The archaeology of North America 9780670130580

Table of contents :
Frontmatter
Introduction (page 7)
The Eastern Woodlands (page 31)
The Great Plains (page 83)
The Desert West (page 101)
The Far West (page 157)
The Arctic and Subarctic (page 203)
Chronologies (page 243)
Bibliography (page 252)
List of illustrations (page 254)
Index (page 262)

Citation preview

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,points. > at ? Ct ‘ ee Fe a Hi The onsen| On -:anceolate HIGHY s | OW , OUT ee -_ oF a - d) Eastern s from Wdhids ~the fre 66 oodlands. 10 Ie CHi x,g /frO— [ A) Oldate aly7000 BCOH about 7. ylades fi

29

Ky ; A pr fs A>

-THE EASTERN “WOODLANDS da

YS ZS i ae Ontario \ ae ) ONIN hl NEL \ AKG

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| Cff QuySgt ®Aztalan AaOg an ae aNe, Mounds | RM fe DP gp_— nr/ a~ Ne — SY 7Sse OT ON Re tinois BS Mound city” (Ze) VE Widae5ON a prtAncignteo WeB OL

—— NV VN Pierre PY PS

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ae et tc BRIN ee | Moundville Adena cultures ON Poverty. aLamar hc "wi“77 ¢. () 1400 BC-AD 200

\ NS o —MN ne owAkeHavana ' \ “ee c. 300 BC-AD 500 | a d\ Louisia oe al an Hopewell

mY A a ane eM ‘ Ay B Ohio Hopewell

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! period po ° , 0 500m | 5 Plaquemine r cs : m

| i , ; - fa 7 4. ean gt;aye ae ng, thern C u | t: , , Teotihuacan i || 4S Ou Caddoan La Venta re 6 South Appalachian

30

The Eastern Woodlands The Eastern Woodlands is an immense region that has been the setting for a diverse array of environments and Indian cultures. Despite the diversity, there are no convenient internal barriers that would allow us to divide the region into smaller and more easily understood areas. We are forced to look at the prehistory of the Woodlands as a single untolding drama. There is a temptation, which has claimed too

many victims, to seck a simple explanation for the complexities of the region, Eighteenth-century readers quickly accepted the idea that the prehistoric carthworks of the East were buile by “Mound Builders’. By itself, this is a harmless concept, for it simply says that the builders of mounds were mound builders. Yet, all too soon a companion notion arose to the effect that the Mound Builders were a superior race that was wiped out and replaced by the Indians who were later en-

countered by European settlers. In the eighteenth century, Indian cultures were being vigorously exterminated or expelled westward ahead of the tude of European civilization. To attribute the prehistoric monuments of the East to these cultures would have been to grant them civilization and a status approaching equality. It was an unthinkable concession, and its rejection fueled the myth of the Mound Builders. Even in the eighteenth century convincingly sober explanations were available for the prehistoric remains that were known. In 1784, Thomas Jefferson turned his surpassing talents to the archacology of Virginia. He had noticed burial mounds near his home, and his curiosity was aroused by the variety of local stories that circulated about them. He decided to excavate one, and he recorded his findings in detail and with accuracy. The local belief that the Indians buried their dead standing up proved to be talse. What he found were ‘bundle’ burials, that is, secondary interments of disarticulated bones. He did not excavate the entire mound, but on the

basis of his sample, he concluded that the structure could contain as many as a thousand such burials. He also noted that none of the remains showed signs of violent death, and that they appeared to have accumulated a few at a time. That observation should have put an end to the still popular belief that mounds were built as monuments to the assembled victims of bloody battles.

14 Map of the Eastern The myth of the Mound Builders spawned many offspring. The Eastern Wood-

Peedi’ ee lands has yielded the torged or imaginary remains of Vikings, Phoenicians, and, in the inset, the Egyptians, medieval Irish monks, Welshmen, and dozens of others over the last relationship of the century. The evidence for Norsemen in North America does not appear outside Woodlands foLa beta Greenland and Newfoundland, as we shall see in our final chapter, and for the

and Teotihuacatt, centers of , oo , ;

Olmec and early Mexican others there is no convincing evidence at all. When the myths are stripped away, we civilization respectively, find that what happened over the course of 12,000 vears in the Eastern Woodlands

31

was an indigenous phenomenon. Sometimes influenced by Mexican developments, sometimes acting upon their own inspiration, the Indians played out a story that 1s indisputably American, The castern and southern boundaries of the region are neatly defined by the Atlantic and the Gulf of Mexico. Elsewhere, the boundaries are not so clear. In the north, the region extends to the southern limits of the Canadian coniferous forests, a vague and uneven line that runs east to west, north of the St Lawrence River and the Great Lakes. The western boundary is a ragged line parallel to, but generally west of, the Mississippi. Here, the forests of the East give way to the grasslands of the Prairies. The Woodlands persist west of the boundary only as long tentacles following the tertile valleys ot rivers that rise in the Great Plains and flow castward to the MissisSIppl.

In the simplest terms, the modern Eastern Woodlands are composed of both broadleat and coniterous trees, but there are marked differences from place to place.

Hickory, oak, chestnut and other broadleaf trees flourished in the Appalachian uplands. Conifers predominated in the Atlantic and Gulf coastal lowlands. Hemlock

and pine predominate over broadleaf trees in the north. It 1s a mosaic of subtle changes from one area to the next that 1s complicated by variations over time as well.

Since the retreat of the last glaciers began 14,000 years ago, the forests and grasslands of the East have undergone constant change. Throughout this long period all the plants in the region produced vast quantities of tiny pollen grains, and these have been preserved in bogs and other deposits that can be accurately dated. Pollen grains from different plants can be identified and counted, and the forest cover for a given

place and time can be reconstructed on paper. Thus, through the painstaking analysis of microscopic samples of pollen we are beginning to understand the changing environments that confronted prehistoric Indians. There wereno major barriers to prevent or retard the spread of prehistoric innovations within the region. Even the northward spread of agriculture after 1000 BC was slowed only by cultural conservatism, and the constant need for the selection of more rapidly maturing plant species. Farming eventually stopped at the northern fringes of the region, and has been advanced only a little farther by modern technology. As each local Indian culture adopted agriculture, it did so according to its own special traditions and environment. But the general trend was always the same, the uni-

versal human current of increasing complexity and integration, the cultural equivalent of biological evolution that we sometimes call ‘progress’. To find the roots of the historical Indians of the Eastern Woodlands, we will reach tar back into their linguistic past and try to match what we find with archaeological remains. Languages can be classified much like species of animals, and common ~ ancestors reconstructed from clues embedded in their modern descendant forms. This is tortunate, for unlike biological species languages leave no separate fossil record. Two of the region’s three main aboriginal language families, the Iroquoian and the Algonquian-Muskogcan, have probably been present in the East for 10,000 years or more. As bands slowly settled into regular seasonal movements within specific territories, nguistic subdivisions began to appear within these families. By the end of prehistory, they had fragmented into dozens of mutually unintelligible

32

languages. Yet even this diversity of languages was not sufficient to prevent the relatively rapid spread of innovations, or erase common heritages. The focus of prehistoric development shitted from time to time; a given culture might lead the way during one century, only to fall behind in the next. Yet even though some

OrOups. S

localities seem to have been permanently marginal, all the prehistoric peoples of the Eastern Woodlands participated in some way in the developments discussed here.

1§ Map of the principal | ;

North American language NORTH AMERICAN LAN GUAG € GROUPS

g Vj e AK ty Uy a , 23 9X) | L-

AL? a Zine,Orvy LD Q

ov oY & L) yp ©byVs ee ae SN troquoian Muskogean i . Th lw oe saoaeancie ae Hokaltecan \ 1 LAN Pe?.)- Sige LX an CHEERED ES TEStLeeSSETSTERECESS. WEES :

: Caddoan i" | : _iL800m 1000 kn Azteco-Tanoan XL H | [ee

The Archaic lifeway The environmental changes that followed the retreat of the continental glaciers were

not sudden or catastrophic. Children were born and grew to old age without ever perceiving the slow and widespread evolution of their habitat. Even so, the cumulative effects were protound. By 7000 BC, most of the dominant animal species of the Ice Age were extinct in the East, or had dwindled to tiny refugee herds. The people who had depended upon these meat sources for so long gradually had to shift their

attention to other kinds of food. More and more plant and animal species were utilized within cach local area, and the free-roaming nomadism of the PaleoIndians gave way to a pattern of regular seasonal movements. The Indians of this new, Archaic liteway came to count on the availability of particular resources at particular times and places, and planned their movements accordingly. Under these

conditions, chance encounters with other bands were less likely, but organized

33

contacts increased. Regular mectings of bands could be planned into the predictable seasonal round, fostering the growth of social and economic ties that went beyond band limits. Even in the absence of agriculture and sedentary life, the cultures of the

Archaic period began to form the dynamic network that would later lead to the development of extensive trade in luxury goods, and the dissemination of elaborate religious cults. The oldest evidence for the Archaic liteway, dating to about 8000 BC, comes from camp sites in the southern part of the Eastern Woodlands. Evidence from northern sections tor this period is generally scanty or absent, despite intensive archaeological research. Large portions of the region must simply have been unoccupied for many

centuries following 8000 Bc. The explanation may well lie in the progression of environmental changes that followed the retreat of the last glacier. As the glacial ice melted back, the tundra along its margins and the forests that had been compressed into refuge areas began to shift northward. Unfortunately for the Indians and the animals they hunted, it was not simply a matter of moving with their environments, for the tundra and the forests were changing in character as well as location. The tundra of the Ice Age had been an ideal environment for many species; but with the retreat northward, it entered a part of the continent recently scoured by ice, where the sun comes and goes on a seasonal rather than a daily basis. [ts ability to support large animal populations and the Indians who depended upon them was drastically reduced. As the result of a similar process, around 8000 Bc the northern part of the Eastern Woodlands came to be dominated by spruce, fir, and pine forests, which offer little food for herbivores or carnivores, and therefore little for humans cither. Thus, the development of the Archaic lifeway was primarily a southern one, and many northern areas were simply abandoned. By sooo BC, however, the silent conifer forests of the north were beginning to change as broadleaf trees became established. By 3000 Bc, much of the northern section was covered with a mixed forest that attracted game animals and man. Probably most, if not all, of the Indians who moved into the northern Eastern Woodlands were ancestors of the Algonquian-speaking tribes that occupied the 15 same territory in the colonial period. By now they had diverged substantially from their Muskogean relatives in the south, separated from them by the large block of Iroquoian-speakers in the Appalachian uplands. Archaeological evidence indicates that it was here, in the north, that the ideological

toundation tor much of what followed later was laid. Mortuary practices were increasingly complex all across the Eastern Woodlands, but by 3000 Bc they were particularly elaborate in the north. Although careful burials with grave offerings can be tound almost anywhere, really claborate examples are generally discovered only in sedentary and usually agricultural contexts. Perhaps these northern hunter-

gatherers found stimulation in the natural richness of their environment, only recently reoccupied and still not supporting a large human population. Whatever the specific ecological and ideological forces were, we can assume that the northern mortuary complexes developed without significant external influence. The axis of the northern Archaic developments stretches east-west through the Great Lakes, New England, and the Maritime Provinces of Canada. One of the most outstanding examples of elaborate mortuary ceremontalism in the region was once

34

attributed to a mysterious race of ‘Red Paint People’, so-called because the farmers 14 who found the first burial pits were impressed by their linings of bright red hematite. Indian cemeteries of this kind, with stone tools as offerings, have since been found scattered throughout New England and the Maritimes. Red pigment, with its strong suggestion of blood and lite, has been used in a similar way for thousands of years, and in many parts of the world. Here, as elsewhere, the key seems to have been the availability of the pigment in natural deposits. The northern soils do not afford good preservation, and skeletal remains have rarely survived the millennia. Most graves contain celts (axes), adzes and gouges, often highly polished and sometimes still sharp enough to inflict a deep cut on a

carcless archaeologist. All three forms are heavy woodworking tools, probably designed tor the construction of dugout canoes, which these fishermen and hunters of sea mammals and caribou used in their everyday activities. Other equipment included fire-making kits of 1ron pyrite and flint, and whetstones to sharpen the edges of the woodworking tools. The finest whetstones are long slender tablets,

pointed at both ends, and holed at one end for suspension. Certain graves also contain spear points ground trom sheets of slate. Some are long bayonets, exquisite artitacts so slender that it is difficult to imagine how they could have survived use in the real world, or even the strains of their own manufacture. Some were skillfully faceted until they had the cross-sections of flattened hexagons, and the facets were incised with delicate geometric designs.

The cemeteries allow us to probe the ideology of these people. Here was an egalitarian society, with few favors shown according to birth, age, or sex. The dead were buried with the tools they valued most or could use most skillfully. Perhaps they needed such tools to build the spiritual boats that would take them to the next world. Like people everywhere, they perceived that journey and its end in terms of the world they already knew. The exotic and beautiful artifacts found in graves are rarely discovered even as fragments in habitation areas. What we find in the refuse of day-to-day living are more practical and mundane implements. Perhaps the finest craftsmanship and the rarest materials were reserved tor grave goods, or the prized possessions and status symbols of individuals during their lifetime, accompanying them even after death. In any case, the finest works of these ancient artisans were removed trom the world of the living ata rate that nearly equalled their manufacture, a pattern of conspicuous consumption that was to continue in the East for 3500 years. It is possible that the finest grave goods were made by specialized craftsmen, but this seems improbable. [The cconomy of people subsisting upon hunting and gathering is unlikely to have supported craft specialists. The grave goods themselves also arguc against such an interpretation. Each grave lot uncovered appears to be a special collection of unique pieces. One grave may contain a dozen slate bayonets, no two of them identical, with no artifacts of any other type. Another grave may contain only three or four finely made adze blades. It seems likely that each person produced

his or her own grave goods in the course of day-to-day living, keeping them as treasured possessions even atter death. Some of the Red Paint artifacts are known not so much tor the excellence of their

manutacture as for the material from which they were made. Many projectile

35

points are fashioned out of an attractive translucent quartzite, known to occur naturally only on the Labrador Peninsula. Notwithstanding the artistic qualities of these points, their real significance 1s that they provide clear evidence for the early establishment of long-distance trading in luxury goods. As we shall see, this later grew to almost continental proportions, facilitating the development of widespread prehistoric art forms and the distribution of finished pieces. The most extraordinary Red Paint cemetery found so far is the site at Port au 137 Choix in northern Newfoundland. The site 1s at the northern extremity of the area penetrated by peoples practicing the Red Paint cult. It 1s in an area where the closed coniter forest still predominates, 4000 years since the site was used, and thousands more since the disappearance of the last glacier. Then as now, human habitation would not have been possible without the resources of the sea.

The Port au Choix cemetery 1s situated on an old abandoned beach several meters above the present shore of the Gulf of St Lawrence. The beach is salted with tiny fragments of shell that have served to neutralize the normal acidity of the soil, and permit the preservation of bone and antler. Here, the skeletons of people buried 4000 years ago survive In near-perfect preservation. Some [oo individuals were unearthed, a population almost equally divided between males and females. About halt were adults, the other half children. These people appear to have been healthy and robust, probably quite similar in appearance to the historical Indians of New

England. Tooth wear was heavy, no doubt because hides had to be softened by chewing, and some adults had lost teeth. But tooth decay, which afflicts people with diets high in starch and sugar, was almost nonexistent. Their bone and antler arti-

facts have also survived, along with the more durable tools already well known from sites elsewhere. Among other things, they show us that bayonets and other fine slate artifacts had bone prototypes. The site has yielded many implements that are duplicated in both materials. Finally, Port au Choix has produced beautifully made combs, pins, effigies and other items of bone and antler that have apparently perished elsewhere. We can infer that such trinkets were widespread, but we are unlikely to find many more sites with preservation as good as at Port au Choix.

