The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal [online ed.] 0199481687, 9780199481682

Table of contents :
Title Pages
Dedication
Illustrations
Preface and Acknowledgements
Prologue
Historiography
Quaternary of the Bengal Coast
Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal
Distribution of Sites/Settlements
Assemblage Analysis
Inscriptions and Coastal Life
Epilogue
Figures
Glossary
References
Index
About the Author

Citation preview

Title Pages

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Title Pages Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

(p.i) The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal (p.ii) (p.iii) The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal

(p.iv) Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries. Published in India by Oxford University Press

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Title Pages 2/11 Ground Floor, Ansari Road, Daryaganj, New Delhi 110 002, India © Oxford University Press 2018 The moral rights of the author have been asserted. First Edition published in 2018 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above. You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer. ISBN-13 (print edition): 978-0-19-948168-2 ISBN-10 (print edition): 0-19-948168-7 ISBN-13 (eBook): 978-0-19-909180-5 ISBN-10 (eBook): 0-19-909180-3 Typeset in ScalaPro 10/13 by The Graphics Solution, New Delhi 110 092 Printed in India by Replika Press Pvt. Ltd

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Dedication

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Dedication Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

(p.v) For Ma and Moni (p.vi)

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Illustrations

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

(p.ix) Illustrations Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Figures 4.1 Saivacharya from Uttarraybar, Dantan 271 4.2 Surya from Kankrajit 272 4.3 Ekapada Bhairava from Mahanad, Hooghly 273 4.4 Manasa from Singur 274 4.5 Chamunda from Jaynagar, South 24-Parganas 275 4.6 Votive stupa from Jaynagar 276 4.7 Mahisamardini from Devishankar Middya Collection 277 4.8 Antimony rods from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour 278 4.9 (a) and (b) Beads from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour 279 4.10 Antlers from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour 280 4.11 (a) and (b) Inscribed terracotta tablets from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour 281 4.12 Sahasralinga from Burartat, South 24-Parganas 282 4.13 Narasimha from Gopalpur, Patharpratima 283 5.1 Structural remains from Chandraketugarh 284 5.2 Temple of Jatar Deul from South 24-Parganas 284 5.3 (a) High-neck vessel from Tamluk; (b) Roman amphora from Chandraketugarh; (c) Miniature pots from Jaynagar; (d) Pottery from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour 286 (p.x) 5.4 Bone tools from Chandraketugarh, North 24-Parganas 286 5.5 Visnu from Gajamuri, South 24-Parganas 287 5.6 Image of Visnu from Hatnagar, East Midnapur 288 5.7 Bronze image from Jaynagar 289 5.8 Ivory object from Deulpota 290

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Illustrations Maps 1 Excavated and explored sites of coastal Bengal 291 2 Excavated sites of coastal Bengal 292

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Preface and Acknowledgements

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

(p.xi) Preface and Acknowledgements Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Maritime archaeology or underwater archaeology in the research arena of New Archaeology is nowadays a very serious academic pursuit since the methodology of such an exercise or investigation involves many sensitive aspects of or data related to the physical and social sciences. Any attempt to reconstruct the rise and growth of human settlements or societies of the coastal region, including the history of human activities—seafaring or otherwise—certainly requires or demands scientific investigation. In the context of geoarchaeology, it involves the documentation of excavated and explored data and the study of the ethnoarchaeological parameters. I have limited expertise to encounter, combat, or entertain the new dimension of research methodology based on scientific archaeology. Therefore, the term ‘coastal archaeology’ coined here may not be visualized in terms of scientific dimensions. However, being an orthodox archaeologist who has spent a large part of his life being fascinated with reconstruction of the cultural past, I opted for a thorough documentation of grass-roots data related to the littoral society in order to trace the emergence of coastal life, including the involvement of the aquatic people, through a long chrono-cultural period. The eastern littoral of the subcontinent, that is, from the Arakan–Chittagong coast to the Coromandel, has enough evidence for the reconstruction of the fascinating littoral society. The literary sources, the memories of long, traditional sea-faring activities including navigation, and, above all, the discoveries of numerous artefacts and (p.xii) archaeological remains attract both professional historians and amateurs, and hence we are confronted with several major and minor historical discourses. It may not be unwise to record that maritime trading networks and long-distance contacts established either through trade and commerce or through religious ambitions are the major issues that we generally Page 1 of 3

 

Preface and Acknowledgements encounter. So far as coastal Bengal is concerned, the trends show that research is mostly concerned with trade, traders, and trading commodities and communities. From the classical sources to the Mangalkavyas, the concerned epigraphic sources, and, of course, the innumerable diagnostic types of artefacts, mostly all have been visualized and interpreted in terms of the same context, that is, the involvement of the trading communities or travellers, both indigenous and foreign; the monitoring agencies, royal or otherwise, operating in this region; and the rituals behind sea voyages. While the existing discourses certainly enrich our knowledge and, in reality, raise several questions regarding the validity of some of the reconstructed strands of coastal life, it is this situation that stimulated the present attempt and the rationale behind it. However, while compiling the present work I have been forced, due to constraint of space, to leave out a significant part of my field data. I started this work during the 1980s in association with the late Professor Sudhir Ranjan Das, my mentor, and the research activities undertaken by the nowdefunct Bangiya Puratattva Parishad, Kolkata, India, under the leadership of N. Mukhopadhyay. I undertook several explorations with them at the sites of coastal Bengal mainly in and around Chandraketugarh. We also made several trips to Atghara, Sitakundu, and the adjoining sites, and that was the time when I had the privilege to study the antiquities in the collection of the Parishad. This initial period of involvement received a break when I went away to Delhi to pursue my career. My research interest in coastal Bengal was renewed again during the 1990s when a major project of Professor Dilip K. Chakrabarti on the archaeological geography of the Ganga plain resulted in several field visits to the different regions of coastal Bengal. It is obvious that I am indebted to Professor Chakrabarti not only for my special research interest in the region concerned but also for my overall academic career. This volume is based on the documentation of the archaeological sites and assemblages, along with my own reading of the (p.xiii) recorded data, including their contexts, and obviously the published records. I am grateful to many individuals for their help in the completion of this book. It is not possible to acknowledge them individually, however, the late N. Haldar, N. Mukhopadhyay, K.K. Mandal, Pratip Bhattacharya, Lakshmibabu, D.S. Middya, K.K. Kundu, and Sanjoy Ghosh deserve special mention so far as my field investigations are concerned. I also acknowledge my friends Dr Tapas Banerjee and Soumitra Sarkar, my colleagues Dr Swati Ray and Dr Rajat Sanyal, and my students Dipsikha, Kumkum, Shubho, Prabhakar, Sriman, Bijan, Ronita, Nabanita, Pampa, Sajal, Kallol, and Dr Noor Bano Sattar for their support. Dipsikha (Dr Dipsikha Acharya) had been deeply involved in the initial phase of the preparation of the manuscript. I am also grateful to Professor B.D. Chattopadhyaya, Dr S.S. Biswas, and Professor Arun Nag for their useful comments. My friend Professor Nayanjot Lahiri has been a constant support and Page 2 of 3

 

Preface and Acknowledgements I am deeply grateful for all her encouragements throughout my academic career. Professor B.P. Sahu, Professor Upinder Singh, and Sima Chakrabarti are also a part of my academic journey. The present work was finally written during the first phase of my Paresh Chandra Chatterjee Professorship at Presidency University, Kolkata, India. In this connection, I offer my sincere regards and thanks to Professors Anuradha Lohia and Sugata Bose and Dr Debajyoti Konar. I personally extend my gratitude to Oxford University Press, India, for taking interest in publishing this work. I am deeply grateful to the team at OUP for their active cooperation at various stages in the publication of the book. Finally, this work would not have been possible without the silent and constant support of my family members, my wife, Moni, my daughter, Rumi, and my son, Baba. (p.xiv)

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Prologue

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

(p.xv) Prologue Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

The definition of coastal archaeology and the methodology of the reconstruction of coastal history in the context of ancient Bengal are subject to serious challenges. With the immediate plateau region partially adjoining the coastal line, that is, the bordering hinterland, it is often difficult to conceive the prehistoric antecedence and its reciprocation with both the adjoining plain as well as the coastal line on the basis of the available findings. Both the environmental and climatic changes of the late Pleistocene and early Holocene are not well documented as explanatory devices so far as the mentioned study area is concerned. Therefore, the formative phase of village settlements including the origin of agriculture cannot be determined with certainty. Similarly, the hinterland constituting the lower Ganga plain had witnessed a definite protohistoric settlement matrix, which again interacted with the littoral society, though the process of reciprocation is inadequately known to us. The littoral space, therefore, can never be treated in isolation. Culturally, it is not a secluded entity. There are anomalies in the interpretative or reconstructed part and we carry morsels of mysterious imagination conjured by portrayals of the coastal landscape made by colonial painters or, for instance, by the elaborate descriptions in medieval and late medieval texts of the route traversed by Chaitanya and others. Even the imagery of the narrative of Chand Saudagar and of other episodes recorded in the Mangalkavyas in the eastern Indian psyche is quite amazing. The testimonies of Pliny and Ptolemy appear before us in such a way that it (p.xvi) further complicates the process of ‘resurrecting’ the ancient settlement history of this easternmost section of the long and fascinating stretch of the Indian littorals. Above all, the steady increase in demography over the last few centuries as well as encroachments in the form of modern habitations, Page 1 of 4

 

Prologue besides abandoned structural/habitational settlements transformed with time into large tracts of marshy lands covered with wild vegetation and groves of large trees (locally known as patita danga or badar), have enveloped the ancient settlements to a great extent. We do not know how the coastal line and the deltaic progression due to tidal movements changed the landscape over the years. Much valuable evidence is now lost within the depths of the Bay of Bengal. Archaeologically, ‘coast’ is a space along the sea or ocean which is associated with the development of littoral society over a period of time. While the existence of past society in coastal Bengal is duly attested by archaeological findings, for an archaeologist the importance of the coast lies in recording the course of the development of the historical and the cultural landscape occupied by different social groups. Obviously, the relationship between the history of land formation and the changing context of the human settlements therein should be represented in the archaeological findings. The essential criterion for the reconstruction of the littoral society lies in examining how human societies through successive generations adapted to the coastal environment and bioregime. Certainly, the course of land formation had the possibility of and the potentiality for sustaining the littoral society. The great volume of fresh water draining down from the immediate upland (the Ganga valley and the entire drainage system of the eastern Indian plateau) was and is responsible for the fertile landscape that had the capacity to envelop the salinity of the tidal terrain. In the course of time it not only provided the basis of settlements along the littorals, but also gradually reciprocated with the evolving ‘historic society’ or the controlling agencies, political or otherwise (including the trading communities), of the ancient Ganga valley and its adjoining plateau/upland as well as the eastern littoral. It is increasingly clear that the ‘geoarchaeological paradigm’ in explaining coastal archaeology is a vulnerable parameter that has limitations in focusing on the different facets of settlement dynamics of the region concerned. Geoarchaeology influences the physical (p.xvii) character of the archaeological sites/settlements/findings, the recording of the internal elements of site formation, and the contexts of the findings. In this context, the coastal bio-regime, with its instability, fluctuations of coastal line, and unpredictable climate, hardly provides the in situ evidence required for the application of the concerned geoarchaeological methodology. Here, it may not be unwise to state that the exploitation of natural resources played an important role for the established bilateral relationship between the coast and the hinterland/adjoining territory. The exploitation of the floral and faunal regimes along the coast (including the Sundarban region) on the one hand, and that of the arable landscape and water resources of the coast on the other must have attracted the ‘others’ to an alternative settlement area apparently far removed from the hinterland. Most probably, as evident from the findings from Tamluk, Bahiri (Jagannath Temple mound), Moghalmari, Erenda (for instance, the Page 2 of 4

 

Prologue findings from Basholi Mandir mound), Clive House, and so on, the genesis of settlement history and thereby the established relationship between the coast and the hinterland may be traced back to the Early Village Farming (henceforth EVF) phases associated with Black and Red Ware (henceforth BRW). In this volume, emphasis has been given to record the human history in the making of the littoral society on the basis of archaeological findings and other historical records or the ethno-archaeological parameters. The methodology of the latter helps to unravel the different strands of survival strategies adopted in the coastal stretch. Farming and non-farming as well as seafaring activities have been conceived in the surviving strategies of the different social groups. Being an orthodox practitioner of archaeology, I have not taken into consideration the geoarchaeological as well as the other methodologies associated with New Archaeology for the documentation of sites and remains/ artefacts in the present work. The search for the settlement history of the coastal region of present-day West Bengal, its promises and possibilities, as reflected by the character of its major/ minor settlements/sites and their assemblages, is the primary aim of this volume. It is obvious that defining the region in terms of its present geographical connotation, that is, a modern state or the concerned districts, does not make an archaeological understanding of a region complete. However, the scope of (p.xviii) the present volume, for several reasons, has been restricted to the coastal region of what is presently West Bengal. Second, our vision of the archaeology of coastal West Bengal has not been significantly guided by the quest for coastal trade/trading networks, both external and internal. It is well known that the latter quest has been the forte of several specialists and, somehow, relating the study of a coastal region to the history of maritime traders and trade has become an obsession in recent years. For that matter, Tamluk, Chandraketugarh, Triveni-Saptagrama, Betara (Buttor, Bator), Bhurishreshtra, or Bhursut have been viewed mostly as trading centres rather than large settlements associated with the growth of inland settlement history, which is their actual identity. Research on the different facets of coastal Bengal is yet to resolve several long-pending issues. Is the archaeology of a coastal region which has not significantly witnessed coastal trade moribund? For that matter, is trade the sole determinant in the formation of a settlement in the coastal region? In spite of being labelled as parts of trading networks and at the same time being regularly subjected to influxes of tidal movements, how have some of these settlements functioned or survived? Above all, do sea-faring activities singularly signify coastal trade/trading networks? Well, in spite of such unaddressed queries, one cannot ignore the series of research on the various aspects of coastal West Bengal, especially from the terminal part of the 20th century. One wonders how the proponents of various schools have manipulated literary and archaeological sources to achieve and strengthen their coveted Page 3 of 4

 

Prologue paradigms. The principles governing the focus of this volume is to consciously attempt a reconstruction of the settlement history of a particular coastal region based on the mainstream settlement archaeology, of course, in conjunction with sea-faring subsistence activities of that region. The present attempt will definitely not be biased in singularly locating sea-faring activities within trade and trading networks. Undoubtedly, one can conceive the different aspects of the settlement dynamics of a coastal region by understanding the region as an extension and part of the settlement dynamics of the hinterland and the adjoining mainland areas. This model is more pertinent so far as tracing the genesis of human settlements in the region is concerned. Hopefully, this volume will show that the physical existence of settlements and the distribution of settlements in coastal Bengal were not alien to the developments of (p.xix) the adjoining mainland areas. Fluctuations of coastline and environmental factors have definitely added to the ‘coastal’ nuance. Frankly speaking, in the eastern littoral, especially along Orissa (present-day Odisha) and Bengal, archaeology has little meaning so far as establishing coastal trade is concerned. Even if we have primary and secondary evidence that the coastal region was frequented by maritime traders, we may not be in a position to state that the coastal settlements simultaneously reciprocated by engaging in trade activities. Trade, for that matter, is not a unilinear affair or a one-way exchange. Is it true that the major parameters and dimensions of components such as art, culture, and society (as a whole) of the coastal region were actually inspired by traders and trading communities? An insignificant number of exotic artefacts was not in a position to influence the dominant survival strategies of the coastal settlements. Unnecessary elaborations of sporadic evidence (also hypotheses formulated by the same) have been consciously avoided as it may dilute the present objective. One may put it this way, that for an archaeologist there is no other way out. (p.xx)

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Historiography

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Historiography Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780199481682.003.0001

Abstract and Keywords This chapter is devoted to a brief outline of the vast historiography devoted to the various aspects of the settlement matrix of the concerned eastern littoral. Before highlighting the major researches in the field, a brief mention of the antiquarian activities since the 19th century pertaining to the study area has been attempted. Depending on the thematic aspect, the historiography has been delineated in different sections and ultimately the major objective and scope of the present work has been projected. Keywords:   littoral society, sea-faring activities, antiquarian, Gangaridae, Bay of Bengal

This book offers a brief outline of major researches devoted to different aspects of the history and culture of the coastal settlements along the eastern littoral including ancient Bengal. Apart from this, the volume studies the habitational remains unearthed from different excavated sites in this particular landscape, their possible interpretations, and the ancient coastal network including the trading one. It may be stated with a clear conscience that a significant number of researches are actually morsels of the entire serving of ‘coastal archaeology’. Although the history of the settlements bordering the Bay of Bengal is very much a part of the Indian Ocean history, the trajectory of researches devoted to the latter has not been highlighted here. For that matter, Braudel’s (1972) discourse led to a genre that manoeuvred the structure of the maritime history of the Indian Ocean to a great extent. Indeed, the course of history indicates the continuation and elaboration of a world of interactive networks which cannot be singularly related to a trading one. Rather, the ancient agrarian set-up which operated in major parts of China, Arakan, and South Asia and the spread of Page 1 of 9

 

Historiography ideologies to different parts of Southeast Asia were both instrumental in the formation of a cultural entity flanked by the Indian Ocean. As far as the methods of approach and the focus of historical writing after World War II are concerned, one of the most important of these was regarding the pre-war debates about the nature and significance of external influences—Indian, Islamic, and European— on Southeast Asian societies. The pre-war argument had focused mainly (p.2) on the processes of ‘Indianization’ and the extent to which it shaped or was shaped by local cultures; the new post-war debate was conducted, to a considerable degree, at a more general and conceptual level, that is, the ‘autonomy’ of Southeast Asian history. In this context one may note the contributions made by H.G. Quaritch Wales, Alastair Lamb, O.W. Wolters, I.W. Mabbett, and others (See J.D. Legge 1992: 1–50). Innumerable antiquarian finds (both explored and excavated), coupled with the evidence gathered from the testimonies of the Classical authors, Chinese monks, missionaries, and possibly traders and the ancient Indian literary sources, besides early medieval–medieval travelogues and administrative records, have been handled by nearly three generations of post-Independence researchers. The antiquarian attempts that started during the colonial period unfolded a vast amount of data which are yet to be analysed in proper archaeological contexts. A general neglect of the fundamental concept of the growth of a settlement or area in terms of evolutionary process has incapacitated the reconstruction of the history of the littoral society of ancient Bengal that developed with time in relation to the adjoining and participating settlements of the area concerned. Frankly speaking, there is no single work that has investigated the nature of the functioning of the concerned settlements and the survival strategies adopted on a vast stretch of land that was at the mercy of the coastal bio-regime, that is, the well-drained stretches of the active tidal zone, its bordering areas, and, along its bordering areas, the hinterland. The antiquarian fervour that basically started from the 18th century onwards in the subcontinent was certainly a blessing for South Asian archaeology. For instance, the accidental discovery of a hoard of Gupta coins from Kalighat in 1783 (Allan 1913; Basu Majumdar 2014) or W.W. Hunter’s report of the ancient structural remains in the Sundarban area published in 1875, or the terracotta figurines, coins, and potsherds collected by Gaurdas Bysack (1888) from the bank of the Rupnarayan river, and many more over the years were quite remarkable for the sake of the coastal archaeology of Bengal. Different landscapes of the study area were gradually being exposed due to these discoveries. Kalidas Datta (1895–1968), a local zamindar of Majilpur, was not a trained archaeologist; however, we are indebted to his excellent handling of explored database and the interpretation of their bearing on (p.3) the different aspects of the archaeology and history of the present district of South 24-Parganas. His Page 2 of 9

 

Historiography clarity of thought and notion of the historic past of his explored area made a tremendous impact on the reconstruction of the local history based on archaeological findings. The reports of Datta unfold the cultural landscape of South 24-Parganas to a remarkable extent. His Bengali writings have been compiled in two publications edited by Sushil Bhattacharya and Hemen Majumdar (1989a, 1989b). His English publications (K. Datta 1929: 3–13; 1930: 6–15; 1934: 1–10; 1961: 271–5), which reported a substantial number of remains/artefacts assignable to a period ranging from the pre-Gupta to the 12th– 13th centuries CE, are still valuable to present-day researchers. In 1963 Kalidas Datta published an article entitled Adi Gangar Itihas (Bhattacharya and Majumdar 1989a). During the 1920s a few classical accounts such as the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea had already been edited and published. By the 1930s, scholars were getting acquainted with the archaeological potentiality of the coastal region of present-day West Bengal and Bangladesh. The exploration reports of Debaprasad Ghosh (1957: 284–9; 1959: 7; 1963: 467–9; 1968) on behalf of the Asutosh Museum, University of Calcutta, highlighted a significant number of antiquities and their relation with the settlement history of the region. Significant epigraphic sources were being published, for instance, the discovery of a copper-plate inscription of Dommanapala, dated 1196 CE (R.K. Ghoshal [1947–8] 1985: 119–24; see also D.C. Sircar [1953–4a] 1987: 42–6) from the Rakshaskhali Island, about 12 miles direct east of Sagar Island, by Sen and Ghosh ([1934] 1985: 321–31). N.K. Bhattasali (1941) on the basis of the classical sources searches for the antiquity of the lower Ganges and its courses. He discusses the main course of the Ganges and its relationship with the westernmost course of the Ganges from Suti to Gangasagar, the Padma, the Bhagirathi couse, and even the Adi Ganga (Bhattasali 1941: 233–9). Bhattasali opines that ‘proofs for the existence of a number of mouths of the Ganges and an easternmost and a westernmost course becomes abundant in the writings of the Greek and Egyptian writers in the early centuries of BC and AD’ (Bhattasali 1941: 236). He locates Ptolemy’s five mouths of the Ganges by placing Kambyson in the Sagar Island mouth of the Bhagirathi, the Mega in the Raimangal/Haribhanga channels of the Adi Ganga, the Kamberikhon in the wide Haringhata channel, the Pseudostomon in the (p.4) Shahbazpur channel, between the islands of Hatia and Dakhin Shahbazpur, and the Antibole in the Sondwip channel, between Sondwip and the Chittagong coast (Bhattasali 1941: 236–7). Bhattasali identifies the four towns mentioned by Ptolemy which were not far from the sea: Tamalites with modern Tamluk, Poloura as situated in the longitude of Magrahat in South 24-Parganas, Gange in the longitude of Bagerhat, District Khulna and Tilagrammon, probably on the Dakhin Shahbazpur Island (Bhattasali 1941: 238). It seems that the country denoting deltaic Bengal was known to the foreigners after the name of the river Ganges (see A. Bhattacharyya 1988: 3–13).

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Historiography Further search for the archaeological remains of coastal Bengal began with the extensive exploration and excavation programmes undertaken by the University of Calcutta and the Archaeological Survey of India. Tamluk came to the forefront with the explored antiquities reported by P.C. Das Gupta (1951–2: 464–7; 1952–3: 397; 1952: 132–6). This site was subsequently excavated by the Archaeological Survey of India (IAR 1954–5: 19–20; 1973–4: 33). Chandraketugarh was excavated by K.G. Goswami, on behalf of the University of Calcutta, and the antiquities collected from the earlier explorations were reported (Goswami 1966: 42–6). Limited excavation work was carried out at Tildah in Midnapur (IAR 1954–5: 23). In this context, one may also cite T.N. Ramachandran’s essay ‘Tamluk (Tamralipti)’ (1951: 226–39). Benoy Ghosh’s pioneering survey (1976) of the districts highlighting the diverse sociocultural parameters is noteworthy. After a few decades, Ghosh’s objective attained a fuller form in the works of Hitesh Ranjan Sanyal (2004) and others. Thus, by the 1950s a significant section of the eastern littoral was academically at the forefront as a result of diverse research interests. By then a substantial number of artefacts, including sculptural remains, had been reported by villagers, antiquarians, and professionals who had undertaken explorations on behalf of different institutions. Moreover, a significant number of Jaina, Brahmanical, and Buddhist texts had been edited and translated and a wide range of textual data was available. The same may be said regarding Greek and Roman texts, besides the travel accounts of the renowned Chinese pilgrims. In fact, information on the people of the Delta is available from the writings of the Mediterranean geographers and historians assignable from the 4th century BCE onwards. Curtius, (p.5) Plutarch, Solinus, and Diodorus mention a people who lived at the eastern limits of India on either the western or the eastern side of the Ganges. These people known as the Gangaridai constituted an important power base whose strength was equated with four thousand war elephants. These literary sources as well as archaeological evidence were utilized by historians and archaeologists, amateurs and professionals alike. A wider perspective of the lower Ganges country on the basis of indigenous and classical sources has been given by D.C. Sircar. Sircar pointed out that the classical writers refer to the peoples known to them as the Gangaridae and the Prasii as being ruled by the Nanda kings of Magadha (D.C. Sircar [1960] 1971: 213). Utilizing indigenous literary sources, Sircar opined that the ‘Pracya’ country or the region inhabited by the Pracya people essentially comprised undivided Bihar and Bengal and the eastern parts of Uttar Pradesh as well as Orissa. While emphasizing the present study area, Sircar further elaborates that the people called Gangaridae were generally located in Bengal and they were one of the various tribal elements constituting the Pracya people (D.C. Sircar [1960] 1971: 214). He observed that the name ‘Gangaridae’ is taken as a Greek corruption of the Sanskrit ‘Ganga-rastra’, ‘Ganga-radha’, or ‘Ganga-hrdaya’. By citing Ptolemy’s text as well as the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, he resolved Page 4 of 9

 

Historiography that ‘the Gangaridae or Gangetic people received their name from their chief city called Gange, apparently named after the river Ganges’ (D.C. Sircar [1960] 1971: 172). However, by the name ‘Ganges’, the Periplus apparently refers to not only the river and a city on the bank of its principal mouth, but also the country of which the city was apparently the capital. To substantiate the different connotations related to the territory which was apparently coastal Bengal, he refers to various indigenous and classical literary sources. Our readers should be acquainted with more information in this context by going through particularly two chapters, that is, chapter X (‘Odisa’) and chapter XIII (‘Ganga and the Gangaridae’) of his well-known work, Studies in the Geography of Ancient and Medieval India. N.R. Ray identified the coastal settlements of Tamralipta and Gange (Gangaridae of classical sources) with the excavated sites of Tamluk (East Midnapur) and Chandraketugarh (North 24-Paraganas) respectively (N.R. Ray 1979: 205–22), and he made use of the evidence of (p.6) artefacts of the Maurya–Sunga period from both these sites as well as the evidence from classical sources and Chinese texts (N.R. Ray 1979: 208–15). While discussing changes in the course of the river, Ray had taken into account the relavant data available from ancient Indian literary sources, namely the 15th-century text of Manasamangal by Bipradas Pipilai and the works of European geographers and cartographers such as João de Barros (1550), Gastaldi (1561), Caesar Frederick (1565), Blaev (1650), Van den Broucke (1660), and Rennell (late 18th century) (cited in N.R. Ray 1979: 215–19). Ray’s investigations of the social dimension in connection with a strong terracotta tradition in the Chandraketugarh region resulted in yet another publication (N.R. Ray 1980: 13–22). For a concise description of the geopolitical divisions of ancient Bengal or for that matter the identification of ancient Tamralipta, one may also refer to the chapter entitled ‘The Land’ in N.R. Ray’s History of the Bengali People, translated by John W. Hood (N.R. Ray 1994: 50– 98). The trend started by N.R. Ray and by P.C. Dasgupta, with his search for exotic finds, persisted in several works such as the article of H.B. Sarkar (1990: 53–62). From the middle of the 20th century onwards, some major researches of K. Bagchi (1944; 1972 [ed.]), S.N. Banerjee (1974), D. Niyogi (1975: 51–61) S. Bandyopadhyay (1994; 2007: 235–68), P. Chakrabarti (1991a: 219–25; 1991b: 25–30), R.N. Ghosh and S. Majumdar (1981: 63–73), R.K. Roy and G.S. Chattopadhyay (1997: 177–269), R.N. Ghosh (1998: 1–22), J.R. Curray, F.J. Emmel, and D.G. Moore (2003: 1191–223), K. Rudra (1990: 245–54; 2012), and others investigated the geology and geomorphology of the coastal regions of West Bengal, Bangladesh, and other parts of the eastern littoral, besides investigating the changes in the river courses in deltaic West Bengal and other allied issues. A recent work on the ecological history of the Sundarbans (A. Mandal 2004) comprehensively summarizes the physiography (climate, soil, and river system), flora and fauna, and the pattern of villages, including the Page 5 of 9

 

Historiography inhabitants and their lives, apart from agriculture, industry, trade and commerce, and the culture, and religion of the region concerned. Much scholarly interest has been shown regarding the part played by the eastern littoral in ancient trading networks that operated not only within the realms of the Bay of Bengal but extended via the Indian Ocean and the Arabian Sea to the ports of Arabia and thence (p.7) to Europe. The eastern seaboard in the context of Indo-Roman trade has been studied in a significant number of publications mostly on the basis of Greek and Latin texts such as the Periplus Maris Erythraei, Ptolemy’s Geographike Huphegesis, Pliny’s Naturalis Historiae, Strabo’s Geographikon, and, of course, Roman coins and other artefacts. In this connection we have to refer to E.H. Warmington (1928). Already on the basis of archaeological database Wheeler, A. Ghosh, and Krishna Deva (1946: 17–124) had highlighted Arikamedu and the east coast of India in the context of a trading network. Other significant works based on archaeological field data include those of Vimala Begley and Richard Daniel de Puma (1992), H.P. Ray (2006a: 68– 95; 2006b: 113–33), and that of V. Gogte (1997: 69–85) where Gogte argues that the rouletted ware was manufactured in the Bengal delta and then distributed to different coastal regions along the eastern seaboard. Jean Deloche’s (2001: 312– 25) work on the geographical factors in the making of ancient ports is noteworthy. Another significant part of the historiography is for the sake of reconstruction of trade, trading networks, the involvement of traders originating from far-flung areas, the identification of trading centres, and the modes of exchange, besides the commodities related to the procurement networks operating along the eastern littoral in general and coastal Bengal in particular. Some major attempts in this direction include the works of B.N. Mukherjee (1990; 1991: 46–51; 1992a: 135–46; 1992b; 1993; 1996; 2000), G. Sengupta (1996: 115–27), H.P. Ray (1990: 79–89; 2003), R. Chakravarti (1992: 155–9; 1994; 1996: 557–72; 1998; 2001a: 99–119; 2001b; [2002] 2007; 2012: 53–116), S.H. Jahan (2008: 557–86), and others. As evident from the introduction to her book, H.P. Ray (2003) has raised diverse issues related to the participation of social groups in the coastal region including the eastern littoral. It seems that her ambition to explore different facets of seafaring activities in the coastal region, including the relationship between the hinterland and the coastal line, remains unfulfilled. Perhaps the handling of ethnographic data is not her forte. G. Sengupta (1996: 115–27) far from reconstructing the growth of coastal settlements or substantiating the hinterland–active delta relationship actually summarized the published data mostly in favour of certain issues related to the trading network of the coastal region. Jahan (2008: 557–86) examines the maritime trade of early historic Bengal from an ‘inside-out’ (p.8) perspective and the role of Bengal in the macro-level context of Indian Ocean maritime trade network in three stages: (a) by situating Bengal in the physiographic context of the early historic period, (b) by tracing the evolution of the maritime trade network in Bengal, and (c) by Page 6 of 9

 

Historiography situating Bengal in the larger context of contemporary Indian Ocean maritime network. In an article published in The Indian Historical Review, Sunil Gupta (2005: 140–64) makes a historiographical survey of studies on Indo-Roman sea trade and Indian Ocean trade. An interesting article by Sila Tripati and L.N. Raut (2006: 864–71) discusses the ancient ports of the east coast, including Tamralipta, in connection with the monsoon wind and the maritime trade. S. Tripati (2015: 80–93) has recently conducted a study of traditional boats and the navigational history of Orissa. Another article by K.S. Behera (2007: 1–20) is about the ancient ports of Bengal and Orissa. From the mid-1980s onwards we have some synoptic overviews of the maritime history of the Indian Ocean, wherein the eastern littoral has been studied in different contexts of a later period, though often referring to its earlier history. The concerned discourses include those of Ashin Dasgupta and M.N. Pearson (1987), K.N. Chaudhuri’s two famous works (1985; 1990), and the works of Satish Chandra (1987), Kenneth McPherson (1994), M.N. Pearson (2003), and others. In this context we may mention the edited work of Om Prakash and Dennis Lombard (1999). For the study of an earlier period, we may refer to several works including that of Osmund Bopearachchi (1996: 59–77) and Xin Ri Liu (1986), and others. Apart from the trade mechanism, the ideological factor, especially the spread of Buddhism to the Southeast Asian countries, and the participation of settlements along the eastern littoral have been investigated in a number of works. For instance, H.P. Ray ([1994] 1998) while discussing the spread of Buddhism in association with maritime activities/trading networks during the early historic period had referred to the assemblages (BRW, Northern Black Polished Ware [henceforth NBPW], black-slipped ware [henceforth BSW], rouletted ware, and so on) found from the Chalcolithic and early historic levels from the sites of Mangalkot, Tamluk, and Chandraketugarh and their relationship with the evolving trade network along the east coast. Besides citing classical sources, she has also referred to sites such as Saptagram, Harinarayanpur, Atghara, and Boral in connection with Indo-Roman trade. (p.9) The excavation reports of different coastal settlements/sites such as Moghalmari (A. Datta 2008a; IAR 2009–10: 171–5; CASTEI Newsletter, November 2011, no. 16: 20–2, Puravritta 2016), Tildah (IAR 1954–55: 23), Tamluk (IAR 1954–5: 19–20; 1973–4: 33), Natsal (A. Datta 1997: 25–36; 1999: 49–60), Ballal Dhibi (IAR 1982–3: 105; 1983–4: 94–5; 1984–5: 99; 1985–6: 88–90; 1986–7: 99–100), Garh Mandaran (P.C. Maity 2011: 79–90), Bachhari (personal communication with the excavator), Chandraketugarh (IAR 1956–7: 29–30; 1957–8: 51–3; 1958–9: 55–6; 1959–60: 50–2; 1960–1: 39–40; 1961–2: 62–3; 1962– 3: 46–7; 1963–4: 63–5; 1964–5: 52–3; 1965–6: 59–60; 1966–7: 48; 2000–1: 156– Page 7 of 9

 

Historiography 60), Clive House (IAR 2001–2: 93; ASI, Kolkata Circle, Excavation at Dum Dum Mound 2001–2003, pp. 1–16; B. Bandyopadhyay 2016), Atghara (S. De 1994: 14– 22), Tilpi and Dhosha (A. Roy 2006; Newsletter, November 2006, CASTEI, no. 11: 14–15), Baishata-Ghosher Chak (De 1994: 38–9), Kankandighi (CASTEI Newsletter, November 2014, no. 19: 20–1; November 2015, no. 20: 12–13), and Jatar Deul (CASTEI Newsletter 2012, November 2012, no. 17: 21–2) are vital for the reconstruction of the archaeology of coastal West Bengal. The local antiquarians/private collectors have several publications of the reported antiquities to their credit. Most of these are explored findings, and generally the private collections display a rich database. Among such publications mention may be made of the works of Krishna Kali Mandal (2002; 2010a; 2010b; 2010c), Gourisankar De (1979: 28–30; 1981: 46–8; 1983: 140–3; 1993: 61–6; 1996: 93–101; 2007: 9), Gourisankar De and S. De (2013), N. Mukhopadhyay (1980; 1995; 2000; 2005: 87–9), Narottam Halder (1984; 1988), and D.S. Middya (2002: 11–13). The Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, Government of West Bengal (henceforth DAWB) has published several volumes on the district-wise survey of explored sites. The concerned volumes with their documentation of sites and artefacts related to the coastal archaeology of West Bengal include the works of Mohit Roy (1975), Pranab Roy (1986), Tarapada Santra (1987), N.N. Bhattacharyya (1993), and Sagar Chattopadhyay (2005). Reports of new findings are also available from a number of regional journals published by local museums or research centres. T. Santra had penned several valuable documentations in a collection entitled Kausiki. The archaeological remains found from Howrah have been studied by Tarapada Santra (1976), (p.10) Kalyan Kumar Ganguli (1983), and Sibendu Manna (2011) among others. Similarly, the work of Prasanta Ghosh (2002) may be cited in connection with the history of Saptagram, Hooghly, besides the contributions of Sudhir Kumar Mitra (1963; 1965) as far as the cultural remains of Hooghly are concerned. Aniruddha Ray (2008: 7–24) in his ‘Morphology of Medieval Saptagram or Satgaon’ hints at the trend of research and its related reconstruction as far as the Islamic and European phases of the settlement of Hooghly are concerned. Apart from Enamul Haque (2001), who published a voluminous work on Chandraketugarh, Sima Roy Chowdhury (1995–6: 54–105) has elaborated on the early historical terracottas found from this site. Sima Roy Chowdhury (1997–9: 29–43) made an equally impressive survey of the terracotta sculptures from Panna. Archaeological findings from the North and South 24-Parganas have been reported in different vernacular journals such as Banglar Puratattva, Suchetana, and Nimna Gangeya Sunderbaner Sanskriti Patra. Two recent publications Eloquent Earth (Sengupta, Chowdhury, and Chakraborty 2007) and Vibrant Rock (Sengupta and Saha 2014) are noteworthy as far as the terracotta and stone sculptures of the region are concerned. Issues such as artefacts and site formation in the Rupnarayan–Hooghly estuary or the investigation of the site of Page 8 of 9

 

Historiography Tamluk, and even the rounding of pottery from coastal West Bengal have been studied by K. Gangopadhyay (2008: 99–112; 2010: 53–63; 2011: 1–13). Dilip K. Chakrabarti had devoted a chapter, ‘The Coastal Archaeology of West Bengal’, in his Archaeological Geography of the Ganga Plain (2001: 126–59). The major ambition of Chakrabarti is to focus not only on the physiographical bearings associated with the actual distribution of sites in the middle and lower Ganga plains but also on relating the concerned sites to an integrated network of routes of which they were a part. This archaeological survey or reconnaissance can be visualized as a pioneering work as far as the archaeology of coastal Bengal is concerned. The fieldwork on which the book just mentioned is based was undertaken between 1991 and 1998. It was annually reported in South Asian Studies between 1992 and 1999 (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: xv). The present author also participated in the said fieldwork from 1991 to 1994. In the reconstruction of coastal West Bengal, another pioneering publication by D.K. Chakrabarti (1992a), Ancient Bangladesh: A Study of the Archaeological Sources, deserves (p.11) special mention. The sources referred to in this work provide specific information regarding the various unresolved issues of ancient coastal Bengal, and one may get a clear outline of the settlement history of the entire eastern Indian littoral. A recent article by B. Basak (2014: 153–78) summarizes the issues, observations, and findings of historical archaeology of coastal Bengal along with the possibilities and limitations of the reconstruction of the history of the coastal zone. This chapter provided a brief outline of researches that deal with what the classical writers have said about a section of the eastern littoral, the identifications of different places, and the discovery and interpretation of the explored and excavated artefacts in terms of the settlement dynamics. It also emphasizes different related issues such as cross-cultural contacts, activities of diverse artisan groups, and the development of art and architecture. Apart from this, the volume also explains issues related to sea-faring activities and trading networks along the coast on the basis of the available literary and archaeological sources. While Kalidas Datta and a few scholars highlighted epigraphic sources and other archaeological evidence for the reconstruction of settlement history, another group of scholars concentrated on the accounts of travellers and pilgrims and the spread of religious ideologies, particularly Buddhism, in Southeast Asian countries. Scholars dealing with the Indian Ocean maritime history have obviously referred to the network operating along the eastern littoral as it constituted the northern and northeastern boundaries of the Bay of Bengal.

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Quaternary of the Bengal Coast

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Quaternary of the Bengal Coast Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780199481682.003.0002

Abstract and Keywords The second chapter is about the Quaternary of the east coast in India in general and the Bengal coast in particular. This discussion on the Quaternary is crucial in the context of the evolution of settlements not only along the coastal line but also its immediate hinterland areas. It is well known that the Orissa–Bengal coastline is formed over a deep tectonic trough underlain at a great depth by the older rocks of the continental crust. Here, an attempt has been made to explain the processes responsible for shaping this narrow part of the coastline and how they are different from those along the other part/parts of the east coast. A major section of this chapter is devoted to how the Quaternary processes related to the Bhagirathi–Hooghly/Gangetic delta formation have influenced the development of the present-day serrated coastline of the Bengal Basin. Keywords:   Quaternary, pre-Cambrian, tertiary rocks, Bengal Basin, the Ganga Delta, the Shelf Zone, Pleistocene, Holocene, Neogene–Quaternary boundary, Lalgarh Formation, Sijua Formation, C-14 date, mid-basinal Zone, Contai Formation, Digha Formation, Panskura Formation, Dum Dum Formation, Subarnarekha Delta, beach-ridge complex

In the context of the archaeology of coastal Bengal the geology of the Quaternary period has enough relevance. The present chapter summarizes the researches made by several geologists particularly the brilliant work of Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh (1993). The contour of the Bengal coastline along the Hooghly delta is markedly different from the coastlines along the mouths of the Kaveri, Penner, Krishna, Godavari, Mahanadi–Brahmani–Baitarani, and Suvarnarekha. The continental crust of Precambrian to Tertiary rocks serves as a backdrop to the entire stretch Page 1 of 6

 

Quaternary of the Bengal Coast of coastline from the Digha–Contai region to Kanyakumari. It is well known that due to widespread rifting, a new sea floor was formed upon which the Indian ocean formed a bay (Bay of Bengal). This bay ‘gradually spread over a wide area and reached northwards up to the Garo Rajmahal (Rangpur) saddle during the Tertiary period. The whole of the present day Bengal Basin (including the Ganga–Brahmaputra delta) was under water until the Mio-Pliocene period’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 804), and the then coastline flanked or touched upon the eastern margin of the Peninsular shield. The reader should keep in mind that the then coastline was much inland from the present-day coastline. Due to tectonic uplift of the Bengal Basin and glaciation, the sea receded to almost the present coastal line by the beginning of the Quaternary period. [On the basis of] seismic stratigraphic analysis of data, it has been inferred that the Ganga-Brahmaputra delta evolved in three stages, (p.13) namely (a) The proto-Ganga delta developed immediately after the break-up of Gondowana at approximately 126 m.y., (ii) the transitional delta developed following a major eustatic sea level low at 49.5 m.y., (iii) Bay of Bengal became a well developed deep embayment at about 21 m.y. and (iv) The modern delta began to appear in its present form following a major eustatic sea level low and erosion at 10.5 m.y. The existence of Holocene strandline has been worked out at about 25 km offshore by the marine geological studies carried out recently by the Geological Survey of India. (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 805–6) Both physiographic and tectonic evidences indicate that a substantial part of the Bengal delta has formed due to the recession of sea along with the uplift of the basement of the Bengal Basin during the Pleistocene period (S. Sengupta 1966: 1001–17). It is well known that Bengal Basin is tectonically linked with NagaLusai orogeny and that the Archaean shield of the Chhotanagpur has bent downwards in an easterly direction. The boundary line between the Miogeosyncline and the Eugeosyncline passes below the Bhagirathi basin.

The Ganga Delta Quaternary processes associated with the delta formation of the BhagirathiHooghly have influenced the formation of the present coastline. This delta formation may be divided into three well-defined sections: 1. The Shelf zone extends from Farakka in the north to Digha–Haldia stretch in the south and from the border of the cratonic mass in the west to Bhagirathi-Hooghly river in the east. Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh pointed out that the earlier work by Ghosh and Majumdar had placed ‘the Neogene-Quaternary boundary between the Mio-Pliocene Bhairab Banki Formation and the Pleistocene Lalgarh Formation in the Lalgarh section (type section) of the Kasai subPage 2 of 6

 

Quaternary of the Bengal Coast basin’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 806) that influenced the immediate hinterland adjoining the coastal line (for details, see Ghosh and Majumdar 1981: 63–73). The same stratigraphic sequence is known as the Baltora Formation in Bankura (Sastry, Dassarma, and Biswas 1976: 176–85), as Illambazar Formation in Birbhum and Murshidabad (p.14) districts (Bhattacharya and Banerjee 1979: 91–102), as Kharagpur Formation in Midnapur and as Worgram Formation in Burdwan (Niyogi 1975: 51–61). Along the western borders of both the Bengal Basin and the Mahanadi delta lies the flat-topped plateau land of lateritized boulder conglomerate or the Lalgarh Formation (see Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 807; R.N. Ghosh 1998: 7). This formation, stratigraphically younger than the Pleistocene, ‘is a thick sequence of alluvial terrace sediments comprising ferruginous, brown, compact, sandy loam with more than one caliche horizon’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 807). These sediments are known as Sijua Formation in the Kasai sub-basin from where fragmentary mammalian fossils and microliths assignable to a period ranging from the late Pleistocene to the early Holocene have been recovered (see Ghosh and Majumdar 1981: 63–73). ‘Decomposed wood sample from Daintikri Formation has yielded an age of 4810+/−120 YBP, based on which the stratigraphic age of this formation has been assigned to Middle Holocene. The Daintikri/Panskura Formation forms a lower-level alluvial plain which fans out towards east. Typical paradeltaic fluvial fans such as the Damodar fan (east of Burdwan town) and the Kasai fan (around Panskura town) are characteristic geomorphic elements’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 809) along with aggraded relict channels, meander scars, ox-bow lakes, and others. ‘This alluvial plain is poorly dissected by aggraded rivers with wide floodplains’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 809; see also R.N. Ghosh 1998: 8). The present-day drainage patterns of West Bengal also clearly indicate regional southeasterly slope, which is apparently the shallower expression of the slope of the Tertiary geological horizons. Contextually, the geo-morphological zone just mentioned apparently covers the entire Zone A of the present study area. Invariably most of the recorded historical settlements like Moghalmari, Bahiri, Kankrajit that developed here may be related to the geophysical bearing of this Shelf zone. 2. The Mid-basinal zone of low-lying alluvial plains formed of Holocene deltaic and estuarine sediments stretches from the eastern bank of the Bhagirathi-Hooghly to the India–Bangladesh (p.15) border. The Dum Dum Formation of matured deltaic and estuarine sediments reaching to a level of 10–20 metres above msl is represented by the present districts of North 24-Parganas, Nadia and Murshidabad (R.N. Ghosh 1998: 9). ‘Mangrove wood samples collected from Dum Dum locality have yielded Page 3 of 6

 

Quaternary of the Bengal Coast C-14 date of 6175+125 YBP’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 809; see also R.N. Ghosh 1998: 9). This Middle Holocene date makes it contemporary of the Daintikri/Panskura Formation. The Calcutta Formation of estuarine deltaic greyish black muddy sediments reaching to a level of 4–9 metres above msl is represented by Kolkata itself and the districts of Nadia, North and South 24-Parganas, Burdwan, Hooghly, Howrah and Midnapur districts (cited in R.N. Ghosh 1998: 9). ‘Peat samples collected from Metro rail excavations yielded C-14 dates of 3470+/−110 to 2640+/−150 YBP, thus assigning late Holocene age to the Calcutta Formation’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 809; see also R.N. Ghosh 1998: 10). The Sundarban Formation of immature deltaic sediments of greyish black, sticky fine sand-silt-clay-mud evident from a tidal-estuary-delta is assignable to a period ranging from late Holocene to the recent age. Reaching to a level of less than 4 metres above msl, this formation regularly inundated by tidal waters is represented by the southern part of South 24-Parganas. The radiocarbon dates of this formation are 2900+/ −40, 3170+/−70 and 1710+/−110 years BP (P. Chakrabarti 1987; cited in R.N. Ghosh 1998: 10). ‘Extensive mudflats, mangrove swamps, marshes, creeks and estuaries are key geomorphic forms on this active delta plain’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 809). On its southern end facing the sea, no sandy beach has developed except for the stretch of sandy beach in Sagar Island. 3. The Coastal zone constituting beach ridges and tidal flats between Digha and Haldia and reaching to a level of 6 metres above msl can be morphostratigraphically divided into the older Contai Formation of red and brown sediments and the younger Digha Formation. ‘C14 dates assign an age of 5760+/−140 YBP to the Contai Formation, thus equating it with the Daintikri/Panskura Formation of the fluvial domain (Shelf Zone) and the Dum Dum Formation of the deltaic zone (Mid-Basinal Zone’ (p.16) (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 809). ‘The younger Digha Formation 2–3 metres above msl has been dated Late Holocene to the Present on the basis of C-14 date of 2920+/−120 YBP. Thus the Digha Formation is time-equivalent of the Sunderban Formation’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 809; see also R.N. Ghosh 1998: 11).

The Subarnarekha Delta The Subarnarekha delta is situated in the middle of the stretch where the east coast is arched between the Brahmani–Baitarani delta in the southwest and the Hooghly estuary in the northeast. The predominantly sandy shoreline in this delta has rows of dunes or beach ridges parallel/sub-parallel to the present-day coastline (R.N. Ghosh 1998: 12).

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Quaternary of the Bengal Coast The Quaternary delta building starts from the edge of the Upper Tertiary marine sediments, which occur between Nilgiri and Balasore, followed by thick Pleistocene laterite in patches. Thereafter extensive alluvial upland formed by the Sijua Formation occurs which is cut off by the ENE-WSW trending ancient beach complex, developed in the continuity of the coastal Contai Formation (Middle Holocene) of the Bengal Basin. Situated about 15 km inland the beach ridge complex represents an ancient strandline of 5760+/−140 YBP. A wide fluvio-tidal flat of analogous antiquity borders this ancient beach-ridge complex in the south. Late Holocene to the Present fluvio-tidal deposits comprising inter-tidal mud/sand flat and beach ridge occur further south of the Subarnarekha estuary.’ (Vaidyanadhan and Ghosh 1993: 809–10) R.N. Ghosh (1998: 12) and P. Chakrabarti (1991a: 219–25;) have also highlighted the issue. According to Chakrabarti (1991b: 25–30; see also D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 101), around 6,000 BP, that is, more than 3,500 years before the Mauryas, the ancient coastline was only 10–15 kilometres north of the present shore line all along the Midnapur coast. It may also be assumed that before the postPleistocene recession the shore line was extended from Dantan police station of Midnapur district through Khanakul police station in Hooghly district to a point near the confluence of the Padma and the Jamuna in Bangladesh. It should be noted that the alignment of the hinge between the buried shield and the geosyncline within the basement complex of the Bengal Basin is also parallel to the position of this hypothetical shore line (Chakraborty and Basu 1972: 66). (p.17) Regarding the history of the Bengal shore line Chakrabarti emphasized the work of Agarwal and Mitra (1991) which highlights four strand lines which have been inferred on the basis of the tonal contrast seen on Landsat images and landforms (see D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 100–1). Chakrabarti while critically reviewing Salles’ observation on the Bengal coast line has remarked that since the Mauryan times or the early historic period there has not been any significant changes of the concerned shore line (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 99–102). As far as the formation of the Bengal Basin is concerned, we have to consider both the Ganges flowing through the Rajmahal–Shillong gap, and the Brahmaputra flowing through a deep gap in the eastern Himalayas, down the Assam valley, and between the Shillong hills and the accretionary prism of the Indo-Burman Ranges. ‘The Bengal Delta has filled the Bengal Basin, and the sediment which has passed on through has been distributed across the entire Bay of Bengal to form the largest submarine fan in the world. Two distinct fans, separated by the Ninetyeast Ridge, are recognized; the eastern subfan is called the Nicobar Fan, and the western fan is the Bengal Fan proper’ (Curray, Emmel, and Moore 2003: 1195).

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Quaternary of the Bengal Coast The late Holocene balance between fresh and salt water in the delta is presently being altered by natural factors such as tilting of the delta towards east and rising sea level, and increased anthropogenic influences including withdrawal of river water in the upstream region by dams on the Ganges. Preliminary radiometric and paleobiological data indicate that land has been lowered relative to sea level in recent time (Alam 1996: 169–92). A recent study on the basis of petrologic analysis coupled with radiometric dating defines the Holocene and late Pleistocene subsurface units, that is, the late Quaternary stratigraphy, of a suite of longcores recovered from the southwestern part of the Ganges–Brahmaputra delta (Stanley and Hait 2000: 26–39). Late Quaternary tectonic displacement that induced tilting of the delta region to the east and altered the course of the Ganges–Brahmaputra–Meghna river system resulted in an eastward shift in delta progradation. Indirect evidence of tilting is shown by trend changes through time, that is, progressive shifts to the SE, from the hinge zone direction to that of the Kakdwip–Khulna–Dacca lineament and delta plain surface contours that are not parallel to the coast line. As a consequence, the western part of the delta in the late Holocene has experienced a (p.18) reduction of fresh water flow, decreased progradation rate, increased salt water incursion and some net erosion (Allison 1998). The above discussion on the Quaternary has enormous significance in the context of the evolution of settlements not only along the coastal line but also its immediate hinterland areas. The sea-level changes would probably have effects on human migration as well as expansion. We will try to explore how an interaction developed between the natural resources of the upland areas and the active coastal region which had harboured a somewhat different bio-regime along the flood-plains. In general, the phenomenon of rapid amelioration of the climate in post-glacial phases is particularly significant since the last one was associated with increasing rainfall and temperature and a greater degree of rainfall seasonality with the origin of cereal and tuber agriculture (kachu, mankochu, and so on) see Walker and Xiangjun 1988). The history of exploitation of enormous resources of both the said landmarks is deeply rooted in the process of settlement formation and the successive growth of the littoral society through the ages. The formative phase of the settlement on these formations could be mapped by BRW-associated EVF settlements. During the subsequent historical period, these settlements integrated accordingly and became a part of several geopolitical units such as Suhma, Samatata, Pundravardhanabhukti, Vardhamanabhukti, Radha and Dandabhukti.

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Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780199481682.003.0003

Abstract and Keywords The geo-physical features of the vast stretch of land constituting the study area have been delineated in this chapter. The present study area mainly comprises the mature and active delta regions, that is, the modern districts of North and South 24-Parganas, Howrah, Hooghly, parts of Nadia and East and West Midnapur. In addition to the mature and active delta regions, the adjoining upland areas lying to the south and west of the present district of West Midnapur have also being taken into consideration. The geo-physical considerations have led the author to classify the study area into three arbitrary zones. However, these zones should not be viewed as watertight compartments. A sub-section deals with the physiographic features of the three zones. The chapter also discusses coast-line fluctuations and river course change since the seasonal movements of sea water, stagnation of water and subsequent lagoon formation, changes in the courses of the main rivers, and excessive flow from the upper reaches often leading to floods have all influenced the surviving strategies and even the development of settlements in the coastal tract. Changes in river courses in many instances have been instrumental in the survival and spread of sites. Keywords:   moribund delta, mature delta, active delta, the Sundarban region, sub-recent alluvium, oxbow lakes, lagoons, Chhotanagpur Plateau, fluvial landforms, coast-line fluctuations, river course changes

Coastal Bengal/Gangetic delta/deltaic Bengal, lying approximately between 21°15′ to 23° N and 87° to 89°15′ E, forms a major part of the lower Ganga plain. The Gangetic delta can be further sub-divided into the moribund, mature, Page 1 of 7

 

Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal and active delta regions (Singh 1971: 296). However, the area under consideration in this volume mainly comprises the mature and active delta regions, that is, the present-day districts of North and South 24-Parganas, Howrah, Hooghly, parts of Nadia, and East and West Midnapur, so as to highlight the relationship between the coastal line and the delta formation that actually nurtured the settlement history of this region. In addition to the mature and active delta regions, the adjoining upland areas lying to the south and west of the present district of West Midnapur, the latter being the southeastern part of ancient Radha, have also been taken into consideration. If one goes through the settlement history of West Bengal then the entire landscape of the lower Ganga valley and the Chhotanagpur Plateau with their geophysical bearings provide enough opportunity to visualize this region since the palaeolith-using phase. The Sundarban region (lying between 21°30′ and 22°31′ north latitude and between 89° and 90° east longitudes) constitutes the largest mangrove delta in the world. It forms the southernmost portion of the Gangetic Delta and extends along the sea face of the Bay of Bengal, from the estuary of the Hooghly on the west of the South 24-Parganas to the great river Meghna on the east of Bakarganj (p.20) district, under which name the united waters of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra find their way to the sea (Hunter 1998: 1). The scope of the present volume is restricted to the findings of the western Sundarbans (21°31′ and 22°38′ N and 88°5′ and 90°28′ E), that is, to only one-third of the entire Sundarban region. The remaining two-thirds of the region falls within present-day Bangladesh. The western Sundarbans is bounded by the river Hooghly in the west and Ichhamati and Hadiabhanga in the east. The larger part of western Sundarbans falls within the district of South 24-Parganas, while some parts of it fall under the jurisdiction of North 24-Parganas. The extensive forests of the Sundri/Sundari (Heritiera littoralis) stretch along a wide section of the southeastern part of the West Bengal delta and eastwards it extends into Bangladesh. The Ganga–Padma and Padma–Meghna flow along its northern periphery and it is bounded by the Bay of Bengal in the south. The moribund delta lies in the north, the mature delta in the middle, and the active delta in the south. A depressed zone of brackish marshes lies between the active and the mature delta. It is covered by recent to sub-recent alluvium. The Sundarbans constitute one vast alluvial plain, abounding in morasses and swamps now gradually filling up. It is intersected by large rivers and estuaries flowing from north to south. These rivers are interconnected by a network of branches and the latter are interconnected with innumerable smaller channels which flow in every direction. Therefore, the Sundarbans is a region of estuaries, rivers, and watercourses, enclosing a vast number of islands of various shapes and sizes (Hunter 1998: 2). The process of land formation is still going on and these lowermost deltaic and estuarine sediments, comprising an immature plain of water-saturated greyish black sand, silt, and clay from late Holocene to the recent age is known as the Page 2 of 7

 

Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal Sundarban Formation (Ghosh and Majumdar 1991: 19). Including Purbasa, Sundarban has 55 islands. From the late Pleistocene period onwards, the entire low-lying mature and active delta region was subjected to the continuous progress of the deltaic formation, seasonal floods, and the dynamics of a hydrographic system with regional variations. Erratic changes in the coastal climate affected the hydrographic patterns associated with the mature and active delta, that is, the present study area. The flooding of low-lying areas led to the formation of ox-bow lakes in the immediate upland areas. (p.21) Rise in sea levels, variations in the frequency and intensity of the waves, and other climatic factors have resulted in considerable changes in the coastline. Compared to the western Indian coastline, the eastern coastline northwards from Orissa exhibits a more gently sloping formation. The erosional features in the east are less pronounced. The reshaping of the coastline certainly affected the pattern of survival strategies of human settlements and its relationship with the growth of human settlements. This indirectly influenced the settlement activities of the hinterland areas. Keeping in mind the present objective and our major concern, that is, the reconstruction of the settlement history of coastal West Bengal, our starting point should be the story of the earliest settlements of coastal West Bengal. We find that such settlements could be traced in the area of the present mature delta (earlier, the active delta region) of the Bhagirathi. With the progression of the deltaic formation, the settlements spread in different areas including the present areas of the active delta. What is now a part of the moribund delta was once a part of the active delta. Similarly, the area which we can now conceive as forming the active delta was once non-existent. The geophysical considerations just mentioned have led us to classify the present study area into three arbitrary zones. As far as the wider sociocultural developments in the study area are concerned these zones should not be viewed as water-tight compartments. Zone A comprises the districts of West and East Midnapur. The districts of Hooghly and the slightly upland areas of Howrah are included in Zone B which is the estuarine region inclining towards the hinterland zones of the Burdwan and Nadia districts. Zone C consists of the active delta area covering the districts of North and South 24-Parganas. The districts of North and South 24-Parganas along with parts of East Midnapur and Howrah constitute the active delta region gradually merging with the tidal zone of Bay of Bengal, whereas the districts of West Midnapur and Hooghly can be taken as the transit zone between the hinterland areas and the active deltaic zone.

Physiographic Features Page 3 of 7

 

Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal Zone A

As far as Zone A is concerned, it must be highlighted that by the middle Tertiary period, the former was subjected to repeated sedimentation (p.22) from the eastern parts of the peninsula as a result of the continuous rise of the Chhotanagpur plateau. During the Pleistocene period, the formation of the GaroRajmahal Gap changed the preceding position. Presently, the Bhagirathi being cut off from the Ganga, the western rivers such as the Ajay, Mor, Damodar, Rupnarayan, and Kangsavati are the major contributors of silt load in the Zone A. This zone, with its varied riverine features along with their meander scars, valley fills, and creeks, is between the undulating Chhotanagpur table land and the Brahmaputra–Ganga delta. The dual relationship between the tectonic landform processes and the Bhagirathi-Hooghly and Subarnarekha drainage systems has actually undermined the geological structure of this region. Geologically, parts of the districts of Singhbhum (Jharkhand) and parts of Orissa, including the Balasore district, apart from the present study area, that is, the districts of Midnapur, Howrah, Hooghly, Purulia, Bankura, and North and South 24-Parganas in West Bengal, fall within this zone. The present objective has not taken into consideration the region comprising the present-day districts of Purulia and Bankura, the Singhbhum district of Jharkhand, and Balasore in Orissa. The rationale behind the consideration of this area covering the present districts of East and West Midnapur as our arbitrary Zone A is that it witnessed the earliest settlement dynamics of the entire coastal region of West Bengal. Physiographically, the territory comprising the district of West Midnapur is the southern-most extension of the Chhotanagpur plateau. The prehistoric antecedence is quite stable, with the Tarafeni and the Subarnarekha valleys yielding extensive prehistoric assemblages especially along the foothill areas, river banks, and the lateritic upland areas. As far as the drainage pattern is concerned, this zone is encircled by the Subarnarekha river in the west and south–southwest, the Rupnarayan river along the northern, northeastern, and partially eastern parts, the Kangsavati/Kasai river along the western part and, of course, the Bay of Bengal to its south and southeast. The Tarafeni, a tributary of the Kasai, and the Dulong are the other major rivers of this zone. This entire zone gradually merges with the Chhotanagpur plateau region in the northwest and west and the upland areas of the Mayurbhanj region, in Orissa, in the southwest. It must be mentioned here that a significant section of this zone A is the Contai coastal strip in the southeastern part which receives siltation resulting from both the tidal movements of (p.23) the Bay of Bengal and the silt brought down by the Subarnarekha, Kangsavati, and her tributaries such as the Keleghai and Haldi. Characteristic marine landforms are found in the Contai region in the form of four distinct beach ridge complexes. Also, to the southeast of the Contai beach ridge, there are tidal mud flats extending down to the present coastline (Ghosh and Majumdar 1991: 20–6). Another feature of the Page 4 of 7

 

Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal region is the presence of shifting sand dunes near Digha and Contai, which run parallel to the coast in an east–west direction and have a tendency to blow landwards (Chattopadhyaya, Sengupta, and Chakrabarty 2005: 22). Zone A, therefore, is physiographically an area which is a combination of both plateau and flat coastal line and, of course, floodplains occasionally marked with undulating lands. This entire zone is characterized by a coastal ecology dominated by a pattern of rainfall linked with coastal depressions, floral and faunal regime of the deltaic areas, tidal movements, and so on. The presence of both the plateau and the plain has imparted peculiarity to this zone, in other words, it is different from the other two arbitrary Zones B and C. The formation of the littoral society in this zone was not equally dependent on the cultural matrices of the plateau and the plain in spite of the different resource bases. Zone B

This zone comprising the present districts of Hooghly and Howrah is divided into a low-lying part bordering the coastal line and a relatively upland area to its north and northwest. This upland area includes a narrow strip of land in the district of Bankura that adjoins Burdwan. This zone within the limits of the Gangetic delta may be further divided into the northern inland tract of a fairly well-raised land of old formation and the low-lying region towards the south, besides the high grounds bordering the river channels. The northern tract of inland depressions traversed by slow-flowing rivers has the general appearance of a marshy land, occasionally surrounded by a relatively moribund deltaic upland. This geophysical bearing is evident from the Dankuni, Janai, Sheoraphuli, and Mahanad areas. Unfortunately, the construction of the major highways and railway tracts of both the chord and the main lines have altered the landscape to a large extent by (p.24) creating embankments along the river courses, thereby blocking the natural ox-bow lakes at different places such as Chandannagar, Baruipara, Saptagram, Bansberia, Kuntirghat, Guptipara, and even in the Bagnapara–Samudragarh region. The northwestern part of Hooghly is basically the flat alluvial tract that lies between the rivers Bhagirathi and Dwarakeswar and is intersected by a number of slow flowing rivers and streams/ old streams—perennial as well as intermittent. Here, the land has a gradual slope from north and west to south and east, as is indicated by the direction of the flow of the rivers. This plain may again be sub-divided into three regions, namely the Dwarakeswar–Damodar inter-riverine plain, the Damodar–Bhagirathi inter-riverine plain, and the char lands and the meander loops (A.K. Banerji 1972b: 11). The upland region of the district of Hooghly, though not a part of our study area, lies to the west of the Dwarakeswar river. The alluvial plain continues in the district of Howrah, bordered by the rivers Bhagirathi on the east and Rupnarayan on the west, intersected by the lower course of the Damodar. The geological structure of the region covering the Hooghly and Howrah districts is marked by older alluvium deposits and the later siltation of the Ganges. Coastal line fluctuations and prolonged waterlogging in the lowPage 5 of 7

 

Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal lying areas had an impact on the geological stratigraphy of this zone of older alluvium located in the stable shelf area of the western flank of the Bengal Basin. Morphologically, the sub-surface geological structures represent a coalescing of a large number of alluvial fans. Zone C

Mostly fluviatile landforms of typical estuarine deltaic environment are observed in the part of the Bengal Basin that forms the mid-basinal zone. The region covered by this zone comprises the districts of North and South 24-Parganas. A large segment of the district of North 24-Parganas falls under the uppermost mature deltaic plain of the ‘Dum Dum surface’. It consists of two parts—the higher parts forming the natural levees of the gradually dried-up distributaries of several streams and the lower parts comprising shallow lakes and swamps which acted as an inland drainage basin. Some areas of South 24-Parganas can be considered as part of the intermediate deltaic plain. The lower, high intensity, active, tidal estuary delta plain of (p.25) the Sundarban region, consisting of low, flat alluvial plains in which the process of land formation still continues, is covered with forests, swamps, and agricultural lands. This region is intersected from north to south by wide tidal rivers or estuaries and from west to east by narrow tidal creeks (S. De 1994: 14). The principal rivers are Hooghly, Vidyadhari, Piyali, and Jamuna, and their distributaries. Except for a limited period during floods, the Jalangi, the Mathabhanga, and the Ichhamati receive no supply of water from the Hooghly. Apart from these the chief rivers, the Muriganga/Baratala, Jamira, Saptamukhi, Thakuran, Matla, Bangaduni, Guasuba, Raimangal, and Haribhanga flow into the Bay of Bengal.

