St. Donard living ‘in’ the mountain as an immortal guardian, this is our earliest reference to him living ‘on’ the mountain as a hermit, and building a hermitage. Two years later we have John Colgan’s Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae, written in 1645. Colgan collected all the sources available to him regarding the lives of saints whose feast days fell in January, February and March, including St. Donard. In the following quote Colgan gives us some further detail on St. Donard: “Two churches were dedicated to him; one at the foot of a very high mountain overhanging the eastern sea, formerly called Rath-murlbulg, now Machaire-Ratha; the other is on top of the same lofty mountain, far away from every human habitation; which, in spite of severe persecution by the heretics, was frequented by multitudes of pilgrims in honour of this wonderful servant of God, there favoured by many signs and miracles.” Translation in MacNeill 2008, 92; also see Archdall 1786, 280. Here is our first indication of pilgrims climbing the mountain to a church-site on the summit. The ‘heretics’ he refers to are the Protestant classes of the time, as Colgan, a Franciscan, was writing just after the 1641 rebellion and before Cromwell’s re-conquest of Ireland. Just less than one hundred years later a different perspective, but another informative description, comes from the Anglo-Irish historian and vicar-general to the Protestant Bishop of Meath, Walter Harris. The central part of the quote is repeated from chapter 4 in order to show the context of the pilgrimage to Slieve Donard: “St. Donard, a disciple of Patrick, spent the life of a hermit on this mountain, and built a cell or Oratory on the top of it towards the end of the fifth century . . .the patron day seems to be the 25th of July, St. James Day, for then the bigoted Members of the Church of Rome climb up this mountain to do Penance and pay their devotion to both saints. On the summit of this mountain are two rude edifices (if they may be so termed), one being a heap of stones piled up in a pyramidical figure [the Great Cairn], in which are several cavities, wherein the devotees shelter themselves in bad weather, while they hear Mass; and in the centre of this heap there is a cave formed by broad, flat stones, so disposed as to support each other without the help of cement. The other edifice is composed of rude walls, and partitions, called chapels, and perhaps was the oratory and cell erected by St. Domangard, before hinted [the Lesser Cairn]. A tradition in this neighbourhood highly celebrates the virtues, devotion, and miracles of St. Donard and that by his Application much money was collected for building the Cathedral of Down; which must then be understood of the first church erected there in the time of St. Patrick” Harris 1744, 121. This is our fullest description of both the pilgrimage and, as discussed in Chapter 4, the cairns on the summit prior to their alteration by the Ordnance Survey in 1826. It also gives us the date of 25th July, St. James’ Day, for the pilgrimage. MacNeill (2008, 12-27) points out that this day had become associated with a number of other Lughnasa 62

assemblies in Ireland and that it is often on the Sunday nearest St. James’ Day that the pilgrimage would occur. His association with the Cathedral of Down on Cathdral Hill in Downpatrick is a tentative one but it is worth noting that the doorway of the Cathedral is orientated directly towards Slieve Donard. The Lughnasa assembly is also described by Dr. O'Doran, writing in 1752 to his agent in Rome, who says “I have to add that I would be glad if I could get those indulgences of Crumdugh extended to Struell, for on that Friday the Christians visit Struell as well as Mount Donart, which is ten miles distant from Struell” (O’Laverty 1878, 49). Here we have a strong link with the tradition of the pilgrimage being associated with the Lughnasa assembly. This festival has up to 70 different names; Domhnach Chrom Dubh (Crom Dubh Sunday), Lammas Day, Bilberry Sunday, Garland Sunday, and many others (see MacNeill 2008, 26-42 for discussion). The Lughnasa assembly also happened at Struell Wells, outside Downpatrick, and Dr. O’Doran is hoping to collect money from the pilgrims attending both sites. What is interesting here is the similarity with the assembly at Croagh Patrick, where two days were assigned to the pilgrimage, Domhnach Chrom Dubh, the Sunday before the 1st August and Aoine Chrom Dubh, the Friday of Crom Dubh, a day many local people around Croagh Patrick climb the mountain (MacNeill 2008, 83). O’Doran’s comment that people climb the mountain on the Friday along with John O’Donovan’s observation that the day was called Domhnach Chrom Dubh by the locals around Slieve Donard (Herity 2001, 248), suggests a strong similarity between traditions on Croagh Patrick and Slieve Donard. Dubourdieu tells us that the patron day of St. Donard is 25th July “when the Roman Catholics climb the mountain to perform their penance”, (1802, 287-8) which suggests that the pilgrimage was still happening in his day. A similar re-use of a megalithic monument appears at another of Ireland’s most well-known mountain pilgrimage sites, namely on Church Mountain, also referred to as Slieve Gad, on the western side of the Wicklow Mountains. Within a large cairn, on the summit, a small oratory and well were located. This cairn may originally have been similar to the neighbouring passage tomb in the Wicklow Mountains at Seefin (MacNeill 2008, 96-101). John O’Donovan’s description of his climb up Slieve Donard in 1834 discusses the two cairns and two wells that were pointed out by his guide: one filled up with stones in the Lesser Cairn and a dried-out well in the Great Cairn. He also describes a large stone to the east of the Great Cairn which he identifies as an altar (Herity 2001, 55-6). The Ordnance Survey Memoirs of 1836 mention a stone within the Great Cairn where mass used to be said, and that the stone may have had the letters ‘IHS’ carved onto it. They also record the presence of a well, with two or three steps down to it, located in the centre of the Great Cairn, and state it was c. 1.2 m deep. The Memoirs mention that the well would only collect rainwater, that there was no spring and that a wall surrounded the well (Day and McWilliams 1990, 51). The possible ‘IHS’ symbol described in the 63

Memoirs is based on a Greek monogram representing the name of Jesus Christ. It became a common religious motif from the 13th century in Europe, and there is an early Irish example above the 15th century doorway of the Augustinian Friary at Ardnaree, Ballina. However, it did not become popular throughout Ireland until the 18th and early 19th centuries, when it started being used primarily on headstones (Timoney 2005, 14-15). Charlotte Elizabeth describes the Great Cairn as having two or more compartments within it and also a holy well, called as such by her guide, and added that sick people would be dipped into it for a cure of their ailments. She discusses some kind of irregular wall enclosing the site. Charlotte Elizabeth also mentions an altar, saying it was a large stone slab resting on heaps of smaller stones (1838, 264-72; 1845, 207-8). Both she and the Ordnance Survey Memoirs describe this wall, and all three commentators from the 1830s mention at least one well. The enclosure around the site and the well is also indicated on the 1834 Fair Plan (fig. 4.1). Both the enclosure and the well could have actually been constructed by the Royal Engineers who set up a large trigonometric cairn on the summit during the Great Triangulation in 1826. They spent a number of months there and would have needed fresh water (Evans 1989, 90). Lett describes “the covered well - now taken by visitors for St. Donard’s cell - [which] was formed in the Great Cairn to provide them [the Royal Engineers] with a supply of water” (1905, 232). However, the difficulty with this is that there appears to be a tradition concerning the presence of a holy well, based on O’Donovan’s guide’s information in 1834 and the account by Charlotte Elizabeth in 1837. Both suggest the well was there longer than the intervening years since the Royal Engineers were there in 1826. Also, perhaps more importantly, O’Donovan describes two wells and that the blocked-up well in the Lesser Cairn was, according to his guide, built by the Sappers of the Ordnance Survey (Herity 2001, 55). This suggests that the well in the Great Cairn was there before the Ordnance Survey’s activities in 1826. It may not be a well at all and merely a flooded cavity which St. Donard may have used as his cell, and where pilgrims sheltered while hearing mass, as Harris pointed out (1774, 121). Another set of features on the mountain are “the good many circular cairns on this mountain” that O’Donovan warns about (Herity 2001, 56). He says the Sappers had left these from the Great Triangulation, carried out on the mountain in 1826, and worries that they might be mistaken for “Druid’s circles or chapples of hermits” (ibid.). Evans, however, points out that these actually might be of some antiquity and compares them to the ‘Twelve Cairns’ on the summit of Slieve Croob to the north of Slieve Donard (Evans 1989, 90). Slieve Croob, at 534 m OD, is also a Lughnasa assembly site, located north of Slieve Donard and intervisible with it (fig. 6.4). It too has a prehistoric cairn on its summit and was a popular assembly site up to the 1950s, which has been revived in recent years. Traditionally, people would visit the summit of the mountain to pick bilberries, usually on the first Sunday of August, but various traditions survive 64

6.4 Slieve Donard from summit of Slieve Croob (courtesy Mourne Heritage Trust)

concerning the date and the name for the assembly (see MacNeill 2008, 155-6). People would usually climb in the late afternoon and would add a stone to one of the twelve cairns made up from the ancient cairn. Dancing, games, the collection of bilberries and courtship were features of the assembly. Common at many pilgrimage sites throughout Ireland are the occurrence of penitential cairns or stations, sometimes given the misleading name of leacht, which can also mean altar. O’Sullivan and Ó Carragáin (2008, 321) point out that penitential cairns can simply be made up of pebbles or stones deposited by generations of pilgrims. Struell Wells had a number of these cairns near St. Patrick’s Chair (see below), and the Twelve Cairns on Slieve Croob are possible remnants of penitential stations that would be ‘rounded’ by pilgrims saying prayers as penance. The re-arrangement of the prehistoric cairn into possible penitential stations has parallels with the cairn known as Roilig Mhuire on the west side of Croagh Patrick (MacNeill 2008, 82, Corlett 1998, 11). Another is that of Leacht Benain, the first station of ‘the Reek,’ on the Murrisk route up Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo, where pilgrims walk clockwise around the cairn seven times saying prayers (Hughes 1991, 41). The original Leacht Benain on Croagh Patrick is actually 30 m east of a new site, created in the last 15 years, which pilgrims now pray at, and this is an indicator of how easily traditions can change. Leacht Benain on Croagh Patrick is of similar dimensions to the cairn located on the Saddle, the route up Slieve Donard that follows the Glen River (figs. 6.5 and 6.6). However, this particular cairn on the Saddle could easily have been built in recent times by walkers, and this route up to Slieve Donard only really began to be used after the Mourne Wall was completed in 1922.

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6.5 Cairn on the Saddle on the route up to Slieve Donard’s summit along the Glen River path.

There are 26 penitential stations on the summit and along the route up Slieve League in Co. Donegal. This pilgrimage site is adjacent to the highest sea cliffs in Europe, where there is also a dry-stone walled oratory and cell in the form of a bee-hive hut, as well as a holy well (Harbison 1991, 71). Some of these penitential stations, which vary in size and form, look remarkably similar to those on Slieve Donard, which are chiefly located around the former site of St. Donard’s oratory at the Lesser Cairn. It is impossible to tell how old these are, whether they were built by the Ordnance Survey, as suggested by O’Donovan, or whether some were left by climbers, but they could also be remnants of penitential stations. There are at least 15 present, mainly to the east of the Lesser Cairn, and on average measure approximately 0.60 m high by 1 m in diameter and are generally badly disturbed (fig. 6.8). The pilgrimage is no longer practised at Slieve Donard and the last mention of it is in the Parliamentary Gazetteer of 1845. MacNeill (2008, 96) believes that this reference suggests that it was still being practised at that date, but on reading the extract it appears that the Gazetteer is paraphrasing Harris’ 1744 work and refers to the pilgrimage in the past tense: “St. Donard, a disciple of St. Patrick, is said to have spent the life of a hermit on this mountain, and built a cell or oratory on the top of it towards the close of the fifth century . . .On July 25, the patron day of St. Donard . . .the Roman Catholics used to climb Slieve Donard, in performance of penance and pilgrimage; near the summit of the mountain are the remains of two rude edifices, the ground around which formed the central place of their superstitious devotions.” Parliamentary Gazetteer 1845, Vol III, 252-3 Based on the evidence, the pilgrimage seems to have been practised in the time of Colgan in 1645. It was certainly taking place when Harris (1774) and O’Doran (1752) were writing about it in the mid-18th century, and also appears to be in existence when 66

6.6 Leacht Benain, Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo (courtesy Mike King)

Dubourdieu wrote his Survey of Down in 1802. There is a possibility that the site was still being visited in the 1830s, but Charlotte Elizabeth (1838, 268) describes it as a “place now forsaken, so far as its supposed sanctity is concerned”. Therefore, it appears that the pilgrimage had stopped by the 1830s. The holiness of the well, observed by her and O’Donovan, may only have developed in the 18th century, based on a developing pilgrimage to Slieve Donard. It is very difficult to gauge when pilgrims actually began climbing Slieve Donard. The view that pilgrimages to mountain-tops and holy wells was a tradition that was inherited from a distant pre-Christian past is one that Carroll (1999) challenges. He suggests that many pilgrimages originated in the period from the Counter-Reformation up to the Great Famine in Ireland, which is from the Council of Trent in the later 16th century up to the 1840s. This idea will be returned to in the final chapter.

6.7 Togher Phadraig, the route up Croagh Patrick’s east side, Co. Mayo. 67

6.8 Possible penitential cairns east of the Lesser Cairn on Slieve Donard

Other Lughnasa Pilgrimages in Co. Down Co. Down also had Lughnasa assemblies at the famous Struell Wells, near Downpatrick, of which there were four: the Eye Well, the Drinking Well and two bathing wells (the Limb Well and the Body Well) (fig. 6.9). Harris (1744, 25) describes the wells as being visited on St. John’s Eve and on the Friday before the Lammas Fair by many pilgrims who performed penances in the hope of obtaining cures from the sacred waters. MacNeill (2008) gives other details including references to large numbers of invalids and others who would spend up to two weeks at Struell from Midsummer onwards. They would begin the pilgrimage by first visiting St. Patrick’s grave at Downpatrick and taking earth from around it for cures. The pilgrims would also ascend the nearby hill at Struell to St. Patrick’s Chair, a collection of four natural boulders, and would do so on their knees, barefoot or by crawling with a stone carried behind their necks. Small cairns made by pilgrims, and St. Patrick’s’ Chair, were circumambulated three times and a supervisor gathered a penny from each penitent (for a detailed description and discussion see McCormick 2009). O’Doran’s letter concerning the collection of money from the pilgrims at both Struell Wells and Slieve Donard links the two sites and demonstrates that pilgrims were at each location in 1752 (O’Laverty 1878, 49; MacNeill 2008, 604). Other sites in Co. Down where there were Lughnasa Festival assemblies include Bishop’s Mountain at Loughinisland and the Walter Meadow at Portaferry, as well as the Lammas Fair held at Greencastle. Bishop’s Mountain, which lies 1 km north-west of Loughinisland village, could be related to the church at the edge of the Loughinisland Lake, which lies just over a kilometre to the south-east of the hill. It was a small assembly-site where Bilberry Sunday was celebrated. In a field known as ‘the Walter’ in Portaferry on Lammas Sunday, the first Sunday of August, people of the Ards Peninsula would gather at this site on the slope of a hill overlooking Strangford Lough and enjoy music, games, singing and courtship. Two days later a fair known as the Gooseberry Fair was held there (MacNeill 2008, 157). 68

6.9 View of the Drinking Well from the Chapel at Struell, Co. Down.

The coastal site at Greencastle attracted trade by sea more than by road, and the site may have had some significance in earlier times. Since the change from the Julian to Gregorian calendars, the Lammas Fair held there has been on 12th August, usually for three days, and involved a gathering at Conaenachmore, the Great Fair Meadow, near the castle (which dates to c. 1230). It has similarities with the Puck Fair at Killorgan in Co. Kerry, but at Greencastle it was called the Ram Fair, where a ram was enthroned on the walls of the castle and the main commodity was sheep. Sir Nicholas Bagenal held a patent on the Ram Fair from James I from 1611. Music and various festivities were held and people travelled here from all over the region, including people from the Isle of Man (ibid. 300-2; Crawford, 1931; 76-9; Evans 1989, 126) (fig. 6.10).

Maghera and St. Donard’s Monastery We have seen a number of references above to the two churches of St. Donard, “one at the foot of a very high mountain overhanging the eastern sea, formerly Rathmurbhuilg, and now Machaire Ratha; the other is on the top of the same lofty mountain” (Colgan 1645). Maghera’s importance is suggested by Giraldus Cambrensis, who calls it a ‘nobile monasterium’, a fine monastery (O’Meara 1982, 94). The site today consists of a Church of Ireland church dating to 1825 (Knox 1875, 369), a ruined medieval church (possibly 13th century) which sits within in a roughly circular graveyard, and the lower portion of a round tower. In the graveyard there are several simple early medieval cross-carved stones and a fragment of a 13th century grave-slab. The round tower is c. 100 m north-west of the graveyard; its upper part blew down around 1710-11 and the remaining stump is c. 5.5 m high (figs. 6.1 and 6.11). Conservation works in the 1970s cleared an area around the 13th century church and unblocked the door in the west gable, which had been filled with rubble. Excavations carried out in this ecclesiastical complex have indicated intense activity here in early medieval times, from the 6th to 12th centuries. Maghera is 3 km north of the base of Slieve Donard and is 2 km west of Dundrum Bay. It is located on flat low-lying ground 60 m east of a stream and 100 m from the south side of the Ballybannan/Carrigs River, which may have been a fording point (Hamlin 2008, 30). It is worth pointing out here that Maghera’s place-name was originally Ráith Murbhuilg ‘fort of the belly of the sea’ or ‘fort of the inlet’. Later the townland divided into Murlough and Maghera from Machaire Rátha, ‘the plain of the rath’. The word Murbulg is now changed to Murlough, and is applied to a neighbouring townland on Dundrum Bay (Reeves 1847, 26; Herity 2001, 36). Both O’Donovan and Reeves point out the error 69

6.10 Greencastle Co. Down (courtesy Mourne Heritage Trust)

in the Annals of the Four Masters where there is the reference to St. Donard’s death in A.D. 506 in Dalriada. This territorial placename appears in various manuscripts and was probably a transcription error as Rathmurbulg in the territory of Dalaradia in Co. Down, was confused with Murlough, on the north-east coast of the county of Antrim in Dalriada (ibid.; O’Laverty 1878, 47). The slightly oval-shaped graveyard contains an elevated interior due to the number of burials, particularly when compared to the lower position of the 13th century church (fig. 6.12). The place-name Maghera, from ‘Plain of the Rath’ would suggest the presence of a ringfort or cashel site in the townland, and hence this enclosure around the graveyard was once believed to be a cashel (e.g. Lawlor 1928, 180). This however, is more likely to be a more recent construction, but without excavation the date of the enclosure cannot be resolved. Excavations carried out in 1965 at the site uncovered four east-west Christian orientated burials and possible traces of an enclosure c. 75 m from the north-west of the graveyard. Hamlin (2008, 306) has interpreted this as evidence that the nucleus of the early monastic activity at Maghera may have been nearer to the round tower and that the medieval church occupies a ‘new’ location built sometime after the Anglo-Norman invasion. This idea is supported to some extent by Lawlor (1926, 180) who recorded faint traces of structures which could be seen in the grass near the round tower. Hamlin (2008, 48) points out the presence of early medieval cross-slabs within the graveyard, and suggests the early monastery may have been located far from the round tower, but she fails to acknowledge that these could have been moved to act as grave-markers at any period after the construction of the 13th century medieval church. The round tower may once have stood to between 25 m to 30 m high, and is now c. 5.5 m high after falling sometime in 1710 or 1711. Harris’ account says it “was overturned by a violent storm, and lay at length and entire on the ground, like a huge gun, without 70

6.11 Round tower and 19th century Church of Ireland Church at Maghera with Slieve Donard

breaking to pieces; so wonderfully hard and binding was the cement in this work” (1744, 82). Knox says that that the interior was cleared out under the instruction of the Marquis of Downshire and that “several human bones, some of large dimensions, and charred pieces of wood and bones were found about ten feet from the surface” (1875, 370). Getty (1856, 131) remarks on human remains being found in the tower in 1843. The dating and function of round towers has long been a contentious subject among antiquarians, with early interpretations being columns for hermits, temples for sun worship, phallic symbols or penitentiaries. O’Donovan wrote to Petrie and discussed the debate on the function of round towers while he was at Maghera. He informed him that that the locals “who have never read any books but their prayer books, and who do not understand the meaning of round tower call it the cloigtheach, and tell you with positiveness not to be contradicted that it was the belfry belonging to the old church” (O’Donovan 1834 in Herity 2001, 56). The Irish word cloigtheach literally means ‘bell house’ and it is now generally agreed that that was the primary function of round towers, and they had secondary functions as storage areas and as places of refuge in times of raids by Vikings or Gaelic lords. They are the ‘skyscrapers’ of the early medieval period, being the tallest buildings that existed in Ireland, and would have represented an expression of power and prestige. There are over 70 examples in Ireland, with four in Co. Down (Maghera, Nendrum, Drumbo and Downpatrick (dismantled in 1789)). Round towers appear to date from the 10th to 13th centuries (Hamlin 2008, 72-9; Hamlin and Hughes 1997, 69-73). There is no recorded evidence that Maghera was raided by the Irish or by Vikings but raids are recorded in Bangor in AD 824, Downpatrick and Movilla in AD 825, and Armagh in AD 832. Downpatrick was raided again in AD 942 and burnt in AD 989 (Russell 2007, 28). The ‘excavation’ mentioned by Knox above does suggest some kind of burning at Maghera. Whether this was accidental or by violence we do not know, as there is no accurate record of what was removed.

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6.12 Maghera c. 13th century church (note void in wall; foreground centre left).