The Red Paint Indians were not the lost race that some eighteenth-century farmers thought them to be. They were among the ancestors of the historical Algonquians of the Northeast, and for fifteen centuries they supported an elaborate mortuary cult along the streams of the northern forests. This rich ceremonialism was already in decline by 1500 BC, for reasons that we are only now beginning to understand. By 500 Bc, the clear ponds of the inland forests were evolving into bogs as a natural consequence of post-glacial crosion. The northeastern Woodlands seem to have lost their capacity to support human occupation. As the population thinned, and the traditional seasonal patterns became untenable, the old cult faded too. The area reverted to a cultural backwater for the remainder of prehistory. Far to the west, at the opposite end of the northern Archaic axis, are found the remains of what has long been called the ‘Old Copper’ culture, dating from around 3000 Bc. The culture takes its name from the copper objects that the Indians of the time produced. Glacial deposits near the southern shore of Lake Superior and on Isle Royale contain lumps of native copper. The prehistoric Algonquians learned how to mine and beat these ‘stones’ into useful shapes. They never developed true

36

metallurgy, or progressed to the stage of smelting or casting. But they knew how to keep the metal from becoming brittle by annealing it, that 1s, by repeatedly heating the copper and plunging it into cold water, and this enabled them to fashion a much greater variety of shapes than cold hammering itself allowed. Many copper tools were modeled on earlicr prototypes made of bone, stone, or other materials. Old Copper implements include long broad spear points with long pointed tangs, short stems, or flanges for hafting. Knives are straight and pointed, or curved like the semilunar “‘woman’s knife’ of later Eskimo culture. The knite prototypes were

clearly slate, whereas barbed copper harpoon points came from bone originals. Copper adzes duplicate stone cxamples found elsewhere. Other forms include double-ended awls and punches, always well made. As a subtradition, Old Copper paralleled the Archaic Red Paint culture of the Northeast. Curiously, there is little to equal cither of them in the lower Great Lakes area. Old Copper is restricted to the vicinity of the upper Great Lakes. It may be that something similar will yet be found in the intervening region, around Lakes Ontario and Eric. Alternatively, perhaps this arca was ecologically unsuitable for carlicr Archaic developments. This was certainly not the case in later periods, for the focus of the Archaic tradition shifted southward into Ohio as the exotic Red Paint and Old Copper cultures waned.

Adzes, celts, and gouges were not the only artitacts of ground and polished stone produced by Archaic cultures. The craftsmen of the time also produced beautitully made ‘boatstones’, ethgy ‘birdstones’, and holed ‘bannerstones’. Their function went unrecognized tor decades, but it now seems clear that all were used as weights on spear-throwers. Boatstones and birdstones were simply lashed to the wooden shafts, 16 the latter carved to look lke birds primarily for magical purposes. Bannerstones, 17 so-called ‘winged’ objects, were attached to the shaft through a long cylindrical hole. As we have already observed, the spear-thrower was used mainly before the introduction of the bow and arrow as a means of increasing the length of a man’s throwing arm, and therefore the velocity of his throw. Simple physics shows that the addition of a weight to a rigid spear-thrower shatt does not improve tts effectiveness. The small size of the shaft hole in most bannerstones provides a cluc, however. It rigid, a shaft of the size indicated by this hole would snap on the first throw. The 16 This 14-cn.-long conclusion must be that the Archaic peoples were using flexible shafts. Indeed, there

Senta ee is some archaeological evidence indicating that extremely tough but Hexible ironhave been strapped as a wood shatts were used with stone weights. It seems that the advantages of flexible weight to the flexible shaft. shafts now universally recognized by golfers and fishermen were discovered and ofa spear-thrower, thus developed by Indians in North America over 7000 years ago, long betore the invenower mad Pring and tion of fiberglass. It would appear to be no simple coincidence that ironwood trees

throw. and spear-thrower weights have very similar distributions in North America.

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Poverty Point and Olmec influerces The cultural center of the Eastern Woodlands in the centurics after 1500 BC was the

Adena’ complex of Ohio, named after the mound group and modern town of the 14 same name. The ideological basis for the new development was probably derived from the carlier mortuary cult to the northeast, but something more was added. The earthen mounds, huge when it is remembered that they were built by hand, were new to the Eastern Woodlands. The ‘Glacial Kame’ culture, which centered in southern Michigan, Ohio, and Indiana, and which flourished at about the same time Ounce thonehy ta! as Adena, was for many years generally accepted as the innovator of burial mounds.

17 to found fave 4 (small 4. oo - ; left; ~behind; sony aeOnce Early burialsthougnt of this culture are often in kames abrupt hulls)

been symbols of authority —

hence their name, by the last glaciers. Later burials are in artificial mounds. It was reasoned that the ‘bannerstones’ — [ese prototype burial mound was a natural kame. However, radiocarbon dating has

objects, averaging 10 cMt. TH y ws shown that artificial Adena mounds are as old as Glacial Kame burials, suggesting width, are now explained . .Te . cas le and their forms arefunction, often winged. ; : . 1] a . | . oe | | . ; 4h:

as spear thrower weiglits. that the latter were the work of country cousins trying to duplicate more claborate Like birdstones, of similar Adena practices. The Glacial Kame badge was the sandal-sole gorget, an asymmvetri-_ 18

iru as j — ) cal tablet presumably worn around the neck. These occur in many burials of this

culture, and a few of them have carved designs. 1S A strange animal, with The use of glacial kames and other natural hills is known for the carlicr Red Paint eyes and ears askew and burials as well as for other relatively carly cultures across the northern zone. Cer-

winbilical cord still attached, . .| neta , of, a.strong eee tainty this was part of the rare Adena heritage. But there is also evidence decoraies this engraved soo ;.

sandal-sole gorget, 18 cul. stimulus trom: Mexico, which comes in the form of a single extraordinary site that 1s long. Gorgets of Tis fy pe, not duplicated anywhere else in North America, the site of Poverty Point, Louisiana. 14

usually undecorated, of terethe + - Wy: characteristic ‘ °-~1: .| Co ne) ;..

i , visth th Poverty Point is incredibly huge. The main complex, or ‘village’, built around

northern Woodlands 1500 BC and theretore carly cnough to predate most of Adena, 1s a series of six conGlacial Kame people, who centric octagons nested within each other. Each is composed of eight ridges of earth

roe}qt) “ype PEE fo .4 5 ; - -_ . ' ; ; ; * . . . ); 7] Hativdal RAHICS OF HELIS TH ~ | ~ : , ; rhe centuries following octagons are progressively smaller, cach about 100 meters less in diameter than the

after ei men vo a about 2 meters high. The outer octagon is about 1300 meters in diameter. The inner

1500 RC, last. Mound A, to the west of the ‘village’, is over 20 meters high and over 200

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meters long. A long ramp descends toward the ‘village’ to the cast. Another somewhat smaller mound stands to the north. A person standing on Mound A can view the vernal and autumnal equinoxes directly across the center of the ‘village’. This is the point at which the sun rises twice a year, on the first day of spring and the first day of autumn respectively. Artifacts found at Poverty Point include most notably thousands of fired-clay balls, apparently used to boil food. Instcad of preparing meals directly over open fires, the Indians would drop hot clay balls into their cooking vessels to heat up their tood. Hot stones were more often used in other regions — hence the usual name given to the practice, “stone-boiling’. Also found are small bird effigies and clay figurines. The latter are small human figures that bear a close resemblance to those found along the Gulf Coast of Mexico, produced by the Olmecs, the creators of the 14 first American civilization. Poverty Point itself is reminiscent of La Venta and El Corral, both well-known Olmec sites that were occupied at about this time. It 1s

difficult to avoid concluding that Poverty Point was a product of Olmec influence, and the gateway through which the idea of monumental architecture passed into the Eastern Woodlands. To understand Olmec influences in the Eastern Woodlands, we must examine the

origins of this early civilization. The retreat of the Canadian ice sheets and the environmental changes that ensued across the continent forced the Indians of Mexico to an early abandonment of the Paleo-Indian lifeway. The new pattern that emerged was one of intensive exploitation by hunting and gathering, an Archaic lifeway much like that of the Eastern Woodlands. The important difference was that the Mexican highlands were relatively rich in plants that had some potential as domesticates. Among them was a kind of grass that was knee high at maturity, and produced only a small stem of seeds just under a tassel at the top of the plant. Together, the seeds formed a cluster about the size of the last joint in an adult’s little finger. This, however, was wild maize, ancestral to the modern plants that sometimes produce cobs of corn the size of a man’s forearm. The Indians of highland Mexico selected this plant and others, such as beans and squash, because they could be planted with a pointed stick and tended with a hoe. Without the plow, plants that had to be sown broadcast were beyond consideration. Once under development, the crops were distributed outside their natural environments in the Mexican highlands, and into the hot humid Gulf lowlands. Here, simple slash-and-burm agricultural techniques,

involving the planting of crops in the ashes of burned-down trees and shrubs, allowed heavy production along with a settled and relatively dense human population. It was on this basis that Olmec civilization began to flourish in the centuries preceding 1500 BC.

The Olmecs built clay-sided temple mounds, and mosaic pavements of serpentine blocks. Colossal heads were hewn from solid basalt, while smaller pieces were carved from Mexican jade. Pervading much of their art was the feline god motif which has come to be regarded as their hallmark. Sometimes drastically stylized, sometimes disarmingly natural, the art of the Olmecs was the starting point for much of the later art of prehistoric Middle America or ‘Mesoamerica’. In much the same way, later Mayan calendrics and Mesoamerican architecture can be traced back to the Olmecs. The sources of their inspiration are still obscure, but the faint trails

40

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Hopewell artisans produced much of the finest prehistoric art of North America. To say that they were competent is to understate the case. They were highly skilled in Working a wide variety of raw materials, imported from great distances, into an astonishing array of forms. Large amounts of native copper were imported from the ¢

we

southern shore of Lake Superior and beaten into cut-outs, ear-spools, artificial — noses (presumably for the dead), beads, gorgets, and even panpipes. 'Two-dimensional drawings were sometimes embossed on sheets of copper, and thicker sheets were used as breastplates. Other nuggets were shaped into celts, axes, adzes, and awls. There is even a copper imitation of a deer-antler headdress accompanied by a pair of copper ear-spools, each beaten into the shape of a flower. The ear-spools resemble the blossoms of the dogwood tree, the inner bark of which Indians dis> TOAYrE , :narcotic rna*"when r i. smoked with tobacco. It seems likely that these covered to be mildly and the headdress were part of the magical paraphernalia of a ‘shaman’, or sorcerer.

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Meteoric iron was also sometimes used, usually in conjunction with copper. It was beaten into toi, and used to jacket such things as copper car-spools, axes, adzes, and even im one case a human arm bone.

Small nuggets of silver were imported. apparently from Ontario, and tny amounts of gold have also been tound. Cubes of galena, a lead mineral, came from the Mississippi valley. Mica was imported trom the southern Appalachian area, and sheets of it were transformed into exotic cut-outs. Like the copper cut-outs, they otten take the shapes of serpents, animal claws, human heads, hands, swastikas and other geometric designs. There are extraordinary examples of abstract profiles of the claws ot birds of prey, and stall others of long tapering human hands. The area that 6, 22 produced mica tor Hopewell consumption also provided quartz crystal and chlorite. Large conch shells and smaller shells were umported trom Florida and the Gult Coast. The same area provided the teeth of barracudas, sharks, and alligators, turtle shells. and the yaws of various marine fish. Grizzly bear canine teeth came trom far to the west. probably the Rocky Mountains. Hopewell artisans were also skilled Knappers, and the obsidian they used was imported all the way from Yellowstone Park. Wyoming. Chert was obtained for 3 the same purpose trom closer sources in Ohio, Indiana, and Ulinois, anda mottled 4 chalcedony was brought in trom either North Dakota or Montana. A translucent knife was chipped trom quartz imported trom Arkansas. All these materials were 2 used to make knives and projectile pomts. Some ot the tools may have been utilitarian, but many others are so large, thin, or clegant that they seem to have been designed only tor show. The utilitarian pottery of the various Hopewell cultures resembles that of Adena. Unlike Adena, however. Hopewell artisans made a series of especially tine types that appear to have been intended only as grave vessels. Some of these bear panels or zones, each decorated separately with incised lines. Various plastic techniques were used to produce an almost endless variety of decorative motits. Hopewell potters also made copies of stone pipes and copper ear-plugs im clay. Finally, there are a few extraordinary cxamples of naturalistic human figurines. These are unlike any clay 20, x figurines found in Menico or the Desert West. From these. and trom the careful excavation of burials, ic has been possible to show the dress and personal ornamentation of Hopewell people. Even hairstyles with elaborate braids, topknots, and shaved x

patches are discernible. Sall. it would be a mistake to conclude that cither the fieurines or the more claborate burials represent ordinary Hopewell men and women. We must conclude that the more extraordinary the find, the more extraordinary the person or persons represented. At least some of the figurines appear to represent shamans, people whose high status would have been intertwined with magical powers. One depicts a man with his hair pulled into a large knot over his” x torchead. The knot may in tact represent the single horn that is a shaman’s symbol in both Asia andthe Americas. The wide distribution of the symbol suggests that it Isa Very ancient one, part of the ideological baggage of the first Americans. Textile fragments sometimes survive next to copper ornaments, protected trom decay by the copper salts. These small bits of cloth show the Hopewell to have been accomplished weavers, producing aghtly woven fabrics, frequently decorated with batik-like designs.

49

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There are still other forms and other media. A unique cighteen-centimetet thumb was carved from cannel coal, an infrequently used material. Perhaps even 2 rarer is the figurine made trom the fossil ivory of a mammoth. Hopewell carvers 2 were thousands of years too late to have seen such creatures alive, but like the

- Loy . . . . J

J

Eskimos tar to the north, they learned to use the ancient ivory to good advantage. The figurine has the same knecling posture and general appearance as the clay

x irit VC - VE ia * 1 c ; 2 + . ye

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Hopewell figurines, but the difference between modeling and carving 1s quite 2 distinct. The comparison shows with rare clarity how the forms produced by

yo ad . ry . -_

&

NaN, ]artisans s4a-tee4 seebyJthe aynature ‘ 1 he . f media ch diused. ed Hopewell were :inwo partgeen determined of the Bone, even human bone, was occasionally carved as well. One mask was made 2 from part of a human cranium and other materials. The internal bones that formed and protected the mouth, nose, and cyes of the person while he lived were removed,

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Rosa’ and “Switt Creek’ cultures had flourished under Hopewell influence, andin 14 time they gave rise to "Weeden Island’ culture. Supported by productive agriculture, and perhaps under continuing direct influence trom Mexico, Weeden Island artisans

produced a wide range of ceramic and other artifacts. Hopewell influences are prominent, and in the early years trade goods from the north tound their way into Weeden Island sites. But Weeden Island culture was not just an imitation of Hopewell ceremonialism. The pottery is distinctive, and includes such non-Hopewellian artifacts as incense burners and figurines. Much of the Weeden Island pottery seems to have been made solely tor burial. Finer types are tound only in burial contexts where they were deliberately ‘killed’ with a neat perforation in the base. Some of the kill-holes were even made before the pots were fired, eliminating the possibility that the vessels might be shattered, or put toa more worldly use. Vessels such as these were heaped along with other artitacts in huge mass offerings under burial mounds. The subject of the rites was usually buried ina pit or log tomb. Later in the ceremony, other persons were killed and buried elsewhere in the mound along with mica, conches, and the pottery. The massive pottery offering was usually placed in the east side of the mound. Such burials were clearly accorded only to individuals of high rank. That the practice continued 1s clear evidence that some social and political institutions were maintained in Weeden Island culture while they were breaking down elsewhere. As

time went on, northern Hopewell traits disappeared completely from Weeden Island sites. More important, some of the latest sites have rectangular platform mounds with long inclined ramps, structures that imitate the temple mounds of Mexico. Other Mexican traits followed as a new order appeared and replaced the now moribund Adena-Hopewell. It was a change that brought new peoples into the Woodlands and altered vast sections of it forever. Gradually, the new patterns seen first in Weeden Island culture came to be more general in the Woodlands. By the time that Weeden Island culture had turned into what is known as ‘Fort Walton’ culture, the new ‘Mississippian’ pattern was widespread.