Coast-Line Fluctuations and River Course Changes Dilip K. Chakrabarti has referred to the works of Merh and Niyogi while discussing coastline fluctuations and changes in river courses (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 130). Niyogi (1975: 51–61) gives a post-Pleistocene date for the entire delta formation, whereas Merh (Merh 1992: 461–72) argues that the sea level was raised to as much as 6 to 10 metres around 6000 BP, during the Holocene period. A recent study based on the bio-stratigraphic technique of pollen analysis revealed that since c. 7000 BP the shoreline of Bengal delta from the Sundarban region to the Padma–Meghna course was moving uniformly in a southeast direction (M.S. Islam 2001: 138–9). The seasonal movements of sea water were instrumental in the stagnation of water and subsequent lagoon formations that definitely influenced the surviving strategy of the populace of these settlements for many ages. Changes in the courses of the Ganga, Saraswati, Vidyadhari, Rupnarayan, and the Damodar are particularly noticeable in Zones B and C. The flow from the upper reaches often flooded the riverine settlements that developed along the banks of the Piyali, Matla, Muriganga, and the Vidyadhari. Changes in river courses affected settlements as is evident from sites such as Harinarayanpur and Deulpota. It is also worth mentioning in this context that the great volumes of flood water always enhanced the fertility of the Page 6 of 7

 

Geophysical Features of Coastal West Bengal soil by deposition of silt, which favoured agrarian economy and also suppressed the salinity of the coastal region. There is a complex drainage network between (p.26) the Ichhamati in the northeast and the Vidyadhari and the Piyali in the southwest. Chakrabarti refers to this complexity by citing William Willcocks’ opinion that they are all moribund channels which were artificially dug and maintained till the 17th century CE and are representative of an ancient irrigational system (cited in D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 128).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780199481682.003.0004

Abstract and Keywords The fourth chapter delineates the distribution of sites/settlements and the recorded archaeological assemblages, both excavated and explored. The sites/ settlements have been traced out on the basis of the three arbitrary zones and they have been classified for each zone under excavated sites and explored sites. While discussing the individual sites the author has provided an elaborate description of the location, discoveries of antiquities through antiquarian efforts, corroborative references from ancient literary sources, if any, as well as a detailed report of the archaeological findings. The contexts of the findings if known have also been highlighted. In case of excavated sites, details have been given on the basis of the concerned excavation reports. Different aspects of the settlement matrices in association with their chrono-cultural developments have been traced out in the site reports. This chapter constitutes the nucleus of the present reconstruction of the settlement history of coastal Bengal. Keywords:   sites, settlements, occurrences, flood-plain, BRW-associated Early Village Farming settlements, Tamralipta, diagnostic types, mound, procurement network, habitational remains/debris, palaeo-channels, architectural members, sculptural remains, survival strategies, trading networks

During the South West monsoon and for months after it is finished Bengal becomes a world of water…. It is the world of men who live three third of their lives on the water, a world of men who make voyages taking many months but who never sail the open sea; it is a world of backbreaking toil at the oar, or at the long bamboo pole, or leaning for hours at the tow rope; but it is also a world of leisure, of many days with little to do … this world has songs and poetry of its own. Page 1 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements —B. Greenhill (1971: 35)

Zone A Excavated Sites of Zone A Moghalmari

Moghalmari (21°59′33″ N and 87°17′46″ E), lying on the floodplain of the Subarnarekha (which flows about 4.5 kilometres west of the site) a little distance away from the present coastal line and virtually located at the last terrace of the Chhotanagpur upland, is a major excavated site of Zone A in Monoharpur mouza, PO (post office) Nekurseni, Dantan PS (police station), West Midnapur district. N.N. Vasu, while citing Blochmann’s translation of Ain-i-Akbari, in his pioneering work, Archaeological Survey of Mayurabhanja, volume I, first published in 1911, not only explained the historical significance of the structural remains of Sakhisenar Dhibi (a structural mound) at Moghalmari but also referred to the site being associated with (p.28) the battle between the Mughals and the Pathans during the reign of Akbar and how it eventually became a part of the Mughal administrative centre of Dantan (Vasu 1980: 120–1). The village has extensive fortification remains. Geomorphologically, a vast region in West Midnapur including Dantan and its adjoining areas was apparently formed by alluvial action between the late Pleistocene and the early Holocene periods. This alluvial upland is identified as the easternmost extension of the Sijua Formation, contemporary to the Baripada Formation in adjoining Orissa, as well as the Barind Formation in north Bengal. What does Moghalmari really signify in the context of the archaeology of coastal Bengal? Moghalmari is an entity just above the floodplain of the Subarnarekha river and is really not far away from the coastal line along which the cluster of settlements/sites in and around the major sites of Bahiri and Tamluk are also situated. The cluster of villages/sites in and around Bahiri and Tamluk does not fall within the geomorphological unit just mentioned, that is, the Sijua Formation (these sites are within the Panskura Formation). However, the proximity of the two different geomorphological ‘set-ups’ certainly played an important role not only in the faunal and floral regimes of the concerned areas but also in the rise and growth of human settlements, as manifested in their common behavioural patterns, thereby forming a common cultural matrix. For that matter the explored database from Kankrajit, Ektiarpur, Tokinagar, Satdeula/Satdeulia, Uttarraybar, Krishnapur, Bhavanipur, Chaulia, Joypura, Sarasankha, Manoharpur, and other locations in West Midnapur district generally betrays a common cultural heritage. So far as the BRW-associated EVF settlements and the subsequent early historical chrono-cultural developments in this Zone are concerned, Moghalmari shared similar settlement experiences with Bahiri, Tamluk, and the part of coastal Orissa between the Subarnarekha and the Baitarani. Unfortunately, the BRW level at Moghalmari remained neglected by excavators. For that matter, Page 2 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements there are other clusters of BRW settlements along the Subarnarekha and its adjoining floodplains and the adjacent upland areas outlining the coastal line. A recent fieldwork along the Subarnarekha confirms the existence of a cluster of BRW-associated EVF settlements such as Tokinagar Gram, Ektiarpur, Barabaghira, Angua, Nekurseni, Kankrajit, Satdeulia, Raybaruttar, (p.29) Sarasankha, Vidyadhar Lake, Loltapur, Manoharpur, Hatnagar, Erenda, Kharai Kotbar, and others overlooking the coastal line. With time, they played a major role in the formation of the historical village settlements. We do not have much information about their frequent survival encounters in sea-faring activities. If Tamluk has a BRW-associated EVF phase/phases, then it may be inferred that the region of Moghalmari played the role of a forwarding agency of a cultural regime that, on a large scale, stretched across the suitable landscape along the coastal line, in other words, it actually bridged the coastal cultural landscape of Orissa (Golbai Sasan and other settlements in the adjoining areas along the tributaries of the Mahanadi, that is, Baitarani, Brahmani, Tel, and so on) and West Bengal. Access to the resources of the plateau region of Chhotanagpur was vital for Moghalmari, especially in the decisive role played by her in the acculturation process between the plateau and the coast, that is, the hinterland and the coastal line. It can be assumed or, to put it frankly, it will not be out of context to suggest that the genesis of Tamralipta (generally identified with modern Tamluk and its adjacent region) was associated with the Subarnarekha– Baitarani settlements and the latter’s relationship with their immediate coastal line. It will really be a fascinating venture to consider the sites along the Baitarani, obviously with reference to their archaeological database. It will perhaps not be unwise to record that the expansion of settlements and the growth of population as well as culture, especially in the early medieval period or even earlier, were associated with the cultural matrix and heritage of Radha, Uttara Radha, Dakshina Radha, Suhma, and Utkaladesa, particularly along the coastal line. On the basis of the available researches it is clear that the Moghalmari region was a part of the ancient Dandabhukti during the post-Gupta period and a major settlement associated with the development of Buddhism during the reign of Sasanka and later during the medieval period. During the early medieval–medieval period, this region was a part of the political developments of Orissa, particularly of the local ruling lineages of Mayurbhanj. The copper plates of Sasanka found from the Egra–Dantan region (Furui 2011: 119–30) have enormous historical significance in portraying the extent of a major power based at Karnasuvarna in the Bhagirathi basin, which was at the same time exercising authority in Kalingadesa up to Ganjam, that is, if we agree with the epigraphic sources (S. Tripathy 1996: 33–45). (p.30) While exploring this site along with other localities in the Dantan region, the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, primarily focused on the huge structural mound, 25 feet in height and locally known as Sakhisenar Dhibi or Sashisenar Dhibi. The villagers have often collected antiquities from the Page 3 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements environs of this mound, which could be dated from the early historic to the medieval period. The site was finally excavated by the same department in 2003–4, 2006–7, 2007–8, and 2011–12 (in two phases) and during 2013–14, 2014–15, and 2015–16 by DAWB. During 2003–4, excavation was conducted in 14 trenches at MGM1 (Sakhisenar Dhibi) and in 2 trenches (A. Datta 2008a: 9–11) at MGM2 (a low structural mound in front of Kalipada Mishra’s residence, about 300 metres northwest of MGM1) which revealed the remains of massive structures identified as walls of uniform sized bricks. Besides this, a rectangular brick platform was exposed at a depth of 53 centimetres from the top. The excavator observed that the small square cells attached to the inner facade of the outer wall formed a triratha structure centring round the rectangular platform (A. Datta 2008a: 9–10). Excavation at five trenches laid in the southern part of the same Sakhisenar mound exposed a 10.85-metre-long massive wall, which was reported by the excavator as the outer wall with offset projections. Four square chambers were found attached to this wall (A. Datta 2008a: 10). According to the excavator, the structural remains at MGM1 were that of a monastic complex (A. Datta 2008a: 11). Excavation in two trenches at MGM2 exposed five circular structures, which were identified by the excavator as stupa-basements. MGM2 yielded a 1.48metre-thick, BRW-associated cultural deposit (A. Datta 2008a: 20). This deposit could be associated with the EVF phases and yielded black ware, red ware, grey ware, and BRW (A. Datta 2008a: 21). Excavation at Moghalmari was resumed during the field season of 2006–7. Excavation in the 22 trenches at MGM1 exposed a wall, which was identified as the southern wall of the triratha structure found during 2003–4 (A. Datta 2008a: 12). In several trenches, brick walls were unearthed. The relationship between them is not clear. It was inferred that the brick wall with lime plaster in trench C was an extension of the earlier monastic complex (A. Datta 2008a: 12) since in the eastern part of the mound the excavator had already found the existence of a (p.31) temple complex with extensive lime/stucco decoration and, besides this, the wall of this monastic complex had already been traced in the southeastern part of the mound (A. Datta 2008a: 12). The most important discovery during that season was a low-relief grey stone sculpture identified as an image of the Buddha in the bhumisparsa mudra found from a depth of 78–80 centimetres (A. Datta 2008a: 13). Two dressed laterite stone pillars of 1.72 metres and 1.62 metres with rectangular upper and lower parts and octagonal centres were also unearthed (A. Datta 2008a: 15). Excavation in the 14 trenches in the eastern and southeastern parts of the mound with the aim of tracing the entrance or the gateway of the monastic Page 4 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements complex yielded, among other structural remnants, two brick structures superimposed one above the other with a gap between them. The lower structure was plastered with lime and ornamented with stucco floral motifs (A. Datta 2008a: 15–16). Excavation in a solitary trench at MGM3 failed to correlate the earlier BRWassociated deposits unearthed from MGM2, however, it yielded huge quantities of charcoal at different depths in layer 3, along with iron ore, slag materials, iron objects, and so on. Layer 4 yielded a terracotta seal matrix besides other cultural objects (A. Datta 2008a: 23). During 2007–8, excavation in six trenches at MGM1 yielded a 1.5-metre-thick wall with two projections. The excavator identified this eastern wall as the outer wall of a triratha structure (A. Datta 2008a: 104–6) and this wall exhibited a beautiful niche. The discovery of a stucco head from the debris in front of this niche apparently led the excavator to deduce that the stucco figure was originally placed in the niche (A. Datta 2008a: 106). A lime-plastered outlet (drain), besides a few cells, was also exposed (A. Datta 2008a: 106). Excavation in the southeastern part of the mound exposed two floor levels out of which the upper one represented late medieval structural activities. An inscribed stone pedestal was found; the inscription was in the Gaudiya script. The lower floor level was of the early medieval period and probably these superimposed floors represent the courtyards of the monastic complex(es) at MGM1 in Moghalmari. A circular brick stupa base was also exposed (A. Datta 2008a: 107). Two other phases of structural activities are evident (A. Datta 2008a: 107). Besides these, the excavation also yielded fragments of stone sculptures including one female stone deity, a large number of decorative (p.32) bricks, iron objects such as nails, large quantities of grey, black, red, and buff pottery, one copper coin, most probably of Puri-Kushana type, and different stucco floral and geometric motifs (A. Datta 2008a: 109). The extensive use of stucco and decorative bricks in the construction of the monastery ‘added new dimension to the concept of Buddhist architectural knowledge in eastern India’ (A. Datta 2008a: 109). According to the brief report of D. Basu, published in the CASTEI Newsletter, ‘twelve trenches were laid out in the eastern part of the mound’ so far as the excavation at Moghalmari during the field season of 2007–8 was concerned (CASTEI Newsletter 2009: 20). The major ceramic types unearthed from Moghalmari include grey ware, black ware, red ware, buff ware, red and black ware, and BRW. The shapes comprise bowls, vessels (storage and cooking), jars, basins, and others. The pottery analysis is mainly based on the collections from MGM1 and MGM3 (for details, see A. Datta 2008a: 64–5, 68–73).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements MGM3 has also yielded black ware, buff ware, grey ware, minor varieties such as red-and-black ware, black-and-buff ware, red-and-buff ware, and black-andgrey ware (A. Datta 2008a: 73–86). Terracotta objects from MGM1 and MGM2 during the field season of 2003–4 include a lamp resembling a standing bird, lamps in red and buff ware, hopscotches, dabber, a human head exhibiting an archaic form, and a conchshaped bead (A. Datta 2008a: 92–3). Terracotta specimens unearthed during the 2006–7 field season from MGM1 include a semi-circular cake/weight, an unidentified terracotta object resembling a cake, a cylindrical object probably a seal blank, the conical-shaped lid of a casket resembling a miniature stupa usually used as votive offering, and fragments of terracotta lamps in different colours used for ritualistic purpose (A. Datta 2008a: 95–6). From MGM3 an inscribed terracotta seal impression, irregular in shape, highly fragmented, and showing traces of uneven firing had been unearthed. The script appears to be the eastern variety of Siddhamatrika of c. 8th–9th century. It appears to have been the impression of a personal seal that carried the name/s of individual/s such as Srivarma (A. Datta 2008a: 99–100). An inscribed seal bearing post-Gupta Brahmi letters of c. 6th–7th century CE was earlier reported to have been found somewhere near the mound of MGM1 (A. Datta 2008a: 98–9). Excavated stone objects have also been documented (A. Datta 2008a: 94, 96–7). Other objects have been unearthed such as a few (p.33) cowrie shells and iron objects from MGM1 including an iron bangle, fragmentary pieces of nails, pins, and considerable amount of slags (A. Datta 2008a: 93). Iron objects excavated during the 2006–7 field season from MGM3 include the broken part of a vessel, a thick iron slab, and fragments of some unidentified iron objects. ‘The apparent impression of the assemblage is that of an iron smelting complex. In view of their stratigraphic position in the trench, the assemblage is likely to be dated to the later early medieval or late medieval period’ (A. Datta 2008a: 98). So far as structural remains are concerned, the excavation report refers to the morphometric diversity of non-decorative and decorative bricks and nondecorative tiles (A. Datta 2008a: 31–62). Excavation in Moghalmari during the field season of 2009–10 was carried out in 14 trenches in the northern slope of the mound of Sakhisenar Dhibi. A beautiful brick gateway unearthed in Trench H1 is decorated with two beautiful brick pillars on both sides and crowned with purnaghata shaped on bricks. Other structural remains were also unearthed (A. Datta 2010: 283–4). The retrieved ceramic assemblage comprises pottery with lotus petal design, spouted bowls, moulded pottery, black ware, and red ware. Stone beads have also been unearthed (A. Datta 2010: 290)

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Excavation was resumed at Moghalmari during the field season of 2010–11. A massive and beautifully decorated structure with lime plaster and stucco designs on the outer wall of the monastery was unearthed from the southern part of the mound (CASTEI Newsletter 2011: 21). Excavation was resumed by the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, during the field season of 2011–12. A massive lime-plastered outer wall with stucco work running towards the west was exposed (CASTEI Newsletter 2012: 17). Three more trenches in the north–south direction yielded a brick wall with lime plaster on its inner surface and a panel of divine and semi-divine stucco figures. The wall is further decorated with lotus petals and other floral designs. The identified stucco figures include those of Gana, Kuvera, Janguli, dancing couples, and flying gandharvas. From trench E6, four terracotta votive tablets depicting a seated Buddha flanked by Bodhisattvas, besides stupas, temples, and miniature seated Buddhas, were recorded (CASTEI Newsletter 2012: 17). Some tablets are inscribed with the Buddhist creed. Significantly, the depictions (p.34) of temples in these tablets appear to be true replicas of the Nagara style with the clear sign of an amalaka-sila on the top. Accroding to Peter Skilling, these votive tablets were locally made and were meant exclusively for local use (CASTEI Newsletter 2012: 18). Other excavated artefacts include terracotta lamps, stucco fragments, decorative bricks, sprinklers, iron nails, footed bowls, hopscotch, spouted bowls. Apart from these, a substantial number of red, black, grey sherds, and moulded and applique red and grey sherds have also been found. The second phase of excavation aimed to trace the alignment of the said wall decorated with the panel of stucco figures. There were several phases of constructions and renovations. According to the excavator, a second monastery was constructed over the ruins of the early monastery around 9th/10th century CE after a gap of several years. According to the excavator, the early monastery is assignable to the 6th century CE on the basis of archaeological evidence including palaeography, art form/style, and other archaeological materials. The report mentions: ‘As it stands unique in terms of stucco decoration and decorative bricks, it can only be compared with the similar monasteries of Vikramsila, Nalanda, Paharpur, Mainamati etc. of India and Bangladesh’ (CASTEI Newsletter 2012: 19). The DAWB started excavation at Moghalmari during the field season of 2013–14 at Sakhisenar Dhibi or Sashisenar Dhibi. A triratha plan of the monastery, along with a cell, a sanctum, a pradakshinapatha, and the western and northern walls of the monastery, was unearthed during this field season. A mixed metal coin of Samacharadeva, a gold pendant, terracotta seals and sealings with Brahmi inscriptions, stone and terracotta beads, a copper ring, sculptural fragments, stucco head, and other objects have also been recovered. Different sizes of burnt Page 7 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements brick were used in the wall and mud mortar mixed with vegetable gum, jute, and straw was used as mortar. The excavation further exposed stucco figures of Gana, Kubera, Janguli, dancing couples, and flying gandharvas on the unearthed wall (Puravritta 2016: 189). The DAWB resumed excavation work at this site during the field season of 2014– 15. Excavation unearthed several brick structures, a lime- and sand-rammed floor and a good number of potsherds, brickbats, terracotta lamps, and so on (Puravritta 2016: 191). Trench ZE2 exposed three structural phases, besides a terracotta votive seal with a post-Gupta Brahmi legend (for details, see Puravritta 2016: 191; for other antiquities, see Puravritta 2016: 192, 193–4, 196). (p.35) The stratigraphy suggested by the excavator represents three different phases—phase 1: the post-Gupta, phase 2: the period of an independent ruler, Samacharadeva, and phase 3: the pre-Pala phase (Puravritta 2016: 196, 197). The excavation, according to him, unearthed three phases of cultural sequences. The structures unearthed were of nine categories: (a) brick wall of the early phases of structural activity (post-Gupta); (b) decorated eastern side outer wall of phase 2; (c) two parallel-running massive brick walls of phase 2; (d) cells and platforms of phase 2; (e) a votive stupa of phase 2; (f) a square shaped base of votive stupas belonging to phase 3; (g) a small cell of phase 3; (h) a platform and rammed floor of phase 3; and (i) a platform on the northern side, belonging to phase 3. The monastery and most of the structural remains of phase 2 were unearthed in the northern side of the mound. It may be assumed that the monastery and most of the structural remains belonged to the post-Gupta period. Since the mixed metal coin of Samacharadeva was recovered within the same structure, it may be suggested that the structures were probably built during the reign of King Samacharadeva (Puravritta 2016: 198). Several seals and sealings from phase 2 have also been discovered. The excavator has also suggested that after the destruction of the phase 1 structure, the site was abandoned for a long time and phase 2 structures were constructed at the same place. The bricks used in the earlier structures were used in the later structures. The entire complex could be a big monastery, an apsidal temple, or a stupa complex. Recently, several metal images were unearthed from the site besides a worked gold plate which is probably part of a casket. These findings are quite significant (personal communication with P.C. Maity). Tildah

Tildah (22° 15′ N and 87° 41′ E) also known as Tildahganj, under the Pingla PS, is situated along the Balichak–Maina road in the district of West Midnapur. Like Bahiri, this village is now quite a distance away from any flowing channel; Page 8 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements however, there is evidence of dried-up channels of former rivers in its vicinity. Scattered habitational remains are still found to be concentrated over an area covering about 0.5 kilometres including a centrally located area of about 15 acres surrounded by a ditch and presently marked by a number of ponds. This (p.36) area is locally known as a garh, or a fortified complex with evidence of mud walls. Trial excavation at the Chandpur mound by K.G. Goswami exposed two structural phases assignable to the Gupta and post-Gupta periods (IAR 1954–5: 23). This trial excavation of a limited area failed to trace either the purpose or the plan of the unearthed brick structures of both the phases. Potsherds, a few intact pieces of pottery, and a large number of terracottas of the Gupta and post-Gupta periods were unearthed. Apart from these, a solitary sherd of NBPW and a terracotta figurine, both of the pre-Gupta period, were also found. Pre-Gupta structural remains were not reported. A terracotta plaque with inscriptions (of Greek letters), presently in the collection of the Indian Museum, Kolkata, was also reported from this site. A few decades after this trial excavation, Tildah was extensively explored by the present author. He recorded the occurrence of BRW-associated habitational deposits from the adjoining regions of the structural mound excavated by Goswami. On the basis of the in situ remains along the exposed sections, the author feels that here the genesis of the settlement could be traced to the BRWassociated EVF phases; however, more evidence is required to substantiate this early beginning. The explored database (personal collection) of the author include potsherds, terracotta objects, beads of semi-precious stones, fragments of copper objects, broken parts of stone sculptures, clay dabbers, net-sinkers, hopscotch sets, and bone tools. The absence of diagnostic types of occupational remains generally associated with the Mauryan and post-Mauryan phases constrains our efforts to explain the growth of the settlement. The structural remains, including the possibilities of fortification, suggest that during the Gupta–post-Gupta period, the settlement witnessed considerable growth and expansion. Do these structural remains then signify that the region became a major administrative centre of Dandabhukti, one of the famed geopolitical units that bridged the littoral society of Utkaladesa with the hinterland of Dakshina Radha? The database retrieved from Tildah is comparable to a certain extent to those recorded from Moghalmari, Dantan, Bahiri, Panna, and Tamluk. In absence of horizontal excavations and epigraphic–literary data, the identity, function, and nature of the settlement at Tildah are not yet clear. Its database definitely rules out maritime activities although Chakrabarti refers to Mediterranean contact on the basis of the terracotta plaque depicting (p.37) a Greek inscription found from Tildah (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 155–6). On the other hand, Sasanka’s Egra and Midnapur land grants hint at the expansion of the agrarian economy in the immediate hinterland areas. A gold coin found from this village is of Visnugupta (Mukherjee 1996: 87). Mukherjee also recorded some terracotta figurines including a Jaina image in kayotsarga posture and an image of Buddha in Page 9 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements dharmachakrapravartana mudra. This terracotta Buddha, presently in the Asutosh Museum, is probably assignable to the 6th century CE. A similar terracotta Buddha was reported from Tamluk. The Jalchak Nateshwari Netaji Vidyalaya has a collection of antiquities comprising potsherds, terracotta objects, and stone sculptures found from this village. Two Visnu icons stylistically assignable to the 10th century CE and found from this village are now worshipped as family deities of the Bhattacharya family of Barisa (J.L. no. 233), a temple village under the Pingla PS. Tamluk

Proceeding eastwards along the coastal line is Tamluk (22° 17′ 50″ N and 87° 55′ 24″ E) on the right bank of the Rupnarayan river, near its not-so-wide mouth. Geologically, it is in the new alluvium of the Panskura Formation. It is easier and perhaps safer as an archaeologist to recollect Deloche and Kalyan Rudra rather than be overburdened with the enormous literary citations of ancient Tamralipta generally identified with modern Tamluk. Deloche talked about the Rupnarayan linking ancient Tamralipti to the Bay of Bengal through a channel which is now extinct (Deloche 1994). Rudra had mentioned how the apparent anomaly over the location of Tamralipta lies in the history of the changing courses of the lower Bhagirathi distributaries (Rudra 1990: 248). He explained the issue of the location of Tamluk by suggesting that the moribund channel of the river Saraswati (that flowed through Chanditala and Amta, and joined the Rupnarayan at Kolaghat), that is, the oldest course of the Bhagirathi, remained navigable till 700 CE and sustained the ‘port’ of Tamralipta (Rudra 1990: 248). Subsequently, an eastward shifting of the Bhagirathi perhaps led to the decline of the Tamralipta port and the shifting of the confluence of the Bhagirathi–Rupnarayan from Kolaghat to (p.38) Geonkhali. However, the Rupnarayan estuary below Kolaghat was known as ‘Ganga’ and the early European cartographers such as João de Barros (1550), Gastaldi (1561), and Blaev (1650) described the estuary of the Rupnarayan as the Ganga on their maps. Valentin (1670) labelled the river as Patraghata. In the maps of the European geographers, the river near Tamralipta is known as Tamboli or Patraghata or even Guenga (cited in N.R. Ray 1979: 205–22). Is Tamluk the legendary ancient port town of Tamralipta? Can archaeological findings relate the complex space and material remains associated with a busy port (harbouring area as well as trading centre well acclaimed by the foreign travellers, some of whom had religious ambitions like the Chinese travellers), the non-secular architectural and sculptural remains (Buddhist, Jaina, and Brahmanical), the settlement areas associated with power centres, and, finally, the quarters of the commoners (artisans or otherwise)? Till now, we have failed to relate the findings from Tamluk and its surrounding region to ancient Tamralipta. We have also not been able to establish the archaeological potentiality of modern Tamluk in the reconstruction of the rise and growth of a Page 10 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements large settlement/cultural space or settlements/cultural spaces associated with a littoral society. One cannot ignore the discovery of innumerable archaeological records from Tamluk and its surrounding areas including the adjoining hinterland. These records throw light on diverse human activities and survival strategies along the coastal line, Tamluk’s relationship with the settlements of the immediate hinterland, and the large-scale consumption of metals, minerals, and other resources of the plateau and the plains that were available to the settlers of Tamluk. It may be noted again that presently the town of Tamluk is situated in the Rupnarayan delta, which is at least 20 kilometres from Mahisadal, the place where it meets the Hooghly, and from this junction the sea is quite far. Rennell in his map marked some elongated depressions in the Chanditala (Hooghly district), Amta, and Bagnan (Howrah district) region, and the same depressions from the moribund river Saraswati to the Rupnarayan river are indicated by the Landsat image of 1975 (Jana 1997: 76). These depressions suggest the erstwhile existence of a channel of the Ganga–Bhagirathi in this locality which was connected with the present channel of the Rupnarayan near Bagnan. It is possible that this channel is referred to in Desabalibibriti/ Desavalivivriti as Gangakhali (Jana 1997: 76). The Landsat image also points to a certain (p.39) migration of this moribund channel towards the east. This eastward migration led to a new channel which flows past Sankrail, Budge Budge, Falta, and again meets the Rupnarayan at Mahisadal in the East Midnapur district (Purva Midnapur). Possibly, this eastward migration was responsible for the disconnection of Tamralipta from the river Ganges, and the particular estuary of the Rupnarayan, that is, the present one, lost its identity as the estuary of the Ganges (Jana 1997: 76) Changing courses of the Rupnarayan and cyclonic disturbances along the coastal line, particularly in 1864 (Kundu and Mondal 1995: 18), resulted in massive destruction of old habitation remains and extant architectural remains. According to local folklore, the name Tamralipta originated from the name of King Tamradhwaja (meaning the king with the copper flag/symbol) of the Mayura-Dhwaja (Peacock) dynasty. The word ‘Tamralipta’ is derived from two Sanskrit terms tamra and lipta, which conjointly implies ‘full of copper’. An article written about three centuries ago by Umacharan Adhikari of Tamluk refers to the Khatpukur locality in northern Tamluk being extensively dug up for the sake of tanks and other constructions during the reign of a local ruler, Tamradhwaja (Kundu and Mondal 1995: 24). It may be noted that from the medieval period onwards the landscape in and around the Tamluk region had undergone considerable man-made changes. From a historian’s viewpoint, the settlement dimensions of Tamralipta suggest the following: Page 11 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Compared to Chandraketugarh, the settlement dimensions of Tamralipti (Midnapur district) represented by the site of Tamluk on the right bank of the Rupnarayan, a tributary of the Bhagirathi, are as yet unclear. That it was located in a cluster of sites distributed in the region is becoming somewhat clear now and this would suggest conformity to a pattern which is found elsewhere. However, unlike Mahasthan, Bangarh, and Chandraketugarh, Tamralipti does not seem to have had any enclosed space which marked off its core area from the rest of what may be considered the Tamralipti settlement complex. (B.D. Chattopadhyaya 2005: 78) In an interesting article ‘Tamralipta: Commerce and Culture’, Gaur Pada Sen discussed various issues such as routes in the lower Ganges valley, markets in the lower Ganges valley, inland trade and its (p.40) continuity, foreign trade of Bengal, chief exports and imports, trade routes by sea and land, and Tamralipta in Indo-Roman and Southeast Asian trade (Gaur Pada Sen 1988: 14–34). Literary sources: Tamralipta in one or other of its dialectical variants (Tamralipti, Tamalitti, Tamalitta, Damalipta, Tamraliptaka, and so on) was well known in the early Indian literary tradition—Sanskrit, Pali, and Prakrit. It was also known to the Greek astronomer-geographer Ptolemy (he mentioned Tamalites) and the Chinese monk-travellers Fa-hien (Faxian), Hsuan-tsang (XuanZang), and I-tsing (who mentioned Tan-mo-lih-ti, for instance). There was at least another port city in ancient Bengal, namely Gange, known to the anonymous author of the Periplus as well as to Ptolemy. During the first three centuries of the Christian era at any rate both Tamalites and Gange seem to have enjoyed the same status as port cities (N.R. Ray 1979: 207). It is significant that Periplus does not mention Tamalites or Tamralipta. A century later Ptolemy found Tamalites, a considerable town and royal residence, and he also mentions Gange. The earliest dated reference is in the Geography of Ptolemy, about the middle of the 2nd century CE, which refers to the port Tamalites on the Ganges (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 29). While describing the east coast of India, the Periplus of the 1st century CE mentioned the river Ganges and a market town on its bank having the same name as the river. The city of Gange was also mentioned by Ptolemy as a metropolis and one that was different from Tamalites. Ptolemy referred to the five mouths of the Ganges, namely the Kambyson mouth, the most western, Mega, Kamberikhon, Pseudostomon, and Antibole (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 11). The Digvijaya section of the Sabhaparvan distinguished it from territories in northern, eastern, and central Bengal and Suhma (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 22) and the section also mentioned that after defeating the mighty lord of the Pundras and attacking the king of the Vangas, Bhima reduced to subjection the lords of Tamralipta and Karvata as well as the rulers of the Suhmas, those who lived in maritime regions, and the mlechchhas (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 8–9). The Mahabharata, that is, a part of Book I, mentions the sea-routes between Tamralipta and Bharukachcha and also Sumatra, Java, and other places (M. Page 12 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Chandra 1977: 130). The Puranic tradition seems to indicate that the Tamraliptas were neighbours of the Vangas, Suhmas, and Karvatas (N.R. Ray 1979: 213). The Matsya Purana mentions that the Bhagirathi, having passed through (p.41) many janapadas in mid-India, flows to the sea ‘dashing against the Vindhyan hills’, and finally flows through Brahmottara (the Uttara-Radha region), Vanga, and Tamralipta (N.R. Ray 1979: 214). However, the Dasakumaracharita of Dandin of the 6th/7th century CE includes Damalipta (Tamralipta) in the Suhma territory (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 10), while the Jaina Upanga Prajnapana (Pannavana), assignable to the 2nd–1st century BCE (or 1st century BCE–1st century CE), refers to Tamralipti as a part of Vanga (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 22; see also B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 45). It may be noted that Vanga has been mentioned in Milindapanho in a list of maritime countries where ships gathered for trade (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 12). In the Jaina Kalpasutra, Tamraliptika is mentioned as one of the Jaina ascetic orders. According to the Jaina tradition, Parsvanatha, the 23rd Tirthankara who lived long before Mahavira, once came to Tamralipta. Another Jaina tradition tells that Kalakacharya embarked a vessel at Tamralipta for his voyage to Suvarnadvipa. The Abhidhana-cintamani cites Damalipti, Tamalipta, Tamalini, Stambapura, and Visnugriha as synonyms of Tamralipti. The Trikandasesha adds Velakula and Tamalika (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 30). In the Jaina text Samaraichchakaha, Tamralipti is mentioned as an important port-town for journeys to Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka and the most important centre of inland as well as foreign trade (Shukla 1996). The Brihat-Samhita of Varahamihira, a 6th-century CE text, refers to Gaudaka as a part of Bengal, which is distinguished not only from Paundra, Tamraliptika, Vanga, and Samatata but also from Vardhamana (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 13). The same text also refers to the entry of ships from Yavana to the port of Damalipta. The Kathasaritsagara refers to the merchants embarking at Tamralipti on ships bound for Kataha (identified with Kedah) on the west coast of the Malay Peninsula (R.C. Majumdar 2003: 30). It refers to wealthy merchants of Tamralipta carrying on overseas trade with Ceylon and Suvarnabhumi. Tamralipti is termed in the Vasudevahindi as a visaya (Jamkhedkar 1965) from where traders might have travelled to the Yavana country. The existence of a sea route between Tamralipta and the Malay Peninsula is also referred to in the Mahakarmavibhanga in the narration of the experiences and perils of merchants on voyage from Tamralipta to Suvarnabhumi (A. Bhattacharyya 1998: 162). Texts such as Samaraichchakaha, Brihatkathaslokasamgraha, and (p.42) Brihatkathamanjari refer to Tamralipta in connection with maritime activities. The Avadanasataka mentions a voyage of a caravan leader of Sravasti to Ratnadvipa and of the merchants of Sravasti and Rajagriha on the high seas. It was mentioned in the text that these merchants boarded ships at Tamralipta (Gopal 1965: 139; see also A. Bhattacharyya 1998: 170 fn. 37). There is a story of a merchant Charudatta who went to Priyangu-pattana from Tamralipta (M. Page 13 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Chandra 1977: 130–1). The Irda copper plate palaeographically assignable to the latter part of the 10th century CE (N.G. Majumdar [1933–4] 1984: 150–9) refers to Priyangu as the capital of Nayapala, the Kamboja ruler. The stories cited by Moti Chandra do not indicate whether the merchant travelled to Priyangu from Tamralipta by land or by sea. Since Charudatta made a voyage to Kamalapura, Yavadvipa, Simhala, and so on, from Priyangu, the latter must have been a seaport (A. Bhattacharyya 1998: 170n37). The Irda copper plate (verses 7–8) mentions Rajyapala as ruling over the earth girt by the sea-coast (N.G. Majumdar [1933–4] 1984: 157). The word ‘belakul’ meaning a sea-port (D.C. Sircar 1982a: 1–7) has been explained in the text Sabdakalpadrum with reference to Tamraliptadesa. Desabalibibriti, a geographical treatise of the 17th century CE, refers to Tamralipti as a mahagram (R.C. Majumdar 1355 BS: 1–20). Early Buddhist literatures mention Tamralipti as an ancient port, as great as Pataliputra. The Ceylonese chronicle Mahavamsa mentions (XI.38 and XIX.6) Tamralipti (as Tamalitti) and the visit of Asoka on the occasion of the voyage of Mahendra and Sanghamitra (Geiger 2014: 80, 128). Regarding the location of Tamralipta, we may refer to the Mahavamsa’s reference to the king travelling by land over the Vindhya range to the mouth of the Ganges. Here he again meets the ship carrying the Bodhi-tree and its escort (see Geiger 2014: 128). The 3rd century CE Sanskrit Buddhist text Divyavadana also refers to the sea voyage of Thera Mahinda from Tamralipta to Sri Lanka, thereby indicating an east coast network that most probably operated along the eastern littoral (R. Chakravarti 2012: 61). Among the literary references which Sen (1942) cited regarding Tamralipta, the most interesting one is that the four envoys sent by the Sri Lankan king Devanampiya Tissa to the Mauryan king Asoka travelled via Tamralipta. Asoka also sent a branch of the Bodhi tree to Sri Lanka and came himself to the port travelling overland across the Chhotanagpur hills from Pataliputra. (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 125) (p.43) In the accounts of the Chinese pilgrims the city is also known to be a thriving centre of religion, culture, and a principal emporium of trade. In 414 CE, Fa-hien left India for China and he boarded a vessel from Tamralipta, the premier port in the Ganga delta, for Ceylon which he reached after 14 days and nights. Fa-hien records that Tamralipti was situated on the sea-side nearly 50 yojanas east from the city of Champa. He spent two years in the country of Tanmo-li-ti, the capital of which was a sea-port, and then embarked in a large merchant vessel towards the southwest (J.A. Legge 1991: 100–1). He refers to 22 Buddhist monasteries with communities of resident monks in Tamralipti where the law of the Buddha was flourishing (J.A. Legge 1886: 100). In a different

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements version of his account, Fa-hien (Fa Xian) says the following after reaching the mouth of the Ganges: From this, continuing to go eastwards nearly fifty yojanas, we arrive at the kingdom of Tamralipti. Here the river empties itself into the sea. There are twenty-four Sangharamas in this country, all of them have resident priests, and the Law of the Buddha is generally respected. Fa-hien remained here for two years, writing out copies of the Sacred books (Sutras), and taking impressions of the figures (used in worship). (Beal 1869: 146–7) The description of Fa-hien’s voyage highlights two salient points: first, it was a direct overseas voyage between Tamralipta and Sri Lanka and not a coastal sailing, second, the voyage was undertaken during winter, taking advantage of the northeastern monsoon (R. Chakravarti 2012: 75). Fa-hien then boarded another vessel from Sri Lanka and travelled to Java from where he sailed to the east coast of China. The Kalyani inscription found near Pegu, Myanmar, during the rule of King Dhammaceti (1472–92 CE) refers to monks who preached Buddhism in lower Myanmar, among whom two hailed from Tamalitthi or Tamralipti and Kanchipura or Kanchipuram (Bhattacharya [Chakraborti] 1997: 60). The names of the Theras who hailed from these two places were Sivalithera and Anandathera respectively. Though the most learned was Rahulathera from Lankadvipa, these two from eastern and southern Indian port cities were also well-versed in Tipitaka (Bhattacharya [Chakraborti] 1997: 66 fn. 41). Another pilgrim I-tsing sailed for Sumatra from this port in the 7th century CE. I-tsing stayed at Tamralipti for five months and learnt (p.44) Sanskrit and the Sabdavidya, or ‘Science of words’. He refers to two routes from India to China, one was a land route through Khotan and northern India, and the other was the southern sea route from Canton to Condore (Kum-lun) through Malacca, Kedah, Pegu, and Tamralipti. Therefore, he gave clear indication that Tamralipta was the port of embarkation and disembarkation of Chinese Buddhist pilgrims travelling between eastern India and Sri Lanka. He himself embarked from this port while sailing for Sri Vijaya in Sumatra (N.R. Ray 1979: 214). The port survived till the end of the 7th century when I-tsing arrived at Tamralipta from the Canton coast, and it is described as a port on the coast of eastern India (Takakasu 1982; see also Jacq-Hergoualc’h 2002: 53–4). At Tamralipti he met other Chinese scholars, who had been living there for at least 12 years studying Sanskrit and Buddhist texts. According to Hsuan-tsang, Tamralipti was located near an inlet of the sea where ‘land and water communications met’. Consequently, rare valuables reached the place and its inhabitants were thus generally prosperous (Watters [1961] 1973: 189). Hsuan-tsang refers to Buddhist and Brahmanical establishments in this region, besides an Asokan stupa (Watters [1961] 1973: 189–90). From a Chinese text named Shui-ChingPage 15 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Chu (‘Commentary on the Water Classic’) of the 6th century CE we come to know that the king of Tan Mei (identified with Tamralipta) sent an embassy to the ‘Yellow Gate’ (the Chinese Court) in the 3rd century CE (Petech 1950: 53). Chinese sources also refer to horse trading from Tamralipta (B.N. Mukherjee 1996: 182). According to Shui-Ching-Chu, the port of Tamralipti must have been used by Su-Wu, an envoy of the king of Fu-nan (Cambodia), for transferring horses of the Yueh-chih country to Southeast Asia (Petech 1950: 52–5; B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 63–4; B.N. Mukherjee 2014: 25). In the context of horse trade, a seal from Chandraketugarh (State Archaeological Museum, Acc. no. D.A.W.B. CKG 180) ‘furnishes the earliest known evidence of shipping of horses from an Indian harbour’ (modern-day Bharuch) (R. Chakravarti 1992: 156). The ship is labelled trapyaka in the seal which has ‘definite correspondence to the class of ship named trappaga’ described in the Periplus in the context of Barygaza (R. Chakravarti 1992: 157). ‘The transportation of horses from a port or ports in coastal Vanga by using trappaga class of vessels indicates the supply of horses to markets and harbours along the eastern sea-board’ (R. Chakravarti 1992: 158). (p.45) In Yijing’s (I-tsing) accounts of the voyage of the Chinese pilgrims who travelled to India and returned during the second half of the 7th century CE, the itinerary refers to Tamralipti (H.P. Ray 2013: 202). Tamralipta appears to have been connected by separate routes with Pataliputra and Kausambi. The southern route touching Tamralipta and passing through the coastal region of Orissa also reached as far as Kanchi in the south (M. Chandra 1977: 21). Further inland, trade routes in Kalinga were connected with Tamralipta through the southern route. The southern route in coastal Orissa linked Tamralipta and south India through Tosali, Kalinganagara, and the ports of Poloura-Dantapura and Pithunda. Further, Samapa in southern Orissa was connected with a southwestern highway passing through the Atavika territory to south Kosala, thus linking it with Asurgarh and with Suvarnapura on the Mahanadi river. These highways were connected with the Uttarapatha and the Daksinapatha by the major trade routes of early India (M. Chandra 1977: 70–8, 91–128). The Dudhpani rock inscription of the 8th century CE (Kielhorn [1894] 1984: 343–7) records how the three brothers Udayamana, Sridhautamana, and Ajitamana went to Tamralipta from Ayodhya and became rich merchants. An inscription from Java mentions a mahanavika Budhagupta as an inhabitant of Raktamrittika (R.C. Majumdar 1937–8: 52). Probably, Budhagupta sailed along the Ganga and took ship from Tamralipta since the Raktamrittika mahavihara (also visited by Hsuan-tsang) can now be located in the Chiruti region of the Murshidabad district (Kielhorn [1894] 1984: 344–5). The archaeological as well as historical significance of the Chiruti/Chhiruti/Kandi area of the modern district of Murshidabad is substantially attested by explored and excavated remains (B.C. Sen 1942; D.K. Chakrabarti 2001; S.R. Das 1968, 1971).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Such extensive literary as well as epigraphic references to Tamralipta/Tamralipti collectively signify the importance of the region during the ancient and medieval periods. Explorations in the Tamluk region and the antiquarian remains found in and around Tamluk: Since the latter half of the 19th century, a substantial number of antiquarian remains were reported from different find-spots such as Tamluk itself, Ichhapur (J.L. no. 53), Amritberia (J.L. no. 55), Kumbhachak, and Natsal (J.L. no. 157) on the bank of the (p.46) Rupnarayan; Tentulberiya (J.L. no. 166), Bhangagara (J.L. no. 166), Badur (J.L. no. 171), Latpatia, Brahmanberya, and Nanda Kishorechak (Haldia) on the bank of the Hooghly; Iswardaha Jalpai and Keshabpur Jalpai on the left bank of the Haldi and south of Tamluk; Chandramer (J.L. no. 81), Dhalhara, and Soyadighi (J.L. no. 36) on the bank of the Rupnarayan; Burari (J.L. no. 20), Santipur (J.L. no. 3), Jhakurkol (J.L. no. 312), Siddha (J.L. no. 227), Pulsita (J.L. no. 151), and Deulia to the north of Tamluk; and Kamarda (J.L. No. 38), Khanchi (J.L. no. 61), Barkhoda, Bhandarberya, Raghunathbari (J.L. no. 333), and Ratulia (J.L. no. 120) to the west of Tamluk. Outside the Tamluk subdivision, the findings from Tildah, Panna (J.L. no. 120), Pindrui (J.L. no. 209), and Bahiri are more or less similar to those from the Tamluk sub-division (P.K. Mandal 1987). In 1868, Dinabandhu Mitra discovered a ‘copper coin of the Mauryan period’ from the bed of the Rupnarayan near Tamluk. In 1881 some more coins were discovered from the same river bed. Some of these coins have symbols such as a lotus, chakra, chaitya, or the figure of an animal. In 1882 a copper coin of Kanishka (Hoernle 1882b: 112) and a typical gold coin of Kumaragupta I (obverse: king riding on a horse, reverse: seated image of the goddess Laksmi) (Hoernle 1882b: 113) had been found from Tamluk. In 1888 Gaurdas Bysack reported a terracotta figurine of the 2nd century BCE and a few copper coins from the bed of the Rupnarayan (Bysack 1888: 113–14). During the early 1920s, K.N. Dikshit, while exploring the Tamluk region, reported some wooden posts at a depth of 50 feet below the surface at the Mission School mound, which he reported were similar to the wooden posts recovered from Pataliputra. From the high Khatpukur mound over which stands the temple of Bargabhima, a celebrated Saktapitha beside the Rupnarayan, he reported a large number of rectangular and circular cast copper coins and terracotta figurines (which he described as belonging to the Sunga period). Dikshit was convinced that his findings could be associated with ancient Tamralipta. Among the terracotta figurines, a fine torso with outstretched arms, a miniature terracotta plaque, and two rams with twisted and foliated garlands around their neck are noteworthy (Annual Report of the Archaeological Survey of India for the Year [ARSAI] 1921– 2: 74–5). In 1940, G.S. Dutt, K.N. Dikshit, and T.N. Ramachandran explored seven locations/mounds of Tamluk including Rajbari, Khatpukur, the (p.47) Bargabhima temple mound, the Mission School mound, the tank site next to the Mission School, a high mound on the bank of the river, and some ruined mounds. Page 17 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements They also undertook exploratory diggings near the tank sites within the modern town of Tamluk. Among these, the tank sites/locations of (a) Khatpukur (a square tank to the east of the Kaivarta Raja’s palace locally known as the Rajbari) and (b) the area around an oblong tank adjacent to the Mission School were already known for their archaeological remains. These explorations reported several artefacts including a wide range of terracotta objects (human and animal figurines, wheels, lamps, and rattles) and pottery (vases, spouted vessels, lids, and so on). The Mission School area yielded structural remains including old brick walls, terracotta dancing figurines (assigned by the investigators to the Sunga period), and an interesting terracotta plaque depicting a purnaghata, overflowing with punch-marked coins, and traces of feet probably of Sri or Laksmi. The Khatpukur mound yielded two exquisite vases elaborately designed with motifs of ‘caterpillar-like leaves, single and crossed as in svastika, plaited reed, twisted and rounded cane and rosettes’. These motifs are comparable to those depicted in Egyptian vases (Ramachandran 1951: 226–39). P.C. Das Gupta, while exploring the Tamluk region during 1951 and 1952, collected more than 200 antiquities (from Abasbari, Parbatipur, the Damdama mound, Khatpukur, Golpukur, and Banichar localities of the Tamluk subdivision) which are mostly in the collection of the different museums of West Bengal (P.C. Das Gupta 1951–2: 464–7; 1952–3: 392–7; 1952: 132–6). Das Gupta’s findings from the Tamluk subdivision are also in the collection of different museums of West Bengal. These findings include silver and copper punch-marked coins, rectangular cast copper coins, a large number of terracotta figurines, potsherds, and stone sculptures, datable to the early historic–early medieval period (P.C. Das Gupta 1952: 132–6). D.P. Ghosh also recorded the discovery of valuable early historic antiquities from Tamluk (D.P. Ghosh 1957: 284–9). It may be noted here that Das Gupta’s major ambition was to identify the Tamluk region with ancient Tamralipta. Das Gupta observed that the ‘present town of Tamluk, between the Payaratungi canal and the Sankar Ara canal, is a rich archaeological site. Some localities like Parbatipur, Adhikarpara, Podumbasan, and Abasbari in the town are surely concealing invaluable antiquities’ (P.C. Das Gupta 1953: 68–70). He again (p.48) referred to the ‘Graeco-Roman’ contact on the basis of a find—a small gold coin (P.C. Das Gupta 1956: 89–93). The Tamralipta Museum and Research Centre, Tamluk, explored the Tamluk region and collected various finds, including microliths, polished neolithic bar-celts, bone points, awls, harpoons, copper and bronze rings, bangles, fish-hooks, celts, NBPW, sherds of rouletted wares, beads of agate, carnelian and crystal in various shapes, small circular seals of semiprecious stones, a large number of terracotta human and animal figurines ‘datable from the Mauryan to the Gupta period’, terracotta ram-shaped votive carts, punch-marked coins, silver and copper coins (IAR 1974–5: 51–2). Inscribed objects in the form of plaques and seals have also been reported from this site (see B.N. Mukherjee 1992a).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements During the course of an exploration at Tamluk, the DAWB collected from the Khatpukur area a few sherds of BRW and a fragment of what appeared to be a slipped bowl of coarse grey fabric (IAR 1965–6: 58). During recent years, the region in and around Tamluk was re-examined with reference to the spatial extent of this ancient site (K. Gangopadhyay 2010: 53– 63). The field observations of the present author during a visit to Tamluk in 2016 may be noted as far as the past landscape is concerned. While scrutinizing high mounds occupied by present-day constructions or dried-up channels, natural depressions which gradually took the shape of tanks with high embankments strewn with old habitational debris or otherwise, and the naming of localities such as Steamer Ghat, it struck his mind that they have some bearing and relevance with the past landscape. If one proceeds from the Manicktala and Hospital More bus-stops towards the Bargabhima Mandir, that is, the central part of Tamluk, one definitely comes across some localities with ancient settlements such as Parvatipur or the Hamilton School mound, which are unfortunately encroached by modern habitations. The present Steamer Ghat locality is, by and large, enveloped by modern bazaars and buildings. One may imagine without hesitation that once it was a ferry-ghat on the river channel close to the Bargabhima Mandir. Its archaeological potentiality is now lost due to the extensive encroachments made by modern habitation. On the other hand, the collections of the Tamluk Museum certainly provoke us to revisit the find spots/sites such as Nandakumar and Mahisadal, which are all enveloped by habitational areas. Altogether 29 sites have been identified from where old remains and antiquities have been recovered. (p.49) Excavations at Tamluk: Tamluk was first excavated during 1954–5 by M.N. Deshpande on behalf of the Archaeological Survey of India, Eastern Cirle (IAR 1954–5: 19–20). This excavation conducted at seven different places unfurled five occupational levels ranging from the ground and polished stone tools–bearing level (that is, the so-called ‘Neolithic’ phase) to the modern times with occasional breaks. According to the excavator, period I yielded meagre remains of ground and polished stone tools in association with ill-fired pottery. These stone tools comprise celts (facetted tool type). Period II assigned to the 3rd–2nd century BCE yielded NBPW, BSW, beautiful terracotta figurines betraying the Sunga stylistic idiom, other typical terracotta figurines, cast copper coins, and others. Period III, assignable to the 1st–3rd centuries CE, is characterized by the profuse occurrence of red polished ware and rouletted ware (IAR 1954–5: 20), besides sprinklers, banded agate beads, and structural remains including a brick-built stepped tank, a ring well, and a soak pit. About the remains of this period, the report noted that ‘Tamluk seems to have shared with other parts on the Indian coastal trade contacts with Roman world, as witnessed by a sprinkler and the profuse occurrence of the rouletted ware, both believed to be ultimately originatng from Rome’ (IAR 1954–5: 20). Period IV, the cultural sequence of which has not been clearly defined by the excavator, yielded Page 19 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements terracotta figurines betraying the Kushana–Gupta idiom and a terracotta figurine with a graceful modelling and transparent drapery, suggestive of the stylistic idiom of the early Gupta period. This excavation failed to identify the entire chrono-cultural sequence and the retrieved database did not reflect intensive sea-faring activities as projected by the indigenous and foreign literary sources regarding Tamralipta. The excavator suggested that after period IV the site had lost its earlier importance. Some sporadic finds of sculptures of the socalled Pala–Sena idiom were unearthed during the digging of tanks. Evidence of houses and a salt factory of the 18th–19th century was also found in the topmost horizon. Tamluk was excavated for the second time during 1973–4 by the Eastern Circle, Archaeological Survey of India, under the directorship of S.K. Mukherjee (IAR 1973–4: 33). This excavation conducted at two (10 × 10 metre) trenches laid in the open space behind the Munshif Bungalow unearthed four occupational levels. Period I, termed by the excavator as the ‘pre-NBPW horizon’, yielded BRW, ground and tiny (p.50) polished stone celts, and a wide variety of bone tools. Period II yielded degenerated variety of BRW and its upper level yielded NBPW sherds and associated BSW, along with structural remains comprising burnt surkhi-rammed floors and a number of post-holes. Period III yielded incurved bowls of red ware, a number of terracotta figurines betraying the Sunga idiom, several terracotta specimens, and structural remains comprising a series of hearths on a surkhi-rammed floor. Period IV yielded rouletted ware, polished red ware, and other minor early historic remains. The overlying deposits of the medieval period from where a terracotta ring well was recorded were found disturbed. N.R. Ray said the following: Tamralipta is certainly the oldest port city of Bengal that history knows of. In one or other of its dialectical variants (Tamrapti, Tamalitti, Tamalitta, Damalipta, Tamraliptaka, etc.) this port city was well known to early Indian literary tradition … ancient Tamralipta still survives, in the toponym Tamluk which happens to be name of one of the subdivisional headquarters of … Midnapur, anciently known as Midhunapur. (N.R. Ray 1979: 205–22; for the history of Tamluk, see Rakshit [1902] 1986) The village of Natsal/Natshal (20°11′59.88″ N and 88°2′47″ E) located on the right bank of the Rupnarayan, near its confluence with the Hooghly in the Tamluk subdivision, East Midnapur, gradually slopes from the west to the east. It is 10 kilometres south of Tamluk. This inter-tidal zone has yielded a wide range of artefacts comprising ceramics, terracotta objects, beads, bone tools, stone tools, and so on assignable to the early historic period from the villages of Ichhapur, Natsal, Tentulberiya, and Badur–Latpatia. Natsal is exposed by river action, that is, its remains are mostly found from the natural sections of rivers or Page 20 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements from chance diggings. The cross-section evident from several steeply eroded banks reveals the strata of the historical periods underlying an alluvial deposit, and just below the former is a thick layer of black soil containing artefacts of the so-called protohistoric period. A similar stratification is evident from Kumbhachak Natsal, another site further north. Chance finds of mixed-up assemblages reported from the bed of the Rupnarayan only during low tides as well as from the bank of the river, adjoining Natsal, include ground and polished stone tools (celts), a few microliths, handmade pottery, black burnished ware, BRW, ‘degenerated’ NBPW, rouletted ware, other (p.51) kinds of potsherds of early historical and medieval periods, tools of different shapes and sizes (points, scrapers, and blades) of fossilized and partly fossilized bones, teeth and antlers including the smaller ones comparable to microliths, worked bones bearing varied motifs which were carved, engraved, or painted, bone harpoons, polished bone tools, fossilized human bones, terracotta figurines and plaques, terracotta sealings bearing inscriptions, terracotta sling balls, beads of clay, bone, metal and precious and semi-precious stones, cast copper coins, a few stone images, grinding stones, and dabbers. What is striking is the extensive repertoire of a bone tool industry which does not exhibit the usual types. After studying the exposed river sections, Datta formulated a tentative chrono-cultural sequence of this region, ranging from the Chalcolithic to the medieval periods (A. Datta 1997: 25–36; 1999: 49–60). The DAWB undertook trial excavations during 1997–8 and 1998–9. These trial excavations reported sherds of BSW and associated wares with some fragmentary early historic terracotta figurines. The site was re-excavated by the DAWB during 1999–2000. The exposed sections of the site were investigated in 2003 by Rajaguru and Gangopadhyay and they determined the stratigraphy as comprising of Unit I or non-pottery-bearing laminated coarse silt; Unit II, yielding pottery, brickbats, bones, intact bricks, and semi-intact pots; and Unit III, yielding a large number of non-transported early historic pottery. ‘As early historic pottery is associated with the brownish clayey silt, it can be said that the human settlement was associated with the tidal mud flat during the early historic period’ (K. Gangopadhyay 2008: 103–4; see also K. Gangopadhyay 2011: 1–13). Explored Sites

Different sites along the Kasai or Kangsavati such as Lachhipur–Nepura, Daintikri, Netai, Jinsar, and others in the intermediary part between the coastal line and the immediate hinterland were extensively explored. Most of these villages have ancient habitational mounds scattered with potsherds and occasional sculptural and architectural remains. So far as the emergence and growth of EVF settlements are concerned, the Kangsavati river has played an important role and we may recollect the growth of BRW-associated village settlements in and (p.52) around the region of Tulsipur along the Kangsavati and Kumardanga on the bank of Tarafeni, a tributary of Kangsavati, in the Page 21 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements adjoining district of Bankura. This river flows through a great length from the upland plateau area that is rich in metal and mineral resources to the low-lying alluvial tract almost touching upon the littorals. Therefore, the growth of settlements along this river was deeply connected with the procurement process of raw materials. The exploitation of such metal and mineral resources and the gradual acceleration of agricultural activities (as evident from the database of the concerned excavated site of Tulsipur or from Ambikanagar) along the contiguous low-lying areas of the Midnapur region substantiate the resource base that nurtured (in other words, was exploited by the village settlers for) both farming and non-farming subsistence strategies. One really cannot separate the history of the hinterland from the history of the coastal region, and rivers such as Kangsavati, Silavati, Dwarakeshwar, Subarnarekha, and the Baitarini, further southwest, are crucial in this direction. At Jinsar we recorded a large number of medieval–late-medieval temples made of lateritic stone and bricks. A number of old mounds in this village are scattered with potsherds and sculptural remains particularly Jaina icons. It may not be out of place to state here that the Kangsavati played an equally relevant role in the transmission of the Jaina ideology of the Chhotanagpur plateau to the surrounding low-lying region of West Midnapur. Several Jaina centres have been recorded along the Kangsavati both in Purulia and Bankura. Likewise, the trading network and the reciprocation between the trading communities in the plateau and in the plains and ultimately along the coastal line are duly attested by epigraphic sources such as the Dudhpani rock inscription of 8th century CE (Kielhorn [1894] 1984: 343–7). Lachhipur–Nepura: In the Lachhipur (87°E and 22°39′5″N)-Nepura (86°54′27″E and 22°39′6″N) region on the western banks of the river Kangsavati and between Sijua and Daintikri, several fragments of Jaina sculptures including a Parsvanatha icon of 9th–10th centuries CE have been recorded from Dhanyantarir Danga. A chaumukha, or a miniature stone replica of a sikhara-type temple, has been found from the bed of the Kangsavati bed, near Lachhipur (S. De 1991: 140–3). Daintikri, Nitiai, Jinsar: Daintikri (87°1′18″ E and 22°36′47″ N), Nitai, and Jinsar yielded abandoned temples and sculptural remains (p.53) mainly associated with the Jaina ideology. The genesis of the settlements could be traced to the BRW-associated phases. We recorded a few ancient habitational remains including potsherds from all these sites. A few Jaina images have been recorded from the nearby village of Balihati (J.L. no. 216). Parihati: Parihati was explored with three major objectives: first, studying the evidence of metal-bearing occurrences reported earlier, second, a thorough documentation of artefacts and remains including BRW-associated findings, of Page 22 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements course, the documentation of the sculptural and architectural remains. The explored data indicate that it was a major settlement involved in the procurement network of metals, minerals and other natural resources of the plateau. With regard to the settlement history, the site with its BRW-associated EVF phases continued to the historical period. The presence of Jaina antiquities also suggests the involvement of the trading communities not very far from the coastal line. The Rankini temple complex of the village has an enshrined image of a Tirthankara and an image of Nairatma datable to the 10th–11th century CE. Aguiboni (J.L. no. 615): Aguiboni is quite a distance away from the coastal line. However, while considering its archaeological significance and location, one cannot ignore its role in establishing a relationship between the hinterland and the coastal line, particularly in the procurement of raw materials from the plateau region. This village under the Garbeta PS is 6 kilometres north of the Garbeta town and on the banks of the Silavati. Apart from its early medieval remains in the form of temples, stone sculptural remains, and old habitational deposits containing potsherds and other habitational remains, Aguiboni is known for the discovery of a copper hoard. A copper hoard containing one shouldered axe, eleven bangles, and a few small beaten copper sheets, probably for fabricating axes, was found while a plot of land was being dug up. This copper hoard is presently in the State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata. A copper hoard was also found from Parihati, under the Jamboni PS. Copper axes and tools were also reported from Tamajuri (Binpur PS), Chatla (Egra PS), Perua (Sabang PS), and Tamluk. Recently, in January 2017, another copper axe has been discovered by the villagers while digging a field from Sabang. (p.54) Mayta (J.L. no. 395): This site is under the Garbeta PS and is 2 kilometres away from Krishnanagar, near the confluence of the Silavati and Purandar. The high old mound along the river bank is strewn with potsherds and other habitational remains. The Asutosh Museum, University of Calcutta, has in its collection a Varaha image and an icon of Adinatha found from this village. In recent years, different varieties of ceramics have been collected from this old habitational mound. Narayangarh (J.L. no. 272): This site is situated along the NH 6, 20 kilometres south of Kharagpur. The site has remarkable archaeological remains in the form of structures, abandoned temple complexes, mosques, and others, mostly belonging to the late medieval period. However, the genesis of this settlement could be traced back to the early historic period if not earlier. There is a locality, Kasba, which yielded old habitational remains including large tanks such as Ranisagar, Indranidighi, and other abandoned temple complexes. The sculptural remains recorded from Narayangarh include icons of Visnu. Other village deities include Brahmani, Rudrani, and Indrani which are enshrined and worshipped together in a beautiful temple whose structure is made of wood.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Hirapari: Hirapari (J.L. no. 465), under the Narayangarh PS, is 3 kilometres west of Ukunmari on the Kharagpur–Belda road. There are some old habitational mounds in this village. Several architectural fragments such as stone slabs and amalakas are scattered in a heap in the central part of this village, indicating the existence of a temple. It must have enshrined a Visnu icon that presently stands amidst the ruins and is still worshipped by the villagers. The Visnu image is 1.3 metres (4 feet 6 inches) in height. A strikingly similar Visnu image has been found from Lakshmannath village, Jaleshwar PS, Orissa. The neighbouring villages of Pakurseni (J.L. no. 525), Sekua (J.L. no. 398), and Rautmani (J.L. no. 618) have structural mounds scattered with laterite architectural members, sculptural remains (Visnu at Pakurseni), potsherds, iron slags, terracotta objects, and so on. The genesis of these settlements goes back to the BRW-associated EVF phases contemporary to the BRW-associated EVF phases of Moghalmari, Narayangarh, and others. There is enough possibility of more BRW-associated EVF settlements in the surrounding region which unfortunately remained unexplored during the present field study. (p.55) Sabang (J.L. no. 293): This village is under the Sabang PS and has several late medieval temples. A Visnu icon (1.2 metres in height) still stands on the bank of the Kapaleshwari river. Stylistically, this icon is assignable to 12th– 13th centuries CE. Both Sarta (J.L. no. 341) and Singpur (J.L. no. 170) under the Sabang PS are possible radiations of early medieval settlements in the Sabang region. Two Tirthankara images from Sabang, assignable to 10th–12th centuries CE, are now in the Bagnan Museum. In January 2017, a copper axe was discovered from this village. Antra (J.L. no. 609) in Kharagpur PS, about 7 kilometres south of Madpur railway station, and several sites in Midnapur have either a pancharatha or saptaratha west-facing deul enshrining Siva lingas (named differently) built on ancient habitational mounds locally known as Hatpara/Hattala/Hatnagar. All these deuls are architecturally indebted to the Orissan nagara style and the genesis of such settlements could be viewed as an extension of Orissan developments since the early historic period, though most of these settlements had witnessed their earlier BRW-associated EVF phases. The village is extensively scattered with early medieval potsherds. The Hatpara of this village has a mid-19th-century sikhara deul enshrining Chandreshwar Siva; the temple was most probably built over an ancient habitational mound. Sculptural remains have also been recorded from the villages of Beharasai and Matnagar. Beharasai is 14 kilometres from Kesiari. A Parsvanatha icon and a Surya icon have been reported from this village. The place where the Surya icon (70 × 50 × 9 centimetres) is placed is locally known as Basulisthan. This image

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements is worshipped during Sitala puja. Many hero stones or boundary markers lie scattered in the place. Matnagar is about 1.5 kilometres east of Beharasai. We recorded two Visnu images from this village along with some architectural fragments. Kiyarchand (J.L. no. 29): The site is under the Kesiari PS on the Kharagpur– Kultikri road and is about 1 kilometre from Beharasai. A large number of hero stones, architectural members, and other fragmentary pieces of amalakas lie in the present football ground in front of the Kiyarchand Adivasi Milan Sangha Pathagar. Sculptures recorded from this village include a Visnu icon, an unidentified (p.56) ten-armed female deity, and a few Tirthankaras. Some hero stones from Kiyarchand are in a local museum at Vidisa in Narayangarh. Marandighi (J.L. no. 24): North of Kiyarchand, this site under the Kesiari PS is 1 kilometre north of Matnagar. A Risabhanatha image (1.3 metres in height) made of makra stone and an image of Lokesvara Visnu (2 feet 7 inches in height) made of chlorite stone are worshipped at the Garamchandi than of this village. The Jaina sculptures found from Kiyarchand and Marandighi are stylistically assignable to the 10th–11th centuries CE. Kesiari (J.L. no. 106): This village under the Kesiari PS is 26 kilometres south of the Kharagpur station and is on the Kharagpur–Kesiari road. With its early medieval temple remains, the usual parameters of the so-called early medieval phenomenon are well defined and the site must have gone through an early historic phase. Sites in the Dantan-I and Dantan-II blocks: In these two blocks, sculptural and architectural remains, potsherds, and other habitational remains were found from Tokinagar Gram, Uttarraybar, Ektiarpur, Sat Deula, Barabaghira, Angua, Manoharpur, Kankrajit, Krishnapur, Raybaruttar, Sarasankha/Sharsanka, Vidyadhar Lake, Loltapur, and other places. The genesis and growth of these settlements from the BRW-associated EVF phases certainly had a bearing on the development of Moghalmari along the floodplain of the Subarnarekha. Exposed sections of the local ponds reveal a large number of potsherds including grey ware, black ware, and slipped and un-slipped red ware. Several broken sculptures and architectural members have also been recorded from these sites. The noteworthy sculptures are that of Ambika and Rishabhanatha from Dantan, an icon of a Saivacharya (see Figure 4.1), a pancharatha pedestal of this image along with a part of the stela depicting a Saiva ascetic from Uttarraybar (see Chattopadhyay, Ray, and Majumdar 2013: 227–8), a beautifully sculpted head of Bhairava from Ektiarpur, nd a Rishabhanatha from Manoharpur. Sat Deula/Sat Deulia/Satdeula is an ancient settlement covering the Ektiarpur– Tokinagar mouzas near Dantan town. The report of Harrison (1873) mentions Sat Deula from where large number of bricks and stone slabs, apparently from Page 25 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements the structural ruins scattered in the village, were used for the construction of the local roads (Harrison 1873). The Sat Deula locality has seven ponds in the central (p.57) part of the village. Most of the dried-up beds of these ponds yielded potsherds in profuse quantities, among which a few were intact. Hatpukur yielded a huge collection of potsherds from almost every section. The red ware potsherds are similar to those found from Tokinagar Gram (Bhattacharya and Chatterjee 2009: 21–7). Kankrajit: This site under the Dantan PS is a large agrarian settlement situated about 10 kilometres northeast of Dantan. Numerous habitational debris found in and around the village, including potsherds, ranging from BRW to the late medieval period and terracotta objects such as net-sinkers, beads, figurines, substantiate that the settlement was a contemporary of Moghalmari. It is also interesting that the architectural and sculptural remains of the early medieval period at Kankrajit distinctly exhibit its association with the development of the geopolitical unit of Dandabhukti as well as the percolation of the early medieval idioms of Orissan art. The medieval temple complex of Jagannatha known as the Mahaprabhu Mandir is strewn with potsherds. Apart from the wooden Jagannatha triad, the sanctum of this temple has a beautiful and intact Surya icon (82.8 × 44.9 × 15.3 centimetres) of greyish black stone. Its stela depicts eight planetary deities, four on either side of the main deity in a vertical alignment. Several fragmentary sculptural remains in black stone and lateritic stone have been recovered from a tank known as Kunda from the northwestern part of this temple complex. These sculptural remains (fragmented upper parts of a Visnu icon, a Surya icon, and other unidentified broken pieces) have been placed together in a heap beneath a tree and are still worshipped by the villagers (see Figure 4.2). At the centre of this village and in front of a modern Siva temple, an icon of Revanta is placed under a tree. It is a damaged icon but it is iconographically significant as, unlike the side-facing Revanta images usually found from Bengal, this image in round is frontal. Sahasralinga (J.L. no. 191): This site south of Chandrarekha and under the Nayagram PS is near the West Bengal–Orissa border. The village is known for its early medieval sikhara deul along with a jagamohana built of makra stone of the Orissan nagara style. The Siva linga enshrined in this temple has one thousand miniature lingas carved in ten rows. A number of fragmentary stone sculptures are scattered within this temple complex. Other habitational remains suggest that this site could be associated with a settlement from the (p.58) early historic period onwards. However, since it is a large settlement which flourished in the historical period the genesis could easily be traced in the early historic period. The sites of Jai Kalir Chak (21°42′ N; 87°47′ E) and Manikabasan (21°44′ N; 87°47′ E) under the Ramnagar PS, not far away from the coastal line, have yielded a large number of potsherds, terracotta plaques, figurines, sling balls, Page 26 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements net-sinkers, bone objects, and other habitational remains. Near the village temple at Jai Kalir Chak, there are some old occupational deposits. At Jai Kalir Chak, the outline of a channel below the village temple is still visible and it must have been connected with the coastal line by some channels that are now extinct. Arabinda Maity of Dharas has a personal collection of antiquities/ artefacts found from both these sites. Terracotta elephants of the pre-Christian era are among the retrieved objects; most probably, these two places were early historic sites (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 151). A buffish pink ovoid vessel (66 centimetres in height and 1.32 metres in diameter) with a short neck and two handles reported from nearby Karanji ‘is the only vessel of its kind in West Bengal and one of the limited number of Roman amphora (or their Indian imitations) in India’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 151). While exploring the Karanji region, the present author recorded remnants of early historic settlements from its low-lying mounds. Erenda, 7 kilometres northeast of the town of Egra, is a major settlement lying between Moghalmari and Tamluk, and is situated not far from the coastal line. The remarkable habitational mound in this village is unfortunately encroached by a marketplace. However, a close inspection of the highly eroded sections of the mound revealed occurrence of BRW-associated habitational remains. It is apparent from the exploration of the entire village that from a rudimentary BRWassociated agrarian set-up it became a part of the post-Gupta developments over a wider geopolitical development covering parts of modern Orissa and West Bengal. This is evident from a copper plate of Sasanka reported from Egra, a nearby locality. For that matter, the explored database from Egra, Erenda, Hatnagar, Kharai Kotbar, and other locations suggests the growth of a significant agrarian cluster between the hinterland and the littoral during the post-Gupta period. Recent excavation by the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, during the field season of 2015–16, at a mound called (p.59) Basholir Mandir unfolded a cultural deposit associated with BRW-using EVF phases. The report is yet to be published, however, it appears to be a single cultural site dominated by a significant number of household objects including BRW sherds, harpoon-like bone objects, apparently used for fishing, terracotta games objects, beads, and copper objects such as a small metal axe and metal bangle. The findings associated with BRW suggest enough similarities with the excavated findings of the earlier phases that unfolded in Tamluk. The absolute date of the BRWassociated level is yet to be ascertained. According to a report published by the Telegraph on 10 March 2016 (p. 19), the excavator claimed that the exposed ‘floor is typical of chalcolithic habitation: clay rammed with pottery and calcium carbonate nodules, which made the surface hard and stable. The walls of such houses are typically made in the same technique and sometimes poles are used to hold thatched roofs’. The present author has reservations regarding the usage Page 27 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements of the term ‘chalcolithic’ so far as the periodization of the floor is concerned. The copper axe, according to the present author, reminds us about the distribution of a copper hoard in the adjoining areas of Midnapur–Tamajuri, Chatla, Aguiboni, Parihati (Jamboni), Perua, and Akuldoba, besides the artefacts found from Kulgara in Purulia, Bhaktabandh, and Kusadvip in Bankura and Mahisdal in Birbhum. Egra/Egra Patna in the Contai subdivision on the Kharagpur–Contai road was also explored. It has significant sculptural remains, apart from habitational remains, along the low-lying water bodies. This village has a brick saptaratha Siva temple complex of Hatnagar; the temple was built on an earlier structure. The village yielded old habitational remains, scattered architectural members, and a few sculptures (Karttikeya, Ganesa, and a fragmented Visnu). These sculptures are worshipped inside the temple. Bahiri (21° 51′ N; 87° 47′ E) is about 6 kilometres northeast of Contai town. It lies to the east of Marishda on the Tamluk–Contai road and to the west of the Rasulpur river. According to Chakrabarti, Bahiri was probably nearer the coast than the other sites like Tildah because there is a tradition that a ‘Ram–Sita’ temple was established in this village by a ‘sadhu’ on pilgrimage, who, while travelling by sea from Orissa to Gangasagar, had decided to stop on the way and set up this temple at Bahiri (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 152). Bahiri actually (p.60) comprises three villages—Paikbar, Deulbar, and Dihibahiri. The small localities inside Bahiri include Dakshin Deulbar, Uttar Deulbar, Paikbar, Chinadari, Malbari, Gopalpur, and Dihibahiri. All these localities are scattered with several low-lying mounds. Sabthikri, Dhantikri, Godhantikri, and Paltikri are the prominent mounds scattered with old habitational debris and strewn with potsherds and other miscellaneous archaeological findings. Bahiri village is locally known as Deulbar. Linear geomorphic features noticed on three sides of the mouzas of Deulbar, Bahiri, and Bidhu Bahiri might represent an extinct drainage system (CASTEI Newsletter 2009: 27). The old tanks, that is, Bhimsagar, Hemsagar, Lohitsagar, and Chandkona, are the landmarks that highlight a large settlement with several water bodies. The western, northern, and eastern limits of this village are marked by a palaeochannel known as Rasanala. The western part of this dried-up channel, which is now covered with lush paddy fields, and its adjacent sections yielded a large number of early historic remains. This dried-up channel was once an ancient river along which settlements were formed. Even now, if one stands on the elevated Paltikri mound, one can see the arching palaeochannel along the northern and eastern limits of this village. Earlier, this channel met the Rasulpur river further south and ultimately drained into the Bay of Bengal. Apart from different artefacts, this dried-up channel and its adjoining banks/elevated areas yielded structural and other habitational remains including brick wells, potsherds, terracotta objects, and stone sculptural remains. Low, flat mounds Page 28 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements with structural remains can also be observed in this village. Bahiri yielded terracotta figurines of the Kushana, Gupta and early medieval periods (IAR 1956–57: 81). A local club has an impressive collection of early historic antiquities comprising potsherds and a few terracotta figurines including a Sunga yaksi figure which were collected during modern constructions or diggings of tanks (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 151). The temple of Jagannatha at Bahiri bears witness to the spread of the Orissan cultural hegemony over an extensive territory within the modern districts of Midnapur. This 16th-century temple (as per the temple records) was built over a low mound on the western side of which is the Rasanala. This low mound had yielded stone sculptural remains of which two chloritoid phyllite icons of Hari-Hara and Visnu are now in the temple. The present author, during his (p.61) recent exploration, picked up BRW sherds from the Jagannath temple complex. He also noticed a low mound, a slightly elevated area, now used as a playground, scattered with innumerable potsherds just like the Deulbar mound. Till now, the children of that area carry with them cast copper Puri-Kushana coins and NBPW sherds, playfully collected from several parts of the village. A recent visit to the local club (Ramakrisna Seva Pratisthan) recorded an amphora with intact handles found from Bahiri. The Centre for Archaeological Studies and Training, Eastern India, (CASTEI) undertook a small scale excavation at Bahiri in March 2012. Two layers, one of a deposit of early historic pottery and the other of the early medieval period, were exposed in two trial trenches (CASTEI Newsletter 2013: 6). Another explored site located on the south bank of the Rupnarayan, few kilometres south of Tamluk, is Amritberia–Ichhapur. Earlier explorations yielded BRW, a collection of early historic antiquities including fragments of rouletted dishes and other early historic ceramics and five uninscribed cast copper coins (IAR 1977–8: 85). Nandigram: An inscribed seal depicting the Buddha in bhumisparsa mudra has been found from this locality and similar seals have been reported from the Tamluk region (P. Ray 2004: 419–20; Anandabazar Patrika, 20 August 1984). About 30 ‘Ganga Fanom’ gold foil coins (coins of the Eastern/Later Gangas of 13th–15th centuries CE) have been reported by P.C. Maity from Panchamkhanda, Jalpai, a village under Nandigram PS (A. Khara 2007: 108). Explorations in the Kanthi Sand Dune Ridges recorded an extensive medieval site within a sand dune context at Depal, Kanjia, and Deulpota. Pottery was recovered from Kanjia, and the villagers reported a few ring wells embedded in the local ponds. Deulpota yielded a few potsherds (CASTEI Newsletter 2009: 26). Several sites in the Ghatal region such as Baradagarh/Barada, Surathpur, Ghatal, and Panna were surveyed. All these sites have a series of mounds along Page 29 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements the Silavati scattered with old habitational remains and in some cases early historic potteries. Most of the temples of Surathpur are on the old habitational mounds (Santra 1377 BSb: 25). Ghatal: This town under the Ghatal PS is on the Panskura–Chandrakona–Ghatal road. The genesis of the settlement history of (p.62) the low-lying, floodaffected region of Ghatal could be traced during the early historic period. Unfortunately, most of the earlier habitational areas are either eroded and lost in the huge extensive floodplain of the lower reaches of Keleghai or are occupied by later habitational areas. During the pre-modern period, it was known for different crafts and small-scale village industries such as metal working (mainly bell metal), cotton, silk, and tussar textiles, and the manufacturing of different milk products. Interestingly, the entire town is divided into several paras or localities named after different artisan/professional groups. The early medieval– medieval char chala temple of Singhabahini at Karmakarpara was most probably built on an earlier habitational mound. In spite of being a char chala temple, it has a char chala jagamohana. The original terracotta plaques (similar to the terracotta plaques adorning several Indo-Islamic architectural remains of the Malda region datable to the 14th–15th centuries CE) are now no more on the temple walls, especially with the restoration and conservation attempts that were undertaken. Old habitational remains, potsherds, terracotta objects, and other artefacts have been reported from the banks of the Silavati. Due to the rapid spread of modern habitational remains, the archaeological potentiality of this region is perhaps suppressed forever. Panna: Panna (22° N; 87°25′ E) (J.L. no.120), on the bank of the Silavati, is well known for its early historic antiquities including terracotta plaques and objects such as an inscribed terracotta plaque of the early Gupta period showing a seated Buddha (IAR 1957–8: 69, 72). This specimen was collected by one Gour Mohan Ganguly and, according to Saraswati, this plaque ‘showing Buddha seated in “dharma chakra pravartanamudra” exhibits the Gupta classical concept of the hieratic order in a rather insipient manner’. Regarding the date of the specimen he noted that ‘the plaque bears several characters in Gupta Brahmi script of the 4th–5th century AD’ (Saraswati 1962: 104–5). The collection of the Asutosh Museum has several early historic antiquities found from this village. In 1955 a preliminary survey made by the Asutosh Museum, though aimed at examining the antiquity of the site, resulted in the discovery of a hollow terracotta female figurine and a beautifully moulded almost life-size terracotta head treated with an ochre slip (D.P. Ghosh 1959: 7). Further discoveries of intact potteries, potsherds, terracotta objects of the Gupta–post-Gupta period such as toy cars driven by horses, (p.63) rattles, plaques depicting erotic scenes/mithuna scenes, slate slabs containing Brahmi inscriptions, terracotta snake hoods, and a terracotta Varaha image have been

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements reported by Sudhir Chandra Khara (1378 BS: 33–4). The genesis of the settlement of the site could be traced back to the BRW-associated EVF phases. Several sites in the Panskura–Kespur region were explored, and old habitational mounds and ring wells, along with a few sculptural remains, have been recorded from Jagdih, Ayodhyabar, and Amanpur. The village deity Chandiburi at Ayodhyabar (J.L. no. 529) is actually a serpent-hooded deity (perhaps a Lokesvara Visnu or a Parsvanatha image), which can be stylistically assignable to the 10th–11th century CE. This vermillion-anointed image is worshipped as a form of Durga. The settlement of Ayodhyabar may be conceived in terms of the radiation of the late historic–early medieval settlements along the Kangsavati. From Amanpur (J.L. no. 125) a chlorite Surya image has been reecorded though the village now has a number of Siva temples. Balarampur (J.L. no.145): This site is under the Debra PS. The genesis of the settlement can be traced back to the early historic period as apparent from several low mounds scattered with old habitational debris, potsherds, and so on. This site requires further investigation (Santra 1377 BSa: 20). Patharghata: Patharghata (J.L. no. 35), in the Bulakipur mouza, under the Patashpur PS, has enough archaeological significance. There is a lofty mound along the river Keleghai with exposed structural remains, stone pillars, and other habitational remains. The sculptural remains may be stylistically attributed to the 11th–12th centuries CE. Pathra (87°25′20″ N; 22°24′30″ E) (J.L. no. 248): This village in the Kotwali PS of Paschim Medinipur district located approximately 10 kilometres northeast of the Midnapur town along the river Kangsavati or Kasai is well known for her sculptural remains including the Jaina, Brahmanical, and Buddhist deities enshrined in several temples. A few low mounds have yielded early historic potsherds, terracotta objects including net-sinkers, and structural remains of the post-Gupta period. A beautiful icon of Lokesvara-Visnu found from this village is presently in the Asutosh Museum. The early medieval character of the settlement is clearly evident from the available habitational remains; however, the genesis of the settlement may be traced (p.64) back to the early historic period. Above all, the large concentration of Jaina sculptural remains (icons of Tirthankaras, chaumukhas) and the associated habitational debris suggest that it was a major settlement associated with the spread of the Jaina ideology, not far from the coastal line. It may be noted that the Acarangasutra refers to a Jaina sect known as Tamraliptiya (Jacobi 1884: 79). Tamluk is not far away and if Tamralipta is Tamluk then the Jaina source may be considered as a corroborative one (see also Santra 1377 BSc: 29–30). It may be mentioned here that in Rennel’s map, Pathra had been marked as a junction of three ancient roads. Amongst them one road leads from Tamluk to Pathra via Tulya, Pratappur,

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Debra, and Kushiya villages (cited in Pathan 1993). Pathra is well known for its late medieval temples (see McCutchion [1974] 1993; S. Maiti 2016: 335–8). Kumarganj (J.L. no. 108) is under the Chandrakona PS and is 1 kilometre north of Jayantipur. Early medieval habitational remains have been recorded from this village, which also has a few medieval temples. An abraded Tirthankara icon is worshipped by the villagers.