Limited excavations were carried out at Maghera in 1965 by Hamlin and considerable information was uncovered. Three small trial trenches were opened north-west of the graveyard and these trenches provided evidence of gullies, hollows, pits, stake-holes, iron smelting debris, three posts and remains of four burials (including one infant), that were all aligned east-west. Finds included early medieval Souterrain Ware pottery, as well as a blue glass bead, burned and unburnt animal bone and much iron-working debris including a fragment of a crucible (Hamlin 2008). A further excavation was carried out in 1980 in the modern graveyard to the south of the modern Church of Ireland church. Here Chris Lynn found a 4 m-wide and 2 m-deep v-shaped fosse or vallum ditch (part of the monastery’s enclosure) and also found Souterrain Ware pottery and iron socketed arrowheads (SMR file). Within the present old graveyard surrounding the 13th century church are a number of early medieval cross-slabs, possibly nine in total, along with a fragment of an Anglo-Norman slab and another unhewn stone slab of uncertain date (figs 6.13 and 6.14). There are also fine examples of 18th and 19th century headstones. The cross-slabs at Maghera are generally rectangular slabs, and there is evidence that some of them were shaped into their present form. They represent one of the largest groups in Ulster, only surpassed by Nendrum and Saul both in Co. Down (Hamlin 2008, 115). Some are very difficult to locate due to the overgrowth of thorn bushes and other vegetation; some have not been located but are mentioned elsewhere; and at least two are no longer on the site. These cross-slabs are extremely difficult to date, but dates from the 8th to the 10th centuries are possible (see O’Sullivan and Ó Carragáin 2008; Hamlin 2008, 72

6.14 Anglo-Norman grave slab from Maghera (after Bigger 1902, 94)

6.13 Possible Anglo-Norman graveslab at Maghera

115-43). What is also difficult to explain is their function, as some could be burial markers, boundary markers, penitential stations, or stones recording a specific event (Hamlin and Hughes 1997, 80-2). As there are no inscriptions on the stones at Maghera, it is extremely difficult to discern their original purpose, and many of them could be ex situ (for a complete description of the cross-slabs see Appendix III) (figs. 6.15 to 6.23). Based on the excavation evidence, Maghera would have been a busy place over a thousand years ago. It was enclosed by an ecclesiastical boundary ditch or vallum, and bounded to the north and west by running water, as well as being located on a possible fording point. Maghera was on an important route-way and it should be noted that King John stopped here in July 1210 en route from Waterford to Downpatrick via Carlingford (Reeves 1847, 170); and it was formerly on the route from Newry to Downpatrick (Russell 2007, 23-4). The original structures in the monastery would have been of wood or post-and-wattle. The main church would have been in wood, although stone churches replaced wooden ones on certain sites from the 9th century onwards, with evidence at Derry of a wooden church being below a stone one. If the church at Maghera was rebuilt in stone, it no longer exists above ground. Dwelling-houses and workshops for iron and glass production, storage areas and food preparation areas, and various other buildings would have existed within the enclosed site. The central area, possibly near the tower, would most likely have been the site of the main church, located away from the domestic areas. A visit to sites like Nendrum in Co. Down, or Clonmacnoise in Co. Offaly, gives some impression of these sites, as these are two 73

6.15 Cross-slab 1, Maghera

6.16 Cross-slab 1, Maghera (after Patterson 1883, Fig. 2)

6.17 Cross-slab 3, Maghera

6.18 Cross-slab 3 Maghera (after Patterson 1883, Fig. 3)

excellent examples of early Irish monasteries (for a fuller description of early medieval ecclesiastical sites see Hamlin and Hughes 1997; Edwards 2004, 99-131) The Relics of St. Donard The cult of relics was an important feature of early medieval Ireland, and associative relics such as a bell or shoe were preserved and revered as a result of the sanctity they attained through their connection or contact with the holy person who owned them (Doherty 1984; Ó Floinn 1994). St. Patrick’s bronze-coated iron bell and its associated shrine are good examples, together with the shrine of St. Brigid’s Shoe, formerly kept at Loughrea, Co. Galway (although the shoe it once held no longer survives). Corporeal relics were obtained by exhuming the body of a saint from its original resting-place. These body-parts were then housed in reliquaries. The earliest forms of these were tomb-shaped reliquaries and date from the late 6th to 10th centuries. Saints’ crosiers, staffs and bells were common and were often housed in purpose-built reliquaries made of silver and/or bronze and decorated with gemstones, enamelling and/or crystals. Many date to the 8th or 9th centuries but continued to be made in the medieval period. Relics were often brought on circuits of particular territories, which enabled certain centrally-founded churches or monasteries to collect taxes and levies, and enforce ecclesiastical law over smaller dependent churches. They were also objects on which oaths were sworn and contracts were guaranteed. Some were used as talismans before battle or used to curse one’s enemies. Relics were also believed to effect miraculous powers of healing, with belts being regarded as particularly effective in relation to childbirth, while bells were said to cure a variety of ailments, from boils to hearing problems. Miracles and cures relating to relics encouraged pilgrimage and enhanced the prestige and wealth of the churches and monasteries holding such relics (Freeman 2011; Ó Carragáin 2003). In 1645 Colgan, writing about St. Donard, states that in the church of Maghera “there are preserved in great veneration a bell called ‘The Glunan’, which formerly belonged to this saint, and one of his shoes enshrined in a precious covering of silver and gold” (O’Laverty 1878, 51-2). These sacred articles are now unknown in the locality, nor was there any tradition associated with them that O’Laverty or O’Donovan could find in the early 19th century (Herity 2001, 53). Unfortunately, we know nothing of these relics of the saint, but if Colgan’s statement is correct, then pilgrimages to Maghera would have been commonplace. We know from comments above that St. Donard’s feast day was around 24th March and that ‘ale and meat’ were served at Maghera on Easter Monday. There may have been a pilgrimage to Maghera on or near these dates, particularly if the saint’s relics were displayed. Colgan describes the veneration of the relics of St. Donard occurring in 1645 (O’Laverty 1878, 51-2). This however, is 23 years after the church is described as being in ruins (see below). It could be that Colgan was describing the veneration of the relics at the ruined church and that the relics might have been kept secure by a local custodian, but because of the vagueness of his description it is difficult to expand on this matter. 75

6.19 Cross-slab 4, Maghera

6.20 Cross-slab 4, Maghera (after Bigger 1902, 94)

6.21 Cross-slab 5, Magera (courtesy Down County Museum)

6.22 Cross-slab 5, Maghera? (after Patterson 1883, Fig. 4)

The Medieval Church at Maghera The church at Maghera, located within the graveyard, is difficult to date due to the absence of architectural features, such as windows and doors, whose form and design might place the building in a particular period. However, the voids seen in between the inner and outer walls of the church are evidence that timbers had been used to stabilise the walls while the mortar was setting, a technique usually associated with 13th century building methods (Mallory and MacNeill 1991, 280) (fig. 6.12). There is a brief description of the church by O’Hanlon (1875, 940) who states that “the beautiful Norman arch at the western entrance is in good preservation; the windows in the south wall are narrow and of elegant design”. These architectural elements are no longer present. There is a reference to ‘windows’ in the north wall, but there is only one to be seen today, with no evidence of building scars that might have blocked up any others (Archdall 1786, 281). The present church is a ruined rectangular building with its high west gable still standing to its original height together with the north wall. The other walls are reduced close to foundation level. A possible altar foundation can be seen against the interior of the east wall. There is a narrow window, probably original, set high and east-of-centre in the north wall, with a semicircular head and internal splays (fig. 6.24). The western door is now a gap, while the entrance gap in the south wall with rebuilt jamb stones is of doubtful date (Jope 1966, 307). A series of taxation rolls, discovered in 1807, contain details of a tax which was commenced in the year 1274 by Pope Gregory X. Within these rolls is a reference to the church of Rath [Maghera] in the Deanery of Lechayll [Lecale] which was to be taxed 20 shillings (Reeves 1847, 26). This indicates that the present ruined church at Maghera was probably built before this date, given that its architectural features suggest a 13th century date. The church of Maghera fell under the See of Down and there is a taxation reference in a ‘Terrier’ of 1615 calling the site Matherira, but by 1622 it is described as “Magherah, a chappel ruinous”, which is the first indication that the church had fallen into ruin (O’Hanlon 1875, 940). Given the evidence that only Souterrain Ware, and no Anglo-Norman pottery, was found during the excavations at Maghera by Hamlin and Lynn, it appears that the monastery was abandoned before the 13th century. The present ruined church replaced it to become a parish church, perhaps associated with the Anglo-Norman settlement at Dundrum Castle (fig. 6.23). This is supported by the presence of a re-used broken Anglo-Norman grave-slab, no longer visible, which was discovered south of the 13th century church near the graveyard enclosure and described by Bigger (1902, 94; Hamlin 2008, 307) (fig. 6.14). Another grave-slab in the graveyard lies just north-east of the Newell burial vault. It is of undressed sandstone and bears the form of a Norman slab, but with no dressing (fig. 6.13). It could be Anglo-Norman in date but this is far from certain. A late medieval bronze badge was recorded as being found in the graveyard, which depicted a crucifixion scene, but its whereabouts are unknown (Hamlin 2008, 308).

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6.23 Keep at the Anglo-Norman castle at Dundrum

St. Cillan, the brother of St. Donard O’Laverty (1878, 53-55) tells us of a church site called Rathscillan that may have some relationship to St. Donard. Reeves (1847, 165) describes a list of the possessions of the See of Down at the end of the 12th century in which there is the entry “Rathmurvul cum Rathsillan” (Maghera along with Rathscillan). There is a difficulty in identifying Rathscillan, as there is no particular place in the area known by the name. However it is evident by the grouping of the names in Reeves’ list that it could have been in the neighbourhood of Maghera. Its inclusion in the taxation rolls suggests that it was a site of some importance. It is potentially related to another recorded Early Christian establishment known as Achadh-chail. In 1645, Colgan (Archdall 1786, 208), using a tract on the mothers of Irish saints identifies St. Cillan of Achaidh-chail, and St. Mochumma of Drumbo as being brothers of St. Donard; i.e. sons of Derinill Chethar Chichech (Hamlin 2008, 308; Charles-Edwards 2004, 81). Rathscillan appears to mean ‘the Rath of Cillan’ and O’Laverty suggests a location for it: “In a field in Wateresk belonging to Mr. Savage, and immediately adjoining his house, are the remains of an ancient cemetery which once was enclosed in a rath. The bodies were interred in graves lined with flag-stones, and a large granite stone stood in the cemetery, but it has been rolled into a stream which bounds the field; on this stone is inscribed a simple cross formed by the intersection of two pair of parallel lines” (1878, 54). This site is identified as being close to the estuary of Dundrum, and it adjoins the lands attached to the church of Maghera, making it a good candidate for the location of Rathscillan. However, Henry Morris, while cycling around Newcastle in 1918, enquired about the name of a particular ringfort he visited on the Bryansford Road, just to the east of Newcastle in Tollymore townland, and was told it was called ‘Sillan’s Fort’. He subsequently suggested that this was the site of St. Cillan’s church (Morris 78

1937, 39-40; Mourne Observer 1/7/2009). It is actually referred to as Cillan’s Fort on the 3rd edition Ordnance Survey six inch map, sheet 49, for 1902, but not named on the previous editions. The site is an impressive ringfort measuring over 48 m in diameter; however, based on its name, it may be an alternative candidate for being the church of St. Donard’s’ brother, St. Cillan. St. Mary’s Church at Ballaghanery Another ecclesiastical site linked to Slieve Donard is that of St. Mary’s Church in the townland of Ballaghanery Upper. Today it is accessible from the National Trust’s coastal path south of the Bloody Bridge. It is on flat ground, but only 20 m from a steep drop to the sea to the east and is c. 250 m south of the 6.24 Window, north wall, Maghera Church mouth of the Bloody Bridge River. The site lies on a narrow area of flat land between the mountains and the sea, making it an important strategic routeway. It has been referred to by various names, including Kilnahattin. O’Laverty suggests that this name comes from “the ancient family of O’Haiteidh, who were princes of Iveagh before the Magennises” (1878, 29), but Ó Mainnín proposes that its derivation from Irish is Cill na hAitinne “church of the furze or gorse”(1993, 27, 60). It is referred to as ‘Capella de Balloch-enevery’ in a Terrier of 1615 (Steele 1984, 2) and the townland name of Ballaghanery Upper derives from Bealach an Aoire, meaning ‘pass of the shepherd’ (Ó Mainnín 1993, 20). This bealach or pass is an important one as it is one of the three gateways into the Mournes; the others being at Hilltown and Rostrevor. Ó Mainnín emphasises this importance by telling us of a letter written in 1565 by Nicholas Bagenal to Lord Deputy Bellingham to induce the Magennis’ to ‘cut the great pass called Ballogh Enary’ (ibid.). This and other references suggest this area was heavily wooded. Harris’ map of 1743 calls the site ‘Old Church’, suggesting it was in ruins by then. Only the chancel arch survives above ground today but the remains of a chancel and nave can be made out beneath the grass. Welsh (2008, 10) points out that St. Mary’s is much smaller than the average length of late medieval churches. Based on the architecture of St. Mary’s, comprising a small nave and chancel church divided by a Romanesque style arch, it is possible that it may date to around the later 11th century or early 12th century (ibid, 22-24). During the Archaeological Survey of County Down it was noted that a line of piled stone to the east of the church may possibly be the remains of a graveyard enclosure (Jope 1966, 299). These could be the remains of an enclosure which continues in to the 79

fields to the west of the site (Welsh 2008, 11). When the road was being widened in the mid-19th century, bones, gold rings and jewellery were dug up by the workmen, suggesting the presence of this graveyard enclosure being where the modern A2 road, between Newcastle and Kilkeel, passes the church (Mourne Observer, 7/12/1962). Evans noted that the graveyard was “used into the present century for the interment of unbaptized children and vagrants” (1989, 105). The Down Recorder (14/7/1906) reports the burial of a body at St. Mary’s Church that had been washed up between Maggie’s Leap and Armour’s Hole, two sea caves to the north of St. Marys. O’Laverty also remarks that “the ancient cemetery is now unused, except for the interment of unbaptized children, or as the last resting place for the remains of some friendless wanderer” (1878, 29). However, a detailed survey and analysis of the graveyard and unmarked gravestones at St. Mary’s indicated that the graves were actually more formally arranged than first thought and not haphazardly organised. The large size of some of the stones used as grave-markers showed that considerable effort was expended in erecting them, suggesting that the people who were buried there were held in some esteem by the local community (Mulvenna et al. 2008, 10). Welsh suggests a number of possibilities for the siting of St. Mary’s Church at Ballaghanery Upper (2008, 18-22). Its location suggests that it was on the route of the pilgrimage associated with Slieve Donard. Based on local tradition, St. Mary’s was one of the stations on the Slieve Donard pilgrimage (Steele 1984, 2). The remains of several ecclesiastical sites are scattered along this possible pilgrim route, such as Kilfeaghan, Tamlaght, Greencastle, Kilkeel, Kilmeloge, Kilhorne and St. Mary’s. The strategic value of the initial establishment of this early church in the area is linked to it being on one of only three routes around the Mourne Mountains. St. Mary’s location on this coastal route is associated with the early church site of Kilkeel asserting a degree of control over this territory (Evans 1989, 106; Welsh 2008, 19-20). Also, there may be a link with St. Patrick not reaching this area south of the Mournes and the need for church authorities to strengthen their position within this territory by siting St. Mary’s in this location. This relates to the legends of St. Patrick’s Stream or Srupatrick, a small stream that flows into the sea 1.3 km north of St. Mary’s. St. Patrick is said to have stopped at this stream and did not cross it, never entering the Kingdom of Mourne, located to the south of the stream. According to local tradition he stopped, knelt down and left an imprint of his knee on a stone. The water that subsequently filled the hole became blessed and was subsequently used as a cure for sickness. It was removed before 1836 and built into a nearby wall (Day and MacWilliams 1990, 46). In Anglo-Norman times St. Mary’s seems to be strongly linked with the rectory of Kilkeel, which was associated with St. Colman (Steele 1984, 1-2). Kilkeel was not the most prosperous of churches in the Middle Ages but did receive some degree of independence from Episcopal jurisdiction, derived from the fact that it was a plebania or “mother church” which stood at the head of a group of churches including Kilcoo, Kilmegan and St. Mary’s (Ó Mainnín 1993, 5; Rankin 2006, 330). Welsh’s analysis states that: “The inescapable conclusion is that after the Anglo-Norman conquest, the area in 80

6.25 Chancel arch at St. Mary’s Church, Ballaghanery with Slieve Donard in background

which St. Mary’s church was located was a poor parish with sparse population and, short on patronage, fell into disuse after the focus of ecclesiastical life shifted north to the great abbeys and priories” (2008, 22). He believes that an ecclesiastical site may have existed there from the 5th century AD up to the 12th century, when it may have been converted or extended into a stone church and was finally abandoned by the 15th century at the latest (ibid., 24). St. Donard’s churches and the festival of Lughnasa St. Donard’s importance in the region is reflected by the sanctity of his permanent presence in Slieve Donard. Most of the early sources referenced above suggest that he lives in the mountain as a perpetual guardian appointed by St. Patrick. His life as a hermit living on the mountain gave rise to a cult that led to the formation of his monastery at Maghera followed by a 13th century church at the same site. His holiness and his relationship to St. Patrick led to the Christian pilgrimage taking place at the end of July during the harvest festival - the Festival of Lughnasa. There may have been another pilgrimage associated with St. Donard near the Easter period on his feast day of 24th March, which may have involved visiting his relics. During the 18th and 19th centuries we get a number of descriptions of the cairns on the summit of Slieve Donard and some of the elements described, such as an altar, well and the cairns themselves, along with possible penitential cairns, probably formed part of the pilgrimage rituals. The church at St. Mary’s may have formed a starting-point at the eastern foot of Slieve Donard for pilgrims coming from the south of the mountains. Maghera, and the possible church associated with St. Donard’s brother, St. Cillan, might be associated with pilgrims coming from the north side of Slieve Donard. These points will be returned to in the final chapter.

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7.1 The Mourne Wall on Slieve Donard (courtesy Mourne Heritage Trust) 82

Chapter 7 Further events in the life of Slieve Donard: The Ordnance Survey and the construction of the Mourne Wall The two prehistoric cairns on the summit of Slieve Donard underwent a series of dramatic changes following St. Donard’s decision to create a cell and oratory within them, and subsequent alterations were later made by pilgrims. At the beginning of the 19th century the two cairns underwent another chapter of change with the arrival of the Ordnance Survey. Like the saint and the pilgrims, members of the Ordnance Survey would endure great difficulties and suffering on the summit. Like St. Donard they too would live in isolation from the world below. This occurred in 1826 as part of the Principal, or Great, Triangulation of Ireland. Slieve Donard became the second mountain base used by the Royal Engineers to commence the mapping of Ireland. They were camped on the mountaintop from at least the end of July until the end of November 1826 and used the two prehistoric cairns to create triangulation points. At the start of the 20th century labourers were employed to build the Mourne Wall and their arduous walk to labour on Ireland’s greatest wall over an 18-year period (1904-1922) also involved hardship and great effort. The Principal Triangulation of Great Britain and Ireland Triangulation involved the establishment of a number of reference points across a country using trigonometry, where a base-line was carefully measured, and the angles between its terminals and a distant point observed instrumentally. The three sides of the resulting triangle in their turn formed base-lines upon which other triangles were built. This process was repeated until all the primary points of the country were fixed. The average length for the sides of the larger triangles was 57 km (35.5 miles), reducing to 16 to 24 km (10 to 15 miles) in a secondary triangulation, and then to 1.2 km (0.75 miles) in a tertiary or minor triangulation. This process involved observations from mountain-top to mountain-top, allowing distances and angles to be calculated in order to create the triangles. The longest side of a triangle recorded was the line across the Irish Sea between Sca Fell Pike in Cumbria and Slieve Donard, a distance of 179 km (111 miles). Although this process seems to be simple enough, allowances had to be made for the curvature of the earth's surface, for refraction, for deflection of a plumb-line, and for instrumental and personal errors of observation. To calculate and understand the observations obtained in the field, the officers in command of the survey had to have a good knowledge of higher mathematics and astronomy (James 1854-8, 516; Pilkington-White 1886). The success of the Principal Triangulation was largely due to the scientific instrument-maker, Ramsden, who built two three-foot theodolites for the work (fig. 7.2). A theodolite is a portable instrument devised for the accurate measurement of horizontal and vertical angles. The larger theodolites were dismantled and transported in sections to the tops of the principal heights, where they were re-assembled for use (Neely 1930). Smaller theodolites were also introduced to calculate the secondary and 83

tertiary triangulations. These were called ‘Simms and Troughton’ theodolites, with 152 of these being supplied to the Irish Survey by 1827 (Andrews 2001, 39). During the early 19th century scientific advancement was increasing at an enormous pace, but this particular task was an incredible feat when compared to the technology of satellites, global position systems, electronic distance measuring devices and the whole host of modern day computers available to us today. The Principal Triangulation began in 1783 in order to determine the difference in longitude between the astronomical observatories of Greenwich and Paris. Following the establishment of the Ordnance Survey in 1791, 7.2 Ramsden theodolite this triangulation gradually extended to cover the whole of Great Britain and Ireland. Observations were completed by 1853. As the competence of those involved in the survey grew, the surveying was carried out at the rate of 1,214,057 hectares a year (3,000,000 acres). The triangulation approach was used to transfer distances from the measurement of a base-line on Salisbury Plain across the length and breadth of Britain and Ireland. In 1824 the Spring Rice Committee recommended to the British House of Commons that a survey of Ireland at the scale of six inches to the mile was required to provide a definitive indication of acreages and rateable values for the purposes of establishing local taxes in Ireland. It was Thomas Colby (1784-1852), officer of the Corps of the Royal Engineers, who was chosen for the job. He had entered the Royal Engineers at 17, and two years afterwards, in 1803, he lost his left hand by the explosion of a pistol while surveying in Cornwall (Portlock 1869, 15). Colby was a man of extraordinary abilities, patience, and untiring energy, with a vast knowledge of a range of disciplines needed for such an undertaking. The task of setting out the Principal Triangulation of Ireland was begun by the Ordnance Survey on 22nd June 1824 and was completed by August 1832. It was not until 1858, however, that A. R. Clarke, who was then in charge of the Trigonometrical and Levelling Department of the Ordnance Survey, had selected the observations to form the interlocking network of well-conditioned triangles that is now known as the Principal Triangulation (fig 7.3) (see Andrews 2001). Bearing in mind the early date of many of the observations and the relatively simple nature of the instruments used, the results from the Principal Triangulation were impressive. Base-lines were needed to establish a framework for the triangulation. The initial line was set up on Salisbury Plain in the south of England, while the Irish base-line was established at Lough Foyle between Co. Donegal and Co. Derry, 580 km 84

(c. 360 miles) away. The base-line was finalised on the shore of Lough Foyle by 1827. The accuracy established was nothing less than incredible, as the distance from the Salisbury Plain base-line to the Lough Foyle base-line, as calculated through the triangles, was within 127 mm (5 inches) of its measured length (Pilkington-White 1886). Colby recruited from the military and set up a new team of twenty young cadets who were ready by the summer of 1824 (Andrews 2001, 37-40). He had appointed Lieutenant Thomas Drummond, a member of Colby’s team on the British survey, to assist him. Other officers 7.3 Principal Triangulation of Ireland appointed were Portlock, Larcom, and (after Andrews 2001, Fig. 1) Murphy. One of the more commanding mountains observed from Scotland in 1822 was Divis Mountain outside Belfast, and it was from here that Colby began the interior triangulation of Ireland in July 1825 (Portlock 1851, 28; see Andrews 2001, 309-21). Drummond, the only officer with any field experience, and an inventor of surveying aids, had considerable mathematical and astronomical skills, and it was he who was responsible for setting up the large, delicate theodolite on Divis Mountain (Portlock 1869, 127). Portlock was sent to the Isle of Man to recover the sites of old triangulation stations, re-establish them so they could be observed from Divis, and then rejoin them there. In many ways the camp on Divis Mountain was viewed as a training school for the large numbers of engineers and other military personnel whom Colby had assembled (Portlock 1851, 28). Problems were immediately encountered due to weather conditions there, with fog and poor weather hampering any progress. Drummond had invented a heliostat, a type of reflector, and a limelight, which burnt a bright light from a receiving base-station to the theodolite in order to aid viewing over large distances (Andrews 2001, 42). Both of these devices were first used at Divis. Drummond’s light was seen by Colby from Knocklayd Mountain in Co. Antrim, 60 km (40 miles) from Divis and then from Slieve Snaght in Co. Donegal, 106 km (66 miles) away, on the night of 1st November 1825. The weather and living-conditions were difficult, and led to Drummond becoming ill. The mountain camp, at an altitude of 651m OD in late autumn meant that “they were ill able to buffet with the storms of these wild regions; and the tents were so frequently blown down, that after the first few days they abandoned them, and constructed huts of rough stones, filling the interstices with turf” (McLennan 1867, 81). The winter was too advanced for further long-distance observations, but secondary triangulation continued. Colby was not yet satisfied with 85

the abilities of his main theodolite group and proceeded with further training on lower ground (Andrews 2001, 43). The Ordnance Survey on Slieve Donard The following season of the Principal Triangulation, in 1826, was based on the summit of Slieve Donard. There are various commentators who report that the Royal Engineers, Royal Sappers and Miners, along with Gunners from the Royal Artillery, were on the summit of Slieve Donard for nine months (Lett 1906, 232; Evans 1989 90 who gives the year as 1825). A time-span of 11 months for the encampment on the summit has also been suggested (Porter 1999, 10). The timeframe may not have been this long, as a newspaper article in late July 1826 tells us that “a sergeant and twelve men of the part of Sappers and Miners sent by the Board of Ordnance to assist in executing the Trigonmetrical Survey of Ireland are now encamped on Slieve Donard in the County of Down. The encampment is not so large as that on Mount Divis last year” (Belfast Newsletter, 1/8/1826). It appears that most of the group was on Slieve Donard by the end of July and they had completed their observations by the end of November, a timeframe of four months. Portlock had gone to Anglesey and Wales to rebuild trigonometric cairns on mountains there, while Larcom had assembled the large theodolite on the summit of Slieve Donard (Knight 1867, 948). Portlock then returned to assist Larcom before the arrival of Colby, who arrived on Slieve Donard in early August, 1826 (Portlock 1869, 4; 127). One of the more important observations to be made was that to the summit of Sca Fell Pike in Cumbria, England’s highest peak, which is 179 km (111 miles) distant from Slieve Donard. On discussing Colby’s temperament, Portlock tells us the following: “I had prepared the great instrument for observation on Slieve Donard early in a morning of August, 1826, and had watched for some time the light as it slowly broke behind the dark mountains of Cumberland, when observing the outline of Sca Fell gradually assuming a distinct shape, he called up Colonel Colby who instantly came to the observatory and directed the telescope on the mountains. The distance was 111 miles, and the difficulty therefore, of securely bisecting the object very great. . . At length Colonel Colby was on the point of successfully finishing his observation, which would have been a geodesical triumph, as including the longest side of a triangle ever attempted, when an officer, on entering the observatory, accidentally struck his elbow, and threw the telescope off the object. A momentary ejaculation of anger escaped his lips, but though he could not again succeed, and the object was therefore lost, he never afterwards alluded to the subject” Portlock 1853, ii; 1869, 4. Sca Fell was eventually measured, the longest recorded observation ever made. Several officers were observing over a long period from Slieve Donard to various points ranging from Cuilcagh in Co. Fermanagh and Slieve Anierin in Co. Leitrim down to the Wicklow Mountains, and to summits in the Isle of Man, Scotland, England and Wales (Andrews 2001, 43). 86