Mississippian culture The two centuries leading up to AD 700 were a dark age tor much of the Eastern Woodlands. Perhaps not coincidentally, it was also a time when the great Classic centers of highland Mexico were tading. The urban center ot Teotihuacan near 14 modern Mexico City had been growing and expanding its influence since 100 BC, eventually reaching a population peak of at least 100,000. It was the center of monumental religious architecture, and consequently an important shrine for all ancient Menico. Its political and economic powers were Just as formidable. Teotihuacan was the center of a huge web of cultural influence that affected nearly every aspect of

m9 area ny ne ‘he ancient Mexican civilization trom the deserts of northern Mexico to highland fade +f Hopervell ;, Guatemala. Plantations of cacao and other crops were maintained in coastal lowland Ohio, this stone head, areas. Trade in fine pottery and other luxuries was controlled in the highlands. A 15 CH, Nigh, was iepesired central urban population was maintained on a daily basis by surrounding tarming

cindy seprescit communities. And all this was accomplished without the benefits of wheeled ant ancestral figure. transport, ships, or pack animals. We cannot be surprised that a society capable of

SO

maintaming such an advanced system in the face of these technological difficulties should have had far-reaching influences. Part of the vigorous expansion of Classic Mesoamerican culture was facilitated by a general climatic improvement in the Mexican highlands, which allowed a population expansion northward, and narrowed the desert barrier separating Mexico from the Eastern Woodlands. Traders, known in later times as ‘pochteca’, may. have been operating out of Teotihuacan and its satellite cities, often acting as a military and economic advance guard. There is some archaeological evidence, in the form of both artifacts and skeletal remains, that suggests that some of them may have crossed the 40

hostile intervening territory of northeastern Mexico and Texas, and entered the Woodlands. Temple mounds, anda whole complex of Mexican traits that went with them, began to appear in the Woodlands by about Ap 700. Ironically, Teotihuacan was clearly in trouble by Ap 650. Highland Mexico had become crowded, and the competition for land and power put tremendous strains on established city states. Even as Mexican influences inspired the peoples of the

Eastern Woodlands, Teotihuacan and other cities were shrinking, their buildings falling into disrepair. It was the beginning of a widespread wave of disruption and upheaval that would engulf most of Mesoamerica, and bring down many of the great centers of Classic civilization by Ab goo. What had once been rural towns in highland Mexico were now militaristic cities that rivaled the power of the established centers. In about AbD 700, hostile armies sacked Teotihuacan, and after the passage of another fifty years, 1t was a ghost city lying in ruins. The flow of Mexican traits into the Woodlands was part of the general upheaval. Temple mounds were adopted in scaled-down form, and used as foundations for both temples and the houses of chiefs. We often find them arranged around open plazas in the Mexican fashion. Burial mounds were retained in some places, but they declined in popularity as burial ceremonialism became submerged by a new fascination with public ritual and power politics. The heartland of the florescence that followed Ap 7o0 lay in the valley of the

Mississippi, north of Louisiana and south of Iowa. Here, speakers of Siouan 14 languages colonized the river bottomlands because of their richness and thin sod cover. The climate was ideal for the newly available strains of maize, and the soil well suited to hoe agriculture. Villages grew quickly, and new communities were established along the tributaries that empty into the middle Mississippi. Unlike the spread of Adena-Hopewell culture, the spread of the ‘Mississippian’, which was fully formed by AD 1000, appears to have involved political expansionism, and the migration of whole communities into areas already occupied by peoples still maintaining the older lifeway. Many Mississippian sites, some of them small cities covering 100 acres, were surrounded by defensive palisades. The largest and most impressive of the Mississippian sites is Cahokia in southern 14 [lhnois. The town contains over 100 mounds, and probably reached a population peak of 10,000—-15,000. At its center 1s an immense mound, 300 by 200 meters at the

base (larger than that of the Great Pyramid in Egypt), rising to a height of over 30

meters. Archacological cross-sections have revealed the outlines of countless basketloads of earth that went into its construction. This is ‘Monks Mound’, named after the community of Trappist monks who lived on top of it in the early days of

60

white settlement. Like its Mexican prototypes. the huge mound was built in stages. Fourteen phases of construction have been discerned spanning two centuries, and the mound probably did not reach its present size until after AbD 1100. It seems lhkely that the labor contributed to such periodic construction was inspired at least as much by religious zeal as by respect for the central authority. Cities hke Cahokia were probably both religious shrines and political and economic centers. While maintaining the largest earthen monument in the Woodlands, Cahokia controlled the mining and distribution of chert trom nearby quarries, and the manufacture of salt from natural brine. Under these circumstances, it is not dithicult to explain the internal cohesiveness ot the Mississippian tradition, and the art and architecture it produced. One ot the smaller mounds at Cahokia is a burial mound, an indication that older customs were stil alive. The deceased must have been an individual of very high status, tor he was buried in a robe into which had been woven 12,000 shell beads. Around him were great caches of arrowheads, polished stone, and mica. With him too were human retainers. six men at his side and fifty-three women in a mass grave close by. Almost as big as Cahokiais Moundville in Alabama. It hes at the southern extreme 14

ot the Mississippian heartland, whereas Cahokia les near the northern fringe. Dozens of large sites are scattered in between. As a group, all of them have come to be reterred to as ‘Middle Mississippian’, to set them off from the derivative Mississippian developments in other parts of the Eastern Woodlands. Some of the finest Mississippian art comes from Moundville. One well-known cxample is an axe and handle, all one piece of polished stone. Polished-stone bowls were made, often with animal cfhigies on the rims like those frequently tound on clay pots and pipes. Moundville has also produced a particularly fine stone pipe carved in the shape of an ocelot or jaguar. Painted pottery 1s late and restricted to the Mississippian in the Eastern Woodlands.

Apparently the techniques necessary to produce the pottery came directly trom Menico, although some indirect influences by way of the Southwest cannot be ruled out. Most of the designs were apphed to vessels with Mexican rather than Southwestern torms. Many are in two colors, and some involved the use of negative painting. This technique requires the potter first to apply a basic color to the area to be decorated. Was is then applied in the desired design, and the vessel 1s dipped in a second color. In firing, the wax melts away, leaving a design in the first color, the second color acting as a background. Painting was not the most important, nor even necessarily the most beautiful,

decorative technique for pottery. Incising, stamping, and other plastic methods were Widely used. and were supplemented by such techniques as engraving after firing. The many exquisite unpainted examples from several Mississippian. sites express something of both the technical competence and the religious commitment of these artisans. Etfigies of human heads trom northeastern Arkansas bear incised 30, 31 representations of painting or more probably tattooing. The torked designs around the eves of one illustrate a popular Mississippian motit with uncommon naturalism. 30

Another jar from the same area has the torm of a rotund human ethgy, with the 32 suggestion of tears on its cheeks. The mystical links between children, tears, rain, and water are well known in Mexico, and might have some significance here as well,

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The Missouri River valley, with its large number of excavated sites, provides us

with a case study of Plains Village prehistory. We have seen that the glaciation which diverted the river southward also laid down the agriculturally rich croplands of the eastern Dakota states. We have seen too that, without the plow, little of this land could be exploited by prehistoric Indian farmers. As a result, modern river towns tend to be situated on the left (cast) bank of the Missouri, where they were most accessible to nineteenth-century farmers, while prehistoric Indian villages tend to be located on the right (west) bank, giving the Indians easy access to the great bison herds which were most numerous west of the river. Plains Woodland sites along the middle reaches of the Missouri date to the period between 450 BC and AD 750. This development fades as it did clsewhere on the Great Plains, and was replaced by the first Plains Village settlements around AD 9oo.

Some or all of the early villagers had migrated from an area around the lowaMinnesota border almost 400 kilometers to the east. Their houses were square pit dwellings dug down about a meter into the soil, typically measuring about ten by eight meters. There are a few structures of more than twice this size which may have served communal functions. Throughout the houses were found pots, celts, points, and bone tools. Most striking of the last category are the scapula hoes that occur scattered about in large numbers. Occasionally made from the scapulae of elk or deer, the hoes are more often bison scapulae, simple artitacts that in themselves clearly define the combined hunting and farming economy of these people. Some early Plains Village settlers established themselves as far north as central North Dakota. After Ap goo, these people moved down-river and began to compete tor farmland already held by their neighbors in central South Dakota. The competition appears to have erupted into open wartare, and villagers on both sides fortified their settlements on natural hills with ditches and log palisades, defenses that resembled those of the fortified Mississippian villages of the Eastern Woodlands. The palisades were often strengthened with bastions at the corners and at fifty-meter intervals in between. The conflict did not last, however, because the marginally favorable climatic conditions of AD 900 became marginally untavorable by AD 1250. For two centuries after that date, the settlers of the middle Missouri contracted into

a handtul of villages, outposts of people transformed trom pioneers into temporary refugees. The so-called ‘Central Plains’ tradition grew up in Nebraska and Kansas at about

the same time as the initial Plains Village settlements were being built along the xi A thunderbird, Missouri. The tribes of this tradition began moving up the Platte, Republican, and

stornis, stoops out of the oo. . oe ; co

mythical creator of Plains other rivers tributary to the Mississippi around ab goo. Although they were part of

sky, hurling lighting the same migration, these people sometimes had contrasting lifestyles. For example, flashes at darting swallows the Upper Republican phase settlements were small villages made up of shallow pit on this graphic Parwnce houses. In the Nebraska phase, there is less indication of village settlement, and the

ceremonial drain. isolated houses were large and deep, often excavated more than a meter. None of xiv 4 Crow shield from the groups of the Central Plains tradition tortified their villages, something that Montana bears the image ef — contrasts strikingly with the heavy fortifications around the villages of the middle

; saoping Poin etic Missouri at about the same time. The reason appears to be that all the early villagers

eee lich he gor of the Great Plains co-existed quite happily with the nomads who roamed the his power. grasslands between the river valleys. Fortifications became necessary only where the

89

villagers found themselves pitted against each other. Far from being hostile, ancestral Kiowa and other nomads probably traded bison meat and wild produce for maize

and other domesticates. This trading relationship between villagers and nomads continued with various elaborations until the nineteenth century. The Mississippian heritage in all the Plains Village developments 1s strong if not

pervasive. The conical forms of Woodland pottery gave way to the globular Mississippian forms, and details like handles, rim-cfligy adornments, and certain styles of incising developed. Occasionally, designs reminiscent of the Southern Cult appeared on Plains Village artifacts. At times these were in clay, at other times on bone or shell. Efhgy pipes in both clay and stone have also been found. Plains Village societies were tribal, politically unsophisticated compared with the highly structured chiefdoms of Eastern participants in the Mississippian tradition. Economically and politically they were not the sorts of societies that could support the construction and maintenance of temple mounds, or even the flamboyant portable art that went with them. Theirs was probably the sort of religion usually tound in tribal societies, more private than public, and lacking full-time

religious Icaders. Plains Village economies, although highly developed, were nevertheless relatively unstable. The High Plains were and still are not congenial to farmers, even those with the most advanced domesticates and technology. As has happened to others since, adverse climatic cycles of the fifteenth century threw the Plains Village cultures into a convulsive struggle for survival. After 1470, there were three long droughts spanning a combined total of forty years. At first only the farming communities that had penetrated the High Plains were affected. But as time went on, the climatic change began to produce a succession of crop failures in eastern sections as well. Gradually, the dispersed villages were

abandoned, and new ones were established downstream to the east where the drought was not so severe. Previously scattered tribes became nucleated into tightly packed settlements, and the distances between tribes were reduced. As the agricultural peoples of the Plains coalesced along Prairie rivers, cultural differences began to fade, and a broader, more uniform cultural alloy began to emerge. This blending and leveling of previously divergent cultures led to what 1s called the ‘Coalescent’ tradition of the Great Plains. The Coalescent tradition saw a general shift to circular houses, packed close together in large and often palisaded villages with deep external dry moats. Intervillage warfare, which had already emerged in the middle Missouri, was now part of the Central Plains way of lite as well. Plains agriculture was still limited to the fertile river floodplains, where sod could not develop naturally. There was a struggle for

control of the best fields. However, there was also a new threat. The Navajo and Apache were by now well established in the Desert West, and there are sites which show that the Apache were taking up residence in the central and southern High Plains. Some groups adopted agriculture, but they did not become full participants in the Plains Village economic pattern. The long dry years must have been hard on them as well, and itis likely that their ratds combined with crop failures to force the villagers back eastward, and into compact fortified villages. Gradually, the Plains Villagers learned to live with each other, and intervillage relations stabilized. Tribal groups that had once been relatively distinctive came to

go

be quite similar. In the Missouri valley, the Siouan-speaking historical Mandan and Hidatsa, and the Caddoan-speaking Arikara remained linguistically distinct, but became culturally almost identical. There was some blending of burial customs, although this was an area of religious importance where old traditions diced slowly. The Arikara usually practiced individual primary inhumation, individual burials

grouped in cemeteries away from the village sites. In contrast, the Mandan and Hidatsa wrapped their dead in clothing and blankets, and placed them on pole scattolds. The corpses were allowed to decay in the open air, held up to the sky on their Aimsy biers. In time the weather and carrion animals picked the bones clean and scattered them about, and the Indians must have thought that the spirit thus released was better off than it would have been locked in an earthen tomb. As in the Eastern Woodlands, the scattered bones were sometimes gathered up and buried in bundles as the final step in this protracted rite. House torms, on the other hand, became standardized. The interiors of the carth lodges had curtained beds around the walls. Special places were reserved for the

storage of food, firewood, and ceremonial paraphernalia. The fire and cooking equipment was located at the center of the lodge under the smoke hole in the roof. In carly historical times, the typical lodge had sleeping accommodation for elders near the fire, and even a corral for favorite horses by the door. Lodges were so large that none of this caused serious space restrictions. In the dead of winter, cach household could survive for long periods as a self-contained unit. The occupants lived on stored tood, and were warmed by the fire and the body heat of the horses. If one did not mind the attending odors, it was a comfortable existence.

When the first Europeans arrived on the Plains in the sixteenth century, they found most of the agricultural villages confined to the castern margin of the areca. The High Plains had reverted to the foot nomads such as the Kiowa who had been there for millennia, and to newcomers such as the Apache. The Arikara had found their niche alongside the Mandan and Hidatsa. The Pawnee had pulled back to their xu, 49 compact villages nearer the Mississippi, as had the Ponca and Omaha. The northwestern branch of the Mississippian tradition that we have called ‘Oncota’ gradually became the historical lowa, Missouri, Oto, and Winnebago tribes. To the south, the Kansa and Osage, late arrivals trom the Eastern forests, joined the others on the Prairic fringe. Still farther south, another Plains Village culture was established by the people we know as the Wichita. Coronado and his expedition of Spanish treasure-hunters reached Kansas in 1541. They visited villagers whom they called “Quivira’. These people can be identified with the Wichita, speakers of a Caddoan language like the Pawnee and Arikara. The Wichita, however, were much closer to the Caddo proper, who were responsible tor what we have called the “Caddoan Mississippian’. The Wichita sometimes dug large circular ditches of about thirty meters diameter, which are analogues of the ceremonial council chambers built by the Caddo and other participants in the Mississippian tradition as far away as Etowah, Georgia. Human bones have been

found in these structures, suggesting that human sacrifice was not an unknown practice even to these distant contemporaries of the Southern Cult. Indeed, even the

more distant Pawnee retained some ritual human sacrifice until the nineteenth century. In one instance. a captured maiden was due to be sacrificed to Venus the

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96 [ro rn 10 arm at Oo B Ve O po om] ©

expedition found the Cheyenne living in the Black Hills of South Dakota, the region that has been regarded as their homeland ever since. In the nineteenth century, the

Cheyenne were the epitome of the Plains Indian, fierce warriors and nomadic hunters. Women lost the art of agriculture, and life in earthen lodges was forgotten. Young men joined warrior societies, and lived tor the opportunity to count coup on an enemy in battle. In their last great victory, they joined the Dakota and stopped

the U.S. Cavalry on the blufts of the Little Bighorm in 1876. 48 Like tipis, many of the artifacts made and used by Plains Indians had leather as a main component. Leather thus became a primary medium for artistic decoration. Tipis, shields, containers, pouches, and clothing were often fringed and painted

with colorful geometric designs. Smaller items were also decorated with the flattened and dyed quills of porcupines. These panels of quillwork were gradually replaced by even more intricate panels done in tiny colored glass beads obtained by way of trade. In some instances, leather became only the backing for artifacts that were completely sheathed in such decoration. Other natural materials were also used. Fur, feathers, antler, and bone were all

combined to decorate personal belongings, especially clothing. Most of these articles were worn or carried when ceremony required, as we know from the nineteenth-century paintings of Plains Indians made by George Catlin. Here and there across the vast grasslands of the Plains, Indians have left behind petroglyphs, scratched or pecked into outcrops of rock. Mythological beasts such as the thunderbird predominate along with more realistic animal figures. Sometimes the geometric designs seen in Indian decorative art also appear in this medium. At other times, the shamans who were probably responsible for this work seem to have indulged in self-portraits, small human figures equipped with bison horns. Over most of the Great Plains these simple carvings and scattered rings of stones that once held down the sides of tipis are the only visible remains of the nomadic tribes. There are, however, a few exceptions. Low stone structures called ‘medicine wheels’, for example, are found scattered from Alberta to Wyoming. The largest of these is a circle of small boulders on a shoulder of Medicine Mountain 1n the Bighorn range, Wyoming. The circle of stones has a cairn of boulders at its hub, and twentyeight spokes. Six additional cairns lie around the rim of the wheel. This structure and the others like it seem to be the remains of a ‘Sun Dance lodge’, an open ceremonial

chamber that was erected annually by many of the nomadic tribes of the northern Plains. Posts two or three meters long were set upright 1n a circle. They were joined at the tops, and long poles were run from the tops toa much larger post at the center of the circle. The diameter of the Bighorn medicine wheel is about twenty-five meters. Its size and the number of spokes are both consistent with what we know about historical Sun Dance lodges, so the inferred connection between the two 1s reasonable. Much attention has been paid to aboriginal Plains Sun Dances, particularly to the 53, 54

instances of self-torture that were usually part of the ceremony. Young men often

pushed skewers through their skin and muscles to be hoisted like harpooned animals to the top of the lodge, an ordeal they endured with ostentatious bravery. There were other forms of self-torture as well, but recent research has shown that in

our fascination with the more grizzly aspects of the ceremony, we may have

97

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overlooked some important subtleties. The Bighorn medicine wheel has alignments fixed within it that point to the spots on the horizon where the sun rises and sets on the day of the summer solstice. The alignments employ the center cairn as a tore-

sight, and two of the surrounding six cairns as backsights. The Sun Dance was traditionally pertormed in June when the sun was highest and the day longest. The medicine wheels of the High Plains are therefore not just the foundations of the ceremonial lodges, but contain locked within them the means to identify the day the sun stops its journey northward, and begins its annual cycle anew. Not all the late Indian tribes of the Plains followed the Cheyenne into nomadism. The Missouri River villagers remained important agricultural producers and middlemen, and as such avoided participation in the final confrontation between the Indians

and the U.S. Cavalry. Unfortunately, their liteway made them susceptible to extermination by European disease instead. Periodic epidemics to which almost none

were immune swept through their closely packed villages beginning in the late eighteenth century. Whether chickenpox, measles, cholera, or smallpox, we cannot always be sure. But the effect was uniformly horrible. The epidemic of 1837 killed thirty-three percent of the Hidatsa population, fitty percent of the Arikara, and an apalling ninety-cight percent of the Mandan. Yet despite the convulsive changes and tragedies of the last two centuries, most of the tribes of the Great Plains have survived. They hold tightly and with increasing pride to their colorful heritages.