Zone B The historical development of settlements associated with the modern districts of Howrah, Hooghly, and adjoining Burdwan and Nadia is a part of the overall historical matrix of the geopolitical units of Radha, Dakshina Radha, Vardhamanabhukti, from the post-Gupta period onwards. However, if one considers Samatata, including a part of coastal Bengal, as under the political hegemony of the Guptas, especially under Samudragupta, and, above all, the archaeological sources assignable to the pre-Gupta and Gupta periods encountered at Mahanad, Betor, and other minor sites of the present Howrah, Hooghly, and adjoining Burdwan districts, then one may not ignore the settlement dynamics of this region during the Gupta period. A few copper plate inscriptions like that found from Mallasarul provide enough data about the existence of administrative units, village settlements, and religious establishments in the Dakshina Radha sector of Vardhamanabhukti. Moreover, different settlement units are also mentioned in several early medieval texts, for instance, Ramacharita of Sandhyakaranandin refers to ‘Apara mandala’ identified with the Garh–Mandaran region of Hooghly. Evidence of flourishing trading networks, with the involvement of sites such as Bhurshut, Betor, (p.65) Saptagram, as well as the spread and crystallization of both Saivism and Vaisnavism, are clearly apparent from different sources. Since the district of Nadia lies at the junction between the coastal region and the hinterland and most of the rivers such as Churni, Jalangi, Mathabhanga, and Ichhamati are well connected with the Bhagirathi delta-coastal line, some of the important sites of this district have been included here. In this context it is to be noted that Anulia, Devagram, Palpara, Subarnabihar, and Bamunpukur are the sites which deserve special mention. Excavated Sites of Zone B Nadia

The mound of Ballal Dhibi, (22° 26′ 54″ N; 88° 24′ 11″ E) is located at Bamunpukur, about 13 kilometres west of Krishnanagar. The Bamunpukur locality is also well known for the burial of Chand Kazi, a contemporary of Chaitanya. Ballal Dhibi was excavated by the Eastern Circle of the Archaeological Survey of India for five successive field seasons with a view to ascertain the antiquity of the site which is traditionally associated with the Senas of Bengal. During the first field season, a massive brick wall was Page 32 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements unearthed and it was found to have been repaired at least twice after its initial construction. An outer wall contemporary to the second phase was also unearthed. In one of the trenches, a structure, nearly 8 metres in height with offset projections at regular intervals relieved in its façade, was found. The diminishing dimensions resulted in a pyramidical elevation of this structure whose exposed portion revealed that it was cruciform on plan. In the top-most level a brick edging was provided in an identical fashion to the rammed lime surkhi flooring. A circular brick-lined fire-place was encountered. Several stucco figurines with human and grotesque heads and decorative motifs were recovered from the top level. These stucco figurines resemble those unearthed from Rajbadidanga (IAR 1963–4: 63) and are assignable to c. 9th–10th century CE. A large number of architectural remains were also recovered from the same level. The ceramic industry comprised handis, jars, bowls, dishes in red ware, mostly unslipped and a few were slipped with dull grey material having impressed leaf, floral, and blocks of miniature squares (IAR 1982–3: 105). Excavation during the next field season (p.66) revealed that the exposed structure was in all likelihood a pancharatha temple located within a walled enclosure. A brick-edged pathway for circumambulation was exposed and it was probably constructed during the last stage of occupation. A number of copper objects found on the floor include spouted lotas, lamps, a ladle, and cylindrical cases. Other findings comprising two stucco heads, besides a male figure in basalt, are assignable to a period ranging from c. 10th to 12th centuries CE; the structural complex at Ballal Dhibi also belonged to this period (IAR 1983–4: 94– 5). In continuation of the last field season, further excavation exposed sections of the northwestern part of the brick temple (IAR 1984–5: 99). Excavation during the next field season unearthed subsidiary shrines on the southern, northern, and southeastern peripheries of the mound. These subsidiary shrines are identical in plan and have receding pyramidal elevations. The retrieved pottery include both slipped and unslipped varieties of red ware, coarse grey ware, and black ware and some of them bear incised designs. Other remains comprise a few stucco heads, some terracotta miniature maribolons and balls, terracotta animal figurines, and so on(IAR 1985–6: 88–90). During the next field season the sanctum was detected, although the entrance in the wall leading to the main sanctum could not be ascertained. Another pancharatha miniature shrine was exposed on the eastern side. The unearthed potsherds comprise dull red, black, and pale grey wares (IAR 1986–7: 99–100). Excavation during the next field season not only exposed the entire outer wall on the eastern side of the temple complex but also the main entrance of the temple complex on the western side. Significantly, the central chamber was exposed along with another floor which was constructed with large-sized bricks which appeared to be of an earlier period (IAR 1987–8: 114–15). Excavation during the following year unearthed the northern and southern wall of the temple complex and a subsidiary shrine along the southern boundary wall (IAR 1988–9: 91).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Hooghly

Mahanad (23° 00′ 30″ N; 88°16′ E), is about 6.4 kilometres south of the Pandua railway station. During 1934–5, after an extensive exploration (ARASI 1934–5: 43), N.G. Majumdar undertook trial digging at the Jattala mound and a massive brick wall was unearthed in Sudarshan. The (p.67) Jatesvaranatha temple complex is scattered with several architectural members (stone pedestals measuring 19 × 56 × 21 centimetres and 22 × 47 × 22 centimetres), exposed structural remains, as well as sculptures including an intact stone image of Ekapada Bhairava (140 × 50 × 22 centimetres) entirely covered with a red patina (see Figure 4.3), an image of Kalbhairava, a fully abraded stone image, and a huge yoni-patta. Another Ekapada Bhairava image (54 × 27 × 20 centimetres) from Mahanad is now in the Asutosh Museum. The Indian Museum has several antiquarian remains (stucco sculptures of the 5th–6th centuries CE, potsherds, terracotta moulds, punch-marked coins, a gold coin of Sasanka, apart from icons of Jambhala, Uma–Mahesvara, and Visnu) reported from Mahanad and Sudarshan. The stucco work of Mahanad also received attention of scholars in the context of the distribution of stucco modelling tradition in ancient Bihar and Bengal (G. Sengupta 1991: 287–97). In this context it is to be noted that in the coastal region, sites such as Ballal Dhibi and Moghalmari also yielded similar types of stucco art objects. Apparently stucco modelling in the coastal region was associated with both Brahmanical (as in Mahanad and Ballal Dhibi) and Buddhist (as in Moghalmari) ideologies. Incidentally, ornamental stucco motifs have also been encountered on the structural remains from Khana Mihirer Dhibi, Chandraketugarh (IAR 1962–3: 64; see also G. Sengupta 1991: 289). A collection of artefacts of the former Saradacharan Museum including terracotta lamps, pottery lids, potsherds, weights, two stone images of Visnu, a beautifully carved section of a pillar made of basalt, a fragmentary icon of Chamunda (45 × 20 × 10 centimetres) found from the Mahanad region is presently shifted to Sheoraphuli in the residence of Sunil Chattopadhyay. The Asiatic Society, Kolkata, has in its collection three gold coins (of Kumaragupta I, Skandagupta or Chandragupta II, and the other unknown) originally collected from the Mahanad region by Rev. K.S. Macdonald and studied by A.F.R. Hoernle (Hoernle 1882a: 91–2). Garh Mandaran (22°52′47″ N; 87°40′55″ E) located on the right bank of the river Amodar, about 25 kilometres southwest of Arambagh, is generally identified with Apar-mandar or Mandaran of the kingdom of Lakshmisura or Ranasura. It is a fortified site with evidence of a massive brick and laterite structure possibly constructed during the 14th–15th centuries CE. Actually, the plan of the massive stone wall around the entire mound indicates the presence of a fort. (p.68) A circular channel around the mound was most probably a moat. The site yielded a few decorated stone slabs, huge brickbats, and other antiquities. However, the genesis of this settlement could be traced back to the early medieval period. The DAWB undertook a systematic exploration work in 2010 and recorded a good Page 34 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements number of ceramics, terracottas, stone cannon balls of different sizes, stone blocks, and remains of a laterite wall in the eastern, southern, and western sides of the mound. Excavations carried out by the DAWB during 2010–11 unfolded a cultural sequence comprising three periods. Period I or the pre-structural phase yielded buff ware, iron nails, raw iron, and brickbats. Periods II and III are assignable to the medieval period. Period II is represented by the construction of the fort structure made of laterite stone and brick made fort, along with the fort’s eastern entrance, besides the floor and staircase of the gate. Other findings include a storage jar, a vase, ‘smoking objects’, a lamp, a handi, a cannon ball, an iron dowel, bangles, copper objects, iron points, a terracotta ball, and an animal figure. The fortification wall and moat were probably constructed in the same period (P.C. Maity 2011: 85). Period III represents late constructional activity. The ceramic assemblage consists of brick-colour ware, black ware, grey ware, and buff ware (for details, see P.C. Maity 2011: 85). Other antiquities have also been reported (P.C. Maity 2011: 79–90). Howrah

The territory comprising the modern district was in ancient times a part of Suhmabhumi. Bachhari (22°21′56″ N 88°00′ E), under Shyampur PS, Howrah district, yielded structural remains including ring wells, remains of brick paved paths, brickbats, and other structural remains assignable to the early medieval period from the excavated mounds of Damdama in Bachhari and Garpota in Khajri. A large number of sculptural remains and potsherds assignable to the Pala period have also been recorded. Several antiquities are in the collection of Sarat Smriti Mandir at Panitras, besides private ones. During 2004–5, the DAWB conducted a small scale excavation at this site. A significant number of medieval potsherds and ‘ageless’ terracotta figurines were recorded (Personal communication with late Amal Roy). (p.69) Explored Sites Nadia

Banamalipara is in Chakdaha. The village has a few mounds and we recorded a Buddhist deity (77 × 37 × 10 centimetres) presently worshipped in a modern temple at the Kalitala mound. Vishnupur is situated under the jurisdiction of the Chakdaha PS. A Visnu icon (46 × 20 centimetres) of black basalt is being worshipped in a modern temple of this village. Anulia, about 2 miles southeast of Ranaghat, is an important locality along the Churni river. The mound locally known as Dhanagar yielded ancient habitational deposits along with stone sculptures and coins. The Anulia copper plate of Page 35 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Laksmanasena was discovered from this village in 1898 (see N.G. Majumdar 2003: 81–91) During our recent exploration we recorded a few potsherds including BRW as well as early historic and medieval ceramics and an icon of Visnu (140 × 68 × 20 centimetres). Several mounds yielding habitational remains have been recorded from the sites of Devagram, Palpara, and Suvarnabihar. Devagram, under the jurisdiction of Ranaghat PS, is well known for the structural remains associated with a few abandoned temple complexes outside the boundaries of a late medieval fort. There are ruins of several temples of the pre-Islamic period. Suvarnabihar is about 7 kilometres from the town of Krishnanagar. It has a prominent structural mound scattered with brickbats, pillars, and architectural remains, some of which bear carvings of floral and geometric patterns. Unfortunately, the paucity of diagnostic types of artefacts/remains does not allow us to assign the architectural and other remains to a specific period. Generally, the remains are believed to be the ruins of a Buddhist vihara of the Pala period, however, the site has a definite association with a Vaisnava matha during a later period. Depara is located under the Kotwali PS and is about 6.4 kilometres southwest of the Krishnanagar town. An image of Nrisimha and remnants of a stone temple have been recorded from the Nrisimhadeva Mandir. When we visited the site, the local villagers informed us about potsherds and other habitational remains exposed in sections of the adjoining Chamtar Bil, beside this temple. A bronze icon of Ugra-tara has been reported from this tank. (p.70) Dignagar: An ancient Siva linga is worshipped in the Raghaveshwar temple along with an abraded icon of Visnu (58 × 25 × 8 centimetres). An ancient temple pillar of black basalt, 62 centimetres in height, has been fixed on the temple as a support. A few stone sculptures and terracotta figurines were recorded from the village of Bareya during explorations conducted by the DAWB (IAR 1962–3: 43). Hooghly

Tarakeshwar, the famous Saiva centre, has a few mounds with abandoned settlement remains and old habitation areas scattered with potsherds ranging from the early historic to the late medieval periods. A few BRW sherds have also been reported. Several early medieval sculptures from this site are still worshipped in a number of local temples. A systematic survey along the bank of the Mundeshwari will surely highlight its settlement history. Significantly, this region has close access to the upland areas of the present district of Bankura on the one hand and the plains of Burdwan on the other.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Nalikul and Bandipur between Tarakeshwar and Singur yielded potsherds, beads, and terracotta objects from several old habitational mounds. The discovery of a few NBPW sherds and late BRW from Bandipur may be noted. Kaikala under the Haripal PS had yielded a large black basalt icon of VisnuDattatreya (IAR 1959–60: 77–8), presently in the collection of the Asutosh Museum. Madhavpur: A hoard of 13 gold coins of the Gupta rulers was reported from this village (Smith 1884: 152; Allan 1914: 152). Saptagram under the Mogra PS lies on the left bank of the Saraswati and is about 6.4 kilometres north of Chinsura town. Several literary sources of the medieval–late medieval period refer to Saptagram as an important trading as well as administrative centre (Satgaon). Archaeological investigations hitherto undertaken in this area have not yet been able to trace evidence which could be placed in favour of Saptagram’s famed trading network in the pre-Islamic period. Our main concern is that the genesis of this medieval–late medieval site on the banks of the Saraswati is still not clear. However, the discovery of numerous antiquities assignable to a period ranging from the (p.71) early historic to the colonial times indicates how the site survived in spite of the shifting of settlements (evidence traced) due to changing river courses. During the early historic period, the Saraswati flowed along the western flanks of this settlement but subsequently changed its course and gradually turned towards the present course of the Hooghly probably from the post-Gupta times. By the early medieval period, the Saraswati channel issuing out of the Hooghly at Triveni, about 50 kilometres north of Kolkata, flowed towards the west and again turned towards the southeast and merged with the Hooghly at Betor, opposite Garden Reach. The Saraswati thus forms a loop between Triveni and Betor. It has been reported that structural ruins along the southern banks were seen during the latter half of the 19th century on the upper section of this loop, and this particular region was then known as Saptagram. Sketch\es made by the Portuguese travellers and settlers in the 18th century also identify this section of the loop as Saptagram. The location of the settlement between the coastal line and the upland/hinterland area is significant with reference to its role as a transit nodal centre of trading activities. So far as the discovery of numerous antiquities assignable to a period ranging from the early historic to the colonial times is concerned, Saptagram yielded a large number of potsherds, terracotta objects, sculptural remains, beads of semi-precious stones, and other artefacts. Explorations conducted by the DAWB recorded ceramic specimens comprising rouletted ware, black ware, and other early historic pottery. Architectural remains have also been reported (IAR 1961–2: 59).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements The monumental structures of the Islamic period were found to be built on earlier structural remains. The architectural members of earlier structures were also reused in later Islamic structures. A survey by the DAWB in 1961 (IAR 1961–62: 59) reported a few sherds of rouletted ware, black ware, other diagnostic ceramics of the medieval period, and reused architectural members in Islamic architecture. A low, eroded mound used as a playground by the members of the Vivekananda Ashram/club yielded a few sherds of NBPW, along with associated early historic antiquities. It must be mentioned here that the adjoining areas of Saptagram, bordering the districts of Hooghly and Burdwan, have yielded BRW and associated occurrence. We may cite the findings from Hatipotar Danga in the Raigram locality and, of course, the evidence from adjoining Satdeulia, Gurap, Bainchi, (p.72) Simlagarh, and even Pandua and Tarakeshwar. Chakrabarti observed that ‘it is perhaps unlikely that until the very end of the BRW phase in West Bengal there was a notable shift of population to the recent alluvium of the eastern section of the Bhagirathi plain in the State or to the delta at the mouth of the Bhagirathi’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 119). The evidence of iron slag, for example, at Hatipotar Danga in Raigram indicates local smelting; the ores were probably physically transported or were locally available lateritic iron ore. Moreover, Satdeulia yielded a number of Jaina remains and a notable temple which is generally considered to be a Jaina one. The Jaina community is known for its association with metal working and it will be worthwhile to trace, if possible, the settlement dynamics of this region (from the 9th to the 12th centuries or later) with reference to the metal working groups and their spread from the resource-bearing areas of the Chhotanagpur region and its adjoining upland areas. Saptagram is definitely a disturbed site and the only resort is large-scale excavations, especially in the area presently under a thick cover of dense bamboo groves. In a recent article by D. Saha (Saha 2006: 5–9) an attempt has been made towards the reconstruction of local history with reference to the archaeological findings from Triveni and the Saptagram areas (see also A. Ray 2008: 7–24; S. Chatterjee 2008: 57–86). Triveni under the Mogra PS has a few low mounds scattered with potsherds, architectural members, a few sculptural remains, and other habitational remains. From here, the Bhagirathi flows in three different channels—the Bhagirathi proper, the Jamuna, also locally known as Kanchrapara Khal, and the Saraswati. The name ‘Triveni’ is believed to be associated with this threefold release of the Bhagirathi. Dhoyi’s (the court poet of Laksmanasena) Pabanadutam gives a vivid description of this holy place, besides other medieval texts such as the Manasamangal kavya of Bipradas Pippilai and the Chandimangala kavya of Mukundaram Chakrabarty. Early European and Islamic texts also mention the importance of Triveni in the context of maritime activities. A mound overlooking the Bhagirathi has yielded structural remains associated with the earliest extant specimen of Muslim architecture in Bengal, that is, the astana and dargah of Jaffar Khan Ghazi. A mosque of later period was built on Page 38 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements this mound. Remains of an earlier stone temple built on this mound were reused for constructing this dargah. There are a number of carved stone pieces depicting (p.73) Visnu and his avataras. Some of the door jambs are embellished with miniature temple-like motifs, enshrining goddesses and attendant figures. Sculptures on the inner wall of the tomb represent scenes from the Ramayana and Mahabharata with descriptive titles inscribed in protoBengali characters. These inscribed basalt pieces may have originally formed the pedestals of the sculptural panels. From 1930 to 1933, a number of sculptures such as a Surya icon and others have been exposed during the clearing of the plinth of the tomb (ARASI 1930–1, 1931–2, 1932–3, 1933–4: 36–37). The base of one of the pillars supporting the tomb has a row of carved figures of the Buddha in bhumisparsa mudra. Another panel has been identified as a Dvādasāditya panel showing 12 Adityas with Siva, Brahma, and Visnu in the centre (D.R. Das 1970–1: 226–7). The ghats near the place from where the Saraswati emerges from the Bhagirathi are scattered with temples of later historical period. There are at least four icons of the so-called Pala–Sena period which are still worshipped in this temple complex. More sculptures have been reported from Triveni and these are presently in the collection of different local and national museums. The ancient settlement of Triveni was not an isolated one but was a part of the cluster of settlements comprising Saptagram, Bashberia, Bijpur, Nimta, Pandua, Mahanad, and others in this segment of coastal Bengal which bridges the hinterland zone of adjoining Burdwan with the coastal line. However, field investigation in and around Triveni suggests that the genesis of this settlement could be traced back to a period earlier than that of the Saptagram region. The village of Alikhoja under the Mogra PS yielded an image of Mahisamardini from the dried-up bed of the Saraswati. This ten-handed image measuring 1.37 metres × 70 centimetres, made of black basalt, has been assigned to the Pala– Sena period (P. Roy 1980: 31). Mogra, like Saptagram and Triveni, also emerged as a major medieval trading centre. A low, extensively eroded mound to the east of the Mogra railway station yielded a sizeable collection of early historic artefacts including sherds of NBPW, beads of semi-precious stones, and a few cast copper coins. The rivers in and around the site still receive tidal water which makes them navigable during the high tides, thereby facilitating access to the main river Ganga/Hooghly. An amphora and a few pieces of early historic pottery discovered from the site are in the collection of a local museum. (p.74) Bashberia, famous for the two late medieval temples of Ananta Basudeba and Hangsheswari, is situated 45 kilometres away from Howrah along the Chinsurah–Hooghly road. The site has also yielded numerous antiquities ranging from the early historic to the historic period, including BSW, beads, terracotta objects, besides a sizable collection of antiquities of the earlyPage 39 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements medieval and medieval periods. A locality near the railway station yielded early historic antiquities such as cast copper and punch-marked coins and beads of semi-precious stones. Balagarh also yielded habitational remains, potsherds, and other early historic remnants, besides sculptural remains. Haludpur/Haridrapur under the Chinsurah PS lies on the bank of the Saraswati, about 2 kilometres west of the Bandel railway station. The local mound Dinglehat scattered with habitational remains assignable to the early medieval period is quite significant. In the recent years, a large number of potsherds ranging from early historic to medieval, other terracotta objects including terracotta lamps, terracotta sling balls, kalke (hookah), and toys, apart from structural remains and brickbats have been recorded from this site (Md. J. Haque 2012: 23). According to the explorer, the local mound Dinglehat (which also yielded similar habitational remains) has considerable archaeological importance in connection with a large ancient settlement assignable to the early medieval period, in the vicinity of Saptagram. Bighati (J.L. no. 14) is a small village 3 kilometres west of the Bhadreshwar railway station and under the Bhadreswar PS. Fragmentary sculptural remains are still worshipped beneath a pipal tree at Maheshtala and one of the abraded sculptures is a Visnu icon. A wide distribution of Visnu icons is evident from Punajgarh, Mahanad, Tribeni, Puinan, Belun, Pandua, Kanur, Hatni, Bainchi, Kaikala, Bhandarhati, Parambua, Madra, and other localities. Icons of Visnu, Surya, Varaha, and Chamunda, stylistically assignable to the 10th–12th centuries CE have been reported from the village of Bhastara. Bhandarhati, Bainchi, and Polba have several mounds yielding early medieval– medieval remains. Hasnan had been explored by B. Bandyopadhyay on behalf of the Kolkata Circle, Archaeological Survey of India, and several early historic artefacts comprising potsherds, beads, terracotta objects, (p.75) and so on were reported. Besides these, four Archer type issues of Chandragupta II, a coin of Kumaragupta I, two Archer type issues of Narasimhagupta (Baladitya), one Archer-type issue each of Kumaragupta III, Visnugupta, and Samacharadeva, and one unidentified coin were found from this site (IAR 1976–77: 73). In Baidyabati, at the Nemai Ghat along the bank of the river Ganges, one can notice a Surya image and a few fragmentary sculptures scattered in different sections of the ghat. They are mostly of grey stone and are assignable to the 10th–12th centuries CE.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Janai, under the Chanditala PS, with the Saraswati flowing along its northeastern part, has yielded ancient habitational remains such as a single piece of NBPW, rouletted ware, early historic pottery types, beads of semiprecious stones, terracotta plaques, and fragmentary sculptures from the low mounds covered by bamboo groves in the western part of the village. The earlier reported stone icons installed in a temple are no longer traceable. A recent survey shows the extent to which modern habitation has engulfed its earlier bearing. Samudragarh situated at the Burdwan–Hooghly border can be considered as the transit point, based on which a navigable contact was maintained between Katoa/Mangalkot region and coastal Bengal through the Ganga/Hooghly river. The village yielded ceramics of the early historic period of which sherds of NBPW and an amphora-like specimen similar to the Roman types are significant. Simlagarh is situated under Pandua PS. A Surya image assignable to the 9th– 10th century CE from this village is now in the collection of the National Museum (N.N. Bhattacharyya 1993: 135). A short visit to the site resulted in the discovery of early medieval potsherds. Boichigram under Pandua PS is famous for its late medieval and pre-modern temples. A hoard of Gupta gold coins was reported from this site in 1981. It has a few low habitational mounds scattered with ancient ceramics and other sculptural remains. A chlorite Visnu from this village is now in the collection of the State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata. A local museum displays some minor antiquities such as potsherds of early historic period recorded from the site. The occupational debris available from this village can be related with those from Saptagram. Dwarbasini, 10 kilometres southwest of Pandua, is well known for sculptural remains, some of which are now in the collection of the (p.76) Asutosh Museum. Most of the sculptures are of the Pala–Sena idiom. In the locality known as Mogalbhita there are ancient structural remains, along with an icon of Varahi. A local antiquarian Pravash Chandra Pal has also collected several sculptures. The site was definitely a part of the early medieval cultural matrix, as evident from the sites of Mahanad, Saptagram, and Triveni. Singur and Pandua have also been explored. A Manasa image has been recorded from Paltagarh, Singur (see Figure 4.4). A Visnu icon from Pandua is now in the Indian Museum collection (No. 3836/A 22371). Howrah

Betor/Betar is an early historic site under the Sibpur PS and is generally identified as Betadda Chaturaka (Vetadda-chaturaka), mentioned in the Govindapur Copper Plate of Laksmanasena (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 92–8). The Manasamangal of Bipradas Pipilai, c. 1495, seems to indicate that the course of Page 41 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements the Ganga–Bhagirathi underwent no appreciable change up to the Calcutta– Betor region (N.R. Ray 1979: 215). The site yielded terracotta objects, potsherds, and other minor antiquities, though the extension of modern habitations has fairly disturbed its earlier bearing. Rare examples of NBPW and grey ware have been discovered (P.C. Das Gupta 1960: 128). During 15th–16th century CE, this place at the junction of the Bhagirathi and the Saraswati perhaps grew as a subsidiary port of Saptagram and is referred to in the maps of de Barros (1552–1613), Blaev (1545–50), and the famous map of Rennell. At least three playgrounds or elevated areas yielded potsherds of the early historic period including sculptures from the nearby ponds, and they are presently worshipped in the local temples. The Asutosh Museum has a collection of terracottas and potsherds found from the same locality. There may be more than one Betor. The term ‘Betara’ has an association with settlements along the coastal line. The significance of the site is evident from the fact that potential archaeological sites such as Harinarayanpur, Udainarayanpur, Domjur, and Tamluk are all nearby sites. Betor was surrounded by water on all sides— jaladurga. Ancient Bhurshut (Kansona–Rangamati–Sasankagrama–Penro complex) or Bhurisresthika was a notable commercial centre of the (p.77) medieval period, which might be identified with Radhapuri, mentioned in the Prabodhachandrodaya. The villages of Kansona, Rangamati, and Sasankagrama are located near the vicinity of Bhurshut. Pandua or Penro on the western bank of the Damodar also belongs to this cluster. Ancient mounds, broken potsherds and old bricks–brickbats have been reported from this extensive complex (Ganguli 1983: 27–8) Harinarayanpur (22°25′30″ N; 87°59′10″ E) is under the Bagnan PS. Umakanta Roychaudhuri did a pioneering job in collecting a large number of artefacts from this site. The most impressive undulating mound, Damdama, in the central part of the village had yielded habitational remains (bricks, brickbats) and ring wells (draw wells, refuse pits, or sewer structures). A large number of ceramics including different varieties of pottery types—from large to small (ranging from early historic to the medieval period)—and different varieties of stamped potteries have been found. An impressive array of terracotta artefacts from this site include plaques, toy carts, animal figurines such as rams, rattles, ram carts, a terracotta rendering of Naigamesha, discs, bangles, and net-sinkers. Beads of semi-precious stones lend colour to the impressive Harinarayanpur assemblage. Polished stone tools and stone sculptures found from Harinarayanpur are presently in the collection of the Ananda Kirtishala, Bagnan. Interestingly, during the course of casual diggings, a good number of valuable antiquities such as seals and sealings (some of them inscribed), cast copper coins, and terracotta figurines of the early historic period were found. Stone sculptures mainly in the

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements form of plaques have also been reported in large numbers from this village (see also A. Gangopadhyay 2004: 30–1). A black basalt icon of Visnu (Vasudeva form) of c. 12th–13th century CE found from Batul under the Bagnan PS is presently worshipped as the family deity in a local Brahmin family (Manna 2011: 172). Dakshin Durgapur also under Bagnan PS was explored by the Kolkata Circle, Archaeological Survey of India, under the direction of T.J. Chakraborty, during the field season of 2000–1 (IAR 2001–2: 290). This site is not far from the Bagnan railway station. This village has a circular mound of moderate size and height. The central part of the mound has yielded structural remains, as evident from exposed bricks, other habitational remains, and sculptural remains. A stone icon originally found from this mound is presently worshipped in the (p.78) local Siva temple. Incidentally, this mound is still venerated by both Muslims and Hindus. A black basalt icon of Vasudeva Visnu is worshipped as Dharmathakur at Khalore village under the Bagnan PS. A ‘pargana’ of the same name has been mentioned in the Ain-i-Akbari. The main deity of this village is the wooden icon of Mahakali (Manna 2011: 172) Srikol, located on the bank of the Rupnarayan and near Bachhari, yielded a few early historic potsherds and terracotta objects. Radhapur/Char Radhapur, also along the Rupnarayan and under Shyampur PS, yielded stray antiquarian remains such as a unique clay vessel now in the Asutosh Museum, having a big ring-shaped handle with two addorsed faces of non-indigenous physiognomy, wearing conical headdress, covering the entire outer spherical surface (Manna 2011: 168–9). Amta along the Damodar river was chiefly inhabited by boatmen, as observed by W.W. Hunter in 1876 (1876: 305). Settlements along this section of the Damodar could most probably be traced from the early medieval period onwards, if not earlier. In the atchala temple at Hattala, the goddess Melaichandi Devi is worshipped along with icons of Visnu and Karttikeya, both of the so-called Pala– Sena idiom. The pedestal on which the Melaichandi deity is placed is that of an early medieval icon. The Howrah District Gazetteer states that ‘the date-plaque of the shrine above the entrance … is said to ascribe the erection of the edifice to a Karmakar in 1056 B.S. i.e., 1649 CE’ (A.K. Banerji 1972a: 583). Betor Bandar under the Amta PS is situated along the western bank of the Damodar and has yielded several sculptural specimens of Visnu and Karttikeya of the Pala–Sena idiom. This village has been identified with Betadda chaturaka

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements mentioned in the Govindapur copper plate of Laksmanasena (T.K. Das 2008: 128–9). Khariop, under Amta PS and on the bank of the river Damodar, is another old, prosperous village associated with early medieval–medieval remains including architectural members and sculptural remains. A Manasa icon of the 10th–11th century CE found from the bed of the Damodar is worshipped along with a broken Visnu icon in Gar Chandi Devi temple at Raspur, under the Amta PS (Manna 2011: 174) A mound locally known as Satgharar Dhibi at the village of Sherpur to the west of Betor is still scattered with potsherds. A few stone sculptures have also been recorded. (p.79) The Jagatballavpur region near the Hooghly border has old structural remains besides a few gentle mounds, which are apparently parts of old habitational areas yielding early historic potsherds and a few sculptural remains. A unique Visnu icon with representations of avataras on the elaborately carved back-slab is presently worshipped in the Simhavahini temple at Nijbalia, Jagatballavpur PS. It is one of the finest Visnu images of coastal Bengal (Manna 2011: 176–7,184–5; Manna 2015; A. Mukhopadhyay 1379 BS: 101–2). Telihati under the Jagatballavpur PS and on the old dried-up channel of Kausiki is well known for the early medieval–medieval remains. This village came into the limelight for the discovery of archaeological assemblages in 1968 (Anandabazar Patrika, 1 June 1968). Different objects such as potsherds, stone sculptures, spouted bowls/vessels, semi-fossilized faunal remains, and fragments of boats were discovered while the river beds were being dug up for the collection of sand. A collection of terracotta seals and sealings and stone sculptures (Brahmanical and Buddhist deities) reported by Tarapada Santra are now in the collection of the Bagnan Museum. Interestingly, all the discovered objects and the scattered old habitational debris found at Telihati suggest a large settlement which seems to have flourished during the Gupta–post-Gupta period (Manna 2011: 177–83; 2015). Chandul near Telihati yielded old habitational debris and sculptural remains along the dried-up bed of the Kana Damodar. From Changghurali several sculptures such as a Vasudeva-Visnu icon and a Surya icon have been reported. The Mahakal Siva temple at Marghurali, Jagatballavpur PS, enshrines a Visnu Trivikrama icon of chlorite stone assignable to the Pala–Sena period. From Govindapur in the same PS a Visnu icon had been found and it is now in the Bagnan Museum. A stone plaque depicting navagrahas assignable to the 10th–11th century CE has been reported from Bankra under Domjur PS (Manna 2011: 189) Page 44 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Dasnagar: This site under the Jagachha PS is a well-known locality along the river Saraswati. Kalitala, a place of the village deity, or grama devata, has an image of Visnu of the Pala–Sena period. Similarly, icons of Visnu are now being worshipped at Chakraberia and Sibpur Dharmatala, both under the Sibpur PS (Manna 2011: 190–1). (p.80) Berabere: Two Visnu images of the 11th–12th century CE found from this place (under the Uluberia PS) are now in the collection of the Indian Museum, Kolkata, and the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad Museum, Kolkata. Joypur: This village under the Joypur PS is well known for its Jaleshwar Siva temple, which has a Visnu image of the 10th–11th century CE. Bali: This is a municipal town near the Howrah station. Several Visnu icons have been recorded from this town, among which two are worshipped in the Kalyaneshwar Siva temple (Manna 2011: 191–2). Pichhaldaha (J.L. no. 102) is under Shyampur PS. Here, an image of Nrisimha of 12th century CE is being worshipped as Varahichandi in the local Mukhopadhyay family (Manna 2011: 169) A fragmentary image of Visnu (now worshiped as Panchananda Thakur) has been recorded from Nunebar (J.L. no. 86), Shyampur PS (Manna 2011: 169). Mellak (J.L. no. 20) is under Bagnan PS. Here, a damaged and fragmentary image of Visnu of chlorite stone assignable to the Pala–Sena period is enshrined inside the temple of Madan Gopal Jiu (Manna 2011: 169–70).

Zone C Before discussing the excavated sites of this Zone, it may be recollected that the river Ganges on entering the state of West Bengal and Bangladesh flows through two major channels, the Ganga–Bhagirathi and the Padma–Jamuna. The Padma– Jamuna channel flows through Bangladesh and after joining the Brahmaputra river is known as the Meghna, which drains into the Bay of Bengal. The Ganga– Bhagirathi channel flows further south as the Hooghly and drains into the Bay of Bengal. The present course of the Hooghly along Kolkata, Garden Reach, Diamond Harbour, Harinarayanpur, and Sagar Island is not the original channel. The original channel known as the Adi Ganga flowed past Kalighat, Boral, Baishnabghata, Rajpur, Malancha, Mahinagar (Mainagar), Baruipur (Atghara), Surjyapur, Multi, Dakshin Barasat, Jaynagar, Khari, Bishnupur, Chhatrabhog, and so on, ultimately draining into the Bay of Bengal. However, before draining into the Bay, it flowed through innumerable channels. These channels and (p.81) the settlements along them have been mentioned in the medieval texts (of the 16th and 17th centuries CE) such as Chaitanya Bhagavat composed by

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Vrindabandas, Chandimangala of Mukundarama, and Raymangala of Krishnarama. Excavated Sites of Zone C

Chandraketugarh (22°41′–22°43′ N; 88°42′–88°44′ E) in the Berachampa region is under the Deganga PS, about 38 kilometres north-east of Kolkata. The Vidyadhari flows about 10 kilometres away from the site; however, a number of palaeochannels can be located here. The landscape in and around this site consists of several low and moderately high mounds, which are either structural or non-structural. Most of these mounds are presently occupied by modern habitational areas or the villages of Deulia (Debalaya or Khana Mihirer Dhibi, Itakhola, and Noongola), Singer Ati, Shanpukur, Hadipur, Jhikra, Ranakhola, Ghorapota, Dhanpota, Chuprijhara, Mathbari, Ghaziatala, and others. All these villages have yielded habitational remains. Hadipur yielded NBPW, grey ware, and a terracotta female figure holding a lotus stalk in both hands, possibly representing the goddess Laksmi (IAR 1961–2: 62). The site covers an area of about 2/3 square miles and is partially encircled by a huge wall of mud or a continuous elevated mud tract, generally referred to by archaeologists as the ‘rampart wall’ or ‘rampart’. It was on this elevated mud corridor that excavations were conducted. The walls are almost rectangular in shape and rise to a height of about 25 feet. When we speak of Chandraketugarh we actually refer to (a) the structural remains found from the mound at Devalaya or Deulia also known as Khana Mihirer Dhibi and (b) the continuous elevated tract. According to the present author, this so-called rampart wall was and is used as an embankment, formed in the course of time. It could have functioned in two ways: initially it could have been used to restrict the flow of tidal water or it could have enclosed a seasonal habitational area, particularly during the floods, or it could have been part of a fortification that can be associated with a popular local folklore referring to a garh or fort of a king called Chandraketu. The presence of potsherds and other habitational debris apparently suggest old settlements in and around. (p.82) From the early years of the 20th century, the antiquarian remains from this site were gradually brought to light through the efforts of Tarak Nath Ghosh, A.H. Longhurst, R.D. Banerji, K.N. Dikshit, Kalidas Dutta, and others. Explorations in the fortified area of Chandraketugarh revealed several isolated low mounds composed of brick debris, indicating the existence of brick structures. Antiquities such as pottery, terracottas, coins, beads, tile fragments, and decomposed wood and bamboos were found in the sections of the rampart, accidentally cut by the local people (IAR 1967–8: 50). The Balanda Pratna Sangrahalaya also known as the Haroa Museum set up by Abdul Jabbar, a local antiquarian, as well as the Chandraketugarh Pratna Sangrahalaya of Dilip Kumar Maite have a significant number of antiquities in their collections.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Excavations were conducted at the site by the Asutosh Museum, University of Calcutta, under the direction of K.G. Goswami from 1956–7 to 1961–2 and C.R. Roychoudhury from 1962–3 to 1967–8, with the additional supervision by D.P. Ghosh during the field season of 1964–5. The trenches were laid at five different localities: (a) Berachampa, near the Itakhola locality, (b) Khana Mihirer Dhibi, a 14-foot-high mound northeast of Berachampa, (c) Itakhola paddy field, (d) Noongola, situated between Khana Mihirer Dhibi and Itakhola, and (e) Hadipur, a village outside the mud fortification area in the southern quarter of Chandraketugarh (IAR 1956–7: 29–30; 1957–8: 51–3; 1958–9: 55–6; 1959–60: 50–2; 1960–1: 39–40; 1961–2: 62–3; 1962–3: 46–7; 1963–4: 63–5; 1964–5: 52–3; 1965–6: 59–60; 1966–7: 48). Again in 2000 a minor excavation at the site was undertaken by the Archaeological Survey of India under Bimal Bandyopadhyay, which came to an abrupt end (IAR 2000–1: 156–60). Excavations at Berachampa during 1956–7 and 1957–8 revealed five successive occupational levels, ranging from the pre-Mauryan to the Gupta periods. Period I, assignable to pre-Mauryan times, yielded red ware, ivory beads, bangles, besides structural remains of bamboo, mud tiles, and mud walls (Goswami 1966: 44). Period II, assignable to the Mauryan–Sunga times, was marked by the introduction of NBPW, BSW, polished and unpolished grey ware, and pieces of a dish of rouletted ware. The remains of pottery drainage may also be noted. Other findings comprise antimony rods of copper and ivory, terracotta figurines, beads of semi-precious stones, copper punch-marked coins, and other objects. Period III, of the late Sunga phase, yielded red (p.83) ware bearing stamped designs, semi-precious stone beads, antimony rods of copper, bone, and ivory, cast copper coins, steatite caskets, and sherds inscribed in early Brahmi script. Period IV, assignable to the Kushana period, yielded terracotta human figurines and plaques, cast copper coins, beads of glass and semi-precious stones, and shell bangles. Period V yielded grey and black pottery, some with stamped designs, terracotta plaques with animal and erotic human figures, terracotta ear studs, and other remains such as burnt bricks. During the course of this excavation a ramp gradually sloping from east to west was exposed. A rampart of earth had been erected over it subsequently. Excavations at Khana Mihirer Dhibi from 1957–8 to 1958–9 yielded five occupational levels ranging from the pre-Gupta to the Pala periods. Period I is marked by different types of red ware and grey ware, terracotta objects, and a few cast copper coins. Few specimens of dishes in grey ware with externally thickened rim were also discovered. Period II or the early Gupta period yielded a few cast copper coins along with terracotta plaques. Period III yielded important pottery types in grey ware, rouletted ware, and sherds of BRW decorated on the exterior just below the rim with a row of stamped medallions depicting a bird motif within a square panel. Period IV, assignable to the Gupta period, yielded carinated and flanged cooking vessels and bowls of red ware, dishes with Page 47 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements various rim forms, grey ware, fragments of terracotta moulds, broken pieces of a carved ivory casket, inscribed terracotta plano-convex sealing, and other artefacts. The excavation also unearthed the western wall of a massive polygonal brick structure which the excavator preferred to assign to the Gupta period. On the basis of its alignment it has been explained by the excavator as a north Indian temple of the Sarvatobhadra type (Goswami 1966: 44). Excavations at Khana Mihirer Dhibi during 1959–60, unearthed seven cultural phases ranging from the Mauryan to the post-Gupta periods. Period I yielded large-sized pots and a few specimens of chalcedony beads, probably assignable to Mauryan times. Period II was represented by NBPW and BRW, along with a few beads of semi-precious stones. The notable finds from period III comprise dishes with round base and externally grooved rim, awls and cosmetic sticks of bone and ivory, beads of carnelian, a bone dice, and a steatite casket assignable to (p.84) the Sunga period. Period IV, assignable to the Sunga–Kushana period, yielded rouletted ware, cast copper coins, and other objects. Period V, assignable to the Gupta period, yielded grey and black pottery sometimes with stamped design, terracotta female figurines, beads of glass, and semi-precious stones such as chalcedony, disc of bone, and shell bangles. Period VI yielded pottery lamps, terracotta plaques depicting animals and erotic human figures, and other objects similar to those unearthed from the same period in other trenches during earlier excavations. The occupational deposit of Period VII was quite disturbed. This excavation established that the temple had in its core an earlier structure, covering an area of 39 square feet, with its four sides and offsets being built of bricks of irregular sizes. In the same year excavation at the site of Itakhola exposed six occupational levels ranging from the early Mauryan to the Sunga–Kushana phases. Period I yielded few sherds of red and buff ware. Remains from Periods II, III, and IV are quite similar to the same periods exposed during earlier excavations. Indeed the most remarkable find from period II was a pottery drain, some portions of which were repaired by broken parts of pottery jars of different shapes and sizes. To the east end of the drain, an oblong area enclosed by vertical wooden planks supported by logs of wood was exposed. Period V yielded one bone object inscribed with Brahmi letters assignable to the Sunga period. A pit was unearthed from period VI and it contained large quantities of red ware of various shapes and sizes. During 1960–1, the excavation at Khana Mihirer Dhibi exposed a deep pit of polished bricks after the removal of the overlying oblong superstructure. The wall with 37 regular offsets descended to a depth of over 7 metres. The pit contained several cast copper coins, a fragmentary stone mould, a perforated

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements terracotta object, a beautiful terracotta sealing depicting a peacock sitting on a torana and a bone awl. In the next three consecutive field-seasons from 1961–2 to 1963–4 altogether eight occupational levels dating from 6th century BCE to 10th century CE were exposed at the site of Khana Mihirer Dhibi. Cultural materials found during excavations were similar to the earlier findings; however, a few noteworthy specimens were unearthed. These comprise a fragmented dish of grey ware, bearing on the inner surface a few letters of the early Brahmi script reading Jaju, palaeographically assignable to the 3rd–2nd century BCE; a unique (p.85) terracotta figure in the round with applied eyes, pinched nose and ears, and outspread ornamented short hands up to the waist, from Period IV; a ritualistic vase with hollow bottom, a flared-up base, a long, narrow neck, decorated with plant motif from period V, assignable to the post-Gupta phase; and a bronze female deity with a mirror in her left hand and an indistinct animal on the pedestal from period VII, ranging from 3rd to 6th century CE. Among the structural remains unearthed during excavations from 1961–2 to 1963–4, mention may be made of a small square wooden enclosure assignable to the 1st century BCE. It consisted of closely placed horizontal planks, reinforced by beams at the bottom and supported on wooden logs. A thick layer of paddy husk was found on the horizontal planks; the enclosure was probably used for storing paddy. Moreover, circular brick basements were evident from period V. From period IV moulded brickwork showing a series of dentils, offsets, and niches was found. Excavations during 1963–4 led to the unearthing of massive brick buttresses between the projection of the structure and the main temple. On the western corner of the mound, a miniature replica of the main temple and the basement of a votive stupa, flanking the stairway, were laid bare. In the same year, excavation at Itakhola was undertaken essentially to correlate the sequence of this area with that of Khana Mihirer Dhibi. Four successive periods commencing with the NBPW levels in c. 6th century CE corresponding to those at Khana Mihirer Dhibi were revealed. Excavation during 1964–5 at Khana Mihirer Dhibi yielded a stone Visnu plaque from the ambulatory passage of the main temple. A lotus medallion of carved brick with a centrally placed semi-precious stone bead was found at the bottom of the square kunda in the centre of the miniature shrine of the main temple at the northeast corner. It was probably used as a foundation tablet. A flight of 20 steps supported on two side walls was exposed in front of the temple. The most significant aspect of the site is the rampart wall that in earlier times probably encompassed a settlement measuring 1 square mile. The southern arm of this rampart measured 1,200 metres, with an extant height of 5 to 6 metres. The southwestern corner of the enclosure is intervened by a gap called Singh Darwaza. In the Itakhola locality the section unfolded two phases, with the Page 49 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements earlier assignable to the 1st century BCE (IAR 1964–5: 52) and the latter to the 1st century (p.86) CE onwards. The mud rampart was built over an earlier ramp having an east to west slope (IAR 1956–7: 29–30). There is also reference to a moat (IAR 1964–5: 52). The basal layer of the rampart was composed of surkhi, brickbats, and potsherds. The wooden structure mentioned earlier, of vertical logs set on horizontal planks and assignable to the 1st century BCE, was exposed below the rampart. Excavations carried out at Noongola during the field-season of 1965–6 confirmed the sequences at Itakhola. Along with other finds, remnants of brick structures and a ring well made of thick and large terracotta rings were discovered from period IV (Gupta phase). A trial digging was also undertaken at Hadipur, a village outside the fortified area of Chandraketugarh in the same year. Period III at the site unearthed elaborate wattle-and-daub complexes with tile roofs, mud floors, grain storage enclosures, and ring wells, besides terracotta objects, rouletted ware, awls of ivory and bone, and other objects. Excavation at Khana Mihirer Dhibi during 1966–7 unearthed structural remains associated with the temple complex, including a rectangular brick foundation of a pillared mandapa. It seems that the temple assignable to the Gupta–post-Gupta period had a square ground plan with triratha projections and the sanctum cella measuring 19.20 square metres was centred by a deep offset pit, besides a vestibule attached to the main temple. Excavations in a vertical trench laid across the eastern edge of the rampart at Chandraketugarh during 2000–1 (IAR 2000–1: 156, 160) exposed from the upper strata a few skeletons apparently of recent date. At a depth of about 2.75 metres from the surface, brick soiling was noticed in the section with traces of wooden logs. Other findings comprise bone points, dice, terracotta ball, a fragmentary terracotta plaque depicting an elephant, and a broken piece of red sandstone, probably used for grinding. The ceramic assemblage include grey ware, red ware, and dull red ware, and the main findings comprise vases, bowls, miniature pots, handis, and other artefacts. Decorations on the sherds display parallel incisions, chequered pattern, criss-cross designs, and other designs. Due to the high water table excavation work could not be continued down to the natural soil. Chandraketugarh is the only early historic site in West Bengal that yielded a terracotta repertoire that is unparalleled among the ones recorded so far in eastern India, and these have been discussed in the next chapter. (p.87) Chakrabarti emphasizes the courses of structural activities which we have already highlighted in the concerned section. Regarding the occurrence of rouletted ware at this site, he pointed out: ‘The rouletted ware supposedly occurs extensively in the phase representing the early centuries AD, which has Page 50 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements also yielded an indisputably Mathura red sandstone Bodhisattva head’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 137; see also IAR 1957–8, pl. LXXXVII A). Clive House (Dum Dum) (22°37′45″ N; 88°25′30″ E): The locality of the mound just beside the Clive House is under the south Dum Dum municipality, on the northern extremities of Kolkata. The mound with an extensive scatter of potsherds and other habitational remains had for long been investigated by the local inhabitants as well as historians, amateur archaeologists, and scholars. A publication of 1905 mentions the following: In the old days, before the country has been drained, the Great Salt water lake, which lies to the east of Calcutta, ran up as far as Dumdum. At that time the jungle grown, shores of the lake were the haunt of tigers and other wild beasts and its water of duck and teal and innumerable birds. Now it is a wide treeless stretch of low lying level land, the clay soil dry and cracked in the winter months, but flooded in the rainy season, when it springs into verdure and for mile upon mile the rice crop of the villages’ waves green. Just beyond this low land lies Dumdum and Dumdum House. (Blechynden 1905: 195; see also B. Bandyopadhyay 2016: 63) Historically, the Dum Dum region along with the old habitational mound of Clive House is associated with the Islamic and colonial periods. The region also has association with the rise and growth of old Calcutta, and Clive House was actually the collectorate of the local Zamindar. It was already in existence before the sack of Calcutta by Nawab Siraj-ud-Daula in 1756, and, much before the arrival of Clive, it served the purpose of a Dutch or Portuguese warehouse in the late 17th and early 18th century. In the context of early historic–early medieval settlement it is apparent that the location of Clive House was suitable for permanent settlement. The low-lying Gangetic delta with patches of elevated landscape was suitable for settlements, the site of Clive House was possibly one such instance. The adjoining areas of North 24-Parganas particularly towards the north and northwest have also witnessed the spread of old settlements contemporary to Clive House. (p.88) The mound at Dum Dum was excavated by the Kolkata Circle, Archaeological Survey of India, under the directorship of S.B. Ota and subsequently by B. Bandyopadhyay during the field season of 2000–1 (IAR 2001– 2: 93). Excavation conducted in four trenches unearthed habitational remains which have been assigned by the excavator to two major periods. Seven layers were identified (ASI, Kolkata Circle, Excavation at Dum Dum Mound 2001–2003, pp. 1–16). Period I, comprising layers 3 to 7, was assigned by the excavator to a time span ranging from the 2nd century BCE to the 11th–12th centuries CE. According to the report, there is a gap of about three centuries after which the site was reoccupied as evident from period II (comprising layers 1 and 2) Page 51 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements assignable to a time frame starting from 15th–16th centuries CE to the present (ASI, Kolkata Circle, Excavation at Dum Dum Mound 2001–2003, p. 6). Period I yielded successive floor levels without any evidence of brick or mud walls. The ceramic assemblage comprise BRW, red ware, with or without slip, dull red ware, grey ware of polished and plain varieties, black ware, and ‘degenerated’ variety of NBPW. All the wares are of medium to fine fabrics and different shapes have been encountered. Most of them are wheel-made while a few are handmade and some are moulded. Some of the potsherds bear incised decorations comprising horizontal lines, disc or sun motifs, oblique strokes, wavy lines, and so on. A few stamped sherds were also unearthed. Other findings from period I comprise bone discs, antlers, terracotta animal and human figurines, other terracotta objects such as hopscotches, wheels, toycarts, medallions, seals and sealings, plaques depicting animals, mithuna plaques, stoppers, sling balls, lamps, pendants, bangles, amulets and moulds, beads of semi-precious stones, cast copper coins, punch-marked coins with tree, solar, and other symbols, copper antimony rod, iron nails, and arrowheads. ‘Some of the terracotta plaques and figurines are exquisite works of art and they bear close affinity with the Sunga and Kushana styles. Some of the terracotta plaques and figurines show religious affiliation also. One terracotta seal in Kutila Brahmi script of the 8th century CE contains an individual’s name —“Samapasasya”’ (IAR 2001–2: 93). A stone icon of Mahisamardini datable to the 9th–10th century CE was also unearthed (B. Bandyopadhyay 2002: 32). This icon had been carved on a small stone plaque and the entire coastal region of West Bengal has yielded a large number of such small carved stone (p.89) plaques, mainly depicting the icons of Visnu or Mahisamardini or Surya. Some of the plaques from the Dum Dum mound bear holes. This period also yielded bones of turtles, fish, and birds along with charred rice and pulses. Three skeletons were found from the earliest level of period I. These human remains have been assigned to the 2nd–1st century BCE by the Anthropological Survey of India. Period II did not yield any mud or brick walls, however, different floor levels mainly made of rammed earth, sometimes with lime coatings, were encountered. The ceramic assemblage from period II is more extensive than period I and includes red ware, dull red ware, black ware, grey ware, and porcelain wares of diverse shapes. The fabric of the wares generally varies from medium to thick and the wares are mostly devoid of any slip. Other findings include terracotta figurines, plaques, other terracotta objects, beads of semi-precious stones, iron nails and other objects, and coins issued by the East India Company. The excavation at Dum Dum mound proved the existence of a flourishing urban settlement, possessing characteristic features comparable to Chandraketugarh, a well-known early historic urban centre of West Bengal (see B. Bandyopadhyay 2016).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements The Atghara (22°21′55″ N; 88°27′20″ E) region along the Adi Ganga constitutes one of the major ancient settlements of coastal Bengal. Atghara is about 4 kilometres from the Baruipur railway station. From time to time, a large number of early historic antiquities have been recovered from this site. Explorations have recorded highly polished black ware with red and black decorations, red ware, terracotta objects, seals, varieties of copper and silver coins (both punchmarked and cast), stone sculptures, and other artefacts. from different landmarks such as Sitama Pukur, Dewangazir than, Dum Dumar Dhibi, Jiyan kundu, Maran kundu, Phasidanga, Suldanga, Ghoradanga, Ghazidanga, Kabardanga, Masidtala, Marapukurer Banda, Niramishpukur, Kowrapukur, Bolpukur, Harirajpukur, Padmapukur, Chaldhohapukur, Jalastroyerpukur, Patrapukur, and Chatarpukur (see also N. Mukhopadhyay 1980: 39). Deuldanga is another locality between Atghara and Sitakundu which yielded an inscribed image of Buddha in bhumisparsa mudra (N. Mukhopadhyay 2004: 12). Naskar summarized the findings from Atghara collected by Kalidas Datta, Hemen Majumdar, K. Mandal, and others in a recent article (p.90) (Naskar 2013: 25– 41). Among the antiquities mention may be made of terrracotta objects, including figurines, beads of semi-precious stones, numerous types of potteries ranging from early historic to the medieval periods, NBPW, stone sculptures, and cast copper and punch-marked coins. In the context of the exposed structures encountered here Naskar mentions the evidence found at Sitama Pukur, Dewangazir than, Phasidanga, Suldanga, and other localities mentioned earlier (Naskar 2013: 25–41). Considering the wider archaeological context, it is very difficult to differentiate one modern locality from another, therefore, Atghara, Sitakundu, Keshayatpur, Begampur, Baghberia, Solgoalia, Kebatpur, Parbatipur, Nazirpur, Kirtankhola, and other localities together form a big cluster of ancient habitational settlements along the Adi Ganga, not far from the cluster of sites such as Tilpi and Dhosha. During 1956–7, P.C. Das Gupta, on behalf of the Asutosh Museum, extensively explored this village and reported a large number of antiquities such as rouletted ware, sherds of grey ware, cast copper coins, and terracotta objects. Some of the antiquities according to the report are similar to those from Chandraketugarh and Tamluk (IAR 1956–7: 81). During the field season of 1957– 8, P.C. Das Gupta and A. Chatterjee of the Asutosh Museum carried out further investigation in the site. It resulted in the discovery of more early historic antiquities. The collection comprises an early terracotta figure depicting a male warrior, other figurines, both human and animal, sherds of rouletted ware, and other minor antiquities. An interesting inscribed seal was collected by S. Samanta from this site. In the same locality P. Shome picked up a terracotta seal, ‘which, in its treatment of the figurines shows foreign affinities’ (IAR 1957–8: 70). The collection of material remains, according to another investigator, was generally done from the high mounds, which exposed structures at some places, and also while digging the local ponds (N. Mukhopadhyay 1980: 39). Page 53 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements During the early 1990s, Atghara was finally excavated by Sudhin De on behalf of the DAWB. Three trial trenches (2 metre × 2 metre) were dug in the Dumduma mound, which lies northwest of the Sitama tank/pond (S. De 1994: 14–22). Trench I exposed three layers of which layer I is basically surface humus, while layer II consisting of loose soil mixed with broken bricks and potsherds yielded a few serrated glass beads, a broken ivory(?) lid polished with a black (p.91) colour, an abraded terracotta figurine, a fragmentary handle of a dull red ware that had been decorated by a sharp tool, and other potsherds, all assigned by the excavator to the 10th–11th centuries CE. The most interesting find from this layer is the terracotta figurine of a Jaina Tirthankara in kayotsarga posture, measuring about 6 centimetres in height (assigned by the excavator to the Pala period). Layer III yielded portions of fish bones bearing cut marks, datable to a period ranging from the 9th to the 10th centuries CE, potsherds of grey ware, a grey-coloured terracotta bead having two striated marks (according to the excavator, it belonged to the Pala period), and a broken terracotta figurine of a Jaina Tirthankara. Layer III also exposed traces of a brick wall damaged in parts. Trench II on the eastern slope of the Dumduma mound exposed 11 occupational layers. The artefacts found from layer II are assignable to the Pala period and are similar to those found from layer III of trench I. The objects unearthed from layer II of trench II include a broken awl made of antler (the excavator assigns this artefact to the 8th–9th centuries CE), a terracotta male figure with its head turned towards the left (assigned to the early Pala period), and elongated terracotta beads of the early Pala period. The excavator assigned layers III, IV, and V to the Gupta period. Layer III of fairly compact grey soil in trench II yielded a terracotta plaque depicting an amorous couple or mithuna scene (the excavator has assigned this plaque to the 6th–7th centuries CE). A fragmentary terracotta female figurine was unearthed from the compact dull red–coloured soil of layer IV. Layer V did not yield any notable find. Layer VI yielded several potsherds; however, the excavator has not provided the details of the ceramic assemblage. Faint traces of a floor were unearthed from layer VI. Layer VII, assigned by the excavator to the 2nd century CE/Kushana period, yielded a broken bone awl, unfinished beads made of agate, terracotta beads, beads of opaque stone and etched stone beads, and BRW. A male terracotta bust with a tunic-like attire and an almost conical headdress or cap has been reported from this layer. The excavator had assigned layer VIII to a period ranging from the 2nd century BCE to the 2nd century CE. Artefacts retrieved from layer VIII include grey wares with striated marks, probable terracotta weights, potsherds of NBPW, a fragment of a NBPW basin, terracotta beads and stoppers (these have been dated to the 2nd century BCE), NBPW potsherds with varying thickness (29, 40, and 60 centimetres), black ware (jar (p.92) and bowl types), micaceous red ware bearing incised decorations, oxidized iron arrowheads, and oxidized iron slag. Layer IX yielded bone tools, some of which were found associated with red and grey ware, a carinated bowl of grey ware, terracotta tiles with perforations (similar tiles were found from the so-called Sunga level at Page 54 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Chandraketugarh), abraded terracotta figures which could not be identified, and several terracotta net-sinkers datable to the Sunga period. Layers X and XI have been dated by the excavator to the Mauryan period, and these have yielded terracotta net-sinkers, terracotta hopscotches made of potsherds, terracotta weights, red ware with incurved rims and rounded bases, terracotta bangles with decorative punctured motifs, and other artefacts. Trench III, in the central part of the mound exposed foundations of two brick walls. This trial digging unfolded a long settlement history of the region from the Mauryan to the Pala–Sena period and the site deserves further excavations. Apart from the excavated findings there are reports of the discoveries of numerous collections of pottery types, semi-precious stone beads, bone as well as ivory objects, terracotta objects, punch-marked and cast copper coins, metal objects (copper, bronze, and iron), and a large collection of stone and metal sculptures associated with Buddhist, Jaina, and Brahmanical ideologies. Structural mounds, abandoned religious complexes, are also noticeable. It has been believed that the place Atisara referred to in the works of Brindaban Das of the 16th century is generally identified with Atghara. Ethnoarchaeologically, the presence of Dom community in this locality is duly attested by Vaisnava literature of the time of Chaitanya. The texts mention the Pandits, and even now there is a sizeable number of Doms bearing the title ‘Pandit’, who live in the Atghara region. Similarly, Kaivartas, that is, the fishermen group in the Kebatpur locality, have historical relevance and have been associated with sea-faring activities from early times. Parbatipur, Madhavpur, Nilkanthapur, Binodepur, Madhubanpur, Kalinagar, Simlabaj, and Madarat are clusters of modern settlements which were once part of the religious development of this region. It seems that the antecedence may be traced back to the Pala–Sena period, if not earlier. The nature of antiquities and the surviving local traditions suggest their association with both the Saiva and Vaisnava ideologies. (p.93) Tilpi and Dhosha: The villages of Tilpi (22º15′ N, 88º33′ E) and Dhosha (22°14′ N, 88°34′ E) are located along the river Piyali and are under the jurisdiction of the Dhosha-Chandeswar Gram Panchayat, under the Jaynagar PS. Explorations at the sites resulted in the recovery of a large number of artefacts belonging to the early historic period and a significant number of these habitational remains are comparable to the early historic remains found from Chandraketugarh. Explorations at the mounds of Dumduma in Dhosahat, Dhosha, and Mollapara in Tilpi by the DAWB and CASTEI during 2004–5 reported footed quern, cast copper coins, punch-marked coins, terracotta figurines, grey wares, and other potteries of the early historic period (CASTEI Newsletter 2005: 16). Some of these artefacts are presently in the collections of local villagers and local museums such as Sundarban Pratna Gabeshana Kendra.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Tilpi, on the western banks of the Piyali, a cut-off channel of the Vidyadhari, is a major early historic site, with her rich antiquarian remains comprising terracottas, sculptures, seals, sealings, plaques, and designed BRW. The bed of the Piyali river (with two mouths) has almost dried up due to the heavy deposition of silt resulting from the tidal movements. The earlier navigable channel has now been replaced by a large number of water bodies. The present village covers an area of about 1.25 square kilometres and appears as an elevated semicircular ground about 5 feet above the river bed. This village is situated amidst a number of creeks and the Piyali river, along with the Matla, Thakuran, and Nabapukur, constitutes the drainage pattern of this region. During high and low tides, the flows alternate accordingly. Tilpi has to be visualized with reference to other sites such as Tardaha, Saksahar, Begampur, Sitakundu, Atghara, Ramnagar, Uttarbhog, all located along the Piyali channel. A miniature amphora (5.9 × 3.5 × 1.75 centimetres) of fine bluish grey porcelain was found from Tilpi a few years back by a villager while digging for a well. It is in the Bhuban Museum. The DAWB undertook excavations at Dumduma near Panchanantala in the village of Dhosha and at Tentultala in Mollapara, Tilpi, under the supervision of Amal Roy during 2005–6 (A. Roy 2006: 1–7). Four trenches (6 × 6 metres) were selected for carrying out excavations at the mound of Tentultala, located in the modern habitation of Mollapara in Tilpi. At the trenches of XB1 and XC1, excavations were (p.94) conducted at a substantial depth, whereas, due to several obstructions (yielding of mixed-up assemblages), digging was limited in the trenches XA1 and ZE3. The latter two trenches did not yield any burnt bricks or stone structural remains. The structural remains consisted of a few mud floors as evident from XB1 and XC1. A deposit of 4.70 metres exposed in the trench of XC1 revealed a complete cultural sequence which was differentiated by the excavator into three cultural periods. Period I, that is, layers 5 and 6, has been assigned by the excavator to a period ranging from the 3rd century BCE to the 1st century CE. Both these layers revealed even distribution of assemblages. Period II, that is, layers 3 and 4, has been assigned to the 1st–2nd centuries CE. Both these layers exhibit extensive refuge pits. Period III, that is, layers 1 and 2, has been assigned to 2nd–3rd centuries CE. The XB1 trench exhibited five depositional layers out of which layers 4, 5, and 5A yielded mud floors. Moreover, layer 5A yielded remains of five hearths in a row. Beyond this layer, vertical excavations were restricted due to the extensive presence of circular hearths with different diameters of 21, 29, 17, 15, and 18 centimetres. Substantial quantities of crucibles, iron slag, and charcoal, besides ashes have been recorded from these hearths in association with other assemblages such as cast copper coins and iron objects. A lump of mixed metal, Page 56 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements probably bronze, has also been reported. It seems that extensive smelting activities were carried out at the site. Significantly, a lump of bronze objects as debitage has been recorded from trench ZE3. A joint survey undertaken by the DAWB, the Deccan College Post Graduate Research Institute, Pune, and the Geological Survey of India revealed that the site was abandoned due to excessive salt depositions. This is also evident from excessive salt depositions recorded from various levels in all the trenches. The site of Tilpi was probably deserted during the 2nd and 3rd centuries CE and Dhosha during the 4th–5th centuries CE. These settlements were again reoccupied from the medieval period onwards. It may be mentioned here that the Piyali (on the bank of which Tilpi, Dhosha, and even Chandaneswar and Korbeg are situated) is an intermediary channel between the Vidyadhari and the Matla and, therefore, bridges the two. This channel has played an important role in the genesis of these settlements. The evidence of metal working (p.95) from Tilpi lends a significant dimension to the settlement dynamics of the southernmost extremity of deltaic Bengal. It may not be out of context to state that these sites acted as riverine trade intermediaries. In the next chapter we will discuss the findings from this site. Dhosha: Fourteen trenches (6 metres × 6 metres) were selected for carrying out excavations at the mound of Dumduma, located near the modern habitation of Panchanantala of Dhosha. Excavation conducted by the DAWB unearthed three periods ranging from the early historic to the post-Gupta period. Period I has been assigned to the 1st century CE, period II to 2nd–3rd centuries CE, and period III to 5th–6th centuries CE. Due to encroachments in the form of modern habitational remains, it is quite difficult to reconstruct the nature of structural remains found from the site. During the course of excavation a square brick edifice with a paved pathway all around it was exposed at Dhosha and this has been identified by the excavator as a part of a shrine (A. Roy 2006: 2). The brick sizes vary from 39.5 × 20.5 × 5.5 centimetres to 29 × 18 × 4.5 centimetres. The original structure was subsequently raised and extended, as apparent from the remains of bricks, mortar, and other building materials scattered nearby. This site yielded a huge number of potsherds found from all the stratified deposits and the pit. The ceramic assemblage comprises red ware, dull red ware, ill-fired red ware, red slipped ware, dark grey ware, grey ware, black ware, and BRW. Significantly, BSW, the common signifier of early historic settlements, has not been well reported from this site. Period III yielded characteristic ceramic types of the Gupta period having well-slipped and smooth textures. Apart from these, well-slipped rouletted wares, incised designed potteries, and stamped pottery add to the ceramic repertoire. Most of these are well baked and wheelPage 57 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements modelled specimens. The major shapes include vase, carinated bowl, carinated cooking vessel, fry-pan with handle, lid, bowl, lamp, storage jar, and so on. Other remains comprise an inscribed tiled brick (according to the excavator, the Brahmi inscription reads nibitasya), terracotta objects including sealings, figures of a yaksi, other terracotta figurines, a terracotta head identified by the excavator as the head of Buddha, plaques depicting narrative scenes, a torso, a lamp, fragmentary piece of a humped bull, balls and moulds, ivory and bone points, beads of semi-precious stones, iron objects, (p.96) cast copper coins, shell objects (CASTEI Newsletter 2006: 14–15; see also A. Roy 2007: 48–66). The terracotta head of the Buddha was actually found during exploration in the western part of the excavated mound. This specimen is now in the collection of a local resident—Gopal Sardar. Another specimen of a torso has also been recovered from the nearby area. Chandaneswar is another site along the river Piyali, near Tilpi and Dhosha. It has been noticed that there are a few low abandoned mounds strewn with potsherds, beads, and other minor antiquities. Bricks (28 × 25 × 5 centimetres and 28 × 25 × 4 centimetres) and brickbats along with the evidence of structures have been found during the excavation of a tank near the primary school of the village. One can notice, particularly in the eastern side of the tank, a substantial number of old habitational remains such as potteries (red ware, black ware, and grey ware), terracotta objects including plaques, beads of semiprecious stones, besides other minor antiqities. One particular potsherd of grey ware has an inscribed Brahmi letter tu. This settlement is an extension of those of Tilpi and Dhosha and the diagnostic types of pottery and beads definitely suggest its contemporaneity with nearby settlements. Baishata—Ghosher Chak, Jauthiya, Kacharipara (22°07′38″ N; 88°28′28″ E): Baishata is a modern locality and Ghosher Chak, Jauthiya, and Kacharipara are situated within this large locality. These localities have a fair distribution of structural mounds, non-structural habitational areas, and occurrence of habitational debris and artefacts. Mathbari is an abandoned structural complex virtually covered by two moderate mounds (one small and the other relatively big) in the Ghosher Chak–Baishata locality. Another structural mound also known as Mathbari is located in Kacharipara. The Kacharipara Mathbari mound has yielded structural remains and other antiquities including an ayagapatta and a fragmentary Tirthankara image. We reached the site after travelling from Jaynagar station to Bakultala–Natunhat (a distance of 12 kilometres) and from Natunhat to Localhat (a distance of 3 kilometres) and then from Localhat to Ghosher Chak ( a distance of 1.5 kilometres). Both the circular mounds at Mathbari, Ghosher Chak, are structural mounds with exposed structural parts and lines of bricks, brickbats, potsherds, and other minor antiquities strewn over a large area. (p.97) These exposed structural Page 58 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements remains have been labelled as a Pagoda in Rennell’s map of 1778 (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 62). In 1930–1, Kalidas Datta explored this region and identified the two mounds of Mathbari Dhibi as being located 1.5 kilometres north of Nalua gang, a dried-up bed of the Mani Nadi. Kalidas Datta in his ‘The Antiquities of Khari’ (1929) reports the following: Coming back to the west of the Thakurani river we have Lots 30, 32 an 33 lying north of Lot No. 28, where big old rampart has been discovered. On the north of a little stream called the Nalua Gang and in the settlement known as Ghosher chak is a mound called Mathbari which is about 40 ft. high and stands over nearly 2 acres of ground. (Cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 62) Baishata covers lot numbers 30, 32, and 33. It is also known that in the 19th century, the zamindars of Majilpur took initiative to clear the bushes and forests in search of arable lands. The larger mound in the southern part of the village is about 6 metres high and 150 metres in circumference. The two mounds are separated by a paddy field about 100 metres in length. Habitational remains, particularly architectural members, have for a long time been reported from this village. Kalidas Datta had reported that an inscribed stone lintel and a few stone icons of Mahisasuramardini were collected by Sarat Chandra Ghosh from this site (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 62). This lintel is presently in the Kalidas Datta Smriti Sangrahasala. Datta himself had collected a large number of antiquities from this region and they are presently in the collection of local museums. The collection of artefacts also includes beads of semi-precious stones, sealings, coins, and stone objects, particularly from the larger mound towards the east. While exploring this village in 1986, Sudhin De and his co-investigators found the southern mound covered by a dense spread of bushes and a part of the northern mound being dug for cultivation. De reported some medieval potsherds from the latter section. A Gupta gold coin was found from the southern mound. The DAWB conducted a small-scale excavation at the mounds during 1989 but failed to unearth diagnostic findings. Excavations at the trial trench (3 × 3 metre) at Mathbari I or the southern mound exposed a massive wall, while remains of another wall in east–west alignment was found on the northern part of the first wall. (p.98) According to De, this wall was a part of a larger structure. Adjacent to its outer part, remains of a continuous paved way made of tile-like bricks was unearthed. This paved way was identified by the excavator as part of a pradakshinapatha. It is also interesting to note that a water outlet in the form of a drain has been exposed between the wall and the adjoining pavement. Unfortunately, not much is known about the other details of the excavation at Mathbari I. However, on the basis of exposed structural remains, the excavator suggested that the structural complex including the walls was either associated with a Jaina establishment or a Buddhist one (S. De 1994: 38– Page 59 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements 9). We had earlier mentioned a patch of cultivated land between the two mounds of this village. Excavation at a place within this cultivated tract and near Mathbari I unearthed a sort of paved path of vertically placed bricks, about 30 centimetres below the surface. According to De, this ‘brick-on-edge’ path connected the structures of Mathbari I and II. Excavation at the trench at Mathbari II or the northern mound also unearthed the remains of a brick structure at a depth of 20 centimetres below the surface. This circular brick structure is 3.5 metres in diameter and the exposed part is 2 metres in height. This has been identified as a stupika basement. A five-facetted polished jade bead was found from this foundation trench. Mathbari II has been identified as the place of worship that was connected to the probable vihara complex of Mathbari I by a 100-metre-long and 2-metre-wide paved path. The site also yielded potsherds assignable to the Pala period. On the basis of all these evidence, De assigns this settlement to the 10th–11th centuries CE. A large number of antiquarian remains comprising sculptures of black basalt, architectural fragments, a few gold fragments, and other artefacts were found from a ruined structural complex at Krishnanagar, an adjacent village of Mathbari. From the village of Sahajadpur, north of Mathbari, a few stone images including an image of Buddha were recorded. Adjoining villages such as Patpukur, Dalir Dam-dam yielded about 15–20 sculptures and metal images. The villages of Jokhia and Sonakhali have extensive surface remains of a wide variety of ceramic assemblages. Recently, Dinabandhu Naskar has collected a gold coin of Sasanka from the locality of Baishata. An ayagapatta of the late Kushana period has been reported from Baidyer Chak, near Mathbari. In 1965–6, a bronze image of Buddha of c. 11th century CE was discovered from Patpukur (p.99) area (N. Mukhopadhyay 2000: 38–49). Locationally, Ghosher Chak is not far away from Jatar Deul, Kankandighi, and other religious centres of the Khari– Chhatrabhog region. Land grants of 10th–12th centuries CE often refer to the development of religious establishments and the consequent involvement of the political authority in this region. It is highly probable that structures encountered at Ghosher Chak were probably the remains of a religious complex/ establishment, contemporary to Jatar Deul and other religious centres of the Khari–Chhatrabhog region. Kankandighi (21°59′–22°0′ N; 88°26′30″–88°27′30″ E): This site is under the jurisdiction of the Raidighi PS on the bank of the river Mani. Kankandighi lies at a distance of about 12 kilometres south-west of Mathurapur railway station of the south section of the Sealdah Lakshmikantapur branch line. To present an archaeological reconnaissance of Kankandighi to my readers is quite a difficult task. Till today, a series of reports on archaeological findings from in and around the locality are solely responsible for the same. On the one hand, the reports of archaeological findings, apparently secular in nature, distinctly suggest the course of habitation for a considerable period of time, approximately covering the period from the latter part of the pre-Christian era to the late medieval Page 60 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements period. The reports of structural remains (apparently religious) along with numerous stone and metal sculptures and architectural members found from this region provide the data related to the development of both Brahmanical and Buddhist ideologies that crystallized between the 6th and the 13th centuries CE, if not later. For an orthodox archaeologist, present explorations in the region concerned create further dilemma, especially while s/he is trying to corroborate the earlier findings with the present field experience. The main reason behind this is that the reconstruction of the settlement history of the Sundarban region, that is, from the Sagar Island to the Baruipur region or, for that matter, Kolkata, is basically a geoarchaeological exercise since most of the present landscape (both physical and human) is a comparatively recent development. Whatever we find today in the form of the drainage system, the abandoned secular and religious settlements or sites, or the modern habitations have little bearing with that of the past. Therefore, extant temples such as Jatar Deul, abandoned structural remains generally found in the Kankandighi–Dakshin (p.100) Bishnupur, Khari–Chhatrabhog, Jaynagar–Majilpur, Atghara, Mandirtala, Deulpota, and other locations are now totally detached from their ancient contexts. The same fate is borne by the secular remains reported from different localities along the present drainage system. For instance, the existence of the present channel of the Mani in the ancient past is questionable; similarly, the present alignment of the two localities of Raidighi and Kankandighi was actually not an archaeological reality. The village of Kankandighi is mainly divided into two major parts, Uttar Kankandighi and Dakshin Kankandighi, and from the archaeological point of view the northern segment is more important. There are enough literary sources especially of the late medieval period that refer to the devastation caused by flooding of the Sundarban region both by the Ganga and its tributaries and also due to tidal inroads. In this context it is worth mentioning that there are literary records referring to extensive deluge and enormous loss of population and settlements during the 16th century. In spite of all these natural calamities, one can still record several structural mounds in and around Kankandighi and they are known as Kacharibari Dhibi, Uchubari Dhibi, Pilkhanarbari Dhibi, Sipahiparar Dhibi, Mathbarir Dhibi, and so on. Systematic excavations of all these mounds are a desideratum to locate their religious affiliation and other functions related to religious establishments. Unfortunately, we used to associate all these mounds with the Buddhist ideology since there are reports of Buddhist sculptures found here. However, enormous volumes of sculptural remains related to the Brahmanical ideology have been left aside and have not been considered for the reconstruction of the settlement character. What is significant is that a manuscript in the Cambridge University Library (manuscript no. 1643) mentions Kankan as a part of the kingdom of the Chandra kings ruling in ancient Bengal (Middya 2014: 8–9). In this particular manuscript the label below a Lokanatha image refers to the image being worshipped by the Chandra kings who also ruled over Kankan or Kankandighi. Further, a copper plate inscription from Jatar Deul refers to the erection of a temple by King Page 61 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Jayantachandra in 897 Sakabda. Since Jatar Deul is close to Kankandighi and was part of the same region, it may be surmised that the Chandras ruled here. Notably, a significant number of Buddhist deities associated with the Tantrayana-Vajrayana phase have already been reported earlier (p.101) from Kankandighi. Recently (on 26 January 2016), a life-size Buddha image was salvaged from the Raidighi in the same locality. A large architectural member was recently (in March 2016) found from the Mathbari area while a plot of land was being dug up. Most probably it was a part of a door jamb of a religious establishment (a monastery or a temple). It is important to note that the manuscript just mentioned requires further study and investigation. Kankandighi is one of the most significant archaeological sites close to Raidighi and Jata (Jatar Deul) on the bank of the river Mani. Raidighi and Kankandighi lie on opposite banks of the Mani channel. The entire region was extensively explored by Kalidas Datta and many other investigators including Devishankar Middya (in recent times). Archaeologically, the northern part of Kankandighi is more important than its southern half. For more than five decades the discoveries of numerous antiquities ranging from the early historic to the medieval period reflect the archaeological potentiality of the site. Virtually all these findings were reported from different local mounds such as Swetrajar Bati, Pilkhanar Bati, Gajagirir Bati, Burimar Bati, Kacharibari Dhibi, Uchubari Dhibi, Pilkhanarbari Dhibi, Sipahiparar Dhibi, and Mathbarir Dhibi. These old habitational mounds still survive with numerous structural remains both secular and religious, evidence of rural settlements strewn with potsherds, terracotta objects, beads, metal objects, seals and sealings, faunal remains, and other objects. As we proceed with the description of the mounds just mentioned, including the nature and the context of the earlier discoveries, the mound of Swetrajar Bati deserves special mention. The nature of this mound suggests that it was an extended, slightly elevated, old habitational complex occupied by an abandoned structural complex, (apparently of a later period). Potsherds of different pottery types, terracotta objects, beads, and sculptural remains (stone and metal) were discovered from the erosional surface of this mound. Bricks, brickbats, and a substantial number of dilapidated structures suggest monumental features of this settlement, presumably of the early medieval period. Pilkhanar Bati is a flat mound compared to Swetrajar Bati. The name Pilkhana obviously suggests an elephant den/shelter for elephants. According to Nirmalendu Mukhopadhyay, this mound yielded potsherds of large vessels, blocks of stone, and faunal remains. (p.102) The adjoining mound of Gajagiribari is densely scattered with potsherds. A series of stone and metal sculptures, including a stone Manasa icon of the early medieval period, terracotta objects, including figurines, seals and