Life on Slieve Donard was extremely difficult and dangerous. The camp was more than once blown down by the violence of the wind and storms. Colonel Colby was seriously injured by a fall while climbing from the observatory to his tent. Furthermore, climbing up and down the mountain for communication reasons and supplies was fraught with difficulty and danger (Proceedings of the Royal Society of London, 1865, xiii). One of the victims of the harsh conditions, a Corporal Forsyth, was blown from the observatory by the wind and dashed against the rocks. He fortunately recovered from his injuries (Edinburgh Review 1863, Vol. 118, 395). Portlock regularly comments on the severe weather and winds in his Memoir (1869). He mentions that, as well as members of the Royal Sappers and Miners, gunners from the Royal Artillery were also employed on Slieve Donard, giving the impression that there was a large contingent of personnel on the mountain (1851, 28). The Belfast Newsletter (29/9/1826) informs us that Colby, a Captain Pringle and three other officers of Engineers with forty men were camped on the summit by the end of September 1826. Portlock reported: “Much severe weather was experienced and on one tempestuous night all the marquees and tents were blown down, with one exception, the marquee of Colonel Colby, which was kept up by bestowing upon it undivided attention” (1852, 29). This is probably because of Colby’s earlier fall on Slieve Donard and the concern for his safety. A newspaper article explained that even in good weather conditions, the survey was being hampered by high amounts of moisture in the atmosphere. It goes on to say: “Nothing short of ocular demonstration would convince any one of the privations and discomforts they are exposed to – for, while we enjoy calm weather and sunshine in the regions below, they exist in a constant gale, and enveloped in clouds, and might, with great propriety, be associated with the clan of the MacCaws and denominated the Children of the Mist” (Belfast Newsletter 29/9/1826). Drummond joined the camp on Slieve Donard after recovering from his illness in October, and remained there until late in November, but did not stay on the summit for all that period. McLennan tells us that “as in the previous year, the tempests were fearful, and must have grievously tried his already weakened constitution” (1867, 81). By the end of October the numbers on the summit had reduced, with only Portlock and a few privates remaining. He was the principal observer, while others positioned themselves on other summits. Larcom, for example, was on Moel Rhyddlad on Anglesey in Wales with Drummond’s heliostat (Portlock 1851, 29). Portlock completed his long-distance observations on Slieve Donard by 4th November 1826, after finally sighting Larcom and the heliostat in Anglesey (Portlock 1869, 127). By the time they had packed up the remainder of the camp and dismantled the large theodolite it was late November. Then tragedy befell the endeavour when “late in November, amidst heavy snow, our party at length descended Slieve Donard, and the event was rendered painfully memorable by the death of two servants of neighbouring gentlemen, who perished by cold, having lost their way in endeavouring to return from the camp” (Portlock 1851, 28). This sad event has gone unrecorded in history apart from Portlock’s comment and these un-named servants have yet to be identified. The two gentlemen 87

7.4 Marks left by ‘feathers’ and ‘plugs’ in an incomplete quarried boulder for the Mourne Wall (courtesy Mourne Heritage Trust and Ernie Wilson).

Portlock refers to were possibly Lord Roden and Lord Annesley, whose estates were nearest to Slieve Donard. After the season on Slieve Donard, the Principle Triangulation of Ireland became Portlock’s responsibility (with the exception of the stations at the Lough Foyle base). He eventually took charge of the secondary and minor triangulation, and of the computations for the supply of distances and altitudes, while Colby occasionally visited the stations (Knight 1867, 948). The Survey moved on from Slieve Donard, with Portlock’s skills and enthusiasm for the work growing quickly. They went on to establish stations at Vicar’s Cairn, Knocklayd, Sawel and Slieve Snaght, and were at Slieve League by Christmas 1826 (Andrews 2001, 43). In 1840 William Yolland took over the Survey’s trigonometrical calculations in Britain. Yolland was dissatisfied with Portlock’s methods because he realised that observations from Merrick in Scotland to Slieve Donard had been sited at the wrong cairn. Presumably this was the Lesser Cairn, as the primary Trigonometric station was located on the Great Cairn. Yolland had a second survey done from Slieve Donard in 1845 using new calculation methods and equipment (Andrews 2001, 96). At the beginning of the original survey at Divis, Colby’s instructions for the Interior Survey of Ireland stated in Article 68 that “each officer, employed in the districts, is to keep a journal in which he is to insert all the local information he can obtain relative to communications by land and water, manufactories, geology, antiquities or other matters concerned with the survey” (Andrews, 2001, 320). Many of these elements are recorded in the Ordnance Survey Memoirs (Day and McWilliams 1990). In the light of these expressions of the duty of care towards ancient remains, it may seem puzzling that it was Colby who took the decision and gave the order to dismantle the Great Cairn. Colby’s real interest lay in the subjects of agriculture, engineering and industry, and he harboured a dislike for 88

7.5 Example of a ‘fizz-trough’ used to cool tools after they were tempered (courtesy Mourne Heritage Trust and Ernie Wilson).

‘ornamental or unsubstantial knowledge’, which led to he and Larcom falling out in later years due to Larcom’s greater respect for antiquities. Andrews says that Colby, after demolishing the cairn on Slieve Donard in 1826, brought about “the ill-luck that traditionally befalls destroyers of Irish antiquities when the wrong cairn was observed by the trigonometrical party in Scotland” (2001, 163). John O’Donovan of the Topographical Department of the first Ordnance Survey of Ireland, was 28 years of age when he ascended to the summit of Slieve Donard in 1834. O’Donovan, a naturalist, was able to express the feelings aroused in him by his surroundings. He describes the Mourne Mountains “a wild and dismal region of the barrenest mountains . . . lonely and desolate, and will remain so to the end of time . . .” (O’Donovan 1834, in Herity 2001, 56). The feelings O’Donovan experiences are of astonishment and amazement. He is stopped in his tracks by the transcendent beauty, and must wait “Till contemplation had her fill!” (ibid., 55). O’Donovan laments the damage done to the two cairns by the Royal Engineers. His description of the summit of Slieve Donard is contained in previous chapters but it is worth describing his journey up the mountain and the obvious humour and enthusiasm he brought to his work but, along with his expressions of amazement, also reflects echoes of what people before him might have felt: “I have this day made a pilgrimage to the summit of Sliabh Domhanghart. I have induced to perform this pilgrimage from many motives, 1. To endeavour to get the names of the Mourne Mountains from its lofty summit and for this purpose I have employed a guide, but in this I have been much disappointed . . . 2. To gratify a curiosity excited in my mind by the gigantic appearance of the mountain itself from every part of the county . . . My third reason was, I suppose, to wash off in St. Domhanghart’s well the many sins I had committed by cursing dogs, ganders, over inquisitive people, and petty country landlords” O’Donovan 1834 in Herity 2001, 54. 89

7.6 The circular structure at the Lesser cairn is a modern memorial and not related to activities in the past

As previously discussed (chapter 5), the well the Royal Engineers supposedly built in the Great Cairn was more likely to have been in the Lesser Cairn. It seems that a well was already present in the Great Cairn prior to 1826 and was the flooded central chamber of a passage tomb. Lett tells us that the remains of St. Donard’s cell and oratory were knocked down by the Ordnance Survey to form the trigonometric cairns on Slieve Donard and to provide materials for the erection of their camp, the remains of which were visible in 1905 a short distance south of the Great Cairn (1905, 231-2). Today, there are some metal pegs and cables, east and north of the Great Cairn, which may be associated with the Ordnance Survey’s camp. The 4 m diameter circular enclosure east of the Lesser Cairn is not the remains of any structure from antiquity or from actions of the Ordnance Survey. It was constructed by David Kirk, author and photographer, as a memorial to a deceased friend who had a love of the Mourne Mountains (fig. 7.6) (Kirk 2003, 107). The Mourne Wall The story of the Mourne Wall began after the Belfast City and District Water Commissioners purchased the entire water catchment area of the Silent Valley from landowners between 1893 and 1899, an area of 3,642 hectares (9,000 acres). They had realised that the growing city of Belfast needed a secure and reliable water supply which eventually led to the construction of a reservoir in the Silent Valley, beginning in 1923, which would have the storage capacity of 3,000,000,000 gallons (Carson 1981, 1). The Mourne Wall, or the ‘Back ditch’ as it was called, must be one of Ireland’s most extraordinary boundary walls. It was built to surround this water catchment and protect the water from contamination. It measures 35 km (22 miles) long, built mainly of cut granite, laid without mortar, to a height of 1.2 m - 2.4 m high and is 0.9 m wide on average at its base. It has battered or sloping sides, with a large projecting coping on its top. This incredible monument crosses the tops of 15 peaks in the Mourne 90

7.7 The Mourne Wall southeast of the Great Cairn on Slieve Doanrd stretching to Slieve Commedagh

Mountains and took 18 years to build, from 1904 to 1922, with stonemasons working in the mountains from March through to mid-October each year. The men involved often walked vast distances to work and would sometimes sleep on the heather under canvas in the summer to avoid the arduous walks to and from their place of employment (McAfee 1997, 100; Ryan 2005, 163). The construction of the Mourne Wall, from 1904 to 1922, marks another episode in the cultural biography of the summit of Slieve Donard, and involved further destruction of the remains of the Great Cairn following the activities of the Ordnance Survey. After the construction of the wall there is virtually no further mention of any features of the cairns described by Praeger (1898) or Lett (1905). If one is on the summit of Slieve Donard, it is possible to observe a gradual change in the make-up of the Mourne Wall, as its composition changes from more rectangular blocks to more rounded stones as one approaches the summit. This is primarily because of the abundant raw material that the cairn provided to the builders and the occurrence of scree on the summit, which was easier for the masons to use than quarrying out slabs. It is possible that any large structural stones within the cairn and any remaining kerb-stones were removed from the Great Cairn, which acted as a convenient quarry for the wall-builders. These could have been dressed and shaped to be used as coping stones in the wall and as part of the tower (figs. 1.4, 7.1 and 7.7). The wall is a mixture of granite rocks that lay on the mountain sides and of cut blocks that were quarried. The granite boulders were split by boring a series of small holes 5-8 cm in depth and 10-15 cm apart, along a weak grain, called a ‘rede’, in the granite, recognised by experienced stone-cutters. This was done with a steel spike known as a ‘jumper’. A wedge of iron called a ‘plug’ was inserted into each hole between two thin pieces of hard steel known as ‘feathers’. A succession of blows with a sledge hammer 91

along these resulted in a clean break (fig. 7.4). This was the process employed by all stone-cutters, and a cursory look at some of the stones in the wall will indicate their marks. The sharpening and maintenance of the tools was done by heating them in a fire built on the mountain-side from heather twigs and bags of coal slack, which the workmen carried up by hand or by donkey. The tools were tempered and cooled using stone-cut ‘fizz troughs’ or other devices to hold water (fig. 7.5). The blocks were roughly dressed using hammers. A plank was put in place and three men gradually inched the large coping stones over the top of the wall (Carson 1981, 2). Carson recorded the names of some of the men who worked on the Slieve Donard section of the wall, with many of them coming from the Annalong and Ballymartin areas. They walked up Slieve Donard in order to work all day, cutting and lifting huge granite blocks. He names James Clutchson and James Newell from Ballymartin; John Trainor, Charlie Fitzpatrick and Hugh Annett of Ballyvea, as well as John Walters and Robert Rooney, who were associated with building the tower on Slieve Donard. John Trainor Junior tells of his father John Trainor, Charlie Cluthson and James Newell going up Slieve Donard on a Monday in the summer months and sleeping on the mountain-side under a piece of sailcloth mounted on sticks. They brought tea, eggs, butter and soda bread on their 13 km (8 mile) walk up Slieve Donard and returned mid-week for more supplies before going back to the mountain for the remainder of the week. Tommy Cousins tells of having to bring sand and cement up to the summit of Slieve Donard both by donkey and by hand in order to build the tower. The men were paid by the length of wall they had built (ibid. 4). The Impact of the Ordnance Survey and the Mourne Wall The Ordnance Survey used both the Great Cairn and the Lesser Cairn as trigonometric stations, with the Great Cairn, due to its height, being used for back-sighting to mountains in Anglesey, the Isle of Man, Scotland and as far away as Sca Fell Pike in Cumbria. They spent at least four months there, from July to November in 1826, building a camp and shaping the Great Cairn into something akin to how it appears on the 1834 Fair Plan (fig. 4.1). Despite examining a large range of primary material left by the Ordnance Survey in the National Library of Ireland and the National Archives of Ireland the present author was unable to find any record of what Colby, Portlock, Larcom or others involved in the survey encountered when they first went up Slieve Donard, or what they did to the Great Cairn so that it would support the theodolite. It seems that they used the Lesser Cairn to create a well, but it is likely they also used a pre-existing well in the flooded chamber of the passage tomb there, which had been previously altered by St. Donard and by pilgrims to the summit, as noted by Harris (1774). According to the descriptions of O’Donovan (Herity 2001), Charlotte Elizabeth (1838), and the Ordnance Survey Memoirs (Day and McWilliams 1990), supplemented by the evidence of the Ordnance Survey 1834 Fair Plan (National Archives of Ireland, O.S. 105 E. 63.1), it appears that there was some sort of wall surrounding a well in the Great Cairn, but it is unknown if this wall was there before or after the triangulation of 92

1826. The Fair Plan indicates a heaped-up mound on the west side of the Great Cairn, with a trigonometric symbol on it, and this suggests that it was made in 1826. Both O’Donovan and Lett lament the damage the 1826 survey did to the monuments on the summit, and both record elements of their camp that were visible in 1834 and 1905 respectively. The convenience of a ready-made quarry of raw material for use in constructing the Mourne Wall and the tower on the summit in the early 20th century meant that much of the Great Cairn was destroyed and any visible features were obliterated.

7.8 The Mourne Wall climbing Slieve Commedagh (courtesy of the Moune Heritage Trust) 93

8.1 Slieve Donard from Murlough Beach 94

8.2 Strangford Lough by Percy French (courtesy Down County Museum) Slieve Donard is the high peak on the left of the painting

Chapter 8 Where the mountains of Mourne sweep down to the sea. The title of Percy French’s well-known song, written in 1896, refers to the area around Newcastle, where Slieve Donard’s eastern slopes plunge down towards the Irish Sea (figs. 8.1 and 8.2). The dramatic juxtaposition of the 849 m high peak and the flat horizon of the bay demonstrate an impressive and powerful visual relationship between the mountain and the sea. These particular landscape features of Slieve Donard no doubt influenced perceptions and use of the summit of Slieve Donard through time. Both the views of the mountain, and the views from the mountain, are crucial aspects of how this place may have served as a visible regional focus in prehistory and later. The previous chapters have described a variety of uses of the two cairns that occupy its summit. In this chapter the possible symbolism of the sea and mountains is examined as well as intervisibility between mountain-tops located around the northern part of the Irish Sea. The Sea People who do not regularly engage with the sea may perceive the water around Ireland as a barrier and view islands as being isolated. However, many studies have shown that the sea may be viewed as an infinite network of connections, a myriad of routeways to utilise in order to develop links (see Cunliffe 2008 for discussion). It can 95

also be perceived as a marginal area, a liminal place at the edge of human habitation (see below). The coast is not just a boundary between land and sea but possesses special features: the sounds of waves, the beaches or cliffs that border land and the twice-daily transformations of the coast between the tides (Cooney 2003, 326; Scarre 2002, 86). It is possible that attitudes to water, including the sea, rivers, and loughs, may be linked to beliefs in particular deities associated with water, while mountain-tops and hills may also have had a distinct religious symbolism for people in the past (Bradley 2000, 49). The Irish Sea was, and still is, a place that brings people, goods and ideas together 8.3 Routeways on the Irish Sea (after Davies 1946). and can be considered as a bridge between areas that shared similar cultural traits in prehistory (Cummings and Fowler 2004). In terms of looking at the study of the Irish Sea in prehistory, Margaret Davis’ work (1942) highlighted how tidal currents and the physical environment may have influenced the distribution of megalithic tombs. She points out that many of the high mountains around the Irish Sea basin would appear as ‘islands’ to people in boats, and these would have acted as navigational aids; she also notes how there are concentrations of megaliths around, or on top of, these mountains (fig. 8.3). Some of these ideas are reflected in 19th century navigation charts and other aids for shipping in the Irish Sea. Prominent landmarks such as mountains are used to aid movement along the coast (fig. 8.4). This theme of examining the Irish Sea in prehistory has since become an important topic in the discourse relating to the potential relationships between the regions around it (e.g. Waddell 1991/2; Cooney 2007; also see Cunliffe 2001; 2008). Looking from the peak of Slieve Donard five thousand years ago, an observer might have been able to discern seafarers as tiny dark dots slowly moving across the sea. Bowen (1972) remarks on the suitability of skin-covered boats, akin to the curragh of the west coast of Ireland, for short-distance travel around the Irish Sea basin during the Neolithic. He points out the similarity of monuments on both sides of the Irish Sea, and how mountains and the sea appear to play a role in their locations. Bowen also discusses navigation in the Irish Sea and how, as Davis described, mountain-tops could have appeared as ‘islands’ on the horizon of the sea, and adds that these mountains could be clearly seen as being ‘attached’ to large land-masses from distant summits (ibid. 40-41). As one climbs Slieve Donard on a good day, distant horizons get clearer and become more discernible the higher one gets. Distant peaks that might look like 96

8.4 Approaches to Carlingford Lough from east (above) and to Strangford Lough from north (after Irish Coastal Pilot 1968)

islands from the seashore become large land-masses as one gets to the summit. Watson (2004) terms the altering perceptions of landscapes across the Irish Sea as ‘fluid horizons’, where details of distant lands can be perceived as one climbs from the seashore up into the Cumbrian Mountains. Archaeological evidence shows that people in early prehistoric times were living by the sea in close proximity to Slieve Donard. Coastal settlements include the late Mesolithic temporary camp at Annalong, and Neolithic and Bronze Age activity at the Dundrum Sandhills (chapter 5). There are also a large number of megalithic tombs in the region with views of the sea (Wateresk, Kilfeaghan for example (figs. 5.5 and 8.5)). This is not uncommon; many more examples exist, such as at Audleystown and Millin Bay. Both of these are megalithic tombs with coastal locations in Co. Down (see O’Sullivan and Breen 2007, 59-78; Cummings 2009). It is a fascinating problem to try and imagine the means of transport of these prehistoric mariners. The evidence for boats from early prehistory, however, is scant. Ireland became an island after the last glaciations, well before humans arrived here, so people must have come by boat. Cattle, sheep, pigs and the trappings of agriculture also arrived by boat. It is believed that vessels similar to the Irish curragh, leather-skinned craft made from woven hazel and willow, may have been the type of boat utilised 97

8.5 Slidderyford portal tomb at Wateresk, as seen from Dundrum Bay.

(Johnstone 1980). There is evidence for dugout boats from coastal contexts, although most dugouts have been found in fresh water and it is unclear whether these vessels could tackle open waters far from shore (Fry 2000; 2006). At Ballylig, Larne Lough, Co. Antrim, two dugouts were found dating to 3641-3378 BC and 3700-3382 BC that appear to have been for use close to the shore of the sea lough. Another from Strangford Lough has been dated to 3499-3032 BC (McErlean et al. 2002, 209). A substantial prehistoric dugout was found in open water off the coast at Gormanstown, Co. Meath, during dredging for a gas pipeline (O’Sullivan and Breen 2007, 75-7). Although there is slim evidence for the type of boats used by people in prehistory , experimental archaeology and ethnography has shown that large boats could have been used (see Johnstone 1980). The 10 m An Cú Gla and the 7.6 m Boann curraghs made by Claidhbh Ó Gibne using leather, hazel and willow without any modern tools or technology are a testament to the capabilities of large boats of this type (for a description see Ó Gibne 2010, 14-17) (fig. 8.6). Navigation in the open sea using practical ‘no-tech’ methods has been tried and tested by cultures around the world for millennia. Knowledge of currents, winds, seabed, harbours, topography, the changes of season and the tides would have been necessary. Mariners going to sea on a regular basis have used a variety of methods to navigate: by stars, taking bearings on land-masses, using the position of the sun, using notches on the hull for taking bearings, and using currents and tides (Lagan 2006, 37-41). Digital computer modelling has been utilised to trace 98

8.6 An Cú Gla 10 m curragh under construction (Newgrange in background) (courtesy Claidhbh Ó Gibne)

possible links along the north-west Atlantic façade and the Irish Sea. Variables such as currents and wind-patterns, vessel-type and propulsion, along with a range of other data, have indicated that considerable journeys could be undertaken by ‘coasting’ (following the lines of the coast and crossing to visible landforms). However, much longer sea journeys were viable in open water. The models have shown that it was even possible to undertake voyages from Brittany in France to the Orkney Islands in Scotland (Callaghan and Scarre 2009). Evidence of material culture supports this, as late Castellic pottery (decorated Neolithic pottery dating to c. 4300–3900 BC) from Brittany has been found in places such as Achnachreebeag in Scotland and Dooey’s Cairn in Co. Antrim (Sheridan 2000; 2003a; 2003b). This spread of material culture is also reflected strongly in the movement of polished stone axes and other lithics around the Irish Sea zone during early prehistory. Porcellanite axes made on Rathlin Island and Tievebulliagh in Co. Antrim are the most common type found in Ireland and are also found across Britain. Axes made at Langdale in Cumbria are also found across Britain and Ireland, with one of these being found at Drumgooland, not far from Slieve Donard (see chapter 6). Pitchstone from Arran in Scotland and axes from Wales are also found in Ireland (Cummings 2009, 40-9). Another axe factory site was located on Lambay Island, off the coast of north Co. Dublin, where porphyry axes were quarried and manufactured during the Neolithic. The view from Lambay Island looking north includes Slieve Gullion, Black Mountain and Slieve Donard, all of which have passage tombs on their summits and this potentially suggests some kind of intentional link between these places (Cooney 2009, 113-5) (see fig. 8.9). 99