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By ap 600, the Hohokam had developed the techniques to produce the beautiful carved shell and stone artifacts for which they are justifiably famous. Long-bitted stone axcs with deep grooves for handles were pecked and polished from hard closegrained rock. Stone palettes were carved, sometimes with elaborately decorated 72 relief frames, sometimes with human or animal appendages added to the basic rectangular shapes. These may have been used to grind pigments, or, with a thin coating of water, used as mirrors. Incense burners or medicine cups in the stylized forms of various animals were carved and then sometimes deposited in large caches. Long slivers of chert were chipped into delicate projectile points that often had serrations and other elaborations that went far beyond functional requirements. Shells were imported from the Gulf of California, sometimes to be cut into beads and bracelets, sometimes to be treated in other ways. There are examples of singlevalve shells used as backing for turquoise mosaics. More extraordinary, however, are shells upon which designs, usually animal motifs, were etched. The first step in vu this process was to coat the surface with pitch or wax where the artist did not want the design to appear. The shell was then soaked in the fermented juice of the fruit of the saguaro cactus, and the weak acid solution etched away the unprotected parts. The pleasing designs that resulted were thus made by a process not discovered by Europeans until several centuries later. Perhaps the most outstanding Mexican trait found in large Hohokam sites is the ball court. The one excavated at Snaketown is typical. It 1s an elliptical structure almost 120 meters long and just over 33 meters wide. The actual playing surface was smaller, for these dimensions include the earthen embankments that flanked the court. The embankments were highest along the sides of the structure, perhaps as much as 6 meters high. Thus, the game was played on a sunken court, presumably

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with the rubber balls that have been uncovered in some Hohokam sites. The latex to make such balls must have come from the Mexican lowlands, more evidence of continuing Mexican trade contacts. Probably the game had much the same composite social, political, and religious significance in the Southwest as it had in highland Mexico. There, often set in great urban centers, ball courts were large stone I-shaped edifices. The games were much more than simple entertainment, often forming part of an elaborate public ritual. In some cases teams attempted to score points by putting a rubber ball through a stone loop. In others, as in the Southwest, no loops have been found and we must assume that there was an alternative means of scoring. The rules appear to have forbidden the use of hands. Play was rough and the stakes sometimes high. Losing teams in Mexico often found themselves stripped of their finery, and in some rare instances the victims of human sacrifice. But the grand

ball courts of Mexico had simpler counterparts in the Southwest, and we must assume that Hohokam games were less elaborate too. By about the same time, AD 600, some Hohokam communities were building small platform mounds, modeled again on Mexican prototypes. At least some of these were apparently surmounted by temples, as was the case in Mexico. They

were small structures, often only one meter and rarely much more than three meters high. They tended to be rectangular, sometimes as long as thirty meters. We know nothing of the ritual performed on these structures, but 1t must have paralleled the public ritual of the Mexican city states and the chiefdoms of the Eastern W oodlands. Only large communities had major public structures like ball courts and platform

mounds. Smaller communities, often strung out along communal irrigation systems, lacked these features. But archaeologically, the smaller communities that surround larger ones often share strong similarities in detail. At the peak of the tradition Hohokam settlements, especially along the Gila and Salt Rivers, seem to have been clustered politically in groups comprising a few communities. Each group would have had a principal center, a few smaller settlements, and a network of trade partnerships to link them all together. One very important center was the ejant ruin now called ‘Mesa Grande’, which is preserved in a residential section of

the modern city of Mesa. The implications of this kind of organization are protound, because they point to the emergence of political structures beyond the tribal level. The Hohokam culture of Ap 1000 was probably made up ofa series of small chicfdoms, cach governed by a chief with the power to make and enforce regulations. In place of egalitarian tribal life with its set of part-time leaders and shamans, there emerged a formal élite, including both religious and secular leaders. With such an advanced organization, fragile irrigation canals and public ceremonial structures were built and maintained 1n an orderly fashion. Not all Hohokam communities evolved into chiefdoms. South of the great towns along the Gila and Salt Rivers were dozens of villages that participated in the more general Hohokam lifeway, but remained rather rural by comparison. Some archaeologists refer to these marginal Hohokam as the ‘Ootam’, the word the modern Pima use to refer to themselves. They think that the desert branch of the Hohokam may be the real founders of the tradition (the OQotam) who were pushed out of the Gila and Salt River valleys around ap 1ooo by Mexican invaders. The

126

changes that occur later around 1300 could have been partly the result of a reassertion

of the Ootam people. Tiny Mexican copper bells found at Hohokam sites offer further proof of contacts with civilizations to the south, probably in this case by way of a trade network. Each bell is a teardrop shape, with an eyelet at the top tor suspension. The lower part is a hollow resonator with a slit at the base. Inside is a small pebble or nodule of copper that acts as a loose clapper. All such bells were made by the ‘lost-wax’ method. Each was fashioned first in wax, then encased in clay. After the clay dried, the wax was melted out and replaced by molten copper, poured in from the top. Mexicans obtained copper in native nugget form; they had not developed techniques tor extracting the metal trom ore. Stl, their use of molten copper, gold, and silver, along with the casting techniques they developed, all mean that they were becoming accomplished metallurgists. Each item was necessarily made from scratch with the lost-wax method, a unique work of art not duplicated either before or since.

Some more claborate examples of cast copper are known from various parts of the Southwest. A bell from the Mogollon site of Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, is 55 made in the form of a highly decorated turtle. Still, the most exotic examples of cast metal known trom highland Mexico are not found in the Southwest. The region was always in some ways a distant outpost of Mesoamerican civilization. As we have seen, communities of the Mogollon tradition pressed westward in the centurics following AD soo, refugees from the great depression that hit their homeland at this time. This meant an intergrading of Hohokam and Mogollon culture in some areas, particularly in what 1s now southeastern Arizona. Still later, around AD 1200, groups of Anasazi Indians began intruding into traditionally Hohokam territory as well. In some cases, Hohokam and Anasazi communities were joined together as single communities, apparently living side by side in a kind

of prehistoric peacetul coexistence. The immigrant groups seem to have been attracted by the security offered by Hohokam irrigation agriculture, with its apparent munity from unpredictable changes in local rainfall. But the security was an illusion. The economic base of Hohokam lite was under increasing stress. A careful analysis of seed remains at Snaketown has shown that each century brought crop failures in ever increasing frequency and severity to the Hohokam people. Hohokam arts did not decline, even as the long tradition began to contract upon itself. Very fine cotton cloth was woven near the end of the sequence. Weaving was 73 an art at which all the Southwestern cultures excelled. Prehistoric American cotton is an unexplained cross between a wild American species and another species from the Old World. How the two species came to produce the domesticated hybrid is still unknown. Although it has excited the speculations of advocates of prehistoric transoceanic travel, it remains possible that the hybrid could have been produced by natural means. In any case, it is thousands of years old in the New World, and has been utilized for the production of textiles for much of that time. Little of the cloth has survived in the Southwest, but the examples available reflect considerable skill. Buttonholes, for example, were made as the cloth was woven, by using weft elements co pull warp clements apart. The looms upon which such cloth was made were not elaborate, probably not much more than simple vertical frames. Similarly,

[27

the spinning of thread was accomplished with simple spindles, each of which had a clay whorl to act asa fly wheel. Yet even with such basic equipment, the Indians of

the Southwest, lke others elsewhere in the New World, produced some of the finest textiles known. Many of the groups that moved into Hohokam territory around AD 1300 carried what is now called ‘Salado’ culture. Migration was familiar to the people of this culture. Their story began in AD s00 with the advent of the disastrous depression of the Mogollon. Some of the Mogollon drifted westward out of their homeland and into the Verde Valley of central Arizona. Here they took up new lives as best they could, adopting ideas from the Anasazi just north of them, and perhaps residing with

some outlying Anasazi communities. The resulting cultural amalgam 1s called ‘Sinagua’, the ancestor of Salado. From ab s00 to about 1050 the Sinagua people ss lived as an unimportant minority, surrounded by the dominant traditions of the 1

Southwest. Their culture developed slowly, and then seemed to face certain /* destruction with the eruption of Sunset Crater volcano sometime between AD 1046 and 1070. The sky blackened with ash, and the Sinagua people fled. Where they went 1s still a mystery. The cinders and ash that covered the Verde Valley killed much of the low vegetation, turning it into fertilizer. The moisture and heat held

beneath this tertilizer stimulated the development of a natural mulch that made farming potentially more productive than ever. New Sinagua towns sprang up as much of the population returned after AD 1100. For two centuries they rode a crest of agricultural bounty, reaching a cultural climax around ap 1300. Then the complex ingredients of the general Southwestern ‘abandonment’ reached them too. The

cinder mulch dried and blew away, and the Sinagua people found themselves overextended in the tace of shortage. They abandoned the Verde Valley again, this time forever, and tanned out in search of new lives. Many of them headed south, becoming immigrants into Hohokam settlements. There they adapted once again, becoming what we now call ‘Salado’, and forming dual societies with the Hohokam. The Sinagua abandonment of the country around Flagstaft left dozens of towns deserted. One of these was Tuzigoot. Another was a cliff dwelling that now bears the colorful but inappropriate name ‘Montezuma Castle’. Both are preserved as National Monuments, and visited by thousands of tourists each year. Fewer than 10,000 Sinagua people lived in this area before final abandonment. Of them, about a third moved south to take up residence with the Hohokam, reversing fora time the steady decline of Hohokam population in the southern desert. As we have seen, some archaeologists think that this was also a time that saw the revival of the Ootam,

the desert branch of the Hohokam. Implicit in this view is the notion that grand 53 Prehistoric Indian sites like Snaketown were inhabited by Mexican invaders before 1300, and that their COOH, d HLYSteFiOUs CFOS abandonment lett the Hohokam country to the original founders of the tradition berwpeen American and Old and the newly arrived Salado people. But the mystery remains unresolved.

Tord spectes, was used Dy Livi ether, the two cultures produced a composite archaeological record Hohokamt weavers of the wing together, P P 8 c late prehistoric period to that reflects sometimes a compromise of differences, sometimes a careful mainten-

produce fine cloth garments. ance of them. While the Hohokam continued to bury the ashes of their dead in red-

fe gn on-buftf vessels, the people of the Salado culture made red, black, and white polypainted on afier the chrome forms to accompany (but not contain) their burials. Salado architecture weaving was complete. consisted primarily of rectangular enclosures of above-ground caliche-adobe

128

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135

or clay plaster. Roots were domed cribworks of logs, each with a fire or smoke hole at the apex. As house pits got deeper and deeper, the difhiculty of constructing entrances 1ncreased. The problem was finally solved when people began to enter and exit the houses through the central smoke holes. But the old-style entrances had also served the important function of allowing a circulation of air without which, smoke holes notwithstanding, the rooms would soon have filled up with smoke. So it was that as smoke holes became entrances, entrances became ventilator shafts. Later houses always had deflectors in front of ventilator shaft openings to prevent severe drafts. Such houses also always had a small hole in the floor, a “sipapu’ to symbolize the hole in the earth from which in the beginning the human race emerged. The belief

Is an ancient one among Southwestern peoples, and there were several elaborations of the myth. According to one Hopi version, the primeval world was dark and liteless. Below the earth were three cave worlds, one above the other, the lowest of which held the human race, which was living in the misery of 1ts own filth. Two brothers, dual culture heroes, propagated plants upon which the people were

able to climb to the middle and then to the uppermost cave. At this level they discovered fire, and finally pierced through to the surface of the earth, emerging from the hole along with the most sacred members of the animal world, Coyote, Spider, Locust, Swallow, and Vulture. Each of these creatures then made its contribution to the world we know. Coyote released the stars from a jar, Spider spun the moon, Vulture fanned the waters into the basins of the seas, and the others turned to lesser tasks. The people made the sun from the skin of a white deer, and the brothers made channels for the rivers and streams. The participants in this story continue on through a long cycle of adventures and creative acts, both large and small. They were part of the heritage of the Anasazi, and they remain today part of the ving legacy of the Hopi people. The people of the Modified Basketmaker phase were the first in their area to make

pottery. The idea appears to have come to them from the Mogollon. The first examples were heavily tempered with coarse fibers. This was later changed to grass,

then grass seed, and then finally eliminated altogether. With cach step in the reduction of temper, finer pottery was achieved. Early examples also often contain quantities of coarse sand, which potters were not yet winnowing out of the clay. One form imitates gourd ladles. The handle, which is hollow and open at the end, is the closest thing to a spout ever made in the Southwest. AD 700 1s the official boundary between the Basketmaker and Pueblo sequences. In the light of present knowledge, the boundary seems to make too much of a not

very extraordinary transition, but early archaeologists thought otherwise. They noted that there was a sharp change in the physical character of the Anasazi people at

this time. The practice of inhumation and the dry conditions of the area had enabled physical anthropologists to reconstruct the prehistoric Anasazi physique with considerable accuracy. In particular they had observed the long-headedness of the Basketmakers as opposed to the round-headedness of the later Pueblo Indians. This, it seemed to many archacologists, argued strongly in favor of a hypothesis that there was a major population replacement around AD 700, and therefore a major

break between the two sequences. Later, however, it was discovered that the

136

change in cranial form occurred at a time when infant cradleboard styles were 79 changing. The Basketmaker people had developed a kind of cradle made out of soft fibers, Which was carried on the back. Their descendants used hard boards instead. and thus inadvertently Hattened their infants’ malleable heads, a deformity which was carried into adulthood. They would have been amused by the archaeological consternation this later caused. During the first of four Pueblo phases, the Anasazi developed their own ceramic styles. They adopted ideas from the Mogollon and Hohokam to the south, but not without making a few changes. The southern prototypes were vessels colored with slips and paints that ranged through various reddish and butt colors, colors that 68—71 indicate firing in an oxidizing atmosphere. These vessels were baked under conditions that allowed air to circulate and the oxygen in it to combine with the iron79 A Mojave infant of bearing minerals in the clay and paint. In contrast, the Anasazi potters fired their Soutien Arizona teas vessels in a reducing atmosphere (heating without oxygen), probably under heaps xo when it was fourdays old, Of dried dung. The result is pottery with vivid black, gray, and white colors, colors as this 25-cm.-lorig doll that do not imply oxidation. Thus, the Anasazi were already showing the almost wrote. teak wr we stubborn virtuosity that has ever since characterized their arts. Ignoring ceramic art rime there until he was old FOY centuries, they made its adoption contingent upon their own technological