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements sealings, and dilapidated stone structures (structural members) were reported from this mound. Burimar Bati is covered with dense bushes and was earlier submerged under the now-dried-up waterbodies. This mound also yielded Buddhist sculptures (both of stone and metal), architectural appendages, and abandoned brick structures. Discoveries of numerous archaeological sources in form of different types of ceramics (early historic to medieval), terracotta objects, beads of semi-precious stones, and sculptural specimens have enriched the database of Kankandighi (N. Mukhopadhyay 2000: 61–77). Kalidas Datta had also collected different antiquities from this site; they are presently in the collection of different museums of South 24-Parganas and Kolkata. The Kalidas Datta Smriti Sangrahasala, Jaynagar, also has an important collection of antiquities collected by Datta. Kankandighi, until now, has not exhausted herself so far as the discoveries of archaeological findings are concerned. This aspect is a positive indicator of a large, extended settlement involved in the socio-economic, cultural, and religious matrix not only of the immediate coastal lines but also of other centres of littoral societies. One may not rule out that the rise and development of major/minor settlements of the coastal region such as Jatar Deul, Raidighi, Chhatrabhog–Khari, Kasinagar, Harinarayanpur, Deulpota, Mandirtala, and Rakshaskhali were part of the development of contemporary Kankandighi. This tract not only negotiated with the adjoining littoral society, particularly the nearest centres in modern Bangladesh, Arakan, and Myanmar region, but also interacted with the inner world of the Ganga valley developments (through the settlement clusters of South 24-Parganas, Hooghly, and even Burdwan, that is, Mangalkot). The database from Kankandighi distinctly portrays a settlement dynamics that included sea-faring activities, the usual household objects, artisan products focusing on the affluent and the common groups, besides different survival strategies and varied subsistence patterns. We cannot ignore the enormous presence of icons (Buddhist, Brahmanical, and Jaina) that signified the presence of different religious groups, involvement of the associated trading groups, the presence of different monastic (p.103) orders and their patronage, and the subsequent political motivations behind the issue of charters/land grants, which led to the consequent expansion of Brahmanical ideology and the Brahmanical mode of production (in other words, expansion of agrarian settlements). Kankandighi played the ideal role of receiving the inner stimuli and then spreading the Brahmanical and Buddhist ideologies to the realms of modern Myanmar and beyond. Middya in his recent article has listed the sculptural remains found from the Kankandighi–Jatar Deul area and the icons have been associated with Buddhist, Brahmanical, and Jaina ideologies (Middya 2014: 8–9).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements There are some activity areas which apparently suggest settlements related to exchange networks. The evidence allows us to focus on inland riverine traffic along the Mani and its tributaries. Hence, the bank of the Mani certainly played an important role not only for its water sources but also because it was a remarkable connecting water route between the inner Sundarban and the outer one, linked with both the settlements in and around the Diamond Harbour— Kakdvip–Sagar region (Deulpota, Harinarayanpur, Mandirtala, and so on) and settlements such as Kasinagar, Khari–Chhatrabhog, Barashi, Mayda, Jaynagar, Tilpi, Atghara, and the settlements along the Adi Ganga in South 24-Parganas. Altogether, the development in the core Sundarban areas of Patharpratima, Rakshashkhali, Uttar Surendraganj, Tater Bazar, and Gobardhanpur were connected with Kankandighi and even other parts along the Mani river course. Excavations at Kankandighi during 2013–14 by the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, at the Pilkhana mound unearthed massive structural remains, a few ‘cell’ type complexes and several fragmentary pieces of stone sculptures, potteries, and terracotta objects. Structural remains include a north– south oriented wall with a rammed floor, a square platform with four courses of brick alignment built over a mud filling, another massive north–south oriented wall with 30 courses of brick alignment (made of burnt bricks), besides small cell-like structures from another trench. Ceramics are dominated by red ware, black ware, grey ware, BRW, and buff ware. A large in situ storage jar has been excavated in trench XA1. Other antiquities include lamps, shells and cowries, iron nails, decorated bricks and a terracotta image of Jambhala (CASTEI Newsletter 2014: 20–1). (p.104) According to the excavator, there were two structural phases associated with Buddhist establishments—first one from 9th to the 10th century CE and the second between the 12th and 13th centuries CE. Excavation at the site by the same department was resumed during the field season of 2014–15 at the mound of Mathbari (21°59′48″–21°59′50″ N; 88°27′26″– 88°27′29″ E) to explore the nature of cultural deposition and to trace the cultural relationship between the Pilkhana mound and the Mathbari site. The excavation exposed eight stratified layers with two floor levels (in trench ZA2). A few early historic potsherds, minor antiquities, and a good number of bricks of early medieval period were unearthed. The ceramic assemblages found from Mathbari are similar to that of the Pilkhana pottery assemblages. A large number of shells along with potsherds, loose bricks, bone pieces, and charcoal have also been unearthed. Both trenches have evidence of huge silt deposition, suggesting that the Mathbari area was waterlogged for a very long time (CASTEI Newsletter 2015: 12–13).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements The recently excavated site of Jatar Deul (21°59′ N 88°28′ E) grew from an incipient village site to a major temple site. The temple at Jatar Deul (22°04′– 00″N and 86°37′–00″E) is located on lot no. 116 in the village Jata in Raidighi under Diamond Harbour subdivision of South 24-Parganas. The monument has been declared as a centrally protected monument (vide confirmatory Gazette Notification no. BG 19-T.G. Mis. of 1 May 1916). The List of Ancient Monuments in Bengal published in 1896 mentions that in 1875 a copper plate was discovered from a place little north of Jatar Deul, and this plate apparently refers to the date of the erection of a temple of Raja Jayantachandra in the year 897 Bangabda era corresponding to CE 975. While exploring the site in 1928, Kalidas Datta has reported several copper coins from the find-spot known as Babu Harinath Mishrer Chak adjacent to the temple complex of Jata. Datta reported a few copper coins of Huvishka (K. Datta 1934: 3). It is to be noted that in 1964 more Puri-Kushana coins were reported from the mounds of Nulipara near Jatar Deul (cited in N. Mukhopadhyay 2000: 83–4). Kalidas Datta gives a vivid description of this temple and notes that it was formerly profusely decorated with various kinds of ornamentations including miniature replicas of the temple, and as late as in the year 1914, when the late Dr Spooner visited the site, many of them were still present on the temple (K. Datta 1934: 2–3). (p.105) In the field season of 2011–12, the Kolkata Circle of the Archaeological Survey of India undertook scientific clearance work and the remains of a jagamohana were exposed. A narrow vestibule has been traced between the main shrine and the jagamohana. Traces of stucco plastering have also been noticed on the basement of the exposed jagamohana. The exterior basement decoration of the jagamohana is more or less similar in style to that of the basement of the main temple. Other excavated findings include copper coins, shell bangles, terracotta lamps, a votive yoni-pitha, and decorated ivory objects (CASTEI Newsletter 2012: 21–2; for details of the jagamohana in front of the temple, see Naik 2016). The scientific clearance work revealed other archaeological remains such as potsherds confined to the inner and outer area of the frontal porch and the structure found in front of the frontal porch. The ceramics include red and grey ware sherds; most of them were made of welllevigated clay (for a detailed analysis, see Naik 2016: 332–3). Other remains include a few fragments of bone, a few shells, shell bangle, terracotta lamps, one potter’s seal, a votive yoni pitha, decorated and broken ivory objects, a few copper coins, three decorated ivory objects of which one bears intricate floral decoration, a terracotta aricanut shape bead, and other artefacts. Especially noteworthy is the discovery of a large number of terracotta lamps mainly of red ware (Naik 2016: 334). Explored Sites

Over the years a large number of sites in Zone C have been explored by the author; however, the present volume mentions only the major ones and the

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements reported antiquities, especially the vast sculptural remains, have been briefly summarized here. A few sites in North 24-Parganas which were reported to have yielded early historic antiquities were revisited. These include the village of Malikapura on the bank of the Lavanyavati, a tributary of the Vidyadhari, near Barrackpore, which had yielded sherds of NBPW, grey ware, and early terracotta figurines (IAR 1959–60: 77–8), and Nimta from where similar findings, besides incised, stamped, and rouletted wares, a silver punch-marked coin, some cast copper coins, beads of semi-precious stones, weights made of bone or ivory dice were reported (A. Datta 1983). Recent explorations could not record (p.106) any early historic find. A Visnu icon of the 11th–12th century from Barrackpore is now in the Indian Museum. An ‘early historical site’ was located at Mochpol, close to the dried-up bed of the Lavanyavati, by D.K. Chakravarty of the DAWB (IAR 1972–3: 36). Its distance from Chandraketugarh that lies further east is about 25 kilometres. Apart from the occurrence of early historical pottery, the site also yielded perforated tiles and lumps of clay bearing impressions of reed or split bamboo. Sherds of NBPW, a few sculptures, and terracotta figurines have been reported from Gopalpur–Hatkhola (IAR 1962–3: 43). The Haroa, Khas Balanda, Dhara, and Bhangor villages along the Vidyadhari in the Basirhat region yielded significant remains. Khas Balanda, marked by the ruins of a recently-discovered stone Gupta temple converted into a mosque, and Dhara, in its neighbourhood, with several mounds, can …. be identified with the Buddhist vihara Balanda mentioned in a Nepalese manuscript but unlocated so long. Fragments of a large black basalt image of Manjusri, originally recovered intact from a tank at Bhangor, 2 miles from Dhara, but subsequently reduced to pieces, was … restored. (IAR 1955–6: 61) The low mounds in these villages are still strewn with potsherds and old habitational remains. Some antiquities are displayed in the Balanda Pratna Sangrahasala. An icon of Tara, of the so-called Pala–Sena idiom, has been reported from Gopalpur, a nearby village. The Tara icon from Haroa has an Arabic inscription engraved behind it and is now in the Sundarban Anchalik Sangrahasala, Baruipur. An Uma–Mahesvara icon has been reported from Najarnagar, Haroa. A basalt Surya icon (31 × 17¾ inches) was found in a barren field near Sundia, a village on the Vidyadhari, two miles from Pratapnagar, North 24-Parganas. This image is now in the Indian Museum (NS 4245).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements A Visnu icon (134.5 × 62 cm) from Barasat is presently in the Indian Museum collection (No. 13646). A chloritoid phyllite image of Dhyani Buddha Aksobhya probably of the 11th– 12th centuries CE was collected from the Deganga PS, North 24-Parganas, and is presently in the collection of the State Archaeological Museum (Acc. no. 108080). Sukhchar in the Khardah region near Sodepur recently came into the limelight after the discovery of an Ardhanarisvara icon of (p.107) c. 11th–12th centuries CE from Panchanantala in September 2012. Sukhchar lies on the bank of the Ganges, and along the river bank there are a few mounds which are yet to be explored or investigated. This locality had much earlier yielded potsherds, broken parts of stone sculptures, and architectural members including a lintel of a temple and these findings should be associated with the settlement history encompassing a wider zone during the early medieval period (Ray and Mondal 2013: 257–8). There are a number of archaeological sites in the Barrackpur subdivision. The major discoveries include old habitational mounds strewn with potsherds and other habitational debris. The major sites include Kachrapara, Bijpur, Halisahar/ Kamarhati, Naihati, Garifa, Shyamnagar/Mulajore, Kakinara/Bhatpara/Jagaddal, Khardah, Sodepur, Panihati, Ariadaha, Mahishbathan, and Chandpur. Habra: The municipality of Habra is archaeologically not well known to us. However, a series of discoveries of chance finds comprising numerous potsherds, stone sculptures, coins, and other habitational remains reported from in and around Habra enrich our knowledge of the archaeological potentiality of the settlement. These include a stone icon of Visnu (K. Choudhuri 2013: 156). A Visnupatta, an image of Manasa, a bust of a terracotta female figurine, and other artefacts recovered from the dried-up bed of the river Sunti are now kept in the residence of Manasaranjan Chakladar in the Daulatpur mouza of Habra. Explorations conducted on behalf of the DAWB by P.C. Das Gupta and others resulted in the discovery of Brahmanical and Jaina sculptures (IAR 1964–5: 46). An image of Visnu and a Siva linga assignable to the 9th–11th centuries CE has also been found from the same river bed adjoining the village of Dogachhia, Habra PS (G.S. De 1976: 11–16; S.R. Majumdar 2002: 82). In the Kamarthuba mouza an icon of Visnu was salvaged from a local pond. Jaleshwar: This village is in the Gaighata PS and is well known for its late medieval temple complexes and abandoned structural remains, besides a fragmentary Visnu icon (K. Choudhuri 2013: 165). It may be noted that Ashoknagar, Kalyangarh, Gobardanga, Ichhapur, and Gaighata are the ancient settlements of this region which require archaeological investigations. Page 67 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Dakshineshwar: A Visnu icon is locally worshipped on a cemented platform under a pipal tree near the Ras Mancha of the (p.108) Dolpidi stoppage of the Dakshineshwar locality (S. Ray Chowdhuri 2010: 149–52). Kolkata: Discoveries of archaeological findings have been reported from different parts of Kolkata, the most well known being those unearthed from the premises of Bethune College while the place was being dug up for the foundation for a proposed auditorium in the college campus. The DAWB carried out excavations in two phases—November 1997 to January 1998 and December 1998 to February 1999 (Chakraborty and Biswas 1998–9: 83). Among the unearthed findings mention may be made of several pottery types, a few terracotta figurines, other terracotta objects, and glass and porcelain pieces of different colours. The terracotta figurines comprise male and female figurines apart from an animal figure. Stylistically they belong to the early medieval period, while a few to the late medieval period. Other terracotta objects include inkpot, varieties of chelums, both plain and decorated, balls, lamps, hopscotch, a round terracotta ornamental object with a floral design on the obverse, and a part of a terracotta toy cart. The ceramics varying between thin to thick fabric comprise red ware, red slipped ware, red ware with dark brown slip, grey ware with grey slip, and others. Glass and porcelain pieces, besides bricks of different sizes and shapes, are of the late medieval period (Chakraborty and Biswas 1998– 9: 83–8). A few black stone icons of the 10th–12th centuries CE are still worshipped in the city; however, their provenances can no longer be traced with certainty. One such icon of Surya is presently worshipped on the bank of the Ganges, at a spot midway between Princep Ghat and Eden Gardens stations of the Circular Railway. South 24-Parganas

Behala: This region is known for the discoveries of archaeological findings. Localities such as Barisha and Sarsuna had early medieval–late medieval settlements. A 12th-century Visnu icon discovered from Behala is now in the Asutosh Museum of the University of Calcutta. Other Brahmanical icons and archaeological findings discovered from this region are in the State Archaeological Museum, Indian Museum, and the Gurusaday Museum. A few late medieval temples in Behala, though renovated, are still in use by the local residents. (p.109) However, there are a few old habitational low mounds which could be located between the Thakurpukur and Joka areas. Unfortunately, no systematic works have been carried out to explore either earlier settlements or those of the pre-modern period. One could explore the early settlements along the Ganga in and around the Budge Budge area.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Baishnabghata is under the jurisdiction of the Jadavpur PS. Discoveries of archaeological findings such as terracotta objects, copper coins, and broken fragments of boats of the late medieval period have been reported during the renovation works of two ponds, Barapukur and Kotapukur. This locality along the Adi Ganga is mentioned in the late medieval text Chandimangala by Mukundaram Chakrabarti and also in the 18th-century text Satyanarayaner Panchali by Ajodhyarama Pathak. Among other sites explored by us in South 24-Parganas along the Adi Ganga we will start with Boral. While exploring Boral, located near the southern periphery of Kolkata, we found early medieval–medieval remains along the Sena dighi and Saral dighi. Usually, habitational debris of ancient settlements along the Adi Ganga can be found along the banks of different water bodies, tanks, and ponds or along the ghats. The northeastern bank of the Sena dighi comprises a structural mound with the well-known temple of Tripureshwari built on the ruins of an earlier temple, enshrining Tripurasundari of the Tantric pantheon (Khanna 2012). The early historic antiquities recorded from this site include red and grey wares, terracotta figures, and plaques exhibiting diverse themes, a number of cast copper coins, beads, besides sherds of rouletted ware (S. De 1994: 25–36). P.C. Das Gupta (IAR 1957–8: 70) during his exploration at the site collected sherds of rouletted ware. In 1960–1 exploration conducted by the DAWB resulted in the discovery of terracotta art objects from the site (IAR 1960–1: 68). N. Mukhopadhyay observed two clear habitational deposits from an exposed area at Boral and other early historic findings (N. Mukhopadhyay 1980: 37–9) Boral had yielded significant early medieval–medieval sculptural remains including an icon of Anantasayin Visnu (27 × 24 inches), presently in the Tripurasundari Sangrahasala, Boral. Another Visnu icon (40 × 18 inches) found during the renovation of the large tank of Saraldighi is presently installed in a private temple belonging to the Basu family. An icon of Saraswati (7.2 × 5.2 centimetres), probably of the 12th century, found from the (p.110) vicinity of Senadighi is presently in the State Archaeological Museum. A plaque depicting a Visnu image found from this locality is presently in the Asutosh Museum. Sandstone architectural appendages such as pillars, and door jambs have also been recorded, probably indicating the existence of an earlier shrine. Sudhin De in the early 90s of the last century visited the site and listed the entire assemblage from the site on behalf of the DAWB. The notable specimens include a terracotta lamp, bearing motifs stylistically datable to the 9th–10th century CE, two broken channel spouted vessels, red and grey in colour, a pot with long neck and splayed rim, probably bearing graffiti design, a jar in grey ware, red slipped ware with sagger bases, a red hookah, a jar on stand, a knobbed lid of black ware, a pestle, terracotta plaques, different ceramics including chocolate-, dull-red-, cream-, brown-, black-, and red-coloured pottery in different shapes such as different varieties of jars, bowls, vessels, dishes, sagger-based pottery, dish-on-stands, different varieties of knobs/lids, a Page 69 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements substantial amount of hand made potteries (S. De 1994: 25–36). Among the other antiquities, De reported a number of male and female terracotta figurines, animal figurines (including a terracotta elephant), terracotta rattles, toys and shell bangles, a few bone objects including unidentified circular bone specimens. Fartabad (22°50′ N; 88°23′ E): The village of Fartabad on the Adi Ganga has substantial deposits of habitational remains such as architectural members and stone sculptures on a low mound or along the bank of a large pond locally called Pailanpukur. Potsherds, terracotta objects, and remains of a brick structure have also been noticed. From the Fartabad–Mahamayapur locality, stone images of Tara, Mahapratisara, and the Buddha had been reported earlier. Mukhopadhyay reported that during the renovation ofPailanpukur a good number of stone and metal images had been recovered such as the stone images of Tara, a small Visnu, a Mahisasuramardini, two bronze icons of Ganesa, and a Buddhist female deity, all ascribable to the period between the 7th and the 9th century CE (N. Mukhopadhyay 1995: 50–2). We could not trace any habitational remains from Dakshin Govindapur (21°82′30″ N; 88°23′ E) on the western bank of the Adi Ganga, although earlier findings from this village include early medieval potteries, sculptural remains, and the famous Govindapur copper plate of Laksmanasena. (p.111) Biral-Dhamnagar (22°22′12″N; 88°24′11″E) lies to the south of Dakshin Govindapur and is 2 kilometres to the west of Padmapukur on the Baruipur– Amtala road. The name Biral, according to some researchers, was derived from the name Biddar. The Govindapur Copper Plate Inscription (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 92–8) of Laksmanasena mentions the village of Biddar Sasana within the confines of Betadda Chaturaka. The name Dharmanagar as the region marking the northern limit of Betadda Chaturaka is also mentioned in the inscription. Kalidas Datta had also identified this place with Biddar Sasana of the Govindapur Copper Plate Inscription. This inscription was found while a pond locally known as the Hedua or Hodo or Kalakarpur at Dakshin Govindapur was being dug up. A high mound in the central part of the village yielded early medieval–medieval structural remains, terracotta figurines, and potsherds. Kalyanpur and Vidyadharpur in the Baruipur PS yielded sculptural remains of the 11th–12th centuries CE. The Vidyadharpur Visnu is now worshipped as Dharmathakur. Dingelpota (22°25′ N–88°35′ E) along the dried-up channel of the Adi Ganga is an interesting site and we recorded some potsherds, other minor antiquities, and several Visnu images from the structural mound of Kundupukur at the southwestern part of this village. This village has a number of low mounds scattered with habitational remains. While exploring Dingelpota, De had collected a substantial amount of potsherds of the early historic and the medieval periods (S. De 1994: 37). Mukhopadhyay elaborates on the discovery of Page 70 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements stone and bronze images retreived during the renovation of local ponds such as Bosepukur and Bhuripukur of the locality of Rajpur–Dingelpota (N. Mukhopadhyay 1995: 53–5). These discoveries were reported from 1871 to 1982. The icons include a stone image of Visnu and a bronze image of Mahisasuramardini, assignable to the Pala–Sena period. He also reported early historic potsherds and beads from the site (N. Mukhopadhyay 1995: 53). One of the Visnu icons from Rajpur is now in the Asutosh Museum. From Harinabhi, we have found a Visnu image of black chlorite stone embedded in the bank of the Adi Ganga. Apart from this, Malancha, under the Sonarpur PS has yielded a few potsherds of the early-historic and early-medieval periods (Satyabrata Pal 2004: 47, 55). Hariharpur–Mahinagar (88°25′32″E; 22°23′44″N): The sites Hariharpur and its neighbouring village Mahinagar are situated on (p.112) the left bank of the dried-up bed of the Adi Ganga about 9 miles south of Garia. P.C. Das Gupta, on the basis of the artefacts retreived from these sites, identified both these sites as multicultural sites belonging to a period ranging from the pre-historic to the early historic times. Several explorations undertaken by the Asutosh Museum reported a few Palaeolithic tools consisting of a typical chopper-chopping tool, two so-called hand axes, and one knife or scraper. The sites also yielded lustrous NBPW, rouletted dishes, a rare example of painted grey ware, specimens of BRW, different types of stamped pottery and a ‘fragmentary footed goblet of GraecoRoman association’ (P.C. Das Gupta 1960: 124–8). Sudhin De, while exploring the Mahinagar–Malancha area, was quite nostalgic about his encounter with a fort that was almost obscured by a dense forest. The maximum height of the fort wall from the dried-up bed of the Adi Ganga was about 3.65 metres. From the centre of this unusually tapering wall a flight of steps led to the river bed. De had elaborated other structural features of this fort (S. De 1994: 23–5). While exploring Mahinagar, De reported a significant number of potsherds (from the banks of a silted pond). He has assigned these potsherds to 3rd–4th centuries CE and also to the 10th–11th centuries CE. De had also reported an intact black squat storage jar with a sagger base, sturdy collared rim, short neck, and of thick fabric. This specimen is presently in the collection of the State Archaeological Museum, Behala (see also N. Mukhopadhyay 1995: 56–7). Jagtighata, in the Dhanberia mouza (J.L. no. 59), is along the Adi Ganga. A series of low mounds yielded potsherds, blocks of stone, saddle querns, a few terracotta figurines, a few stone sculptures, and beads of semi-precious stones. Harishpur (22°26′8″ N; 88°37′22″ E), Iswaripur (22°23′ N; 88°37′12″ E), Chakerpara, and Narayantala along the Matla river yielded traces of habitational remains in the form of potsherds, terracotta objects, and other minor antiquities scattered on low structural mounds (see also Purakait 2007: 103).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Explorations in Bhangankhali on the bank of the Matla yielded ‘Sunga-Kushan pottery’ (IAR 1968–9: 41–2). Sitakundu near Atghara yielded early historic antiquities as reported by earlier investigators such as N. Mukhopadhyay, P.G. Ghosh, and others (N. Mukhopadhyay 1980: 39; P.G. Ghosh 1980: 32). (p.113) The antiquities include terracotta figurines, terracotta decorative plaques, a significant number of grey wares with elongated necks, a vessel similar to a Roman amphora, terracotta figurines including yaksa-yaksi, plaques with erotic scenes, a plaque with a narrative identified as a Jataka story, cast copper coins, silver and copper coins with numerical symbols, Kushana coins, Gupta gold coins, and terracotta seals with Brahmi and Kharosti scripts. P.C. Ghosh (1980: 32) reported a unique round terracotta seal of a diameter of 4 centimetres, depicting a female figure with a cornucopia and a Brahmi inscription of 12 letters below, besides six symbols on one side, from Sitakundu. Ramnagar on the eastern bank of the Adi Ganga yielded early historic assemblages, besides some stone sculptures of the early medieval period and a few copper coins, potsherds, and terracotta objects assignable to the early historic period. Several sculptures of the 11th–12th century CE have also been found from this village (see N. Mukhopadhyay 1995: 71–3). Kundarali: This village is situated on the west bank of the Adi Ganga, not far from Baruipur. The explored antiquities include BRW sherds, terracotta beads, beads of semi-precious stones, iron objects, terracotta figurines, copper coins, and an inscribed architectural member, possibly a door jamb, depicting four letters in Brahmi. Mandal reported early historic antiquities including a NBPW sherd collected by local villagers from this village (K.K. Mandal 2006: 11–13). Kuldiya is an old habitational site consisting of low mounds strewn with potsherds and minor antiquities. Apart form these, the place has yielded a Surya icon and a Nrisimha plaque. Dadpur on the bank of the Adi Ganga is a part of a larger settlement complex formed by the three other localities of Dakshina Maryada, Kathalberiya, and Banasundariya. This cluster of settlements has exposed structural vestiges on the rolling mounds which are also scattered with potsherds of different periods and minor antiquities. Salika–Maheshpur along the Adi Ganga have early medieval architectural remains such as door jambs, apart from the icons of an eight-handed Mahisasuramardini and Visnu worsipped in a modern temple. An inscribed image of the Buddha placed under a tree is still venerated by the villagers.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Sarisadaha: It is about 4 miles north of Majilpur, on the eastern bank of the Adi Ganga, near Dakshin Barasat railway station. The (p.114) cultural matrix evident from this locality is also applicable to the adjacent villages/sites of Harinarayanpur, Rayangarh, and Khakurdaha. A few flat rolling mounds with brickbats, potsherds, and other objects are noticeable. One of the mounds is locally known as Manik Pirer Than. The site has yielded significant sculptural remains including a life-size icon of Visnu (measuring 5 feet), now in the Indian Museum (No. 2592). Kalidas Datta reported a monolithic pillar of a length of about 10 feet, lying horizontally on the ground from the find-spot of the life-size Visnu icon. It is said that some more pillars of this sort lie buried at the spot (cited in B. B. Bose 1989: 64). A tank in its vicinity has also yielded an image of Nrisimha about 2 feet in height, now in the Indian Museum (no. 6658/A25190), and a Siva linga, approximately 3 feet in height with a hexagonal base complete with its Gauri-patta (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 64). To the north of this tank of the Kutchery of Majilpur is a place with a number of tombs where Muslims had been buried; the place is, therefore, called Kazirdanga. Here, Kalidas Datta found a stone medallion or a chakra, depicting a dancing figure of Visnu on Garuda, and this specimen is now in the Asutosh Museum. The medallion is of 1 foot 6 inches diameter and is carved exactly alike on both the sides and it stands on a base shaped like the lotus capital of a pillar (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 64). In 1960, a metal image of Visnu (of a height of 15 centimetres) was discovered from an ancient structural mound of this village. This icon presently in a local museum in Majilpur has an elaborate pedestal consisting of three successive lotuses placed on a two-tier pancharatha pitha, and the icon has trinetra, a rare iconographic trait. Korbeg/Korabeg near Tilpi yielded several cast copper coins and some early historic terracottas. About 52 cast copper coins were found from Dhalir bari in Korabeg village and these are now in the State Archaeological Museum (Basu Majumdar 2007: 242). A hoard of silver punch-marked coins has been found from this site (Basu Majumdar and Roy 2010: 145–7). Dabu: The site is located on the bank of the Matla. Prolonged fluvial activity has substantially disturbed the original archaeological sequence of the earlier habitational remains. A large number of early historic antiquities, namely terracotta figurines, sherds of rouletted ware, grey- and buff-coloured sherds, and few pieces of cast copper coins were found from the rolling mounds of the site stretching over an area of (p.115) 1.5 square kilometres. Much earlier, P.C. Das Gupta and E.D. Sampson of the DAWB had discovered early historic pottery from this village (IAR 1980–1: 77). A terracotta head and medallion ‘probably of Sunga-Kushana period’ were also reported from this site (IAR 1984–5: 99). We also explored Mathurapur on the banks of the Adi Ganga and this site had yielded considerable number of antiquities including stone sculptures. Here it is to be noted that Kalidas Datta reported the discovery of four Visnu images and Page 73 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements an image of Nataraja from the ruins of an ancient temple in Govindapur which lies under Mathurapur PS (K. Datta 1934: 7–8). Sarberia (22°15′35″ N; 88°25′20″ E): This village is on the bank of the Piyali. Remains of a post-Gupta temple, mainly comprising door jambs, lintels, and basements, carved in black basalt, were noticed at Brahman Ban near Sarberia. A door jamb with the depiction of Ganga standing within a miniature shrine crowned with a pyramidal tower has been recorded (IAR 1971–2: 51). A hoard of Puri-Kushana coins along with some fragmentary sculptures were found from a pond near this ruined temple complex. The nearby village of Namajgarh has several mounds scattered with potsherds and a few terracotta figurines and sealings. A few medieval sculptures were also reported. Jaynagar–Majilpur: These are two old settlements along the western bank of the Adi Ganga. Both the villages are mentioned in medieval literature as well as in texts of the later colonial period. Unfortunately, the old habitational mounds are now encroached and destroyed by later habitational complexes. In this region we recorded several stone icons of the so-called Pala–Sena idiom (See Figures 4.5 and 4.6). Kalidas Datta reported the discovery of a copper image of Chandrasekhara Siva from Jaynagar (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 21–3). A Visnu icon found from a pond at Uttarpara is presently worshipped as the family deity of Ajit Sarkar. We could trace old habitational areas along the bank of Mitraganga which flows past Jaynagar. Other archaeological sites in the Jaynagar area/cluster include Kuemuri, Digambarpur, Maipit, and Kultali. A beautiful 12-handed Nataraja image of chloritoid phyllite is presently worshipped as the family deity in the residence of a local villager at Kuemuri. Maipit has yielded some terracotta female figurines and ‘deluxe variety (p.116) of burnished wares’, most probably of the early medieval period. Several families of Digambarpur still worship early medieval icons of Nrisimha, Visnu, and Jaina Tirthankaras. Durgapur: This village near Jaynagar yielded an image of Visnu and a metal icon found during the digging of a pond. A local temple enshrines a stone Chamunda icon worshipped as Bhairavi or Rankini in Ashok Chowdhury’s residence (Sanjoy Ghosh 2006: 10–11). Mayda, not far from Dakshin Barasat, still carries some remnants of habitational remains such as potsherds and terracotta figurines of the early historic period found from the dried-up beds of the former channels. A dancing Ganesa icon reported from here is in the Asutosh Museum.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Bohuru: This village near Dakshin Barasat had yielded a reddish sandstone image of Surya. Old habitation remains, potsherds, terracotta objects, and other artefacts are usually noticed along the banks of the local ponds/tanks, exposed sections of ponds, or along the village roads. Dakshin Barasat: This village on the banks of the Adi Ganga yielded numerous antiquities including a Jaina Tirthankara image found from Senpara. The Khari–Chhatrabhog region yielded a large number of Pala–Sena sculptures, bronzes, decorated architectural fragments, terracotta figurines, sherds of rouletted ware, and so on from different mounds, structural or otherwise. The antiquities are mainly displayed in the local museums or private collections (see Figure 4.7). Some nearby localities such as Krishnachandrapur, Katandighi, Barashi, and Sobhanagar yielded sculptural and architectural remains. Khari, situated 1 kilometre west of the river of the same name, yielded sculptural remains, decorated door jambs, clay tablets inscribed with proto-Bengali script, and other objects. A copper plate of Laksmanasena (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 169– 72) was discovered from the nearby village of Bakultala, and Khari is generally identified with the administrative division mentioned in this copper plate. In the Gajamuri locality of the Khari village a Visnu image and some architectural members of black stone have been unearthed when a tank was being dug (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 50). Hunter’s Statistical Account of the Sundarbans (1875) mentions that Khari was a fiscal division which retained evidence of a few extant temple ruins. (p.117) Kalidas Datta emphasized the historical importance of the site Khari which has been identified as a name of a mandala (according to the Sundarban [Bakultala] copper plate of Laksmanasena) or a visaya (according to the Barrackpore Grant of Vijayasena), that is, an ancient subdivision of a bhukti (Pundravardhana bhukti). Datta stated that ‘the Khari mandala of those days must have included a much wider area than the present pargana of that name. It included probably the whole of the “Sundarban” part of the 24-Parganas, east of the old course of the Ganges, called now the Gangar Bada (or, at places, Adi Ganga) … held sacred’ (K. Datta 1930: 2). The Chhatrabhog village under the Mathurapur PS lies to the west of Krishnachandrapur More. A number of stone and bronze sculptures of the early medieval period have been found from the Tripurasundari temple complex, and also from different parts of the same village. An abraded stone image of Kubera found from this village is now in the Indian Museum. Bronze icons of Nrisimha and Ganesa and a stone icon of Nrisimha, have also been reported from this village. Several objects found from this place and presently in the collection of Dinabandhu Naskar deserve special mention. They include sherds of rouletted Page 75 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements ware, an anthropomorphic pot showing four faces on four sides, and different types of sculptural fragments. This entire area yielded a large number of Pala–Sena sculptures; a few Jaina icons such as Ambika, bronzes, and decorated architectural fragments were reported. The site of Krishnachandrapur itself yielded a bronze sculpture of Dipalakhsmi (presently in the Tulsicharan Bhattacharya Smriti Sangrahasala, Dakshin Bishnupur), a stone pedestal, an image of Surya, a few broken Visnu images, a pedestal of an Uma–Mahesvara icon, and an image of Ganesa. In the northwestern portion of the village traces of a rampart wall was found. Katandighi, 1 kilometre from Krishnachandrapur, retains the basement of a temple dated to the 11th century CE and the site also yielded a bronze sculpture of Nairatya which cannot be traced now. G.S. De reported a bronze image of Venu Gopala from Katandighi (G.S. De 1993: 61–6). Some miscellaneous structural debris was also reported from Sobhanagar. Barashi and Krishnachandrapur near Chhatrabhog have yielded old habitational remains and a few sculptures. A bronze image of Dipalakshmi, stylistically resembling the ‘Chola bronzes’, was recorded from Krishnachandrapur. (p.118) Kasipur or Kasinagar: The site located on the western bank of the Adi Ganga near Krishnachandrapur has a few structural mounds which bear evidence of old occupational debris strewn with potsherds, terracotta objects, and other minor antiquities. Among the discovered artefacts from the site some finely executed stone and bronze sculptures are significant including the famous Surya image sculpted in bluish basalt stone. Kalidas Datta had collected this icon from the site in March 1929 (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 65). This icon of the 6th–7th century is now in the Asutosh Museum (East India Sculptures, published by the Asutosh Museum of Indian Art, University of Calcutta, 1981, p. 8; see also Saraswati 1962: 23–4). Manir Tat: This village in lot no. 28 on the eastern bank of Mani has extensive structural ruins in form of structural mounds probably assignable to the medieval–late medieval period. Most of the structural ruins of the later historical period were built on the habitational areas of the early historic one. Potsherds, terracotta objects, beads, and innumerable metal and stone sculptures reported from this area confirm that the genesis of this settlement could be traced back to the early historic period. A number of terracotta female figures have also been reported from this site. The presence of metal and stone sculptures apparently suggests that one of the structural mounds was a religious establishment. Kalidas Datta recorded three major structural alignments (Dhasbhanga, Nalgara, and Radhakantopur) apparently of the late historical period (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 58). Probably the region was closely associated with the Kharivisaya or mandala in the Sundarban region referred to in the land grants of the 10th–12th centuries CE. During the last few decades a major part of these Page 76 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements structural ruins have been submerged under the river due to a change in its course. Sculptural specimens recorded from this village include a copper image of Chandrasekhara Siva (presently in the Ramakrishna Mission Ashram Sangrahasala, Sagar Island) and stone images of Visnu, Ganesa, Saraswati, Kubera, besides Jaina and Buddhist deities (N. Mukhopadhyay 2000: 87–91). These icons are presently in the Jadavpur Puratattva Parishad and Sangrahasala, Jadavpur. Nalgara is located on the eastern side of the river Mani. In lot no. 29 there is a big mound in the southeastern part of the village locally known as Mathbari Dhibi. This mound yielded a large number of metal and stone images, potsherds, and other artefacts. It is worth (p.119) mentioning that one of the bronze images from Nalgara identified as Kusmandi or Ambika (Jaina yaksi) was identified earlier by N.R. Ray as an image of Ambika, a form of Durga, of the 10th century CE (N.R. Ray 1986: 138). Most of the images are presently in the collection of the National Museum, New Delhi, and the Kalidas Datta Smriti Sangrahasala. Dhasbhanga is a part of the settlement cluster associated with Manir Tat. Periodical explorations at the site revealed the existence of few rolling mounds bearing structural remnants. In the recent years, a series of explorations led to the discovery of numerous antiquities, and a large number of mounds, structural or otherwise, at Dhasbhanga were investigated. Radhakantopur: This village along the western bank of the Mani river has a cluster of old habitational areas covering the modern localities of Nalpukur, Gilarchat, Narayanipur, Paschim Bhadrapara, Kultali, Bairagipara, and so on. The undulating low mounds scattered with potsherds, abundant brick structures, and the debris of old habitational remains characterize this region. Terracotta figurines, stone sculptures (for example, a fragmentary Visnupatta) and metal sculptures have been recorded from this village. Beads of terracotta and semiprecious stones have been found from Bhadrapara (N. Mukhopadhyay 2000: 51) Jalghata situated along the Mani possesses faint traces of a few structural vestiges of early mediaeval or of a slightly earlier period. Besides, stray occurrences of sculptural specimens of Visnu, Mahisasuramardini, a Garuda capital, and a Chaturmukha linga have also been recorded. Other satellite settlements in its vicinity, viz. Lalpur, Nalua have also yielded habitational remains of the early medieval period. The mounds of Hokladanga, Kamarpota, Kandapukur in Nalua are still scattered with occasional potsherds, semiprecious stone beads as well as terracotta objects. Baribhanga in lot. no. 23, along the Mani, has extensive structural ruins with early historic potsherds, terracotta figurines, net-sinkers, beads of semi-precious stones, and probably Kushana coins, besides stone sculptural remains, and other Page 77 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements objects. Sculptural remains reported from this village include a metal Mahisasuramardini icon and three Visnu images (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 51). The Mahisasuramardini specimen is an inscribed metal icon of the Sena (p.120) period and is presently worshipped as a family deity in Bhatpara. The inscription states that the queen of Laksmanasena had donated this icon to an acharya named Prabara, apparently hailing from Baribhanga during the 15th regnal year of the king (N. Mukhopadhyay 2007: 8). Tetulberiya along the Mani river has yielded different varieties of potsherds, ring wells, and unidentified gold coins. The mound at Deulbari has some exposed structural remains and scattered medieval potsherds. An image of Nrisimha has been recorded from here. Dakshin Bishnupur is under the Mandirbazar PS and lies along the eastern bank of the Adi Ganga. Antiquities such as metal ornaments, terracotta figurines, beads, and potsherds have been occasionally recorded from the bed of the Adi Ganga (S. Chattopadhyay 2000: 168–76). Among the ceramics acquired from the site, now preserved in the Indian Museum (R. Dutta 2008a: 264–70), the most diagnostic types are a spouted crescent-shaped spherical sprinkler, a ribbed cup with exceptional handles on both the sides along with graffiti marks at its base, which were made of grey ware. The collection also contains 320 beads of quartz, agate, banded agate, etched agate, carnelian, chalcedony, jasper, jade, lapis lazuli, and other semi-precious stones. A significant number of terracotta figurines betraying the stylistic forms achieved during the 4th–6th centuries CE in the Ganga valley have been recorded from this site and its surroundings. Of these one female bust with ornamented head dress and karnakundala deserves special mention (Indian Museum, Kolkata; Acc. no. 90/257). A terracotta spoked wheel, two phallus-shaped objects, and a figure of gajavyala are the other notable finds from this site. Stone plaques of Visnu and Surya found from the site show surprising resemblance with those from Chandraketugarh, Boral, Tildah, and Tamluk. It is to be noted that a total of sixteen copper coins, one Kushana coin, and six terracotta seals were also found from the site. A private collection of Dakshin Bishnupur has a significant number of antiquities (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 143; see also Chakrabarti, Goswami, and Chattopadhyay 1994: 148). Recently, several terracotta figurines/objects and a few metal sculptures have been recovered from this region and they are in the abovementioned collection. Nurpur on the bank of the Saraswati, about 15 kilometres west of Diamond Harbour, yielded a few punch-marked coins, a Roman gold coin (Bharadwaja 2004: 5), other artefacts, besides structural remains. (p.121) Harinarayanpur (22°08′30″ N; 88°12′35″ E), lying on the eastern bank of the Hooghly, is about 6 kilometres from Diamond Harbour. The site is well known for its antiquities such as cast copper coins, rouletted ware, terracotta Page 78 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements objects, seals, beads of semi-precious stones. Surya icons reported from this village are now in the Dr Tulsicharan Bhattacharya Sangrahasala, Dakshin Bishnupur, and the Indian Museum, Kolkata. D. Mitra had earlier reported different pottery types such as knobbed vessel and dishes in grey ware, bottlenecked sprinklers, lipped lids and lids with a central depression in red ware, sherds of black ware, cast copper coins, Sunga and Kushana terracotta objects and beads (IAR 1956–7: 81). Kalidas Datta has reported the discovery of five clay figurines, ten stone tools, and eight bone awls from the exposed section of the river Hooghly in the southern outskirts of Harinarayanpur (K. Datta 1961: 271– 5). In 1963 Kalidas Datta reported a few neoliths such as a milling stone (4″ × 2″), pestle (3½″), two celts (2½″ × 1½″), a hammer (6″ × 2½″), and a quern (13″ × 9″ × 8″) (K. Datta 1963: 41–4). These so-called neolithic artefacts were found together with bone tools and other early historic materials. During 1957–8 the DAWB carried out an investigation to acquire collections for the Museum. P.C. Dasgupta as an explorer of the department secured seals, terracotta figurines, punch-marked coins, cast copper coins, beads, and varieties of early historic pottery and BRW. About the collection of terracotta art objects the report states: ‘Of the terracotta figurines, special mention may be made of the plaques showing the lower part of a female figure with splayed out hips of the preMauryan period, a yaksi with diaphanous drapery and a rattle with a seated figure’ (IAR 1957–8: 70). About the terracotta seal the report states that the ‘seal [shows] … two beak-headed abstract figures facing each other, the treatment of the head roughly recalling some of Harappa seal types’ (IAR 1957–8: 70). A terracotta potsherd stamped with a legend in Kharosti–Brahmi script reading ‘rnagha(?)ji(?)mau’ of about the 4th century CE is presently in the State Archaeological Museum (B.N. Mukherjee 2014: 60). During 1960–1, the Asutosh Museum again acquired some valuable antiquities from the site. The collection of this field season includes terracotta objects of Sunga–Kushana style and about two hundred beads of precious and semi-precious stones. In the same season the DAWB explored the site and reported a polished stone celt, a bull, a potsherd inscribed in Kharosti, (p.122) bearing the name Mitradharma, and other artefacts (IAR 1960–1: 68). Continuing its previous work, the Asutosh Museum undertook further explorations at the site and recovered a few more animal and bird terracotta figurines and other types of terracotta objects bearing Sunga– Kushana stylistic idiom. Other objects comprise cast copper coins and about three hundred beads of precious and semi-precious stones. The amazing collection of beads reported from the site is comparable to those reported from well-known early historic sites. ‘The sequence of the site certainly begins with the Mauryan period’ (Chakrabarti, Goswami, and Chattopadhyay 1994: 153). The notable antiquities include a limestone sculptural fragment of a cow with a decorated band across the shoulder, indeed a firmly modelled voluminous figure, and a dark-coloured rectangular terracotta plaque, probably depicting a mother goddess—a form that is frequently seen on the Mauryan ringstones (Chakrabarti, Goswami, and Chattopadhyay 1994: 153). Judging by the variety Page 79 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements and abundance of the reported antiquities, Harinarayanpur is indeed a remarkable site and its archaeological potentiality is yet to be ascertained. Remains of an anchor made of laterite stone, a few laterite stone blocks, potsherds, and other habitational remains are still lying in different parts of the village along the river bank. Due to river erosion, the site is gradually getting submerged and it is quite impossible to salvage data for reconstructing the settlement history of the region. Deulpota (22°13′55″ N; 88°19′30″ E) near Harinarayanpur, 9.6 kilometres north of Diamond Harbour town, is also a victim of fluvial actions and alterations in river course. A recent visit recorded some whitish grey potsherds, besides sherds of NBPW from a prominent structural mound partly covered by thorny vegetation. Occasionally, microliths, and ‘Middle Stone Age tools’ of different types were reported earlier (IAR 1963–4: 59; 1964–5: 46). Subsequent explorations reported such tools and flakes (IAR 1965–6: 59). Yet another exploration by the DAWB was conducted on the left or northern bank of the Ganga from Deulpota to Harinarayanpur, covering about 15 kilometres. The survey revealed the occurrence of discontinuous patches of fine-to-coarse sand mostly in and around Deulpota. This sandy deposit, perhaps the horizon of the ‘Middle Stone Age tools’, yielded a large number of nodules, besides the well-worked and finished implements (IAR 1964–5: 51–2). The tools comprise borers, (p.123) unifacially worked sub-triangular points, side scrapers, hollow scrapers, and so on. These tools are made on brownish chert and rarely on chalcedony and a dark grey flinty material. Their diminutive form may either be due to the size of the available chert nodules on which they are worked or a ‘special character of the lower Ganga Middle Stone Age industries’ (IAR 1964–5: 51–2). Apart from the chert material, a flinty rock material in the form of fairly large partially fractured pebbles, carrying a thick coat of whitish patina, was noticed. No finished tools were, however, found except some trenchet-like points or simple unworked points or cortex-covered flakes. This explored tract also yielded pottery, mostly belonging to the early historical and later periods. The sherds occur in low talus all along the river bank in this area. An attempt was made to trace the true locus of the pottery-bearing deposit by sinking a trial trench near Deulpota. While nothing tangible was found to a depth of nearly 2 m of sticky, micaceous and in places sandy clay, some red ware sherds including fragments of lids and bowls, assignable to the Sunga-Kushan period, were recovered from a depth of about 2.5 m below surface. (IAR 1964–5: 52) A fresh exploration at the site recorded more tools and flakes of flint and chert, often bearing a creamish or bluish patina along with cores and nodules. ‘While typologically, such tools may be attributed to the Middle Stone Age, there are Page 80 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements recognizable indications to ascribe a number of them to a complex which visibly inherited some of the predominant traits of the Early Stone Age’ (IAR 1966–7: 45). A.K. Datta noted Upper Palaeolithic materials from a number of places in West Bengal including Deulpota (A. Datta 1982: 139). Ground and polished stone tools used for milling and so on have also been recorded from this site and they are presently in the Rabin Haldar collection. Besides these stone tools, a number of copper objects scuh as a miniature ship with a symbolic orb, a broken chisel, and fine scaroboid amulets of copper or bronze were also found (P.C. Das Gupta 1964: 44). The DAWB also documented early historic pottery and terracotta figurines from the site (IAR 1972–3: 35). Other antiquities found from this village include sherds of NBPW, rouletted ware (IAR 1963–4: 59), imitation amphorae, a few punch-marked coins, a hoard of cast copper coins, Kushana coins, Lydian coins, and inscribed seals and sealings. (p. 124) Rabin Haldar of Abdalpur village has a huge collection of miscellaneous sculptural fragments of the Pala–Sena period, numerous semi-precious stone beads, early historic terracotta plaques, toycart fragments, and so on (see Figures 4.8, 4.9a and 4.9b, 4.10, and 4.11a and 4.11b). Rayer Chak, located further upstream, has yielded similar habitational remains. Mukhopadhyay referred to the discovery of ground and polished stone tools from this site (N. Mukhopadhyay 2000: 3). The database is quite similar to that retrieved from Harinarayanpur. The site of Deulpota was invariably associated with village farming activities in its earlier phase and much later it had temple complexes, as is apparent from the structural remains. Hence, the site conceived the settlement dynamics of the early medieval period such as that of Mandirtala, Pakurtala, Katabenia, Karanjia, and the Khari–Chhatrabhog areas. The observations related to the archaeological context of the site based on our field survey are as follows: 1. Due to its occurrence just above the flood plain of the Hooghly, flood silt deposit dominates the geophysical condition of the site. 2. The genesis and growth of the settlement activity here was certainly influenced by river courses and its alluvial tract which contributed to strengthen the agrarian set-up of the region. Besides, the non-farming economy, in the form of seasonal fishing and foraging of aquatic animals and plants, was also an integral part of the survival strategy. This is evident from a fair number of tools and ornaments made of fish bones. A few points made of animal bones and antlers have also been found. Asurali near Deulpota also yielded habitational remains in different parts of the village and also along the banks of the local ponds. Sculptural remains and architectural appendages have been reported from the nearby localities of Page 81 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Paradaha, Muragacha, and the temple site of Pateshwar. Potsherds, terracotta objects, beads of semi-precious stones, and so on have been discovered from the nearby village of Lalpur (see also S. Chattopadhyay 2005: 58). Panchagram, under the Diamond Harbour PS, was recently visited by us. Panchagram is a cluster of five villages, and at Panchabatitala, Devpara, there is a beautiful icon of a four-armed Visnu on the top of a (p.125) mound. Unfortunately, the historical significance of this cluster of villages is enveloped by modern settlements and the cultural landscape essentially belonged to the Deulpota–Harinarayanpur development. However, in our recent visit we have tried to document the existing locations or clusters that still bear remnants of old habitations. Apart from the evidence of scattered old habitational remains, mostly strewn with potsherds and other habitational debris, we have successfully traced a few structural mounds, besides the Visnu icon. Medieval structural remains found at Devapara may be compared with similar brick structural remains found from the nearby village of Akrapunji. A link may be visualized with the early medieval parameters of Jatar Deul, Khari–Chhatrabhog, Deulpota, and Harinarayanpur, thereby suggesting a widespread diffusion. Netra, Lalbati (Chanditala) near Diamond Harbour yielded sculptural remains. Kulpi: Within the compound of Kulpi PS is a Visnu icon (78 × 38 × 14 centimetres) stylistically assignable to the 12th–13th centuries CE. Some villages within the jurisdiction of this PS such as Karanjali, Katabenia, Maleya, Chandipur, and Nakali have also yielded sculptures and architectural fragments including decorated lintels assignable to the Pala–Sena period (Baidya 1983). The sites of Karanjali and Katabeniya are the twin localities associated with ancient settlements under the Kulpi PS. The archaeological discoveries of stone sculptures from Karanjali are stylistically assignable to the Pala–Sena idiom. Fragments of architectural members including door jambs are reported to have been found from a pond (Sadar Pukur) at Bangalpara. We detected an old habitational mound in the Khar Pukur locality. Katabenia has yielded early medieval–medieval remains from the flat and rolling mounds of this village. Apart from the Tirthankara image of Parsvanatha of the Pala–Sena idiom, now installed in the modern temple of Bisalakshmi at Bamunpara, doorjambs and other architectural members in and around the same temple complex apparently suggest a religious establishment associated with Jainism. Other fragmentary Jaina images were also recovered from this place earlier. A massive sandstone Siva linga measuring 3 feet in height is worshipped at Sivtala of this village. According to the local villagers, this linga was originally installed in a temple complex of Siva Govindapur or Dakshin Govindapur in the Sundarban region.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements (p.126) Another recently explored village of Bajberia, 4 kilometres from Belpukur, has a early medieval antecedence. A recently discovered exquisite image of Visnu discovered from a nearby pond is now worshipped in this temple. The Belpukur–Bajberia locality is dominated by a widespread mound signifying an old habitational area. The Kulpi region has also yielded a Visnu icon (the Narayana form) of about the 12th century CE, and this is worshipped in the Daulatpur village near Dhola. The icon remains underwater in a local pond except for the time of worship during the Gajan festival. Akraberia under the Kulpi PS has several habitational mounds such as Deulpota and Kalipota strewn with habitational debris, brickbats, potsherds, and other objects. An early medieval linga with the depiction of a sakti, locally known as Gourimukha, sivalinga is worshipped in a modern temple. Delbari, about 6 miles from Jatar Deul, has a temple which was first reported by Kalidas Datta (1934: 5–6). A broken pedestal of an image in black stone was found inside the cella. Some bricks of the bada contain decorative motifs such as horse shoes (K. Datta 1934: 6). Madhabpur in lot no. 122 has also been reported by Kalidas Datta. Khania-Shahjadpur, located on the bank of the Adi Ganga, has extensive structural remains along with a few sculptures, potsherds, beads, terracotta objects, and other artefacts. Bonshamnagar: Kalidas Datta reported the discovery of another temple near the Jaggadal Gang in the northeastern portion of the H plot at Bonshamnagar (K. Datta 1934: 6). Datta reported another ruined temple, about 8 miles northwest of the temple of Bonshamnagar in lot no. 114, at the site of Govindapur (K. Datta 1934: 7). Four icons of Visnu and one of Nataraja, carved in black stone, were found from the ruins of this temple (K. Datta 1934: 8). Raidighi, located on the bank of the Mani, has yielded significant number of antiquities reported by Kalidas Datta and later investigators. Datta reported a stone slab inscribed in Sanskrit in an article entitled ‘Antiquities of Khari’ in the Varendra Research Society Monograph no. 3 published in 1929 (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 51–2); however, this inscribed slab is now lost. Datta also reported another stone image of Buddha (K. Datta 1934: 9). From another part of this tank known as Raidighi a Buddha icon flanked by Bodhisattvas was recently recovered in February 2016, during dredging operations. Purkayetchak, (p.127) 2 kilometres from the Raidighi PS, yielded an inscribed chaturmukha linga with the depictions of four saktis (B.D. Chattopadhyaya 2005: 173).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements From Raidighi we went to the island of Bhuvaneswari through the Thakuran channel. The site possesses a mound, about 5 metres across, containing a modern temple over an old foundation. During the course of digging a tank in the house of Sasanka Gargari an image of Visnu was unearthed (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 146). Another specimen from the site is the fragmentary part of an unidentifiable torso in black stone. While exploring a few sites/settlements in the Namkhana Block, we recorded a few early medieval–medieval structural remains and potsherds from Sibnagar, Dwariknagar, Debnagar, Bakkhali, Mousumi, Lothian, and Uttar Chandan Piri. Next we explored the Kakdvip subdivision, consisting of Sagar, Patharpratima, Namkhana, and Kakdvip blocks. At Kakdvip block we explored Kakdvip, Subhasnagar, Maniknagar, Pukurberia, Dhani (no. 6), Mahadebtala, Gobindapur, Nebutala, Kalinagar, Madhavpur, and Pakurtala. It is now very difficult to identify the ancient habitational mounds or remains from Kakdvip. The collection of Narottam Haldar is quite impressive and, according to the local villagers, potsherds, inscribed terracotta plaques, other terracotta objects, stone sculptural remains, beads of semi-precious stones, antlers, and bone tools are still found along the river bank and the adjoining cultivated lands. Some significant sculptural remains of the 10th–11th centuries CE have been reported from Kakdvip such as the Visnu-Lokesvara icon now in the Asutosh Museum. Pakurtala, near Kakdvip, is virtually an extension of the settlement matrix of Kakdvip. Our visit at the low mound confirmed that it was a single cultural settlement dominated by the remains and artefacts of the early medieval period. The village yielded more than one hundred terracotta plaques with ‘ProtoBengali’ inscriptions (such as those from Khari) and most probably they were manufactured here. ‘The plaques occassionally carry minute seal impressions of illegible motifs. B.N. Mukherjee (1992a: 135–46) has traced 60 such plaques in this region and elsewhere in the Midnapur district and according to him these plaques carry Proto-Bengali inscriptions, the earliest group of which falls between the 8th/7th and 12th centuries CE. Basically (p.128) they are all votive plaques’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 146–7). Other antiquities have also been reported from this village. Mahadebtala and Pukurberia in the same region are associated with early medieval habitational remains including sculptures. Sagar Island is the southernmost point of South 24-Parganas and is most vulnerable to coastline fluctuations. This island is famous for the temple of Kapilmuni and the annual pilgrimage in connection with makar sankranti. With the entry of an icon of Visnu in black basalt, discovered in the ‘island of Seagur’ (Sagar island now in West Bengal) and datable to c. 11th century A.D., into the collection of the Ashmolean Museum of Oxford (UK) Page 84 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements in 1685, the academic world, especially of the west, had the first opportunity for becoming aware of a specimen of what is now called Pala art. (B.N. Mukherjee 1997: 17) Before entering into the archaeological discoveries of this island it is worthwhile to recollect the salient observations made by D.C. Sircar not only in the context of its location along the coast but also regarding the other dimensions of its settlement history, besides the antiquity of the term ‘Gangasagara’, that is, Sagar Island or Sagar Dvipa. According to Sircar, Gangasagara seems to have been often encroached upon by the sea and occasionally prone to siltation and, accordingly changes, in the mouths of the Ganges and creation of new ones (D.C. Sircar [1971] 1982: 222). This continuous process, according to Sircar, led to the rise of other major centres in the neighbourhood such as ‘ancient Tamralipta, the medieval Saptagram and Hooghly and the modern Calcutta’ (D.C. Sircar [1971] 1982: 223). The other dimension of Gangasagara highlighted by Sircar is in the context of tirthas or holy places. By citing a number of medieval Sanskrit texts such as the Ganga-vakyavali and Tirthacintamani he confirmed that Gangasagara was one of the oldest tirthas of India and it was a major religious and monastic establishment in the eastern littoral. Some of the ancient structural and sculptural remains related to the antiquity of Gangasagara cited by Sircar have enough merit in the archaeological potentiality of the region concerned. The celebrated temple of ‘Sanyasi Cupil Mani (Kapilamuni)’ and the accounts of the ‘Mela at Ganga Saugor’ highlighted by Sircar have equal merit as far as the ethnoarchaeology of the region is concerned. It may not be unwise to record Sircar’s (p.129) ambition of rebuilding the ancient glory of the great tirtha at the junction of the Ganga and the Sagara, which continues to attract pilgrims from other parts of India (D.C. Sircar [1960] 1971: 224). In this island we explored some sites such as Gangasagar, Prasadpur, Manasadvip, Rudranagar, Harinbari, Rathbari, Chakfuldubi, and Mandirtala. A sandstone sculpture of Visnu of the so-called Pala–Sena idiom has been found from Prasadpur (IAR 1985–6: 90). In 1879 Friends of India reported a devastating cyclone that destroyed a number of plaques and mentioned a stone inscription of c. 434 CE on a wall of the temple of Kapilmuni (D.C. Sircar [1960] 1971: 222–4). In 1855 Captain Diecy collected a small plaque depicting Siva– Parvati and two gold coins from a place near the old light house in Sagar Island (Anderson 1883: 243). Evidence of structural ruins, besides stone sculptures, have also been found from different localities and some are displayed in a number of local museums. Here we may refer to an observation made by Chakrabarti: The river known as Mariganga or Baratala which one now finds to the east of the Sagar island was a part of the Adi Ganga channel. The traces of this channel are visible in the Sagar island and Datta refers to two places Page 85 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements called Hatiaghar and Magra which has been mentioned in the Chandimangal of Mukundaram Chakrabarti (sixteenth century) as being on the bank of the Ganga. (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 135) Krishnanagar and Chakfuldubi in the same region have yielded habitational remains, potsherds, metal objects, terracotta objects, and semi-precious stone objects. A decorated carnelian tablet was found in Chakfuldubi. Mandirtala: The Asutosh Museum had undertaken exploration at this site which recorded 15 terracotta figurines and fragments of sculptures, pottery, and incised votive tablets (IAR 1976–77: 82). In the present work the author has highlighted several major archaeological sites/settlements such as Chandraketugarh, Clive House, Tamluk, Mahanad, and so on, and he feels that Mandirtala, like the sites discussed earlier, should enjoy an equal status of a major archaeological site. Unfortunately, Mandirtala is yet to be scientifically investigated and its archaeological potentiality unravelled. At the present state of our knowledge, one may record that it is an archaeological site that stands for the proclamation of a major coastal settlement which (p. 130) witnessed the rise and fall of ‘coastal heritage’, that is, the emergence of coastal sites harbouring diverse social groups and their involvement in the sea faring activities, besides diverse survival strategies as visualized at Chandraketugarh, Harinarayanpur, Deulpota, Kankandighi, Tilpi, Atghara, and even Tamluk, which was far away. Moreover, its abundant ruins, both structural and other habitational remains, retrieved artefacts in form of potsherds/ potteries, terracotta objects, beads, stone sculptures and objects, coins, and other miscellaneous objects suggest not only its historicity and importance in the regional or external sea faring activities or trading networks but also hint at the formation of a major settlement complex both in Sagar Island and the adjoining tidal zone along the coastal lines ( not far away from the Harinarayanpur, Deulpota, and Diamond Harbour region). While introducing the location of the site, Chakrabarti rightly states the following: Sagar Island measures roughly 30 by 6 miles. In the northwestern sector of the island the site is to the southwest of Kachuberiar Ghat—a considerable part of the area is now eroded. The northwestern section of this island lies on the present Hooghly channel which joins the sea within visible distance from the Mandirtala site. The prominent landmark of Mandirtala is a temple ruin which shows at its base a part of the foundation with wellrounded offsets. (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 147) Here, the reader must keep in mind that Mandirtala was actually a gateway to the Sagar as far as the settlement dynamics is concerned. If Sagar was the offshoot of the Harinarayanpur–Deulpota Kakdvip–Pakurtala developments, then Page 86 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements it was certainly Mandirtala that monitored the settlement clusters of Sagar Island and an axis of settlement dynamics can be visualized between Mandirtala and the Kapil Muni settlement complex. The original flow of the Hooghly linked the riverine settlements from Boral to Mandirtala. Unfortunately, hydraulic irregularities including coastal line fluctuations over a period of time had offered us a confused matrix of settlement areas and had led to the subsequent overlapping of the chrono-cultural material remains. The material remains suggest a development from the early historic to the later historical period. Our field visit resulted in the recovery of a few artefacts and the documentation of some structural and settlement remains along the (p.131) river Hooghly including its beds. According to the local villagers, an area of about 2 square kilometres of the Mandirtala mound has a spread of habitational remains, besides a large concentration of potteries ( of the early historical and late historic period) and other types of artefacts. Apart from the digging up of tanks or ring wells along the bank of the Hooghly, a large collection of antiquities found here, now in the possession of local collectors such as the late Narottam Haldar, the late Anil Khara, Dinabandhu Naskar, Robin Haldar, and others, and the Ramakrishna Mission of Manasadvip collection. Diagnostic pottery types of the early historic period such as broken pieces of ‘Roman’ amphorae, rouletted wares, sprinklers, NBPW sherds, and other pottery types of different historical periods ranging from the early historic to the later have been unearthed. Terracotta objects including figurines (human and animal ones), semi-precious stone beads, ivory discs, and game objects have also been recorded. An exquisitely carved black basalt Siva linga with four saktis from Mandirtala is now in the Mudiganga Panchayat Karjalaya, South 24-Parganas. Two ‘Ganga Fanom’ gold foil coins of the Eastern/Later Ganga dynasty of the 13th–15th centuries CE have been reported from the river bed near Mandirtala (A. Khara 2007: 108). Shapkhali, Chapatala, and Light House are a few localities in Sagar Island which yielded numerous archaeological remains that cannot be elaborated here as it is beyond the scope of this volume. However, the discoveries of different types of potsherds, terracotta, ivory and metal objects, semi-precious stone beads, punch-marked coins, and other objects have been reported from the abovementioned sites. In the Patharpratima Block we explored a few major sites such as Baikunthapur, Malaya, Madhusudanpur, and Ramdevpur where we recorded early medieval structural ruins along with sculptures. The copper plate inscription of Jayanaga (Vappaghoshavata Grant of Jayanaga) has been found from Malaya and is now in the Perth Museum (Barnett 1925–6: 60–4; see also R.D. Banerji [1927–8] 1983: 286–7).