During the construction of the façade at Newgrange passage tomb in Co. Meath, people used materials from distant sources. This tomb incorporated quartz from the Wicklow Mountains c. 80km to the south, and cobbles, predominantly of Mourne and Newry granodiorite, from the area around Carlingford Lough, or possibly from Rathcor Beach on the north shore of Dundalk Bay, c. 45 km to the north of Newgrange (Meighan et al. 2002) (figs. 8.7 and 8.9). This would have involved people travelling by boat and effectively integrating elements of the landscape from different places into the fabric of Newgrange. It is possible that the basin stones in the chambers of Newgrange, Knowth and Dowth in the Boyne Valley Co. Meath, and possibly those within the passage tombs at Loughcrew, near Oldcastle Co. Meath, could have been sourced from the Mourne Mountains. However, only a detailed examination using technology such as X-Ray Fluorescence Spectrometry could 8.7 Sources of stone used at Newgrange passage confirm this (Ian Meighan pers. comm.). tomb, Co. Meath (after Stout 2002 Fig. 25) with Considering that the Loughcrew hills, or inset showing quartz and cobbles Slieve na Cailliagh, and the mouth of the River Boyne are visible from Slieve Donard (fig. 8.9), and that Mourne granite was used in the façade at Newgrange, this could be entirely possible and would establish direct links between the Boyne Valley and the Mourne Mountains. Although tides, weather and locating safe landing-places may have caused difficulties to ancient mariners, there is enough material evidence to indicate cultural contacts between western Scotland and north-eastern Ireland (Cummings 2009; Cunliffe 2008). When one examines a tidal map of the coastal area around this region, an area of ‘Slack Water’ is shown (fig. 8.8). The tidal water is always slack approximately 14.5 km (9 miles) south-east of St John’s Point. North of this, the tides run in an opposite direction to those lying south of this slack water (Buchanan 1989, 3). A boat can benefit from the ‘set’ (the tide’s direction) and the ‘drift’ (the tide’s speed) (Lagan 2006, 49). Hence, a sea traveller using oars or sails can capitalise on this phenomenon if travelling from the north, by taking six hours of tide to St John’s Point and then, after traversing for half an hour of slack, pick up the south-going tide that has turned in a favourable direction. The phenomenon can be used for both north- and south-bound passages (Gordon Ramsey pers. comm.). Slieve Donard’s location would have acted as an 100

important seamark for people journeying along the north Irish Sea coast and perhaps as an aid in identifying the location of this slack water. The Mourne region could have attracted mariners and perhaps early settlers because two tidal flows meet at this area of slack water. This might be one other reason to explain the dense concentration of prehistoric settlement in the region. 8.7 Slack water off the coast of Slieve Donard (after Irish Sea Atlas 1998)

Mountains as sacred places Before looking at Slieve Donard as both a mountain landmark and seamark in the Irish Sea, it may be useful to explore some of the sacred qualities that are associated with mountains. Mountains often play a symbolic role as bridges between heaven and earth. These sites are often perceived as being liminal; places betwixt or between, neither here nor there. They are ambiguous places, or places that act as thresholds (limen is Latin for threshold) between two states of being, or between the earth and the world of spirits, the gods or heaven (Holm 1994). In all the main world religions (Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam and Judaism), along with countless other belief systems, mountains are often perceived as sacred places. Mount Kailash in Tibet, Mount Tai in China, Mount Agung in Indonesia, Mount Olympus in Greece, Mount Nebo in Jordan, Mount Sinai in Egypt and Mount Fuji in Japan are some of the many hundreds of peaks around the world that resonate with sacred meaning to various cultures both past and present (Bernbaum 1990; Hind 2009). Eliade (1959, 375) points out that sacred places represent the meeting-point of heaven and earth, and that these junctions may be perceived as an axis between earth, heaven and an underworld. Landmarks that are prominent, that possess commanding views, or a distinctive physical form, can become culturally significant. Landmarks can be perceived as places that act as conduits in communicating with the spiritual world. Examples of these might include mountain peaks, springs, rivers and caves (Cooney 2000, 129). Many religions express part of their beliefs through the worship of natural sacred places, and this can inspire symbolic architecture, in the form of temples, churches or mosques, incorporating the symbolic elements of natural places (Barrie 1996; Humphrey and Vitebsky 2003). Bradley (2000, 28-32) has examined ethnographic evidence in order to understand why many unmodified features, such as rock outcrops, tors, springs, caves and mountains in prehistoric landscapes may be seen to possess special powers. These places appear to play a part in a mythical narrative, where paths 101

8.9 Viewshed from Slieve Donard looking north from west to east (image after de Ferranti 2005)

8.10 Viewshed from Slieve Donard looking south from east to west (image after de Ferranti 2005)

crossing the landscape might recreate the movement of an ancestor, or an entire area might take on a sacred character. The importance of mountain-tops and the construction of monuments on their summits has been well described by Bergh (2002). Corlett has investigated how mountains without monuments on their summits might possess a ritual significance in prehistory, and has focused particularly on the Sugarloaf Mountain in Co. Wicklow and Croagh Patrick in Co. Mayo (Corlett, 1998a, 1998b, 3-8). Although many scholars have remarked on the frequency with which mountains act as cosmic centres in different religions, their symbolism and religious significance is a complex subject (Barnatt 1998). There is no single universal symbol that a mountain conveys, but some patterns can be detected. Many cultures perceive mountains as linking heaven, earth and the underworld, where divine or demonic energies can be found. The appearance of a mountain touching the sky in ever-changing weather patterns may also give it a divine association, while its summit may provide the ideal location for shrines or altars to make sacrifices to gods. Veneration of mountain-tops may therefore be the result of people using them as shrines to saints or deities. Mountains can also be perceived as dangerous places, where evil spirits, witches or other demonic beings reside. Other mountains might have been viewed as abodes of the ancestors. They may become places suitable for burial or for obtaining blessings from the ancestors or the deities that live there. As a result of these varied associations, mountains may become suitable as sites of revelation or spiritual vision. They can also function as places of pilgrimage to obtain blessings, or in many Christian contexts, to do penance for sin. What seems to be important is that the observation of the physical mountain, and what it is perceived as, becomes fused in the mind of viewer. The pilgrim sees the mountain as a real place where a saint or deity lives, and that it possesses the necessary sacred power for the forgiveness of sin, the bestowing of blessings, or the power to cure illness. Many of the ways that sacred mountains around the world are perceived have certain similarities to the way Slieve Donard might have been appreciated. The passage tomb on its summit may have housed the remains of ancestors, who offered protection to those who lived around the mountain. The ancestors may also have provided the opportunity to communicate with Otherworldly deities. In the Christian era, the mountain possessed the right conditions for St. Donard to escape the world below and to live as a hermit, and its summit became a suitable place to do penance and bestow cures on pilgrims who climbed the mountain. Harris and Smith, in 1740, noted that that “Slieve Donard is visible at a great distance, and is a useful landmark for sea faring men on this and neighbouring coasts” (1740, 45). Its height, its profile, its proximity to the sea, the view of it and the view from it, must have made it significant in the minds of people in the past. Slieve Donard appears as the most prominent peak in what Davies termed the ‘Isle of Mourne’ (1946; see fig. 8.3). The Mourne Mountains, and their highest peak of Slieve Donard, viewed from the Isle of Man, show the visible connection between places without the need for the two-dimensional maps that we are accustomed to today (fig. 8.11). The Irish Coast Pilot 104

8.11 Slieve Donard and the Mourne Mountains as seen from the Isle of Man (courtesy Liz Mitchell)

(1968, 162) uses Slieve Donard as a seamark to aid boats in navigating their way around the western side of the north Irish Sea. The higher one gets, as Watson points out (2004), the clearer the view is of these distant horizons. When travelling by boat or viewing Ireland from locales on high ground in south-western Scotland, the Isle of Man, Wales and other sites, such as Lambay Island, and the Dublin and Wicklow Mountains, Slieve Donard is seen as a distinctive landmark on the horizon of the north Irish Sea (Evans 1989, Fig. 17). Slieve Donard’s cultural importance stems from its height and position adjacent to the north Irish Sea. The views from it are spectacular, to say the least, and the views of it from different points around the north Irish Sea are equally impressive. The view-shed maps speak for themselves in terms of the places that can be seen from it (Figs. 8.9 and 8.10). It seems that the views from mountains may have played a key role in the development of monumental and cultural links between places around the north Irish Sea (Cummings and Fowler 2004; Cummings 2009). There is good reason to believe that Slieve Donard played a significant role in a web of cultural connections across the Irish Sea in the past. Slieve Donard stands out as a high point and is a dominant landmark and seamark across great distances and it is this feature that has potentially led to it becoming so important in the minds of people through time and created its sacredness.

105

9.1 View of Slieve Donard across Strangford Lough (courtesy National Trust and Dave Thompson)

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Chapter 9 A cultural biography of Slieve Donard “Monuments feed off the associations, not only of places, but also of other monuments. Monuments are enhanced, and rebuilt; they are reinterpreted and changed; and new constructions are created around old ones. We tend to lose that dimension of the archaeological record as we become immersed in chronological analysis. ... What we think of as the evolution of monuments, their ordering according to a linear perception of time, was really a process of finding out about the world: a way in which successive generations established a sense of place and time in relation to the living and the dead. On occasion this involved the wholesale rejection of monuments, their abandonment or destruction. At others, it required a greater act of the imagination: processes of recreating a past that was really beyond recall and of making it play an unrehearsed part in the present.” Bradley 1993, 129. Mountains that have monuments on their summits appear to possess a considerable ritual significance in prehistory. Their re-use may be seen as appropriations of the past in order to legitimise various interests. The summit cairns on Slieve Donard are identifiable locales on the summit of Ulster’s highest mountain and have been present in the landscape for thousands of years. To get to the summit one has to make a physical effort and a conscious decision, as the journey can be seen as a “vertical cul-de-sac” (Bergh 2002, 141-3). The cairns themselves may represent symbolic mountains, creating an even greater emphasis on the possible religious symbolism of the mountain itself, where the monuments may have been perceived as part of the mountain and not distinct from it (ibid.; Irwin 1982). Ancient monuments, such as the two cairns on the summit of Slieve Donard, help make the distant past visible in the landscape. As long as they have existed they have been given new meanings and have gained a new cultural significance (Holtorf 2000-8). Monuments acted as memorials to the past, and their significance could be potentially altered over time (Bradley 1998a, 162). The idea of memory, and how this relates to monuments through time, suggests that new meanings could be associated with them long after the original understanding of the monuments had been lost (Bradley 2002; Holtorf 1997; 2000-8). Similarly, monuments in their later histories became reference-points for new agendas and new meanings (Bradley 1998b; 2002). The varied episodes in the biography of the monuments on Slieve Donard fit well with the model of cultural appropriation of mountain-top sites. It was here that Bronze Age people seem to have built a cairn adjacent to an earlier passage tomb; an Early Christian hermit converted the two ancient sites on the summit into his oratory and cell; pilgrims adjusted these sites to suit their spiritual requirements; the cairns were destroyed in order to map Ireland for effective taxation and control; a wall was constructed from the remaining fabric of the monuments in order to secure a water supply for the city of 107

9.2 Slieve Donard from Dundrum Sandhills. The small mound visible on the summit is the Lesser Cairn

Belfast. All of these changes constitute a manipulation of the mountain’s summit for religious, cultural and economic reasons. A pre-monumental summit Monuments act as special places within the landscape and are often linked to natural landforms. During the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age people made a conscious decision to locate monuments on the summit of Slieve Donard as the highest mountain in the region. This probably established a link with a historical and/or mythical past that was associated with the mountain. The cultural components of a landscape – its nodes, networks and spaces – must be thought of in terms of human action - physical, mental and symbolic - within that landscape. The idea of memory and remembrance, and people’s relationship with place is important when considering the origins of the cairns on the summit of Slieve Donard and how people in prehistory might have looked at their past and remembered their ancestors. The mountain was probably a very special place long before the Great Cairn was built. The reason it was built on the summit of Slieve Donard may be linked to the physical form of the mountain: its resources and proximity to the sea, rivers and other environments. Certain natural features appear to have special meanings to pre-monumental societies and in some cases influenced perceptions, giving a sacred meaning to place (Ingold 2000). As explored in the previous chapter, the vistas from the summit of Slieve Donard, as well as the mountain itself, may have had a profound importance to people long before the construction of any monument on the summit. 108

In a pre-monumental landscape it appears that people drew meaning from particular natural landscape features, and this may provide the basis for understanding the construction of certain monuments and how these monuments relate to the landscape (Moore 2003). Some Meanings Explored “The landscape is redolent with past actions, it plays a major role in constituting a sense of history, it is peopled by ancestral and spiritual entities, forms part and parcel of mythological systems, is used in defining social groups and their relationship to resources.” Tilley 1994, 67. Sites and monuments in the landscape do not simply exist as isolated locales, but relate to one another in ways that structure how people think about the these places and their wider world. The landscape helps form and maintain a ‘sense of place'. The construction of a monument, such as the passage tomb or the Bronze Age multiple cist cairn on Slieve Donard, created something that evokes memory through ritual. The monuments’ presence and permanence create a new sense of place (Bradley 1993, 5). They impose order on the place in which they are built and orchestrate human experience. However, the monuments are not mere remnants of those who constructed them, but represent a variety of constantly changing meanings, determined by how they were perceived in the landscape. Slieve Donard is suitably called one of the three great heights of Ireland in the 9th century text The Triads of Ireland (Meyer 1906, 4-5). In good weather conditions one can see inland to Slieve Bloom in Laois and Offaly, the Bluestacks in Co. Donegal, Slieve Anierin in Co. Leitrim and Cuilcagh in Co. Fermanagh, but also across the Irish Sea to the Isle of Man, the Cumbrian Mountains, Arran and Merrick in Scotland, and Snowdon in Wales (Pochin Mould 1955, 112-3; see figs. 8.9 and 8.10). It is this view that connects the region with other places which share similar styles of monument construction, objects and other cultural traits during prehistory (Cummings 2009). There are similarities between the portal tombs of western Wales and those around Slieve Donard (ibid. 185), and between the Clyde cairns of western Scotland and court tombs of south Co. Down (Cooney 2000, 139). Although these monuments have regional differences in their architecture, they possess many similarities. Their specific location in the landscape, and the type of objects associated with them, are also very similar. The construction of a later burial cairn in the Bronze Age near the passage tomb on the summit of Slieve Donard completely altered how the summit of the mountain might have been experienced. It is worth pointing out that the Great Cairn is not visible from many of the megalithic tombs or other Neolithic sites in the immediate area around the mountain, because of its location on the highest point of the summit. It is located to get maximum visibility from far off places and from the sea (see fig. 9.7). This is not the case with the Lesser Cairn, which is easily seen against the skyline from the nearby 109

9.3 View from Lesser Cairn looking north-northeast with Dundrum Sandhills and Ballykinler.

occupation sites at the Dundrum Sandhills (fig 9.2), and from the nearby portal tomb at Wateresk (Slidderyford), as well as the adjacent possible court tomb at Ballyloughlin. The construction of the Lesser Cairn may have caused an altering process by redefining the summit of Slieve Donard and may have meant that movement around, or towards, the passage tomb of the Great Cairn was redirected, changing the sequence of experiences and creating a profound change within the immediate and broader landscape. To put the sites on the summit in context, many of the earlier monuments around Slieve Donard, such as the portal tombs and court tombs, were built some time after the arrival of pottery, domesticated plants and animals, and new technologies (c. 3700 BC), while the construction of the Neolithic passage tomb on the summit of Slieve Donard was probably undertaken a centuries after farming was adopted (c. 3300-3000 BC). Cooney (2000, 141-2) suggests we should look at the zoning and placement of megalithic monuments, and the creation of a sacred landscape with focal points for particular local communities. The passage tomb on Slieve Donard may have been part of such a landscape, but probably served as a wider regional focus. In the wider region there are three strategic and impressively-located passage tombs with commanding views over large distances: Clermont Cairn on Black Mountain in the Cooley Mountains (fig. 9.4), Slieve Gullion in Co. Armagh (figs. 4.5 and 4.6) and Slieve Donard. These three passage tombs command a view over a large territory and became focal monuments. These three passage tombs express a physical and symbolic dominance over a wide area (ibid.). This tendency to build passage tombs on high or distinct mountains became an important feature of the Irish passage tomb tradition as it developed (Bergh 1995, 161). 110

Various members of Neolithic and Bronze Age communities around this mountain would have been involved in the different stages of construction, alteration and maintenance of the mountain-top monuments over time. People living around Slieve Donard who were not directly involved in the construction of the cairns on the summit would have been aware of their presence. All of the stages in the construction of the monuments would have had an important impact on identity and social memory. This idea of creating memory is recognisable in the memoirs of those involved in more recent changes to the mountain. The families of the stone-workers on Slieve Donard recall family traditions, pride and special events associated with the more recent construction of the Silent Valley Reservoir and Mourne Wall (Carson 1981). Even today, people’s identities have been shaped in various ways by this ever-present landmark on the coast of south County Down. Although the monuments on the summit of Slieve Donard carried a particular meaning to those who were directly involved in constructing them, or even those who could see them on a day-to-day basis, there are problems with interpreting what these possible meanings might have been. Access to the cairns was restricted, not only by their physical remoteness but possibly also by social, religious or political exclusivity. The design of a passage tomb, such as the one on Slieve Gullion, for example, suggests that there were restrictions upon the religious rites that could have occurred within the cramped interiors of the monuments. The tombs may only have been accessed by those of a particular social standing, or people with a specific expertise (Thomas 1990). The idea of building a large, highly visible and permanent stone monument on the summit of a very prominent mountain, and the involvement of members of the community in its physical construction, could have greatly enhanced the social standing or kinship relations of those in authority. The successful completion of this feat of building a large passage tomb on Ulster’s highest mountain would undoubtedly have had important consequences for the community involved in its construction. Repeated ritual acts at, or in, the monument would have reflected and reinforced social tradition and the power of lineage. Specific ritual acts might have included burials, periods of construction, depositional acts, feasting, astronomical observation and maintenance of the monument. Sacred landscapes A number of Neolithic and Bronze Age landscapes in north-western Europe display certain characteristics such as a density of monumental sites which act as focal points for ritual activities. These monuments often include burials in the form of cremations and inhumations. The landscapes that contain dense concentrations of ritual monuments appear to have a sacred element that separate them from the everyday and mundane world. Slieve Donard acts as a focal point within a landscape with a considerable density of prehistoric monuments, and this suggests that the mountain summit may have been perceived as the ideal location for the performance of specialised ritual activities during early prehistory. 111

9.4 Clermont Cairn, a passage tomb on the summit of Black Mountain, Cooley, Co. Louth

The cairns on the summit of Slieve Donard may have been places associated with the ancestors and the realm of the dead in the distant past. They may also have become directly connected with gods and the spirits of the dead. MacNeill remarks that the legend concerning Partholón burying his son Slángha in the cairn on Slieve Donard may represent the notion of a primal ancestral action (2008, 87). Tilley (2007, 344) sees Neolithic people as forming a coherent cosmological model of the world containing new experiences of landscapes and monuments, rocks and stones, animals and plants, in contrast to the earlier cosmologies of the Mesolithic, where the Neolithic world was more human-centred and personalised. These ideas and cosmologies are in many ways not that different to our social conventions and beliefs today. The construction of Neolithic monuments linked places in the landscape with the dead and with the wider cosmos. The summit cairns on Slieve Donard transcended the landscape of the everyday world: they were built for eternity. Julian Thomas has argued that they can be seen as examples of 'cosmological engineering' - locally-occurring substances were transformed into structures which manipulated the relationship between people, the land and the spiritual world (Thomas 1996). The cairns on Slieve Donard were perhaps deliberately built as places where the realms of the ancestors, gods and spirit world could become evident. Perhaps in states of altered consciousness, the interior of the passage tomb may have been a place where people believed they could move from one world to another (Lewis-Williams and Pearse 2005). The monuments on Slieve Donard may have had a range of meanings to people; therefore a variety of ideologies can be aligned to these through time. This is clearly the case with the cairns on Slieve Donard where their presence and highly visible nature made them ideal for alteration. Their function was clearly changed with the 112

Christianisation of both cairns during the early medieval period. The prehistoric monuments themselves may have been allowed to naturally decay, after having fulfilled their original purpose (Holtorf 1998; 2000-2008). Then at a later date they were appropriated and transformed by St. Donard as a suitable location for his cell and oratory. St. Donard’s rationale of ‘living in the desert’. The monastic ideal of ‘living in the desert’ can be traced back to the first Christian hermits such as St. Paul and St. Anthony, who lived in the Egyptian desert in the 4th century AD (Waddell 1998). Influence from Early Christian foundations in Gaul and Britain led Irish monks to “search for secluded places remote from the affairs of the world, to build their cells and make their souls with prayers and fasting” (de Paor 1958, 50; also see Thom 2006). Without a desert to retire to St. Donard chose the prehistoric passage tomb on the summit of Slieve Donard as his cell, and in doing so appropriated the mountain and the monument for Christianity. We do not know if his appropriation was an intentional one in which he purposely took over an active pagan site, or whether Slieve Donard was merely perceived as an appropriate location in the wilderness. St. Donard’s decision to remove himself from society may be compared to the experience of the Anglo-Saxon saint, Guthlac, who is recorded in an 8th century text as having used a megalithic chamber as a hermitage (Hamlin 2008, 35). Here we see St. Guthlac searching for a lonely, unholy and despised place. He chooses a large burial mound on an island surrounded by a fen, an area on the edge of human habitation. St. Guthlac builds a house in part of the barrow (identified as Crowland barrow in Lincolnshire, England (Semple 1998, 112; Shook 1960)), where he is tormented by demons and evil spirits. He did not choose the barrow because he saw it as an ancient pagan place that needed to be Christianised. On the contrary, Guthlac seems to have chosen it for his shelter in the wilderness because it was a fearful and haunted place. Guthlac eventually triumphs over the demons and drives them back to hell (ibid.). The myths and legends of Slieve Donard discussed in chapter 3 clearly indicate beliefs in supernatural entities. Slángha and Boirche are both associated with the summit. Fionn MacCumhail encounters both Aillen, whom he kills at Sliabh Fuaid, and the three women of the Sídh, who enter the cairn. These figures are perceived as threats to humans and are potentially dangerous. Suibhne, or Sweeny, likewise spends a number of winters on Slieve Donard in constant suffering. This concept of suffering is related to spiritual renewal and purification. St. Patrick, in his imitation of Jesus Christ, is said to have spent the 40 days and 40 nights of Lent in prayer and penance on the summit of Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo (fig. 9.5). During this time he suffered great torments and was attacked by demonic birds that blackened the sky above him. He threw his bell at them, which caused them to flee, and God sent an angel and white birds to comfort him. The story concerning St. Patrick banishing demonic birds was later confused with him banishing snakes from Ireland (MacNeill 2008, 72-4). The symbolism of the angel appearing with white birds represents the saving of souls, while the story of hardship, 113