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[38 )

re)

At about the same time, after AD 700, the Anasazi began to shift to above-ground dwellings. It appears that this was at least partly the result of the need to pack living quarters close together. Pit houses cannot be contiguous unless artificial walls are built between them, and if that is done, there 1s little sense in putting everything underground. Apartment-style quarters also put an end to round rooms, at least in

the case ot dwellings. Eventually, most structures were built above ground. Pit houses, however, were retained tor ceremonial purposes, with all their carefully detined features intact. We have already seen how similar kivas emerged in Mogollon country. A tew of these are tound even today in Pueblo villages, surviving largely as mecting-places tor male clan members. These survivals have provided us with much of what we need to know in order to interpret the parallel evolution of kivas and apartment dwellings among the Anasazi and Mogollon. Generally speaking, Pueblo communities are organized socially and spatially

along female lines. Clan membership is through one’s mother, and for a man residence after marriage 1s with his wite and her tamily, people who are necessarily not of his own clan. Thus, the men of the community are scattered after marriage into the homes of persons who do not belong to the same clans. The kivas, therefore, provided a place in which men could maintain their clan identity, and prepare the public ritual for which Southwestern clans have been traditionally responsible. The period around AD 1000 was one in which Anasazi culture expanded widely as many small villages proliferated. Over the next few centuries, the culture reached its highest total population and greatest areal extent. The most rapid development was in the eastern part of the plateau, in what is now the upper Rio Grande drainage of northern New Mesico. Much of this expansion was at the expense of the Mogollon, and much of it can be attributed to the onset of a period that saw an improvement in the annual rainfall pattern. Improved varieties of the primary crops may also have become available. The Anasazi were dry farmers, they never depended upon vast irrigation networks as the Hohokam did, or upon a mixed economy like that of the Mogollon. Their agricultural talents gave them an cconomic edge over the Mogollon, but their dependence upon springs and raintall meant that they were not as tree from climatic variations as the Hohokam. When times were good, as they were during this period, the Anasazi experienced an economic boom. Unfortunately, the reverse was also true, as we shall sec. Anasazi populations expanded rapidly in such well-known localities as Mesa Verde, Chaco Canyon, and Canyon de Chelly. Surtace rooms appear on Mesa_ 86, 87. Verde by ap 700, with an average of eight rooms per village. Gradually the villages Mi 82, contracted into tight apartment complexes with a kiva for every twelve rooms on x6

ro vier ue the average. At the same time, however, another trend was developing. Previously hele hace i ais in the Anasazi had spread into new areas through a proliferation of small communities. power. Anasazi potters Now the situation was reversed as villages were abandoned and populations fired their vessels 1H a combined to torm a smaller number of large towns. The trend toward aggregation reducing atmosphere began around AD o * . . . SLC ’

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was the home Anasazi us pually on the ground ed backand wall.eC T apart of of AM ° oor, “groups ps for afe 1000 years ASTST ’ pped so that thestepped back ’ stacked to a depth ments could be period Pueblo Indians bui Inside the ar - arkness under s was also the hiche Ores,

aivellings sbuil : arc O the g st d clustered ; rs, W -1OWE cliff dwelli SOULT clu other e er Whit gs such as the ozen or more . apartments was a ere usually used se (bel , : side t sma stor ; Ol Ce str. 1S W er ar ; age lett. center SU t c OI k eft, and opposite, aight wall thatas fc etourtyard central c seq ivas, » orect; site) ds a hat formed the , someti etimes L Ofectlo LOH AgalNst ; 'taco C Canyon | vp —~ c ; side Cofflat the Ty’ d aon5oneed side . b . htwo

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contains over Soo apartments. Built gradually over 150 years, 1t probably had a population of about 1200 at its peak around ap 1100. Yet these internal features of Pueblo Bonito are only part of the significance of this and the other large towns of Chaco Canyon. The large towns are arranged north of the arroyo that splits the canyon. On the south side are 200-350 smaller towns, most of which appear to have been satellites of the main centers. Pueblo Bonito, with its large population and Great Kiva, was almost certainly the capital of an Anasazi chicfdom. The circular Great Kivas of the Anasazi first appeared around AD 650, centuries betore they were adopted by the Mogollon. Great Kivas at sites like Pueblo Bonito 87 range up to twenty meters in diameter, with roofs of earth and wood that weighed

up to roo tons after a heavy rain. One to a town, they probably served major community ceremonial functions. The smaller kivas in Pueblo Bonito and its satellite villages fulfilled the needs of individual clans. A wide masonry bench encircles the interior of each Great Kiva, and in the center there 1s usually a large raised fireplace. At Pueblo Bonito there are two sunken rooms on either side of the fireplace, probably anterooms used in a variety of public ceremonies. A thousand years have passed, and there are no records, but it seems likely that these ceremonies were similar to ones still performed in the Pueblo villages of the Southwest. Clans-

men dress in the highly stylized costumes of one or more of the hundreds of 5. ‘kachina’ ancestor gods that abound in the Pucblo cosmologies. ‘The ceremonies are

often concerned with fertility, rainfall, and other matters dealing with the maintenance of order and regularity in the universe. They are colorful rituals that even today are closed to outsiders. Pueblo Bonito, and many of the other large towns like it, had no doors or windows in the outside walls. Entry to the town was by ladder over the wall. There appears to have been a main entrance at one time, but this and smaller openings were later sealed. All this suggests that both the size and the layout of the town were at least partly detensive features. The Apache and Navajo were drifting into Anasazi territory by this time, and crop failures among Anasazi villagers who had extended themselves too far into marginal areas may have turned Pueblo Indians against each other as well. The first symptoms of abandonment appear, and Anasazi culture began to contract in upon itself. Marginal communities were displaced, and larger communities at the core were put under increasing stress. On Mesa Verde and a few other places, the open villages on top of the mesa were gradually abandoned, and to replace them the Indians built the famous cliff dwellings. Most Mesa Verde villages were located on top of the mesa up to about AD 950.

A century later, half of the occupied villages were clitt dwellings, and by 1150 virtually all the Anasazi of Mesa Verde lived in cliff dwellings. The cliff faces produced by erosion of the plateau in this area are streaked with horizontal crevices. Natural erosion of the soft sedimentary beds has left crevices that are at times only tiny niches, at other times huge rock shelters. Many, even the smallest of these in Mesa Verde, have been used for the construction of dwellings and storage places. Perhaps the grandest of all is Cliff Palace, a massive complex containing more than 200 rooms and 23 kivas. The original entrance to the structure was by an improbable

series of hand- and footholds, difficult to negotiate and easy to defend. Such a community could withstand the longest sieges hostile nomads could muster, but

[42

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a ae ee OP ee URE Eee 2 ee saciid cata aM eg nae Boe ee ee ee Ce ae ae aa SN SAA ag ee ANNES Ce ie ee eee eos ne Se ee EEE eee ee as

ee yee Se et BoP Ee Os 2 Se ee a ee a ee a Ey Seog Geta ang BE Tio der es EE ENS See US ae oe ne ee ge eS ee Age es ge ae ad RE ae en Se: Bea Laat gD og EERE a SACRE Ecc aiiacg ar ear oo Geeta etal SE ae ER eum eer PS Eee Pokey FESS a oe epee 5h. 22 ee Ge gee 2 a aT ee —< ae ee Ee ee ee ee

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spay -Cliff center to which other Mesa Verde villagersc came tor special ceremonies and to SO Palace, Mesa ~ EN YR ny r ~ 1 - ~~ / oy f a . . + . wo ate ~ “= 14 vex { a my . - . awe 4 -

} ~ t feof = . ~ . - .

| erde, LX OPE of thre exchange ZOOS. ("litt I dladce dppedrs CO ldVeC Deel an Oreanizandona center, 1KC

grandest all cliff pDOMITO eb] y Bonito | b Ota vel sol nC: l strue an & AF ib of uUcdDIO ThetheHub OF centraliz a Centralzee poutical structure. ‘ a 7 + wy 4 . +e co wy te ~ a “4 ~ . 3 E ’ Zo.Palace ta Psimple. ’; -; | diveliings and was the fib TI | laces like Pueblo [tof ; LCR Pal SsdColovade chick, le Masonry wasroy quite of Colorade chiefdom gooat‘places HKe Pueblo Bonito and Chit

years avo. Its roots once Rough natural stones were used, and the irregulai gaps Were filled with mud mortar. roused over goo people, Someumes snriler stone fragments were used to close up the large gaps between ;

Whose {anud was usedthe to results. cover sults. Suc Hewould are not : aspiritual courses,welfare and mudWas plaster wasplaster often usedoften to cover Such walls catered for ii 23 CIFCHtdF . ; . , hom) . ~ blCHAHTDOKS COFCHHORLAL c: 'i

oremontal clanpbers last long in a wet environment. but m the Southwest, and particularly where shel-

a5 ae Stay ~ Yr x . - trthey > APL. - . and ty Pio 4 5 i -or4 Rkipas’. tered by clitts. were =~: sturdy perlianent,

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Chere are some interesting differences of architectural detail between Mesa Verde and the Chaco Canyon sites. Some of these at least are probably the result of differing J

local materials. Walls at Pueblo Bonito, for example, were often built of tabular 87 rocks and packed with cores of rubble. There are no rubble-filled walls at Mesa

:* . . .; . a. = . a* .—. .. ,* ' . . *.. 1. . .. ~~ a.. ea Ce ae. ee ee ee ee (foe Se Verde, and the stones used there had to be roughly dressed. Mesa Verde is also known 86 for its towers, which appeared after AD 950. These are structures of two or three stories that are usually associated with kivas. Sometimes they are incorporated into

~ ad ~ 7g > as ™ v) ™~ 7 2 > 4 Le ab Are 44> , ACCA \ ; ; : ; .

Pa fall 1 ~ te ’ - ~*~ , = -* x e y T ™~ ‘ cA

Opposit larger structural complexes like the one called “Tower House. 1] he association with ppostite:

88 The top of ladders kivas suggests that they had a ceremonial function. However, towers arc somecumes okeoutleofentrances structures 1 all | derensive det ypurposes. »s. Wh poke the entrances folated isolatedcircular circular structures that maythat wel Dave serve atever their function, they seem to indicate continuing Mexican influence in the Anasazi

....

ceremonial Rivas built into heir functi hev seen nd ial Mex ; , !

. aA: cat yp Anasazi rv b . ‘ed and “alized afi Black hi

‘[HTCKLOF ! TOA ES aoa ‘’+ FOORS. d .>| .oo: . .Fy :

the courtyard of Spruce

Tree House, Mesa Verde. UES

I ypical keyhole doors nasaZl pottery ecame varied an Specla 1zed atter AD IIOO. ack-ONn-Whilte 44,

ACCESStoTO darkened TDPeS od variety be duced, b ide l f fe ‘GIVE ty pes continued be proc ucead, ut in a wider O orms, Some Of fWwhich 1C ;

, =C 7 r ’ a y z ; Y - oy ArS a Ty i s+

were made in small localities and distributed elsewhere by trade. Perhaps the most famous product of this time was the Mesa Verde mug, which has been repeatedly copied by modern potters for a twentieth-century market. Just as important as the

~a town oN ay ~ ~old » was » ‘theles. 87 Pueblo Bonito tr jiversifi h | ; of polychrome pottery. Chaco Can Canyon, yo: diversification of older styles, introduction Jhaco ofTr ‘however,

18800These types areCY often black » and ints,S, COLOYS colors that over rooHls did 1200 Ese es are decorated often decoratedwith with ACK, Orange, an yeyell OW pain a habitants at its pedk peak slyONI1 oxidation d fiITINg, and theret some inITing f1 tech >InNnthCc MHavITANTS al ifts Ootgoo 1Mply ation dadurim Atl ererore sOmechange C ange nM ec nique.

years ago, built ; > ore] *‘ ages ser RioWas Grande district ~as polychrome {| / upperee 10 Granade district, onc po ye rome ypea InvVvo!ve etyf useIved of a c ~ my a Ayr T ~ 1 ey a. ‘ yr a truetheo AZC

: , . ny 4 ~ r % ™ o -

D-shaped enclosure, with

rubble-filled walls covered — PUNE Application over whole vessels would have produced fully waterproof pots,

in mud plaster. but the potters who discovered the glaze appear never to have seen this potential.

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Pots which bear this unusual paint are prototypes of ones made by the historical Zuni, people who by this time had diverged from their Mogollon heritage and entered the Anasazi cultural sphere. This period is also known for fine cotton cloth, woven into complex designs that 90 sometimes look like lace. At the same time, ornaments of turquoise and other materials were made in large quantities. 3

7]

But all this soon ended. The cultural crest of the Anasazi was halted, if not reversed, around Ap 1300 and their communities began a long retreat from the limits of their

vast territory. As we have seen with the Hohokam, the arrival of the Apache and Navajo may have had something to do with the contraction. Some archaeologists 91 think that under this pressure internecine fighting between Pueblo groups would 92 also have been likely. Still, neither of these facts alone can explain the disruptive ,

/

events of about AbD 1300. A more potent explanation is needed.

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I erde still holds the point A Oe a a ae that beset the Pueblo , oN 2 2 ry , . US

ISI

forever. Pueblo towns after AD 1300 clustered on the Little Colorado River and on | the upper Rio Grande. In these areas there was enough water for survival, and some

security trom Athapascan attack. Despite the hardships it was not a period of cultural deterioration. Indeed, the consolidation of artisans into a few compact communities appears to have stimulated even more experimentation and innovation.

Ceramic production was as vigorous as ever, and the textiles that have survived also show remarkable quality. In northern Arizona, a series of polychrome types were produced that have been revived in modern times by Hopi potters. In many places, there were loom holes in the flagstone floors of kivas, which indicate a steady production of cloth by men. On the Rio Grande, styles shifted quickly as communities absorbed Anasazi refugees from the west. Here as elsewhere the Pueblo Indians made the best of their new situation, reaching what some anthropologists think was their peak of cultural development. The retrenchment of the Anasazi was followed by yet another threat. In 1540-42, Francisco Vasquez de Coronado led an expedition through the Southwest, looking for the legendary ‘seven cities of gold’. His three hundred and seventy soldiers each

hoped to repeat the exploits of Cortés. They never found their cities of gold, but their exploration opened the Rio Grande region to Spanish colonization. In the folowing century, the Pueblo Indians were compelled to struggle against enslavement by the Spanish, who made strong efforts to profit as much as possible from the production of Pueblo crafts. In 1680, the Indians revolted and threw the Spanish out entirely. Colonial control was not re-established until 1692. The episode had some happy results. The marauding Navajo adopted pastoralism from the Spanish and took a kinder attitude toward the Pueblos. The latter some-

times took refuge with the Navajo during the wars with the Spanish, and in the course of this contact the Navajo took on Southwestern weaving techniques. Done by women, not men, in Navajo culture, weaving combined with sheep-herding to begin the long tradition of wool blanket production that still thrives. At the same time, all the peoples of the Southwest were learning to work silver. Combining this new technique with older design motifs and materials such as turquoise, the Indians began another series of artistic traditions, one that continues today. The communities of the Anasazi still persist as introspective cultural enclaves that have resisted capitulation to dominant European cultures. The Navajo and Apache are now pacific, and the Spanish are gone. Anglo-American culture seems to be

everywhere, but the Pueblo Indians exist on their own terms, terms rooted in a tradition that is 2000 years old.

_ The Athapascans

xv Now a National

Monument, Arizona’s Most Athapascan languages are found not in the Southwest, but scattered through Canyon de Chelly was the interior portions of Alaska and western Canada. Athapascan-speakers are the

Fen asuaine descendants of the second-to-last major prehistoric influx of people into the New ‘Navajo. For a while it was World. They were followed only by the Eskimos and Aleuts. a haven for refugees from Why some Athapascan-speaking bands broke off from the main body and started

Canyon, but the nomads ,

Mesa Verde and Chaco drifting south is not yet understood. Ancestral Apache bands began their journey overran it soon affer around AD 825. Ancestral Navajo followed them southward about 175 years later.