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Hatiagarh is in the Patharpratima Block (lot no. 10); its adjoining mouzas include Ramratanpur and Dighir Par. During an exploration N. Mukherjee (Jugantar, 23 November 1979) collected numerous antiquities including a small sandstone image of the Buddha. While exploring the mounds in and around Hatiagarh, he reported several (p.132) early historic artefacts including potsherds. A bronze image of the Buddha had been discovered earlier from Hatiagarh. From Ramganga we went to Achintanagar which has a few mounds that yielded early medieval habitational remains. Near the confluence of the Thakuran and the Saptamukhi is Brajaballavpur or Bara Rakshaskhali Island. There we explored the structural mound of Kacharibari scattered with remains of brick structures, brickbats, red wares, potsherds, and a few terracotta objects. A black basalt pedestal is placed under a tree at Dwarikanagar. It may be noted that while a pond was being dug a few ring wells in lines were exposed. The copper plate inscription of Madommanapala, palaeographically assignable to the 12th century CE, was found inside a squarish brick chamber from this island during reclamation of a virgin forest (R.K. Ghoshal [1947–8] 1985: 119–24). A number of clay sealings of the 11th century CE were recovered from the site (Bhattasali 1941: 239). Explorations in the island of Chhoto Rakshaskhali revealed potsherds, brickbats, and terracotta figurines ‘belonging to [the] Gupta period’ (IAR 1992–3: 101). Near the Chandpatar ghat, a large number of sherds of red ware and grey ware have been found inserted in the sections along with the roots of trees. Habitational remains such as a fragment of a terracotta human figurine, a part of a terracotta pan of red ware, the rim of a vase having a flaring mouth, and mat-impressed wares have been collected from this place (IAR 2012–13: 176–7). We boarded at jetty-ghat 2, Patharpratima. Negotiating the twists and turns of the wide expanse of the Gobadia channel, we entered the still wider channel of Mridangabhanga and headed towards G-Plot. G-Plot is a cluster of 10 villages, from North Daspur in the north to Gobardhanpur in the south, and the entire north–south distance of G-Plot is 26 kilometres. We alighted at Chandmarir Ghat, G-Plot, and visited Buroburir Tat. Buroburir Tat or Burartat located between the eastern bank of the Saptamukhi and the western bank of the Thakuran has a few rolling mounds bordering the Curzon Creek. A significant number of terracotta figurines and minor objects, a gold coin, ceramics of different periods, a broken stela of the 10th–11th centuries, depicting sahasralingas (see Figure 4.12), and a vessel with animal motifs, most probably of Arakanese origin, were found from this area. Extensive remains of ring wells, particularly along the Curzon Creek, indicate (p.133) their association with earlier settlements. Habitational remains were also evident from the adjoining locality of Sitarampur. In the northern part of G-Plot Page 88 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements is Uttar Surendraganj (21°42′ N; 88°24′ E) (J.L. no. 209) on the bank of the Thakuran; it comprises a cluster of habitational areas such as Daspur, Tater Bazar, and Bisalakshmitala. Archaeologically, Tater Bazar (21°41′42.9″ N; 88°21′57″ E) is a structural mound presently occupied by modern habitation, temple, marketplace along with abandoned structural complexes flanked by a large tank known as Padma Pukur. It is located between Jagaddal Gang and Curzon Creek in the Uttar Surendraganj mouza. Brickbats and potsherds are strewn all over the place and the local houses are mostly built of the bricks collected from the mound. Inside the sanctum of the modern temple of Sri Sri Hangsheshwar Mandir (which is gradually sloping sideways), on the top of this structural mound, there is a Siva linga with a yonipitha about 1.5 feet below the floor of the sanctum and these may be ascribed to the 10th–11th centuries CE. Several sculptures have been documented from Padmapukur. Two impressive architectural members found from the mound are in the residence of another villager Pulin Giri at Janarghat. These architectural members have well-carved floral designs on one and the other is probably the upper lintel of a door jamb with a centrally carved image of Lakulisa. According to the villagers, there were more such architectural and sculptural remains scattered in different places in the village. This entire structural mound at Tater Bazar is a continuation of the settlement of Brajaballavpur along an axis, the latter separated from G-Plot by the Thakuran channel. Regarding the provenance of the inscription of Dommanapaladeva, it may be suggested that the structural mound of Tater Bazar of Uttar Surendragarj could be a part of the domain administered by Laksmanasena, especially because Brajaballavpur was a mahasamanta of the same ruler. A few antiquities found from Uttar Surendraganj including the vessel found from Buroburir Tat, presently in the collection of Vivekananda Vidyalaya, were documented. This decorated chocolate-coloured vessel, probably of Arakanese origin, has an elongated neck, an out-turned rim, with 12 animals representing the zodiac signs popular in Southeast Asian countries incised along the upper part between the rim and the body. Its discovery from a ring well embedded in the low shallow banks of the active flood-plain area of Curzon Creek that skirted (p.134) G-Plot in the north was reported many years ago by the local people. The Vidyalaya collection also includes a coin of Sasanka and another coin which may be identified with the Rata coins of Samatata, besides a gold amulet/pendant. Bisalakshmitala, near Tater Bazar, has also yielded habitational remains. En route to Gobardhanpur, we passed through Indrapur which has a few rolling mounds. A few broken pieces of sculptures and other habitational remains found from these mounds had been collected by the villagers. About 12 kilometres from Indrapur is Gobardhanpur, a bund-encircled village near the mouth of the Saptamukhi whose southern limit merges with the Bay of Bengal. It is situated at the confluence of the Curzon Creek, Jagaddal Gang, and the Thakuran river, near Sashtha Khanda Jungle, where it merges with the Bay of Bengal. On the sea shore a large number of sherds of grey ware, red ware and black ware have been noticed. Here, the structural mound, fairly Page 89 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements destroyed by fluvial erosion, has yielded terracotta objects, potsherds, a few stone sculptures, besides a few copper and gold coins. At Gobardhanpur, we documented a large number of impressive terracotta figurines collected by the Sahoo brothers from the shallow shore-bed of the distant islands of Dhonchi (Dhanchi) and Bijiara (Bijwara/Bulcheri). The largest intact female figurine with a triple-bun coiffure measures 27 × 6 centimetres. The average size of the figurines is 12 × 6 centimetres. We encountered several such Bijiara terracottas in different collections of South 24-Parganas. These fishermen informed us that there are extensive remains of hearths in the forests of Dhonchi. Their collection also includes potsherds, ceramics of different types, both decorated or otherwise, terracotta objects, terracotta three-tiered stupa-like votive objects, beads of semi-precious stones, polished stone tools similar to those recorded from Tamluk, fragments of ivory objects, broken parts of stone sculptures, clay dabbers, net-sinkers, hopscotch sets, bone tools, a fragmentary terracotta lamp, inscribed clay sealings, and a terracotta slab having multiple impressions of legends used for making inscribed seals. As far as the geomorphological features are concerned, the region around Gobardhanpur has both a levee area and a back swamp. As reported by the villagers, artefacts were also found from the back-swamp zone which might mean that it developed after the early historic phase or that these constituted either habitation areas or their extensions. A few gold coins are presently in the collection of a villager. (p.135) The extended shore line, southeast of Gobardhanpur, along the modern embankment, is extensively scattered with habitational debris as evident during the ebb. Cultural debris is also evident at the shores of Bijiara in the Reserve Forest area, opposite Gobardhanpur. Bijiara lies on the southern bank of the Jagaddal river. The submerged shore line yielding artefacts extends about 3 kilometres into the sea, thereby suggesting the existence of ancient settlements that are now completely submerged. While returning to Kolkata, we documented a life-size icon of Nrisimha/ Narasimha in the Patharpratima PS (see Figure 4.13). On the basis of our report of the present exploration, the Archaeological Survey of India, Kolkata Circle, under S. Maiti and P.K. Naik inspected different sites and places of archaeological interest under the jurisdiction of the Patharpratima PS (especially G Plot), during 2012–13 (IAR 2012–13: 176–7). Among the reported localities and their antiquities is a terracotta head belonging to the post-Gupta period found while scraping the river section of the Satyadaspur mouza (G Plot, 21°42′21.9″ N; 88°25′33.6″ E). A large number of red wares, grey wares, black wares, and mat-impressed wares were seen scattered on the mud surface, clinging to the section mound. These may be dated between post-Gupta and the medieval period.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements In the H-plot of the Sundarbans, we explored the mounds of Banashyamnagar (J.L. no. 182, 21°47′7.3″ N; 88°25′21.2″ E) which lies near Tentultala Ghat. It is divided into two parts, Bara Banashyamnagar and Choto Banashyamnagar. Both the sections are well known for the ruins of temples and habitational mounds scattered with potsherds. The ancient mounds can be identified with the presence of very old banyan trees overlooking the mounds. Mandirtala, a prominent locality in the eastern part of the village, is a large structural mound scattered with bricks, brickbats, potsherds, and other structural/habitational debris. A good number of stone sculptures such as those of Nataraja, Visnu, and other fragmentary pieces of sculpture ascribable to the Pala–Sena period have been discovered from this place. During the renovation work of a pond near Banashyamnagar High School, several fragmentary pieces of sculptures/ terracotta objects were found. In a newly constructed temple at Hari Jeu Bazar, a Visnu icon (72 × 39 × 14 centimetres) is presently worshipped; the image may be stylistically assignable to the (p.136) 11th–12th centuries CE. It was found during the late 1970s from a nearby mound of Mandirtala and, most probably, the extant structural remains at the mound were part of an old Visnu temple wherein this icon had once been installed. Other sites explored by us in the Patharpratima Block include Kamdevpur, Gurudaspur, and Kumarpur. The first two sites yielded structural ruins and fragmentary sculptures whereas Kumarpur had a few old habitational low mounds scattered with potsherds, beads, terracotta objects, and other artefacts. Jagannath Palli, Padmapukur, Kacharibari, Pirtala, and Nag Mela Prangan are the localities of this village which deserve special mention in the context of archaeological findings. Gada Mathura has early medieval–medieval structural remains, lintels, door jambs, and so on, alongwith sculptural and other habitational remains. Four images of Visnu and one of Nataraja carved in black basalt have also been discovered from the site. While exploring Dakshin Govindapur in the Gada Mathura island, especially the Govindeshwar Siva temple complex, we encountered a few structural remains and sculptural fragments. The Indian Museum, Kolkata, collected a Visnu, Nataraja, and other stone sculptures from this village. Kalidas Datta reported four Visnu images, and this icon of Nataraja found during the excavation of a structural mound covered with bush in 1934 (K. Datta 1934: 7–8). These icons were originally found from the sanctum cella of an abandoned temple complex. Dakshin Mahendrapur (J.L. no. 154) is near Dhruvabazar in the Patharpratima PS. It is an interesting archaeological site of the Sundarban region along the banks of the Mridangabhanga. S. Chattopadhyay (2005: 140) refers to the discovery of two gold coins found along the river bank; however, he does not mention the details of the said coins. These coins are no longer traceable. During our exploration, we noticed potsherds and other habitational debris, and Page 91 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements the villagers informed us that during the digging of a pond, skeletons, wood fossils, different types of potteries, and other objects were found, all of which apparently confirm the antiquity of the village. A Buddha image of octalloy seated in bhumisparsa mudra and a terracotta figure have been reported from E-Plot of Patharpratima (K. Datta 1934: 9). (p.137) Sajnekhali has also yielded sculptural remains (G.S. De 2007: 9). In the reserve forest area of the Sundarban Tiger Project, Alasadvipa and Chulkati were visited. A few remains of hearths, burnt earth, some exposed structural remains, and ring wells were documented (A.K. Patra 2007: 12–15). In the interior of the Sundarban region we visited the Jai Chanditala temple complex at Western Surendranagar (J.L. no. 166). Potsherds were noticeable along the sections of a nearby pond. In 2006, a Visnu icon had been discovered from this village. In the Basanti region we visited some abandoned temple complexes at Ranigarh and Bharatgarh. Kalidas Datta had briefly reported some findings, particularly noticeable in lot. nos. 127 and 128 of the Bharatgarh and Garan-Basu (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 60–1). In the recent years, several archaeological findings such as potsherds, decorated bricks, saddle querns, terracotta objects, copper coins, and other miscellaneous antiquities have been found from the Dighir Par area of Bharatgarh. Hiranmoypur, Nafarganj, Birinchibari Mandirbari, and Radharanipur are the localities in the same area which yielded numerous artefacts and structural remains. Antlers, potsherds, different types of clay objects, saddle querns, terracotta objects, games objects, and terracotta balls were found from a pond locally known as Satisbabur pukur. In the neighbouring district of Khulna, some 12 miles south of Daulatpur, on the bank of the Bhadra river is a huge brick mound locally called as Bharat Bhayna (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 60). Garanbas/Garan-Basu: The site along the river Matla (lot no. 127) has evidence of habitational remains in the form of potsherds and terracotta objects (cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 60). Next we explored Netidhopani (21°45′ N; 88°43′ E) situated at the confluence of the river Matla, the Habatidomi khal, the Surjamukhi khal, and the Lakhi khal. From a few local collections we recorded a few sherds of early historic ceramics, some cast copper coins, beads of diverse shapes, and fragmentary stone and bronze sculptures, as well as terracotta figurines. Some 10 miles south of Bharatgarh flows the Neti Dhopani Nadi. In both Rennell’s Map of 1792 and Ellison’s Map of Sundarban of 1873, the stream is named Neti Dhopani Nadi. This channel is associated with the legends of the snake goddess Manasa, the devotion of Behula, and the merchant Chand Saudagar.

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements (p.138) The Present Core Area of the Sundarbans

The importance of the core area of the Sundarbans remained unappreciated in Indian archaeology until recently. Hunter’s detailed account of the land and people of the Sundarbans provides a general outline of the settlement activities and resource bases including forest products, besides agriculture, the nature of exploitation of natural resources, and trade and commerce (Hunter 1998). Unfortunately, no systematic exploration programme has been carried out, but there are prolific occurrences of abandoned and washed-out (virtually drained down by incessant tidal activities) settlement debris in form of numerous potsherds strewn over wide clusters, brickbats, beads, terracotta objects (artisan and household products or otherwise), and fossilized animal remains in the entire region covering the present core area of the Sundarbans. The region has been carefully traversed by the local fishermen such as Biswajit Sahoo, Bimal Sahoo, and others mentioned earlier and they, through the years, have acquired a rich collection of antiquities apparently ranging from Gupta–postGupta to pre-modern times. Apart from our recent visit to the area and the local museum, we have tried to locate some more important sites and localities in and around Gobardhanpur, G-Plot, Dhonchi, Bijiara, L-Plot island, Banashyamnagar island, Lothian island, and other localities near Kalashdvip. Prabhakar Biswas, a research student of the Department of Archaeology, University of Calcutta, had undertaken several exploration programmes and traced out numerous occurrences of old habitational debris either in the eroded sections of river banks or along the banks of local ponds, and had dug up courtyards of local residences, cultivated lands, and so on. The common features of most of the occurrences are the following: 1. Exposed settlement matrix of generally dark grey soil composition mixed with habitational remains. 2. Strewn with numerous types of potsherds. 3. Occasionally associated with other varieties of cultural objects and other antiquities such as terracotta art objects, household objects, net sinkers, beads of semi-precious stones, fossilized or semi-fossilized animal bones, antlers, and bone tools. 4. Apart from the cultural remains in form of artefacts, there are several sites containing structural complexes scattered with brick (p.139) bats and a few workshop sites generally associated with charcoal remains, lumps of burnt earth, and other evidence related to firing activities. According to a Times of India report published on Monday, 1 August 2016, the artefacts collected from the Dhonchi and Bijiara forests in the tiger reserve area of the Sundarbans over the last 22 years include several terracotta human and animal figurines, dating back to the early centuries of the Christian era and earlier, terracotta lumps bearing impressions of seals dating back to the early historical period, terracotta rattles, toys and pendants, ivory gamesmen, miniature pots, pastel, semi-precious stone beads, net sinkers, and potsherds. Page 93 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements Biswajit Sahoo, according to the report, has collected more than 15,000 artefacts and continues to collect more during fishing trips to the different islands of the Sundarban core area. Sahoo’s collection includes a large number of black, red, and grey earthenware sherds and among the standout artefacts are carinated handis, bowls, miniature pots, and spouted vessels. A large number of skeletons, bone fragments, skulls, and teeth of wild, domesticated, and aquatic animals are also in Sahoo’s collection. All the objects have been kept in a random manner in a recently constructed building at Gobardhanpur. According to Phanikanta Mishra, regional director of the Eastern Circle of the Archaeological Survey of India, an analysis of the collections indicates that a wide variety of antiquities date back to the Mauryan era (3rd century BCE) and the early centuries of the Christian era. According to Mishra, it is a matter of great mystery how the great civilization suddenly disappeared. It is really a matter of controversy whether some of the artefacts are assignable to the Mauryan period as observed by Mishra. Regarding the late historical settlements of the Sundarban region, it is worth mentioning that the rulers of the Barabhuiya family had a base to control over the natural resources (timber, thatching materials, honey, wax, shells which were burnt for lime, and, of course, firewood) and agrarian settlements. Therefore, there is a possibility of widespread late settlements in this area. It is also well known that Raja Basanta Ray/Rai and his nephew took shelter in the Sundarban area during the military aggression of Akbar. The temporary military base, including the ‘cantonment’ area which developed during this period, was (p.140) subsequently occupied by Portuguese pirates. Interestingly, the story of Manasamangala, one of the Mangalkavyas of the medieval period, distinctly mentions the name Netidhopani in the context of ‘Behula’s quest to bring back her husband Lakhinder’. On the other hand, the Portuguese connection with the Sundarban region, particularly Netidhopani and other places, deserves special mention. Chakrabarti writes: There is more or less secure evidence that the Sundarban was far more extensive than what it is today, but it was so only in certain periods. After the main course of the Ganga shifted from the Adi Ganga to the Padma, the entire tract lost its attraction as an area fit for human habitation, but this happened towards the fifteenth–sixteenth century. In the early part of the eighteenth century there were depredations by the Portuguese and Burmese/Arakanese raiders and this also acted as one of the reasons of the area’s depopulation and afforestation. In the early years of the British rule the forest certainly extended up to Calcutta, as many contemporary sources testify. The resettlement of the area began in the late eighteenth century but did not pick up momentum till the nineteenth century. (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 129)

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Distribution of Sites/Settlements Moreover, the survey of the Sundarbans in 1764 and the obtaining of property right by the East India Company and the subsequent establishment of the Forest Department by British India are part of the long settlement history of the concerned region. Therefore, the reconstruction of the settlement history and the chronology of the exposed structural complexes and the recovered antiquities certainly require a systematic investigation. Although a few diagnostic types of artefacts have been discovered including semi-precious beads, terracotta objects, terracotta figurines, antlers, fossilized animal bones, and brickbats, the extensive occurrence may not be treated as belonging to an early period. There is enough possibility of a wide distribution of human settlements for a longer period of time depending on the fluctuations of the coastal line and the changing pattern of river courses. A few recently explored sites in the core area of the Sundarban region in the Patharpratima PS yielded an amazing repertoire of habitational remains. They include Kalipotar Dhibi, Charer Gheri I, Charer Gheri 2, Rakhalpur mouza, LPlot, Rakhalpur village, Duier Gheri, Satero Sata Bigha, Pacher Gheri (west) (Upendranagar (p.141) mouza–L-Plot), Upendranagar, Pacher Gheri (east), Baro Sata Bigha in Rakhalpur mouza, Karanpara I, Sridharnagar mouza, Karanpara 4, Janapara I, Janapara 2, and Gab Ber. The findings include habitational debris, terracotta objects, basket-marked potteries, stone beads, red ware, and brickbats, all mostly recovered from sections of ponds and river banks. A few find-spots were also identified in Banashyamnagar island. They include Boser Gheri, Siter Ghat, and Dener Bund, all of them exposing similar types of evidence related to the settlement and cultural matrix. A few sites have also been recently discovered in G-Plot. They include Munshiganj, Mandirpara, and Lakshmi Janardanpur. The recorded findings can be associated with the above sites. It is very difficult to determine the possible date of the exposed habitational clusters; however, if one recalls the numerous collection of antiquities in the possession of Biswajit Sahoo and their find-spots, one may suggest that most of the above-mentioned sites and occurrences range between 600 CE and the premodern times. The presence of a large collection of semi-precious stone beads, apparently of the early historic period, intrigues us about their contexts and circulation. The process of recycling of such objects in different settlements and the movement of coastal traffic may not be ruled out. Interestingly, the large collection of bone tools and antlers in their collection reminds us of the antiquity of human settlements and their presence in the sites of Tamluk and Golbai Sasan (Orissa). Our readers should not gather the impression that there was no early historic settlement in the core area of the Sundarbans. This is with reference to a good number of terracotta plaques, some bearing inscriptions, as well as a few Page 95 of 96

 

Distribution of Sites/Settlements ‘exotic’ objects in the said collection. On the other hand, the thickness of a few habitational deposits along the Thakurani and the Jagaddal river banks in the core area of the Sundarbans suggests their course of habitation for a long period of time. Sites/settlements in the Sundarban region of Bangladesh (for a brief survey of such sites, see Banik 2007) or, for that matter, the coastal region of that country have not been discussed here as it is beyond the scope of the present survey. For this reason, obviously, the reconstruction of the settlement history of the coastal region of ancient Bengal remains incomplete. (p.142) The brief descriptions of sites/settlements provided in this chapter should serve the purpose of a better understanding of the context of archaeological findings recorded so far (see Maps 1 and 2). In turn, the scholars may avail the data for the reconstruction of the various aspects of settlement history of the coastal region such as agrarian set-ups, urban and commercial units, trading networks, and so on. The existing reconstructions are generally based on diagnostic types of remains and artefacts without considering their archaeological/settlement contexts. Obviously, this is due to the absence of complete reports of excavations/explorations. Therefore, the survey of sites just discussed may only partially fulfil such a necessity.

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Assemblage Analysis

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Assemblage Analysis Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780199481682.003.0005

Abstract and Keywords Abundant explored and excavated archaeological findings found from innumerable sites along the littoral, along with those presently in the collections of different museums or individuals, portray a definite picture of the coastal life. This chapter explores a meagre part of this repertoire of archaeological findings under the following sub-sections: structural remains, ceramics, bone tools, stone tools, beads, stuccos, stone sculptures, metal images, metal objects, terracotta crafts, coins, seals and sealings and other inscribed objects, ivory objects, wooden objects, glass objects, and miscellaneous objects. This chapter essentially acts as a corollary to the previous chapter. Keywords:   structural remains, post-holes, mud walls, hearth, floor level, stupa, temple, ceramics, sherds, slip, fabric, well-levigated clay, rouletted ware, amphora, NBPW, ground and polished stone tools, beads, semi-precious stones, shell, stuccos, stone sculptures, chloritoid phyllite, metal images, metal objects, terracotta crafts, terracotta plaques, coins, punch-marked coins, cast coins, cowries, seals, sealings, inscribed objects, ivory objects, glass objects

Abundant explored and excavated archaeological findings found from innumerable sites along the littoral, together with those presently in the collections of different museums or individuals, portray a definite picture of the coastal life. This chapter summarizes a meagre part of this entire repertoire of archaeological findings since a detailed study would be beyond the scope of this volume.

Structural Remains The evidence related to structural remains from both excavated and explored sites of all the three arbitrary zones is quite inadequate to explain the nature Page 1 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis and character of the same during the formative phase, that is, the BRWassociated EVF phases and the early historic period. Looking at the database available from Moghalmari, we are in a position to state that it had both non-farming (fishing and other activities) and farming lineages, and these subsistence strategies along the flood plains of the said river valleys must have influenced the pre-structural phase of the concerned settlement. Excavations at the site unearthed evidence of BRW-associated rudimentary settlements, that is, floor levels (rammed or otherwise), post-holes, hearths, reed-impressed clay, along with debris of mud walls found in patches. These findings indicate the beginning of a settlement, farming or otherwise. Talmuk was no exception and yielded structural remains of the same period. So far as the structural evidence from Zone A is (p.144) concerned, this Zone can be considered as representative of the initiation of structural activities in the coastal area. We have already seen that secular remains identified in this area include daub-and-wattle structures, post-holes, mud structures, presence of reed-impressed clays, and traces of hearths used both by potters and metal workers. Similar structural activities have been noticed in a wider zone encompassing coastal Orissa, the Mahanadi–Baitarani valley, the Subarnarekha valley, and also the Kangsavati–Dwarakeswar valley, that is, the development as witnessed from Dihar–Garbeta–Aguiboni–Ghatal and the Moghalmari regions. In this context one cannot ignore the structural activities of Zone B and their close association with the development of its immediate hinterland areas along the rivers Damodar and Ajay, wherein we have representative sites such as Satdeulia, Hatipotar Danga (Raen/Raina), Ballal Dhibi, Samudragarh, Nimta, and Tarakeshwar. Chronologically, it is apparent that the development of the formative phase in Zone C is later than the two arbitrary zones just mentioned. Invariably, Clive House (Dum Dum mound), Chandraketugarh, Deulpota, Atghara, Harinarayanpur, and so on experienced such formative developments in a slightly different way because of their geophysical bearing (as they are all in the tidal zone). In this context, we may record without hesitation that the fluctuations of the coastal line over a period of time and other hydraulic conditions along the active delta, besides the availability and non-availability of raw materials, certainly influenced the settlement characters. There were invariably temporary or seasonal dwellings, obviously made of reeds, bamboo, and wooden components. Evidence of structural activities related to the EVF phases and the early historic period is apparent from several sites of zones A and B. As far as the EVF phases are concerned, in most of the excavated sites house floors with soling of terracotta nodules have been unearthed. The recently excavated site of Erenda yielded floors exhibiting clay rammed with pottery and calcium carbonate nodules, the walls were typically made in the same technique and sometimes poles were used to hold thatched roofs. The evidence from the Page 2 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis mound adjacent to Clive House may be recalled here. Structural evidence in the form of brick walls or mud walls has not been found. In Period I successive floor levels were encountered and the earliest floor level was exposed just above the virgin soil. The (p.145) other floors of Period I were made of rammed brickbats, earth, potsherds, and other materials. Possibly, mud structures were in use, however, due to prolonged waterlogging and flood deposit there is no further evidence. The structural remains of Period II were probably made of wood or bamboo, no traces of which were found except for different floor levels, again made of rammed earth often mixed with lime. From the top levels, traces of a structure of single-course brick in mud mortar and another in lime surkhi mortar were recorded (B. Bandyopadhyay 2016: 64). As far as the early historic period is concerned, the excavated sites of the three zones do not provide a clear picture of the structural remains and we may presume that the evidence of the early historic period as apparent from the excavated remains of Pakhanna, Dihar, Mangalkot, and so on could well be applicable for the coastal region as well. The presence of ring wells in all these sites may be noted. The pre-Mauryan phase at Chandraketugarh has laid bare the evidence of kacha houses built of wood, bamboo, and terracotta tiles, and mud walls built on mud plinth. The structural remains of bamboo, wooden posts, and mud plinth along with the remarkable finding of a pottery drain from the Mauryan period have been encountered during excavation at Chandraketugarh. The stratified section at the Itakhola mound has unfolded the remnants of a mud rampart built in two phases, assignable to a wide timescale ranging from the 1st century BCE to 1st century CE. At Chandraketugarh, a massive wooden structure built of vertical logs set on horizontal planks, ascribable to the 1st century BCE, was exposed below the rampart. Generally houses were made of mud or wattle-and-daub, supported by heavy wooden pillars at corners and built on mud plinths. The roofs were made of slightly undulated tiles. The floors were either mud plastered or surkhi-rammed. Terracotta ring wells and grain enclosures were apparently set on timber sub-structures. From the Itakhola mound a drain made of pottery pipes (each 69 centimetres long and of 17 centimetres in diameter) was exposed. Excavation at Tilpi unearthed a number of mud floors, with traces of post-holes and circular hearths datable to the early historic period. Early historic structural remains from Tamluk include a brickbuilt stepped tank, a ring well, and a soak pit assignable to the Sunga period. Remnants of a drainage system with traces of ring wells (S. De 1994: 26), along with other structural remains, (p.146) have been reported from Boral. Apparently this early historic phase of structural activities in the entire coastal area became associated with the use of similar raw materials, technology, and the concept of the function of a space. The structural remains of the Gupta period generally remain neglected in excavation reports and they are often labelled as pre-Pala remains. It may be pointed out with certainty that the development of structural activities during Page 3 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis the Kushana period expanded in the subsequent Gupta period. The use of rammed floor and that of surkhi became more extensive perhaps along with the introduction of burnt bricks during the Gupta period at least in this part of Bengal. During the concerned period, the settlement area expanded, with the gradual incorporation of religious edifices within secular spaces including the erection of water management sytems as evident from Tildah, Mahanad, Dhosha, and other locations. The trial digging at Tildah resulted in the exposure of two phases of brick structures. The earlier one can be assigned to the Gupta period. At the Jattala mound of Mahanad a massive brick wall at a depth of 183 centimetres was exposed. The section yielded other structural remains including fragmentary parts of a terracotta ring well. At Dhosha, a square brick edifice with a paved pathway around it has been exposed. It has been identified as a part of a shrine (A. Roy 2006: 2). It is perhaps from the 5th–6th century onwards that structural activities became more prominent in Zone C, especially with the formation of ancient geopolitical units such as Samatata, Pundravardhana, Vanga, and Suhma (their genesis may be traced during the earlier period). For example, the famous early historic site of Wari-Bateshwar has a calibrated C-14 date of c. 500 BCE and most probably belonged to the Samatata tract (Chakrabarti 2006: 324). From the post-Gupta period onwards religious structures mainly in the form of ratha temples have been recorded from Chandraketugarh (see Figure 5.1), Jatar Deul (see Figure 5.2), Delbari, Bonshyamnagar, Mandirtala, Deulpota, Kankandighi, etc. The marvellous brick temple of Jatar Deul is the only intact signifier of the percolation of the Nagara style in the coastal region. It is pancharatha in plan and closely resembles the Siddhesvara temple of Bahulara in elevation and style and a more curvilinear outline of the sikhara. The temple at Chandraketugarh has been explained as Sarvatobhadra type by the (p.147) concerned excavator and he had assigned it to the Gupta period. The structural remains at Mandirtala is basically a temple ruin ‘which shows at its base a part of the foundation with well-rounded offsets. This apparently is the base of a ratha type temple of the Pala period’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 147). The large 6th–7th-century monastic complex of Moghalmari is a part of the spread and institutionalization of Buddhism along the eastern littoral. It is possibly the largest monastic complex so far unearthed in West Bengal. Apart from the above-mentioned stone architectural members, lintels, door jambs, amalakas, chandrasilas, and so on have also been recorded from the study area. The evidence suggests their association with mainly religious edifices and their presence in the deltaic region obviously hints towards transportation between the upland plateau area and the coast.

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Assemblage Analysis Ceramics The present study area had witnessed the growth of village settlements over a long period of time. The potteries/ceramics of different types, therefore, constitute a significant part of the retrieved assemblages, both excavated and explored (see Figures 5.3a, 5.3b, 5.3c, 5.3d). Generally speaking, the pottery/ ceramic types of coastal Bengal constitute the usual types and shapes distinctly associated with those found from the coastal regions of Orissa, Bangladesh, the Chittagong–Arakan tract, besides the adjoining upland region of Bankura, Burdwan, Birbhum, as well as the plains of the lower and middle Ganga valleys, from the EVF phases onwards. However, some differences in the application of slips, manufacturing techniques, as well as in the preparation of the clay, depending on the quality of the locally available raw materials, are noticeable. The earliest ceramics are those unearthed from the BRW-associated EVF phases of different excavated sites in all the three zones. Those reported from Moghalmari, Tamluk, Erenda, Tildah, and so on are similar to the BRW unearthed from Golbai Sasan as well as Dihar, Pakhanna, and other excavated sites from West Bengal. Some of the early specimens are too brittle to indicate particular ceramic shapes. The plain and fine BRW having very thin sections with fine texture (p.148) and unpainted smooth surface form a small collection of the recorded ceramics. The plain BRW have medium sections with unpainted smooth and plain surface. Most of the sherds maintain black inner surfaces that sometimes extend over the rim portion. The red upper surfaces seem to have been prepared by a careful application of slip. A few channel-spouted bowls and sherds bearing white paintings have been reported both from excavations and explorations at Clive House, Tamluk, and Tildah. Usually, the specimens carry white painting mostly on the black inner surfaces. The painting consists of short linear strokes or hatches, dots, and sets of parallel lines. From Natsal, the ceramic industry of the chalcolithic culture includes Black and Red ware, Black ware, Orange ware, chocolate ware, buff red ware etc. while the shapes include spouted bowl, dish on stand, flower vase, beakers, dishes, miniature bowl, basin, carinated flower vase, etc. Of these shapes, bowl on stand, pot on stand, carinated flower vase, dishes, etc. are typical since they have not been reported from any other chalcolithic sites. (Datta 1997: 30) It may be noted here that at Clive House and Atghara BRW occurred in association with early historic assemblages, suggesting a later variety of this popular ceramic type. This later variety is also apparent from the explored sites in Dantan I and II blocks, that is, from Tokinagar Gram, Ektiarpur, Barabaghira, Angua, Manoharpur, Sat Deulia, Kankrajit, Krishnapur, Raybaruttar, Sarasanka/ Sharsanka, Vidyadhar Lake, and Loltapur, as well as from Bahiri, Tildah, Badur–

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Assemblage Analysis Latpatia, Natsal, Clive House, Tilpi, Satdeulia, Rayen/Raina, Mahanad, Tarakeshwar, and so on. The early historic types from Natsal include grey pottery, long shallow dishes and deep bowls, few NBPW sherds, besides grey-stamped pottery, rouletted ware, and amphora vessel (A. Datta 1997: 30–1). There are more late BRWassociated sites along the Subarnarekha and along the lower reaches of the Damodar, Ajay, and the tributaries of the Hooghly in the districts of Howrah, Hooghly, and North 24-Parganas. Artefacts of this type have also been found from the settlements in the active delta region such as Deulpota, Harinarayanpur, Pakurtala, Kankandighi, Kasinagar, Khari–Chhatrabhog, Sitakundu, Tilpi, and so on. However, a detailed study related to the fabric, shape, or types, and even their relationship with the BRW recorded from the (p. 149) other segments of coastal Bengal is yet to be undertaken. The principal shapes include bowls, basins, and carinated vessels. The diagnostic types of BRW in association with BSW and other miscellaneous types of red and grey ware have been reported from zone A. BSW is generally treated as early historic ceramics. Grey ware usually bears a thin slip on the outer surface; sherds of cord-impressed grey ware have also been collected by the author from several sites of South 24-Parganas. A fair distribution of ceramics of the early historic period such as BSW, NBPW, red ware, grey ware, and black ware have been documented from excavated and explored sites of the three zones. Potteries found from several early historic sites such as Bangarh, Mangalkot, and Wari–Bateshwar and Mahasthangarh in Bangladesh share typological similarities with those recorded from the excavated and explored sites of the coastal region of West Bengal. NBPW sherds have been reported from Clive House, Sheoraphuli, Nimta, Mahanad, Betor, Triveni, Chandraketugarh, Tamluk, Tildah, Harinarayanpur, Boral, Deulpota, Mandirtala, Atghara, Tilpi, and other such locations. Tamluk and Chandraketugarh yielded the maximum number of NBPW sherds, both monochrome and bichrome. Hadipur, Shanpukur, about 3.21 kilometres south of Khana Mihirer Dhibi yielded good specimens of the patent NBPW and grey ware, besides terracotta female figurines (IAR 1961–2: 62). On the basis of the explored database recorded by the author during his field trips it is evident that the monochrome types usually have a fine thick fabric with thin sections and a glossy surface with an almost metallic sheen. Sherds of NBPW, soft and matt in appearance with a very thin cross-section in profile, probably served as ritual pottery and their use was certainly limited. This particular ceramic type is mainly found in fragmentary condition and majority of them are black in colour. However, a few specimens of lustrous red and steel blue colour have also been found. The Clive House excavation yielded most of the types generally found from early historic sites (B. Bandyopadhyay 2016).

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Assemblage Analysis The major ceramic types unearthed from Moghalmari have been elaborated by A. Datta (2008a: 63–86). The ceramic industry found during the 2014–15 field season comprises redslipped and grey-slipped wares made of well-levigated clay mixed with a small proportion of sand and mica as tempering materials. Potteries with incised decorations are limited in number and no (p.150) painted pottery has been found. Applique work has been noticed on a few specimens. The types include jars, storage jars, bowls, sprinklers, miniature pots, lamps, dishes, and lids. Apart from the numerous types of ceramics discussed earlier, which are generally found in the early historic context of the middle and lower Ganga valleys, rouletted wares, Arretine ware, and amphorae generally designated as Roman amphorae have been found in significant numbers from several sites of coastal Bengal. Chandraketugarh, Nimta, Atghara, Chhatrabhog–Khari, Harinarayanpur, and Tamluk have yielded rouletted ware (see D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 155). Rouletted ware is characterized by a ‘dish form with an incurved and beaked rim usually with a faceted edge’ (A. Ghosh 1989: 258). It has a flat interior base decorated with two or three concentric bands apparently produced by a roulette. The distribution of rouletted ware extends over most of the eastern coast from Chandraketugarh and Tamluk in the Ganga delta in the north to Salihundham and Kalingapatnam in northern Andhra coast, Manikpatnam near Chilka, Sisupalgarh in the Mahanadi delta, to Alaganakulam in the Vaigai delta, Periyapatinam, Kaveripattinam in the Kaveri delta, Nattamedu, Arikamedu near Pondicherry, Kanchipuram near Chennai, at a cluster of sites in the deltas of the Krishna and the Godavari in the south, and even to Mantai, Kantarodai, and Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka. It has also been recorded from Kobak Kendal in Java, Sembiran in Bali, Bukit Tengu Lembu in Malayasia, Tra Kieu in Vietnam, and Beikthano in Burma. Recent analysis of sherds of ‘rouletted ware’ from Sembiran and Pacung in Bali and Arikamedu and Karaikadu on the Coromandel coast suggests uniformity of source materials, thereby indicating that the ‘rouletted ware’–related route of the eastern coast of India extended to Southeast Asia, but the points of distribution or redistribution of luxury ceramics and other commodities remain to be identified (Begley 1996: 24–5). Apart from Tamluk and Chandraketugarh, it has also been reported from Mahasthan, Wari Bateshwar (Haque, Rahman, and Ahsan 2000: 298). It also appears that one network on which ‘rouletted ware’ travelled was all along the eastern sea board, including Sri Lanka; the other networks interconnected with the interior.’ (Begley 1996: 25). Whether this route extended farther south and west to the Malabar coast is not known as yet from archaeological finds. The Periplus (section 60) mentions that there was trade between the Malabar and the (p.151) Coromandel coasts (Begley 1996: 27). Not all the sites where Page 7 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis rouletted dish was found are likely to be absolutely contemporaneous. Second, whether all the coastal sites where rouletted ware was found were stops on a single line, or whether pottery and other merchandise were redistributed from major entrepots such as Arikamedu or Tamluk must be considered (Begley 1996: 27). A study by Gogte has put forward the view that the rouletted ware found at Chandraketugarh has similarities with that found from Arikamedu and several other places in India and Southeast Asia (Gogte 1997: 69–85). This observation is on the basis of X-ray diffraction analysis of clay. Begley takes strong exception to Gogte’s two main conclusions: first, that all Indian ‘rouletted ware’ was manufactured at ‘regional production centers in the lower Ganga plain with the epicentre in the Chandraketugarh–Tamluk region of Bengal’, from where he believes it was transported to Arikamedu and all other sites in India and beyond; and second, that ‘the lustrous Rouletted Ware was nothing but a variety of NBP ware with indented circular decorations’ (Begley 2004: 631). Begley observed that Chandraketugarh could be one but not necessarily the only site which was a source for the clays used for the manufacture of ‘rouletted ware’ (Begley 2004: 633). For that matter, Pakhanna along the Damodar valley, in the district of Bankura, also yielded fine rouletted ware in association with NBPW, BRW, and other early historic pottery. From the published material it is questionable whether the Chandraketugarh rouletted ware should even be labelled ‘rouletted ware’ since most scholars regard the Wheeler, Ghosh, and Deva (1946) Type 1 dish (1946: 17–124) (=Arikamedu Form 1) as the standard ‘rouletted ware.’ For Tamluk (IAR 1954–5: 20), it is mentioned that the occurrence of rouletted ware was profuse in period III, and 11 decorated sherds are illustrated. The fragments show patterns with dot-like indentations, linear strokes, and also variations with grooves, as at Chandraketugarh (Begley 2004: 634). Ten seasons of excavations at Chandraketugarh should have unearthed thousands of sherds, especially if the supposed epicentre of production was there or in the vicinity (Begley 2004: 634). The presence of rouletted ware in both the hinterland and the littoral sites of West Bengal suggests that the potters were well acquainted with the manufacturing of such ware and there were local variants. (p.152) On the other hand, the circulation of such types may not be widespread or beyond the concerned region and obviously one may rule out the possibility of large-scale consumption and supply to the other regions of the littoral. Among the few reported amphorae, the Bahiri specimen ‘need not be earlier than the Islamic period’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2006a: 326). A buffish pink ovoid vessel (66 centimetres in height and 1.32 metres in diameter) with a short neck and two handles, reported from Karanji near Jai Kalir Chak, ‘is the only vessel of its kind in West Bengal and one of the limited number of Roman amphora (or Page 8 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis their Indian imitations) in India’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 151). ‘Imitated amphorae’ have been recorded from a number of provenances in coastal West Bengal. The Baruipur Museum has an amphora found from Chandraketugarh (De and De 2013: 459). Another fine-ware vessel form, first identified at Arikamedu (Wheeler, Ghosh, and Deva 1946: Type 10) is a bowl with stamped figurative motifs. This bowl form seems also to have travelled on the coastal route, but in small quantities and to a limited number of destinations as indicated by the available data. This bowl form has been identified at Chandraketugarh, Karaikadu (Kudikadu) and Alagankulam on the Indian mainland, at Kantarodai and Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka, and overseas at Sembiran in Bali. The bowls were most probably made in the same workshops as ‘rouletted ware’. At Chandraketugarh and Alagankulam, variations in the decorative motif can be seen. The stamped motifs are frequently in oval or circular medallions, and consist of representations of fish or birds, or some other indistinct feature. The sherds from Chandraketugarh are in the Asutosh Museum. Variants at both sites have some similarity to each other that suggests direct contact. It would be important to investigate whether there are other data to indicate that there might have been a direct line of communication between the two known ends of the coastal network (Begley 1996: 25–7). A few earthen vessels with separate bands or friezes depicting mythical scenes, flowers, plants, and animals (mainly horses, winged horses, and elephants) fixed around the body of the main vessels have been reported from Chandraketugarh. These are locally known as ‘pasted potteries’. Some of the vessels depict floral motifs, whorls of foliage and petals, rows of animals, figures, celestial beings, mythical (p.153) animals, and so on in their bands. Fragments of such terracotta pots are presently in the collections of the Asutosh Museum and the State Archaeological Museum. Scholars have usually assigned them to the Sunga period. De published photographs of two such intact Sunga pots which he feels are fabricated ones (G.S. De 2012: 72–3). From Natsal, ‘a type of pottery displaying Ramayana story’ has been discovered. ‘The style, technique and composition of the figures invariably recalls the famous ‘Wayong’ or shadow dance of Thailand’ (A. Datta 1997: 35). It is to be noted that pottery recorded from sites such as Mahasthangarh and Wari-Bateshwar from Bangladesh and Bangarh, Tamluk, and Mangalkot from West Bengal provide enough typological similarities with the ceramics recorded from the excavated and explored sites of coastal West Bengal (see Alam and Alam 2001: 342–426; Elaigne 2001: 265, 267; Allios and Serdon 2001). The ceramics from Wari-Bateshwar may also be considered for their close association

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Assemblage Analysis with the pottery types recorded from the study area (Alam and Salles 2001; see also Zulkernine 2009: 35–44). It may be mentioned here that our study area has yielded a substantial number of knobbed wares from different sites. Apart from Wari-Bateshwar and Mahasthan in Bangladesh, Harinarayanpur, Chandraketugarh, Tamluk, besides a few hinterland sites, have yielded such knobbed wares. Glover has also mentioned the wide distribution of knobbed pottery in the context of maritime contact between India and Southeast Asia. In this connection he refers to the early historic sites of Orissa (Sisupalgarh and Jaugada), Bengal, and the Ganga valley which yielded such type of ware (Glover 1996b: 142 and Plate VIIIa in p. 158). B. Tripathy in a recent article (2015: 68) mentions knobbed ware found from the major sites of Orissa (Sisupalgarh, Marjakud, and so on).

Bone Tools Implements of bones of different domesticated, wild, and aquatic species have so far been recovered from this region, however, inadequate data from several sites restrain us from explaining their actual function and utility. Artefacts made of split/cut bones consist principally of points, arrowheads, daggers, awls, scrapers, bone pins, antlers, (p.154) borers, and other such objects. Among the major sites yielding bone objects mention may be made of Chandraketugarh (see Figure 5.4), Tamluk, Natsal, Tilpi, and Clive House. We find that some of the tools found from the Natsal region were fabricated in such a way that they could be utilized for more than one purpose. A unique bone harpoon was also reported (P.K. Mandal 1993: 17). Another bone harpoon was reported from the municipality area of Tamluk. Tamluk has yielded different types of bone tools. As far as the worked bones bearing varied motifs that were either carved engraved, painted, or clay-modelled are concerned, the techniques of scraping, scooping, slitting, or incising were employed. Clay-modelled motifs (the attempted shapes representing humans and animals, profiles of human heads, grotesque heads, animals in different postures, and so on) in bas-relief on bone surfaces were made of well-levigated white clay and then attached with some sort of adhesive. Several segments of bone either shaped as boats or having an engraved boat have been reported. Chakrabarti has traced out similarities between the bone tools found at Tamluk from the EVF phase in association with Neolithic celts and those from Golbai Sasan in Orissa which include a large number of harpoons (D.K. Chakrabarti 2006a: 326). The bone objects found from Chandraketugarh were invariably used as needles with pointed tip (IAR 2000–1: 156–60). Most of the worked-bone artefacts can be observed as associated with leather-working, fishing, and sewing of cloths. Specimens used for sewing and weaving—and sometimes in specialized leatherworks—include slender points, awls, and borers, whereas barbed points must have been used in fishing. Apart from these, art objects carved out of bone

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Assemblage Analysis have been recovered in profuse quantities from more or less every excavated and explored site of the study area.

Stone Tools Stone tools of different kinds occurring in various contexts in the coastal region are quite intriguing at times. A significant number of ‘Middle Stone Age tools’ have been collected as surface finds from Deulpota and their contexts are far from clear. A few stone tools mostly of sandstone such as quern, pestle, and muller, suggestive of milling and food processing subsistence strategies, have been unearthed (p.155) from excavation at the mound of Clive House. Tamluk is the only excavated site which has yielded a good number of polished stone tools comprising celts, pestles, and saddle querns from the EVF/BRW phase. Tarashish Mukhopadhyay the well-known scholar of Tamluk had a large personal collection of polished stone tools of different varieties and these were briefly published in 1958. From Natsal, ‘stone tools (comprising microliths including blades, points, scraper, lunates, burin, etc.), Neolithic celts etc. may suggest still earlier date of the settlement’ (A. Datta 1997: 30). Explorations at Boral, Atghara, Harinarayanpur, and Deulpota have recorded a few ground and polished stone tools and here also their archaeological contexts are far from clear. Several ground and polished stone tools are presently worshipped along with sculptures and folk deities in different sites of the study area. Apart from the ones just mentioned, Bandyopadhyay also reported some architectural stone fragments and stone pieces found during excavation at Clive House (B. Bandyopadhyay 2016: 68).

Beads Most of the excavated and explored sites have yielded beads in significant numbers, ranging from a few to hundreds, and they are of different mediums— terracotta, semi-precious stones, shell, bone, glass, and, rarely, copper. The stone beads are of quartz, agate, banded agate, etched agate, carnelian, coral, chalcedony, jasper, jade, lapis lazuli, crystal, and so on. Sites such as Moghalmari, Tamluk, Tildah, Bahiri, Mahanad, Betor, Saptagram, Clive House, Chandraketugarh region, Boral, Atghara, Tilpi, Dhosha, Baishata, Khari– Chhatrabhog, Kankandighi, Jatar Deul, Deulpota, Harinarayanpur, Mandirtala– Sagar, and the Patharpratima–Gobardhanpur region have yielded a fascinating range of beads and the varieties are quite overwhelming. The prominent shapes include circular, disc cylinder, short circular cylinder, round, polygonal, barrel oval, elongated, hexagonal, double hexagonal, cylindrical, globular, conical, and so on. The known stratified contexts suggest a broad time bracket, ranging from the early historic to the medieval period. Glass beads of different colours have been reported from Chandraketugarh, Harinarayanpur, and Deulpota and some are comparable with those found from Mangalkot, Nevasa, and the beads from Harinarayanpur with those from Veerapuram.

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Assemblage Analysis (p.156) From the core area of the Sundarbans beads of carnelian, crystal, jade, amethyst, agate, chalcedony, white marble, garnet, lapis-lazuli, sapphire, jasper, and so on have been reported in significant numbers. The Mandirtala region itself is well known for the variety of beads reported from different areas. The shapes include spherical, oval, barrel shaped, ghata-shaped, pyramidal, disc, and others. As far as the raw materials and the types of beads are concerned, coastal Bengal has enough similarities with that of the lower and the middle Ganga valleys, as well as with coastal Orissa. The extensive repertoire of beads of different raw materials including the wide variety of semi-precious stones evident from the three zones may be very briefly explained in terms of procurement network and trade routes, both internal and external (see S. Chakraborty 2011: 15–29). The Chhotanagpur plateau with her metal and mineral resources seems to have played an important role both for the production and supply of such categories of household objects. Sites such as Golbai Sasan, Sisupalgarh, Kameshwarpalli, besides others in the Mahanadi–Baitarani valley and even Moghalmari, Dihar, Pakhanna, Bharatpur, Pandu Rajar Dhibi, Mangalkot, and Clive House, not far away from the coastal line, were involved in the procurement of beads. Even micro zones such as Wari-Bateshwar and its adjoining sites or settlements in the Arakan–Myanmar tract and the North-eastern Frontier regions must have been equally a part of it. A bead-manufacturing centre is yet to be identified in the coastal region although Deulpota has been considered as a possible one (A. Datta 2008b: 42). The Rabin Haldar collection, which includes a large number of beads from sites such as Deulpota–Harinarayanpur area, deserves an exclusive study. It is not yet clear whether the beads from Chandraketugarh or Tamluk could be identified as ‘consumer types’ of coastal Bengal. In this context it may be mentioned that the Harinarayanpur–Deulpota–Mandirtala complex is associated with the findings of an extraordinary repertoire of semi-precious stone beads. The fascinating range of beads from Chandraketugarh belongs ‘overwhelmingly to the early historic period with a strong Sunga-Kushana bias’ (S. Chakraborty 1995–6: 39). Most of the Indian beads exported to South-east Asia from the ports of Bengal were either manufactured in north India or in local production (p. 157) centres like Chandraketugarh. Among the beads found in different excavated sites in South-east Asia, we can identify the following types as Indian: a) Etched carnelian bead, b) Etched agate, c) Glass bead. The earliest evidence of Indian beads came from the burial site of Ban Don Ta Phet in central Thailand which has been dated to the early part of the

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Assemblage Analysis Christian era. Altogether 3000 stone and glass beads have been excavated from this site, of which 8.5% are glass beads. (A. Datta 1999: 57) According to Glover, those glass beads were manufactured in India and exported to Southeast Asia (Glover 1996a: 59–94). Etched carnelian and agate beads found at Ban Don Ta Phet, U Thong, Krabi, and few other sites in central and northeast Thailand, Khao San Kaeo in southern Thailand, and Baikhano in central Burma, and other places must have originated in north India and exported to Southeast Asia through Tamralipta (A. Datta 1999: 57). Excavations at the mound of Clive House have unearthed numerous beads in various shapes made of semi-precious stones such as agate, jasper, chalcedony, crystal, steatite, and terracotta (B. Bandyopadhyay 2002: 32; 2016: 68).

Stuccos Stucco modelling was quite popular along the coastal lines as in other parts of eastern India, especially at monastic sites. Excavation in Moghalmari yielded remains of a temple complex with extensive lime/stucco decoration, stucco heads, and figures, and so on. The identified stucco figures include those of Gana, Kuvera, Janguli, a dancing couple, a flying gandharva, and others (CASTEI Newsletter 2012: 17; see also Puravritta 2016: 192). Excavation at Ballal-Dhibi, Nadia, also unearthed several stucco figurines with human and grotesque heads and decorative motifs from the top level. These stucco figurines resemble those unearthed from Rajbadidanga (IAR 1963–4: 63) and are assignable to c. 9th–10th centuries CE. Other findings comprising two stucco heads, besides a male figure in basalt, are assignable to a period ranging from c. 10th to 12th centuries CE; the structural complex at Ballal Dhibi also belonged to this period (IAR 1983–4: 94–5). A few stucco heads along with other artefacts have also been recorded from this site (IAR 1985–6: 88–90). The Indian Museum has among several antiquarian remains a few stucco sculptures of 5th–6th centuries CE reported from Mahanad (p.158) and Sudarshan. Incidentally, ornamental stucco motifs have also been encountered on the structural remains from Khana Mihirer Dhibi, Chandraketugarh (IAR 1962–3: 64). At Jatar Deul, traces of stucco plastering have also been noticed on the basement of the exposed jagamohana (CASTEI Newsletter 2012: 21–2). The exterior portion of the wall of the jagamohana is richly embellished with stucco works, and traces of the stucco remains have been encountered in the wall (Naik 2016: 331).

Stone Sculptures The scope of the present volume does not permit a detailed study of the vast repertoire of stone icons (Brahmanical, Buddhist, and Jaina) and other stone Page 13 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis sculptures recorded from the study area. Some of the recorded specimens have been included in the respective site reports. A few noteworthy specimens recorded from different sites have been discussed here. An analysis of the vast sculptural remains from Bangladesh is also beyond the scope of the present work. We will begin this section by referring to a small stone model of an eastern Indian riverine vessel of 12th century in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London. It is a three-dimensional fine-grained black stone royal barge, fully worked on all sides (Guy 1997: 99–110). Commenting on the significance of the imagery, Guy observed: Finally, returning to 12th century eastern India (the period to which the model belongs) there is a curious reference in Sandhyakara’s Ramacaritam to a ‘stone boat’ (gravanau) ‘floated on the sea’ by the great Pala king Dharmapala (r. 770–81), which looked ‘radiant as it effected a successful passage’. Whilst this may be a reference to the power of the Pala navy, it has been suggested by R.C. Majumdar that it may relate to tantric practices he has traced in a Javanese text, the Tantu Panggelaran. Therein is a story of a Saivite ascetic of the Bhairava sect who was expelled by royal decree from Java for the extreme magic he practised. Having defied all attempts to remove him, he then chose to return to India, declaring that ‘a piece of stone will I take as my boat’. (Guy 1997: 108) Most of the stone icons recorded from the study area are stylistically assignable to a period ranging from the 9th–10th to the 13th (p.159) centuries CE. A few specimens belong to an earlier period, 7th–8th centuries CE. The stylistic idiom is definitely a part of the overall development of the adjoining hinterland and the upper limits of the lower Ganga valley from the post-Gupta period onwards. By the 10th–12th century, a distinct style had emerged and the stela or the backslab became conventionalized to a great extent (that is, the so-called mature Pala idiom). This style was also applicable in the north and parts of south Bihar plains during the same period. The mentioned line of development had a far-reaching effect on the sculptural tradition evident from a wider area. Even the coastal districts of West Bengal carry remarkable evidence in the form of metal and stone specimens. Keeping in mind the non-availability of raw materials, particularly chloritoid phyllite in the coastal regions, and at the same time the wide-scale distribution of black stone images of the so-called Pala–Sena idiom in different settlements/sites of the coastal region of West Bengal, it is highly possible that manufactured images were transported by waterways to the concerned sites. Moreover, the Bhagirathi–Ajay–Damodar valleys, that is, a major part of Murshidabad (generally identified with the Karnasuvarna region), Birbhum, that is, parts of Uttara Radha and some parts of Burdwan and Nadia, could be visualized as an integral part of the interactive network between the middle and the lower Ganga plains and the deltaic littoral. On the other hand, Page 14 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis the Dwarakeshwar–Kangsavati and Subarnarekha played an important role for the transportation of raw materials from the plateau to the coastal region comprising parts of Dakshina Radha–Dandabhukti region. The movement of Buddhist ideology and the establishment of Buddhist complexes along the lower Ganga valley and on the trans-Meghna region of present-day Bangladesh played an important role in the procurement process of sculptures from in and around the Rajmahal/south Bihar/adjoining north Bengal manufacturing centres. This viewpoint is consolidated by the stylistic similarities and the raw materials used in both the north Bengal and coastal Bengal specimens. The wide distribution of icons of chloritoid phyllite and its source in the Kharagpur hills and the Lakhisarai region and the involvement of the inland waterways in transportation of such icons has to be kept in mind as far as the distribution is concerned. In this context, one may consider Deloche’s observation that navigability is (p.160) a relative notion since it is known to be directly dependent upon the river flow, the gradient, and the depth of the bed, as well as upon the nature and extent of the alluvial deposits. Deloche cited a suitable example of a 13th-century Orissan palm leaf manuscript, the Baya Cakada, in the context of transportation of stone blocks for the construction of the Konarak temple by means of rafts or small river crafts from distant quarries (Deloche 1994: 6–7, vol. II). One may not rule out the use of metal-bearing areas both in the eastern Indian plateau, sub-Himalayan Sikkim, and the Arakan–Myanmar region in the supply of raw materials for the overwhelming manufacturing of bronze images in south and southeastern coastal Bengal, that is, a region situated between the two giants of bronze ateliers, Kurkihar and Nalanda in the west and Jhewari in the east. The well-discussed evidence of stone sculptures assignable from the 9th– 12th centuries CE, so far recorded from the coastal areas, are found both in the collections of a number of museums and in the villages or private collections. Among the significant icons assignable to a period ranging from the 9th–10th to the 12th–13th centuries CE are the Visnu of chloritoid phyllite from Boral (now in the State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata), the image of Anantasayi Visnu in black basalt from Boral, the sculptural remains from Mathbari, Ghosher Chak in the Baishata area, several Pala–Sena sculptures in stone and bronze from the Chhatrabhog–Khari area, a large number of sculptures and structural remains assignable to the 9th–11th centuries CE from the Kankandighi and Jatar Deul region, the Visnu in Gournrisimha Ashram, Kakdvip, the Visnu from Durbacati, and other sites from the Patharpratima region, and so on. The unpublished Visnu icon from Bajberia is an exquisite piece of sculpture. A large number of early medieval sculptures have been recorded from other sites such as Sagar Island, Mandirtala, Kulpi, Deulpota and Patharpratima (D.K. Chakrabarti, 2001: 142–9). Other significant specimens include a sahasralinga slab (quite rare in Bengal) from Uttar Surendraganj, Gobardhanpur, a life-size image of Narasimha now in the Patharpratima PS, a Varaha image from Sitakundu, a black basalt Siva linga Page 15 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis with four saktis from Mandirtala, a beautiful specimen of the Trivikrama form of Visnu from Gajamuri, Kasinagar (see Figure 5.5), a Kurma avatara from Mahanad, now in the Indian Museum (No. 13648/A22346), and an Ekapada Bhairava image from (p.161) Mahanad. Apart from these several icons that are now in the Indian Museum were reported, including a Nrisimha icon of the 11th century from Sarisadaha (No. 6658/A25190), a 12th-century Visnu from Sarisadaha, (No. 2592), a 9th-century Siddhaikavira from Belvedere (NS 2073/ A25156), a Surya from Pratapnagar (NS4245), a Visnu from Egra, Midnapur (No. 87/33), and a Visnu from Sivagovindapur, Sundarban (No. 65/8). Numerous other sculptures preserved in different museums have also been reported, besides those still encountered at the sites. A unique stone medallion depicting Visnu dancing on Garuda found from Sarisadaha is now in the collection of the Asutosh Museum. A similar specimen from Sakoa is in the Radha Sanskriti Sangrahasala, Vidisa, West Midnapur. Another Visnu icon possibly of the 12th century from Sarisadaha is in the Indian Museum collection (No. 2592). A beautiful almost life-size Visnu icon (almost 4 feet in height) is worshipped by the locals at Daulatpur (near Dhola, Kulpi Thana) during the time of the Gajan festival when it is worshipped as Siva. Stylistically, this icon is representative of the Visnu images found in coastal Bengal and can be assigned to the 12th century (K.K. Mandal 2013: 5–10). Keeping in mind the production of Visnu images that has been seen distributed in the coastal region, it was definitely guided by strong Vaisnava doctrines which prevailed during the pre-Chaitanya era and obviously it is an extension of the development witnessed in the Radha tract and also that of Varendra. Our field investigations in different parts of South 24-Parganas, recorded a Lokesvara Visnu at Majherpara, Dakshin Barasat; its stylistic attributes are not clearly discernible since it is an abraded image. Among the Surya images recorded from the study area the Kasipur specimen (now in the Asutosh Museum) is outstanding and it has been assigned to the Gupta period. A more or less similar rendering of the Sun god on a plaque is evident from the Chakfuldubi specimen. The Navagraha plaques from Srikrishnanagar, Dakshin Vishnupur, and Kankandighi are well-carved low reliefs. The Dvadasaditya panel from Triveni, which was previously identified by some scholars as a Navagraha panel, is actually a part of a temple lintel. It seems to be the only Dvadasaditya panel that occurs as an architectural piece in Eastern India (D.R. Das 1970–1: 226–37). Several Mahisasuramardini icons of the so-called Pala–Sena stylistic idiom have been recorded. A finely sculpted Mahisasuramardini (p.162) icon of sandstone found from the Sundarban region is presently in the Indian Museum (No. SN2). Apart from the Chamunda images, especially the specimen in the Tamluk Museum, mention may be made of an exquisitely carved nine-hooded Manasa presently worshipped in a small temple at Paltagarh, Singur. An eroded Varahi Page 16 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis icon from Kankandighi and a Maheshwari from Ramnagar, both in the Baruipur Museum, suggest that Saptamatrika forms were also worshipped. The Saraswati icon from Boral now in the State Archaeological Museum is another fine specimen. The Ardhanarisvara icon from Sukhchar near Sodepur is another rare image from coastal Bengal. Images of Brahma are also rare and the one from Bhadrakali, now in the Asutosh Museum, is of an earlier date, the 9th century. Among the Ganesa images, mention may be made of one eight-handed dancing Ganesa of about 11th century CE from Uttar Surendraganj. Coastal Bengal has a good collection of miniature plaques of slate with low relief carvings (almost appearing to be etched) of Mahisamardini, Visnu, Ganesa, and Surya. The deities are strictly frontal, squat, and have heavily built proportions with minimal details of apparel or ornamentations. The purpose of these innumerable portable miniature plaques could have been decorative. However, they would have also been easy for the devotees to carry. Such reliefs have been found in large numbers from Chandraketugarh, Boral, Gosaba, Tilda, Tamluk, Dakshin Bishnupur, Harinarayanpur, Sagar Island, Rajbadidanga, and other locations. Slate plaques of this type, depicting Brahmanical deities, have been found from the post-Gupta and medieval levels of Sonkh, Mathura. A few images of the Buddha were reported to have been found from Kankandighi. Recently, a beautiful image of the Buddha accompanied by two Bodhisattvas (as depicted on the backslab beside the main figure) has been hauled out from the large tank known as Raidighi, near the Raidighi PS. Among other Buddhist images, mention may be made of an icon of Tara with an Arabic inscription on its back from Haroa, North 24-Parganas, now in the collection of the Sundarban Anchalik Sangrahasala, Baruipur. The Dhyani Buddha acquired from De Ganga PS, North 24-Parganas, and the image from Bareya, Nadia, both in the State Archaeology Museum, are finely executed (p.163) specimens. A votive stupa in the Kalidas Datta Smriti Sangrahasala, Jaynagar, may be mentioned here. As far as Jaina images are concerned, Zone A has yielded several icons of Tirthankaras, besides chaumukhas. The intricately sculpted Parsvanatha icon presently in the Visalakshmi temple at Katabenia, Kulpi PS, is one of the masterpieces of the eastern Indian sculptural tradition. It was certainly enshrined in a temple; at least its dimensions suggest such a possibility. Several Jaina sarvatobhadrikas found from the South 24-Parganas, besides other Jaina remains such as a broken panel depicting three Tirthankaras in a row from Kankandighi, suggest the prevalence of Jainism in the coastal tract during the 10th–12th centuries CE. The continuation of the Chhotanagpur plateau tradition is apparent from several specimens of western Midnapur especially in the Jaina sculptural remains of Page 17 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis 9th–10th centuries CE of Lachhipur–Nepura (S. De 1991: 140–3), Daintikri, Jinsar, Balihati, Netai, and Mayta. The Kangsavati was instrumental in the transmission of the Jaina ideology of the Chhotanagpur plateau to the surrounding low-lying region of West Midnapur. A well-executed LokesvaraVisnu from Pathra, on the banks of the Kangsavati, is now in the Asutosh Museum. The post-Gupta phases at the excavated sites of Moghalmari, Tildah, Tamluk, and Natsal are significant in the context of sculptural remains in terracotta, stone, and stucco, the latter evident from the Moghalmari complex. An adjoining village called Uttarraybar has yielded an icon of a Saivacharya (Chattopadhyay, Ray, and Majumdar 2013: 173–256). A cluster of sites along the Subarnarekha have yielded sculptural remains assignable to the 11th–13th centuries or later. The latter may be clubbed with the developments of the Mahanadi and Prachi river valleys of Orissa. Some sculptures with rectangular stelae and minimal features on the back-slab (such as the Hirapari Visnu) along with a flexible rendering of the intersecting planes of the body of the main deity betray Orissan influence. The Hirapari icon is strikingly similar to a Visnu icon from Lakshmannath village, Jaleshwar PS, Orissa. The temple complex of Kankrajit has a few sculptural remains including a beautiful and intact Surya icon of the 10th–11th centuries CE, with its stela depicting eight planetary deities. A large number of Visnu images assignable to a period ranging from the 10th to the 13th (p.164) centuries CE have been found from Midnapur, of which mention may be made of those from Kiyarchand, Narayangarh, Pakurseni, Sabang, Tildah, Jishnu Hari mandir, Tamluk, and the three life-size images from Sutahata. A field visit to Egra/Egra Patna in the Contai region led to the discovery of a few early medieval sculptures (Karttikeya, Ganesa, Visnu) in the temple complex of Hatnagar, which were then recorded (see Figure 5.6). Several sculptures of the mature Pala idiom have been reported from Nadia district. These would include the life-size icon of Visnu from Anulia and that of Dignagar, the life-size Nrisimha icon of Depara, and so on. From Kankandighi, Middya reported stone sculptures such as different forms of Visnu icons, Surya, Uma–Mahesvara, Nataraja, Bhairava, Ardhanarisvara, Mahisasuramardini, Ganesa, Saraswati, Laksmi, Navagraha panel, Manasa, Janguli, the Buddha, and Jaina Tirthankaras (Middya 2014: 8–9).