9.5 Pilgrims ascending Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo (courtesy Dave Kelly).

suffering and penance leading to salvation on a mountain-top could have been a formative influence on the pilgrimage to the mountain during the festival of Lughnasa. The dangers and hardships of living on the mountain were recorded in the various memoirs of the Ordnance Survey who spent four months on the summit in 1826. These were military men supplied with appropriate training, clothing and tents for this short period. Two men tragically died in a snow storm on their way down the mountain and others were injured during storms on the summit. It is difficult to imagine what St. Donard the hermit endured living in a re-fashioned passage tomb on the highest mountain in Ulster in the late 5th or early 6th centuries AD. The re-use of the cairns on Slieve Donard in the early medieval period may relate more to the desire to perform penance in a harsh environment than to the new Christian religion stamping its mark on a former pagan religious site. However, it remains difficult to ascertain the motivations of St. Donard. McCormick (2009) suggests that the site of Struell Wells was an active pagan site Christianised by St. Patrick. There is also a considerable amount of evidence to suggest that certain pre-Christian traditions survived within early medieval Irish society (McCone 2000). On Slieve Donard the monuments were perceived as places of potentially malevolent Otherworldly beings and it is on this basis that St. Donard may have chosen the summit as a suitable site for his cell and oratory. He chose to put himself in a place ‘apart’, that was both dangerous and remote, in order to do penance, triumph over evil and become closer to God. St. Donard’s adoption of the prehistoric sites does not necessarily depict a message of Christianity triumphing over paganism, a message that Waddell (2011, 205) suggests 114

might be an over-idealised impression of how the progress of Christianity occurred in Ireland over the first millennium AD. The concept of potentially dangerous, liminal places is common to many other Irish pilgrimage sites, such as the Skelligs in County Kerry, Inishmurray Island, Co. Sligo, St. Patrick’s Purgatory on Lough Derg, Co. Donegal and Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo (Harbison 1991). Pilgrims to Slieve Donard “Penances, whether in connexion with pilgrimages, or otherwise inflicted on the sinner, ... in punishment of his sins, were among the characteristics of the Church. . . One of the most notorious theatres of this sort of superstitious infliction was St. Patrick’s Purgatory on an island in Lough Derg. . . Another was the high mountain of Slieve Donard, in the County of Down, to the top of which he was sentenced to climb under the heat of the midsummer sun, and there offer his devotions to the saint from whom the mountain derives its name” Mant 1840, 21. We have no information on when pilgrims began journeying to the summit of Slieve Donard, or what they found when they got there. Furthermore we can only guess what their motives were for the ascent of such a mountain. Pilgrims to the summit of Slieve Donard were going to a mountain where they believed St. Donard lived, a holy man who was seen as the perpetual guardian appointed by St. Patrick to guard over the people of Ireland until Judgement day. There are a whole range of motives for a pilgrim to undertake a spiritual journey, and a number of different types of pilgrimage are possible (Morinis 1992). A place of pilgrimage is often elevated above ‘ordinary’ religious sites usually because it is perceived as having a greater connection with the divine. One element that appears common to certain pilgrimages in Ireland is that of self-sacrifice. The barefoot pilgrims who climb Croagh Patrick, Co. Mayo, in their tens of thousands on the last Sunday of July, at the same time as the pilgrimage on Slieve Donard took place, endure the hardship of the climb and the regular inclement weather. Pilgrims at Lough Derg, Co. Donegal remove their shoes and engage in fasting over three days, stand in all-night vigils, and repeat endless prayers and rounds of the shrines on this small island (see Turner and Turner 1978 for discussion). Pilgrims to places like Lough Derg and Croagh Patrick, like those who climbed Slieve Donard, appear to do penance to atone for sin, both personal and collective. This kind of pilgrimage differs from visits to holy wells or relics, where blessings and relief from illness or other complaints are sought (Carroll 1999, 30-40; also see Taylor 1995). Based on evidence from other peak and mountain pilgrimages in Ireland, as documented by MacNeill (2008) and Harbison (1991), it may be possible to suggest the route and actions of pilgrims to Slieve Donard. Many pilgrimages to mountains commence at an associated lowland site, and Maghera is a likely candidate for this, particularly if the relics of his shoe and bell were present. Pilgrims may have visited 115

Maghera around Easter, or his feast-day of 24th March, but those who climbed his mountain at the end of July could very well have started their route from there. There is the possibility that they then went to the associated church of St. Donard’s brother, that of St. Cillan, before the ascent up the mountain. A number of commentators such as Praeger (1898, 210) and Crowe (1968, 87), describe the route up as going through the quarries on the north-east side of Slieve Donard and then following a stream between Thomas’ Mountain and Millstone Mountain, up the more gentle contours to the summit south of Eagle Rock. It seems that it was only after the construction of the Mourne Wall and the development of the walking trail along the Glen River valley that people began to regularly use that route. Another possibility is that pilgrims started from St. Mary’s Church at Ballaghanery, as recorded in local tradition. The most likely route up from here, again before the construction of the Mourne Wall and the improvements to the walking trail on the Brandy Pad, is to turn north-west along the Glen Foamy River and onto the gentle contours of the north-east flank of Slieve Donard to its summit. We are told that the “bigoted members of the Church of Rome in this neighbourhood climb this mountain to do penance” (Harris 1774, 121). Harris describes the Great Cairn as being St. Donard’s cell, with several cavities where pilgrims shelter in bad weather while they hear mass. The Lesser Cairn is St. Donard’s oratory with rude walls and partitions, that he called chapels. We are later informed that there was a large flat slab that was interpreted by O’Donovan (Herity 2001, 56), Charlotte Elizabeth (1836, 268; 1845, 207) and the Ordnance Survey Memoirs (Day and McWilliams 1990, 51) as being a simple altar resting on uneven slabs. Both O’Donovan and Charlotte Elizabeth describe a well in the Great Cairn that had healing properties. The Ordnance Survey Memoirs indicate that modifications had been made in the cairn to access the 1.2 m deep well by making steps down to it (ibid.; (see chapter 6). The site offered a combination of healing properties through water, as well as the penitential elements of the pilgrimage. The small cairns O’Donovan described as having been erected by the Ordnance Survey might actually be penitential cairns that were erected by pilgrims. These features (the oratory, cell, cairns, well and altar) together form a collection of stations where pilgrims may have rounded, possibly on their knees, reciting sets of prayers at each one before hearing Mass. This set of actions is still rehearsed on the summit of Croagh Patrick (Carroll 1999, 39; Hughes 1991, 2010) and forms part of a tradition of popular Catholicism that is extremely difficult to date. Carroll (1999) has argued that many of the traditions might date from the late 16th century up to the middle of the 19th century, but agrees with MacNeill (2008) that mountain assemblies such as these on Croagh Patrick and Slieve Donard appear to have roots in later prehistory. However, the context of the rituals, the actions carried out and many aspects of these traditions have been considerably altered. It is possible that pilgrims started visiting the site of St. Donard’s cell and oratory after his death, as the place became sanctified by his perpetual guardianship, as appointed by St. Patrick until Judgement Day. Work carried out on Inishmurray Island in Co. Sligo suggests that penitential pilgrimage may have started there sometime between the 8th and 9th century AD 116

9.6 Stephenson memorial plaque and other mementos left on the Great Cairn

(O’Sullivan and Ó Carragáin 2008, 320-321). Without an archaeological excavation on the summit it is impossible to say when pilgrims first started visiting the summit, but the tradition may have carried on into the 19th century, ceasing before Charlotte Elizabeth’s visit in 1837, as she tells us that “the place is now forsaken, so far as its supposed sanctity is concerned” (1836, 268). Today visitors still climb the mountain to get away from the world below, to enjoy the exercise and be in a place ‘apart’. Some visitors still act as pilgrims in certain regards. Tokens or memorials are being left on the summit, primarily on the Great Cairn (fig. 9.6). The circular enclosure east of the Lesser Cairn was constructed by David Kirk, writer and photographer, as a memorial to a deceased friend who had a love of the Mourne Mountains (fig. 7.6) (Kirk 2003, 107). A more recent memorial, which was formerly on the tower at the Mourne Wall, is now on the cairn with other objects of remembrance. The brass plaque was put there to commemorate the tragic death of Carl Stephenson who died on Slieve Donard after being struck by lightning in April 2006. Slieve Donard as a sacred mountain Mountains stand out and attract attention, and they constantly change appearance because of weather and cloud formations. They can incorporate a range of natural features, rivers, springs, forests and loughs. Slieve Donard acts as both an important landmark and a seamark, but in the past it could also have symbolised the relationships between the spiritual power of the sea, mountains and the coastal zone (Cooney 2003, 324). Slieve Donard, ‘where the mountains of Mourne sweep down to the sea’, may have been perceived as an axis, where the sky, earth and Otherworld met: an abode of deities and/or ancestors. This Axis Mundi is embodied through the symbolic 117

significance of the sacred mountain which expresses a point of connection between sky, earth and the Otherworld; where travel and communication might be made between higher and lower realms (Bradley 2000, 29; Lewis-Williams and Pearce 2005, 279). It was a suitable place for a saint to leave the world of humans and stay in solitude as a hermit, perhaps in penance, perhaps fighting demons and suffering in order to obtain revelations from God. The mountain was a place of pilgrimage where the saintly influence of St. Patrick’s perpetual guardian offered indulgences and forgiveness for those who climbed the mountain at the end of July. When that power of the sacred dwindled away, the mountain became a backdrop to the everyday, a place where secular power in the form of the Ordnance Survey left its own mark. The reason for the mapping of Ireland in the first part of the 19th century was primarily for taxation, economic, political and military control (Andrews 2001). Colby’s quest for order, for symmetry, for perfection, can be compared to St. Donard’s quest for order and perfection in his need to commune with God. The Mourne Wall was later built to control water catchment to supply the growing industrial centre of Belfast, and it too had an impact on the summit. Nowadays people regularly climb the mountain and are transported away from the profane everyday world. The summit of Slieve Donard still has the ability, if we wish, to awaken a vision of ourselves and the world around us. The view from its summit, along with the memories of the ascent and descent, offer us the possibility of providing a sense of where we stand in the world. Today, Slieve Donard is no more sacred than any other feature in the landscape, but it has the ability to inspire a greater sense of wonder and connection with the environment around us. Under the care of the National Trust, along with community volunteers, the Mourne Heritage Trust, local and national government and the Northern Ireland Environment Agency, Slieve Donard’s sanctity is being conserved and enjoyed by the many visitors who climb to its summit. It is hoped that this book has provided an additional component to the understanding and appreciation of this special place.

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9.7 Slieve Donard as seen from the slopes of Slieve Croob

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Appendix I Sites and Monuments Records (SMR) of prehistoric monuments around the Mourne Mountains. A cursory look at the Northern Ireland Environment Agency’s (NIEA) website map indicates the sheer number and range of recorded sites in the region. Each of the archaeological sites mentioned throughout the text come with a Sites and Monuments Record file number (SMR). For example, the Great Cairn on the summit of Slieve Donard is recorded as DOW 49:11. These files are accessible in the NIEA’s record office at Hill Street in Belfast or through the website (http://maps.ehsni.gov.uk/MapViewer). This is an extremely useful resource which lists all the archaeological sites of Northern Ireland. The website provides further detail and each site has an associated bibliography for more information. For information on identifying and defining archaeological field monuments see Paul Mulligan’s book A Short Guide to Irish Antiquities (2005). Below are transcriptions from the Sites and Monuments Records (SMR) files for each of the prehistoric sites mentioned in the text and give the SMR file number, the site type, location information and brief descriptions. They are arranged in alphabetical order so that when reading the main body of text they can be easily found. The illustrations are from Jope (1966) unles otherwise stated Four non-prehistoric sites are also listed relating to Maghera, Rathscillan and St Mary’s church Townland Aghalisnafin SMR No. DOW 043:107 Edited Type Cairn Grid Ref J3686039100 Parish Kilmegan On land sloping down gradually from the southwest, this unusual site consists of a cairn of stones which stands over 2 m high and measures 5 m by 3 m with its long axis aligned east to west. The north and east sides consist of a well constructed wall, tapering back towards the top, with stones carefully chosen to create a fair face. The south and west sides have clearly been disturbed, probably by the growth of mature thorn bushes on these sides. The site seems to be comprised entirely of stone. It is believed locally to be an altar. Townland ‘Annadorn Dolmen’; Annadorn SMR No. DOW 030:007 Type Passage Tomb Grid Ref J4288745920 Parish Loughinisland Located in a dip between ridges northwest of Loughinisland at the Bucks Head 120

crossroads. The tomb is a regular chamber of three sides with a capstone 0.68 m thick by 2.4 m by 2.13 m. It is 0.6 m above the ground, which according to Jope (1966) is very low for a chamber of a passage grave. However, a description of the site in 1772 reports that the capstone was supported by side stones to a height of ‘3 ft 6 ins’. It was later slightly displaced. Townland SMR No Type

Aughnahoory DOW 056:020 Uncertain - Megalithic Tomb? or Church site?: Kilcarn Grid Ref J3114016970 Parish Kilkeel On sloping ground running down to the Kilkeel River to the east, with fine views also to the east. There are no visible remains of this site, noted on the 1862 (Ordnance Survey [OS] 6" map as "Kilcarn". In the area of the site, the field wall is composed of squared blocks rather than the usual more rounded boulders. Possibly these worked stones came from a building in the area, which adds to the theory that Kilcarn related to a church site, rather than a cairn. Townland Aughnagon SMR No. DOW 051:004 Type Court Tomb Grid Ref J1485025560 Parish Clonallan Situated between 2 farm buildings. The site is described in Jope (1966) as "A badly mutilated chambered cairn with forecourt...All visible uprights are of granite. Four with heights 3'7"-5'2" survive in the east half of the crescentric facade. Two upright stones remains of the west half...One large slab and three smaller ones aligned approximately north to south are probably the east side of a burial gallery long enough to be subdivided into at least three segments". The site is now extremely overgrown with rusting pieces of machinery scattered over it.

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Townland Aughnavallog SMR No. DOW 041:026 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J1952036180 Parish Drumballyroney This stone is no longer in its original position in a field a few metres from the southwest and southeast boundaries; it has been thrown into the field bank at southeast. However, it would have been situated on a southeast facing slope with excellent views to the Mournes to the east-southeast to south-southeast and to the northeast. Now lying on its side, this granite boulder appears quite massive, having a wide base which tapers to a point. It is 2.9 m long and 2 m wide at base. Townland Ballinran SMR No. DOW 054:012 Type Court Tomb Grid Ref J1934015470 Parish Kilbroney Due to a road scheme which necessitated excavation in 1976, there are no visible remains of the site. It was located on a terrace of level ground, a possible raised beach, back to north by the Mourne massif and to south by Carlingford Lough. Excavations revealed the almost complete plan of a large court tomb, aligned east to west, with a five or six chambered gallery and semi-circular forecourt at the east end. No upstanding orthostats were found. The gallery was 9 m long by 2 m wide and the forecourt 5 m long by 10 m wide. Cremated bone was found Townland Ballinran SMR No. DOW 054:024 Type Mesolithic Shell Midden Grid Ref J1919015820 Parish Kilbroney On the south slopes of Ballynagelty with fine views over Carlingford Lough. This deposit of shells was uncovered c. 30 years ago during the first phase of garden landscaping associated with the house that stands south of the site. A range of shells and charcoal were discovered with no other datable objects. Queen's University took a sample for analysis and according to the owner got a radiocarbon date from the shells of approximately 5000 b.c.. It is not known if this date is calibrated. Townland Ballintur SMR No. DOW 055:050 Type Court Tomb Grid Ref J2247015020 Parish Kilbroney On a terrace of flat ground on the south facing slope of Knockshee, with fine views to the south. The site is located in the northwest corner of a field, the boundaries of which 122

have used cairn material in their construction. The surviving cairn is 1 m high, aligned east to west. The court, 7 m wide and 3 m deep, opens to east and gives access to the gallery which is divided in three and is 6 m long. Due to collapse and disturbance at the north end it is difficult to estimate the width. The third chamber is 1.5 m by 1.8 m. Several earthfast stones to north and east may be kerbstones. Townland Ballintur Upper SMR No. DOW 055:006 Type Round Cairn Grid Ref J2217016020 Parish Kilbroney On the summit of Knockshee with superb views all round. At the centre of the flat-topped summit lies the site. It consists of a low circular cairn of stone and soil 10 m diameter and standing 0.75 m high. A large number of stones can be discerned around the near circular perimeter, but no structural stones were visible on the surface of the cairn. The site has been added to in recent times, firstly by the addition of a loose pile of stones and secondly by the erection of a large wooden cross set in a concrete base. Townland Ballyaughian SMR No. DOW 048:018 Type Mound and findspot of cup-and-ring-marked stone Grid Ref J2307030170 Parish Clonduff On a steep north facing slope with panoramic views west to north to east and to the southeast. The south perimeter of the site survives as curve in the field boundary as marked on the 1940 OS 6" map. It stands 1.6 m above the exterior field and is 2 to 2.5 m wide and 1.5 m above the interior at the east. The interior face of the bank is revetted at the west. There were no traces of the site in the field surface. This is also the findspot of a cup-and-ring-marked stone, now in the Ulster Museum. Townland Ballyedmond SMR No. DOW 054:014 Type Chambered Tomb Grid Ref J2057015090 Parish Kilbroney A much mutilated single chambered grave set almost centrally in an oval cairn. Entry is between two uprights flanking the portal stones from a narrow forecourt, into a horseshoe shaped chamber. The site was excavated in 1936 and no traces of burial were found, but sherds of Neolithic pottery were recovered. 123

Townland Ballykeel SMR No. DOW 048:014 Type Round Cairn Grid Ref J2614030820 Parish Clonduff On high ground on a south-southeast facing slope with panoramic views north-northeast, east, south and southwest. There are no visible remains of this site, apart from a slight curve of amorphous rougher ground which stands 1 m above the lower field surface to the south. This is not in any way defined, but appears to be a remnant of the cairn. The site is described in Jope (1966) as "The remains of a round cairn...It is 60 ft diam. and survives on its S side to a max. height of 3ft. One large slab, now lying loose...7'6" by 4' by 1'3" and is possibly part of a destroyed cist". Townland Ballykinler Upper: ‘Lisnashimmer’ SMR No. DOW 044:025 Type Enclosure; Possible barrow with multiple cist burials Grid Ref J4276037430 Parish Ballykinler On land lying on the northeast side of Dundrum Inner Bay. The ground rises to the east, but there are clear views of the surrounding country in other directions. Reeves (1847) reported that within this vicinity "is a little hill called Lisnashimmer or the Shamrock Fort, the top of which was formerly surrounded by a trench. Within the enclosed space, a discovery was made...of several small graves, c. 3ft in length and 10ft in width and depth". The cists were lined with stones and contained partially cremated adult human remains Townland Ballyloughlin SMR No. DOW 043:060 Type Standing Stones (2) (remains of Megalithic Tomb) Grid Ref J3911034230 Parish Maghera On flat ground W of Slidderyford Bridge. These two standing stones are incorporated into a drystone wall. The larger stone extends on to the very south of the wall and is 3.2 m high by 0.9 m wide by 0.8m thick. About 1 m away on the other side of the wall, is the smaller stone, standing 1.6 m by 1.4 m by 0.8 m thick. These appear to be remnants of a larger structure; Dubourdieu (1802) refers to "10 or 12 [pillar stones] standing in a circle", which may imply the facade of a court tomb. Townland Ballyloughlin SMR No. DOW 043:096 Type Two Standing Stones Grid Ref J3800034000 Parish Maghera There appears in a notebook belonging to Evans, on a page following an entry on DOW 124

043:060, a sketch of a stone that he locates as "20 yards to the south, are two 3'6" pillar stones ". The area south of DOW 043:060 is flat pasture lying c. half a mile west of the Murlough sand dunes. There is no visible evidence of these stones within the vicinity and enquiries with local landowners produced no recollection of them. Townland Ballymackilreiny, Derryneill: ‘The Cove’ SMR No. DOW 035:013 Type Cairn and Long Cist Grid Ref J2718041430 Parish Drumgooland Called ‘Moat Hill’ or ‘The Cove’, this site is located on a hilltop, on the townland boundary, with extensive views all round. It is the remains of a cairn with a disturbed centre. It is composed of small boulders and is 1.2 m high and 29 m north to south by 20 m east to west. Towards the centre of the cairn are four large stones, three of which are set on edge in the ground and may be the remains of a cist or chamber. The south stone is 0.95 m high by 0.7 m wide by 0.3 m thick; the east stone is 0.55 m by 0.65 m by 0.28m and the one to W 0.5 m by 1.5 m by 0.2 m thick. The fourth stone, which lies to the north, may be a capstone. Townland Ballymaginaghy SMR No. DOW 043:110 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J3090038210 Parish Drumgooland On a broad, flat hollow of land northwest of a rocky hill, with good views to the north across the Slieve Croob foot hills. The stone stands 25 m north of the enclosure DOW043:101. It is a granite boulder firmly set in the ground, with some smaller stones scattered about it. There is some stock erosion around its base. The stone is relatively low for a standing stone, 0.62m high with a roughly quintangular base 0.38 m by 0.53 m by 0.37 m by 0.4 m. Townland Ballymoney, Levallyclanone SMR No. DOW 051:073 Type Cairn (Unlocated) Grid Ref J1800019000 Parish Kilbroney This site is described in the O.S. Memoirs as follows; "A cairn on Thunder's Hill in the townland of Levallyclanone, held in veneration by the inhabitants". The two local informants interviewed concerning the location of this site had no knowledge, they were quite young c. 25-30. It would have been preferable if an older resident of this laneway (which runs parallel, to the east of the townland boundary) had been encountered. A length of this boundary was walked but nothing was encountered.

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Townland Ballynahatten; ‘Loughananka’ SMR No. DOW 057:007 Type Portal Tomb: Grid Ref J2846012330 Parish Kilkeel On the summit of a low eminence with fine, unrestricted views all round. The site was levelled in the extension of Greencastle Aerodrome during World War II. Evans records a small portal tomb with a pair of portal stones 1.2 m high, with side and end stones 0.6 to 0.9 m high. The chamber measured 1.8 m square, but at time of the survey (1942) the capstone is missing. The chamber was set slightly off-centre of an oval cairn which measured 10 m by 6.5 m. A sherd of food vessel and some cremated bone were found in the chamber.