AD 1300. ) Their movement took them along the flanks of the Rockies. The traces of the first

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bands to enter the Southwest are understandably scanty, and archaeologists are still not sure that they have really found them. At first these Athapascans probably just exploited the large unoccupied spaces between agricultural settlements. Later, as

their numbers grew, the settlements themselves probably came to be viewed as resources to be exploited, and the long period of wartare began. We have no good archaeological evidence tor the Athapascans in the Southwest almost until the historical period. There are scattered sites from AD 1500 and later that are clearly Athapascan. These sites contain the remains of structures that look very much like later Navajo dwellings (hogans), and distinctive ceramics. With the Spanish intrusion, their cultures changed quickly. From the Spanish they acquired horses, sheep, and cattle. From Pueblo retugees they learned advanced techniques of pottery-making and weaving. These contacts even led to some changes in social structure. The development of matrilocal clans among the Navajo, for example, 1s attributed to imitation of Pucblo social structure. Old Athapascan religious practices appear to have centered around curing and other activities by shamans. Contacts with the Pueblo Indians, however, generated interest in public ceremonies conducted by priests. Curing remained primary, but

the Navajo and Western Apache took on much of the indigenous Southwestern symbolism.

The modern descendants ot these later prehistoric invaders are the Navajo, Western Apache, and other Apache tribes called Chiricahua, Jicarilla, Mescalero, Lipan, and Kiowa. They survive today. Among them, the Navajo stand out as a vigorous and expanding nation. They own large and growing tracts of Arizona and New Mexico, and their unique crafts flourish in a seller’s market. Like the Pueblo xvi Indians, they persist on their own terms in the contemporary world.

XVI Ltvo supernatural ‘holy people’ flank the sacred imatze plant, which Was their gift to mortals, within a rainbow are on

this rgth-century Navajo blanket. Similar sceties appear tn the sand

paintings for which the . Navajo are famous.

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The Far West The western margin of North America 1s a long coastal strip that 1s concealed from the rest of the continent by rugged mountain ranges. The Coast Range of the Alaskan panhandle and British Columbia ts linked to the Cascade Range, which runs down

through Washington and Oregon into northern California, where it becomes the Sierra Nevada. Baja Calitornia, politically part of Mexico, 1s a long peninsula separated trom the rest of the continent by the Gulf of California. There is easy passage from the Southwest to the California coast between the northern end of the Gulf of California and the modern city of Los Angeles, a distance of about 250 kilometers. Similarly, 4000 kilometers farther north, there is tairly easy passage trom the Alaskan interior to Prince Wiliam Sound on the Pacific coast. In between, travel to the coast from the interior ranges 1s difficult, sometimes nearly impossible. Not many rivers puncture the relatively low coastal mountains, and fewer still have

tributaries cast of the larger ranges. Only the Columbia and Fraser Rivers have substantial drainage basins east of the mountains. They drain the Plateau, which spreads over the eastern parts of Oregon and Washington, as well as much of Idaho. Physically the Plateau is part of the Desert West, but its rivers drew the local prehistoric Indians into closer contact with coastal cultures. Climate and environment along the coastal strip of the Far West vary primarily

with latitude, but also with altitude and distance from the sea. Much of Baja California is parched desert, which would have restricted the Indians there to a Desert Culture way of lite were it not for the availability of marine resources. To the

north, the climate moderates, so much so that the environment of California has often been called ‘Mediterranean’. North of San Francisco stand towering forests of redwoods, and still farther up the coast begin the thick forests of moisture-loving conifers. Average annual rainfall is progressively greater toward the north. Average temperatures are progressively lower, but are always moderated by the warm currents of the Pacific, even as far north as southern Alaska. The coastal forests from Oregon northward can be properly called rain torests, even though they are not characterized by the intense 93 Map of the Far West, heat of tropical rain torests. The floors of these forests are often so clogged with brush

on hen oder and tallen trees that they are virtually impassable. They alone would have stopped regional subdivisions into most prehistoric travelers. Although modern machinery can handle the dense Northivest Coast, Plateau, — forests, the mountains still form an impenetrable barrier in certain places. Many of

California, and 4, , og. ,

California, and Baja the modern southern Alaskan communities can be reached only by boat or airplane. topographical features There is little conclusive evidence to indicate that Indians were present on the jneritioned in the text. coastal plain ot the Far West during the long period when Paleo-Indians dominated

TS7

the vast hunting grounds cast of the Rockies. That 1s not to say that no one has found possible evidence, only that much of the evidence discovered so far is unreliable. For example, ancient bone fragments with breaks and polish not unlike simular patterns on inan-made tools have been found in dry caves. Zoological research has shown that large carnivores can produce such bone ‘tools’ with their jaws, even to the extent of manufacturing bone tubes by biting off the ends of long bones. The same kind of research has also uncovered instances of supposed bone ‘awls’, well polished in transit through the bowels of the same carnivores. Excavations on Santa Rosa Island, off Santa Barbara, have revealed the skeletons 93 of dwart mammoths, in ‘association’ with man-made artifacts and possible hearths. The relationship of the tools and hearths to the mammoths is not yet clear. They may all be very old, but we have seen nothing to support the claim that together they indicate the presence of man on the island 30,000 years ago. The dwarf animals were probably descended from mammoths that had been marooned on the island during the gradual rise in sea level which accompanied the retreat of the last Canadian glacier. The dwarf species must have taken some time to evolve, and it may well have outlived its larger relative on the mainland. For the present it seems likely that most of the Far West was populated within the last 10,000 years by small bands which had traveled from the east through mountain passes and down coastal rivers. As we shall see, this 1s consistent with early historical ethnographic data. The Far West has always been marginal, but it has also always been a trap. The journey was difficult, and once there, small immigrant communi-

ties had little reason to leave. The regions of the Far West were so much more favorable than adjacent areas to the east across the mountains that large-scale human movement was always westward. It 1s a characteristic of the west coast that still persists.

It the geography of the Far West encouraged the immigration of many diverse bands, the environment encouraged the perpetuation of that diversity. In some places mountainous terrain isolated local groups. Elsewhere, more subtle factors led Indian bands to settle into varying microenvironments. Dozens of native languages can be classified into no fewer than six major stocks, a linguistic mosaic unequaled elsewhere in North America. Communities of people speaking unrelated languages sometimes shared common cultures, while communities speaking closely related tongues carried on ways of life that contrasted dramatically. Moreover, the population density of the region was the highest on the continent north of Mexico, even

though there was no agriculture. Everywhere the pattern was a variation on the theme ot hunting, fishing, and gathering. In many places the natural resources were so bountiful that what we normally regard as a bare subsistence economy allowed

sedentary life, occasionally in villages with populations in the hundreds. It 1s a complex and paradoxical region that fascinates and puzzles us.

Baja California Few points in the New World were more remote from the prehistoric mainstream than the southern tip of the Baja California peninsula. It is not a distant and hostile land lke Tierra del Fuego or Baffin Island. In fact, there is an abundance of maritime

1S8

resources, and the exotic civilizations of Mexico flourished just across the Gulf of Calitornia. Still, the slender peninsula is over 1000 kilometers long, and the southern end is separated from the mainland of Mexico by more than 1so kilometers. Thus, it has always been a natural cul-de-sac for Indian populations. Prehistoric groups entered trom the north, rarely it ever by sca trom Mexico, and there they persisted as an extension of the cultural pattern of the Far West. Although politically now part of Mexico, Baja California was never connected with prehistoric Mexican culture.

The peninsula averages less than 100 kilometers in width and has a rugged mountain spine. There are many small valleys in the interior, and many small bays along both coasts. For the most part, it is a semiarid land, but there is enough rainfall to support wild plant and animal resources. Rainfall is relatively higher in the south,

and wild toods were abundant there prehistorically. Throughout the peninsula there was enough to eat 1f maritime resources were combined with land resources. Asa result, the aboriginal population density was quite high here, exceeded in only a tew other areas north of Mexico. It was a marginal region, an almost forgotten appendix to the continent, and an area untouched in prehistoric times by agriculture and the trappings of civilization. Yet, because of these peculiarities, it was an arca

that supported and protected relic populations of people who thrived on one of Americas most ancient subsistence systems. The Hokaltecan language phylum, which many regard as the most ancient of the 1s western language groups of North America, was the only phylum known to have been represented in aboriginal Baja Calitornia. Speakers of these languages included the California Yumans in the north of the peninsula, and the Peninsular Yumans in the center. The Guaicuran languages, spoken in the southern third of the peninsula, are stall not securely classified, but they probably belong to the Hokaltecan phylum too. They were isolated for so long that their natural evolution made them almost unrelatable to the other languages of the phylum. The linguistic distributions in the peninsula have led anthropologists to conclude that there were waves of migrants drifting into Baja Calitornia through the long prehistoric sequence. Three major waves are indicated, cach one pressing its predecessor farther south, with perhaps a certain amount of overlapping between new immugrants and the older population. Archaeological evidence supports the idea of migratory waves. We are led to the conclusion that the historical Guaicurans at the southern end of the peninsula were the descendants of the first influx, and that the Peninsular and Calitornia Yumans were the descendants of the second and third influxes respectively. Physical anthropologists may be able to supply additional clues. Long-headedness has been regarded tor some time as an ancient characteristic in the Americas. There appears to have been a steady shitt toward round-headedness in Indian populations through the prehistoric period. Perhaps this means that more recent arrivals to the

New World had physical characteristics rather different from those of the very oldest populations. The discovery of long-headed skulls from the southern tip of Baja California, the Guaicuran region, seems to support this idea. The ancestors of the Guaicurans probably arrived in the guise of a Desert Culture variant called ‘Pinto Basin’. This archaeological complex dominated both the desert of southern Calitornia and the peninsula south of it during the millennia preceding

TSO

1000 BC. The time of arrival is still unknown, but may have been 10,000 years ago or

more. The Pinto Basin people adapted themselves to local subsistence resources, including fish and shellfish. It was a successful adjustment that continued undisturbed by disruption from the outside, and changed little until the shock of Spanish colonization. The next wave of migrants, the Peninsular Yumans, perhaps arrived as a variant ot the so-called ‘Amargosa’ tradition. Amargosa culture was apparently shared by

other Yumans living in the California desert and along the Colorado River. But unlike the Yumans of the peninsula, these relatives later adopted pottery, agriculture, and other advances that came from Mexico by way of the Southwest. The Peninsular

Yumans had probably arrived in Baja Calitornia before these innovations were added to the Amargosa tradition, perhaps as early as 1000 BC. On the peninsula, the Amargosa tradition culminated in an archaeological phase known as ‘Comondu’. Basically, it was a kind of Desert Culture to which fishing and shellfish collection had been added as major parts of the subsistence pattern. Thus we find coiled basketry and seed-grinding implements in dry cave sites, but we also find net and hook remains, as well as coastal shell middens. In the north, there is

evidence that the Peninsular Yumans may have adopted pottery just before the historical period, but most ceramic remains come from historical sites.

Isolated as they were, the Peninsular Yumans did not have the stimulus of a constant flow of exotic foreign ideas. Nevertheless, they managed a minor fluorescence on their own. Both engraved petroglyphs and colorful painted pictographs were made by these people, sometimes in rock shelters and caves where they are still well preserved. The culture of the late prehistoric Guaicurans 1s called ‘Las Palmas’. Basketry was rare, and in its place these people made simple containers from sewn palm bark. The bow and arrow appear to have been a relatively late addition, and the spear-thrower probably continued in use until the historical period. Despite the availability of fish, no hooks or net remains have been found, and the historical Guaicurans are known to have used only spears to take fish. Shellfish provided an important food source, and the streams, bays and beaches of the southern peninsula were congenial settings for hunter-gatherers. This was one of the few areas of the world where marginality did not carry the onus of endemic famine. The remote idyl ended abruptly, however, when European diseases were introduced. Conversion by Spanish missionaries

proceeded smoothly, but so did the decimation of the population by pestilence. There were few survivors.

California Archaeologically, the California area lies mostly within the modern state boundaries.

As we have seen, a few California Yumans resided in the northern part of Baja California. The desert country of eastern and southeastern California lies on the Great Basin side of the Sierra Nevada, and is therefore part of that great province. Far to the northwest, the corner of coastal California that borders on Oregon 1s properly thought of as part of the Northwest Coast area. What is left is most of coastal California and valleys inland, notably the Sacramento and the San Joaquin.

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Although the various subareas of Calitornia are bound together by their common favorable clumate. there is still great environmental diversity. Raintall, even apart trom the desert areas, can be less than twenty-five centimeters annually in certain

districts, While other places are drenched by more than ten times that much. Towering redwood torests on the northem coast give way to oak-shaded parklands in the inland valleys. Hills of the interior are often covered by the low dense scrub called ‘chaparral’. Generally, the rainfall 1s greater in the north than in the south. But local environments are also determined by distance trom the sea, clevation ranging trom sea level to 4400 meters, and local topography. The result is a multipheity of distinctive microenvironments that encouraged the cultural diversity of prehistoric Calitornia. There was also a contusion of tongues. At the end of prehistory, California was 1s populated by speakers of dozens of languages belonging to no fewer than five separate phyla. Some were part of the ancient Hokaltecan phylum with distant

relatives scattered as far away as Central America. Others were related to the Athapascans of Canada, the Algonquians of the East, or other closer language blocks.

The number of native Calitornia cultures depends upon the criteria used to define them, but most anthropologists agree that there were no fewer than two dozen major groupings. Within each of these there were usually several independent tribelets. Thus there was even less political than linguistic unity, and the boundaries within the two mosaics did not usually coincide. Ehmunating the highly questionable evidence tor very early human populations in Calitornia, we are left with remains that are assignable to the post-glacial period.

There is no evidence tor a major Paleo-Indian development on this side of the Rockies, but a California version of Desert Culture may well date back to before sooo BC. Remains of this age trom Lake Mojave in the southeastern California 93 desert country and San Dieguito nearer the coast seem to have Desert Culture athliations even though tew tood-grinding implements have been tound. Food-grinding implements appear clearly in the Calitornia sequence after 5000 BC. In the south ‘La Jolla’ culture developed. The remains ot this culture have been 93 unearthed at several sites, and all seem to speak tor a relatively uncomplicated adjustment to a hunting, gathering, and fishing way of lite. There is no pottery and none

ot the C-shaped fishhooks that were popular later on. Thus, the exploitation of maritime resources was stul only poorly developed, and secondary to other subsistence technigues. Cremation was not yet the preterred mortuary practice. The dead were buried in fexed positions or prone. Sometimes there are secondary burials ot persons whose bones were disarticulated betore interment. At some sites there are large cairns of milling stones covering burials. Often the stones have had their bottoms knocked out, as if the purpose was to ‘kill the implements. Equally unusual is the appearance of tubular pipes at some sites. Just what, if anything, was being smoked at this early time is still not known. Remains from central California provide another variation on the common theme. The best-known sequence comes from the Sacramento Valley. Here the remains include grinding tools, twined (but not coiled) basketry, clay balls, and a variety of shell beads and ornaments. The clay balls were probably used instead of heated stones tor boiling liquids in flammable containers. Burials were extended,

161

but always face down, an unusual practice. They were often accompanied by charm stones, Which appear in a variety of forms, usually perforated near one end, and sometimes phallic. Burial goods are evenly distributed among the graves and the general picture is one of an egalitarian society without much emphasis on wealth. It is a picture that changed dramatically in later centuries. There is some evidence to indicate that around 2000 BC there was a great population replacement in parts of California. Burials before 2000 Bc tend to be of longheaded individuals, not unlike the long-headed skulls from Baja California; many archacologists suspect that California was inhabited almost entirely by Hokaltecanspeakers at this time. Then, around 2000-1500 BC, there was an influx of people with rounder heads. Perhaps these were Penutian-speakers whose arrival disrupted :< the older cultures. Modern speakers of these languages in California resemble the invaders in their physical characteristics.