Metal Images The metal images generally betray the stylistic features of the south Bihar productions from Bodhgaya, Kurkihar, Nalanda, and so on, as well as that of the Jhewari and the Tripura–Chittagong idioms. Chandraketugarh has yielded a few metal images among which mention may be made of an icon of Parvati. A bronze figurine depicting a barefoot female standing on a circular pedestal has been reported from Chandraketugarh (E. Haque 2001: 404).

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Assemblage Analysis A significant number of metal images have been reported from several sites such as Deulpota, Nalgara, Baribhanga, Manir Tat, Baishata, and Kankandighi in the district of South 24-Parganas (see Figure 5.7). Some notable specimens include a fine copper icon of Chandrashekhara Siva from Manir Tat, an Uma–Mahesvara found from Nalgara, another Uma–Mahesvara from Nalgara, two bronze icons of Ambika also from Nalgara, a Batuka Bhairava from Kankandighi, a bronze Vamana Visnu from Sarisadaha, and a Visnu icon from Baishata. The rare metal image of single-faced, four-armed, seated Sadaksari-Lokesvara has been found from an ancient pond at Kankandighi. A similar bronze specimen from Nepal is presently in the Baroda Museum (Ray Bandyopadhyay 2000: 73–7). The Dvipalakshmi from Krishnachandrapur depicting the deity (p.165) standing on a three-tiered oval shaped pedestal in dvibhanga posture is an excellent piece of metalwork and still bears a metallic lustre. A bronze icon of Mahisasuramardini has been reported from Baribhanga. Among other female deities, a bronze Manasa from Kankandighi deserves mention. Another interesting specimen is a bronze Jambhala from Kankandighi. This site has also yielded a bronze Tara assignable to about the 8th century CE. Recently, several bronze icons have been unearthed during excavations at Moghalmari among which there is a seated Buddha in bhumisparsa mudra. Many more metal sculptures have been discovered from the study area and they are either in private collections or are preserved in local museums. Middya reported several bronze images of Varahi, Maheshwari, Lokesvara, Tara, Kurukulla, Avalokitesvara, Hevajra, Kubera, and other images of the Vajrayana form, besides Visnu and Ganesa from Kankandighi (Middya 2014: 8–9). Other significant metal images from the study area have not been discussed here because it would be beyond the scope of this volume. It may also be mentioned here that a significant number of metal images have been recovered from different sites of coastal Bangladesh and the scope of the present volume does not permit a discussion on the same. Some of the metal images are inscribed such as the famous Sarvvani icon found from Deulbadi, Comilla district, of the time of Devakhadga or a Visnu icon of the reign of Devapala.

Metal Objects Metal objects, mainly household ones, have been unearthed from excavations and reported from explorations. It is apparent that the formative stage of metal consumption in the study area was associated with and was a part of the overall consumption of the adjoining hinterland areas. It is evident from excavations at Tamluk and Tildah that the earliest phases associated with BRW witnessed the use of copper and most probably these sites were part of an interactive network concerning procurement of metals. The excavated remains from the adjoining sites of Bankura such as Dihar could be visualized as evidence in favour of a procurement network particularly of copper (Chattopadhyay et al. 2014: 95– 139). On the other hand, a similar network may be envisaged concerning

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Assemblage Analysis Mangalkot and its adjoining sites (p.166) of the Damodar–Ajay interfluve, which again maintained a network with the sites of Hooghly and Howrah. The subsequent phases at Tamluk and Tildah witnessed the use of iron along with copper. The BRW-associated EVF phases at Moghalmari also witnessed the use of copper and, later, iron. The Moghalmari region is close to the metalbearing areas and there is extensive occurrence of metal working in the region adjoining the Chhotanagpur plateau which remains to be investigated. As all these sites bearing occurrence have yielded evidence of continuous habitation for a long period of time, it is very difficult to point out the contextual occurrences of such artefacts. Moghalmari, in its later phases assignable to the early medieval–medieval period, yielded broken parts of iron vessels, iron slab, and fragments of some unidentified iron objects; there was also an extensive occurrence of scattered iron slag. The evidence of iron nails from Dhosha, bronze ingot and iron nails from the early historic level at Tilpi, and iron slag as well as nails from Atghara, assignable to a period ranging from the 1st to the 3rd centuries CE, suggest secondary metal working activities. In this context it is to be noted that the region is devoid of metallic ore–bearing areas. Explored findings from Deulpota include a miniature ship with symbolic orbs, parts of chisels and the rim portion of copper or bronze vase (P.C. Das Gupta 1964: 44, 81). Deulpota has also yielded large number of copper objects such as bangles, rings, earrings, and antimony rods (R. Datta 2008b: 45–7). Metal consumption is also evident from Boral, Clive House, Dakshin Bishnupur, and other locations. Iron objects and copper antimony rods have been unearthed from Clive House (B. Bandyopadhyay 2002: 32). Clive House has a rich repertoire of metal objects (B. Bandyopadhyay 2016: 68). Similarly, excavation of Chandraketugarh has unearthed different metal objects such as mirrors, gold ear ornaments, and bowls (E. Haque 2001: 401, 403, 404). A gold pendant and an unidentified gold crown-like object have been unearthed from Moghalmari monastic complex (Puravritta 2016: 189). Copper objects, possibly part of ‘copper hoards’, have been reported from different sites of Zone A.

The Terracotta Crafts The artistic excellence of terracotta objects of coastal Bengal attained a distinct eminence as far as the terracotta art of eastern India is (p.167) concerned. The range of such artefacts is amazing and its social content equally complex. The discoveries of numerous types of terracotta objects and the fantastic range of different terracotta plaque types are too numerous to be dealt with individually. The present work cannot provide a deailed study of the terracotta repertoire as that would be beyond its scope. Stylistically, the terracotta objects may be broadly classified into two groups, ageless and time-bound specimens portraying different themes. Besides the early historic types, a large number of terracotta objects of the post-Gupta and the Pala–Sena period have also been recorded. Page 20 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis Terracotta crafts, therefore, constituted an important cottage industry which developed over a long period of time. The ageless specimens mainly represent female figures, either seated or in a standing posture. Among the sites yielding ageless specimens we may mention Tamluk, Natsal (female figures with a typical tripartite coiffure), Panna, Chandraketugarh, Gobardhanpur, Bijiara, and Dhonchi. A hand-modelled mother goddess with animal-like features from Chandraketugarh is presently in the State Archaeological Museum (Acc. no. 96.1). One interesting specimen found from Tilpi shows a female figurine with beak-shaped nose embracing two children in her breasts. Hundreds of rolled-out figurines salvaged from the coastal line touching upon the Bay of Bengal at Dhonchi and Bijiara are almost similar to the Natsal specimens. Whether hand-modelled or moulded (both single- and double-moulded types have been recorded), they constitute a significant index of the settlement history of coastal Bengal as a whole. The depiction of farming and agrarian scenarios found in terracotta art, particularly from Tamluk and Chandraketugarh, envisage a remarkable social framework which includes arable landscape, cultivated fields, cropping patterns, seed-sowing and harvesting activities, household consumption of different commodities, the involvement of different social groups in the mobility of commodities in keeping with their nature of consumption. For example, the portrayal of a harvesting scene with three men harvesting the grains with large sickles in a plaque from Chandraketugarh (State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata, Acc. no. 99.103) helps us to imagine our past as well as the pattern of food-processing activities. Similarly, the depiction of a woman carrying commodities in a basket, apparently on her way to the market, is no less socially significant as that of the Tanagra terracottas of the Hellenistic period. Harvesting or farming activities are (p.168) also depicted in plaques from Tamluk and Harinarayanpur. A hunting scene is portrayed on another plaque from Chandraketugarh. It depicts a man on an elephant holding an ankusa and chasing a deer (State Archaeological Museum, Acc. no. 98.10). Even the urban landscape was equally dexterously handled. Several terracotta plaques assignable to a period ranging from the 2nd century BC to 1st century AD, found from Mahasthan and Chandraketugarh, depict different architectural elements, structures, and so on. The depiction of ships, boats, horses, and elephants on the seals and sealings, particularly from Chandraketugarh, are really fascinating and they form a genre by themselves. Explorations carried out for several decades have brought to light numerous terracotta figurines from different sites of the coastal region. For instance, P.C. Dasgupta in the early sixties collected terracotta figurines of the Sunga–Kushana style, toy carts, plaques depicting mithuna, and a warrior riding a griffin from Chandraketugarh and Harinarayapur, along with pottery and beads (IAR 1961–2: Page 21 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis 62). The innumerable terracotta figurines and objects from Tamluk, Tildah, Chandraketugarh, Clive House, Harinarayanpur, and so on are generally viewed or defined as expressions of Mauryan, Sunga–Kushana, or Kushana stylistic idioms. For example, several terracotta sculptures from Chandraketugarh have been considered as comparable in form, treatment, and thematic content with terracottas from Rajghat and Kausambi (A. Ray 1976: 17). P.C. Das Gupta (1958) reported the discoveries of innumerable terracotta figurines and plaques of the early historic period from different sites of coastal Bengal. Male and female figures of divine and semi-divine nature have been found from Chandraketugarh in large numbers. This type includes representations of Sri Laksmi, the goddess with the pair of fish (usually seen suspended from a string held in her hands), a female divinity with a headdress having ten hairpins (five on either side) in the shape of weapons, several winged figures, and representations of Kubera and Jambhala. A female figure from Chandraketugarh with five auspicious hairpins on either side (State Archaeological Museum, Acc. no. 01.05) is very elaborately ornamented. In the so-called Pancacuda figurines from Tamluk, Champa, Kausambi, and Mathura, there are only five weapons as hairpins on one side of the bicornate headgear (p.169) and five stalks of grains on the other side. Images with twelve hairpins, six on either side have also been found from Chandraketugarh. In fact, the numerous specimens constituting the stylized female terracotta art of Chandraketugarh (whether termed as yaksis or apsaras), must have followed an authoritative standard, which at the same time accentuated the combined mystery of female beauty, sexuality, and fertility (O’Connell 2011: 115–24). The winged figures in terracotta, both male and female, are all moulded and depicted on plaques. They represent different divinities—the male figures of Surya, yaksa, Kamadeva, kinnara, and the female figures of mother goddess, Lakshmi, Mayadevi, and semi-divinities such as yaksi and apsaras. Such figures have been reported from Tamluk (Ramachandran 1951: Plate 3), Harinarayanpur (Saraswati 1975: 116) and Chandraketugarh (E. Haque 1997: 225–36; G.S. De 2009: 59–64). A winged figure holding a bundle of arrows assignable to a period ranging from the 1st century BCE to 1st century CE from Chandraketugarh is now in the Rossi collection, London (Bautze 1994: 35). A class apart are the amorous mithuna couples which are quite widely distributed in the coastal sites. The terracotta art tradition of the later period ranging between the 6th–7th and the 11th–12th centuries CE is best illustrated by the recorded findings (mainly

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Assemblage Analysis decorative plaques and figurines) from Panna, Tildah, Bahiri, Moghalmari, Harinarayanpur, Atghara, Kankandighi, Clive House, Natsal, and so on. Among the later terracotta objects mention may be made of a large number of inscribed terracotta plaques found from Pakurtala. B.N. Mukherjee (1992a: 135– 54) has traced 60 such plaques in this region and elsewhere in the Midnapur district. According to him these plaques carry proto-Bengali inscriptions, the earliest group of which falls between the 7th/8th and 12th centuries CE. Basically they are all votive plaques(D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 146–7). ‘From Gupta and post-Gupta periods, Natsal developed a distinctive style of its own in terracotta art’ (A. Datta 1997: 33). The terracotta figurines of this later phase include male figures, of which the warrior class shown with waist belt and dagger are significant, female figures with tripartite coiffure resembling the Dhonchi and Bijiara specimens, and the type representing mother and child. (p.170) Some of the types are quite bewildering such as the miniature terracotta lingas, well decorated and embraced by female figurines. One such specimen from Dakshin Bishnupur shows a woman embracing a linga. Such types have also been reported from Krishnachandrapur, Jalghata, Chhatrabhog– Khari, and so on. A plaque from Kankandighi presently preserved in the Chhatrabhog–Khari Sangrahasala, Mathurapur, depicts an elephant embracing a linga. Other representative types include mother and child portrayals, plaques depicting musicians, toiletry scenes, and many more. A plaque from Tilpi displays a goat-faced king on a throne playing an instrument with a dancing yaksi; we documented this particular specimen that is now in the Sundarban Pratna Gabeshana Kendra (SPGK/WB–32). Another type may be classified as betraying non-indigenous traits. Das Gupta reported an upper part of a seated figure of a boy, probably of the 1st–2nd century AD. He observes that ‘the figure has a chocolate glaze, while the treatment of the headdress, hairs, etc., as well as the general features of the figure betray unmistakable Hellenic characteristics’ (P.C. Das Gupta 1958: 27). Similarly, a moulded female bust of terracotta recalls the Kushana idiom as evident from similar modelling found from Jamalpur and Kankalitila, Mathura (P.C. Das Gupta 1958: 27). Das Gupta also reported a few terracotta male heads with conical caps similar to the well-known Scytho-Parthian and Kushana types (P.C. Das Gupta 1958: 34). A double-headed figure with a large ring above, found from Tamluk, bears close affinity with the ancient Roman war-god Janus. This is probably of foreign origin and the specimen recalls a terracotta mould from Sisupalgarh bearing the head of a foreign warrior (P.C. Das Gupta 1958: 31–2). Mediterranean contact is also suggested by a terracotta plaque with a Greek inscription from Tildah (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 155). Other specimens bearing non-indigenous traits have been studied by S. Roy Chowdhury (1995–6).

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Assemblage Analysis Animal figurines display both simple and ornate forms and those depicted on plaques are usually a part of the narrative as evident from several plaques from Chandraketugarh. A remarkable terracotta piece from Panna bears the image of a bejewelled boar head (State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata, Acc. no. 04.293). A terracotta plaque from Kankandighi (presently in the Sundarban Pratna Gabeshana Kendra collection) shows a group of elephants transporting wood (p.171) from the forest and it is assignable to the 2nd century CE. Das Gupta had collected a terracotta head of an ape from Tamluk, bearing eyes made of centrally pierced applied pellets recalling the Kulli style (P.C. Das Gupta 1958: 21–2). He had also reported other noteworthy specimens. Excavations at the Clive House mound has unearthed a remarkablehorse head with exquisite ornamentation on its neck (the pattern can rival any designer necklace) and an equally ornamental head band. This jewelled horse can be compared with similar finds from Chandraketugarh. A plaque showing a single-horned rhinocerous found from Clive House is significant as we know that this species once inhabited the Sundarban area. Apart from terracotta figurines and plaques, the study area has yielded numerous terracotta objects such as carts, beads, balls, net-sinkers, rattles, oval shaped chariot from Dabu, dabbers, pendants, bangles, and ear-studs. Like the countless figurines and plaques, these objects display remarkable types and forms.

Coins The earliest known type from the excavated and explored sites constitutes coins minted by the punch-marking technique. It appears that the punch-marked copper and billon coins have been reported in leser numbers than the silver punch-marked coins. Discoveries of silver punch-marked coins and cast copper coins from the excavated sites of Chandraketugarh, Mahasthan, Wari-Bateshwar, Tamluk, Clive House, Tilpi and Dhosha, and the explored sites of AmritberiaIchhapur, Harinarayanpur, Sitakundu, Ramnagar, Dakshin Bishnupur, Boral, and so on may be noted. At Chandraketugarh, such coins have been unearthed at the level of Period II, assignable to 4th–3rd century BCE, in association with NBPW. There is a possibility of the introduction of punch-marked coins in Bengal during the Maurya period itself. ‘This inference is supported by the evidence of a seal impression bearing an inscription of c. 3rd century BC (referring to a person), found together with 270 silver punch-marked coins inside an earthen pot inearthed in the area of Chandraketugarh…’ (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 14). Silver punch-marked coins are found more in the western region of Bengal than in northern Bengal, the districts of 24-Parganas having the largest number of coinyielding sites (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 15). Explorations (p.172) undertaken by the Asutosh Museum reported 14 silver punch-marked coins from Chandraketugarh and Harinarayanpur (IAR 1963–4: 95). The symbols punched from different dies on the silver punch-marked coins have been discussed by B.N. Mukherjee (2000: 15–16). Copper punch-marked coins have been recorded Page 24 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis from different sites, especially from Chandraketugarh and Deulpota, besides Mangalkot and Bankura (especially from Dihar). Punch-marked billon pieces have been reported from Chandraketugarh and Harinarayanpur (see Roy Chowdhury 1962: 22–4, 45; E. Haque 2001: 68). Cast copper coins, cast in moulds, are generally found in form of hoards rather than acquired from the habitational area. Such coins are round or nearly round, oval, square, or rectangular in shape. They have been found from different sites of North and South 24-Parganas, especially from Harinarayanpur, Deulpota, Chandraketugarh, Atghara, and Pakurtala, from Midnapur, especially from Tamluk and Ichhapur, from Bankura in Dihar and Pakhanna, from Mangalkot in Burdwan, from Harinarayanpur, Howrah, and also from Nadia and Murshidabad. Such coins have also been reported from Bangarh and Mahasthangarh (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 19). The characteristic symbols on cast copper coins usually do not show any variation from punch-marked coins. A mould for manufacturing cast coins bearing the negative impression of the symbols engraved inside was discovered from Pakurtala, thereby indicating that simple clay moulds were used to manufacture cast copper coins (P.K. Chattopadhyay 2013: 83). The composition of several cast copper coins from Chandraketugarh, Harinarayanpur, and Mangalkot are known by analysis through Proton-Induced X-ray Emmission (PIXE) (P.K. Chattopadhyay 2013: 83). Harinarayanpur has also yielded a boat symbolic cast copper coin on the obverse side of which there is the depiction of a boat, wheel, and a six-armed symbol with six dumb-bells placed around a double circle. Another analysed specimen from Harinarayanpur shows the composition of copper, titanium, zinc, and iron by X-ray Diffractogram. The obverse of this specimen depicts an elephant standing in front of a tree and on the reverse there is the symbol of a camel or a horse (P.K. Chattopadhyay 2013: 85). Some of the cast copper coins from Mangalkot and Chandraketugarh were attracted by a magnet. This magnetic property is due to the free iron particles which remained after copper was extracted from chalcopyrite ore. The (p.173) presence of nickel, titanium, silicon and As indicate that the ore was obtained from the Singhbhum mines (P.K. Chattopadhyay 2013: 86). Both cast copper coins and punch-marked coins have been unearthed from the Clive House mound. These copper coins are generally square and rectangular in shape and most of them are heavily incrusted with patination. However, on some coins trees and solar and other symbols are visible. These coins were mostly found from period I and a few from period II due to pit activities (B. Bandyopadhyay 2016: 67). ‘If the number of finds is any indicator of the degree of intensity of use, the lower portion of West Bengal on both sides of the Bhagirathi (including the old course of the Ganga) was the most important zone for circulation of these coins’ (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 21).

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Assemblage Analysis Two almost similar die-struck coins have been found from Chandraketugarh. They have deer motifs on the obverse, while the reverse is blank (P.K. Chattopadhyay 2013: 92). Metallographic observation of one such specimen revealed that the coin was made by one-sided die, grooved with the negative of the deer motif, and the reverse gives the impression of direct hot forging with a hammer (P.K. Chattopadhyay 2013: 93). Probably, this coin type represents the transition of the cast coins or punch-marked coins to the die-struck coins of postMauryan period. A hoard consisting of 56 silver punch-marked coins and a blank coin was found in 2004 by a villager at Korbeg/Korabeg in South 24-Parganas (Basu Majumdar and Roy 2010: 145–7). Among the major hoards of punch-marked coins from Bengal are those from Wari-Bateshwar, Mahasthan, and Baigacha (Boussac and Alam 2001: 237–59) in Bangladesh, Lohapur in Birbhum, Chandraketugarh, and Murshidabad (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 14)—the present hoard being the latest find. For example, it is mentioned that in the Chandraketugarh hoard 270 silver punch-marked coins were found inside an earthen pot. During the early historical period, local coins of Wari-Bateshwar and Chandraketugarh were the two different types of indigenous currencies that were issued in Bengal (Basu Majumdar and Roy 2010: 147). Two copper coins of Azilises were found from a hoard of copper, silver, and gold coins of the Kushana period from Korbeg, and these are in the collection of the State Archaeological Museum. One round (p.174) copper coin of the ScythoParthian ruler Azes I (seated king: standing Hermes) has been found from Harinarayanpur (IAR 1957–8: 73). It is now preserved in the Indian Museum (Acc. no. 7358/C 3816) (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 24). Two copper coins (elephant: Ujjain symbol) found from Harinarayanpur are now in the Asutosh Museum (Acc. no. 1054–5) (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 24). Several Kushana coins have been found from the study area though not from stratified contexts. Among these mention may be made of a copper coin of Kanishka from Tamluk (Hoernle 1882b: 113), a gold coin of Huvishka (bust of king: Nana) from Dewanati, North 24-Parganas, (E. Haque 2001: 72; see also B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 25), a few copper coins of Huvishka from Jatar Deul (N. Mukhopadhyay 1980: 42; see also R.K. Chattopadhyay 1982: 150), one coin from Dakshin Bishnupur (R.K. Chattopadhyay 1982: 148), one copper coin of Huvishka from Sitakundu (P.G. Ghosh 1980: 32; R.K. Chattopadhyay 1982: 143), a copper coin of Soter Megas or Vima Kadphises (diademed bust: king on horseback) from Kankandighi (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 25), coins of Wima Kadphises, Kanishka I, and Huvishka from Atghara (S. De 1994: 46; see also IAR 1957–8: 70), and coins of Kanishka I from Harinarayanpur (IAR 1960–1: 64). Kushana copper and gold coins were also found from Chandraketugarh (E. Haque 2001: 72). A gold coin of Kanishka I with a standing king, a four-armed Siva, and another coin (standing king: indistinct type) have been found from Page 26 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis Tamluk (Basu Majumdar and Ahmad 2010: 150). Apart from the gold coin of Huvishka from Dewanati another (half length figure of the king: Oesho) has been reported from Farakka. A gold piece (bust: Ardokhsho) was discovered earlier at Mahanad (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 25). Kushana copper coins have been reported in considerable numbers from lower West Bengal. Besides the Kankandighi find, copper issues of Vima (standing king sacrificing at an altar: Siva), Kanishka I (standing king sacrificing at an altar: Nana (?), or Athsho or Oesho or Oado or Mao), Huvishka (king on a couch: a standing god or Mao or Athsho; and king on elephant: Athsho), and Vasudeva I (standing king sacrificing at an altar: Oesho) have been reported from the districts of West Bengal, particularly from the 24Parganas, Burdwan, Midnapur, and Hooghly(?) (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 25; see also Basu Majumdar and Ahmad 2010: 150). Sircar observes: ‘Considering the fact that there was practically no pre-Kushana gold coinage in India, (p.175) the reference in the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea to the prevalence of the gold coin called “caltis” in the land watered by the mouths of the Ganges can only mean the Kushana coinage’ (D.C. Sircar 1973: 18). A hoard of 83 copper Kushana coins mostly belonging to Kanishka I and Huvishka was discovered by a villager in an earthen pot from Lalpur, Paniparul, near Digha in the East Midnapur district. The hoard is in the collection of Rajanikanta Jnan Mandir, Dharas, East Midnapur (Basu Majumdar and Ahmad 2010: 149–53). The worn out coins bear evidence of being in circulation for a long time. The discovery of Kushana gold and copper issues from Bengal and the absence of any contemporary local currency indicate that the Kushana coins were accepted for transaction in this region as in many other neighbouring regions lying outside the boundaries of their empire. Though cowrie shells were in use in this region during this period as indicated by the stella of a terracotta sculpture from Chandraketugarh, which can be assigned to the Kushana period stylistically, that is decorated with cowrieshaped motifs. (Basu Majumdar and Ahmad 2010: 149–50) A Kushana gold coin (king at altar: standing Nanashao) and a symbol of Kanishka I, with the addition of a Garuda standard on the obverse (apparently under the influence of a Gupta obverse type), found from southeastern Bangladesh, suggests that the coin ‘was issued in the early Gupta age when Kushana gold coins could still have been known to the agency responsible for striking the piece’ (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 25). A hoard of Puri-Kushana coins from Sarberia and other stray finds from different sites of coastal Bengal indicate that when the die-struck Kushana coins began to circulate even outside the limits of the Kushana empire, it came to be in use and imitated in the coastal areas and some inland territories situated on or near the tarde routes of West Bengal and Orissa (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 36). The cast Page 27 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis copper Puri-Kushana coins developed on the basis of Kushana devices and karsapana weight standard were well circulated in the district of Midnapur, and the adjoining areas of the Chhotanagpur region including Purulia, parts of the Singhbhum region, and other areas of Jharkhand. ‘The series and the so-called Puri-Kushana pieces of West Bengal may have been connected, as media of transactions, with the (p.176) so-called Puri-Kushana issues of Orissa. Thus Radha (at least parts of which was then known also as Vanga) and coastal Orissa (including Kalinga) became familiar with a complex currency system which could facilitate inter-zonal exchange through medium of coinage’ (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 36). It appears that Kushana copper coins coming to lower West Bengal by way of trade gained currency there and began to be limitated sometime in or after the period of Kanishka I. Soon under an organized authority there developed a system of coinage based on the well-known Kushana types and the familiar weight system then followed by uninscribed cast coins. These may be called Kushano-Radha or Kushano-Vanga coinage (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 27). Though such coins were not the same as the so-called Puri-Kushana specie, all of these were part of a currency used in coastal areas in upper Andhra, Orissa, and West Bengal, and also the adjoining regions of Orissa, south Bihar and West Bengal. ‘The interchangeable groups of specie could well have been used in trade in inter alia Radha and in coastal Orissa and in south Bihar (through which a route ran reaching ultimately the port of Tamralipta)’ (B.N. Mukherjee 2000: 30). These coins were used during a period ranging from the 2nd century CE to the Gupta period. A hoard of 281 cast copper coins from Masubazar, 22 miles south of Purulia, was donated to the Indian Museum by James Johannes in 1937 (T.N. Raychaudhuri 1991: 225–36). The cast copper coins from Masubazar and other parts of West Bengal differ metrologically from the so-called Puri-Kushana coins from Orissa, both of them appear to have developed a peculiar currency system in the coastal areas in upper Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, and West Bengal and also in adjacent parts of Orissa, south Bihar, and West Bengal and these were probably interchangeable with each other in commercial as well as daily transactions in coastal Orissa, the Chhotanagpur region, Purulia, and some parts of West Bengal (T.N. Raychaudhuri 1991: 229–30). The discovery of copper mines at Baragunda in Hazaribagh, at the Rakha–Mushabani localities in Singhbhum and at Chhedapathar and Tamkum in Bankura, clearly indicates that there was a route running through these regions of copper-using culture (D.K. Chakrabarti 1985– 6: 67). A Roman gold coin has been reported from Nurpur. The obverse of the coin bears a bust with a legend around it. The reverse side shows (p.177) a column surmounted by a holy cross with some legend embossed around it. According to P.C. Bharadwaja (2004: 5) this coin was probably issued by Constantius II, who Page 28 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis was the third son and real successor of the Roman Emperor Constantine I. It may not be unwise to record that a hoard of apparently Roman gold coins discovered from the Bamanghati area along the Subarnarekha and in the Mayurbhanj district that is close to coastal Midnapur suggests a maritime network operating in the Tamralipta region. These coins of ‘Constantine, Gordian’, and so on were probably first reported by Beglar (S.K. Patra 2016: 162; see also P. Acharya 1969: 533; Patel 1995: 16). Several coins of the imperial Guptas have been discovered from Chandraketugarh. The Asutosh Museum collected a rare silver coin of Skandagupta of the Bull type from Chandraketugarh (IAR 1963–4: 95). A Marriage type gold coin of Chandragupta I and Kumaradevi was found in a pond in Hadipur village (G.S. De 1981: 46–8). As reported earlier, it was not found on a mound in Berachampa (IAR 1955–6: 62). Two Archer type gold coins of Samudragupta from Chandraketugarh (IAR 1967–8: 75; IAR 1968–9: 76) are now in the Asutosh Museum. The same collection has another Archer type gold coin of Chandragupta II from the same site (IAR 1968–69: 76). In 1970 another Archer-type gold coin of Chandragupta II was discovered from the village of Simher Ati of the Chandraketugarh area (De and De 2013: 367–8; see also E. Haque 2001: 72). Coins of the imperial Guptas have also been recorded from Mahanad (ARASI 1934–5: 43) and Hasnan (IAR 1976–7: 73). From Mahanad, three gold coins have been discovered, of which two coins belong to the Gupta rulers and the third one cannot be identified. A small hoard of 11 gold coins, including specimens of the Archer type of Chandragupta II, Kumaragupta II, Narasimhagupta, and Vishnugupta, and the Horseman type of Kumaragupta I, was discovered in 1976 at Hasnan in the Hooghly district (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 51). This hoard also yielded three other coins including one of Samacharadeva. At Boichigram/Bainchigram in the same district a small hoard of seven or more gold coins were found in 1981. The coins in this hoard comprise the Archer type of Chandragupta II, Skandagupta, Narasimhagupta, and Vainyagupta (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 51). It may be noted that excavations at Mainamati have yielded Gupta gold coins. An Asvamedha type coin and three Archer type pieces of Chandragupta II found in a hoard along with other antiquities (p.178) are known to have been recovered along with other assemblages of period III (c. 8th century CE) of the excavatd site at the Salban mound at Mainamati (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 51). A few other sites have yielded Gupta coins like the coins of Chandragupta II from Buro Burir Tat, G plot, Uttar Surendraganj, and Gosaba (B.D. Chattopadhyaya 2005: 103), coins of Kumaragupta II from Baishata (S. De 1994: 37) and Rakshaskhali, coins of Budhagupta from Gobardhanpur and so on. However, the most remarkable discovery was that of a hoard of Gupta coins from Kalighat on the bank of the Adi Ganga as early as 1783 (Allan 1913; Basu Majumdar 2014). A hoard of 13 gold coins of Gupta rulers was discovered from Madhavpur, Hooghly district, in 1883 (Smith 1884: 152; Allan 1914: 152; see also B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 51). Page 29 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis The Madhavpur hoard yielded coins of Samudragupta (Standard type), Chandragupta II (Archer type), and Kumaragupta I (Archer, Horseman, and Lionslayer types) (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 51). The ‘King and Queen’ type gold coins of Chandragupta I have been reported from North 24-Parganas and Burdwan. Among the gold coins of Samudragupta, the Standard type has been reported from Burdwan, Hooghly, North 24-Parganas, Midnapur, and Bangladesh, the Archer type from North 24-Parganas mentioned earlier, and Asvamedha type from Comilla district (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 49). Gold coins of Chandragupta II have been reported from Kalighat, Hooghly, Burdwan, North 24-Parganas, Murshidabad, and from parts of Bangladesh such as Faridpur, Bogra, Jessore, and Comilla (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 49–50). One of his Umbrella type gold pieces has been discovered in the Hooghly district. Coins of Kumaragupta I found from the study area include the gold pieces of the Archer type found from Hooghly, Elephant-rider type from Hooghly, Horseman type from Midnapur and Hooghly, Lion-slayer type from Hooghly, Burdwan, and Bogra, and Karttikeya type from Burdwan (B.N. Mukherjee 1992: 50). A King and Laksmi (or Queen) type gold piece of Skandagupta was found from Midnapur. The lighter variety of Archer type gold pieces of Skandagupta have been recovered from Hooghly, Burdwan, and Bogra districts, while the heavier variety from Hooghly and Faridpur districts (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 50). Archer-type gold coins of Kumaragupta II have been found from Kalighat, North and South 24-Parganas, and Midnapur. The Archer type coins of Vainyagupta have been reported from Kalighat and Hooghly, (p.179) while coins of the same type belonging to Narasimhagupta have been reported from Kalighat, Hooghly, Murshidabad, Birbhum, and Nadia. Those of Kumaragupta III have been reported from Hooghly and Burdwan districts and of Vishnugupta from Kalighat, Hooghly, and North 24-Parganas (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 50). The most well-known is the hoard of 200 or more coins discovered from Kalighat in 1783. This is the earliest recorded hoard of Gupta coins from the study area. Among the kings represented here are Chandragupta II (Archer type), Kumaragupta II (Archer type), Vainyagupta (Archer type), Narasimhagupta (Archer type), and Vishnugupta (Archer type) (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 50–1). Incidentally, the southeastern part of Bengal constitutes the core area for ‘imitation’ Gupta gold coins and one or two specimens from the 24-Parganas have been recorded (Wicks 1987: 55). Such coins have been issued by the Khadgas (second half of the 7th century CE–early 8th century) and their successors, the Devas (8th century CE). Mukherjee opines that such coins have been wrongly described as imitations of Gupta coins; rather, they really formed an independent coin series started probably by Sasanka (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 37). It appears that in Samatata, Sasanka tried to introduce a comparatively purer gold specie, perhaps for ‘their ready acceptance in an area which became important in international trade from about early 7th century AD’ (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 38). During the post-Sasanka period, the devices changed, the Page 30 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis quantity of gold in the metal content of the coins and the quality of minting also declined, however, the Khadga and Deva coins served the purpose of the concerned monetary transactions. One of the early ruling groups of the post-Gupta period included Dharmaditya, Gopachandra, and Samacharadeva whose inscriptions are palaeographically assignable to the 6th century CE. Their power base was in the Kotalipada area of the Gopalganj district, earlier included in the Faridpur district, Bangladesh; however, Gopachandra’s authority extended to Vardhamanabhukti and Dandabhukti as evident from the Mallasarul and Jayrampur inscriptions. Epigraphic sources refer to the circulation of dinara coins in Vanga during the reigns of Dharmaditya and Gopachandra and in Vardhamanabhukti during the rule of the latter. Apparently the Gupta gold coins, and perhaps also their imitations, continued to be in use (p.180) in these areas. In the region of Dandabhukti (in the Midnapur district) churnni or dust-money became the medium of exchange (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 5). This interpretation may allude to the familiarity of Dandabhukti with silver dust money and cowries as media of exchange (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 6). Samacharadeva issued coins bearing his name and the Ghugrahati copper plate inscription of this king refers to his rule in Varakamandala. His coins have been recovered from the Muhammadpur (Jessore) hoard (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 7), from Hasnan (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 7), and recently one of his mixed metal coins has been unearthed from the monastic structure of the post-Gupta phase during the recent excavation (field season of 2014–15) at Moghalmari (Puravritta 2016: 198). The debased gold coins of Samacharadeva can be divided into two classes (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 7). The tendency to mint debased coins is also betrayed by at least two classes of coins bearing the name and/or devices of the specie of Sasanka, the king of Gauda (c. 600–635 CE). According to Hsuan-tsang, Sasanka’s capital was at Karnasuvarna and the epigraphic sources indicate his authority over Dandabhukti (Midnapur region), Utkala (upper coastal Orissa), and Kongoda (up to the Ganjam region). Some of his coins may be attributed to a class of specie minted for circulation in the Samatata region (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 11–13). Another type was meant for circulation in Gauda or rather Gauda-Vanga (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 13). However, during the time of Sasanka’s rule, there were other mediums of exchange as evident from the Egra copper plate inscription of Sasanka which refers to the use of panas. The panas mentioned in the Egra inscription must have been silver panas or karsapanas of 32 ratis (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 13). A gold coin of Sasanka (round coin with a border of large dots on both sides) found from the river bed at Curzon creek is presently in a museum of the Uttar Surendraganj High School, G-Plot, 24-Parganas (see Smith 1972: 121; P.K. Bhattacharyya 1980: 8–12; Allan 1914: cv, pl. xxiv, 2). The present coin is distinct from the other gold coins of Sasanka in respect of its purity as well as its legend on the obverse which is Vi (ja) ya Sa (that is, victory Page 31 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis to Sasanka). It may be mentioned that almost all other gold coins of Sasanka discovered so far bear the obverse legend Jaya Sa. It is possible that this coin was one of the earliest issues of Sasanka. The absence of elephants on (p.181) the reverse also, perhaps, indicates that this innovation was not introduced at the time of its minting (P.K. Bhattacharyya 1980: 11). Gold coins of Sasanka were reported from Mahanad (B.C. Sen 1942: 271), Kachua (Chandpur subdivision of Comilla), and Muhammadpur (Jessore) (P.K. Bhattacharyya 1980: 11). Post-Sasanka coins of Samatata vary in quality of execution and gold content (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 23). Of all the known rulers of Samatata, Sri or Sridharanarata’s recorded coins are largest in number and they have been recorded from Paglatek (which has yielded a hoard of Samatata pieces), Dar Hasnabad, North 24-Parganas, where a jar containing, among others, coins of Sasanka and Sri has been found, and Mainamati, where excavations have unearthed a large number of the specimens (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 27). In 2002, a hoard of 15 post-Gupta gold coins was discovered from the Sandip village near Sabhar town of Dhaka district (S. Islam 2015: 95–100). Probably these were issued by unknown king or local mercenary class of southeast bengal during the post Samacharadeva and pre-Rata period. During the ancient and early medieval period, South-East Bengal formed a separate political entity which evolved as a distinct economic zone. Due to its littoral position, overseas trade flourished and it demanded issuance of gold coin for the growth of external trade. (S. Islam 2015: 96) Excavation during 1988–9 at the palace mound of Harischandra, Sabhar, yielded a Harikela coin and a post-Gupta gold coin in association with a number of Buddhist bronze images (S. Islam 2015: 96). The Madanpur copper plate of Srichandra (R.G. Basak [1949–50] 1985: 51–8; see also D.C. Sircar [1949–50] 1985: 337–9) mentions Vangasagara-sambhandariyaka in Yolamandala; the latter has been identified as Sabhar which flourished as an administrative and trade centre during the post-Gupta period and existed during the reign of the Chandra dynasty. The discovery of Rata, Khadga, and Harikela coins from Sabhar indicate that this riverside port (located at the confluence of the Vamsavati or Vamsai and the Dhalesvari rivers) had a close trade contact with Samatata and the Harikela region also (S. Islam 2015: 100). With the decline of the gold coinage of Samatata during the early part of the 8th century CE, the gold coinage of Samatata or Samatata–Vanga (p.182) and postGupta currency system of Bengal came to an end. However, before that, by the 7th century CE, the region adopted a pure silver currency in the Harikela region, comprising present Chittagong, the Cox’s Bazar districts, and the Khagrachari, Rangamati, and Bandarban hill tracts of Bangladesh (B.N. Page 32 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis Mukherjee 1993: 32–3). A class of silver specie bearing the regional name Pattikeda (denoting a territory including the Comilla area of Bangladesh was based, typologically and metrologically, on the silver coinage of Harikela (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 52–3; see also B.N. Mukherjee 1977: 166–71). It appears that the pattern of distribution of coins of different types and denominations and commercial artefacts along the lower course of the Bhagirathi (reaching the sea through different channels) and in, inter alia, the Tamluk area suggest brisk trade and coin-economy from the post-Maurya to about the Gupta period (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 55). Parts of southwestern Bengal or Radha were involved in internal and maritime trade until the 7th century CE; the Samatata and Harikela region came into prominence by about the 9th century CE. From the middle of the 8th century, Tamralipta lost its importance and, subsequently, Samandar became the most important port in the Chittagong region (B.N. Mukherjee 1993: 56). Cowrie shells (Monetaria moneta) are one of the major findings which form a significant part of the archaeological assemblages found in the coastal region of ancient Bengal–Orissa (from the Arakan coast to Orissa and beyond). A recent work also specifies the use of cowrie shells and their presence in the archaeological assemblages of the Magadhan region (B.K. Choudhary 2016: 24). Interestingly, the sites or settlements which yielded such findings are mostly associated with monastic complexes. Furthermore, the major information regarding the wide distribution of cowries comes from the recently discovered site of Moghalmari, the yet unexcavated mounds of Tildah (apparently another unknown monastic complex), Kankandighi, and so on in West Bengal, besides the monastic complex of Ratnagiri in Orissa and other relevant sites. Here, it is worth mentioning that the use of cowrie as the preferred medium of exchange is very much evident from the recently excavated monastic complex of Telhara (Tiladhaka) and the explored sites of Ghosrawan (Yasovermapura), besides others. The excavators have assigned the monastic complex of Telhara to the Gupta–post-Gupta period. Moreover, specific information regarding (p.183) the standardization of the exchange value of cowrie is available from the biography of Dharmasvamin, a Tibetan monk (Roerich 1959). While visiting Nalanda (1234 CE) and Bodhgaya (1236 CE) Dharmasvamin found that the exchange value of 80 cowries were equivalent to one pana (Roerich 1959: 99; see also B.K. Choudhary 2016: 24). During the Pala–Sena period, cowries were still used in this part of Bengal. Cowries had perhaps made their presence felt for the first time in the Mauryan Age (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 37). Sasanka’s Egra copper plate states that the price of one dronavapa of land amounts to 32,000 cowries. According to Sircar, the Maldives was a major source of the procurement of cowries during the late medieval period but the earlier source for cowries cannot be definitely ascertained (D.C. Sircar 1982c: 149–51). He also mentions that the term Page 33 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis kapardaka-purana implies cowrie, and the copper plates of the Sena ruler refer to the circulation of kapardaka-purana (D.C. Sircar 1982c: 150; see also N.G. Majumdar 2003: 66, 78, 90, 104, 115). In lower West Bengal the cowries could be supplemented by copper coins of low denominations. Higher transactions were probably done in gold and, at least sometimes, in silver. At least the possibility of convertibility of a gold coin (dinara or really suvarna) into cowries in the Gupta period is suggested by a later evidence furnished by the section called Lilavati in the Siddhantasiromani of Bhaskaracharya (I.2), which suggests that a gold nishka could be exchanged for 20,480 cowries. In that case the primary medium was linked with the highest medium of exchange (B.N. Mukherjee 1992b: 58). ‘According to old Bengali arithmetical tables, 4 kakas make one kada (cowrie-shell), 1280 of which were equal to a full silver coin (kahana=karsapana)’ (D.C. Sircar 1973: 56). Cowrie shells were invariably a favoured medium of exchange for daily transactions. Hsuan-tsang, while describing Kongoda (that is, the Ganjam district of Orissa together with the Srikakulam region of Andhra Pradesh), mentions that the people there use cowrie-shells and pearls in commercial transactions (D.C. Sircar 1977: 29). The Arab merchant Sulayman-al-Tajir while referring to the land of Ruhmi, that is, contemporary Pala Bengal, notes that trade was carried on by means of cowries even though there were gold and silver in the country (Elliot and Dowson 1866– 77, vol. I: 5 ff). Ghosh observes that when in an account of Bengal given by Marvazi (1120 CE) it is stated that ‘in a town called H.DKIRA [identified with Harikela] business is carried on (p.184) by means of gold [coins] and cowrie shells but the latter are more in use.’, these shells reached Harikela from Maldives and were naturally transferred to the hinterlands in the Pala–Sena domain where cowrie was much used as a parallel currency (Suchandra Ghosh 2015a: 147). Also the Ramacharita refers to the army of Madanapala being maintained with cowries (K.N. Chaudhuri 1990: 34). Neither the Palas nor the Senas issued any coins themselves but managed with old silver coins prevalent in the market as well as cowrie-shells, as evident from their inscriptions (D.C. Sircar 1977: 30) According to Sircar, the same silver coin popular in northern India during the early medieval period is mentioned as dramma in the Bodhgaya inscription of Dharmapala, as purana in the Bhaturiya inscription of Rajyapala and as karsapana in the Gaya inscription mentioning Govindapala, although the last document also records a transaction in which the money was paid in kapardakas or cowries (D.C. Sircar 1977: 30). The Sena inscriptions such as the Anulia plate of Laksmanasena clearly suggest that the revenue income of land was determined in kapardaka-puranas, that is, the popular silver coin counted in cowrie-shells (D.C. Sircar 1977: 30–1). A recent survey by Basu Majumdar and Chatterjee (2014) on cowries in eastern India emphasizes various issues including their role in money economy and rituals. As highlighted by them, the presence of cowries along with their different contexts in the coastal region not only proves that they played a Page 34 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis significant role in the household economy as a popular medium of exchange but it also indicates a regular and intensive trading network in the procurement process and the involvement of trading communities between India and Southeast Asia and China. One may agree with their observation that it was not the eastern coast alone which was involved in a trade with Maldives rather it was a part of the larger Indian Ocean network. The two extremes were Maldives in the Indian Ocean and China, in which the whole of the eastern coast and north eastern part of the Indian subcontinent formed connecting links in the entire system of the distribution and collection of cowries. (Basu Majumdar and Chatterjee 2014: 51) Besides other issues, their work highlights the epigraphic evidence related to traders in cowrie shells and their connection with the (p.185) Cholas and Orissa–Bengal (Basu Majumdar and Chatterjee 2014: 50). One may recall that the Buddhist association with the circulation of cowrie shells and their linkages with China, Southeast Asia, India, and even Central Asia may not be ruled out. Interestingly, Bin Yang suggests that Bengal was the major source of cowrie used in Yunnan and it reached there from Bengal through mainland Southeast Asia (Basu Majumdar and Chatterjee 2014: 44–7; see also Yang 2004: 197–8). In a later context, Ibn Battuta’s account confirms the procurement of cowries from the Maldives and the demand for the same in Bengal in the context of local exchange (Gibbs 1997: 249; see also Suchandra Ghosh 2015b: 49–50; Basu Majumdar and Chatterjee 2014: 43–4). There are some other discoveries of coins now in the collections of the local museums which require a thorough cataloguing so that the wide range of numismatic sources found from the study area may be assessed. This will certainly provide the scope to explain the monetary transaction along the coastal region and its adjoining areas including the hinterland.

Seals and Sealings and Other Inscribed Objects A large number of seals and sealings in terracotta and stone, a few in ivory, and other inscribed objects such as pots and plaques have been found from excavations and explorations in different sites of the three zones. Most of these are associated with settlement debris besides religious establishments such as monastic complexes and temples. A seal from Harinarayanpur showing two horned human figures facing each other, with the right one holding a cleft stick, is, according to Das Gupta, similar to specimens from the Indus valley, Egypt, and Crete, especially in its linear abstractions and compositions (P.C. Das Gupta 1960: 76). Another terracotta seal reported by Das Gupta from the same place shows intersecting circles in form of the number ‘eight’ and another seal possess semi-circles simulating the form of letter ‘B’ (P.C. Das Gupta 1963: 76). A grey-coloured oval terracotta seal, 2 centimetres in diameter, from Sitakundu has the depiction of a Bodhi tree on a Page 35 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis pedestal and four devotees in the act of adoration, two on either side of the tree. The Asokan Brahmi inscription on the reverse of the seal reads mahati ate. Undoubtedly this is a unique specimen of the symbolic worship of the Master in ancient Bengal (p.186) (N. Mukhopadhyay 2004: 13). P.G. Ghosh (1980: 32) reported a unique round terracotta seal, with a diameter of 4 centimetres, depicting a female figure with a cornucopia and a Brahmi inscription of 12 letters below, besides 6 symbols on one side, from Sitakundu. A highly polished red stone seal matrix found from Sitakundu (Nirmalendu Mukhopadhyay Collection [NMC] Acc. no. 0155) is divided into two parts of which the upper section shows a standing goddess. She holds a lotus stalk in her right hand and a book in her left hand. The lower part of the matrix has two lines of Brahmi inscription assignable to c. 2nd century CE referring to monks or devotees who used to chant songs of Samadeva. Such legendary seals have also been recovered from Rajghat and, therefore, vindicate its existence as an administrative as well as an educational centre (Thaplyal 1972: 250). The fertility cult as well as the adoration of Sri or Bhumi Devi, which was widespread in ancient Bengal, is further strengthened by the testimony of a number of sealings bearing ‘ears of corn’ recovered from Atghara, Harinarayanpur, Chandraketugarh, and Tilpi. Another oval-shaped clay seal from Atghara depicts a standing image of a goddess. The seal depicts a Gupta Brahmi inscription reading ‘keka’. A terracotta seal from Tilpi now preserved in the Sundarban Pratna Gabeshana Kendra, Kasinagar, bears a legend in Kharosti script of c. 2nd century CE (Acc. no. SPGK 60/TC/2011). A terracotta round seal inscribed with a personal name reported from Tilpi is decorated with a flowering tree surrounded by a symbol and a conch on the upper portion. An inscription bordering the sealing is in the Kharosti–Brahmi script and the northwest Prakrit language (B.N. Mukherjee 2007: 4–5). A terracotta seal collected by a villager at Tilpi in 2006 depicts a svastika symbol with three Brahmi monograms (ti) assignable prior to the 2nd century AD (Basu Majumdar 2007: 242–3). Another round terracotta sealing depicts a tree placed on a square base in the centre and a Brahmi inscription of 1st–2nd century AD referring to one who is victorious by the grace of Sujina or the good Buddha (Basu Majumdar 2007: 244–7). One inscribed terracotta seal was collected during exploration at Moghalmari, which, on the palaeographic ground, was placed by B.N. Mukherjee within the time bracket of 6th–7th century AD (A. Datta 2008a: 98–9). According to him, the seal inscription, though partially deciphered, is in post-Gupta Brahmi script and may have served a religious purpose. (p.187) Another solitary specimen from a stratified context of Moghalmari represents seal impression with three undisturbed and one mutilated incuses. It seems to be a personal seal bearing the name Srivarma in the eastern variety of Siddhamatrika script of c. 8th–9th century AD (A. Datta 2008a: 99–100). During the field season of 2014–15, a terracotta votive seal with post-Gupta Brahmi legend was unearthed from the same site (for details, see Puravritta 2016: 191). One magnificient sealing from Page 36 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis Kankandighi portrays the image of Lord Buddha seated in bhumisparsa mudra under a pillared arch decked with leaves; it is now preserved in Kalidas Dutta Smriti Sangrahasala, Jaynagar. A similar inscribed terracotta plaque has been brought to light from Panna which shows a seated Buddha (IAR 1957–8: 69, 72). According to S.K. Saraswati it should be dated in the Gupta period (Saraswati 1962: 104–5). A large number of terracotta plaques with proto-Bengali inscriptions have been collected from the site of Pakurtala (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 146). According to Mukherjee, these votive plaques inscribed with protoBengali script are datable from 7th–8th centuries to the 12th century CE (B.N. Mukherjee 1992a: 147). Another oval seal collected from Deulpota contains the name Chacchayika, written in 10th–11th-century Brahmi script. It may be the name of a woman or an organization of singers or musicians. Interestingly, an ivory seal assignable to c. 1st century BCE has been reported from Chandraketugarh (E. Haque 2001: 403). This circular seal bordered by a raised band depicts an inscription which reads Yasala. Another interesting seal with a proto-Bengali script has been recorded from Champahati area which was probably engraved by a soldier, named Latanda, and was issued Samabatasara in the month of Asvin. Among important royal seals recorded from the study area mention may be made of the Govindapur copper plate inscription of Laksmanasena, the upper portion of which is represented by a Sadasiva image. Excavation at Clive House mound has unearthed some terracotta seals and sealings bearing legend in Brahmi script belonging to period I. Palaeographically, the seal inscription is assignable to the 8th century CE (B. Bandyopadhyay 2016: 67). A well-defined category of artefacts comprising inscribed pots, seals, and plaques reported from a considerable portion of the lower Bengal in general and the study area in particular deserves special attention. They are inscribed with Kharosti and the supposed (p.188) bi-scriptural Kharosti–Brahmi letters. Mukherjee emphasized various aspects of these artefacts such as palaeography, trade, and migration of mercantile groups from the northwest (B.N. Mukherjee 1992a: 135–54). In the latter context, he refers to among others ‘A fragmentary Kharoshti inscription (no. 206 in the Tamralipta Museum) (possibly from Parvatipur) and perhaps another seal bearing a legend in the “mixed script” (IAR 1954–5: Plate XXXVIII, no. A) have indeed been discovered in the Tamluk area’ (B.N. Mukherjee 1992a: 142; see also B.N. Mukherjee 2014: 9, 37). The argument rendered by Chakrabarti contradicts the views of Mukherjee, where he rightly questions the real use of such mixed script in this particular area and the reason behind their absence in other parts of India. It is also quite unique that ‘the individual signs of two completely different scripts were used to write the letters /words of a single sentence’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 156). At the present state of our knowledge, it can be prescribed that this entire issue of mixed script demands a critical re-investigation, particularly in the context of Page 37 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis the reconstruction of the connection between lower Bengal and the northwest India and related issues. A recent work discusses a significant number of inscribed terracotta seals bearing Kharosti–Brahmi inscriptions found from Chandraketugarh and other regions of the study area (B.N. Mukherjee 2014: 37–103). A detailed summary of Mukherjee’s work is beyond the scope of this volume and his observations require further investigations since his interpretations with reference to the bearing of the inscribed seals and sealings on the coastal way of life, including the reconstruction of the trading network, are debatable. A recent study made by Ghosh on a particular ‘yupa’ device depicted on a number of inscribed terracotta seals with Kharosti or Kharosti–Brahmi inscriptions traces the possibility of a settlement of Brahmanas/priestly class at the Chandraketugarh region (Suchandra Ghosh 2000: 245–8). Yet another inscribed terracotta seal unearthed at Berachampa, datable to the 2nd century CE depicts a boat with a mast carrying a banner and its inscription reads: ‘you take resort into the Brahmins (while) at sea’ (Suchandra Ghosh 2000: 247). Two clay pots also inscribed with Kharosti legends (now in the collection of G.S. De of Habra) have been unearthed from Hadipur near Chandraketugarh (B.N. Mukherjee 2014: 9). Besides, a fairly (p.189) large numbers of clay pots found from different sites in the district of North 24-Parganas are inscribed or stamped with personal names in Brahmi and/or Kharosti and/or Kharosti–Brahmi. Numerous vessels, unearthed during digging of a tank at Hadipur (now preserved in the Indian Museum, Kolkata) also bear such names (B.N. Mukherjee 2014: 18). Two inscriptions engraved on bone objects have been reported from Tamluk and Natsal (B.N. Mukherjee 1993–4: 226–7). The Tamluk specimen may be assigned to c. 2nd century CE (B.N. Mukherjee 2014: 77), while that of Natsal to c. late 1st century CE (B.N. Mukherjee 2014: 90). Unfortunately, no serious attempt has been made to read and reconstruct the enormous data just mentioned with a fresh device. Therefore, the present discourse failed to utilize such significant inscribed records in a fruitful way.

Ivory Objects A large number of ivory carvings have also been found from the region under study (see Figure 5.8). Chandraketugarh has yielded a substantial number of ivory carvings mostly in the form of plaques. The themes depicted on the plaques display variety (E. Haque 2001: 399, 400–1, 402, 403). A few ivory combs and an ivory lion have been reported from Chandraketugarh (De and De 2013: 330–6; see also G.S. De 2008: 127–30). Haque had also reported an ivory comb and a winged lion from this site (E. Haque 2001: 404, 403). Chakrabarti reported several ivory objects from Chandraketugarh presently in the collection of Vinod Kanoria (D.K. Chakrabarti 1996: 77–80). Apart from Chandraketugarh, Tilpi has yielded a number of ivory objects (Sengupta, Chakrabarty, Chakraborty Page 38 of 40

 

Assemblage Analysis 2008: 308, 309). One specimen from Harinarayanpur depicts two female figures standing beside a railing. The plaque is bordered by star motif in two rows. Transparent drapery, a turban, and various ornaments embellish the figure. In the present context it is very difficult to comment on the sources of ivory (as far as the procurement zone is concerned) with precision. The hinterland along the coastal line runs from Myanmar, Bangladesh, the Northeastern frontiers to the Chhotanagpur region, the Orissan uplands, and even Andhra. This hinterland area has a wide distribution of elephants. and elephant tusks have been used (p. 190) throughout the ages in manufacturing different artisan products. There is no doubt that ivory remained one of the chosen items for export from the eastern littorals. This has been corroborated by different literary sources, though one has to keep in mind the significance of the elephant during the early historic period, both in the contexts of Orissa and its adjoining Andhra Pradesh, traceable since the Mauryan and the Satavahana periods, respectively.

Wooden Objects Several wooden objects such as a yaksi and the sole of a slipper have been reported by Haque from Chandraketugarh (E. Haque 2001: 399, 400). The Radio-carbon dating done for this sole of a slipper provides 2135+/−55 BP (E. Haque 2001: 400). About a decade ago, a wood-carved Buddha image (of a height of 28 centimetres) was discovered from Kankandighi and the specimen is now in the Sundarban Pratna Gabeshana Kendra, Kasinagar.

Glass Objects Different sites of coastal West Bengal have yielded glass beads. Haque has reported two glass ear ornaments found from Chandraketugarh. As commonly found from terracotta figurines, these ear ornaments have designs of concentric circles and have been dated to the 2nd century BCE (E. Haque 2001: 403).

Miscellaneous Objects The above analysis of explored and excavated assemblages covers the entire structural and other archaeological remains reported so far. As has been already stated, due to the lack of systematic reports of major excavations, we have very meagre evidence related to the floral, faunal, and skeletal remains recovered from the study area. A brief report in the miscellaneous section of the Clive House excavation mentions the unearthed and subsequent analysis of floral and faunal remains and skeletons found from the burials. Charred specimens of paddy and pulses, besides charred bamboo charcoals from both the periods have been reported from Clive House. The faunal remains from the (p.191) same site include bones of turtle, birds, fish, and so on, antler, goat horns, nails of other animals, bones and teeth of buffalo/cow, and others (B. Bandyopadhyay 2016: 69). The evidence of burials from the same site mentioned earlier yielded human skeletal remains from three independent trenches. The analysis of the

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Assemblage Analysis said data carried out by the Anthropological Survey of India is cited by B. Bandyopadhyay (2016: 69).

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Inscriptions and Coastal Life

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Inscriptions and Coastal Life Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780199481682.003.0006

Abstract and Keywords This chapter explores the possibility of reconstructing the coastal life based on epigraphic sources found from the study area. Apart from the Pala and Sena inscriptions, the area under consideration yielded a significant number of epigraphic records issued by several regional lineages from the post-Gupta period onwards. The evidence found from them highlight different aspects such as coastal ecology, riverine traffic, navy, the coastal way of life, polity and, of course, the socio-cultural parameters that were equally witnessed both in the hinterland and the coastal regions. The portrayal of the epigraphic sources clearly shows that their contents supplement the archaeological sources in various ways. Keywords:   inscriptions, copper plate inscriptions, boat-parking stations

In this chapter an attempt has been made to reconstruct the sociopolitical development which definitely has a bearing on the coastal way of life of ancient Bengal. We have discussed a few inscriptions in the Epilogue; however, in this chapter several important inscriptions have been explored to get a somewhat comprehensive picture of the same. As far as epigraphic sources are concerned, apart from the Pala and Sena records, the study area yielded a significant number of epigraphic records issued by several regional lineages. A number of Pala inscriptions have not been discussed since their provenances are beyond the study area.

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Inscriptions and Coastal Life Before the rise of the Pala dynasty, the isolated copper plate from Gunaighar referred to Maharaja Vainyagupta based in Kripura (we find reference to a division called Uttara mandala and a jayaskandhavara at Kripura) in the Brahmanberia region of southeastern Bengal during the early part of the 6th century. Therefore, the existence of a kingdom in the Comilla and Faridpur areas during the 5th–6th centuries CE is indicated. Another inscription of the same king has been rediscovered and, most probably, it hailed from the Comilla region. This inscription is probably the earliest copper plate record of Bengal and ‘it proves that as early as the early fifth century a king named Nathachandra ruled in the Jayanatana area of the Comilla sector of southeastern Bengal where the districts of Peranatana and Guptinatana had developed by the seventh century as prominent regional administrative centres’ (R. Sanyal 2014: 168). This inscription (p.193) also refers to the Ajivika sect and the cult of Manibhadra (R. Sanyal 2014: 169). Also of the 6th century are the inscriptions of Dvadasaditya, Dharmaditya, Gopachandra, and Samacharadeva, with their power bases at the Varakamandala visaya situated in the Kotalipara region of the present Gopalganj (formerly Faridpur) district. Gopachandra’s power extended to the central alluvial tract of West Bengal and also to the adjoining parts of Orissa, that is, in both Vardhamanabhukti and Dandabhukti, as indicated by the Malla Sarul and the Jayrampur plates. Inscriptions of the 7th century of the Rata, the Khadga and the Deva lineages, found from the Comilla–Noakhali–Chattagram region, are also significant. The lineage connection of the Deva kings with the kings of the 8th and early 9th centuries such as Anandadeva, Bhavadeva, and Kantideva is not clear. It may be noted that with the accession of Sasanka on the throne of Gauda, a wider area from the Chhotanagpur plateau region to the eastern littoral was politically united. Numismatic evidence attests to Sasanka’s rule in the Samatata region or the Comilla–Noakhali plain. Between the 10th and the 13th centuries, while the Pala polity dominated Bengal and parts of Bihar, a number of kings of the Chandra, Kamboja, and Varman families ruled in different parts of eastern and southwestern parts of Bengal. The genealogy evident from the Chandra copper plates draws their descent from one Purnachandra followed by Suvarnachandra and Trailokyachandra. The historical lineage starts with Srichandra, followed by his descendants Kalyanachandra, Ladahachandra, and Govindachandra. These kings ruled from the early 10th to the mid-11th century. The Chandra plates refer to Purnachandra’s grandson Trailokyachandra as the king of Harikela (for instance, consider trailokyacandro gunaih adharo harikelarajakakuda—line 11 of the Comilla copper plate of the reign of Srichandra [Mills 1993: 79]). Trailokyachandra is said to be king of Chandradvipa, an area covering the modern districts of Patuakhali and Barisal (Mills 1993: 79). During the reign of his son Srichandra, their kingdom extended to a wider part of Samatata and even beyond that for, according to the 12th line of the Pascimbhag plate (D.C. Page 2 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life Sircar 1973: 19–40), Srichandra conquered Kamarupa, and the 14th line of the inscription states that he had conflicts with the Utkalas, Hunas, and Yavanas. Epigraphic records of southwestern Bengal refer (p.194) to a Kamboja line with their base at Priyangu in ancient Dandabhukti and the Irda and Kalanda inscriptions of the time of Nayapala in the 11th century record donations within Dandabhukti. During the 11th–12th centuries, parts of Vanga and Samatata were ruled by the Varman kings such as Harivarman, Samalavarman, and Bhojavarman, while the early rulers such as Vajravarman and Jatavarman have no records. Between the late 11th and the mid-12th centuries a Deva lineage ruled over Samatata– Harikela region, and several inscriptions of Ranavankamalla Harikaladeva, Damodaradeva, Viradharadeva, Dasarathadeva, Govinda-Kesavadeva, and Isanadeva are known. A definite trajectory of hinterland–coastal line relationship that was monitored by regional power base/infrastructures linking the early medieval settlements of Ballal Dhibi, Anulia, Triveni, Saptagram, and ultimately the Khari–Chhatabhog and its adjoining regions could be established with reference to archaeological findings and, of course, the find-spots of copper plate inscriptions of different dynasties. The hinterland–coastal line relation is quite evident particularly from the Sena records. Historically, it is apparent that Vijayasena (c. 1097–1160 CE or c. 1095–1168 CE) ‘established his supremacy over the whole of Bengal and made his influence felt in the neighbouring kingdoms of north Bihar, Kamarupa, and Kalinga’ (Chakrabarti 1992: 86). Even Laksmanasena’s (c. 1178–1206 CE) rule was important both in the context of military campaigns against Gauda, Kamarupa, Kalinga, and Kasi and his patronage of extensive literary activities (Jayadeva, Dhoyi, Sarana, and Halayudha). The political bondage between the hinterland of the Ganga valley and the littoral areas of present-day Bangladesh survived till the end of the Sena rule, that is, till the reign of Kesavasena (c. 1220–3 CE) (D.K. Chakrabarti 1992a: 87). In this connection we may refer to Dhoyi’s Pavanadutam, where the ‘spring wind messenger’ actually traverses from central India (Malaya country) to Vijayapura (the Bamunpukur–Ballal Dhibi region of Nadia district) through a section of the eastern littoral (C. Chakravarti 1926: 26; see also Ray and Mondal 2013: 261). Other minor dynasties of ancient Bangladesh contemporary to and after the rule of the Senas (some of whom have been mentioned earlier) and also of the lower Ganga valley (such as Dommanapala) have all together maintained a close political bondage, which ultimately was linked to the cross-currents of (p.195) political history right from Kashmir to Karnataka and the Doab, central India, the Deccan, the Tamil region, Orissa, Kamarupa, and even Nepal–Tibet and ancient Kamboja in the northwest. As far as archaeological reality is concerned, the enormous sources related to religious establishments, that is, the stupas, monasteries, and temples found in the Bangladesh region (see D.K. Chakrabarti 1992a: 67–142) could be viewed as an extension of the middle and lower Ganga valleys, the Mahanadi Page 3 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life valley, and littoral Orissa. Chakrabarti’s (1992a: 172–85) general observation on the trans-Meghna or the ancient Samatata region in the pre-Gupta, Gupta, and the post-Gupta periods in various contexts (including overland links between the Bengal area and north Burma region) can be substantiated both in the contexts of epigraphic sources as well as other archaeological data. The work just referred to (D.K. Chakrabarti 1992a) has definite bearing on the present discourse. A few inscriptions of the rulers just mentioned have been briefly discussed with reference to the evidence found from them in order to highlight different aspects such as coastal ecology, riverine traffic, navy, the coastal way of life, polity, and, of course, the sociocultural parameters that were equally witnessed both in the hinterland and the coastal regions (see also Morrison 1970).