(after Evans 1948, Fig. 1)

Townland Ballynanny (Spelga Dam) SMR No. DOW 048:043 Type Findspot of Flints (Area now covered by Spelga Dam) Grid Ref J2630026800 Parish Clonduff Site now covered by Spelga Dam. This area of the Mourne Mountains was surveyed before it was flooded. The reports of the features noted are in Ulster Journal of Archaeology (1958, Vol. 21) as follows "...under the water is another area where the old land surface was exposed and here a number of flints were collected...". Townland Ballyrogan or Mourne Park SMR No. DOW 055:022 Type Court Tomb: ‘Giant's Grave’ Grid Ref J2818015990 Parish Kilkeel At the base of a low hillock on which is standing stone DOW 055:023. The site consists of a court 10.5 m wide and 4 m deep which opens into a gallery 2 m long and c. 1.5 m wide, divided into two chambers by a pair of jambs. The east entrance portal to the main gallery is a fine granite pillar, with its west neighbour broken. The first chamber, 1.5 m by 2.7 m, is defined by orthostatic walls. The second chamber is in poorer condition and is 1.5 m by 1.8 m. The impression of a parallel gallery to the east is probably false. Townland

Ballyrogan or Mourne Park 126

SMR No. DOW 055:023 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J2810015860 Parish Kilkeel On the summit of a rounded hill with fine views all round, north of one of the fairways of Grange Golf Club. The site consists of a granite pillar shaped stone standing 1m high and sub-rectangular in cross-section, approximately 0.5 m by 0.3 m. The four corners of the rectangle are aligned with the cardinal points. Townland Ballyroney SMR No. DOW 035:050 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J2146040030 Parish Drumballyroney On a gentle north-facing slope at the north end of a large pasture field c. 17.5 m from the north boundary and 100 m west of and clearly visible from the rath site DOW 035:030. The stone, which appears to be granite, stands c. 1.2 m high. In plan it is five-sided, 0.83 m on the east side, 0.4 m on the south, 0.5 m on the southwest and 0.83 m on the northwest. A step of kerb rising c. 0.2 m to the south runs east to west either site of the stone for a total length of c. 7 m. The standing stone is firm in the ground, but livestock have eroded around the base and small packing stones are exposed. Townland Ballyroney SMR No. DOW 035:055 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J2216239087 Parish Drumballyroney Set in a low-lying, flat field, close to the River Bann, with ground gently rising on all sides. This standing stone is clearly visible from the road, but has never previously been recorded, and is not shown on any editions of the OS maps. The landowner assures me, however, that it has stood at this spot throughout his lifetime. The stone is of granite and stands 1.2 m tall. It is 0.8 m wide at the base, tapering to 0.47 m wide at the top and is 0.45 m deep. The owner said that it had fallen at one time, but was re-erected in the same hole again. There is apparently another c. 0.6 m of the stone underground. The surrounding field has been ploughed many times and nothing unusual has been noted in the area surrounding the stone.

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Townland Ballyveagh Beg SMR No. DOW 056:007 Type Chambered Tomb with Long Cairn: ‘White Cairn’ Grid Ref J3391019090 Parish Kilkeel This site has been entirely removed - no further details available at present. Townland Ballyveagh More SMR No. DOW 056:008 Type Cairn Grid Ref J3453019100 Parish Kilkeel On improved grassland which slopes gradually down to the south with fine views out to sea to the southeast. Due to improvements there are no visible remains of this site, presumed to be a "chambered long cairn" i.e. court tomb. The site of the other presumed megalithic tomb, DOW 056:009 is clearly visible down slope to southeast. Townland Ballyveagh More SMR No. DOW 056:009 Type Cairn - Possibly Megalithic Tomb Grid Ref J3466018930 Parish Kilkeel On improved grassland which slopes gradually down to the south, with fine views of the area to the southeast. The site lies in a shallow valley with higher ground to the east and west. Due to improvements, there are no visible remains of this site, presumed to be a chambered long cairn. The site of the other presumed megalith, DOW 056:008 is visible upslope to the northwest. A flint core (now lost) was found in this field in the 1930s. Townland Brackenagh East SMR No DOW 056:006 Type Megalithic Tomb Grid Ref J3311019300 Parish Kilkeel On level ground on what used to be a small in-field attached to a now abandoned cottage. The ground has been ploughed in the past. There are no visible remains of this monument and little is known of it apart from the reference to it on the OS 6" maps. It is shown and named on the map of 1862 but marked "Giants Grave (site of)" on later maps. Townland SMR No.

Burren; ‘McKinley's Flagstaff’ DOW 051:031 128

Type Court Tomb: Grid Ref J1343022510 Parish Clonallan On an east-facing slope, the site is in front of a house and has been used as a garden feature with shrubs planted in and around it. There are three other court tombs in neighbouring townlands. The site was described in Jope (1966) as a structure of two long side stones supporting a longer granite capstone. Traces of a long cairn were visible extending south. The site was excavated in 1965 before the house was built. Only a few fragments of cremated bone were found and it was felt that the soil acidity had destroyed any other remains Townland Burren SMR No. DOW 051:039 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J1340021160 Parish Clonallan This stone, which was marked on the 1860 OS 6" map, has been removed. Photos dated 1953 show the mutilated appearance of the stone. This quite substantial stone, c. 1.5 m in height, is shown lying on its side. A letter from the landowner dated 1960 described the stone as being in the way and it being taken down and left a short distance from its original position. Townland Burren SMR No. DOW 051:067 Type Cairn Grid Ref J1351022490 Parish Clonallan On a slight swell with excellent views to the south. This is quite a visible mound, which appears to be composed of stones which can be seen and felt underfoot despite the profuse vegetation covering it. It is 0.9 m above the ground surface at the east, 0.7 m at the north, 1.15 m at the west, and is 12.8 m long north to south by 9.4 m across. There is a level area on top of the mound 7 m long north to south. At the south end of this, the mound is 1m high and then tails off gradually towards the south. Townland ‘Carn Hill’, Moyad SMR No. DOW 048:008 Type Round Cairn Grid Ref J2887032350 Parish Kilcoo On a hilltop in the northern foothills of the Mourne Mountains with excellent views. The site is perceptible as a rough, stony area, 23.9 m by 23.3 m across, raised slightly above the surrounding field to the south and east. A field boundary encloses the site to the north and west. The ground to the west looks improved and is over 1m below the level of the cairn which may have been truncated in this area. A rectangular area at the 129

east has been robbed out of the cairn to a depth of 0.6 m and is 6.2 6m by 10.85 m across. A separate area has been robbed out at the west. A large granite stone, possibly a displaced capstone lies on the surface of the cairn close to the robbed out area. Townland ‘Carnadranna’; Carmeen, Edentrumly SMR No. DOW 047:094 Type Round Cairn Grid Ref J1806026110 Parish Clonallan On the summit of a high hill. A substantial round cairn 18 m north to south by 22 m east to west, stands highest at the west at 2.5 m. It is 2 m high at the north and less than 1 m at the northeast and east. The cairn is reasonably intact except at northwest where it has been partly removed some time ago and towards the centre it has been lowered and an OS triangulation pillar erected. On the west side, where the ground falls away, there is some spill. It is described in Jope (1966) as "...much destroyed in building a wall which now bisects it...". Townland ‘Carnanbane’; Milltown SMR No. DOW 051:011 Type Court Tomb: Grid Ref J1325024750 Parish Clonallan On a terrace on the east side of a valley. The cairn and uprights are all of granite boulders. The wide end of the wedge shaped cairn contains a slightly asymmetrical forecourt, filled with earth and boulders which may be original blocking material. There are no traces of a kerb on the long sides. The gallery leading off from the forecourt was too wrecked to measure. The gallery at the south end of the cairn is divided by jamb stones and the rest of the gallery was probably similarly divided into chambers. An archaeological evaluation in 2006 was carried out on a site immediately across the road from the tomb, prior to development. Three trenches were excavated across the area to be developed, revealing nothing of archaeological interest. Townland SMR No Type Grid Ref Parish

‘Carnbane’; Drumena Dow 043:064 Round Cairn With Cist: J3063033580 Kilcoo 130

On the spine of a mountain ridge east of Lough Island Reavy with excellent views all round, save to the southwest. The cairn is in the western corner of a field and consists of small stones bleached by exposure. It is 20 m diam. and 1.7 m high. In the field to the southeast, a curved mound c. 0.2 m high by 1 m wide may be part of the curb of the original perimeter of the cairn. A hollow east of the cairn's centre reveals a displaced capstone covering a cist filled with stones, 1.7 m deep. The capstone is 1.34 m long by 1m wide by 0.2 m thick. Townland SMR No Type

Carrickinab DOW 044:023 (after Waddell 1990, fig.39) Cist with Bronze Age cremation burial Grid Ref J4408038490 Parish Tyrella On the top of a small hill with good views to the southwest. An area known as the Altar Hollow [DOW 044:024] lies c. 100 m to the east. In 1962, this cist burial was discovered during ploughing. It consisted of the cremated remains of a single adult male from the Bronze Age, c. 1700-1600 BC. The cist, which occupied a pit 0.6 m deep, was paved and walled with stone slabs and covered by a large capstone. Finds included an Irish bowl Food-Vessel, which was complete, a small bronze dagger, a double pointed awl and two flint scrapers. Townland Clarkill SMR No. DOW 043:106 Type Cairn Grid Ref J3443037990 Parish Kilmegan On a relatively flat terrace of land on the eastern slopes of Curlets Mountain with fine views across the valley of the Clarkill River. The cashel DOW 043:016 is clearly visible upslope to the north. This site consists of a rectangular cairn with its long axis aligned east to west, 5 m by 3 m by 1.3 m high. There are some large stones around the base, but none appear earthfast. Many of the stones on top of the cairn are from field clearance, but beneath these are much larger boulders. A thorn bush on the cairn is known locally as the ‘Fairy Bush’. Townland SMR No. Type Grid Ref Parish

Cleomack DOW 047:117 Standing Stone J2018426891 Clonduff 131

Set towards the bottom of a valley, on steeply sloping ground. A river runs to the north. The views are restricted to the north and south by the steeply rising valley sides, but there are extensive views along the valley to the east and west. This stone is roughly rectangular and stands 1.2 m high, is 0.45 m wide and 0.3 m deep. There are some veins of quartzite visible in the stone. The surrounding field has been recently ploughed, but the landowner has never noticed anything unusual in the area around the stone. It is apparently locally associated with the fairies. Townland Cloghskelt SMR No. DOW 035:039 Type Bronze Age Cemetery Grid Ref J2388041190 Parish Drumgooland On a steep west-facing slope with good views across a shallow valley to west and to Mournes Mountains to the south. The cemetery field is very rocky and uneven ground and lies c. 200m southwest of Drumgooland Presbyterian Church. An excavation of the Bronze Age cemetery in 1973 discovered a total of 23 graves "of widely variant structure ranging from a totally cisted grave to a totally uncisted grave through virtually all possible intermediate degrees of cistation". Food vessels and urns found previously at the site are in the Ulster Museum.

(after Waddell 1990, Fig. 41)

Townland Cloghskelt SMR No. DOW 035:051 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J2395041250 Parish Drumgooland On the southwest facing slope of a wide valley with good views to the south and west. The standing stone lies in the field east of the site of a Bronze Age cemetery, DOW 035:039. Livestock have eroded a ring around the base of the stone, leaving a grass collar c. 0.23 m high. The stone is 0.87 m high and is rectangular in plan, 0.8 m by 0.4 m by 0.9 m by 0.5 m, with the long axis aligned east to west. The stone stands at the north end of what appears to be a grass-covered cairn 4 m north to south by 2.5m east to west by 0.3 m high. Topsoil stripping on a site northeast of the standing stone was carried out under archaeological supervision, prior to development. A modern field drain and 132

trances of the old Manse Road were uncovered, but nothing of archaeological interest was found. Townland ‘The Crawtree Stone’; Kilkeel SMR No. DOW 056:025 Type Portal Tomb Grid Ref J3075014860 On a terrace of flat ground overlooking Kilkeel to the southeast, the portal tomb forms part of a field bank with a farm track to the northeast. The monument is in a stable condition. It consists of a small dolmen built of granite boulders c. 2.5 m above field level. The large, irregular cap-stone is 0.6 m thick and 2.5 m wide and rests on 4 orthostatic stones. The two portal stones to the southwest are 0.8 m broad by 1.3 m high, with the two side slabs being 1.5 m tall and 1.2 m long. There is no end stone to the chamber and the stone between the portals is not original. Topsoil stripping at a site southeast of the tomb was carried out under archaeological supervision, prior to development as a car park in 2003. Nothing of archaeological interest was uncovered. Townland Clonta Fleece SMR No. DOW 051:060 Type Cairn Grid Ref J1568024260 Parish Clonallan Located on the summit of Slievecarnane, with panoramic views all round, to the south is Carlingford Lough. The site is at the southern corner of the south and west field boundaries and is an unimpressive grassy rise. Its amorphous nature makes it difficult to define its extent, but it is roughly 4.6 m north to south by 5.2 m east to west. On top of the cairn is a slight depression, 1.2 m by 0.9 5m and also a shallow, hollowed out area to the north which reveals the stone make-up of the site. These hollows may be a result of stone robbing or of amateur 'excavations'. Townland Croreagh SMR No. DOW 047:116 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J1217029490 Parish Newry This standing stone is an angular granite slab set upright on the crest of a small ridge. Small outcroppings of granite are evident elsewhere in the field, but not near the stone. It is set in a prominent position with excellent views all round, including distant views of the Mourne Mountains to the southeast and Slieve Gullion to the southwest. The stone is 1.4 m high, 0.95 m broad east to west and 0.35-0.8 m thick north to south and is orientated east to west. There is an erosion ring around its base, but it appears 133

earthfast and no packing stones have been exposed. Given its location and the other known standing stones in the surrounding location, it would seem that this is a genuine prehistoric monument. Townland Deehommed SMR No. DOW 035:008 Type Cairn Grid Ref J2520042390 Parish Drumgooland On the summit of Deehommed Mountain with panoramic views. This is a much disturbed large oval cairn, 16 m east to west by 20 m north to south and 1.5 m high. In approx. the centre of the cairn is a large slab lying on its edge, 1.15 m long by 1.5 m wide by 0.3 m thick, possible a wall stone from a cist. It is reported that this is the find-site of a decorated food vessel, which is now in the Ulster Museum, labelled as "a cinerary urn found in a cairn...in 1873". Townland Deehommed SMR No. DOW 035:052 Type Standing Stones (2) Grid Ref J2558041940 Parish Drumgooland This is a large, impressive standing stone on the easternE slopes of Deehommed Mountain. There are extensive views to the Mournes to the southeast and to east. The stone is 2.25 m high, 1.25 m wide and 0.6 m thick, with its long axis aligned roughly southwest to northeast and several linear ridges (probably from erosion) visible on its south-eastern face. As with many standing stones, a ring of ground around the stone has been eroded by livestock. A second stone stands immediately south of a gap in the field wall to the south-southwest and may be a standing stone, although its incorporation in the boundary means that this is by no means certain. It is 1.6 m high by 0.75 m by 0.3 m. The field boundary containing the second stone has now been removed and it appears to be a standing stone. The owner was aware of the stone and did not disturb it when removing the boundary in 2000. Townland Derryleckagh SMR No. DOW 047:069 Type Standing Stone (Removed): ‘Cloch-A-Chora’ Grid Ref J1252026010 Parish Newry Situated on an E facing slope overlooking Derryleckagh Lough. This stone has been removed and the present land owner does not remember a stone ever being there, even though he has lived there since the 1930s when he bought the farm. He does, however, remember a clergyman looking for "Cloch-a-Chora" a long time ago (cloch chora is Gaelic for stepping stone). The stone has not been marked since the second edition of the OS 6 "map

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Townland Derryleckagh; ‘The Long Stones’ SMR No. DOW 051:009 Type Megalithic Tomb: ‘The Giant's Grave’ Grid Ref J1236025080 Parish Newry On high ground with good views all round. The site survives as three stones in the field and a large slab in the field wall at the north. Towards the wall to the north is a granite standing stone 1.2 m high, a fairly regular-shaped upright slab. 41.6 m away to the south is a long stone, 2.75 m, lying on a higher area of land. A shallow hollow under the stone seems to indicate it was once upright. To the south-southwest is a recumbent natural boulder. In the field wall is a slab 1.7 m long, overgrown with vegetation. The significance of these is uncertain. Townland Donaghaguy SMR No. DOW 051:065 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J1416019720 Parish Clonallan The stone is set on a rise with panoramic views southeast, south and west and is a very noticeable landmark. It is a large irregular limestone block with natural weathering pockmarks on its south face. It sits on a small height or knoll created by cattle trampling to close to its base. It is 1.83 m high at the northwest and the knoll is 0.57 m high. At base, the stone is 1.5 m wide at the northwest, 0.6 m at the northeast, 1.45 m at the east and 0.58 m at the south. It has been worn smooth in places by cattle rubbing against it. Townland Drumadonnell SMR No. DOW 035:041 Type Neolithic Settlement Site Grid Ref J2277040530 Parish Drumgooland This site comprises a number of flint scatters in various fields, with no obvious connection yet found. It was investigated by Flanagan in 1964 - see Ulster Journal of Archaeology, (1966, Vol. 29) for details. Townland Drumadonnell SMR No. DOW 035:054 Type Megalithic Tomb possible Grid Ref J2382039990 Parish Drumgooland Set in a boggy valley bottom, but with excellent views to the Mourne Mountains, there is a very strong local tradition that this site is a grave. It consists of two stones- two large flat slabs and one rounded boulder. The flat stones measure 3.7 m by 10.3 m by 0.4 m and 1.8 m by 1.25 m by 0.5 m, while the boulder is 1.35 m by 1.4 m by 0.85 m high. The two large, angular slabs are lying flat on the ground and are massive, 135

although partly obscured by the long grass. There is no clear structure to indicate that this is a megalithic tomb, but the stones do seem unusual for the area. Townland Drumboniff SMR No. DOW 048:013 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J2669030750 Parish Clonduff On an east to west orientated ridge with panoramic views to the southeast to southwest and generally good views all round. There are no visible remains of this site, which is marked "Standing Stone" on all but the first edition OS 6" maps. The stone would have been sited near a field bank and the former area of the site is covered by tractor marks leading to the derelict farmhouse. Townland Drumcaw SMR No. DOW 036:033 Type Cairn with two cists (contained food vessels) Grid Ref J3892041150 Parish Loughinisland On the summit of an east to west orientated ridge with a steep river valley to the east. The cairn is planted with trees and overgrown with brambles. It was described in Jope (1966) as 0.6 to 0.9 m high, composed mostly of small stones. A cist, 0.9 m long by 0.5 m wide, with a capstone 0.5 m thick lies in the centre of the cairn, with its long axis at right angles to the cairn. A food vessel was found in it in 1890. A second cist is said to have been visible at the time and a second food vessel found c. 1850. Townland Dunmore SMR No. DOW 029:050 Type Neolithic House Grid Ref J3643046070 Parish Magherahamlet This site was uncovered during construction of the Mourne Pipeline. It is on the north slope of Dunmore Mountain, near the summit. The site consists of a rectilinear wall slot, approximately 8 m by 6m with a sizeable post-hole at each corner, four internal pits/post-holes and two entrances, one at the east end and one at the west end. The east entrance was defined by a break in the wall slot flanked by post-holes. The west entrance had a curving alcove running from the northwest corner, presumably to protect it from the prevailing west winds. Sherds of coarse pottery were found in one of the internal features. At the time of this report only the outline of the structure has been fully revealed and other features appear to exist outside the structure.

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Townland Dunmore SMR No. DOW 029:051 Type Two Burnt Mounds / Fulachta Fiadh Grid Ref J3686046060 Parish Magherahamlet This site was discovered during monitoring of work on the Mournes Pipeline. It is at the base of the east side of Dunmore Mountain and consist of two adjacent cooking places or fulachta fiadh beside a stream. They were exposed when a cut was made for a branch off the pipeline. The northern feature comprised a large spread of stones, some scorched, overlain by a substantial deposit of charcoal, approx. 4 m diameter; the second feature, to the south, had not been fully uncovered at the time of visit, but appeared to have a similar composition. Townland Dunnaman, ‘Massfort’ SMR No. DOW 055:030 Type Court Tomb: Giant's Grave Grid Ref J2885015030 Parish Kilkeel On high ground overlooking the Aughrim River valley to the northeast. The graveyard of the nearby church has extended into the field south of the site. It consists of a long gallery aligned southwest to northeast, 11 m long and apparently divided into four chambers. No evidence survives for a cairn or court at the east end. The gallery is 1.6 m wide at the east, narrowing to 0.9 m at the west. The possible jamb stones suggest chamber lengths of 2.8 m, 2.5 m, 3.3 m and 2.4 m, measured east to west, with the surviving orthostats 0.6 to 1.1m high. Townland Dunnaman SMR No. DOW 055:032 Type Possible Barrow Grid Ref J2915015010 Parish Kilkeel On the summit of a rounded glacial hillock with fine views all round, especially to the north across the Aughrim River to sites DOW 055:024 and 028 and to DOW 055;031 to the southeast. There is no clear evidence of an archaeological component to the site. None of the surrounding field boundaries reflect the one time presence of the circular feature noted on the second edition OS 6" map. It is possible that, from the location and topography, this is the site of a barrow rather than an enclosure Townland SMR No. Type Grid Ref

Edenmore DOW 047:081 Standing Stones (removed) and Enclosure J1498026410 137

Parish Newry On an area of level ground with good views all round. On the 1860 OS 6" map this site is featured as an enclosure with two standing stones outside it at the southeast and southwest; on the 1939 edition only the enclosure and southwest stone appear. In 1994 only the enclosure remains, but due to a large dump of stones and wood it was impossible to get a clear picture of the site. The site bank appears to stand proud of the interior and exterior all round. At the west it is 1.5 m high externally, 0.65 m internally and 1.5 m wide. In 2005 an archaeological evaluation was carried out to the northwest of this site in advance of development. Four trenches were excavated mechanically under archaeological supervision. No archaeological features were uncovered. Townland SMR No. Type

Edenmore DOW 047:090 Court Tomb: ‘ Carrigakill’ Grid Ref J1475025830 Parish Newry This is a large, wedge shaped cairn, excavated in 1955. It has a deep U-shaped forecourt at the wide end, with a facade of upright stones, some of which were reputedly removed in the 19th century. The main gallery within the cairn was subdivided into two segments. There are also four lateral chambers, in two pairs, set back-to-back. Excavation also revealed a pit dug into the forecourt, filled with a mix of charcoal and granite boulders. Most of the long side of the cairn to the west preserves its original kerb of boulders. Townland Glasdrumman SMR No. DOW 053:002 Type Megalithic Tomb Grid Ref J3847024900 Parish Kilkeel On improved ground which gradually slopes down from the west with the Cnoc Horn Stream flowing close by to the west. The site enjoys fines views to the east over the raised beach to the sea beyond. Due to improvements, there are no visible remains of this site, which was noted by Evans (1967) as consisting of single orthostat with a pile of loose stones on the south side 26 m long and in places 2.7 m wide and 1.2 m high. Known locally as ‘Smugglers Cave’. Townland SMR No. Type Grid Ref Parish

Goward DOW 048:011 Portal Tomb: ‘Goward Dolmen’, ‘Cloghmore Cromlech’, ‘Pat Kearney's Big Stone’, ‘Finn's Fingerstones’ J2436731024 Clonduff 138