The primary weapon of the Hokaltecans had been the spear-thrower, but the new arrivals carried bows and arrows. Individuals in central California were now almost always buried tightly flexed, and not infrequently with imbedded projectile points. The obvious implication is that this was a period of increased violence. Coiled basketry was introduced and the manufacture of shell ornaments and charm stones broadened. Still, fewer of these things found their way into burials, suggesting that emphasis on wealth was increasing and inheritance was now the preferred means of dealing with the accumulated goods of the deceased. A few cremations also occur, usually with lavish ofterings. This appears to have been a burial practice reserved for persons of high rank, another indicator of increasing wealth and status consciousness. Everywhere the sites are larger than in previous periods, and the population presumably larger also. The period after 2000 Bc is characterized by the introduction of several new types of shell bead, small obsidian arrow points, anda beautiful and diverse series of abalone shell ornaments. Obsidian is an attractive and casily worked stone, and many of the arrow points are exquisitely formed, often with jagged but precisely serrated edges. In addition to arrow points, these craftsmen also turned out asymmetrical crescents of obsidian, again usually with edge serration. We know from the ethnographic record that these were tied to the fingers of dancers in certain ceremonies to imitate bear claws. When new, they would have been as sharp as razors. The changes tollowing 2000 BC do not seem to have been so dramatic in southern California, possibly because the Penutians did not penetrate this far. Instead, here the new pattern was an claboration and intensification of the old one. Villages grew larger and tools were adapted for the exploitation of special resources. The basketor hopper-mortar was a particularly important development. It was a special stone

mortar, provided with a conical basket hopper stuck to the rim with asphalt. Apparently it was used in the processing of acorns. These nuts are high in tannic acid,

and to be made edible, they must be hulled, ground, winnowed, leached in warm water, and cooked. [tis a complicated technique, but one that once perfected spread throughout the oak parklands of California. In places the oak became a virtual domesticate, fueling the growth of sedentary communities and the population as a whole. Acorn exploitation was supplemented by hunting and shellfish collection. Along the coast, particularly in the vicinity of Santa Barbara and the Channel

162

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sandstone. around around Pucet Puget S dt few have adeauately excavated. Tvvically. Sound, but been few have been adequately excavated. Typically,thev they

;Y— oy | , 5 1 I. . Jed ls . ; . . not begin to use it until the ee ~ og, |c oy . , 1gth century

108, 109. The native consist of piles of earth and rock about a meter high covering a single interment and

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tabacco used in these steatite — ringed with boulders. Such a mound may indicate the importance of the deceased,

pipes (opposite below), but thegeneral generalabsence absence of grave goods suggests that wealth was too j ort:to) tne the ut the o rave goods suggests that weaitn was too Important

12 ci. and 5 cm. lone, was ivi , ;

Felis chines ving to betoburied with cultivated in prehistoric iving be buried withthe thedead dead. times by afew Northwest Work in ground slate and stone sculpture was gradually abandoned. We still do Coast tribes, buttumost did st fully understand for this:Apse. arent lapse. the Indians wer ; ) : not yY understand the reasonsthetorreasons tnls apparent CYT Perhaps aps tne Indians were just shitting from one preferred medium to another. Bone was still carved, and it may be that many objects were carved in wood and have since perished. The beautitul 110 A srearite screech owl ~~ abstract sculpture and low relief in wood, tor which the historical Indians of the efhiey 13.5 ca. long, are Northwest Coast are so justly £2 have s musttaken have taken ce ries to Future aa - abowl, orthwest Coast so justly famous, must centuries to evolve. evolve. Future 107 Skaoit River. Britis! archaeological research will undoubtedly fill out our understanding of the long and

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ras found along theran Copper ORAGTE INL CF, riltsn / Columbia. complex development of these styles.

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and plain forspecial most of their a ae length, these poles 7 0| a| aa AN ay waa4 .|7 were typically topped by a : Lo wo aah 7 Pa a a |

127 Haida houses had Such designs were also employed in the manufacture of pentagonal Chilkat 1 towering tote at Late - ve ve plant oT,and,animal . fibers by members of OL CNTR FOLATE POS *poles blankets, which were woven from ;various

their doors. A hole at the he Chilk btrib - the Tlingit. Th | led m ¢ hase of the pole, often the the Chilkat subtribe of the Tlingit. They were also apphed to large sneets of native

mouth of the lowerniost copper, beaten into shape and decorated for use as status items. Of all media, how-

CHIYARCE. ’ { 44° . .

figure, served as the ever, the relatively late monumental totem poles are the most visible. These were > carved as heraldic devices, as memorials, as mortuary poles, to commemorate an 1 important event, or even to bring shame on an enemy. Most of these artifacts, both large and small, were connected with the functioning of the complex and highly stratified social systems of the Northwest Coast. The ‘potlatch’, in which property of all sorts was given away or destroyed as a means of ‘buying’ higher rank, may be the most famous expression of these systems. Much of the artistic output of the area was in fact tucl for the social machinery that clan leaders used to gain and hold rank.

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The Arctic and Subarctic We come at last to the vast northern expanse of North America that was the prehistoric home of the late-arriving Eskimos, and waves of earlier Indian populations. Alaska, which lies at the western end of the area, was particularly important because it was the gateway to North America for prehistoric immigrants. It 1s conceivable that a comparative handful of people might have reached North America by some other route, but there 1s no convincing evidence of this. Both the earliest discoverers

of America and the most recent aboriginal newcomers seem to have entered the New World by way of Alaska and western Canada. Most of us fail to realize just how enormous the Arctic and Subarctic areas really are. As schoolchildren we notice that the island of Greenland 1s curiously larger than the continent of Australia, but this 1s quickly explained to us as a gross distortion caused by Mercator’s projection of the globe onto a flat map surface. Even without the distortion of maps, however, Greenland 1s tar larger than Alaska, which 1n turn is the largest of the fifty United States. Canada is one of the two largest countries in the world, second only to the Soviet Union. Canada, Alaska, and Greenland contain the area covered by this chapter, an area that 1s nearly twice the size of all the other areas discussed so far taken together. Relatively few archaeologists have carried out

full-scale research in this vast region, but despite this disadvantage, its prehistoric sequences are quite well known. In earler chapters, we have looked at prehistoric Indian adaptations to a variety of

more southerly environments. Communities of plants and animals generally cut across those environments. In the north, plant, animal, and prehistoric human communities fit more neatly into the major environmental divisions. The Subarctic is a region still dominated by spruce trees and caribou (the American reindeer). The Arctic isa zone of tundra where somewhat different plants and animals predominate. 137 Map ofthe Arcticand Prehistoric Eskimos and Indians had to adjust themselves carefully to one or the Subarctic, showing modern other, for each is harsh in its own way.

oui and the tect, The northern tundra is often a desolate place. In the summer the upper strata of regional subdivisions, and tundra soil melt to produce plains of shallow ponds and mushy heath, which in turn the Alaskan Refuge area, support a gray-green cover of grass and sedges. Under it all is a stratum of perma-

seein Sih a frost, a layer of frozen earth that never thaws. Most parts of the zone receive little Alaska over the dry floor precipitation, only twenty-five to fifty centimeters, and most of that falls in the of the Bering Strait, were winter as snow. But even with such low precipitation the topsoil is permeated with rapped until Canadian moisture because the permatrost keeps it from soaking in, and because the usually 27,000 years ago to allow flat terrain has retarded the development of major streams. In a few places along the migration southward. southern fringe of the tundra zone and along the west coast of Alaska, the permafrost

glaciers melted sufficiently ; ,

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is spotty, and spruce and other trees are able to take root here and there. Such an environment is park tundra as opposed to the barren tundra that dominates most of the northern margin of the continent. Most of what 1s now tundra was heavily glaciated during the Pleistocene. However, one of the ecological ironies of North America is that western Alaska, which 1s now park tundra, was not glaciated. Along with most of the Yukon River drainage of central Alaska which was also not glaciated, 1t was occasionally sealed off from the rest of the New World by western Canadian ice. For this reason, we refer to it as the ‘Alaskan Refuge’. Because the low water that produced the Bering land bridge _ occurred at a time of maximum glaciation elsewhere, the Alaskan Refuge acted as a huge holding area or lock for early human populations. At low water, early Indians

were attracted into the area by plentiful game, but were blocked by the ice from further movement east and south. Later, as the ice melted and the seas rose, the Indians were simultaneously blocked from movement back to Siberia and released into the central heartland of North America. ‘The oldest convincing evidence for this process is a 27,000-year-old artifact —a bone scraper — from the Yukon. The next

oldest remains come from the site of Onion Portage on the Kobuk River, and it is here that the story of Subarctic prehistory begins.

The Subarctic Onion Portage is a well-known caribou crossing site, and Indians and Eskimos have camped here for centuries in order to harvest animals from the migrating herds. The oldest stratum or layer at the site 1s 10,000 years old. The distinctive ‘Akmak’ tool assemblage tound in the stratum must have been the work of early Indians, because it predates the earliest Eskimo remains by several thousand years. The implements consist of microblades — slivers of chipped stone — and larger stone tools. Together, they point to a hunting economy which utilized a kit of specialized tool types, many of which were composites of bone, stone, fiber, and other materials. The Pleistocene Was coming to an end in North America 10,000 years ago, and it seems likely that as the ice melted back and the conifer forests of the Subarctic were established, hunting bands like those at Onion Portage began to occupy them. Another important early site, dating to 6000 BC, 1s located on Anangula Island in the Aleutian chain. Here again we have the artifacts of hunters, but this time in a marine context. Although there are no skeletal remains, human or otherwise, the location and tools all suggest that these people exploited sea mammals: whales, seals, sea lions, and sea otters. Eight thousand years ago Anangula would have been connected to its neighbor, Umnak Island. Indeed, the lower sea level would have made travel along the chain much easier for its entire distance, and we can reasonably suppose that much of the archaeological evidence of carly hunters was later destroyed by rising water. The archaeological sequence that begins at Anangula is picked up and continued at the nearby site of Chaluka. Chaluka is a deeply stratified site that has about 4000 _ years of prehistory preserved within it. Together, the two sites seem to point the way back to Siberia. The stone blade tools found at Anangula and the lowest levels of Chaluka resemble 7o00-year-old implements found in Siberia and Japan more

204

than anything that appears later in Alaska. Later Alaskan tools are clearly of Eskimo

origin as we shall sec, and while technologically parallel to them, the AnangulaChaluka remains are stylistically more Asian. Another important contrast is in

skeletal material, which although not preserved at Anangula has survived at Chaluka. The human remains are of long-headed individuals. Clearly these people were not the ancestors of the round-headed Eskimos or their Aleut cousins. Perhaps they were other Asians who were later absorbed, or pushed out by the Aleuts. Another possibility is that they should be more properly referred to as Indians. Perhaps they and the first hunters to visit Onion Portage were early Athapascans, the last wave of Indians to enter the New World before the Eskimos arrived and blocked further immigration by taking up permanent residence on the Alaskan tundra. The western Subaretic

The western Subarctic was and still is the homeland of Indians whose unity and internal diversity are both best expressed in linguistic terms. The main block is made 1s up of bands of people who speak a variety of Athapascan languages. They go by various names, but ethnic identity within the large block has been of more concern to anthropologists than to the Indians themselves. As a consequence, lines are not easily drawn. Languages and other cultural variables grade into one another almost imperceptibly. For most purposes, we can think of them as a single population with internal variations but few sharp contrasts. We have scen that some linguistic relatives of the Athapascans split from them rather early and moved to the coast of Alaska and British Columbia. These were the ancestors of the Haida, Tlingit, and others, who are now linguistically far removed trom the Athapascans. More recently some of the southern Athapascan bands split off from the main body to move into the Southwest as the Navajo and Apache. One tiny group even made its way to Calitornia. Finally, we have seen that the Sarsi split with the Athapascans to join the Blacktoot on the Great Plains. The main block of Athapascans remained in the western Subarctic, and it is the prehistory of this area both before and after some of them departed to live elsewhere that concerns us most here. The Athapascan population began to expand southward out of Alaska and northwestern Canada some time before 5000 Bc. At present, only the southern edge and the southeastern corner of British Columbia are grasslands. Seven thousand years ago the interface of grasslands and conifer forests was about s00 kilometers farther north. As the climate changed, the torests expanded southward onto the grasslands, and the Athapascans expanded with them. The tools they carried may have developed from the kind of blade implements we have noted at Onion Portage and elsewhere in Alaska. By sooo Bc the early Athapascans were in

contact with people living on the Plateau and the Great Plains. From them they adopted side-notched spear points and the specialized weapons those points represent. The innovation spread northward through the medium of the Athapascan population. We see it at the Onion Portage site by 4000 BC. The Athapascans, therefore, had arrived in the Subarctic by 5000 Bc. Using the tools they brought with them and the innovations they adopted from farther south, they evolved a hunting-fishing-gathering way of life that was well suited to their

205

interior Canadian environment. Eventually their culture developed into the late prehistoric ‘Denetasiro’ tradition, which is clearly associated with the early historical Athapascans. The historical Athapascans are the products of a multitude of parallel developments over several thousands of years. Hundreds of Athapascan bands, each units unto themselves, roamed the western Subarctic forests. The total population was not

large, and the population density was therefore under 2 persons per 100 square kilometers over most of the area. Typically, family bands came together now and again to form groups of around 200. Few individuals ventured outside these groups,

whose members constituted the speakers of an Athapascan dialect. So-called Athapascan ‘tribes’ consisted of four or five such groups, although they were not corporate tribes at all, but rather convenient divisions defined by anthropologists primarily on linguistic grounds. Tribal names such as Dogrib, Slave, and Yellowknife should not be taken too seriously lest they obscure the real basis of Athapascan ethnicity. In fact, members of Athapascan bands were able to understand members of adjacent bands quite easily. Mutual intelligibility was less likely with bands farther removed, and became impossible with distant bands. Thus, we must view the Subarctic Athapascans as a single block, internal ethnic differences being largely a matter of degree rather than kind. This is precisely what we should expect under the circumstances of their environment and liteway. Prehistoric Athapascan bands needed to be mobile in order to survive, and they confined their material arts to a few portable items, most of which have long since perished. The historical record, however, can tell us something about these crafts. Birchbark was bent into containers, tipis, and canoes. The interior of the bark was made to face outward, and its red surface was decorated by scraping away the red skin and exposing the white layer underneath. The designs were usually geometric, as was the case when painting was used to decorate the same items. Such decorations

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were added to wooden paddles, leather moccasins, and other everyday objects to raise them above the level of the ordinary. Perhaps the most pleasing of their crafts was decoration with porcupine quills. The Plains Indians and others south of them 133 had this skill as well. The effect was often striking. The quills were soaked and flattened. They were dyed with pigments derived from berries and fungi. After that, they were usually embroidered onto skin garments or small birchbark containers. Again the designs were usually geometric, but sometimes entirely covering the decorated object. In the historical period fur trading became important, and one of the side benefits was the availability of colored glass beads. The larger early beads

have now been replaced by tiny seed beads, which are used by the thousands to decorate garments in colorful and elaborate designs. Socially, the primary focus among the Athapascans was upon family relations between immediate relatives. Small band sizes and long distances between bands

meant that large formal kin groupings were out of the question. Indeed, the exigencies of such a life required the practice of polygamy in two forms. Polygyny, where a man has two or more wives, was common. Polyandry, where a woman has two or more husbands, was much less frequent, but far from unknown. Mortality among males was high for a variety of reasons, including hunting accidents and

fighting. But this was often balanced by female mortality in childbirth, and the occasional practice of female infanticide, the killing of young girls by their mothers.

Thus fate often dictated marriage patterns by creating a numerical imbalance between the sexes within bands, thereby severely limiting the options. Given their low population density and their amorphous ethnicity, it would be

easy to miss the significance of the Canadian Athapascans to North American prehistory. All American Indians descend from ancestors who were at some stage Subarctic hunter-gatherers, and the stamp of that experience has remained em-

bedded in their myths and their shamanism, where an archaeologist can never reach them. We need the Athapascan example to show us what life was like for earlier migrants passing through the Subarctic. With readapted representatives in such diverse regions as California, the Southwest, and the Great Plains, the Athapascans constitute a microcosm of American Indian prehistory. The eastern Subarctic

The initial movement of Indian bands into the eastern Subarctic contrasts with that into the western Subarctic. In the west, receding ice released early Athapascans from the Alaskan Refuge and allowed them to move southeastward into the emerging conifer forests. In the east, conifer forests were similarly established by slow succession, but in this case human movement into the deglaciated Subarctic was generally from the northern Eastern Woodlands. The historical Indian residents of the eastern Subarctic are all speakers of Algonquian languages, a family of languages 15 that 1s ancient in eastern North America. Linguistic contrasts are stronger here than within the Athapascan block, which suggeststhat the prehistory of this area may well prove to be more complex. Only with the widely scattered small bands of CreeMontagnais-Naskapi in the northeastern Subarctic do we have the kind of language grouping described for the Athapascans. South of them lived the more organized and distinctive tribes of the Beothuk, Micmac, Ojibwa, Ottawa and Algonquin.