Inscriptions 1. The Gunaighar copper plate inscription of Vainyagupta of the Gupta Year 188 (507 CE) (D.C. Bhattacharya [1947] 1985: 45–60; see also D.C. Sircar 1965: 340–5) found from Gunaighar, 18 miles to the northwest of Comilla, records a gift of land by Maharaja Vainyagupta made at the instance of his vassal Maharaja Rudradatta in favour of a Buddhist congregation of monks belonging to the Vaivarttika sect of the Mahayana sect, which was established by a Buddhist monk, Acharya Santideva in a vihara dedicated to Arya-Avalokitesvara. What is noteworthy is that apart from the mention of a mahanau in line 1, this inscription refers to a tract of land that can be associated with the deltaic region and the use of boats and ships. The word nau-khata in line 28 refers to a channel on which boats plied. According to D.C. Bhattacharya, khata is evidently the original and the more archaic form of the word khatika, whence the Bengali word khadi is derived (p.196) (D.C. Bhattacharya [1947] 1985: 49). The expression pradamara-nauyoga-khata in line 29 probably refers to a small harbour for boats which was probably linked to a channel and the expression chudamaninagarasrinauyoga in line 28 probably implies the harbours/ports for boats/ships of Cudamani and Nagarasri. The word jola in line 28 refers to a water course. Hajjika in line 30 probably refers to waterlogged or marshy land (D.C. Bhattacharya [1947] 1985: 49; see also D.C. Sircar 1965: 345). The word vilala, in lines 22 and 28, is evidently derived from vila meaning a large waterbody. Lowlands or talabhumi of the vihara is mentioned in line 27. Bhattacharya’s translation of lines 27 to 31 is a vivid portrayal of the coastal landscape: The boundary marks of the low lands belonging to the vihara are, to the East, the channel between the (two) ports of ships at Cudamani and Nagarasri; to the South, the channel open to ships connected to the large marshy pond of Ganesvara; to the West, the end of the field belonging to the temple of Pradyumnesvara; to the North, the channel (leading) to the port of Pradamara. The boundary marks Page 4 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life also of water-logged waste lands pertaining to the right of entrance of this vihara. (D.C. Bhattacharya [1947] 1985: 59) 2. The recently reported Raktamala copper plate grant of the Gupta era 180 refers to a few places such as Kuddala-khata/khatika, which may be identified with Kunda-khali in the district of South 24-Parganas in connection with the recording of the restoration and transfer of the sale deed of the purchased two kulyavapa revenue-free fallow land designed for akshayanivi from the village of Govardhanaka to the locality of Khaddi Raktamalika due to the bad governance condition prevailing in the former locality (Dubey and Acharya 2015: 217–25). 3. The Faridpur copper plate inscription of the time of Dharmaditya, regnal year 3, records the grant of cultivated land in the village Dhruvilati to a Brahmana named Chandrasvamin (Pargiter [1910] 1945: 193–8; D.C. Sircar 1965: 363–7). The seal of the inscription belonged to the board of administration of the visaya called Varaka-mandala which seems to have included parts of the Goalando subdivision and the Kotalipara region in the Gopalganj subdivision of the Faridpur district (D.C. Sircar 1965: 363 fn. 5). (p.197) This district is connected with the eastern sea, that is, the Bay of Bengal, and the word prak-samudramaryada in line 10 attests to its connection with the bay which touches the region through several estuaries. The main course of the Padma must have drained into the sea through a mouth many miles to the west of the present Goalondo-Chandpur course (D.C. Sircar 1965: 365). The inscription refers to the fact that the land transaction made in the Varakamandala-visaya was by following the customs or practices of the territory up to the sea or the rule established along the eastern sea (praksamudra-maryada). The word navata-kseni in lines 24–5 probably refers to a ship-building harbour and there must have been a river to the north into which the harbour or dockyard opened (Pargiter [1910] 1985: 198; see also D.C. Sircar 1965: 366 fn. 21, vol.1). The inscription refers to trighattika (lines 23–4) or three landing places for watercraft (D.C. Sircar 1965: 366). 4. Another Faridpur copper plate inscription of the time of Dharmaditya, also of the middle of the 6th century CE (Pargiter [1910] 1985: 199–202; D.C. Sircar 1965: 367–9), again refers to the Varaka mandala and Navya Avakasika, the latter implying a navigable region. While delineating the limits of the granted land it mentions a nau-dandaka sima (line 23), besides a bullock-cart track to its west and to its north Gargasvamin’s copper plate land possibly another donated tract. According to Pargiter, ‘nau-dandaka’ may mean only a boat’s pole but an old ship’s mast is more likely to have been erected than a boat’s pole (Pargiter [1910] 1985: 202). ‘Nau-dandaka’ may imply naudanda mentioned in the Kailan plate of Sridharana Rata (D.C. Sircar 1947: 221–41) as the pathway of a boat Page 5 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life across a marshy land. ‘Naudandaka’ could also probably imply oarsman or a port/harbour (Hood 1994: 118). In a recent write-up Sanyal observes the following: It is fascinating to notice that the largest concentration of these regional and sub-regional centres of political administration like avrittis and chaturakas is found in the Navya (lit. ‘navigable’) sector of Vanga and the Khadi areas contiguous to the estuarine mouth of the Bay of Bengal. Thus, they were mostly located in regions that formed a potential buffer zone in the context of wider Indian Ocean exchange networks along the littoral areas, evidently through the Samatata-based linkages of trade.’ (R. Sanyal 2014: 201) (p.198) He also comments that a recent archaeological study (Khan, Majid, and Rahaman 2004) on the early medieval settlements in the Sabhar region suggests such local linkages between the eastern and southeastern territories of Bengal (R. Sanyal 2014: 208, n. 45). In this note, Sanyal speaks of an intensive study of archaeological material from the Khari region of southeastern West Bengal which would throw light on the commercial linkages of this territory with those further east– southeast in the concerned period of time. 5. The Faridpur copper plate inscription of the time of Gopachandra, regnal year 18 (D.C. Sircar 1965: 370–2; Pargiter [1910] 1985: 203–5), is also assignable like the other two Faridpur plates to the middle of the 6th century CE. The seal of the inscription belonged to the board of administration of the visaya called Varaka-mandala. It also refers to the minister (uparika) entrusted with regulating trade in Navya Avakasika. The coastal landscape apparent from these Faridpur records portray a tidal zone with the tides penetrating inland through all the large estuaries and rivers of that time. The rivers were certainly interlaced with a network of small streams with the presence of islands reminiscent of Kalidas’s Raghuvamsa, where he describes this part of Vanga as consisting of islands amid the streams of the Ganges, Ganga-sroto-‘ntaresu (IV.36), and the people as nau-sadhanodyatan (maritimely enterprising). The proximity of the coast linked with a riverine network afforded great facilities for riverine and coastal trade and the inscriptions suggest that the people were largely occupied in boating and shipping (Pargiter [1910] 1985: 210). 6. The Kotalipada copper plate inscription of the time of Dvadasaditya, year 14, may be placed in the mid-6th century CE on palaeographical grounds (Furui 2013: 89–98). Dvadasaditya, most probably, belonged to the line of kings including Dharmaditya, Gopachandra, and Samacharadeva as indicated by the structure of their inscriptions. It is a land-sale grant which records purchase and donation of land plots petitioned by particular individuals to the office called adhikarana in Page 6 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life Varakamandala-visaya. The inscription refers to purvva-samudra, that is, the Bay of Bengal, in line 2. The environment of the donated land is typical (p.199) of the coastal landscape. In lines 32 to 34, there are references to ‘the boat landing (ghatta), embankment of dried lake and the village named Vandakhataka surrounding it points to a riverine tract with abundance of water bodies and accompanying features including canals, ponds and embankments’ (Furui 2013: 97). 7. Two copper plates belonging to the reign of Sasanka (R.C. Majumdar 1945: 1–9) were found from Midnapur though their actual find-places are not known. Plate I (of the 8th regnal year) records that while Sasanka was ruling the earth, his feudatory, Samanta-Maharaja Sri Somadatta, was governing the province of Dandabhukti joined to Utkaladesa. The object of the grant is to register the donation of the village MahaKumbharapadraka to Bhattesvara (R.C. Majumdar 1945: 3). Plate II (of the 19th regnal year) records that while Sasanka was ruling the earth, Maha-Pratihara Subhakirtti was governing Dandabhukti. The object of the grant is to register the donation of some lands in the village Kumbharapadraka, in the desa Ketakapadrika, to Damyasvamin. The donated lands, in both the grants, were situated in the Tavira adhikarana to which belong the seals affixed to both the plates (R.C. Majumdar 1945: 3). 8. The Panchrol copper plate inscription also known as the Egra grant, referring to the reign of Sasanka, the king of Gauda, records a land-sale grant (Furui 2011: 119–30). This inscription refers to a hierarchy evident from the titles used by the officials operating during the early 7th century in one Ekatakaka visaya and also how a marshy lowland is reclaimed through the creation of agraharas and settling of Brahmana donees (Furui 2011: 127). 9. The Kailan copper plate inscription of king Sridharana Rata (regnal year 8) of Samatata or the Tippera–Noakhali region of southeast Bengal is of the mid-7th century CE. According to Sircar, Sridharana ruled sometime between the reigns of Sasanka and Dharmapala and he was, more or less, a contemporary of Lokanatha of the Tippera grant and of the Khadga kings (D.C. Sircar 1947: 224). Sridharana Rata (c. 665–75 CE) and his father, Jivadharana, bore the epithet of Samatatesvara. The inscription refers to Devaparvata, one of the provincial headquarters of the Samatata, being encircled by the river Ksiroda, both banks of which were adorned by clusters of boats. It is difficult to (p.200) determine whether merchant vessels or battle ships are indicated. The details of the grant shows that Mahasandhivigrahika Jayanatha approached king Sridharana for the grant of a piece of land which he inclined to dedicate to the Buddha or the Ratnatraya (the Buddhist trinity of Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha symbolized in a Buddhist establishment), for the worship of the Buddha, the reading and writing of Buddhist religious texts, for Page 7 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life various needs of the monks, as well as to a number of learned Brahmanas for the performance of their panca-mahayajna. The king granted him land situated in the visayas of Guptinatana and Patalayika, lying within the jurisdiction of the Kumaramatya of Devaparvata. This inscription refers to terms such as naudanda (line 36), nauprthvi (line 30), nausthiravega (line 30), nausivabhoga (line 31), while ascertaining the boundaries of the granted land. With reference to boundary markers, this particular inscription refers to terms associated with boats. ‘Naudanda’ probably implies a path for boats in this marshy region or boat-parking stations. It may be recollected here that the Faridpur copper plate inscription of the time of Dharmaditya, of the middle of the 6th century CE (Pargiter [1910] 1985: 199–202; D.C. Sircar 1965: 367–9), also refers to nau-dandaka in connection with the demarcation of a granted land in Varaka mandala. 10. The Pascimbhag plate of Srichandra of regnal year 5 (D.C. Sircar 1973: 19–40) of the 10th century CE is a significant epigraphic source, highlighting different aspects of the sociocultural life of southeast Bengal under the Chandra kings whose kingdom included Vanga-Samatata and Srihatta (present-day Sylhet region and a part of ancient Harikela). Srichandra’s kingdom encompassed Samatata or southeast Bengal and even beyond that for according to the 12th line of the Paschimbhag plate, Srichandra conquered Kamarupa and in the 14th line the plate refers to Srichandra’s conflicts with the Utkalas, Hunas, and Yavanas. The coastal landscape is quite prominent in this record which refers to the hundreds of boatmen in the Ksiroda river in the Devaparvata region of Samatata (D.C. Sircar 1973: 24). The record also refers to the donation of Garala visaya, Pogara visaya, and Chandrapura visaya, together with the half (or parts) of Vedika attached to Satala-Vargaja in Srihatta mandala and Pundravardhana bhukti, (p.201) which constituted Brahmapura, the abode of the Brahmans, and was named Srichandrapura obviously after the name of the donor king (D.C. Sircar 1973: 30–2). A complex system of endowments to religious establishments in southeast Bengal is then recorded in this inscription. In the said Srichandrapura, the first block of land was granted to the god Brahma for his matha or temple. This is quite significant since individual worship of Brahma during the 10th century is rare (D.C. Sircar 1973: 32). The second block of land was granted in favour of the god Vaisvanara or Agni, Yogesvara, Jaimani, and Mahakala, worshipped in the four desantariya mathas and the four Vangala mathas (D.C. Sircar 1973: 33). The third block of land was granted in favour of 6,000 Brahmanas, headed by 38 Brahmanas (D.C. Sircar 1973: 35). Among the privileges given in association with the granted land are the concerned resources such as betel nut and coconut trees as well as the saline spots, the latter suggesting the manufacture of salt (D.C. Sircar 1973: 36). However, the last two grants excluded not only the land that was associated with Buddhist establishments but also the land that was Page 8 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life attached to Indresvara’s boat-station (Indresvara-naubandha) (D.C. Sircar 1973: 36). The naubandha or naubandhaka measuring 52 patakas suggests an impressive boat-parking arrangement. What is significant from this inscription is the grand and elaborate functioning of the matha dedicated to Brahma and the Desantariya and Vangala mathas. Different social groups were associated with these mathas and we find a list of diverse donees who were superintendent Brahmanas of the mathas, ganaka, kayastha, malakara, tailikadvaya, kumbhakaradvaya, panca-kahalika or the ones who would beat five large drums, sankhavadakadvaya or two conch-shell blowers, karmmakara, carmakara, nata or dancer, sutradharadvaya or two carpenters, sthapatidvaya or two architects/masons, karmmakaradvaya or two blacksmiths, asta-vettika/ chetikas or eight women sweepers/slaves, and so on, besides teachers and students. Moreover, what is significant is that the inscription states that the grant was made for the increase of the merit and fame of the donor and his parents in the name of the lord Buddha (D.C. Sircar 1973: 36). Verse 22 is important because it says that it was the Vaisnava Brahmana named Vinayaka who was responsible for settling (p.202) the 6,000 Brahmanas in the Srichandrapura-sasana. Therefore, Vinayaka must have paid the requisite fees to the state for making the land allotted to the Brahmanas a rent-free holding (D.C. Sircar 1973: 37). Officers in charge of navy are also mentioned in the Pascimbhag plate of Srichandra (D.C. Sircar 1973: 31). It may be noted that effective warfare in riverine Bengal necessitated a strong fleet of war-boats. An observation made by Morrison may be mentioned here. He states that the copper plates from Samatata record gifts to Buddhists, as well as to Brahmanas, and in every instance give land to some institution, whether a monastery, a shrine or a group of Brahmanas, rather than to an individual as is the case elsewhere in the Delta. Many of the property holdings being transferred were much larger than those anywhere else. These large grants to institutions, along with continued minting of a high quality silver currency and the largest known concentration of major building sites dateable in this period in the whole of the Delta, suggest that the rulers of Samatata were wealthier and were able to maintain a more stable political administration than other dynasties. Whatever the reason, property transfers in Samatata were different from those found elsewhere in the Delta. (Morrison 1970: 125). 11. The Dhulla copper plate of Srichandra of the regnal year 8 (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 165–6) there is reference to a field of salt mines— loniyajodaprastara (prantara?). It is clear from several inscriptions that grants of land including ‘all the salt’—salavana—were made in the coastal lowlands. As mentioned earlier, this inscription refers to Yolamandala. Page 9 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life 12. The Kedarpur plate of Srichandra (Bhattasali [1923–4] 1983: 188–92) again provides evidence of a riverine settlement which could be connected to the littoral when it refers to a grant of certain lands at the village called Leliya in the Kumaratalaka mandala of the Satata Padmavati visaya. According to Bhattasali, ‘the name Satata-Padmavati literally means “with-bank-Padma-house” and was most probably the name of a district on the banks of the Padma river’ (Bhattasali [1923–4] 1983: 189). This inscription of the 10th–11th century CE was found in April 1919, while excavating (p.203) earth from a ditch at Kedarpur in the Madaripur subdivision of the Faridpur region, Bangladesh. The inscription opens with a salutation to the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha, and the Chandra kings patronized Buddhism in eastern Bengal during the 10th–11th centuries CE towards the end of the Pala rule. 13. The Rampal copper plate of Srichandra (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 1–9) of the late 10th and early 11th century CE also refers to officers in charge of fleet among other officials who were duly informed of the grant of the village of Nehakashthi belonging to the Nanya mandala of the Paundrabhukti. The privileges associated with the granted land included, among others, the right to salt resources, betelnut, and coconut trees, and so on (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 8). 14. Srichandra’s Madanpur copper plate of the regnal year 46 (R.G. Basak [1949–50] 1985: 51–8) mentioning the grant of rent-free land in a locality called Vangasagara-sambhandariyaka in Yolamandala has been discussed earlier in this section. 15. Srichandra’s Comilla copper plate of the regnal year 46 (Mills 1993: 77–86) also refers to a grant of land and the coastal landscape is clearly apparent from this inscription: ‘May it be known to you that this land as described above (set apart by its own boundaries, surrounded by grass and mixed pasturage, with its low-lying land and higher levels, plus its mango, bread-fruit, betel-nut and cocoa-nut trees, with its salt, water and dry land….’ (Mills 1993: 82). 16. The Dacca copper plate of Kalyanachandra of the regnal year 24, presently in the collection of the Bangladesh National Museum, refers to Khari mandala as an administrative unit under Paundrabhukti. This copper plate was discovered by A.H. Dani in 1960 (Dani 1367 BS: 24–34; 1966: 25). 17. The Mainamati (Charpatramura) copper plate I of Ladahachandra, of regnal year 6, records the grant of the king to the temple of Sri Ladaha Madhava built by the king himself at Pattikeraka (in the Samatata mandala and identified with Paitkara pargana in Comilla) for the increase of the religious merit and fame of his own self and of his parents (D.C. Sircar 1973: 45–8, 53–4). Much later, King Viradharadeva of Samatata donated land to Ladaha Madhava temple as known from his Charpatramura copper plate of the regnal year 15 (D.C. Sircar 1973: 57– Page 10 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life 9). It may be noted (p.204) that Ladahachandradeva was a devout worshipper of the Sugata or Buddha. Significantly, the privileges of the donee to be enjoyed with the granted land, among others, include the right to salt resources, coconut trees, and betelnut trees, and so on. As far as the salt pits are concerned, there is a possibility that it was a salt manufacturing centre in the Samatata region (D.C. Sircar 1973: 48). Among the subordinates, officers, and others addressed by the king in respect of the grant is the naubala or naval unit (D.C. Sircar 1973: 47). 18. The Mainamati copper plate of Govindachandra (D.C. Sircar 1973: 49– 51) begins with a prayer to the Jina (Buddha), Dharma and Sangha (verse 1) and then in the grant portion (lines 32 ff.) refers to the gift being made in favour of the god Nattesvara-bhattaraka for the religious merit and fame of the donor and his parents. It appears, therefore, from the Mainamati plates of Ladahachandra and Govindachandra, that there was a distinct relationship between the practitioners of Buddhism and the Brahmanical faith, a substantial link enhanced by the doctrine of avatara, and Buddha was already accepted as an incarnation of Visnu. The Chandra rulers established Brahmanical monasteries and settled Brahmanas within their kingdom (see also Khan 2011: 47–56). It may be noted here that when the armies of Rajendra Chola led an expedition against Bengal about 1023–4 CE, Govindachandra was ruling in East Bengal. 19. Kalidas Datta refers to a copper-plate inscription (K. Datta 1934: 4–5), lost long ago, of a king called Jayantachandra. Datta quotes a reference to it contained in the List of Ancient Monuments in the Presidency Division, published by the Government of Bengal in 1896: The Deputy Collector of Diamond Harbour reported in 1875 that a copper plate, discovered in a place a little to the north of Jatar Deul, fixes the date of the erection of the temple by Raja Jayantachandra in the year 897 of the Bengali Saka era corresponding to A.D. 975…. The copper plate was discovered during the clearing of the jungles by the grantee Durgaprasad Chaudhury. The inscription is in Sanskrit and the date as usual was given in an enigma with the name of the founder. (K. Datta 1934: 5) (p.205) 20. Although several Pala records have been found from Bengal, they have not been discussed here since their provenances are not within the study area. However, a few Pala inscriptions have been referred to in the present discourse. The Siyan Stone slab inscription of Nayapala found from the precincts of a dilapidated dargah in the village of Siyan near Bolpur, Birbhum district, provides a few references to the coastal region of Bengal. The inscription does not bear any date; however, it apparently belongs to the reign of King Nayapala of Bengal and Bihar, that is, of the 11th century CE (D.C. Page 11 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life Sircar 1971: 39–56). Verse 2 (damaged) refers to the Samatata country through which passed a river that is described as full of fear as its bed had been struck by the oars (aritra) of somebody’s boats and which is stated to have floods once in 12 years probably as a result thereof. The stanza perhaps alludes to the naval exploits of a king, probably Gopala (D.C. Sircar 1971: 42). It may be pointed out that the inscription is primarily a Saiva record though it begins with an adoration to lord Vasudeva. It (verse 16) also refers to the valiant king (that is, Nayapala) defeating the forces of the Chedi king Karna, the latter having advanced in Bengal as evident from the inscription at Paikor, Birbhum. Verses 51–2 are damaged, however, verse 52 refers to some pious activity at the Sagarasangama, that is, Gangasagara, the confluence of the Bhagirathi and the sea (D.C. Sircar 1971: 49). What is striking from this inscription is the record of great wealth spent in building the numerous big temples, monasteries, smaller shrines, and upper storeys, and in excavating tanks as well as in the making of golden jars, images, and other objects of gold and silver. The Chandras were succeeded by the Varmans and the latter again by the Senas. The Varman kings of Bengal ruling after the Chandras during the 11th century CE issued copper plates from the erstwhile Chandra capital, Vikramapura, in the Faridpur region. From the Belava plate of Bhojavarman (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 14–24) it is apparent that the Yadavas of the lunar race settled at Simhapura, most probably in the Kalinga region, and the Varmans were of Yadava lineage. 21. The Samantasar plate of Harivarman (Bhattasali [1953–4] 1987: 255– 9) refers to the same land measurement drona as the (p.206) Egra plate of the time of Sasanka. Harivarman is also known from the Bhubaneshwar inscription of his minister Bhatta Bhavadeva (Kielhorn [1900–1] 1981: 203–7); however, this inscription originally hailed most probably from the Dhaka region (D.C. Sircar 1983: 105–11). According to this inscription, the land granted measured 86 dronas of the cultivable type which lay in the village of Vara-parvvata in the Mayuravidja visaya in Panchavasa mandala within the Paundrabhukti, that is, Paundravardhana bhukti. 22. The Vajrayogini plate of Samalavarman of the 11th–12th century (Bhattasali [1953–4] 1987: 259–63) was also issued from Vikramapura from where Harivarman’s plate had been issued. A grant was issued by Samalavarman to Bhimadeva and the gift appears to have been made to the temple of Prajnaparamita and other deities founded by him. Vajrayogini, from where this inscription was found, has the ruins of several temples and this site is also associated with the homestead of the famous Buddhist scholar Dipankara. A large number of Buddhist and Brahmanical images including the famous silver image of Visnu, now in the Indian Museum, were discovered from different parts of this village. Page 12 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life An image of Tara of the late Gupta or early Pala period and another inscribed image of Tara of a later date were also found from this village. The temple mentioned in the inscription just mentioned was perhaps the ruined temple remains at the site from where the inscription was discovered. Samalavarman makes this donation to a Buddhist temple to please his patron deity, Visnu. 23. The Belava copper plate of Bhojavarman (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 14– 24) of the 12th century CE also refers to the officers in charge of the fleet, among other officials, who were informed of the royal grant of the village of Upyalika in the Adhahpattana mandala of the Paundrabhukti. The privileges associated with the granted land included, among others, the right to salt, betelnut trees, and coconut trees (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 24). Inscriptions of the Sena kings

1. The Barrackpore copper plate of Vijayasena of the regnal year 62 (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 57–67; see also R.D. Banerji [1919–20] 1982: 278–86) of the 12th century CE mentions a grant issued (p.207) by the king from his camp of victory (skandhavara) situated at Vikramapura. Vijayasena was a contemporary of the last sovereign Pala king, Madanapala. The grant consisted of 4 patakas of land belonging to the village of Ghasasambhoga-bhattavada measured by the Nala standard prevalent in Samatata, situated in the Khadi-visaya/Khari-visaya of the Paundravardhana bhukti. The donee was Udayakaradevasarman, an inhabitant of Kantijonga, who was an immigrant from Madhyadesa. The grant was made as fee for the performance of homa in connection with the Kanaka-Tulapurusha-Mahadana ceremony of the maha-mahadevi Vilasadevi (mother of Vallalasena) during a lunar eclipse within the palace at Vikramapura. Khari-mandala is mentioned in the Sundarban copper plate inscription of Laksmanasena in connection with a land grant. The Dakarnava mentions Khari as one of the 64 pithas along with Radha, Dhikkara, Vangala and Harikela (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 60–1). The Barrackpore copper plate inscription also mentions officers engaged over fleet among others who have been duly honoured, informed, and ordered of the land grant. 2. The Deopara inscription of Vijayasena refers to nauvitana, or bridge of boats (line 21) (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 48; see also Kielhorn [1892] 1983: 309). 3. Another major inscription is the Naihati copper plate of Vallalasena (regnal year 11) of the 12th century CE (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 68–80; see also R.D. Banerji [1917–18] 1982: 156–63), which refers to the grant of the village of Vallahittha, situated in the Svalpadakshina vithi belonging to the Uttara Radha mandala of the Vardhamana bhukti, to Ovasudevasarman who served as the acharya in the Hemasvamahadana Page 13 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life ceremony performed by the king’s mother, Vilasadevi, on the banks of the Ganges, on the occasion of a solar eclipse. The customary verses in connection with the grant of a land include the honouring, informing, and ordering of the assembled officials, among whom were the officials in charge of the fleet. 4. The Govindapur copper plate of Laksmanasena (regnal year 2) of 12th century CE (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 92–8) was discovered from the village of Govindapur, South 24-Parganas. It refers to the grant of a village called Viddarasasana situated in Betaddachaturaka in Paschimakhatika in the Vardhamana bhukti (p.208) to the upadhyaya Vyasadevasarman on the occasion of the coronation ceremony of King Laksmanasena. ‘Vardhamanabhukti, which is also mentioned in the Naihati copper plate, seems to have extended at least as far as the western bank of the Ganges near Calcutta’ (N.G. Majumdar (2003: 94). Betadda-chaturaka, in which the village Viddarasasana was situated, with the Ganges as its eastern boundary, is identifiable with present-day Betar in Howrah district (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 94). 5. The Sundarban (Bakultala) copper plate of Laksmanasena of the regnal year 2 (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 169–72) found from South 24-Parganas was lost soon after its discovery. Issued from the camp of victory at Vikramapura, the grant is addressed to his various officials and other persons who are enumerated in the same manner as in his other copper plates. The grant consisted of a plot of land of a village called Mandalagrama situated in Kantallapura caturaka belonging to the Khari mandala of the Paundravardhana bhukti. As far as the boundaries of the village are concerned, to the south was a part of the Chitadi canal or khata. The donee was the Santyagarika Krishnadharadevasarmman. Khari-visaya of the Paundravardhana bhukti occurs in lines 31–2 of the Barrackpore copper plate of Vijayasena. Khari is at present a locality in the Diamond Harbour subdivision and the canal Chitadi-khata may be identified with the Chitadi khal in this region. Growth of sedentary agrarian settlements in the alluvium deposits of the Khari is suggested by this record with the creation of agrahara plots. 6. The Anulia copper plate of Laksmanasena of the regnal year 3 (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 81–91) was discovered in 1898 in a village called Anulia, near Ranaghat in the Nadia district. This 12th-century inscription records a grant of land known as Matharandiya-khanda-khsetra by Laksmanasena and the khsetra was within the jurisdiction of Vyaghratati of the Paundravarddhana bhukti. It was donated to Pandita Raghudevasarman. Vyaghratati is described as a mandala of the Paundravardhana bhukti in the Khalimpur copper plate of Dharmapala (Kielhorn [1896–7] 1979: 249) and just as a mandala in the Nalanda copper plate of Devapala (H. Shastri [1923–4] 1983: 323). The land was measured according to the Vrishabha-sankara-nala, and this phrase is also referred to in the Naihati Page 14 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life grant of Vallalasena (sri-vrishabha-sankara-nalena, (p.209) lines 44–5) in connection with a grant of land in the Uttara Radha mandala of the Vardhamana bhukti (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 84). This grant issued from the victorious camp at Vikramapura was announced to the assembled royal officials including the officers engaged on fleet and others. 7. The Madhainagar copper plate inscription of Laksmanasena of the 12th century CE (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 106–15) refers to the king as Gaudesvara and his conquest of Kamarupa and Kalinga (that is, two contact zones of coastal Bengal). This inscription also refers to officers of the navy. 8. The India Office plate of Laksmanasena, also known as Laksmanasena’s Rajabari/Bhowal copper plate, of the regnal year 27 (Randle [1941–2] 1985: 1–13) found from a village in the Bhowal region about 30 miles north of Dacca refers to the announcement of a land grant from a camp of victory among the assembled chiefs, officers, those in charge of ships, and other royal officers (lines 28–32). This stereotypical description of an address to the officers of the navy, cavalry, and others from the jayaskandhavara is common to Sena records, as well as to almost all the Pala plates. 9. The Rakshaskhali Island copper plate inscription of Madommanapala (Sen and Ghosh [1934] 1985: 321–31; see also R.K. Ghoshal [1947–8] 1985: 119–24) was discovered during reclamation of virgin forest in FPlot in the island of Rakshaskhali, west Sundarban region, about 12 miles due east of the sacred Sagar island at the mouth of the river Hooghly. The copper plate was discovered while excavating one of the many earth mounds scattered over the ground, each containing a square brick chamber with an extraordinary thick wall, surrounded by another thinner wall at a little distance. This island with a large number of mounds has yielded a wide range of ancient remains such as terracotta fragments, stone sculptures, temples in ruins and dated clay seals. The reverse side of the plate has an engraving incised with a sharp instrument of Visnu in his Nrisimha form seated in lalitasana on a wheeled chariot. In front of the deity is the supplicating figure of Garuda with a staff. The characters belong to the proto-Bengali alphabet current in eastern India in the 12th century CE. Saka 1118 referred to in the inscription corresponds to 1196 CE. The inscription records the grant of the (p.210) village of Dhamahitha by Mahasamantadhipati, Maharajadhiraja, Samantaraja Madommanapala as a mitradana to Maharanaka Vasudeva, a student of the Kanva school of the Yajurveda and a good friend of the king. The village granted was situated in Purvakhatika. The grant was formally announced to ministers and other officers at Sri-Dvarahataka, which was probably the chief town of Purvakhatika and the mukti-bhumi of the donor who was a member of the Pala family and came from Ayodhya. He was a devotee of Visnu, while his chief, whose name is uncertain, was a Page 15 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life paramamahesvara, that is, a Saiva. The donor was probably a vassal of the Sena king Laksmanasena (R.K. Ghoshal [1947–8] 1985: 121) in charge of Purvakhatika. A Paschimakhatika, included in the Vardhamanabhukti, is referred to in the Govindapur plate of Laksmanasena (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 96). It is probable that the Hooghly river formed the natural boundary between the two khatikas. The name ‘khatika’ may be equated with khadi/khari. A khari mandala was formerly included in the Paundravardhana bhukti as referred to in the Sundarban (Bakultala) copper plate inscription of Laksmanasena (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 171). The Khari-visaya of the Paundravardhana bhukti occurs in lines 31–2 of the Barrackpore copper plate of Vijayasena (N.G.Majumdar 2003: 57–67). A place called Khari, a close approximation to khatika, still exists in the Khari–Chhatrabhog region. It is probable that the Purvakhatika of the present record comprised the eastern portion of what was formerly called Khari, and which is now represented by the Khari– Chhatrabhog region. Dvarahataka referred to as the mukti-bhumi of Madommanapala cannot be clearly identified. The village of Dhamahitha is also yet to be identified. If one considers Ganga-Sagara as the place of salvation, then Dvarahataka may be within the same zone. There was a Buddhist monument (ratnatraya-vahih, line 17) in the neighbourhood of the village of Dhamahitha (Sen and Ghosh [1934] 1985: 325). Here, it is worth mentioning that in 1980, an inscribed seated stone image of Buddha in bhumisparsa mudra was recovered from the bed of an old pond situated near Deuldanga (Atghara–Sitakundu region). According to Mukhopadhyay (who has reported this image), the inscription reads ratnatraya bauddha, vihara bhikshu samgham in c. 11th-century script (N. Mukhopadhyay 2004: 12; (p.211) see also Satyayuga, 18 June 1980). According to Mukhopadhyay, this is K.G. Goswami’s interpretation. Sircar, in his notes on the Rakshaskhali plate (D.C. Sircar [1953–4a] 1987: 42–6), comments: ‘As regards the name of the ruler in question, Mr. Ghoshal seems to be inclined to prefer Madommanapala to Dommanapala suggested by me … Domana (no doubt the same as Dommana) is a fairly popular name even now in Bengal’ (D.C. Sircar [1953–4a] 1987: 42). According to Sircar, mukti-bhumi is the same as mukti-kshetra which is often used as an epithet of holy places and means a place where salvation is attainable after death (D.C. Sircar [1953–4a] 1987: 43). Sircar identifies the locality of Dvarahataka in the vicinity of the Ganga as well as of Ganga-sagara-sangama (D.C. Sircar [1953–4a] 1987: 44). Purvakhatika or eastern Khadi/Khari, according to Sircar, was bounded on the west by the lower course of the Ganga (D.C. Sircar [1953–4a] 1987: 44). 10. The Edilpur copper plate of Visvarupasena (D.C. Sircar 1982b: 135; N.G. Majumdar 2003: 118–31) of the late 12th century CE refers to Laksmanasena having installed lofty sacrificial pillars, along with pillars Page 16 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life of victory commemorating his military victory, on the coast of the southern sea near the altar on which dwell or are installed musaladhara, that is, Balarama and gadapani, that is, Visnu, the place probably being Puri in Orissa (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 119). The other two places where the pillars of victory have been erected include Visvesvara, that is, Benaras, and at the junction of the three rivers at Triveni, Allahabad. The grant was issued from the camp of victory situated at Phalgugrama and addressed by the king to his various officials including those in charge of the fleet and other persons (lines 43–6). The granted land was Talapadapataka, which lay within Vikramapura in Vanga, and belonged to the Paundravardhana bhukti; the donee was the nitipathaka, that is, reciter of texts on morality, Isvaradevasarman. This inscription, through poetic imagery, refers to how the smoke of the sacrificial fire of Kesavasena, son of Laksmanasena, constantly spreads over the earth, so that even the line of the seashore appeared to be laden with a multitude of sapphires (verse 19). It seems that Kesavasena’s kingdom also included the coastal region apparently inherited from his father. The same (verses (p.212) 15–20 are the same in both Edilpur and Madanapada grants) may be said of Visvarupasena, son of Laksmanasena, as evident from the Madanapada copper plate of Visvarupasena, originally of Suryasena (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 132–9; see also D.C. Sircar [1959–60b] 1987: 315–26) which grants a land to the nitipathaka, Visvarupadevasarman, brother of Isvaradevasarman of the Edilpur grant. The Madanapada charter and the Edilpur grant belong to one and the same family. Like the Edilpur grant, this grant was also issued from the camp of victory situated at Phalgugrama and the village concerned is Pinjokashthi situated in the Vikramapura division or bhaga of Vanga within the Paundravardhana bhukti. 11. The Calcutta Sahitya Parishad copper plate of Visvarupasena, that is, the Bangiya Sahitya Parishad plate of Visvarupasena, was discovered in 1925 somewhere in the neighbourhood of Dacca, Bangladesh (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 140–8). The granted land consisted of 11 plots out of which two plots are in the Ramasiddhi pataka in the Navya region and another in the village of Vinayatilaka in the same Navya region (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 141). While enumerating the four boundaries of the village of Vinayatilaka in Navya, the inscription states that on the east is the sea (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 178). This Navya region bordered the concerned littoral along with the ndradvipa region. From line 47, we come to know that the sea (samudra), evidently the Bay of Bengal, formed the eastern limit of the Paundravardhana bhukti (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 142). The inscription also refers to the extensive distribution of betelnut trees. According to this 13th-century inscription, on the occasion of various lunar instances a grant was made of 11 plots of land in different villages in the lowland region of coastal Pundravardhana. This land was Page 17 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life both agricultural and dwelling land, and the major means of income were betel leaf plantations, betelnut, and coconut. Among the inscriptions of the Deva lineage of the Samatata–Harikela region between the late 11th and the mid-13th centuries, mention may be made of the epigraphic records of the Deva kings such as Ranavankamalla Harikaladeva, Damodaradeva, Viradharadeva, Dasarathadeva, Govinda-Kesavadeva, and Isanadeva. The Mehar plate of Damodaradeva (regnal year 4) of the 13th century CE (Barua and Chakravarti [1947–8] 1985: 182–91; see also (p.213) D.C. Sircar [1953–4b] 1987: 51–8) refers to the gift of certain plots of land in the village of Mehar to 20 Brahmanas of high distinction and this village is in the Paralayi visaya of the Samatata mandala within the Pundravardhana bhukti. While the Deva kings were ruling in the Samatata mandala of the Pundravardhana bhukti, the Sena kings held supremacy over Vanga, including Vikramapura and Navya, and ruled as Gaudesvaras within the same bhukti. 12. The Chittagong copper plate of the same king Damodaradeva, that is, the Nasirabad copper plate of the regnal year 13 (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 158–63), refers to a village called Ketangapala, which was bounded on the north by the Mritachchada that was bounded in the south, west, and north by Bagha-pokhira, that is, the Tiger’s Pond. The nature of donation or the land-measure suggested the usual practice followed over a wider area. Both homesteads and arable lands were gifted to Brahmanas. In this inscription there is no information concerning the income and the products of the land, however, there is a reference to the ‘land with the salt deposits’ (Lavanotsavasramasambhada-vati, line 28). It therefore appears that salt was one of the main products of the region. 13. Govindakesavadeva and Isanadeva were two kings of the Srihatta Deva dynasty and there are differences of opinion among scholars regarding their dates or regnal years. Niharranjan Ray (2001: 736) placed them in the 13th century CE. K.M. Gupta dates the Bhatera copper plate inscription of Govindakesavadeva in the 11th century (K.M. Gupta [1927– 8] 1983: 277–86) The Bhatera copper plate inscription refers to an ivoryworker Rajaviga, a brazier or bell-metal worker Govinda, and a navika or boatman/sailor Dyojye in connection with grants and attendants to a Saiva establishment. That the study area from the post-Gupta period onwards was an integral part of the mainstream settlement matrix of a wider zone is evident from the abovementioned epigraphic evidence. Even the changing contexts of the geographical connotations of different geopolitical units suggest changes and continuities of different power bases. Moreover, the specifications regarding settlement hierarchy, apparent from the inscriptions suggest a development (p.214) that incorporated a wider region incorporating the hinterland and the coastal region. Page 18 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life The coastal landscape, with its flora and fauna, is also apparent from several epigraphic records some of which have just been discussed. A portrayal of flood plains with lowland marshes interlaced with streams and canals is quite apparent. For instance, the riverine character and presence of numerous water bodies or ponds (puskarini), river-lets, channels, and canals in the deltaic region are referred to in the inscriptions as boundary markers/specifications of rural settlements, granted villages, and so on. Even in the slightly different terrain of Midnapur we find the name of different puskarinis as boundary markers/ landmarks, as evident from the Egra copper plate inscription of the time of Sasanka (Furui 2011: 119–30). Apart from references to the administrative hierarchy we find evidence of vegetation and the involvement of diverse social groups, as well as monastic/temple establishments associated with different religious ideologies, for instance, the Pascimbhag plate of Srichandra. In the Anulia plate of Laksmanasena and the Edilpur plate of Visvarupasena there is reference to many grants of villages to Brahmanas, and these villages had many diverse fields ornamented with gardens and the land was abundant with autumn rice. The later inscriptions provide extensive reference to natural resources. The 11th-century Rampal copper plate of Srichandra and the 12thcentury Belava inscription of Bhojavarman refer to resources above and beneath the ground, as well as to wells and water-places, mangoes and jackfruit, betelnut, coconut, and sal forests (satala … samrapanasa saguvaka-nalikera salavana sajala-sthala [Rampal copper plate]; samrapanasa saguvakanalikera salavana sajalasthala sagarto-sara [Belava inscription]). In the Naihati copper plate of Vallalasena there is mention of a grant of land measured by the system of Vijayasena at 40 unmanas and three kakas. Its productive worth was 500 kapardakapuranas, at least part of which came from the bush, branches, caves, water-places, betel, and coconut (jhata-vitapa-gartosara-jalasthala-guvakanarikela, line 47) attached to it and accruing from that land. In the Govindapur plate of Laksmanasena, too, forest branches, betel, and coconut (line 40) are mentioned as sources of income, the same may be said of the Tarpanadighi plate of Laksmanasena (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 99–105) found from South Dinajpur. The Calcutta Sahitya Parishad copper plate of Visvarupasena also refers to the extensive (p.215) distribution of betelnut trees. According to this 13th-century inscription, on the occasion of various lunar instances a grant was made of 11 plots of land in different villages in the lowland region of coastal Pundravardhana. This land was both agricultural and dwelling land, and the major means of income were betel leaf plantations, betelnut, and coconut. The Chittagong copper plate of Damodaradeva does not provide information concerning the income and the products of the land, however, there is a reference to the ‘land with the salt deposits’ (Lavanotsavasramasambhada-vati, line 28). It therefore appears that salt was one of the main products of the region. This is clearly evident from a number of inscriptions, for instance, the Irda plate of Nayapaladeva discussed earlier in this section. The wide Page 19 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life distribution of basket-marked pottery in most of the sites of South 24-Parganas (particularly Dhosa, Pakurtala, and Mandirtala) suggests that the manufacturing of salt was a part of the major subsistence strategies along the coastal line. Salt manufacturing is still a major industry in the island of Bali 2, between Gosaba and Basanti islands. Writing in 1792, Rennell commented upon the unique inland navigation network of Bengal and the brisk trade carried out throughout the region in boats, with salt, fish, and rice being transported through this inland network. ‘Nor will it be wondered at, when it is known, that all the salt and a large part of the food consumed by ten millions of people are conveyed by water within the kingdom of Bengal and its dependencies’ (Rennell 1792: 35). Several inscriptions of the study area refer to boats, ships, sailors, boat-stations, or harbours/docks, and it was only natural that in this land of heavy rains, nurtured by rivers and inlets and creeks, the common people should have had much need for water transport/riverine transport for their daily life as well as trade and commerce. Obviously, the construction of boats and ships was indeed a thriving craft in ancient Bengal. The mid-6th century Haraha inscription of the Maukhari king Isanavarman (H. Sastri [1917–18] 1982: 110–20) refers to the inhabitants of Gauda as living on the sea-shore or by the sea—samudrasrayan (verse 13) (H. Sastri [1917–18] 1982: 117). The inscription refers to how the king caused the Gaudas, living on the sea-shore, to remain within their proper realm in future. The fact that the Gaudas were described as samudrasrayan or as having the sea as their shelter is corroborated by the 11th-century Gurgi inscription which refers to the lord of Gauda lying in the watery fort of the (p. 216) sea (verse 34) (Mirashi [1955] 1998: 233). In the narration of Raghu’s conquest in the Raghuvamsa, Kalidasa described the people as enterprising with regard to maritime activities—nau-sadhanodyatan (N.R. Ray 1994: 117). D.C. Sircar, in one of his Bengali publications entitled Sanskritic Itihaser Prasanga (D.C. Sircar 1982c), includes a chapter on the sea voyages of the Gauda people (Gaudabasir samudra jatra). This chapter summarizes the literary and epigraphic sources related to the concerned subject. The expressions nauvata (probably sea-route) and nauvitana (probably ship’s awnings) appear frequently in the Pala and Sena inscriptions. The military prowess of both these dynasties depended greatly on naval strength, as is apparent from the customary address to naval officers, among other officials/functionaries, during the formal announcement of a grant. The Khalimpur plate of Dharmapala refers not only to nauvataka in line 25 (equivalent to nauvitana) but it also refers to inspectors of boats (line 43) (Kielhorn [1896–7] 1979: 243–54). Regarding nauvataka, the inscription refers to nanavidha-nauvataka-sampadita-setuva (ba)ndha (Kielhorn [1896–7] 1979: 249) or where the manifold fleets of boats proceeding on the path of the Bhagirathi have formed a bridge (Kielhorn [1896–7] 1979: 252). The Khalimpur inscription also refers to naukadhyaksha (line 46) (Kielhorn [1896–7] 1979: 250) or naval officer. The Monghyr copper plate of Devapala (year 33) also refers to nanavidhi-nauvataka-sampadita-setubandha in line 24 of the obverse Page 20 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life side (R.K. Choudhary 1958: 39). The same is also found in lines 23–4 of the Bharat Kala Bhavan copper plate inscription of Rajyapala, year 2 (Furui 2016: 47). The Monghyr copper plate inscription of Devapala also states that during Dharmapala’s expeditions they bathed at different holy places such as Kedara, Gokarna, and even where the ocean is joined by the Ganges (kedarevidhinopayukta-payasam-gangasametambudhau, line 10 of the obverse side) (R.K. Choudhary 1958: 37). The 12th-century copper plate grant of Vaidyadeva, the king of Kamarupa, (found from Kamauli, Varanasi) (Venis [1894] 1984: 347– 58) provides an eloquent description of the proclamation of a naval victory (line 11) in south Vanga and the translation made by Arthur Venis is quite striking. And on the occasion of Vaidyadeva’s (yasya) victory at the battle in Southern Vanga, if the elephants of the eight quarters did not run away terrified by the shouts from the enclosure of boats, it was because they had no place to run to (i.e. the shouts of the rowers pervaded all (p.217) space!). Moreover, if the spray, thrown up by the downward strokes of the upraised rudder-oars, had remained fixed in the sky, then the moon would have become spotless (being washed clean by the spray). (Venis [1894] 1984: 355) Apart from the agricultural, mineral, and manufactured articles and the commodities of trade and commerce, the inscriptions refer to various types of markets, shops and stalls, traders, shopkeepers and assistants, and some of the land grants after the 8th century refer to markets and jetties. Tax was imposed on markets and there were commercial duties and ferry charges, and we find references to royal officers such as market supervisor, customs officer, and ferry officer. Such evidence may be drawn in favour of a thriving internal trade from which the government received revenue. In the two inscriptions of Dharmaditya, officials known as vyapara-karandaya and vyaparandya are mentioned and most probably they were officers supervising trade and commerce in small and large urban sectors. Several epigraphic sources from the 5th to the 8th century refer to the fact that of the five members/citizens to be informed of land grants or sales two would be royal officials, the local administrator himself and a prominent Kayastha, two would represent the traders and merchants, and one would be the representative of the craft guilds. Merchants and traders and the sarthavahas mentioned earlier were therefore to be reckoned with so far as local administration was concerned. An image inscription engraved on the pedestal of a Ganesa icon found from the Narayanpur region refers to a trader (vanika) Buddhamitra, son of the illustrious trader and great householder Jambhalamitra who hailed from Bilikandhaka in the Samatata region as sponsoring the making of this icon. The image-inscription is of the 4th regnal year of Mahipala (D.C. Sircar [1982] 2009: 93). Another inscribed image of Visnu has been found from Baghaura in the same region. This image inscription of the 3rd regnal year of Mahipala also refers to a trader (vanika) Lokadatta from Bilakindaka village who had sponsored this icon (D.C. Sircar [1982] 2009: 93). Probably Bilikandhaka Page 21 of 22

 

Inscriptions and Coastal Life and Bilikindaka refer to the same village and it is quite surprising that two traders from the same village had sponsored the making of icons. An inscribed stone image of Ganesa was found from Mandhuk, Comilla district. The inscription of the 1st regnal year of Gopala II refers to it being sponsored by an old sartha (or merchant) Jambhalamitra for the attainment of supreme knowledge (Huntington 1984: 218). (p.218) We have earlier referred to a merchant Jambhalamitra whose son had sponsored another Ganesa icon of the reign of Mahipala found from the Narayanpur region. From the Kotalipara and Damodarpur edicts we learn that Navyavakasika and Kotivarsa were prosperous meeting places of merchants and traders. That Pundravardhana was a commercial centre is mentioned in Somadeva’s Kathasaritsagara (cited in N.R. Ray 1994: 118). Elaborate references to the wealth and fortune of merchants such as Chand Saudagar and Dhanapati are found in the Mangalkavyas. The Manasamangal of Vamsidasa and the Chandimangal of Mukundarama refer to merchants of Bengal taking their wares to Gujarat by way of the coastline of south India, and among their merchandise were betel and coconut. Incidentally betel nut and leaf and coconut were also items of an extensive internal trade in ancient Bengal (cited in N.R. Ray 1994: 118–19). There is evidence of Bengal gaining much revenue from this extensive trade in betel right up to the time of the East India Company. The same may be said of trade in salt, textiles, spices, and so on. Bengal was an area of great importance in Asian trade. It exported a much larger range of indigenous commodities in far greater quantities than did the Coromandel ports. In addition to a large variety of cotton textiles, Bengal exported silk, opium, rice, and sugar…. A comparatively strong and unified Bengal under virtually independent Nawabs emerged early in the eighteenth century. Bengal attracted many other traders apart from the British. (Dasgupta and Pearson 1987: 288) It is significant to mention that trade and commerce were conducted by both water and land routes. It appears that boat trade was also significant from Vidyapati’s Purusa-pariksa which refers to the trade between Gauda and Gujarat. Apart from this, the Kathasaritsagara mentions the trade from Varanasi to Pundravardhana (cited in N.R. Ray 1994: 120–1) and the Jatakas refer to the traffic of merchants through Tamralipta and we may also recollect the evidence from the 8th-century Dudhpani inscription (Kielhorn [1894] 1984: 343–7). As far as waterways are concerned, the evidence in favour of Tamralipta is noteworthy. Even in the medieval literature there are detailed descriptions of the ports and different lands along the Bhagirathi/Ganga.

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Epilogue

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

Epilogue Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

DOI:10.1093/oso/9780199481682.003.0007

Abstract and Keywords This chapter is not merely a summary or recapitulation of the vast archaeological data that has been utilized to reconstruct the settlement dynamics of coastal Bengal. Rather, it raises various relevant issues that are connected with the mentioned reconstruction and, above all, discusses the unresolved questions pertaining to various aspects of coastal life including culture, religion, and the trading and maritime network. While reconstructing the mechanism of contact between the hinterland and the littoral an attempt has been made by the author to explore the possibility of at least three ‘contact zones’ that were crucial in formulating not only a cultural whole but also the monitoring agencies behind this reciprocation. The involvement of religious ideologies particularly Buddhism also received special attention towards the involvement of the major and minor centres connecting the development of the Ganga valley, the Chittagong and Myanmar coast and that of the rest of Southeast Asia and obviously the participation of Buddhist establishments in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. The Epilogue concludes by tracing a long chronocultural sequence of coastal Bengal from the BRW-associated early village farming cultural phases to the 12th–13th centuries CE. The imagery of a greater cultural orbit has been adhered to in this concluding chapter. Keywords:   aquatic people, nucleus and radiation relationship, diaspora, ‘wet’ rice culture, contact zones, ranked lineages, knobbed ware, cultural corridor, port, ‘Greater India’

The Ganges and Brahmaputra rivers, together with their numerous branches and adjuncts, intersect the country of Bengal in such a variety of directions as to form the most complete and easy navigation that can be Page 1 of 43

 

Epilogue conceived. So equally and admirably diffused are those natural canals … that, excepting the lands contiguous to Burdwan, we may safely pronounce that every other part of the country has, even in the dry season, some navigable stream 25 miles at farthest and more commonly within a third part of that distance. —Rennell (1792: 335) At the outset it may be stated that a portrayal of coastal archaeology is to be based on its own terms and one must keep in mind, first, that it is not only a cultural zone along the littoral but also its immediate hinterland, and, second, the fact that maritime activities or even overseas trade cannot singularly explain its parameters. Here we are desperately looking for a comprehensive outline of the retreived findings and certainly a recapitulation of the reconstructed essentials, either summarized from earlier works or in the form of our present observations. At the beginning of this volume, we had referred to the limitations rendered by the fact that both environmental and climatic changes of the late Pleistocene and early Holocene are not well documented in the present study region. We have no evidence of recurrent periods of starvation witnessed in the early Holocene nor do we have evidence of whether the aquatic people took recourse to inventing domesticates (p.220) and incipient forms of agriculture for ensuring their food supply. Possibly, several openings were sought by the increasing population through harvesting and processing wild crops rather than their reproduction, that is, practising agriculture. It is quite evident from Tamluk (and also from Golbai Sasan and other sites of coastal Orissa), with its harpoons and bone tools, that fishing or the exploitation of the faunal regime of the coast was one of the major survival strategies of the region concerned. Moreover, while agriculture on any significant scale requires sedentary communities, the latter are not dependent on agriculture. It is obvious that the overall productivity of an environment rather than the specific type of food production determines when and where sedentary communities will appear. Though in the present work we have summarized some major researches pertaining to geo-morphology and late Pleistocene–early Holocene geology, the results of such discourses remain unutilized in the reconstruction of human settlements and even site-formation to a great extent. A recent study has provided a number of C14 dates in connection with Holocene depositional patterns in a number of localities of the study area, whereas the paucity of C14 dates of the retrieved assemblages constrains our efforts to determine the implementiferous loci of coastal Bengal. The C14 dates for Holocene deposition at different localities are given below. These include Canning, 6250 ± 140 BP; Raidighi, 7260 ± 50 BP, 7960 ± 170 BP, 9420 ± 235 BP, and 7430 ± 45 BP; Diamond Harbour, 7030 ± 30 BP, 14460 ± 350/320 BP; Digha–9150 ± 400 BP, Page 2 of 43

 

Epilogue 22360 ± 450/420 BP; and Sagar Island, 24160 ± 520 BP, 52000 ± 1110 BP, 42300 ± 1110 BP, 38900 ± 240 BP; and so on (Stanley and Hait 2000: 30). The present work is not only a search for the relationship between the land formation and the settlement formation of a tract which experiences the coastal bio-regime, fluctuations of coastal line, and also the drainage of a great volume of water through an active delta region into the Bay of Bengal, it is also an attempt to keep track of the human activities, that is, behavioural patterns through the ages—which is quite a long period of time, ranging from the BRWassociated EVF phases till the 12th–13th centuries CE. The climate of the Bengal Delta is marked by seasonal variations that are typical of a tropical and monsoonal climate. The region is characterized by a vegetational cover, that is, ‘tropical semi-evergreen’ produced by the (p.221) heavy annual rainfall combined with warm temperatures most of the year. The Tirumalai rock inscription of Rajendra Chola I refers (line 10) to ‘Vangala-desa where the rainwind never stopped’ (Hultzsch [1907–8] 1981: 233). Apart from the Bengal littoral, the same extends over a wider region encompassing Southeast Asia where ‘the rain never stops, pouring inexorably from the low, grey clouds onto a watery landscape. The water buffalo strains at the iron-tipped plow, his master beating him with a stick…. At the edge of the rice paddy, the women, oblivious to the wet, transplant new plants from a large seedbed, setting the seedlings in long rows’(Scarre and Fagan 1997: 310). One cannot deny that rice agriculture was one of the prime aspects in the foundation of a diaspora long before complex societies appeared in eastern India as well as in the eastern littoral and Southeast Asia, the vast tracts of a watery landscape and ploughed soil and the extensive green rice paddy fields. The distribution of BRW-associated EVF settlements in coastal Bengal and the adjoining hinterland may be linked to a wider geographical belt of the beginning of rice cultivation, that is, the distribution of the oldest rice remains of Oryza rupifogen, not only in the Yangtze river valley in central China (Yasuda 2002) but also in the middle and lower Ganga valleys and its adjoining regions (D.K. Chakrabarti 2006: 215–17). Unfortunately, no serious attempt has been made to collect remains of crops/cereals/grains or other floral remains from archaeological deposits/settlement matrix. The destruction of sites due to fluvial actions is a major cause for the paucity of data. However, the productivity of ‘wet’ rice culture and its antecedence within the above diaspora, besides the formation of the early states, are debatable; in other words, one is not absolutely sure whether they arise as a result of pervasive contacts between the subcontinent and the regions to its east, that is, China, or are a part of indigenous developments. Unquestionably, the Indian development had a profound influence on Southeast Asian countries. It may be mentioned here that the present work has limited scope in elaborating on the beginning of agriculture including jhum cultivation, distribution of polished and ground tools Page 3 of 43

 

Epilogue in the northeastern states and adjoining parts of ancient Bengal, and its connection with Southeast Asia. The hinterland area of the northeast especially the Kamarupa region was deeply associated with the adjoining regions of Southeast Asia and parts of China during the beginning of the early village farming phases, (p.222) that is, the so-called neolithic and subsequent metalusing protohistoric phases (Dani 1960; see also D.K. Chakrabarti 2006a; for details on Neolithic and early agricultural societies in Southeast Asia, see Bellwood 1992: 55–136). The tradition of ‘slash-and-burn’ or ‘shifting cultivation’ in Assam and its adjoining areas including sub-Himalayan West Bengal and the tracts around the Rajmahal Hill (Jharkhand) highlights one of the prominent survival strategies of food production of Southeast Asia, that is, the contact between the two regions (Hall 1992: 187–9). Linguistic classification indicates that different social groups such as the Mon-Khmer of Southeast Asia and Munda of northeastern India, Jharkhand, Orissa, and West Bengal survived for several millennia into a separate first-order subgroup of Austroasiatic (Bellwood 1992: 109) which played an important role in the survival of cultural contacts between the northeast India and Southeast Asia. From the archaeological point of view, it is very difficult to explain the linguistic parameters just mentioned within a wider cultural canvas or orbit. For a better approach towards historical reconstruction of the early historic period, one may consider three prime geographical orbits linked together: (a) the Bengal delta fringed by a chain of highlands from Assam to the Chittagong coast in the east and the rim of the Chhotanagpur plateau and adjoining uplands of Chhattisgarh– Orissa on the west, and Barind, a stretch of old alluvium continuing up to the Himalayan foothills, in the north; (b) the Assam–Chittagong coast linked with south China through the Brahmaputra valley and north Myanmar ultimately connected to Southeast Asia; and (c) the east coast including coastal Bengal, Orissa, Andhra, Coromandel, and Sri Lanka which again was linked with Southeast Asian countries. Again, the northeast Indian and Southeast Asian cultural matrix including that of the study area were subsequently exploited by ‘ranked lineages’ that were in control of food surpluses and rice-growing lands. Obviously, by their support of expert artisans, these lineages created a major cultural zone that was crucial to the explanation of the relationship between the eastern littoral and its neighbouring Southeast Asia including Sri Lanka and China. The technological innovations and the articulation of exploitation of natural resources including metals, minerals, forest products, and interactive networks (procurement process, internal and long-distance trading activities), besides others, have been substantiated by the archaeological findings from the concerned (p.223) space. Exposures in the form of maritime activities and spread of religious ideologies, and so on consolidated the bonding.

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Epilogue Subsequently, the development of the sixteen mahajanapadas, the rise of Maghadha or Mauryan and trans-Vindhyan (Satavahanas) state powers, the interaction with Central Asian ruling lineages including the Kushanas, besides the Gupta–post-Gupta political spread, as well as that of the settlement matrix, have a definite linkage with the littoral world mentioned earlier. Archaeologically, from rudimentary settlement units to the monumental ones there was an enhancement and acceleration or intensification of behavioural patterns resulting in the use of fascinating varieties of cultural objects found in varied assemblages. The scope of this volume does not permit us to elaborate on the concerned findings. One may get a brief idea of it from the major publication of Chakrabarti (2006a, Chapters 15 to 24). This aspect has also been contextually mentioned later. Abundant settlement records/remains in the form of potsherds, old habitational debris scattered over mounds, stray occurrence of diagnostic types of artefacts such as terracotta, ivory, and metal objects, coins, sculptural remains, and so on, besides exotic specimens related to trading networks, found in different major and minor clusters, in the present study area, suggest the course of the shifting of settlements that usually follows the changing river courses and is influenced by fluctuations of coastal line including tidal effects, and the coastal climate. Therefore, this wide distribution may not essentially reflect the growth of settlements or the increase of population; rather, it may be a reflection of the course of abandonment of old sites and the formation of new ones. Archaeologically, the discovery of artefacts, either by the local collectors or by the professionally equipped, and the availability of the entire device of study materials are both subject to changes in settlement areas and in the river courses. For example, the frequent discoveries of antiquities from the Chandraketugarh area has little meaning in the context of major settlement activities for a particular period of time; rather, it apparently points towards the shifting of settlements and, therefore, artefacts from one place to another. Similarly, the identified clusters of sites in and around Chandraketugarh have a connection with the shifting of settlements and the effect of river courses and the aggradation and degradation of the tidal zone. Recent historical discourse often refers to different clusters of settlements to (p.224) explain their specific research interest, for example, urban units, trading networks, nucleus and radiation relationship. They do the same even to substantiate relevant issues related to the emergence of geo-political and even geo-cultural units. Often, the actual number of settlements in a particular period of time hardly has any relation with the occurrence of archaeological assemblages or with the notion of site. Archaeological reality is in favour of the changing river courses as well as the drying up of the earlier channels. Both phenomena monitor the abandonment of the older settlement and the rise of a new one. A close scrutiny provides sensible data in favour of such chrono-cultural differences of the recorded settlements, particularly in the areas in and around Tamluk, Page 5 of 43

 

Epilogue Chandraketugarh, the Harinarayanpur–Deulpota region, Jatar Deul– Kankandighi–Khari–Chhatrabhog area, Atghara–Sitakundu–Tilpi area, Bamunpukur (Ballal Dhibi), the Anulia area of Nadia district, and the Saptagram–Triveni–Mahanad region in Hooghly district. After all, the innumerable rivers forming a network of inland riverine communications in this deltaic region serve as a crucial connection between the coast and the hinterland and beyond it. Referring to the important historical centres of the Delta, Morrison states that ‘the historical continuity of these political centres located close to the rivers strongly suggests that control or access to the rivers has always been a significant factor in the history of the Delta’ (Morrison 1970: 12). The formation of flood plains and the settlement history therein of the entire Bengal Basin exhibit micro zones with similar fluvatile terrains and this again is crucial for the hinterland–coastal settlement axis and the contact between the two. In this context, a recent study (Panja, Nag, and Bandopadhyay 2015) based on a series of excavations at Balupur, that is, a study of the material record of settlements in the changing landscape of an active fluvial terrain of north Bengal, is significant. Nestled within the macro region constituted of two geomorphic units, the Tista–Mahananda and Ganga–Mahananda interfluves, this case study of the formation of a site, besides sedimentology in a micro region of shifting rivers and floods and yielding evidence only of the early and late medieval periods, is quite significant for the development of the settlement history as one proceeds from the hinterland to the coast. Coastal West Bengal has a dual identity. Primarily, it could be treated as a cultural zone which is not a segregated or separate one. Rather it is (p.225) a part of the development of settlement history over a wider area comprising the adjoining hinterland and beyond. Significantly, the extent of the hinterland varies. Geophysically, the coastal line is attached to both the plateau and the plains, besides the littoral space itself, and its cultural context could be explained as constituting different elements that conceived not only the growth of early village/farming society and its settlement dynamics but also the behavioural patterns as well as the exploitation of resource bases through the ages. This cultural context or framework, therefore, obviously incorporated within it the relationship that existed between the hinterland and the coast since ancient times, and our findings duly substantiate the same. Alternatively, one can visualize coastal archaeology with reference to a micro ecological zone along the coast with its own distinct identity. This specific identity is guided by the survival strategies of a section of the inhabitants, that is, of the aquatic people, which were singularly moulded by the coastal bioregime. Moreover, a major part of the littoral society was well equipped, in spite

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Epilogue of adverse climatic conditions, to exploit the natural resources of the coastal line, not only from the Sundarban area but also the rest of the eastern littoral. The subsistence pattern and the ways of exploitation of natural resources comprised sea-faring and farming as well as non-farming activities such as fishing, honey harvesting, salt-manufacturing, and so on. The major settlements/ sites such as Tamluk, Bahiri, Moghalmari, Chandraketugarh, Clive House, Deulpota–Harinarayanpur, Tilpi–Dhosha, besides the settlements in the Samatata–Harikela area (that is, the Chittagong coastal area and its adjoining parts), and so on acted as nodal points of the procurement network operating along the entire coastal tract of ancient Bengal as well as the adjoining delta. It is significant to mention that the different social groups settled in these large settlements acted as monitoring agencies between the hinterland and the coastal line.

Exploitation of Hinterland Products and Contact Zones The coastal zone is associated with a few major contact zones through linkages established for the exploitation of hinterland products. To define the relationship between the hinterland and the coast, with all (p.226) its historical and archaeological ramifications, is quite difficult; however, the existing findings apparently provide the data that enables us to form an outline of at least three contact zones. Contact Zones

1. The First Contact Zone: This zone may be visualized in and around the Kamarupa region (northeastern frontiers including Bangladesh and ancient Varendra/alternatively the Meghna–Brahmaputra valley and the adjoining regions watered by the Mahananda, besides the Arakan region). The sites of Meghna–Arakan and other regions of coastal Bangladesh interacted with the Kamarupa region, one of the major reasons being the procurement of metals, minerals, and other forest products. As far as the first contact zone is concerned, one may begin with the evidence of settlement assignable to the 2nd century BCE, as apparent from excavation at Vadagokugiri in Meghalaya on the left bank of the earlier course of the Brahmaputra in the west Garo hills (Sharma 1992: 89–96). Wari-Bateshwar’s connection with the ports of Samatata was vital for the procurement network of the forest resources of the Assam– Meghalaya region. Tribal groups of the eastern Himalayas such as the Cirrhadoe of the Periplus (Schoff 1995: 47) and the Kirrhadia of Ptolemy (Majumdar Sastri 1927: 217) brought their merchandise to the ports of Bengal and these were then transported to the ports of south India for export to the Roman world. Malabathrum was an important commodity for export. This network, especially for wood and rhino’s horn, continued until the medieval period due to increasing demand in the Arab world. It

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Epilogue may be mentioned here that from Kamarupa, Hsuan-tsang had proceeded to Tamralipta. Going back to our earlier discussion on the study area and its relation with northeast India, we may therefore specify one of our contact zones, that is, the Brahmaputra–Meghna valleys (Assam and the remaining part of northeast India), the trans-Meghna region incorporating the Noakhali, Comilla, and Chattagram regions of Bangladesh, adjoining Tripura, parts of the tract which was known as the Samatata and Harikela area, and, of course, the adjoining Southeast Asia. The present work does not emphasize (p.227) the assemblage analysis recorded from the sites or settlements of the Bangladesh region, that, the Samatata–Harikela area. In fact, the Kamarupa region carried on trade in horses, ivory, black aloe, cotton, and so on with both Tibet and the Samatata (see C. Gupta 1999: 101–11). The presence of gold in the alluvial deposits of the Brahmaputra is well known and in this connection we may consider Rhodes’ observation that either Kamarupa or Tibet supplied gold to Samatata (Rhodes 2011: 263–75). The circulation of gold coins in the Samatata region is noteworthy. Growth of market places from the transformed important exchange centres turned to sacred spaces resulted from the synthesis of tribal mode of trade in northeastern India and the process of Sanskritization. Interestingly, Chakrabarti rightly mentions: ‘The products of this region known as Kamarupa figure in the Arthasastra (Chapter XI, Book 2) where there is a clear allusion to the Lauhitya or the Brahmaputra river. The epic name for the main Brahmaputra valley is Pragjyotisha which is also described as a city’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2006a: 322; for details about Pragjyotisha, see A.M. Shastri 2002). The Allahabad pillar inscription of Samudragupta (4th century CE) mentions Samatata as a pratyanta rajya along with Davaka (valley of the Kapili–Yamuna and Kolang rivers) and Kamarupa (particularly the Guwahati and its adjoining regions of Assam). The Degaon plates of the time of Mahabhavagupta I Janamejaya (about the end of the 9th century CE) refers to a king Mugdhagondala of the Rashtrakuta feudatory line whose fame is said to have reached Kamarupa, Kanci, Samatata, Madhyadesa, Kuntala, the ocean, and the heaven (v. 9). It is not clear whether this verse describes the Rashtrakuta king or Janamejaya (A.M. Shastri 1995: 352). If we consider the mode of early Southeast Asian trade, which involved highland hunters and gatherers who exchanged their forest products (woods, bamboo, lacquer) and services with lowland rice cultivators, with salt from the coast being one of the key commodity in this upland– lowland (plateau–plains) exchange, then a similar situation can be envisaged in the study area, particularly with reference to its relationship with the hinterland/contact zones. As late as the first half of the 14th century Ibn Battuta traversed from Sudkawan, a large town on the coast of the Bay of Bengal, to Habang by traversing Kamarupa (Gibbs 1997). Page 8 of 43

 

Epilogue (p.228) A recent study made by Suchandra Ghosh (2015a) investigates the cultural links between southeastern Bengal (the Samatata region identified with the Comilla–Noakhali area and the Harikela region, that is, the Chittagong region) and Southeast Asia from the 7th to the 13th centuries AD with reference to numismatic and ‘art historical’ sources. Even the pre-Angkorian king Isanavarman of early 7th-century Cambodia adopted the device, metal, and weight of Sasanka’s coins in Samatata (Suchandra Ghosh 2015a: 143). The veneration of Tara in the coastal region of southeastern Bangladesh, along with Kamarupa and south Myanmar, is also interesting (Suchandra Ghosh 2015a: 144–5). As far as interaction with Srivijaya during the Pala period is concerned, the maritime route had to be through the port of Samandar in the Chittagong region as by then Tamralipta had lost its relevance (Suchandra Ghosh 2015a: 147). It may be mentioned here that an independent king Kantideva ruled over the Harikela mandala, that is, a part of Vanga during the 9th century CE and he was a devout Buddhist. He had not only issued coins (Bose and Nasir 2016) in his name but also a copper plate (R.C. Majumdar [1941–2] 1985: 313–18) from Vardhamana-pura and this plate was found from an old temple called Bara-akhara from Chittagong. As noted from the Hudud al-A’lam, Samandar is associated with Harikela as places on the littoral (Minorsky 1937: 87). D.K. Chakrabarti (2006b) while writing on urban centres, geographical units, and trade routes in the Gangetic valley and central India during c. 200 BCE and also while emphasizing the findings from Wari-Bateshwar (identified as Ptolemy’s Souanagoura) considered different issues related to eastern Indian political, cultural, and trading network between the hinterland and the coastal line including the Coromandel coast, Sri Lanka, and Southeast Asia. Both the classical sources and the significance of the remarkable findings from Wari-Bateshwar highlighted in the work of Chakrabarti are more relevant to the settlement history rather than to the trading mechanism of the coastal line. The large-scale consumption of hinterland resources by Wari-Bateshwar certainly enhanced not only the traffic of commodities but also the agrarian and non-agrarian sectors of the present (p.229) study area. In his earlier work (D.K. Chakrabarti 1992: 64–6) he provides a detailed discussion on the issue of external trade where he postulates that ‘the Wari-Bateshwar area could cater both to the southeast Asiatic and Roman trades of the Bengal delta. In fact, both these trades must have been interrelated in the early centuries A.D.’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 1992: 65). ‘About the postulated participation of Wari-Bateshwar in the Roman trade there is at least some classical literary evidence. Section 63 of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea which was composed in the first century A.D. refers to the Gangetic estuary before it refers to Chryse or the Malayan peninsula’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 1992: 65). Page 9 of 43

 

Epilogue 2. The Second Contact Zone: Another contact zone is in and around the Rajmahal hills and its adjoining middle Ganga valley. This region has close access with the deltaic coastal Bengal, and, significantly, the stone quarries of the south Bihar sector were utilized for the manufacture of numerous sculptures found in the coastal region. This hinterland or contact zone was significant both in the context of agrarian and nonagrarian sectors, besides that of political and religious development. The south Bihar plateau and adjoining Jharkhand are also significant for other metal, minerals, and forest resources exploited by the coastal area. This contact zone actually comprised the lower and middle Ganga valleys (ancient Angadesa, Magadha, Pundravardhanabhukti, Kankanagramabhukti, Vardhamanabhukti, Uttara Radhamandala, and so on). In the context of the procurement of raw materials as well as finished products such as stone sculptures, besides others, from the Rajmahal– south Bihar region (manufacturing sites of Monghyr–Jamalpur, Patharghata, Bhagalpur–Champa, Shahakund–Mandar Hill, Uren, Rajaona, Jamui) to the deltaic Bengal, we may consider the role played by the settlements along the Bhagirathi basin, particularly of the Murshidabad–Farakka region. The involvement of this transit zone was dependent on the inland waterways including the Bhagirathi drainage system at Murshidabad which was a part of deltaic Bengal (Rudra 2012). The large number of terrracotta findings in association with sherds of NBPW and other associated objects from different sites of the study area may be interpreted as a common heritage (p.230) of the art tradition of the pre-Christian and Christian Eras of the Ganga valley. It seems that the Chandraketugarh region, with its cluster of villages, was significantly associated with this cottage industry. This industry certainly played an important role in catering to both local and external demands. The amazingly large number of terracotta objects, mainly the rolled or washed out human figurines found from Bijiara and Dhonchi in the Sundarban region, may be assigned to the Gupta–post-Gupta art tradition. Early medieval terracotta figurines have also been recorded in large numbers. This contact zone remained very active through the ages and made a permanent impact on the littoral society as far as political, cultural, and socio-economic aspects are concerned. 3. The Third Contact Zone: The third hinterland zone, that is, the Chhotanagpur plateau and adjoining fringe areas of West Bengal is the major resource-bearing zone for metals, minerals, and forest products exploited by coastal Midnapur, in other words, the Tamluk–Bahiri– Moghalmari area, that is, ancient Suhma or Dandabhukti. Essentially, this contact zone comprises the Chhotanagpur plateau region and the adjoining uplands of Orissa along with the river valleys of the Mahanadi, Baitarani, Subarnarekha, Kangsavati, Dwarakeshwar, and Damodar. Page 10 of 43

 