This portal tomb, built of granite, consists of an enormous capstone, 1.5 m thick, roofing a long rectangular chamber 0.9 m high, with an end stone 1.5 m high. The higher end of the capstone has slipped and is now supported on two taller stones, 1.7 m and 2 m, which appear to have formed a cresent-shaped facade of uprights with other stones. Another thin slab, now lying over the west end of the chamber, was probably the collapsed west end-stone. There are traces of the cairn around the dolmen. A cremation urn and arrowhead were found. Townland Goward SMR No. DOW 048:017 Type Round Cairn Grid Ref J2377029990 Parish Clonduff On the summit of Goward Hill with panoramic views all round. This site is described in Jope (1966) as a "Large round cairn...diameter 70 ft [21 m] and thickness up to 5 ft [1.5 m] has survived. On the southwest side three large blocks in situ are evidently the remains of kerb". This cairn sits proud of the field surface all round to a max. height of 1.75 m. It is 26.8 m north to south by 22 m east to west and is grass covered with two medium sized stones exposed to the north-northeast and two larger ones at the south. The cairn appears to be composed of small stones and is a genuine antiquity. Townland Goward SMR No. DOW 048:028 Type Megalithic Tomb Grid Ref J2361029640 Parish Clonduff On a southwestern slope with panoramic views to the southeast to the west. Two stones of this megalithic tomb remain in situ, set 0.87 m apart. The eastern stone is 1 m high by 0.82 m by 0.48 m and stands on a tussock 0.4 m high. The second stone is 1.15 m high by 1.62 m by 0.67m. There are a number of other stones in the vicinity which may be part of the structure, however it is difficult to say due to the muddled nature of the site. It is set at the end of a massive field wall and at the south end of the Castle Commogue structure (DOW 048:027). Townland Goward SMR No. DOW 048:029 Type Two Standing Stones Grid Ref J2368029620 Parish Clonduff Situated on a south-facing slope with panoramic views to the Mournes and excellent views over the surrounding countryside. There are no visible remains of either of these 139

stones. On the OS 6" map of 1860, two standing stones are marked in this vicinity, while on the 1940 edition, only the east stone is marked. This latter stone was last noted in 1982 when it was described as "not very impressive". A number of field boundaries have been removed creating one large field from the area of the west stone to the east of DOW 048:030. Townland Goward SMR No. DOW 048:030 Type Court Tomb and Iron Age occupation site Grid Ref J2374029640 Parish Clonduff On a steep S facing slope with panoramic views east to south to west. The site survives as a well preserved facade of 11 uprights forming a forecourt, with three aligned chambers, separated by jambs and sills within the cairn, which is now largely destroyed. Excavations in 1932 revealed that the grave had been used as a habitation during the Iron Age. Ox bones and Neolithic pottery were found. The cist is 24.3 m long by 17.5 m wide. The semi-circular forecourt is 11.5 m in diameter. The chambers are 9.1 m and 2.9 m. Townland Goward SMR No. DOW 048:031 Type Chambered Tomb Grid Ref J2364029670 Parish Clonduff On a S facing slope with excellent views to the east, south and southwest. This site is immediately east of Castle Commogue (DOW 048:027) and has been incorporated into a thick field wall. Only the east side of the site could be examined as the west field held an obstreperous bull. Only one stone at the south end, incorporated into the field wall, remains in situ. It is 0.65 m high by 0.86 m broad by 0.26 m thick. There is a slight height on which this stone stands which is some 2.7 m long north to south. The site is not at all clear or well defined. Townland Gransha SMR No. DOW 035:045 Type Findspot of urn burial Grid Ref J2500045000 Parish Dromara The finding of an urn containing four flint arrowheads, charcoal and cremated bone was reported in March 1854. The find spot cannot now be precisely located Townland SMR No. Type Grid Ref

Islandmoyle DOW 042:030 Standing Stone: ‘The Gray Stone’ J2628035070 140

Parish Clonduff On high ground with fair views all round. The stone is first marked on the 1858 OS 6" map and appears in all subsequent editions, named ‘The Gray Stone’. It is a wide, rectangular granite boulder south of a gate, projecting diagonally from the east side of the eastern boundary wall of a lane. It is 2 m high by 1.4 m wide by 0.3 m thick, its long axis oriented southwest to northeast and is well set into the ground. In the western boundary of the lane are several other particularly large stones and it is possible they were part of a megalithic tomb. Townland Kilbroney SMR No. DOW 054:018 Type Standing Stone (No.1) Grid Ref J1870019360 Parish Kilbroney On a gently sloping terrace of land overlooking the Rostrevor River valley to the east and the site of another standing stone (DOW 054:019) 200m to the southwest. This stone, in contrast to the squat shape of DOW 054:019, is tall and slender. It is a flattish slab standing 1.4 m tall and at most 0.5 m by 0.7 m across, with the long axis aligned roughly north to south. Some slight erosion around the base, possibly animal trample, has revealed a number of packing stones, but otherwise the site is in good condition. Several test trenches were excavated east of the standing stone in 2009, and of the nearby ecclesiastical site, DOW 054:058, prior to development. In each trench, topsoil gave directly onto subsoil and no features of archaeological interest were revealed. Townland Kilbroney SMR No. DOW 054:019 Type Standing Stone (No.2) Grid Ref J1864019130 Parish Kilbroney Located in the back garden of a house in an estate. Prior to the construction of the estate, the green field location was on gently sloping ground which formed the east-facing side of the Rostrevor River valley. It is probable that the second standing stone in the area, DOW 054:018, would have been visible to the northeast. This low, squat stone is 1 m high and quite square in plan, with sides 0.7 m wide. However the owner recalls that the stone originally stood "2ft taller", but the garden was levelled up after the house was built. Townland Kilfeaghan SMR No. DOW 055:018 Type Portal Tomb: Kilfeaghan Dolmen Grid Ref J2322015350 Parish Kilbroney On ground which gradually slopes down from the north, the 141

site enjoys unrestricted views to the south. It is located at the western edge of a field with the field boundary running close to the west edge of the chamber. A short series of excavations in 1956 revealed that the single chamber was located at the north end of the cairn, which was trapezoidal, aligned north to south, over 33 m long and tapered from 10 m wide at the north to 4 m at the south. The site is dominated by the massive capstone which weighs over 35 tons and is supported by two portal stones, side walls and an end slab. Townland Kilfeaghan SMR No DOW 055:055 Type Long Cairn (Unlocated) Grid Ref J2200016000 Parish Kilbroney On rough ground east of DOW 055:018. The general area slopes down from the north with fine views to the south over Mill Bay and Carlingford Lough. Despite an extensive search of the area, this site, recorded by Evans as a long cairn by the river east of DOW055:018, was not found Townland ‘Knockiveigh’ Edenagarry SMR No. DOW 041:022 Type Round Cairn: ‘Knockiveagh’ Grid Ref J1825037790 Parish Drumballyroney On Knockiveagh hill with panoramic views all round. The cairn is composed of stones with a covering layer of turf. The perimeter is demarcated by a kerb of stones. It is quite a substantial cairn, 31.5 m by 32 m in diameter, standing 2.2 m high to the south. In the centre of the cairn is a large hollow made by treasure seekers in the 19th century, 4.8 m across and 1.8 m deep. At the bottom a large slab, part of the cist, was exposed. Excavation of the site in 1954 showed that this cist had been displaced. Secondary burials of an adult and child were found and the cairn was found to rest on an early Neolithic occupation layer. Townland ‘Legananny Dolmen’; Legananny SMR No. DOW 035:037 Type Portal Tomb Grid Ref J2887043390 Parish Drumgooland On the SW slopes of Cratlieve, or Legananny Mountain with extensive views to the south. This unusually tall portal tomb stands on the verge west of a field road. The two portal stones at the southern end are 2 m and 1.8 m high, while the single support at the north is 1.2 m high. The long capstone is 0.6 m thick. A single slab lying 142

beside the capstone by be a structural feature, but may equally be one of a number of boulders forming the basal level of a cairn which can be traced under and around the dolmen. The capstone is c. 3 m long. Works by NIE to install an underground cable north and west of the dolmen were carried out under archaeological supervision. A trench 155 m long by 0.25 m wide and 0.4 m deep was excavated. No artefacts or features of archaeological significance were found in the trench. Townland Legananny SMR No. DOW 035:038 Type Round Cairn Grid Ref J2961044600 On the summit of Cratlieve or Legananny Mountain, west of Slieve Croob with splendid vistas. It is a windswept landscape, thinly blanketed with peat and moss, ruptured by vertical cliffs of bare granite. The remains of a circular cairn stand on a central boss partially covered by peat. An arc of a kerb survives on the eastern side, consisting of nine stones, three of them standing c. 0.6 m high. The interior of the cairn is flat, with a small group of recumbent stones which may mark a cist. To the west, the cairn is 0.75 m above ground level. Townland Lisnacroppan SMR No. DOW 041:020 Type Mound and Enclosure: Barrow Grid Ref J1924037210 Parish Drumballyroney On the highest drumlin in the area with excellent views all round. The site consists of a central mound, surrounded by a low, marshy area and an enclosing bank. It has been ploughed down in the east half, in a line northwest to southeast, both parts are separated by a fence. The bank is reasonably circular, 45 m north to south by 50 m east to west. The central mound is 3 m high and 16 m in diameter, the low, marshy area (possibly a ditch) is 10 m wide and 2 m below the bank, which is 6 m wide and 1.5 m above the exterior field. There are no obvious signs of an entrance. Townland Lisnavaghrog SMR No. DOW 041:018 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J2011037710 Parish Drumballyroney On high ground with excellent views to the south and southwest. There are no visible remains of this standing stone. It was situated at the southeastern corner of the hedge beside Magheral School, which is in the northeastern corner of a field south of a road, and it appears to have been moved while "fixing the school". The schoolhouse is not a 143

dwelling. A local informant reported that the stone has "been gone 30 years or more". There are no other details on this stone apart from the fact that it was first marked on the 1862 OS 6" map. An archaeological evaluation was carried out in 2005on a proposed development site in the field west of where the stone stood. No features or artefacts of archaeological significance were uncovered. A second evaluation was carried out on a proposed development 75m north of the site of the standing stone in 2008. Four test-trenches were excavated east to west across the full width of the site. No archaeological deposits were recorded, but two large stones were recovered from the topsoil of trench 1. It is perhaps worth noting the presence of these erratics given that there was a standing stone to the southwest of the site. Townland (Maghera Church) Carnacavill SMR No. DOW 043:079 Type Cross-Carved Stone Grid Ref J3719033110 Parish Maghera This cross-carved stone is no longer at this site, but now stands in the corner of a flower bed in the private garden of 66 Glenanne Rd, Glenanne Co.Armagh. It has been suggested that it may have originally come from the monastic site at Maghera some 1.2 km to the south (DOW 043:065). The stone is a granite, rectangular block 0.3 m high by 0.43 m wide by 0.43 m thick. Pecked on the stone's face is a large, linear Latin cross with short cross-bars at ends of limbs and a similar smaller cross on each arm. Townland (Maghera Church) Carnacavill SMR No. DOW 043:085 Type Multiperiod Church, Graveyard and Round Tower: ‘Maghera’ Grid Ref J3722034110 Parish Maghera This site consists of a modern church, a ruined medieval church (possibly 13th century) and the stump of a round tower, set in a roughly circular graveyard. In the graveyard are several simple cross-carved stones and a fragment of 13th century grave slab. Traces of a smaller enclosure can be seen in the graveyard. The round tower is c. 100 m northwest of the graveyard; its upper part blew down in 1710 and the remaining stump is c. 5.5 m high. Excavation discovered intense activity in Early Medieval times. Townland Mayo SMR No. DOW 047:082 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J1517026470 Parish Clonallan On moderately high ground on a level area of a W facing slope with excellent views south-southeast to the southwest. Carrigakill (DOW 047:082) is situated directly to the southwest. There are no visible remains of this site which is marked on the all but the first edition OS 6" map as "Standing Stone". In the area of the field in which the stone 144

is marked, there is a small amorphous height. In the southeast corner of the field, a number of granite boulders have been dumped, one of which is larger and more regular than the rest, 1.74 m by 0.5 m by 0.75 m and may be the stone. Townland Mayo SMR No. DOW 047:085 Type Standing Stone: Long Stone Grid Ref J1604026620 Parish Clonallan On a N-S ridge with excellent views to mountains east to south and also southwest to northwest. This is a massive granite boulder standing c. 3.1 m high and measuring at base 1.5 m wide at the south-southwest, 1.1 m at the west, 1.84 m at the north-northeast and 1.38 m at east southeast. Around the base of the stone, especially at south-southwest and east-southeast there are remnants of a tussock, at best 0.2 m above the field surface. Running off from the base at the east-southeast is a small mound 1.45 m long by 0.87 m wide and projecting from the turf are earthfast stones. Townland Mayo SMR No. DOW 051:005 Type Standing Stone (Removed) Grid Ref J1562025750 Parish Clonallan On a south-facing slope, the ground falls to south and southwest and rises up to the northeast and east with excellent views to the southwest. On the 1834 OS 6" map the feature is designated "Standing Stones". However, there is a description of a granite monument, standing 1.46 m high, 0.9 m long, 0.7 m broad at the north and 0.6 m broad at the south. It seems to have been orientated north. When visited again in 1955, the stone had been removed and there are now no visible remains of a stone at this site. Townland Mayo SMR No. DOW 051:018 Edited Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J1625025240 Parish Clonallan This stone sits on the highest part of the field and is a conspicuous local landmark. There are panoramic views all round. The stone is 1.65 m high and is orientated northeast to southwest. It is roughly rectangular in plan at the base and is 0.72 m long on the northeast side, 0.97 m at the south, 0.61 m at the southwest and 0.71 m at the north. It seems to be well embedded and sits c. 0.1 m above the animal trampled lower area which rings the base of the stone. There are a few small stones embedded to the south of the stone. Townland

Moneycarragh

145

SMR No. DOW 043:027 Type Cairn - Possibly Wedge Tomb Grid Ref J3901037790 Parish Kilmegan On the summit of Church Hill with fine views all round. The site consists of a 16 m long trapezoidal cairn with long axis aligned northeast to southwest, 15m wide at the southwest, tapering to 12 m at the northeast and 1m high. Two stones at the southwest appear orthostatic. Some of the stones which comprise the cairn are from field clearance, with original cairn material visible beneath them. The trapezoidal shape of the cairn and the two orthostatic stones at the southwest suggest that this may be a wedge tomb, albeit one of the most easterly yet found in Ireland. Townland Moneyslane SMR No. DOW 035:035 Type Two Standing Stones Grid Ref J2538039980 Parish Drumgooland On the east facing slopes of Moneyslane Hill. The two stones stand in a field of reseeded grass on a small, unplanted flat island which may have been levelled as there is no sign of cattle trampling around the stones' bases. The larger stone to the south is 2 m high, with a pointed top 1.5 m wide by 0.7 m thick; the smaller stone to the north tapers to a height of 0.6 m and is 0.9m wide by 0.6 m thick. The top of the taller stone has broken off and been cemented on again. The tops of both stones are protected by barbed wire. Townland Moyad; ‘Rush's Cove’ SMR No. DOW 055:052 Type Court Tomb Grid Ref J2878019580 Parish Kilkeel On a gradual east-facing slope with good views all round, save to the west. The site consists of a three-segmented gallery, c. 9.5 m long and aligned north to south. The entrance opens to the south and is defined by at least four earthfast stones which highlight the 0.6m wide entrance. Access to each of the chambers is via pairs of opposed jamb stones, 0.6m apart. The first chamber is 3.3 m by 2 m; the second 3.2 m by 1.8 m and the third is 2.4 m by 1.7 m. All the structural stones are granite, most split and in the gallery, the split faces are inwards. Townland SMR No.

Murlough Lower DOW 043:094

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Type Late Neolithic Occupation Site/ Sandhills Site Grid Ref J3926033200 Parish Kilmegan This site, in the sand dunes in Murlough Bay was excavated by Pat Collins in 1950 and 1958. He uncovered an occupation site dating to the Late Neolithic period which consisted of two postholes, probably forming supports for a flimsy dwelling and a U-shaped arc of stake-holes nearby, possibly acting as a windbreak. A large quantity of Sandhills ware, decorated late Neolithic pottery was recovered, along with worked flint with flakes and cores, suggesting this may have been a seasonally occupied manufacturing site. Townland Murlough Lower SMR No. DOW 043:095 Type Sandhills Occupation Site Grid Ref J3973033400 Parish Kilmegan This site, which appeared as a turf line in the sand dunes of Murlough Bay, was excavated by Pat Collins in 1952. The turf line appear 1.52 m above the raised beach level and was 0.3 m thick. The portion excavated contained abundant pot sherds, domesticated animal bones and three nondescript flint flakes. The site is difficult to date as the pottery resembles both the Souterrain ware of Early Medieval times and the bucket shaped wares which appeared in the Late Neolithic and were used throughout the Bronze Age. Townland Murlough Lower SMR No. DOW 044:033 Type Sandhills Occupation Site Grid Ref J4093035750 Parish Kilmegan On undulating sand hills near the northwestern tip of Murlough Nature Reserve. Many small finds consisting of flints, potsherds, bronzes, concentrations of shells and bones and metallic slag, with dates ranging from Neolithic to Medieval periods, have been found in or on dark bands that occur in the sand. A number of excavations were carried out in various places on the dunes during which artefacts normally associated with different periods appeared in the same stratification. See excavation report for details on sites. Townland SMR No. Type Grid Ref Parish

Murlough Lower DOW 044:034 (See DOW 044:033) Five Sandhills Occupation Sites J4031033940 Kilmegan

Townland

‘Murphy's Fort’, Mullaghmore 147

SMR No. DOW 047:096 Type Bronze Age Ring Barrow with Cremation Burials and 5 Standing Stones Grid Ref J1928027220 Parish Clonduff On high ground with excellent views all round. This site is contiguous with DOW 047:097; both sites were excavated in 1948-9. It consists of a barrow, c. 25 m in diameter which had been built over a pit, surrounded by a bank and internal ditch. The pit contained numerous potsherds, a very small blue glass bead and the cremated bones of at least 4 individuals. The sherds were Late Bronze Age. Adjacent is a set of five standing stones; a large pot and two cremations were found with them. Townland ‘Murphy's Fort’, Mullaghmore SMR No. DOW 047:097 Type Ring Barrow Grid Ref J1929027220 Parish Clonduff This site sits against the northeastern edge of the barrow DOW 047:096 and was excavated in 1948-9. It was described in Jope. (1966) thus: "...The second ring bank, 30 ft in diameter ... lay a few yards north of the larger. Although comparable with the larger site in layout of bank with internal ditch, there was no barrow or pit, but merely a large posthole in the centre.". It is now very overgrown, making inspection difficult, but still stands proud of the field surface. Its designation as a barrow may be confusing as the excavation did not reveal any burials in this feature, instead just a large central posthole. Townland Murvaclogher or Broaghclogh SMR No. DOW 030:005 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J4363046090 Parish Kilmore On the southeastern edge of the crest of a moderately high ridge concealed in a blackthorn hedge at the east side of a field enclosed by drystone walling. The stone, partially covered in ivy is a square edged, smooth-faced, rectangular post standing 1.25 m high, 0.85 m broad and 0.26 m thick. The broad sides face due east and west. Townland Rosstrevor SMR No. DOW 054:021 Type Round Cairn Grid Ref J2012017640 Parish Kilbroney Located on the flat top of Slievemartin. The site consists of a round cairn with a distinct edge, 8 m in diameter. and 1.3 m high. The outer edges of the mound are covered in earth, while towards the centre is a scatter of cairn material, though no evidence for a cist or hollow. A flattish stone which lies to the southeast, 1.08 m by 1.17 m may be part 148

of the original structure. Unfortunately, an OS trig. point has been erected in the centre of the cairn and from the distance it looks like a large standing stone! Townland ‘Slieve Commedagh Cairn’, Ballaghbeg, Tullybrannigan SMR No. DOW 049:009 Type Cairn Grid Ref J3460028610 Parish Kilcoo A small cairn 12 m diameter and 1 m high with a slight hollow 1.5 m diameter in the centre, set on the summit of Slieve Commedagh. No further details available at present. Townland ‘Slieve Croob’; Doolgan, Dree, Drin, Slievenisky SMR No. DOW 036:036 Type Cairn (At junction of 4 townlands): ‘The Twelve Cairns’ Grid Ref J3185045360 Parishes Magherahamlet; Kilmegan and Dromara. The site lies on the junction of four townlands. On the summit of Slieve Croob, south of tele-communication structures. Exposed cairn material is scattered over a radius of c. 14 m. Jope. (1966) states that small cairns had been erected using the original stones, giving the hill its name. Since then, they have been reassembled into circular redoubts c. 3 m diameter and 0.7 m high, presumably by the British Army. Townland ‘Slieve Donard Lesser Cairn’; Ballaghbeg, Ballaghanery Upper SMR No. DOW 049:010 Type Multiple Cist Cairn Grid Ref J3592027880 Parish Kilkeel/Kilcoo Jope (1966) describes the cairn as "c. 50 ft [15 m] diameter and 6 ft [1.8 m] high... there appear to have been several cists, some of which are still recognisable." Situated to the northeast of the summit of Slieve Donard in an area of outcropping, vertically-bedded stones close to slopes falling off to the northeast and east. It is difficult to differentiate exactly between the natural rocks and the round cairn itself. However the Lesser Cairn is a round cairn measuring 18 m north to south by 16 m east to west. It stands some 4.5 m high but there is a pinnacle that rises to 5.3 m high. This is maintained by visitors to the site adding stones to the summit of the cairn. There is no sign now of the cists referred to in Jope in the body of the cairn. In the area of vertically bedded natural rocks some 18m to the southeast of the cairn there is a possible long cist. This measures 1.6 m north to south by 0.9 m east to west and is filled with stone leaving a depth of 0.1 m. This may indeed be a natural feature but it has a resemblance to a cist and in the light of Jope’s reference note was taken of the structure. Townland