207

The last of these is the tribe that has lent its name in modified form to all the related Algonquian languages. The ancestors of the Subarctic Algonquians are even more elusive than those of the Athapascans. Bone and antler were easily available materials, and they were often used in place of stone. The acidic soils of the northern forests did not preserve

these items any better than they preserved wood, bark, or fiber. As a result, the archaeologist is left with little to find, and it is to the historian that we must turn in order to gain some idea of the lives these northern Algonquians probably led. In summer they traveled in birchbark canoes, and in winter on snowshoes with their belongings pulled along behind on toboggans, all of which were innovations that Europeans later adopted. They lived in conical tipis and wore clothing that was sometimes well tailored, depending upon the degree of Eskimo influence. Where tailoring was not well developed, Algonquian women were inclined to decorate clothes with porcupine quill embroidery, much as in the Athapascan area. in prehistoric times the Algonquians survived by hunting, gathering, trapping, and fishing. European colonization changed all this rapidly, however. Fur trapping became very important as demand for furs rose in Europe. The prehistoric pattern had emphasized a fluid nomadism, but the fur trade encouraged a rigid scheduling

of activities within well-defined trapping territories. The concept of territory shifted from the notion of core areas and a kind of vague public domain to that of bounded territories owned by family bands. The speed at which these changes took place in any given area depended upon trade incentives, the rate of introduction of steel traps, the proximity of trading posts, the severity of European diseases, and the availability of beaver. Eventually the new pattern permeated the entire Subarctic, affecting Algonquians and Athapascans alike. We have already seen how the firearms and other goods obtained by the Ojibwa in exchange for their furs affected their relations with the Dakota, and influenced historical shifts on the northern Great Plains generally. The same sorts of ramifications had occurred in earlier

decades in the woodlands of the northeast. Indeed, much of the protohistoric mntertribal wartare of northern North America developed out of the dislocations and

competition brought on by the fur trade. The first European visitors to North America were not fur traders or explorers with royal charters. They were Norse settlers, and their first contacts with native Americans were with the Eskimos of Greenland and the Beothuk of Newfoundland. So little is known of these voyages from European records that we can probably expect to learn much more from archacological research at the sites of their settlements. Iceland was settled by the Norse around AbD 870. They displaced Irish monks who had been sailing there for perhaps as many as four centuries, but it is unlikely that any of these ecclesiastical refugees reached the New World. That ‘discovery’ was left to Eric the Red and a band of colonists who settled Greenland in 985. The great North Atlantic was under the influence of a climatic improvement at the time, and tiny Norse villages began to flourish on Greenland. Eventually, two settlement clusters were established, an eastern and a western group. Gardar, a village in the eastern settlement, rose to a population of about 3000, and became the seat of the

bishopric of Greenland. In root, Lief, second son of Eric the Red, coasted along Labrador and stopped near the northern tip of Newfoundland. Here he established

208

a small settlement at what is now called L’Anse aux Meadows. This was the Vinland 137 of the Norse sagas. It was abandoned a short time later, but was used temporarily asa settlement twice again over the following dozen years. The Black Death of the fourteenth century decimated Norse villages in Iceland

and clsewhere. Worse, the climate deteriorated once again, and grain could no longer be grown on Greenland. Trade with Scandinavia ended, and by Ab 1400 the

Norse settlements in America were deserted. The Eskimos and the Beothuk of Greenland and Newfoundland (both called ‘Skraellings’ by the Norse) seem to have been hostile to the European intruders, tor there 1s no clear indication of Scandinavian influence on the archacology of either culture. Little is known of the Newfoundland Beothuk. Only fragments of their language have survived, and not all linguists are sure that we can regard them as Algonquians. They were Subaretic hunters much like the others we have seen, who scheduled their annual round to include both marine and mland resources. Particularly important were the woodland caribou that also lived on the island, which were shot with arrows or stabbed with long spears from behind specially constructed fences. It the Beothuk were ancient residents of Newfoundland, they had survived 1solation by the Dorset Eskimos, who moved onto the coast of the island around AD 100 and stayed for soo years. We know that Indians did lve here before the Dorset arrived. However, it is possible that the Eskimos displaced the Indians, and that the Beothuk were the descendants of people who moved onto the island after the Dorset withdrew northward around Ab 6oo. If this was the case, the Beothuk can only have been on Newtoundland for 400 years when the Norse arrived. The historical Beothuk used harpoons made like those of the Eskimos, so we can conclude that there was some contact between them. The Beothuk appear not to have been well treated by the Eskimos, the Norse, and the other Europeans who began settling Newtoundland in the sixteenth century. The English called them ‘Red Indians’ after the paint they used to cover their clothing and skin. In the following centuries, both English and French settlers took to

shooting them tor sport. Just as bad was the confinement of the Beothuk to the interior Where they could not harvest vital marine toods. By 1800, the Beothuk population was down to a few hundred. It was extinct thirty years later.

The Arctic Apart trom the Alaskan Retuge, the North American Arctic appears never to have been the permanent homeland of anyone untul the Eskimos arrived and claimed it as their own. The common ancestors of the Eskimos and Aleuts moved into western

Alaska trom Siberia no earlier than 3c00 Bc. They spoke a language that for convenience is usually referred to as Eskaleut. All the languages that developed trom 15 Eskaleut have clear linguistic connections in Siberia. The ancestral Alcuts split from

the Eskimos very carly, perhaps even betore they crossed the Bering Strait. The Alcuts settled in what are now called the Alcutian Islands, where they turned to marine hunting and fishing for their hvelahood. They remained there in relative isolation, their language and culture evolving further and turther away from the Eskimos, until both groups were too dissimilar to share a common name.

209

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. ee er , Seg Aleutian Islands and west . , 4. , coast of Alaska « After about 2000 Bc the Aleuts became marine specialists. They concentrated upon Wwooder Hats protect trreir .Like. the. .Eskimos, ve ‘eal rhe glar afte ammals were from skin boats in the Eskimo VES Ag sharpooned ”foGLAFE Ofashion..“1: :: 139 Sea hunters of the The Aleuts

coast of Alaska sat low

upon the water in their sca mamunals: whales, walrus, sca lions, scals, and sea otters. They also harvested Rayan ad had to ven large numbers of sea birds from the huge rookeries that dot the island chain. The sea

Arctic sun. This 40-cn.- the Aleuts had harpoon heads that detached within the animal, after which the

decorated with ivory. sea| . | . . ; ; ion whiskers and glass . .

long Aleut hat, paintedand victim weakened and died tethered to floats. This type of harpoon took centuries to

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how 11 cane don ee perfect, and it has frequently been said that it cannot be further improved. Like so

heads. was collected inthe Tauch of Eskimo and Aleut material culture, the weapon is a masterpiece of both

late 18th century from technology and artistry. Each harpoon 1s constructed like a modern three-stage 7 asd ithe Aleutian rocket. The lower main shaft is the largest component. The upper foreshaft is about a half or a third the length of the lower shaft. Between them is a small shaft head that is socketed on either end in order to hold and join the two main shafts together. The

210

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: afi os ee CASE ee! Saas EEAa 32] pu

With Norton culture we see a bit more of the gadgetry and decorative art that eventually came to be so characteristic of the Eskimos. Polished-stone labrets were made in various sizes, tiny ‘training’ sizes for children and large plugs for adults. Both pointed ‘men’s knives’ and semilunar ‘women’s knives’ were being manu-_ _ factured by this time. The latter, which go by the modern Eskimo name ‘ulu’, were used with a rocking rather than a thrusting motion. They were often made from

sé CSCCHGAHTS OF THE ‘ ~ |

Es8 Descendants of th slate, but 2000 years ago the Eskimo slate industry was not yet fully developed, and Agctic Small Tool tradition these early examples were not well made compared with later ones. Walrus and Eskimos of Alaska were walrus ivory being in short supply, engraving and carving in this medium was not

mu Norton mn who yet widelyOF practiced. COLOHIZEd HHUCH THE : ;

Alaskan coastal strip about Norton Eskimos dominated the western and northern coasts of Alaska, and were 500 Bc. They introduced ancestral to the modern Yupic-speaking people of southwestern Alaska. In northern many of the tools thar came Alaska, other Norton Eskimos were the ancestors of modern speakers of Inupic

to be Asso characteristic of ; | _— | | ; re dialects. we shall see, these historical Eskimos, . . were the people who eventually came to dominate

including this ivory- most of the Arctic. They spread eastward all the way to Greenland, and confined handled slate ‘woman's Yupic-speaking communities to their present homes south of the Seward Peninsula

which was used with a

knife’ or ‘ulu’, 10 cn. long, — : ) - . me ‘tha. ® in southwestern Alaska. But before examining this late Eskimo development, we rocking rather than must turn to the Dorset bands, mysterious contemporaries of the Norton Eskimos,

thrusting motion. who lived in the Canadian Arctic.

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230 ~

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With their inventory of weapons and other tools, virtually none otf the food

eayrages FACwere ; {~ Pto-the: RX¥TL) y> had a xfully ' ‘developed -y.resources of the Arctic closed Thule Eskimo. They ae

toggling re P harpoons, sometimes fitted with ice picks at the butts. There were special snow shovels carved from driftwood or bone, and sometimes edged with slivers of ivory. Fish were taken at stone weirs, OF with finely made nets, spears, and hooks. 167 Birds were taken with nets and even small bolas. Men carried claborate kits of bow drills. hand drills. hammers, flint fakers, scrapers, whalebone shavers, and other specialized tools. Women carried bone needles. claborate winged needle cases of 168

~Y 4 +

bone or ivory. sealskin thimbles, bodkins, and thimble holders of ivory. Both sexes sported an array of amulets. Stone lamps were better than they had been, and certainly better than they needed to be. Special bone trimmers were used to adjust the wicks. Pots were carved from soapstone, and occasionally thick clay pots were also made. Pottery was by now an

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old innovation, one inherited from the carlier Norton Eskimo, But it remained an 7 -~ | ay Paappearing a, > ’ _~h!Xe ‘ = . yO f ~ f ; ’ 14 7 a > c a undeveloped craft, only av as an occasional thick and poorly fired vessel. The search by the Thule for raw materials sometimes led them to excavate the aged ivory of extinct mammioths which had been preserved in the frozen tundra. To the consternation of modern archaeologists, they even excavated the house sites of

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their Dorset predecessors, used the tools they found, and later discarded them out of context with their own implements. The Thule Eskimos moved through their annual round, living in igloos or skin tents as the season required. Whale, walrus, seal, bear, musk ox, and caribou were their most important game. These were supplemented by many smaller species, and with the roots, berries, eggs, and shellfish they could gather in season. Sometimes their hunting cechniques were unexpectedly simple, as when a long sliver of whale baleen was colled and frozen within a ball of blubber. The innocent looking ball was thrown out on the snow where a wolt or bear would be tempted to gulp it down. Warmed by the animnal’s stomach, the blubber would melt and the Icthal baleen coil would spring open. The animal eventually died in agony. Other Thule hunting practices required almost infinite patience. Hunters were required to spend hours bending over breathing holes in the sea ice in order to spear an unlucky seal. Each seal maintained several such breathing holes and the hunter could never be sure which one would be visited. A tiny feather balance was sometimes placed at the edge of the hole so that it would move if a seal exhaled below. When it did move, the hunter plunged his harpoon downward through the hole, and if he was lucky the point lodged in the seal. The breathing hole then had to be enlarged so that the seal could be pulled out and taken home. Wound plugs kept the precious blood inside the animal until it could be drained and drunk. Winter travel was often by dogsled, a framework sled mtroduced from the Asian Arctic. Near the tringes of the Subarctic torests, the sleds were often pulled by dogs

harnessed in pairs. In the High Arctic, however, the dogs were usually tethered separately, and tanned out ahead of the sled. The sled was one of the last major innovations to reach the Thule from the outside before the advent of European trade goods. Thule clothing was caretully tailored and cach person had a sizeable wardrobe. Outer jackets were hooded. Boots of several types were made and used depending upon whether the season was wet or dry, warm or cold. Fish skins were tightly sewn to make waterproot slickers or coats. Special skins were cut and sewn with the fur on or off, inside or outside depending upon the requirements of use and season. Outer garments were embellished with carved buttons, buckles, and ornaments. Little wonder that the women responsible for it all required so much skill and speciahzed equipment. At death, each person was buried with his or her clothing and personal equipment, usually under a cairn of stones. Sleds and umiaks made travel with all the necessary equipment relatively casy, but there was little reason to retain the belongings of the dead, because most of the survivors already had all they needed tor their own use. Trade and barter was well developed among the Thule Eskimos. They traded with cach other, and with the Indians who lived near them in the Subarctic forests. The Copper Eskimos mined nuggets of copper from the Coppermine River, which cmpties into the Arctic Sea in north central Canada. Sometimes they traded finished

products, at otacr times raw nugects. They traveled south to obtain wood in exchange, not for burning, but for making boats and sleds. In their own territory, the only available wood was that which drifted onto their shores. [t was even scarcer tarther north, and the Eskimos there were cager to trade for it.

232

169 Tobacco spread from The Copper Eskimos were important middlemen for other goods as well. Their | ven i Prpe farally territory contained the largest source of soapstone in the Arctic, stone which was 169

FEACHING THE ESRUHMOS Vid _ . ~ . ~ nr turnedtraders into oil lamps Russian fromand, pots. Other Thule Eskimos both east and west of the Alaska. Uhis early source area traded tor the soapstone, and bands living as far away as Alaska and

pipe bow! from thetheOttawa . |Trade ;, .goods re Copper and soapstone are only best frou examples. area thas carved .. oT . in‘many , .was historical Huron effigy- Labrador managed to obtain finished products.

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soapstone, a precious important prehistorically all across the area. The Eskimos traded with Indians for the commodity traded widely in iron pyrites, leather, snowshoes, and other goods they could not otherwise obtain.

the Arctic and Subarctic at 7 | Cc

his time. “ Eskimo bands traded with cach other for virtually anything they might require. Finished products and raw materials moved in all directions. Recent history has seen the revival of work in some of these raw materials. Soapstone, for example, is now

more valuable than ever. Eskimo craftsmen have found a ready market for soap-

233

stone carvings in Canada and the United States. Carvings in walrus ivory and whale baleen still remain popular. Life in the Arctic was not easy, and it shaped the Eskimo cosmos in ways that we find sometimes engaging, sometimes shocking, but almost always logical. Death was taken for granted as the inevitable product of time. In lean months there was

little room in polar bands for individuals who could not contribute to collective survival. If it was decided that a newborn child could not survive infancy anyway, it was put out to die rather than suffer and drain the resources of the band. Old people who could not contribute or keep up were left behind, or took 1t upon themselves to leave the band and die of exposure. Meat was often eaten raw because there was little heat for cooking. The stomach contents of walrus and caribou were eaten because they were often the only available source of vegetable food.

In the long months of winter darkness, the Eskimos often turned their extraordinary ingenuity toward songs, games, and other entertainment. Cat’s cradle and a variety of amusements that are also familiar in European-derived cultures were well developed. Parents created an array of ingenious toys and games for their children, many of which are still being rediscovered and marketed by toy manufacturers. Adults competed in singing or story telling, and frequently engaged in rough but good-natured games of strength. One such game, still played today, required two men to stand side by side, so that each could reach his arm around the back of the other’s head and hook his middle finger in the corner of his opponent’s mouth. Each then pulled as hard as he could while spectators chose sides and cheered them on, and they remained locked together until one could no longer stand the strain and released his grip. With their sophisticated technology, the Thule Eskimos penetrated deep into the High Arctic. They were the first residents of High Arctic Greenland, colonizing the northern end of the island and eventually moving southward along both the cast The richly painted and and west coasts. The favorable climatic cycle that allowed them to expand so far, carved wooden masks of the cngulfing the Dorset culture as they went, also drew the Norse from Scandinavia. lower Yukon and adjacent The warm interval did not last long. The Norse settlers of Greenland found that

wens of ake are aie . the growing season had shortened, and they were no longer able to grow most of historical Eskimo art. their crops. Gradually the Norse pulled back from Newfoundland and Greenland, Usually made by shamans, — leaving the North once again to the Thule. But the Eskimos were also hurt by the

ne [ness eer “Lake by climatic change. Like the Dorset before them, they contracted into isolated refuges, iviniter ceremonies designed abandoning many areas that had once been so attractive. The Arctic ice pack exfo exorcise evil spirits and panded and many sea mammals deserted water in which they had been plentiful. In

antimals that had been . , ; ; ;

ro appease the souls of gate certain areas the effects were tragic. Some bands near the mouth of Hudson Bay had

billed, thus ensuring abandoned much of their marine technology in favor of caribou hunting. But after plentiful future supplies a few generations the caribou were hunted out. The men who had known the old

of food. technology were all dead, and in their isolation the Eskimo bands could not 150. Eskimo women did recapture what they had lost. They died. not dance with face masks. Elsewhere in the High Arctic isolated bands were out of contact for so long that but used finger masks they were quite taken by surprise when they first encountered European explorers.

hich cxaniple ron ocscm They had no reason to believe that they were not the only people on earth. Even Alaska, with a mane of harder for us to imagine 1s that they had no reason to believe that the earth was any-

polar-bear fur. | thing but a frozen expanse.

234

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