‘Slieve Donard Great Cairn; Ballaghbeg, Ballaghanery Upper, Glasdrumman Upper

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SMR No. DOW 049:011 Type Cairn, Possible Passage Tomb Grid Ref J3578027680 Parishes Kilkeel/Kilcoo On the summit of Slieve Donard with outstanding views in all directions and in turn seen from many places. This is the highest point in Northern Ireland in a magnificent mountain range and consequently a place of considerable prestige. The summit of the mountain is covered with boulder outcrops and it is difficult to determine the exact definition of the cairn. However it appears to be a round cairn measuring 36.5 m north to south by 43 m east to west and c. 1 m high. The cairn edge to the north is indistinct. Close to the centre of the cairn is a disturbed area, linear in form and aligned east to west. It measures 7.3 m by 2.4 m and as well as cairn stones has larger, possibly structural stones, disturbed and in situ. There is a central well-defined cairn that is maintained by modern walkers constantly adding stones or re-placing them on the top of the cairn. This measures 10 m north to south by 10 m east to west and 3 m high. The site has all the appearance of a ruined and disturbed passage tomb. Earlier reports refer to the site being destroyed by the OS in 1835 when erecting a triangulation point. It referred to a stone structure which may have stood in the area now noted as disturbed. This may have been a passage and chamber and the orientation supports that view. There are references to the site being used as a station for pilgrims. There were no signs of material evidence for this activity but it was noted that small wooden cross on which was placed a red poppy had been recently placed on the cairn as a war commemoration. Townland Slievenisky SMR No. DOW 036:034 Type Standing Stone Grid Ref J3242043200 Parish Kilmegan This standing stone is located southeast of Slieve Croob and is 1.5 m high by 1.2 m wide and 0.5 m thick. It is aligned with the long axis orientated northeast to southwest. There are no further details available at present. Townland ‘St. Cillan's Fort’, Tollymore SMR No. DOW 049:007 Type Rath: Grid Ref J3680031950 Parish Clonallan An impressive rath sited on the western edge of a valley, on ground sloping to the west. The site is very overgrown making measuring difficult. It is enclosed by a large earthen bank with a possible entrance ramp at the northwest. At ditch encloses the site from the south to west to northwest and is absent elsewhere. The site is 48 m north to south by 52 m east to west. The bank is 2 m above the interior, 9 m wide and 3.5 m above the ditch which is 4 m wide and 2 m deep. A sewer has been dug in the bottom of the ditch and covered with hard-core. Monitoring of topsoil stripping on a site 50 m northeast 150

of the rath in 2003 uncovered a spread of what appeared to be burnt mound material, consisting of a black sticky clay containing burnt stones. The spread was 11 m long by 6 m wide. Excavation revealed it to be very shallow, no more than 0.12 m deep and it appeared to be mixed with old topsoil/ploughsoil which produced post-medieval pottery. No other archaeological features or artefacts were found. Further stripping on the southeast corner of the development site was carried out under archaeological supervision in 2003; no archaeological deposits or artefacts were uncovered. Townland St. Mary's Church, Ballaghanery Upper SMR No. DOW 049:012 Type Church (in ruins), Graveyard and Enclosure, Grid Ref J3884026740 Parish Kilkeel The church stands 250 m south of the mouth of Bloody Bridge river. It consists of a ruined nave and chancel, represented mostly by foundations; the west end was destroyed or obscured when the adjacent road was constructed. The chancel arch is curiously intact. It is 1.8 m wide with a semi-circular head. The date of the church is uncertain. A line of piled stones to east of the church may possible be the remains of a graveyard enclosure. Townland Stang SMR No. DOW 048:012 Type Cairn Grid Ref J2593030710 Parish Clonduff On a south facing slope with panoramic views from the southeast to southwest. The site appears to be a robbed out cairn with a rim-like perimeter, truncated to the east by a field wall. It stands markedly proud of the field all round. The site is 26.9 m north-northeast to south-southeast and 19.1 m west along a field boundary. It is at best 1.2 m above the field to the west. There are traces of lazy beds across the site. At the south-southeast there is an upright stone 0.7 m high, 1.2 m long and 0.2 m thick, which appears to be a remnant cist stone. A number of other large stones in the wall may be from the cairn. Townland Tamary SMR No DOW 047:043 Type Cairn Grid Ref J1749029630 Situated on a north-facing slope, downslope of DOW 047:044 and 045, with panoramic views to the west, northwest and north. The site was referred to as being 12 m in 151

diameter and 0.6 m high. There are no visible remains of this site, apart from a slight, almost imperceptible curve west to northwest to north in the field surface, which stood 0.3 m above the exterior. A few small embedded stones were noted along this curve. The site area may have been truncated by the substantial fieldwall to the east. Townland Tamary SMR No DOW 047:044 Type Cairn Grid Ref J1750029570 Parish Clonduff Situated on a hillside with panoramic views west to north to northeast and just north of DOW 047:045. Jope (1966) describes the site thus: "the more northerly of the two is best preserved, with a diameter of 40ft and height of up to 2'6". No trace of a cist survives...". The site is linked with DOW 047:045 by a stony ridge 6.9 m long. Though not a sunken as 047:045, there is a slight rim around the cairn edge. It is 9.5 m in diameter and 0.67 m high to the east. To the north-northeast, at the edge of the cairn, is a slab 1.3 m by 0.68 m by 025 m. The cists, opened in the 19th century, held no bones. Townland Tamary SMR No DOW 047:045 Type Cairn Grid Ref J1750029550 Parish Clonduff Sited just south of DOW 047:044. The site is described in Jope (1966) as "...only a ring of small stones and earth 1'6 ft high and 60 ft in diameter. The whole of the centre appears to have been quarried away...both cairns contained empty cists.". The site survives as a circular stony depression 14.65 m north to south by 18 m east to west, defined by a higher rim of small, embedded stones. To the northeast, the rim is 0.4 m high internally, 0.5 m externally and 2.8 m wide. Isolated clumps of cairn material survive. A large stone to the south, 1.5 m by 0.5 m, may be a cist stone. Townland Tamary SMR No DOW 047:045 Type Cairn Grid Ref J1750029550 Parish Newry On a ridge with panoramic views from the east, south to northwest. All that remains of this site is a single granite standing stone. It is roughly rectangular and gradually tapers to a smooth point. The base is 0.8 m wide at the north, 0.54 m at the east, 0.98 m at the south and 0.6 m at the west. It sits on a small tussock and the base of the stone has been trampled all round by animals. To the north an embedded packing stone is visible. No traces of a cairn or other socket holes could be seen in the field surface. An archaeological evaluation was carried out in the field south of the tomb, prior to development in 2006. Four test trenches were excavated, each 2 m by 25 m. No 152

archaeological features or artefacts were recovered from any of the trenches. Townland Tamnaharry SMR No. DOW 051:059 Type Standing Stone and Enclosure; Megalithic Tomb (Possible): ‘Cloghadda’ Grid Ref J1542024440 Parish Clonallan This site consists of standing stone associated with an enclosure or cashel. The stone is granite, a squarish block with a rounded profile, 2.6 m high, 1.25 m broad and 1.4 m thick, orientated east to west. The enclosure is tangential to the stone and is recorded as an incomplete circular structure, 7 to 10 m diameter of stone. The wall was 0.4 to 0.5m high. The remainder of the structure is an arc of field stones c. 0.3 m high with a well defined outer face. Its function and connection with the stone remain uncertain. Townland Tollymore Park SMR No. DOW 049:002 Type Cairn: The King's Grave Grid Ref J3194031790 Parish Kilcoo The remains of this cairn lie near the western boundary of Tollymore Forest Park. It is close to the Shimna River. It is a round mound, slightly truncated to the north, 18 m diameter and c. 2.5 m high. It is likely that some of the cairn material has been robbed for a drystone wall to the south, as stones are scattered from the top of the mound down the south side. A circular depression 3.5 m diameter on top of the mound is the result of 'excavation' in 1905 which uncovered a large cist with a pot, probably a food vessel and a number of bones. Townland Wateresk: ‘Slidderyford Dolmen’ SMR No. DOW 043:061 Type Portal Tomb Grid Ref J3936034400 Parish Kilmegan This portal tomb is described as "a tripod dolmen" consisting of a massive capstone supported by three uprights. The one at the north corner is 1.8 m high and the other two are 1.2 m. There is a fourth stone, a boulder, under the capstone which gives it no support. An 1802 engraving of the site shows an addition upright on the northeast side and a pile of stones on three sides of the chamber, possibly the remains of a cairn.

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Appendix II Summary of Excavations undertaken by A.E.P. Collins at Dundrum Sandhills, Co. Down. Between 1950 and 1958 A.E.P. Collins identified and investigated 10 archaeological sites within the Murlough Bay area. Of these, sites 1, 3 and 6 are described in detail in the 1952 edition of the Ulster Journal of Archaeology (Vol. 15, 2-26). The following short accounts are based on the summary reports published in the 1959 edition of the Ulster Journal of Archaeology (Vol. 22, 5-20). Site 1 This site was identified near the western limits of the dune system, near where it meets the cultivated land. It consisted of three probable Bronze Age cremations contained within stone lined cists. One of the cists had been identified in c. 1940’s with later site visits in 1948 identifying the existence of all three cists. The contents of the cists were removed at this time. Excavation of the site revealed that Cist 1 was surrounded by a small ring ditch, containing abundant charcoal deposits. It is postulated that the material removed from the ditch may have formed a small barrow, however there is no definitive evidence of this. The cist is not located centrally within the ring ditch, but rather 30 cm to the southwest of this point. Further investigation of Cists 2 and 3 revealed no evidence of additional ring ditches. A separate cutting some 5 m north of the ring ditch revealed and system of post holes and shallow pits. The post holes formed an approximate U-shape and appear to represent the remains of a simple hut or wind break. The shallow pits appear to represent some form of storage. Finds form the excavation consisted primarily of pottery and flint. The pottery was all recovered from the lower levels of the ancient turf line and all sherds were particularly small. Out of a total of 200 sherds, 10 were rim sherds and seven were bases. Three sherds displayed evidence of decoration including scoring, finger tipping and cord impressions. Flints excavated from the site totalled 242 pieces, with an additional 736 pieces recovered as surface finds. Tools identified within the assemblage include round scrapers, a hollow scarper, arrowheads - both petit-tranchet, and barbed and tanged along with a flake knife. Erosion of the site revealed, in 1958, two cremations (without associated pottery), which appear to have been inserted into two pits, cut into the ancient turf line. Site 2 This site was located within a deep depression, which is now mostly overgrown, approximately 150 m south of site 1. The site consists of a find spot of a complete urn, discovered in 1948. Further investigation of the site by Collins revealed no further evidence of archaeological features. The urn is of coarse fabric and covered with chaff impressions. Decoration is limited to a single band of deep impressions below the rim. Site 3 Site 3 consisted of an ancient turf line partially covered by blown sand. Erosion of the turf line had revealed an abundance of artefacts. The initial finds recovery was 154

conducted in 1951 and revealed seven shreds of pottery and 67 pieces of flint. Five of the sherds of pottery displayed decoration, consisting of slashing and cord impressions. Of the flints, 15 were found to be thumb scrapers with one end scraper also being identified. Finally, a perforated stone disc was also identified. Subsequent re-visiting of the site revealed a further 123 sherds of pottery. None of the previous decoration was identified within this assemblage. Instead decoration consisted of impressions of the rim surface, possibly made using a bone instrument, and deep vertical tooling below the rim were identified. An additional 574 pieces of flint were also recovered. Again this assemblage displayed a high ration of finished tools, perhaps reflecting a scarcity of raw material. Most common amongst these were thumb scrapers. Site 4 This site was identified as the remnants of an old turf line within a ‘col’ between two dunes. Excavation of this turf line produced pottery and iron slag. A total of 198 sherds of pottery was recovered and included 31 rim sherds and 14 bases. None of the pieces displayed any evidence of decoration and all appear consistent with the bucket shaped cooking ware found in this area. The metal work consisted of the heavily corroded fragments of a pin with eye at one end and may be the remains of an iron ring-headed pin. Iron working in-situ was suggested by several large pieces of iron slag. Site 5 This site was discovered in 1950 and had been almost completely eroded away. The site lies within a small hollow and survived as the remnants of an ancient turf line. Excavation of the turf line revealed evidence of heat shattered stone and charcoal deposits and produced approximately 50 sherds of pottery. The pottery has been identified as Souterrain Ware, indicating that this site is of Early Christian date. Site 6 This site was discovered in 1935 and revealed quantities of highly decorated pottery. The nature of the pottery suggests that this is the earliest known site so far identified within the Murlough dune system. Further investigation by Collins in 1951 identified a possible occupation layer through which a number of stakeholes and two larger postholes were cut. These appear to form the supports for a flimsy dwelling. Pottery recovered from the site was varied and reflected both the plainer Neolithic A ware and the heavily decorated B ware. While the differing pottery types would suggest occupation at this site in different time periods, they were in fact found within the same horizon. This consisted of a layer of dark brown and black sand and is interpreted as the occupation layer. This site was revisited in 1952. No structural features were identified, however substantial quantities of decorated pottery were recovered. The newly discovered pottery reflected the assemblage recovered in 1951. Three sherds did stand out, however, and appear to be from a tripartite bowl. A total of 361 pieces of flint were also recovered. Of these only five displayed secondary working and consisted of three hollow scrapers, a side scarper and a blade fragment.

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Site 7 This site was identified in 1952 and consisted of an exposed section of ancient turf line. Excavation of a small section of the turf line recovered pottery, animal bone and flint. A total of 160 sherds of pottery were recovered. The pottery displays a variety of decoration including puncture marks and cording. A tentative date of late Bronze Age has been suggested for them. Site 8 This site is located on the lower of two turf lines, half way up a steep faced dune. Excavation of the turf line recovered pottery and worked flint. A total of 79 sherds of pottery were recovered. Of these, 30 were decorated and appear to represent at least nine vessels. Decoration included herring bone patterns and corded impressions. Site 9 This site was largely eroded away prior to discovery in 1953. It consisted of an exposed ancient turf line. Excavation recovered a number of pottery sherds. These appear to be the remains of Beaker vessel. Site 10 This site produced a mixture of findings. At the base of a wind scoop on the surface of the raised beach were large quantities of iron slag. Adjacent to this was a concentration of un-burnt and cremated human remains. Worked and unworked flints were found throughout and included scarpers and a triangular arrowhead.

Dundrum Sandhills, Murlough Beach from Lesser Cairn on Slieve Donard 156

Appendix III Description of the Cross Slabs at Maghera Ecclesiastical site, Co. Down. The numbering here matches that of Hamlin (2008, 307-8). 1) See figs. 6.15 and 6.16 Northwest of the north-western corner of the ruined church, near the edge of the higher part of the graveyard is this slab of Silurian slate with 50 cm visible above ground level, (although 76 cm was visible in the 1960s). It is 48 cm maximum width and narrowing towards the base. Latin type cross with four crossbars and the shaft in not straight. All lines have cross bars on their ends. Patterson shows base but his drawing is not completely accurate as the cross shaft is straight and the terminal ends have serifs rather that cross bar ends. This type of cross is uncommon in Ulster and Hamlin draws comparison with Inishmurray Co. Sligo and Duncrun, Co. Derry (Hamlin 2008, 124, 307; Jope 1966 307 No. 2; Patterson 1883 Fig. 2; 1902, Fig 2; Crawford 1923, 225 (a)).

Maghera cross-slabs (after Hamlin 2008, 307)

2) According to Hamlin this small granite boulder was once built into the inner side of the doorway of the west gable of the church which was blocked but was moved and lying loose at the west end of the church. It measures 37 cm wide by 32.5 cm high by 33.5 cm thick. On its flat face, facing east when set into the wall, there is an equal-armed linear cross potent of shallow pecked lines (Hamlin 2008, 307; Patterson 1883, 20, fig 1; 1902, fig. 3; Crawford 1912, 226, (d); Jope 1966, 307, No. 1). 3) See figs. 6.17 and 6.18 East of the east end of the church, 2.5 m from the enclosing wall of the graveyard is this unusual thin slab. It is facing east. Hamlin did not locate this. Patterson describes it as being 99 cm high and 19 cm wide. It is 13 cm thick. Only 38 cm of it can now be seen protruding from the ground. There is a small Latin Cross with serifs at the top of the stone. Below the cross is a crude figure with a circle for the head and features indicates, a triangular body, stick-like legs and there is an open circle above and slightly right of the head (Hamlin 2008, 307; Patterson 1883, 21-2, fig. 3; 1902, 198, fig. 1; Crawford, 1912, 226, (b)).

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4) See figs.6.19 and 6.20. This is a rough boulder near the very south edge of the graveyard enclosure. It is 76 cm high and 47 cm wide. On its east face are three large outline Latin crosses potent with pecked dressing. There is a clear later inscription over it ‘Dan Green Maghera Miller’. Bigger suggests that the pillar is a ‘Christianised’ pagan stone but Hamlin believes this to be unlikely (Hamlin 2008, 132, 307; Bigger 1902, 94; Crawford 1912, (e)) 5) See figs. 6.20 and 6.21. A ringed cross of uncertain location, but no longer visible at Maghera. Patterson describes it as being 45 cm above ground and 25 cm wide. It has an elaborate decoration of a ringed Latin cross with in false relief with a distinctive diamond-shaped centre. The surrounding area is sunk in the shape of the cross with a cross-bar at the base (Hamlin 2008, 308; Patterson 1883; 22, Fig. 4; Crawford 1912, 225-6 (c)). This may be the same cross from Maghera, now on display in Down County Museum but Patterson’s drawing does not match the one in the museum. 6) This cross-slab was in the garden of Burrendale House, near Bryansford but is presently in the private garden of a house at Maydene, Glenanne Co. Armagh. It has been suggested that this may have originally come from the monastic site at Maghera. It is a granite, rectangular block 30 cm high by 43 cm wide and 43 cm thick. Pecked on the stone's face is a large, linear Latin cross with short cross-bars at ends of limbs and a similar smaller cross on each arm (Hamlin 2008, 308; Patterson 1946, 51, Fig. 2; SMR File Maghera DOW 043:079). 7) Located on the north side of the pathway between the entrance to the graveyard enclosure and the church is a granite slender pillar 65 cm above ground, 18 cm wide by 14 cm thick. A southeast facing Latin cross. This was unrecorded by Hamlin (2008).

Cross-slab 7, Maghera.

Cross-slab 6, Maghera. (after Patterson 1883) 158

Glossary. Approximate Date Ranges of Archaeological periods. Early Mesolithic c. 8000 – 6500 BC Late Mesolithic c. 6500 – 4000 BC Neolithic c. 4000 – 2400 BC Early Bronze Age c. 2400 – 1600 BC Middle Bronze Age c. 1600 – 1000 BC Late Bronze Age c. 1000 – 600 BC Iron Age c. 600 BC – AD 400 Early Medieval (Early Christian) c. AD 400 – 1100 High medieval c. AD 1100 – 1400 Late medieval c. AD 1400 – 1550 Post-medieval c. AD 1550 – 1800 Modern c. AD 1800 – 2000 Barrow Earthen burial mound with a fosse and outer bank. There are various forms with the ring-barrow being the most common. These are a circular mound of earth, usually quite low, surrounded by a fosse and outer bank. Some barrows occur as cemeteries, where there are more than one. On excavation they usually contain cist or pit burials with cremated remains. Booleying This refers to transhumance, the seasonal movement of people with their livestock between fixed summer and winter pastures. In mountain regions it implies movement between higher pastures in summer and to lower valleys in winter. Temporary huts would often be used by herders while in the mountains. Cairn Cairns are heaps or mounds, predominantly made up of stone, which often cover or around ancient burial sites. These mounds of stone or earth might cover megalithic tombs dating to the Neolithic or may cover cist graves or pit burials from the Bronze Age; but could also have a symbolic function such as acting as a territorial marker or boundary. Many circular cairns are located on mountains, hill tops or ridgelines. Some cairns, however, could be trigonometric cairns constructed during the Ordnance Survey of Ireland in the early 19th century. Cashel A circular or oval-shaped enclosed Early-Medieval farmstead made from drystone-walls. Within the stone enclosure house structures of wood or stone are often found. (Also see ringfort). Cell Simple dwelling room of a monk. Cells are often associated with hermitages in the form of clochans, circular bee-hive stone huts built without mortar using corbels. Cist Cists are generally stone lined pits dug into the ground or placed within a cairn of stone or mound of earth that are covered by a stone slab. 159

Corbelling Slabs of stone, each projecting beyond the one below until a dome or arch-like effect is achieved. Court tombs The court tomb’s most distinctive feature is a roofless court area from which the main body, or gallery, of the monuments was reached. This gallery consists of two or more chambers set behind one another. The chambers had low corbelled roofs and the whole structure would have been covered in a cairn, the edges of which were delimited by large kerbstones or occasional dry-stone walling or both. Erratic A glacial erratic is a piece of rock that differs from the size and type of rock native to the area in which it rests and are carried by glacial ice, often over large distances. Fosse A ditch or moat surrounding a defended or enclosed area. Fibula An ancient brooch. Technically, the Latin term, fibulae, refers to Roman brooches; however, the term is widely used to refer to brooches from the ancient and early medieval worlds that have Roman forms. Great Langdale Class VI axe A large distinctive polished stone axe derived from specialised stone tool manufacturing at Great Langdale in England's Lake District during the Neolithic period. The area has outcrops of fine-grained greenstone suitable for making polished axes which have been found distributed across Great Britain and Ireland. The rock is a quarried epidotised greenstone. Kerb/Kerbstones A continuous line of stones or slabs which surround the base of a cairn. A kerb may also be composed of drystone-walling, or a combination of stones or slabs and drystone-walling. Late Castellic pottery A distinctive decorated Neolithic form of pottery from Brittany (mainly from the Morbihan region) and Normandy in north-western France. It dates from between c. 4300-3900 BC. Lithics These are stone tools; any tool made either partially or entirely out of stone. Although stone tool-dependent societies and cultures still exist today, most stone tools are associated with prehistoric, particularly Stone Age cultures that have become extinct. Archaeologists refer to the study of stone tools as lithic analysis. Megalithic tomb A megalithic tomb consists of a burial chamber, or chambers, built of large stones. They are usually, but not always, enclosed in a cairn of stones or mound of earth. Frequently these covering cairns have been removed. The chambers are usually accessed through an entrance.

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Midden A midden is a rubbish-heap or refuse-dump composed of human food debris. They are usually found in coastal areas and are largely made up of accumulated shellfish remains such as oysters, cockles, mussels, clams, winkles and limpets. Sometimes burnt stone, charcoal and hearths are associated with them. Mottes These are large steep-sided earthen mounds with a flat top. They date from the Anglo-Norman period mainly to the late 12th to early 13th centuries. Originally there was a wooden tower, surrounded by a wooden palisade on top of the mound. The material normally derives from a large fosse at its base. Oratory These were small rectangular stone churches, some of which had drystone corbelled roofs built without mortar, such as Gallurus’ Oratory in Co. Kerry. Passage tombs Passage tombs generally have a narrow passage leading to a chamber. Smaller chambers sometimes open off the main chamber and occasionally produce a cross shaped or cruciform plan. The roofs were mainly corbelled and the structure was covered in a circular shaped cairn generally edged by kerbstones. Simple passage tombs also occur, comprising a polygonal chamber with a capstone which are often surrounded by a boulder circle. These simple passage tombs tend to be earlier in date than the more complex ones. Paleoenvironment The past environment of an area during a given period of its history often based on the examination of preserved pollen remains. Porcellanite This is a hard, dense volcanic rock. It is a silicified tuff, a rock composed of volcanic fragments that has been altered to silica, or even metamorphosed marl, calcareous rock fragments altered by heat and pressure. Tievebulliagh Mountain, in Co. Antrim and Brockley on Rathlin Island, Co. Antrim were sites of Neolithic porcellanite axe quarries. Portal tomb Portal tombs are often spectacular in appearance due to the impressively sized capstone which covered a single chamber. Most have two tall upright stones (portals) set at the front of the monument so that the capstone rises at the front. Some appear to have been located at the end of a long cairn of stones. Ringfort This is a circular or sub-circular area surrounded by one or more earthen banks and outer fosses. They were Early-Medieval enclosed farmsteads and date mainly to the 7th to 9th centuries. Souterrain Ware A type of pottery made during the Early Medieval period and often associated with ringforts and early ecclesiastic site. They were made by hand using coiling coil-building techniques.

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Terrier A medieval register of the lands belonging to a landowner, originally including a list of tenants, their holdings, and the rents paid, later consisting of a description of the acreage and boundaries of the property Tor A tor is a large, free-standing residual mass (rock outcrop) that rises abruptly from the surrounding smooth and gentle slopes of a rounded summit or ridge crest. Tors are usually composed of granite or metamorphic rocks and are the result of millions of years of weathering. Vallum A vallum (plural valla) is a large enclosure around an Early Medieval monastic foundation composed of banks and fosses or by stone walls. They surround areas of sanctity which decreased in importance the further they were from the centre of the monastery where the main church was located. Wedge tombs They consist of a rectangular main chamber or gallery. Most have a wider entrance often towards the west. A wedge shaped kerb often occurs that was wider at the front and narrower to the rear. The chamber was roofed by capstones or ‘lintels’ and the structure was covered in a cairn.

Slieve Donard from St. John’s Point

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Bibliography If I were to recommend any one book from the comprehensive bibliography provided, to someone wanting to know more about the Mourne Mountains, it would be Estyn Evan’s Mourne Country which details many aspects of the built heritage and folklife of the Mourne Mountains (reprinted in 2005).The Mournes are an excellent location for walking and there are a number of excellent walking guides (e.g. the Mourne Heritage Trust’s Mourne Mountain Walks (2004) and The Mournes: Walks by Paddy Dillon (2000)). The definitive map for walking is the Ordnance Survey of Northern Ireland’s (OSNI) Activity Map for the Mournes including Slieve Croob at 1:25000 scale (2009) or the 1:50000 scale Sheet 29 OS Series map.

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Possible remnants of a court tomb at Ballyloughlin, near Slidderyford Dolmen, Wateresk Co. Down

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