Epilogue Historically, this region can be identified as Dakshina Radha mandala, the adjoining parts of Dandabhukti/Dandabhukti mandala/Kodalaka mandala, possibly the Khijjinga mandala–Mayurbhanj area, Khinjali mandala, and partially south Kosala. The involvement of different lineages ruling over parts of south, southeastern, southwestern Bengal, with the Dandabhukti region, exhibited yet another dimension—their association with the mineralbearing zone of the Chhotanagpur region from ancient times. The access to this metal-mineral and other natural resource–bearing zone was a prized one as far as the settlements operating in the Ganga valley as well as those in Orissa and the South Kosala region of Chhattisgarh are concerned. A complex network of the procurement of raw materials and minerals as well as forest products may be visualized in this context. The mineral resources of Singhbhum ‘which were utilised (p.231) in ancient contexts are principally iron, copper and gold’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 1993: 66). According to Chakrabarti, iron ore suitable for preindustrial iron smelting occurs virtually everywhere in Singhbhum which was an important centre of preindustrial iron smelting (D.K. Chakrabarti 1993: 66). Regarding copper mining, Chakrabarti refers to the wide distribution of the old workings in the Singhbhum copper belt and also the probable manufacturing centre of cast copper coins on the northern slope of the Rakha hills from where a hoard of Puri-Kushana coins of 6th–7th centuries CE were discovered (D.K. Chakrabarti 1993: 87–9). A major source of gold deposit seems to be in the Kundarkocha area near the Mayurbhanj border and alluvial or placer gold has been known to occur in the Sanjai and Subarnarekha valleys in Singhbhum. Evidence of ancient gold working are apparent from the Kundarkocha area (D.K. Chakrabarti 1993: 90). The beginning of gold and copper mining in Singhbhum goes back to about the 2nd millennium BCE (D.K. Chakrabarti 1993: 89–91) and the copper element found in the Chalcolithic assemblage in Bihar and West Bengal ‘could come only from the Chhotanagpur plateau where the Singhbhum copper belt is most extensive’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 1993: 89). In the context of metal consumption in the site of Sisupalgarh, B.B. Lal highlights the resources of the Chhotanagpur region as one of the main resource bearing zone (Lal [1949] 1984: 97). Explorations during the colonial period possibly laid the foundation for research related to extensive metalworking in the plateau region, along with the discoveries of possible ancient metalworking sites and their association with archaeological findings such as coins. The reports of Ball (1869, 1870), Dunn (1937), and Murray (1940), besides others, deserve special mention. Subsequent fieldworks in search of metalworking, particularly copper and iron, and several works on data analysis (D.K. Chakrabarti 1986, 1992a, 1993, 2001; Chakrabarti and Lahiri 1996; P.K. Chattopadhyay 2004; D. Acharya 2016: Page 11 of 43

 

Epilogue 29–43) strengthen our viewpoint regarding the potentiality of this region. Here, we may note that metal bearing sites such as Barudih in the Singhbhum region and other sites along the Subarnarekha stated earlier are noteworthy. (p.232) The encircling upland areas of coastal Bengal, that is, of Orissa, Jharkhand, and West Bengal played an important role for the spread of settlements since it is evident that the Mesolithic hunter-gatherers of that upland area gradually settled there. It is obvious that with time the early settlements associated with BRW in the entire upland areas were solely responsible for the genesis of settlements in the coastal line. The early EVF settlements associated with BRW have a fair distribution in both the districts of Midnapur. This Chalcolithic and/or Iron Age base evident in the sites in the Subarnarekha valley had definite connections with similar developments in coastal Orissa as evident from the excavated findings of Golbai Sasan as well as the database found from other sites in the Brahmani, Baitarani, and Mahanadi valleys, besides south Kosala. This development had also touched upon the adjoining areas such as Dihar and Pakhanna. Similarly, the growth of settlements along the Kangsavati or Kasai–Rupnarayan–Dwarakeshwar–Damodar–Ajay valleys and the Bhagirathi basin was a major stimulus in the spread of village settlements along the coastal line. Regarding the early historic development related to the contact between Bengal and Orissa or beyond along the coastal line, one may envisage the corroborative or comparative studies of unearthed findings from the entire coastal stretch. Particularly in the context of Indo-Roman trade and the expansion of major and minor early historic settlements in general, one may cite the evidence recorded from Chandraketugarh, Harinarayanpur, Deulpota, Tamluk, and other sites of West Bengal, along with Sisupalgarh, Manikapatan, and the recently explored and excavated sites of Radhanagar, Bidyadharpur, Korkara, Italanga, Brahmavana, and Talapada in Orissa (see Pradhan 2016: 415–22; R.P. Behera 2016: 123– 34). One may also refer to the recently studied fortified complex of Taraporegarh in the middle Mahanadi valley in connection with an urban settlement having a littoral connection (Behera, Hussain, Badam 2015: 178–96). Objects such as rouletted ware, knobbed ware, clay bullae, amphora, and so on are the major findings related to the said contact. The findings from Khalkattapatna are also significant in this context (Sinha 1992: 428; S.K. Patra 2016: 163). (p.233) Delineation of a Possible Cultural Corridor Associated with the Third Contact Zone

The third contact zone may alternatively be envisaged as a cultural corridor. The settlement matrix of our hypothetical zone A is closely linked with the developments of the geopolitical unit of Dandabhukti from at least the postGupta period. However, the earlier EVF antecedence in zone A was an integral Page 12 of 43

 

Epilogue part of a wider development in eastern India incorporating parts of coastal and upland Orissa, the adjoining Jharkhand region and south Bihar plains, and large parts of the Midnapur region. Coming back to Dandabhukti, the earliest reference to this region is found from the Jayarampur plate of Gopachandra (Srinivasan [1972] 1985: 141–8), palaeographically assignable to the early part of the 6th century CE. The object of the record is that the king, at the request of the feudatory Mahasamanta-Maharaja-Achyuta, granted the village of Svetavalika-grama, after purchase, for the construction of a Buddhist monastery, at a place (name not clear) presided over by the Buddhist deity AryyaAvalokitesvara, for worship and offerings at the institution and for the maintenance of the Buddhist community at the place. This was to be a tax-free gift but with the stipulation that the feudatory or the Buddhist establishment should pay annually 100 Ari-pindaka-churnnikas. This payment was to be made probably by Achyuta or it may be that it was to be made by the monks of the Mahayana order. The Gunaighar plate of Vainyagupta (D.C. Sircar 1965: 340–5) also refers to a vihara of Aryya-Avalokitesvara and like the plate just mentioned, it records the provision made for worship and offerings made to the deity therein. Therefore, it is apparent that during the 5th–6th century CE the worship of Aryya-Avalokitesvara and the Mahayana sect were popular in this part of eastern India. In lines 7–10, the donor king Gopachandra is referred to. The littoral section of Dandabhukti is explicity mentioned in this record when it refers to the boundaries of the gifted village as stated in lines 32–7. There was one Utkira-khatika in the east and the sea (Bhagavan Jalanidhih, that is, ocean), described in a beautiful kavya style, in the south. Here the reverential description of the ocean is noteworthy (Srinivasan [1972] 1985: 143). The gifted village was, therefore, on the sea-shore. Achyuta was ruling as a feudatory king under the overlordship of Maharajadhiraja Gopachandra of an unknown royal family of ancient Bengal. Maharajadhiraja Gopachandra was enthroned as the ruler by (p.234) the people (prajabhir-aropit-adhirajyah, lines 7–8). In all probability this ruler is identical with his namesake who was the issuer of the Faridpur copper plate inscription of the year 18 and the Mallasarul copper plate inscription of the year 33 (Srinivasan [1972] 1985: 143). The present charter being issued in the first year of the reign of the king becomes thus the earliest record of his rule. The Faridpur and the Mallasarul inscriptions of the subordinate kings of Gopachandra were installed in different parts of his kingdom about the first half of the 6th century CE. The subordinate titles of Achyuta suggest that Dandabhukti had already formed a province by the first year of Gopachandra’s reign. Gopachandra’s supremacy over the eastern (including parts of Faridpur region, Bangladesh) as well as the western parts of Bengal is significant. According to the Mallasarul inscription of 6th century CE (N.G. Majumdar [1935–6] 1984: 155–61), one Maharaja Vijayasena was in charge of Vardhamanabhukti during the 3rd regnal year of Gopachandra. Gopachandra, therefore, ruled over both Dandabhukti and Vardhamanabhukti. This Vijayasena is perhaps identical with his namesake of the Gunaighar inscription of the 6th Page 13 of 43

 

Epilogue century (D.C. Bhattacharya [1947] 1985: 45–60; see also D.C. Sircar 1965: 340– 5). Significantly, the land transaction referred to in the Mallasarul inscription is by its nature identical with land transactions of the Gupta period. If Gopachandra of the Jayarampur charter is identical with Gopachandra of the charters just mentioned, then in all probability he started ruling from c. 510 CE and might have ruled until 543 CE on the basis of the Mallasarul inscription of Gopachandra’s 33rd regnal year. From the epithet paramamahesvara it appears that the king was a devotee of Siva although for the sake of his kingdom and power he patronized the Buddhist establishment at Bodhipadraka in his 1st regnal year. The other two inscriptions refer to his donations to Brahmanas. The same is the case with the charters of Dharmaditya and Samacharadeva who may have followed Gopachandra in the rulership of eastern India. Even Sasanka followed suit during the first part of the 7th century CE. He influenced to a great extent the political events of the eastern region, and he gradually extended his power over Orissa as far as Kalinga, at least up to the present boundary of the Ganjam district. Two copper plates of Sasanka (R.C. Majumdar 1945: 1–9) were reported from Midnapur though their actual find-place is not known. Both the inscriptions refer to land grants in (p.235) Dandabhukti. Another image inscription may be mentioned here in connection with the spread of Buddhism— the Khadipada image inscription of the time of Subhakara of the Bhauma dynasty. The record (A. Ghosh [1941–2] 1985: 247–8) is undated but palaeographical considerations lead us to ascribe it to the 7th century CE. The characters are more or less similar to those of the Ganjam plates of Sasanka (A. Ghosh [1941–2] 1985: 247). Among the sculptural remains found from a low mound at Khadipada/Khadpara in the Jajpur district are a few colossal icons of Buddha and the inscribed image of Padmapani (the inscription of which is discussed here). The development of Buddhism in this region may also be associated with the monastic establishment of Moghalmari. Hsuan-tsang has in his travel account referred to the innumerable Buddhist establishments in this region including Tamralipta. It may be mentioned here that later developments of Buddhist tradition as found from Samantapasadika and the Mahavamsa refer to Tamralipta as the port of disembarkation for Sri Lanka (H.P. Ray 1996: 4). More information has been given by D. Mitra (1981: 17–18) while tracing the religious and historical background of the monastic establishment of Ratnagiri. She refers to the fact that before 619 CE, the date of the Ganjam plates of the Sailodbhava Sainyabhita Madhavaraja (Madhavavarman II), the territories of the Manas and the Sailodbhavas, were conquered by Sasanka who appointed a governor, Somadatta, to rule Utkala and Dandabhukti. From the Soro plates of Somadatta it is known that Uttara Tosali, located within Odra-visaya, formed part of the region under his jurisdiction (D. Mitra 1981: 17). Mitra also states that from the Si-yu-ki of Hsuan-tsang, who visited Orissa in about 639 CE, it is amply clear that Buddhism was in a flourishing state in the country of Odra. There were about 100 Buddhist monasteries and a myriad brethren of Page 14 of 43

 

Epilogue Mahayanists (D. Mitra 1981: 18). Another viewpoint about the veneration of Tara, particularly in the coastal region, could be interpreted with reference to shipwrecks along the coast and the worship of Astamahabhaya Tara in the monastic complex of Ratnagiri, Orissa. The result of a recent exploration work carried out by Sila Tripati on a shipwreck off the coast of Konark, Orissa, highlights that there were a number of shipwrecks off the coast of Orissa in the past and that Astamahabhaya Tara was a popular deity in the monastery complex of Ratnagiri along the coastal line. The depiction of a shipwreck scene (p.236) on the stele of the said sculpture is noteworthy. Inscriptional evidence referring to shipwrecks include the Motupalli stone pillar inscription issued by Ganapati Deva (1244–5 CE) of the Kakatiya dynasty, besides other later inscriptions (see Tripati, Box, and Behera 2016: 75–81). This veneration of the Tara icon is noteworthy and here it is important to mention that during the course of a recent exploration in the core area of the Chhotanagpur plateau region, we recorded a rare specimen of an inscribed Astamahabhaya Tara icon at Sohra (the inscription refers to the Buddhist creed and, palaeographically, the inscription may be assigned to the 11th–12th centuries CE). We are aware of the fact that this form of Tara is quite rare in eastern India. Therefore, the link between the ideological practices and even survival strategies of the hinterland and the coastal line may be substantiated with reference to this rare finding of the Astamahabhaya Tara image. Political unification under Sasanka and later rulers facilitated a cultural zone that harboured the movement of royal power, art and architecture, as well as mercantile activities and the procurement network of different raw materials. The Panchrol copper plate inscription, also known as the Egra grant, is one of the four copper plate inscriptions referring to the reign of Sasanka, the king of Gauda. In connection with this land-sale grant we find a hierarchy evident from the titles used by the officials operating during the early 7th century in one Ekatakaka visaya; we also discover how a marshy lowland is reclaimed through the creation of agraharas and the settling of Brahmana donees (Furui 2011: 127). Much later, in about the 10th century CE, the link between Priyangu in Dandabhukti and Tamralipta has been referred to in the Irda copper plate of the Kamboja king Nayapaladeva (N.G. Majumdar [1933–4] 1984: 150–9). This copper plate of the late 10th century records the gift of the village of Brihat Chhattivanna within the Dandabhukti mandala of the Vardhamanabhukti to one Pandita Asvatthasarmman, an adherent of the Chhandoga charana and the Kauthuma sakha of the Samaveda. As far as the coastal issue is concerned, the inscription refers to the illustrious Rajyapala (father of Nayapaladeva) ruling without obstacle or calamity over the earth girt by the sea-coast (verses 7–8) and the presence of salt-mines (the large pits mentioned in this inscription being the salt mines) in the village (verse 19). According to the Irda copper plate, all rights were given with the grant, the recipient having complete (p.237) entitlement to Page 15 of 43

 

Epilogue its dwelling land, water-places caves, roads, wasteland, or fallow fields, salt mines, the fruit and flowers of the mango and butter trees, and any other vegetation, the market, and what is significant, the quay and the wharf (sahatta-ghatta-satara). The Kalanda copper plate of Nayapaladeva (Ramesh and Iyer [1975–6] 1989: 199–205) is yet another inscription referring to Priyangu. Like the Irda charter, this inscription of the same king is palaeographically assignable to the 10th century CE. The object of the inscription as recorded in lines 21–32 is to record the royal grant of the village Vettavanavadraka in Kelapali mandala included in the Dandabhukti mandala of Vardhamanabhukti. It appears that the kings of the Kamboja family had a strong base in the Bengal– Orissa region where they ruled as sovereign kings with Priyangu as their capital city (described in lines 1–6). The widespread diffusion of Orissan political and cultural traditions in the southwestern parts of the Bengal delta, that is, in zone A, is a complex historical issue that continued into the medieval period, incorporating different patterns of social mobility including migrations of different social groups from Orissa such as administrative officers, craftsmen who specialized in masonry, metalcarving, carpentry, and so on (see R. Sanyal 2007: 65–70 for a discussion on such social mobility based on the evidence found from the Mohanpur Radhika image inscription inscribed on a small metal image of Radhika, presently enshrined in the sanctum of the Mohanpur Jagannatha temple, in the village of Mohanpur, West Midnapur district). This cultural corridor is obviously attested to by other archaeological findings such as the distribution of ceramic types including knobbed pottery, structural remains, and Puri-Kushana coins. The formation of sub-regions and the emergence of Gupta–post-Gupta local ruling dynasties of Daksina Kosala (see Sahu 2011: 39–59) certainly influenced the settlement as well as cultural matrix of coastal Orissa and adjoining regions of West Bengal. Similar to this, during a much later period, with the emergence of regional feudatory states of Orissa (Kulke 2011), including the contemporary development of adjoining coastal West Bengal, is another episode whose reconstruction has not been attempted here. In terms of the connectivity of the western and the eastern sections of the coastal Bengal area, we may point out that the wider cultural zone which include Suhma, Radha, Dandabhukti, Vardhamanabhukti, and (p.238) Khari-visaya of the western part and the Samatata–Harikela region towards the east and southeast responded in different dimensions as far as settlement dynamics are concerned. Here, it is worth mentioning that in the context of maritime activities the significance of the Samatata–Harikela region including the port of Samandar elaborated by Suchandra Ghosh (2015b: 48–50) has to be taken into serious consideration and be subjected to reinvestigation. The hypothesis concerning the status of Tamralipta after the 8th century CE and its losing its relevance as a port from that time onwards (as highlighted by Suchandra Ghosh 2015b: 49) and the rising importance of the port of Samandar (later on Chittagong port) in the context of maritime trade requires further clarification. Here, we may highlight Page 16 of 43

 

Epilogue the rise and growth of agrarian and non-agrarian sectors during the post-Gupta phase onwards in the Dandabhukti region which also includes Tamralipta and the adjoining regions of Orissa. The question of the decline of Tamralipta as a major port after the 8th century CE may be addressed with reference to the rising importance of the early medieval settlements of the Moghalmari–Dantan– Hijli–Baleshwar/Balasore (Subarnarekha–Baitarani sector) region. On the other hand, the wide distribution of the Buddhist establishments also witnessed in the Ratnagiri sector, along with that of Moghalmari, and the definite revival of Brahmanical settlements, apparently from the time of Sasanka onwards, and the consolidation of the Saiva faith and Saiva-Sakta assimilation in the subsequent period does not support the decline of a major port in this segment. The functioning of a major port in the Orissa–Bengal bordering areas may not be ruled out in the context of the developments just mentioned. The ports existed not only for maritime activities or trading contacts but also for the sake of the survival of the Buddhist and the Brahmanical circuit of the entire Bay of Bengal zone, from the Chittagong coast to Orissa and Coromandel, which responded in a wider dimension with that of Southeast Asia, besides the movement of the followers. One cannot rule out this historical reality. Giving emphasis on the observation made by D.K. Chakrabarti (2001: 157–9) in the context of coastal trade and the historical linkage of coastal West Bengal, one may summarize that ‘this part of Bengal had close coastal trade both with the other parts of the Bengal delta and Orissa’ (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 157). Chakrabarti, on the basis of Hunter’s observations, emphasized the sea-borne trade (p.239) between the Outer and Inner Sundarbans Passage and the Balasore area of Orissa and the importance of the Hijli Pargana of Midnapur as an intermediary contact area and even as the centre of the coastal trading network. The coastal line covered by the Hijli Pargana was certainly a part of Tamralipta in a wider sense. However, the context of Hijli could well be visualized with the later development of the Betor–Saptagram area. Glover, while referring to the long-distance trade between the agricultural hinterland of the middle Ganga valley, the ports such as Tamralipta in the delta, and those at the mouth of the Narmada valley such as Broach, has observed how ‘in the early Christian era these trade routes had reached out to bring together the previously rather separate Southeast Asian exchange systems, linking them into a vast network stretching from Western Europe, via the Mediterranean basin, the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea, to India, Southeast Asia and China’ (Glover 1996b: 131).

Geopolitical Units and the Study Area For the sake of a more meaningful exploration of the geopolitical units in ancient Bengal and their influence on the study area, one may visualize that Pundravardhana, Suhma, Radha, Samatata, Vanga, Dandabhukti, Vardhamanabhukti, Khari-visaya, Radha-mandala (Uttara Radha and Dakshin Radha) have significance in the context of administrative and cultural nodes, often in overlapping contexts. Gangaridae and Tamralipta, mentioned in the Page 17 of 43

 

Epilogue classical and indigenous records, have equal relevance in the settlement dynamics of the coastal region. Similarly, Vangasagara may also be visualized as a separate administrative space. The land grants mostly of the post-Gupta period and related to our concerned reconstruction duly consider and refer to the units just mentioned, though the identifications of different tiers of settlements, that is, pataka, vithi, grama, visaya, and so on are not well defined. Even most of the villages mentioned in the records remain unidentified. In this connection, one may note that the term ‘mandala’ widely used in the administrative records of the eastern littoral–coastal regions of Bengal, Orissa, and the Coromandel, along with that of Southeast Asia is suggestive of ‘Indian-inspired ideas of statehood’ (Scarre and Fagan 1997: 315). Generally, the kingdom was conceived of as a mandala, consisting of concentric circles with the king as its centre. The king and his close associates constituted the innermost circle, the middle (p. 240) circle occupied by dependants and subordinate officials, and the outer circle was formed of independent or semi-independent rulers who offered homage to the principal king (see Kangle 1963: 164–7 for text and 364–71 for translation; U.N. Ghoshal 1959: 91–9; Wolters 1982; de Casparis and Mabbett 1992: 315). The mandala, or the sacred territorial circle gained popularity during the large-scale temple-building activities associated with the Buddhist, Brahmanical, and other religious ideologies. So far as the coastal region is concerned, we may refer to Varakamandala Yolamandala, Nanya mandala, and even Samatata mandala referred to in the Mainamati plate of Ladahacandra (D.C. Sircar 1973: 45–8, 53–4). In a recent work, Padhi (2015: 355–71) describes the significance of mandala in an article entitled ‘Historical Geography of the Mandala States’, where he discusses the mandala as politically denoting a territory in the early medieval context. It may be noted that the concept of mandala as a ‘political circle’ is widely operative in the settlement dynamics of the coastal region, both along the Bay of Bengal and beyond. The Buddhist association with mandala may not also be ruled out.

The Process of Early Historic Urbanization The issue related to the process of early historic urbanization in the context of the coastal area along with trade and commerce as reconstructed by historians is a major debate. This obsession with urbanization is quite difficult to explain with the available archaeological findings from Chandraketugarh or even Tamluk identified with Tamralipta. With due regard to Chattopadhyaya’s observations (B.D. Chattopadhyaya 1993–4: 169–92) regarding urban centres in early Bengal including the coastal settlements, one may still raise doubts regarding the archaeological parameters of these so-called urban centres along the littoral. Both these sites constituted a cluster of settlements with an agrarian base and evidence of artefacts indicating their participation in riverine traffic as well as certain exotic items which originated from trading network operating along the coast. These centres could be forwarding agencies involved in the procurement network, connecting the major urban centres of the Ganga valley including Page 18 of 43

 

Epilogue Champa (Bhagalpur) and Pataliputra. They may have acted as ports but not as port cities. The absence of both archaeological databases indicating wellplanned urban set-ups and literary records (p.241) highlighting their urban character constrains us to think in terms of early historic urban centres. Unfortunately, we have no such literary texts to imagine the outline of a coastal city in the Chandraketugarh region compared to the marvellous description of Pumpuhar referred to in the Tamil epic Silappadikaram. Can we visualize in our study area a settlement hierarchy, a continuum constituting gama, nigama, and nagara as explored by Chattopadhyaya (2005: 105–34) while explaining the textual context of the city in early India? Archaeologically, should we explore ‘an open city which contrasted with cities described according to Sanskrit literary conventions’ (Chattopadhyaya reprint 2005: 116)? Since the discoveries from Chandraketugarh have been made in a very unscientific manner and even the contexts of such findings are not clear, and also because there is an absence of a planned agenda to explore urban archaeology, we are still not in a position to address this major issue. However, within the broad general framework of ancient Indian history of north India from the post-Gupta period onwards, our epigraphic sources (particularly landgrants) as well as evidence related to the growing dimensions of religious establishments, besides archaeological data, indicate the expansion of agrarian structure, the role of peasantry, the involvement of ruling authority in such development, and, above all, the patronization of religious ideologies, both Buddhist and Brahmanical (see B.D. Chattopadhyaya 1994). For the available reconstruction of the said issues in the peninsular India, one may refer to the work of Stein (1985). What happened to these so-called urban centres during the medieval period when the Saptagram-Triveni area was an active trading unit before the arrival of the Europeans? Does the presence of urban materials or antiquities in trading units or port complexes fulfil the criterion of urban centres? How would have it been possible to sustain urban units at Chandraketugarh in the active tidal zone where regular embankments/ramparts were maintained and used apparently as seasonal residential complexes or cattle pens as apparent from the excavated antiquities? Alternatively, one can think in terms of the large concentration of clusters of settlements occupied by aquatic people along the Vidyadhari and other tributaries of the Ganga who were involved in different farming and non-farming survival strategies. Seasonal (p.242) activities in this connection may not be ruled out. Their association with sea-faring activities, agrarian set-ups, and artisan products, or village craftsmanship are quite evident in our archaeological context. Unfortunately, excavated remains or chance discoveries never allow us to assume their presence in urban sectors. The demand of such products locally or otherwise played an important role to ensure sophistication of artisan Page 19 of 43

 

Epilogue products which conceived all the elements of artistic trends or idioms of art along with money economy. This littoral society as evident from the archaeological reality constantly reciprocated with the inner and the outer worlds with its own regional identity (a rural set-up acting as a forwarding agency) that was far from the shadow of urban mechanism. During the Gupta– post-Gupta period, the region was dotted with more agrarian settlements and became a part of bigger geopolitical unit. A fair number of such village settlements maintained their rural identity even after being associated with monasteries and temple establishments harbouring religious sentiments. The utilization of bricks and the presence of ring wells and a drainage system in the Chandraketugarh area have been considered in favour of an urban development. However, whether such evidence from Chandraketugarh can be considered in favour of secular remains or the existence of a religious complex or even a commercial space/dockyard is an unresolved issue. Mahanad has yielded brick structural remains of the Gupta–post-Gupta period, apparently religious in character. The early historic parameters evident from Tamluk are quite different from those of Chandraketugarh. Literary sources have much to say on Tamralipta and the evidence from Tamluk does not permit us to identify it with the former. Recent excavated and explored findings from Moghalmari, Bahiri, Tamluk, Tildah, Panna, Pathra, Erenda, and so on possibly confirm the settlement clusters which could be associated with ancient Tamralipta. Even the recorded findings from the wide distribution of sites in and around Tamluk (stated earlier in Chapter 4) substantiate our understanding about ancient Tamralipta. Both literary and archaeological sources refer to a major port harbouring different social groups and their involvement with the procurement network of different commodities as well as monitoring the movement of riverine traffic between the (p.243) Ganga valley and the east coast, from Arakan to the Coromandel. The presence of Buddhist establishments in this particular sector certainly signifies the movement of Buddhist monks from different regions of the Ganga valley as well as the coastal line to South China, Myanmar, and other Southeast Asian countries, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka. It is worthwhile to mention that coastal Orissa also played an active role in this movement of Buddhist monks and followers. The significance of Tamralipta and the identification with modern Tamluk, along with literary and archaeological sources, have been discussed in the site report. Obviously, all these sources suggest its significance in the context of trade both inland and maritime. In the context of Orissa there are numerous works which highlight trading network with the middle Ganga valley, besides other parts of the Indian subcontinent wherein Tamralipta played an important role (see Patnaik 2016: 445–54).

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Epilogue Spread of the Major Religious Ideologies The study area witnessed the growth and institutionalization of the major religious ideologies and this development has a definite bearing with that of the Ganga valley. The author in an earlier publication has highlighted the Saivacharya connection with Gangasagar (Chattopadhyay, Ray, and Majumdar 2013). Vaisnavism attained new heights under Chaitanya, and the Khari– Chhatrabhog area is associated with the itinerary of Chaitanya. East of Sarisadaha is an old highway called Dwarir Jangal. Kalidas Datta in his article entitled ‘The Antiquities of Khari’, published in Varendra Research Society’s Monograph no. 3 in 1929, traced this highway: …from Kalighat along the east bank of the old Ganges to Chhatrabhog where it passes on to the west bank ending some miles lower down. It was a part of the old pilgrim route from Hardwar where the Ganges debouches from the Himalayas to Sagar, the holy spray where it meets the Sea. We learn from the Chaitanya-bhagavata of Vrindavanadas and Chaitanya-charitamrita of Kaviraj Goswami (16th century) that Chaitanya followed this route from Atisara (near Baruipur) to Chhatrabhog, where he took a boat for Puri. This road fell into disuse after the construction of the Kulpi road during British Rule. (Cited in B.B. Bose 1989: 65) (p.244) The presence of an impressive repertoire of Visnu icons of the so-called Pala–Sena idiom reflects the extent to which Vaisnavism gained popularity during the pre-Chaitanya era. In the context of Buddhism and Jainism we may refer to the images recovered from the study area, particularly from definite clusters of sites, for example, the Buddhist establishments from the Kankandighi–Mathbari–Baishata area or the Jaina icons reported from the Katabeniya–Karanjali region, besides others. Several Jaina images have been reported from zone A, besides Moghalmari was an important centre of Buddhism during the post-Gupta period. A later survival of Buddhism is also apparent during the rule of the Chandra dynasty. Recently, an excavation jointly conducted by Bangladesh and China at Nateshwar under Tongibari upazila in Munshiganj district unearthed remains of about 16 Buddhist stupas, around 1,000 years old, along with other remains. Nateshwar is near the Faridpur region about 50 kilometres south of Dacca and also near the confluence of the Meghna and the Padma rivers. These 16 stupas are in 4 interconnected stupa hall rooms, each square-shaped and fenced with brick walls 16 metres in length and 3.5 metres in width. Last year an around 1,300-year-old Buddhist establishment was unearthed on the eastern side of this site. Apart from monastic structures, ancient pathways and drains were also unearthed. Carbon-14 tests on 26 unearthed relics reveal 2 phases of occupation at the site: the first from 780 to 950 CE and the second from 950 to 1223 CE (The Statesman, Monday, 1 February 2016, p. 11, Delhi version).

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Epilogue Searching for multiple identities along the coastal stretch we find that the monumental Jatar Deul stands for the reciprocation of Jaina and Brahmanical ideologies during the early medieval period, in continuation of the matrix that conceived the regional idiom of the nagara temple style as at Bahulara, Harmasra, Boram, Ichai Ghosher Deul, and Satdeulia, among other places. The currency of Mahayana Buddhism between the 8th and the 13th centuries cannot be understood in isolation from the developments of the eastern Indian littoral. If we agree that Buddhism was on the process of retreat in the land of its birth because of the ascendancy of the Brahmanical orthodoxy, then we must be aware of the fact that Palas of Bihar and Bengal and the other minor ruling powers in ancient Bengal particularly in the Samatata–Harikela tract, gave lavish (p.245) patronage to the Mahayana foundation and ‘it was Bengal that was the most conspicuous source of influence upon South-east Asia during this period’ (de Casparis and Mabbett 1992: 297). G. Coedes identified three strands in Buddhism of Bengal: (a) a tendency towards Tantric practices, (b) syncretism with Hinduism, and (c) accommodation of indigenous traditions such as ancestor cults (Coedes 1964: 182; see also de Casparis and Mabbett 1992: 297). By and large, the movement of monks and the accompanying ideology between China– Myanmar–Sri Lanka–Southeast Asia facilitated the littoral traffic and the involvement of major Buddhist centres of ancient Bengal and Orissa and further south. It may be stated that during the early centuries of the Christian era, Indian influence made a major impact among the population of many areas including Southeast Asia which enjoyed ‘a high level of civilization, enabling their elites to adopt and adapt those elements of Indian civilization that they regarded as valuable or useful’ (de Casparis and Mabbett 1992: 365). These have a bearing on religious ideologies, Brahmanism and Mahayana Buddhism. It may be noted that epigraphic evidence from Sanchi and Nagarjunakonda refer to the connection of Buddhism and its spread in early historic Bengal (see Marshall 1940: nos 278 and 594; Soundarajan 2006; H.P. Ray 2006a: 87). Kings of Pagan starting from the great Anawrahta to Alaungsithu looked at the Buddhist kingdoms of Pattikera and Bengal–Bihar for spiritual guidance. Kyanzittha (1084–1112) was an active sponsor of Theravada Buddhism and he not only endowed the construction of a number of monuments, but also sent a mission to India to carry out repairs to the Vajrasana shrine at Bodhgaya, besides fostering relations with Sri Lanka. A direct contact between Pagan and Bengal was possible because the region lying between the two also nurtured Buddhism that was influenced by Mahayana-Tantric school. The Tantrayana thought found expression in three schools of Mahayana Buddhism— Kalachakrayana, Vajrayana, and Sahajayana—as evident from Tibetan, Nepalese, and Bengal Buddhism. After Johnston edited the famous Sanskrit inscriptions of the Chandra dynasty of old Arakan (present-day state of Rakhine), scholars have studied the contact between Buddhist southeast Bengal (Samatata and Harikela) and Buddhist Arakan. The Mainamati copper plate of Ranavankamalla Page 22 of 43

 

Epilogue Harikeladeva (1220 CE) indicates the importance of Pattikera as a (p.246) centre of Tantric worship. The land granted in the inscription was in favour of the deity Durgottara who was enshrined in a Buddhist monastery at Pattikera (D.C. Bhattacharya 1933: 282–9). The rise of Pattikera (Patikara or Paitkara pargana near Mainamati) kingdom in the Samatata region is noteworthy. A link between the Arakan region and southeastern Bengal may be envisaged from the rule of the Chandra dynasty from the 10th century CE onwards and even earlier, that is, in and around the 7th century. According to the Chandra plates the first king Purnachandra (no inscriptions of his reign have been found) was born into a family of Chandras who were rulers of Rohitagiri or the Red Hill. South of the Mainamati-Lalmai range are hills with lateritic (red) deposits that cross into Arakan. It may be noted that Srichandra’s inscription refers to sailors in search of medicinal herbs in the forests of Lalmai and probably these herbs, along with other forest products, were important items of trade. Dani (1966: 22– 55) suggests that Rohitagiri was situated in this region. There are records in Arakan of a Chandra succession prior to the one ruling in Bengal (Mills 1993: 77). Coins similar in type, material, and legend to those of Arakan have been found from excavations at Mainamati (Mills 1993: 77). Regarding the early Chandra lineage (5th–7th centuries CE) of Arakan, H.P. Ray comments: It is significant that stone and copper plate inscriptions of the Candra dynasty that ruled Arakan from circa 454 to 600 AD were found from the ruins of stupas and indicate that at this time Arakan was looking to Bengal for models of kingship and administration. In addition to adopting the format of the copper plate grants as prevalent in Bengal, Bhuticandra’s inscription (496–520) also incorporates several words known from Bengal such as jola (channel) and khalla (canal). (H.P. Ray 2006a: 78) There was indeed much cultural and religious interaction between Arakan and Bengal, with overlapping frontiers between both and with the power base at Arakan lying on its eastern periphery. Interaction between Arakan and Southeast Asia on the other hand may also be taken into consideration. For a discussion on this Chandra lineage from Arakan, one may go through Sircar’s observations (D.C. Sircar [1957–8] 1987: 103–9). These Chandra rulers traded with the Mon to (p.247) their south and with Harikela and Samatata to their north. Their silver coins, according to Mitchiner, suggest that these rulers handled both Brahmaputra-traded silver as well as Irrawaddy-traded silver (Mitchiner 2000: 45). The inscription of Virachandra of this lineage refers to his erection of a hundred Buddha stupas enshrining relics of the Buddha (D.C. Sircar [1957–8] 1987: 109). As seen earlier, Arakan was a part of this network;on the other hand, a link may be established between the Tantrayana developments operating between Tibet, north and south Bihar, and Orissa, that is, a wide circuit operating in eastern Page 23 of 43

 

Epilogue India. Interestingly, the recent discoveries in Moghalmari in zone A indicate an intermediary zone between the two—the Tibetan and Bihar—developments and that of Orissa, particularly the Ratnagiri–Lalitagiri–Udayagiri area. While describing the Sambara image found at Ratnagiri, Mitra specifically mentions the Tibetan–Chinese connection (D. Mitra 1983: 429–30). In a recent publication, Patnaik (2015: 201–14) comprehensively summarized the data related to Buddhism and maritime contact between coastal Orissa and Southeast Asia and the significance of coastal Bengal in maintaining contact with the major Buddhist settlements in the middle and lower Ganga valleys, besides Myanmar and Bangladesh. Such contact through the major ports and port towns and the adjoining hinterland of Orissa has been elaborated in yet another recent work by B. Patra (2015: 243–66). Manikpatna, Khalkattapatna, Kalingapatna, Machhlipatna, and so on in Orissa along with Tamralipta were involved not only in the traffic of monks but also in the commodity exchange network.

Coastal Bengal and Trading Networks Different issues concerning the history of coastal Bengal, especially with reference to the trade mechanism, may be noted here. Several land grants of independent rulers of the central part of the Bengal delta provide some information about the Bengal delta and the associated littoral space. These grants found from the Dhaka–Vikrampur–Faridpur areas of present-day Bangladesh are assignable to the second half of the 6th century CE and they refer to land transactions made in the Varakamandala-visaya, following the customs or practices of the territory up to the sea (prak-samudra-maryada) (R. Chakravarti 1998: 256). (p.248) The expression ‘prak-samudra’, has also been interpreted as the eastern sea, that is, the Bay of Bengal…. Ancient Vanga had an important administrative centre, Navyavakasika, figuring in landgrants of this period. Navyavakasika literally denotes a new opening or channel (navya new; avakasa channel, canal opening). The relevance of the recording of such a new opening in an area, labelled as prak-samudra, can be appreciated, if we logically surmise that the new opening(s) led to new access to the sea. Changes in the courses of rivers in this region must have resulted in the creation of this type of opening to the Bay of Bengal. (R. Chakravarti 1998: 256; see also Bhattasali [1925–6] 1983: 84–5) In the Kotalipara Plate of Dvadasaditya, we find the name of one Mahasamanta Vindapati Haradatta who washed his feet in the purva-samudra. Varakamandala is also referred to in four other inscriptions—Faridpur Plate no. 1 of Dharmaditya, Faridpur Plate no. 2 of Dharmaditya, Faridpur Plate no. 3 of Gopachandra, and the Ghugrahati Plate of Samacharadeva and also in the Kotalipara Plate of Dvadasaditya (Sayantani Pal 2013: 117). It is worthwhile to quote M.Harunur Rashid here: Page 24 of 43

 

Epilogue Gopalganj in the Faridpur district today is one of the most illcommunicated low-lying areas in Bangladesh. Surprisingly, it is in this backwater that Kotalipara or Chandravarmana-kota, the unexplored metropolis of the earliest known independent kingdom of Bengal is situated. From a number of inscriptions and coins we learn that three sovereign kings: Gopacandra, Dharmaditya, and Samacaradeva, were ruling in Bengal in the 6th century A.D. Five of their seven copperplate grants and one Gupta and four post-Gupta gold coins were recovered from this place. Kotalipara with its visible ruins and mysterious past is a tantalizing challenge to the archaeologist. (Rashid 1978: 7) Chandravarman’s fort is mentioned in the Ghugrahati copper plate inscription of Samacharadeva. The Ghugrahati copper plate inscription of Samacharadeva of the 6th century CE is an important epigraphic record found from the Kotalipara– Faridpur region (Bhattasali [1925–6] 1983: 74–86). It refers to the 14th year of the reign of Samacharadeva who is called a Maharajadhiraja. In that year, Jivadatta was the viceroy or governor in Navyavakasika and the district officer in the district of Varaka mandala approved by Jivadatta was Pavittruka. The affairs of the village were looked after by a number of elders or visaya-mahattarah (p. 249) of whom six are mentioned as in the second plate of Dharmaditya. A Brahman, Supratika Svami, approached the elders and the district court presided over by one Damuka for a piece of waste land for settling himself. The transaction was ratified by this copper plate deed and the village Vyaghrachoraka was granted. Its boundaries include on the east the goblin haunted parkkatti tree, on the south the Vidyadhara Jotika, on the west the corner of Chandravarmman’s fort, and on the north the boundary of the village Gopendra-choraka (Bhattasali [1925–6] 1983: 79). Varaka may be taken in the sense of the deltaic land that obstructs and alters the current of a river and Varaka mandala would then be a group of deltaic areas. This mandala would be the district round Kotalipada in the present district of Faridpur, almost in the heart of what was known in ancient times as Vanga (Bhattasali [1925–6] 1983: 84). So far as the term Navyavakasika is concerned, Bhattasali observed that avakasa means an opening, an aperture, and its derivative avakasika may very well mean a khal, a canal, and the whole name Navyavakasika would mean the place provided with a new canal. There is a place called Sabhar in the Dacca district which contains imposing ruins of a traditional king called Harischandra. Numerous gold coins of the ‘Imitation Gupta’ type have been found exclusively from Sabhar…. A water course breaks off from the river Bangsai about two miles above the place where the fort stands and after running through the eastern part of the site of the old town, turns to the west and re-enters the river just below the southern face of the Page 25 of 43

 

Epilogue fort. The canal, which is undoubtedly in part artificial, is locally called Kataganga—‘the dug-out river’. The ruins of the royal palaces and temples are situated in the southeast corner of this enclosure, outside the Kataganga. This old site appears to answer to the name Navyavakasika very well…. It would thus appear that the ruins at Sabhar may be identified with Navyavakasika, The word Sabhar, a corruption of Sambhara, means fullness, wealth, affluence. A visit to the site will convince anyone that it was a well-planned city of very great affluence surrounded by an artificial water-course. The latter might have been the cause of its name Navyavakasika, while its subsequent opulence and splendour earned for it the name of Sambhara—‘Wealth and plenty materialised.’ (Bhattasali [1925–6] 1983: 85) Chakravarti in Trade and Traders in Early Indian Society highlights the position of early Bengal as an active zone of maritime trade from (p.250) c. 3rd century BCE to 6th century CE. Chakravarti refers to the inland riverine ports and trade centres of the early medieval period such as Devaparvata, Vangasagarasambhandariyaka, Dvarahataka, and Vetaddachaturaka, which appear ‘to have assumed a similar role of a middle category trade centre in a typically nadimatrka (fed by numerous rivers) region’ (R. Chakravarti [2002] 2007: 20). The Madanpur copper plate of Srichandra (925–75 AD), issued in the 46th regnal year (971 AD) (R.G. Basak [1949–50] 1985: 51–8; see also D.C. Sircar [1949–50] 1985: 337–9), refers to his grant of land to a Brahmana in Vangasagara-sambhandariyaka, situated in the Yolamandala within Pundravardhanabhukti. Srichandra was a powerful king of the Chandra dynasty of eastern Bengal. ‘The sambhandariyaka … should be considered as an exchange centre offering storage or warehousing facilities’ (R. Chakravarti 1998: 256–7). Vangasagara is obviously the Bay of Bengal (see R. Chakravarti 1998: 257). ‘These textual references to the eastern segment of the Indian Ocean from the middle of the ninth century onwards have to be appreciated in the context of the rise of the Bay of Bengal and the Bengal coast (especially the littoral areas of Vanga and Harikela) to considerable prominence in the growing commercial networks in this maritime space’ (R. Chakravarti 1998: 258; see also R. Chakravarti 1996: 557–72). The reconstruction related to the mentioned toponym in the context of a riverine trade-centre of early medieval Bengal (R. Chakravarti 1996: 557–72) requires serious attention, particularly in the context of archaeological corroboration. On the basis of literary and archaeological database recorded from the coastal sites, Chakravarti has portrayed the role of the coastal tract of ancient Bengal in the transportation of grains, especially paddy, textiles, spices, and horses by maritime voyages to other parts of the eastern littoral as well as Southeast Asia (R. Chakravarti [2002] 2007: 118–29; see also R. Chakravarti 1992: 155–60).

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Epilogue I.C. Glover while discussing new archaeological findings from Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Vietnam, in connection with trade and exchange between India and Southeast Asia from the late 1st millennium BCE to the early centuries of the CE, touches upon the evidence found from the sites adjoining the Bay of Bengal (Glover 1996b: 130–44). On the basis of archaeological and literary evidence, Datta (1999: 49–60) discusses the trade and cultural contacts between (p.251) Bengal and Southeast Asia during the first four or five centuries of the Christian era. Land routes between the two regions are also mentioned by citing relevant Chinese sources. Apart from this, the discovery of inscribed seals (with Kharosti and Kharosti–Brahmi inscriptions) from U Thong in the Lopburi province and Khuan Luk Pat of the Krabi province in Thailand, Sembiran in Bali, Indonesia, and those from Chandraketugarh and Tamluk have been discussed in connection with trade relations. Items such as textiles, beads, rouletted ware, spices, horses, and so on were traded. The carnelian pendant showing a leaping lion found at Ban Don Ta Phet, and the carnelian pendants displaying the same animal found at The Chana and Khuan Luk Pat in southern Thailand, etc. are associated with Buddhist religion. One similar crystal lion was found from Dharmarajika Stupa by Marshall (1951) which means that the specimens found in Thailand were exported from North India through Tamralipta. (A. Datta 1999: 58) Our archaeological records on the other hand encourage us to reconstruct the involvement of different social groups, the exchange of different commodities, the traffic of monks and merchants, as well as missionaries of different orders, in the Bay of Bengal circuit. This circuit was quite well established with the evidence of a large corpus of Kharosti inscriptions found from lower Bengal in the Chandraketugarh region and parts of Southeast Asia. Other evidence in favour of the Bay of Bengal circuit are the carnelian seals and intaglios with inscriptions found from Sri Lanka and from sites such as Khuan Lukpad, Kuala Selinsing, U Thong, Chaiya, and Oc-eo in Southeast Asia. It may be noted here that the earliest known maritime trade route between India and China followed the coasts and Oc-eo occupies a strategic position as it is situated at a junction of canals that linked the Gulf of Siam with the main channels of the Mekong. Oceo was an entrepot from the 2nd to the 6th centuries, and is generally associated with the Fu-nan era of pre-Angkorean history. However, by the 6th century, an all-sea route via the Straits of Melaka (Malacca) was preferred. According to H.P. Ray: ‘The widespread distribution nevertheless indicates trade rather than exchange and the use of Brahmi and Kharosti around the beginning of the Christian era may be taken as (p.252) pointers towards the use of the

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Epilogue script for secular purposes such as trading transactions’ (H.P. Ray [1994] 1998: 114). H.P. Ray in her work entitled ‘Inscribed Pots, Emerging Identities: The Social Milieu of Trade’ (2006b) explores the social mobility behind the trading network operating across the Indian Ocean in general and the east coast (Coromandel coast) in particular, apart from the hinterlands, that is, the regions covered by the present-day states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Maharashtra, and the Gujarat coast, during a period ranging from the 4th century BCE to the 4th century CE. Though Ray emphasizes the evidence of the regions just mentioned with reference to inscribed pots and other associated findings, it may not be unwise to visualize that this portrayal of trading network and maritime activities (Indo-Roman or otherwise) could be linked with the coastal network operating in our study area. Furthermore, the cultural landscape along with the pattern of religious development and associated patronization, particularly of the Buddhist faith, cannot be a segregated development from that of the major centres of the coastal regions of Orissa, Bengal, Arakan, Myanmar, and their hinterlands (land watered by the Mahanadi, Baitarani, middle and lower Ganga, Brahmaputra, and Meghna). If we agree with the statements of Ray—‘its very nature trade moves across political boundaries’ (H.P. Ray 2006b: 131)—and that ‘the commodities involved in this period included both materials such as spices, incense, aromatics, etc., that … to be procured through diverse groups of forest communities’ (H.P. Ray 2006b: 131), then a similar mobility was operating in the eastern Indian hinterland (including the plateau lands of Chhattisgarh and Chhotanagpur, besides the northeastern part of India), which enhanced the spread of religious ideologies in the entire stretch of land along the coast from the Myanmar–Chittagong coast to Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia. I.C. Glover, while exploring contact between India and Southeast Asia, highlights the linkage with the Mediterranean world in various contexts (Glover 1996b: 130–4). 1. Distribution of rouletted ware: The wide distribution of rouletted ware along the eastern littoral from the Tamil Nadu (Coromandel)–Andhra to Arakan–Chittagong coast is well known, just as their traffic along the coastal line. However, the megalithic scenario of (p.253) the peninsular India including the Andhra region is conspicuously absent from the study area. Again, the Buddhist association between Andhra and coastal Bengal is quite clear, though Buddhism flourished in Bengal during a later period. Therefore, the secular cultural phenomenon was not evenly distributed along the eastern littoral, only the traffic of a few utilitarian objects, such as rouletted ware, arretine ware, knobbed ware, and beads of semi-precious stones as well as glass beads, is discernible. The religious link between the middle Ganga–lower Ganga valleys and the Arakan coast as well as the link between coastal Orissa, Andhra, Tamil Page 28 of 43

 

Epilogue Nadu, Sri Lanka, and Southeast Asia, consolidated the cultural niche surrounding the Bay of Bengal. The circulation of coins of the Kushanas, Guptas, and even the distribution of Puri-Kushana coins suggest the movement of both monks and merchants. As far as the distribution of rouletted ware is concerned, it indicates a network of exchange from the Ganga delta in the north to the Vaigai delta in the south. The find-spots include Alaganakulam in the Vaigai delta, Kaveripattinam in the Kaveri delta, Nattamedu, Arikamedu near Pondicherry, Kanchipuram near Chennai, at Amaravati, Ghantasala and a cluster of sites in the deltas of the Krishna and the Godavari, at Salihundham and Kalingapatnam in northern Andhra coast, Manikpatnam near Chilka, Sisupalgarh in the Mahanadi delta, and Tamluk and Chandraketugarh in the Ganga delta. It has also been reported from Mahasthangarh and Wari Bateshwar (Haque, Rahman, and Ahsan 2000: 298). Inland towns suchas Uraiyur, Karur, Chandragiri, Brahmagiri, Satanikota, Kondapur, Ter, Nevasa, and Nasik have yielded the rouletted ware. The eastern littoral was instrumental in the spread of this ware to different localities of Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia such as Kantarodai, Mantai, and Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka, Kobak Kendal in Java, Sembiran in Bali, Bukit Tengu Lembu in Malayasia, Tra Kieu in Vietnam, and Beikthano in Burma. ‘This network of exchange may lead us to infer that there was maritime trade contact between the eastern littorals and southeast Asia. So naturally one might choose the profession of a sailor and operate his vessel either along the coast or in high seas to countries of southeast Asia’ (Suchandra Ghosh 2006: 66). Recent analysis (p.254) of sherds of rouletted ware from Sembiran and Pacung in Bali and Arikamedu and Karaikadu on the Coromandel coast suggests uniformity of source materials, thereby indicating that the rouletted ware–related route of the eastern coast of India extended to Southeast Asia, but the points of distribution or redistribution of luxury ceramics and other commodities remain to be identified (Begley 1996: 24–5). Again, beads from Arikamedu are known as far east as Bali, Indonesia, and are also found in Java, Vietnam, and Thailand (Francis Jr 2004: 513). Wheeler and colleagues, while excavating Arikamedu, considered rouletted ware as a Roman import (Wheeler, Ghosh, and Deva 1946: 17– 124). Begley’s view is that this ware is of an indigenous pottery tradition, although the technique of rouletting could have been derived from Mediterranean sources of pre-Roman times, and assigns them to a period ranging from 200 BCE to 200 CE (Begley 1992: 157–96). Gogte observed that the clay of coastal/deltaic Bengal was used in making this ware and that the manufacturing zone could be the Chandraketugarh–Tamluk area. Thus, from the distribution of rouletted ware it is evident that the entire east coast experienced a lively maritime network (R. Chakravarti 2012: 74). That is why Ptolemy (150 CE) mentioned many more east coast Page 29 of 43

 

Epilogue ports, situated in the context of the Gangetic Gulf (the Bay of Bengal), than the author of the Periplus (R. Chakravarti 2012: 74). H.P. Ray has observed that ‘given this concentration along the Bay of Bengal littoral, it is time to delink the Rouletted Ware from the Romans and to analyse its distribution within the regional maritime networks along with several other indicators, such as inscribed sherds, seals and sealings, especially those marked with a ship symbol’ (H.P. Ray 2006a: 80). In connection with rouletted ware one may refer to the recent article of Coline Lefrancq (2016: 1–26) where she proposes a new designation for the ‘late NBPW’ in Fine Black Slipped Ware (FBSW). She observes that in Mahasthangarh, the laboratory analyses have showed that the clay was identical for the FBSW and the rest of the ceramic productions, at least for the Early Historical period…. If the clay, the shaping and the coating are similar to the ones characterizing the FBSW, does it make sense to put the so-called RW apart?… This connection between (p.255) RW and FBSW is apparent not only at Mahasthangarh but also at Chandraketugarh and Sisupalgarh (Lefrancq 2016: 12) As noted earlier, the Andhra region is also known for its distribution of rouletted ware. Ghantasala in Andhra Pradesh has been identified with the port of Kontakosylla, as mentioned in the Periplus and Ptolemy’s Geographike Huphegesis. Adjacent to this port stood an aphaterion (a point of departure for ships) bound for Chryse Chora and Chryse Chersonesys, corresponding respectively to Suvarnabhumi and Suvarnadvipa in ancient India texts. These two areas are generally located in mainland and maritime Southeast Asia (R. Chakravarti 2012: 74). ‘Attention may now be drawn to a bronze coin illustrating a stylized double-masted ship on one side and a figure of a cow on another side, datable to around second century CE, found at Khuan Luk Pat, Khlong Thom district, Krabi province, southern Thailand. The image of the ship resembles those on the coins from the Andhra region’ (Suchandra Ghosh 2006: 66). An undated Prakrit inscription, palaeographically assignable to the 1st century CE, found at Ghantasala records a donation of an ayaka pillar by the wife of a master mariner or mahanavika Sivaka (Vogel 1947–8: 1–4). A fragmentary stone inscription of Buddhagupta of about the 5th century CE from the Wellesley province of Malay Peninsula (D.C. Sircar 1965: 497) refers to a mahanavika Buddhagupta who hailed from Raktamrittika (identified with Raktamrittika mahavihara in the Chiruti region of Murshidabad, West Bengal). According to Sircar, a mahanavika is the captain of a mahanau or ship (D.C. Sircar 1965: 497 fn.4). Incidentally, the Arthasastra (2, 28, 13) refers to a mahanau or a large ship. Mahanau

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Epilogue is also mentioned in line 1 of the Gunaighar copper plate inscription of Vainyagupta of the Gupta Year 188 (=507 CE) (D.C. Sircar 1965: 341). 2. Inscribed terracotta seals: The reconstructed discourse related to the inscribed terracotta seals, particularly from South 24-Parganas, and their implications in trading networks as well as the presence of royal authority needs further investigation and logical interpretations. The absence of such evidence from Tamluk and its adjoining region is one of the major constraints in accepting such discourses. (p.256) 3. Role of Tamralipta as a port: The role of Tamralipta as a portcity requires further investigation, especially in the context of maritime trade. The available data (both literary and archaeological) suggest that ancient Tamralipta was a port, however, the nature of trade conducted therein or its identification and its relationship with Gange are still shrouded in mystery. In any case, the participation of the land bordering the northern periphery of the Bay of Bengal in maritime network from ancient times to the 12th century requires further elaboration. These ports were probably involved in transshipment of merchandise. Whether the seals with ship motifs from Chandraketugarh should be considered in favour of an intensive maritime network is a vital question. Definitely one cannot rule out the internal riverine trade or trade with Orissa and other spaces along the eastern as well as western coast, besides trade contacts with countries of Southeast Asia. The traffic of monks was certainly an issue to be reckoned with and in some cases there was the possibility of trade following suit. Although much has been said about the importance of coastal Bengal in a flourishing trading network and even the Indian Ocean circuit, it is quite surprising that artisan products, for instance, the terracotta plaques from Chandraketugarh or the seals/sealings reported in significant numbers from Chandraketugarh, Pakurtala, and so on, or other artefacts, have till now not been reported from sites involved in the trading circuit. The early historic trading network as visualized with reference to Harinarayanpur, Chandraketugarh, Tamluk, Bahiri, and so on along the littoral had probably lost its earlier relevance and glory by the post-Gupta period. From the 13th–14th centuries onwards, Triveni, Pandua, Saptagram, Daihat–Katoa, Nabadwip, Dantan, Betor, and so on came into prominence as local trading centres under the patronage of Islamic rulers. Similarly, Barabhuiyan, Bandel, Chandernagore, Srirampur, Khejuri, besides others emerged as major settlements under the Europeans.

Boat Manufacturing Tradition in Coastal Bengal Recent explorations in the Kakdvip–Namkhana area as well as the Gosaba region recorded boat-manufacturing tradition in several (p.257) villages. Archaeologically, we are not in a position to explain the antecedence and history Page 31 of 43

 

Epilogue of this tradition. By exploring the ethno-history and the rituals related to sea voyages, sea-faring activities, inland boating, besides enormous data concerning rituals related to boat-manufacturing found in different literary sources such as the Mangalkavyas, we may possibly explain the parameters of a major subsistence strategy functional in the coastal bio-regime. A fascinating portrayal could be visualized from the narratives of Chand Saudagar and the evidence from Ujani, Daihat, Samudragarh, and so on. The corpus of the Mangalkavyas has numerous references related to ships and ship-building activities of late medieval Bengal. The nature of sea voyages, the involvement of mercantile communities of different areas, the ports along the western and eastern littorals, the trading centres of the hinterland besides the connection with Sri Lanka and the Malaya countries are all widely referred to in these texts (Jahan 2015: 158– 67). In the context of boat-manufacturing in the Hooghly district, particularly in the localities of Sripur–Balagarh and Konnagar, a recent work of Partha Chattopadhyay records the boat-manufacturing activities in the mentioned region. While explaining the major boat-manufacturing tradition, the author explored the different dimensions including the ethnohistory of the boat manufacturer and the rituals and customs or the cultural tradition of the local people related to boat-making and riverine traffic (P. Chattopadhyay 2012). Among other issues, the Kartick Purnima festival (held during October– November) of coastal Bengal and Orissa is considered auspicious for the beginning of a sea journey (samudra jatra). The beginning of European settlements in this district certainly enhanced such traditions; however, the antecedence of such traditions may be traced to an earlier period. Kakdvip in South 24-Parganas had also witnessed such traditions and even now it is a place of boat-manufacturing along with other centres such as Gosaba, Patharpratima, and even Raidighi and Diamond Harbour. Vessel types are beautifully observed in the watercolours of Francois Solvyns, painted in the 1790s, indeed a valuable record of river craft of the lower Ganges at the close of the 18th century. G.A. Prinsep’s brilliant etchings of country boats include a few used in the Sundarban region for transporting wood/logs (Prinsep 1830). Some research in the field of (p.258) old Bengali literature, providing information about boats, has been done by Tamonash Dasgupta (1923: 111–28). Jean Deloche in his fascinating survey of boats and ships in Bengal terracotta art (1991: 1–23) has commented that the types of river boats depicted in the panels such as skiffs, travelling houseboats, or ceremonial barges reflect more the activities of the territorial river-lords or regional chiefs, than the economic life of the region (Deloche 1991: 5). Significantly, other common types such as rafts, dug-out canoes, cargo carriers, and large fishing boats are not depicted. Indeed, hidden in the obscure depths of the rural unconscious, are found memories of Bengal river activities and adventures. Although the skilfully portrayed representations are found on temple panels of 18th–19th centuries in Bankura, Page 32 of 43

 

Epilogue Burdwan, Birbhum, Hooghly, Howrah, Midnapur, and North and South 24Parganas (particularly in the terracotta plaques of the temples along the coastal line, that is, Midnapur, Howrah, and Hooghly, besides the terracotta embellishments of the Vishnupur temples), they suggest an earlier antecedence and familiarity with boat-building traditions. Deloche comments on the dragon boats—long and narrow boats which bear the head of a dragon on the bow—as having an evident relation to the craft of Southeast Asia (Deloche 1991: 11). Several representations dating from the mid- or late 17th century probably show hybrid types of boats which developed in the eastern part of the Bay of Bengal; probably, these were used by the Arakanese and Portuguese pirates who frequented the Bengal delta during that time. Some stylized representations of war boats with which the Mughals fought against the Magh have also been recorded (Deloche 1991: 12). The European boats are difficult to differentiate so far as their nationalities are concerned and they are usually identified by the sailors wearing hats and armed with muskets or lion heads attached to the stem, highly gilded and decorated with carvings and even the build of the ships and its bows and sterns (Deloche 1991: 12–13). One can get more information on the modes of water transport including precise sketches and illustrations of the types from Deloche’s major work published in 1994 (pp. 140–77). Interestingly, besides others, he has mentioned a local variety of boat, that is, gamala or cari, which are actually large basins of baked earth normally used for feeding cattle. At festival times, gamala races were a very popular pastime of eastern Bengal including Bangladesh. On the (p.259) other hand, he has given a long list of boats operating on the basins of the Ganges and the Brahmaputra. ‘most prevalent craft navigating the maze of the Ganga’s mouths affected by tidal waters were the dugouts of the Sundarban, above all the balam of Cattagrama (Chittagong), dugouts extended with side planks and held together by tightly sewn split bamboo, which keep well the sea’ (Deloche 1994: 179). A variety of ships and vessels were used in the eastern littoral such as the trappaga, the jaladhisakra (mentioned in the Chandraketugarh sealings), the ship fit for tridesayatra (mentioned in the sealing from Chandraketugarh), the double-masted ship displayed on a particular type of Satavahana coin, the sangara, and the kolandiaphonta (mentioned by Periplus) (R. Chakravarti 2012: 70). The kolandiaphonta is explicitly described in the Periplus as a large ship plying between Limyrike (Malabar country) and the Ganges region (R. Chakravarti 2012: 70; see also Casson 1989: 89, 232). The 1st–2nd-century Tamil text Purananuru (verse 368) refers to a ship from Vanga that had lost its direction due to strong winds (Iyer 1963). Regarding the rhythm of maritime traffic and the consequence of winds and sea currents, Deloche specifies the period between December to March as a favourable shipping season in Bengal, besides relating other issues concerning the shipping season in the east coast between the Coromandel and the Arakan coast (Deloche 1994: 215–22).

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Epilogue Regarding the sources for the study of the traditional boats, including their manufacturing techniques, as well as a variety of nomenclatures, Tripati discussed these at great length by citing classical texts and the indigenous and archaeological sources (S. Tripati 2015: 80–93; see also Rajamanickam 2004). Tripati’s major area of research, however, is the traditional boat-manufacturing of Orissa. Moreover, Tripati’s valuable study on the navigational history of Orissa covered a wide range of subjects such as, navigational technology referred to in ancient Sanskrit, Pali, and Tamil texts, apart from archaeological findings, coastal navigation, open sea navigation, ancient knowledge of currents, ancient knowledge of winds and sailing seasons. His work certainly has relevance in our context since the proximity of the two regions is noteworthy. Here, we may record that from the locational point of view. the coastal line of Bengal played an important role in the context of seafaring route between Sri Lanka and China. Tripati’s observations may be highlighted here: (p.260) People of the east coast of India took a route along the coastline and went up to Sri Lanka. Subsequently, with the help of the equatorial current, they proceeded towards Java. Hiuen Tsang took this route for his return journey to China. The timing of the journey was also related to the route. While returning through the same route, the seafarers of the east coast of India had to consider two factors, viz. the direction of the wind and the movement of the water…. To sum up, the knowledge of sailing, winds, currents, seasonal monsoons, etc. helped mariners of India to nurture a rich maritime heritage for centuries. (S. Tripati 2015: 90) Though the present reconstruction essentially focuses on the development of settlements and on the cultural ambience of littoral Bengal till the 12th century CE, one must keep in mind that these developments or basic changes in the archaeological records or findings within a time bracket were essentially a part of the development of a wider region and also that of the subcontinent. The enhancement of settlement structure, the growth of the major and minor settlements, the articulation of subsistence patterns, increasing production of day-to-day products and their consumption (consumption of household objects and artisan products), and, above all, the integration of production and consumption sites through the process of intensive interactive network via land routes as well as waterways (riverine and seafaring) have linked the study area with the mainstream. The data presented in this work strengthens our viewpoint, that is, one cannot isolate the various spheres of historical developments which were ultimately responsible for the formation and gradual emergence of the coastal society, the world of the aquatic people. Nevertheless, our database certainly allows us to reconstruct the history of participation in the interactive network between the coast and the hinterland through the passage of time from the EVF phases onwards. The initial stages involved the impact of BRW-using EVF phases (both pre-metallic and metallic) as apparent from Tamluk, Moghalmari, Clive House, and so on, which again was a part of a wider Page 34 of 43

 

Epilogue phenomenon of the Ganga valley and coastal as well as upland Orissa, the latter region encompassing the valleys of the Subarnarekha, Mahanadi, Baitarani, Brahmani, Tel, and other rivers. The Ganga valley paradigm is evident from the middle and lower Ganga valleys and that of the Mayurakshi, Ajay, Damodar, Dwarakeshwar, Rupnarayan, and Kangsavati. The (p.261) growth of settlements along the river valleys of the Padma, Meghna, Brahmaputra, and along the Chittagong coast as well as the Arakan borderlands was also a part of such EVF spread Subsequent changes in the settlement dynamics during the early historic period, that is, during the rise of the sixteen mahajanapadas that witnessed the rise of Magadha, as well as the Mauryan rule, as evident from the findings from sites such as Sisupalgarh (Orissa), Malhar (Chhattisgarh), Mahasthangarh (Bangladesh), the Bangarh region, and the Pataliputra–Rajagriha–Vaishali belt in Bihar, in other words, in the peripheral zones of coastal Bengal, reciprocated with early historic centres such as Tamluk, Chandraketugarh, Atghara, Deulpota, Harinarayanpur, and so on in the present study area. With our material records we can assume that the early historic sites such as Chandraketugarh, Mahasthangarh, and others interacted not only with each other but also with a large hinterland. The presence of artisan products in significant numbers and varieties remind us of an intensive interactive network operating along land routes as well as riverine and seafaring ones. The early historic development in the coastal region of Bengal may be suitably linked with that of coastal Orissa and Andhra. It may be said that during the early centuries of the Christian era the eastern littoral could be conceived as part of an interactive network, extending from lower Bengal to Sri Lanka as stated earlier. This early historic way of life gradually encompassed the land along and adjoining the eastern coast as well as the western one wherein we must take into consideration the role of hinterland settlements adjoining the two littorals. Tamluk and Sopara, with a comparable way of functioning and survival, may be taken as representative instances of that time. It was the time of acquaintance with the outside world which coincided with the attainment of a definite way of life, that is, a change in the character of settlements, development of urban and rural sectors, and the accompanying enhancement of subsistence strategies, a sophistication of lifestyle as apparent from the consumption of different commodities including artisan products such as terracottas, beads of semiprecious stones and terracotta, metal and ivory objects, and, of course, the coins, besides an emerging system of political hierarchy, which was quite complex in character, and state-controlled economy. It was also the time of monks and merchants and the intensification of pilgrimage (p.262) routes and the establishment of different monastic complexes associated with the Buddhist, Jaina, and the Brahmanical orders. It is well attested by archaeological findings, as well as Buddhist sources of the beginning of the Christian Era onwards, that the Ganga valley, particularly the urban centres/trading centres/Buddhist Page 35 of 43

 

Epilogue establishments of the middle Ganga valley was linked with the eastern littoral, and Tamralipta was one of the major ports along the east coast that maintained a crucial network between lower Bengal and northern Sri Lanka. There are scholars who often cite the distribution of rouletted ware in this context. Between the 2nd century BCE and 2nd century CE the contributions of the socalled dynastic factors were noteworthy, that is, the Satavahanas for the transVindhyan region and the Kushanas in the north Indian plains. One cannot rule out the connection between coastal Bengal and the settlement dynamics operating in the innumerable sites that flourished in the Andhra coast during the rule of the Satavahanas and their successors. Sites such as Amaravati, Nagarjunakonda, Kondapur, Salihundam, and others in Andhra Pradesh, besides the adjoining sites of the Coromandel coast and those of Orissa, the nearest contact, successfully maintained their network both religious and for the sake of the sarthavahas. For that matter, coastal Bengal had definite linkages with regions such as coastal Andhra or Konkan where a distinct correlation exists between patronage to Buddhism, Buddhist art, and merchant communities in the early historic period. This axis of development not only operated along the eastern littoral but was also linked with the western coast to a great extent as far as traffic of merchandise and the operation of the sarthavahas are concerned. Referring to sarthavahas, as far as Bengal is concerned, we find that these traders who led caravans are referred to in the copper plate inscriptions of north Bengal during the Gupta period. They were one of the dominant urban groups constituting the adhisthan-adhikarana, which presided over administrative affairs of the urban as well as rural sectors and they were also associated with the issue of copper plate inscriptions recording land sales and donations (D.C. Sircar 1965: 290–4, 336–9, 346–50). There are many instances of epigraphic sources in the rock-cut caves of the Deccan in the Western Ghats, indicating the operations of the sarthavahas in the trans-Vindhyan context which was again closely associated with the mountainous zone of the Chattisgarh– Chhotanagpur–Rajgir–Kharagpur hills. (p.263) The evidence from Dudhpani inscription (Kielhorn [1894] 1984: 343–7) may be considered here. A distinct cultural identity of the coastal line itself may be convincingly visualized during a much later period, that is, during the Gupta–post-Gupta period, with reference to the settlement dynamics associated with the geopolitical units of Samatata, Vanga (B.C. Sen 1942: 103; D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 153–5), Harikela, or even Dakshin Radha and Dandabhukti, and in a wider context with that of Pundravardhanabhukti and Vardhamanabhukti. A separate geopolitical identity cannot be envisaged except for the Khari-visaya and Khari mandala in Pundravardhanabhukti. Unfortunately, the villages mentioned in the different early medieval land grants found from the study area are yet to be convincingly identified with present localities or archaeological sites. Agrarian sectors were the basis for political units and the overall survival of the settlements. A significant feature of the agrarian sector is the grant of rent-free Page 36 of 43

 

Epilogue land, as evident from inscriptions. For instance, we may refer to the grant of rent-free land in a coastal locality called Vangasagara-sambhandariyaka in Yolamandala from the 10th–11th-century copper plate inscription, the Madanpur plate of Srichandra (R.G. Basak [1949–50] 1985: 51–8). Yolamandala is also mentioned in the Dhulla copper plate of Srichandra (N.G. Majumdar 2003: 165– 6; see also D.C. Sircar 1959–60a: 134–40). The Dandabhukti–Radha connection was subsequently consolidated to a great extent by the military exploits of the Choda–Choda-Ganga powers. During the Gupta–post-Gupta phase, the coastal region which had borne until then a rich antecedence was then exposed to the enhanced traffic of pilgrims, monks, and sarthavahas, the spread of political power and monitoring authority of the imperial lineages that ruled different zones before the rise of regional power bases. Significantly, throughout this period, the littoral in their power structures —the nature of economy, social and cultural milieu. and ideological spread—was always a part and piece of the surrounding hinterland/main and not entire in itself. A diverse landscape of Brahmanical temples with Buddhist monastic centres existed. Different religious groups functioned at multiple levels and there were diverse modes of interactions with the community at large. However, a distinct way of life or mode/modes of existence, influenced by the coastal ecology and landscape, had come into being (p.264) which again crystallized the coastal society as apparent from the epigraphic and literary sources. Coastal Bengal was in a position, or was wellequipped, to reciprocate with the Arakan region and Southeast Asia, a sort of middleman in the progression of the cultural heritage of the subcontinent in parts of Southeast Asia. In the coastal region itself the available sculptural and architectural remains suggest that the crystallization of different ideologies had attained much prominence, a sort of new height which again was closely associated with trading and pilgrimage circuits. Allied to this were the frequent interventions in the land system, in granting or gifting of cultivable or uncultivable lands made by the power bases for the maintenance and continuity of different establishments for generations. The land adjoining the western and southwestern periphery of the Bay of Bengal, that is, the Orissan, Andhra, and the Coromandel coastal societies had similarly served such reciprocation and interactive network with Southeast Asia, thereby heralding a ‘Greater India’. The period between the 6th and the 13th centuries CE, a period which has hitherto received special attention among scholars as far as the reconstruction of the history of the subcontinent is concerned, especially with the rise of regional political powers, is noteworthy. The scope of his book does not permit a detailed discourse on the debates concerning state formation and local administration, that is, land transactions and revenue/taxation system and other allied issues related to the feudal order or segmentary state formation. Our discussion of epigraphic sources allows us to comment on the fact that the process of political control, besides the common trend of exploitation of agrarian Page 37 of 43

 

Epilogue and non-agrarian resources, or the appropriation of land within a particular framework of state economy for the sake of survival of different social groups and establishments, apart from others, over the settlement dynamics of both the hinterland and the coast can be visualized in the same plane. More precisely, the issues such as the involvement of the ruling authorities (those ruling from Kotivarsa or Pancanagiri such as the lineage having the Datta name-ending, as evident from the Damodarpur copper plates, the later Guptas, Nathachandra of the Gunaighar plate, the rulers of the varaka-mandala, for example, Dvadasaditya, Dharmaditya, Gopachandra, and Samacharadeva, the Rata, the Khadga, and the Deva lineages in the (p.265) Comilla–Noakhali–Chattagram region, Sasanka as the lord of Gauda, Jayanaga, the Palas, the Senas, the Chandras, and the Kambojas, the Varmans and the second Deva lineage of Samatata–Harikela) as apparent from their inscriptions and land grants, the nature of transaction of agrarian as well as non-agrarian lands, the settlement hierarchy with the involved spaces (bhukti, visaya, mandala, vithi, grama, pataka, and so on), the collection of revenue conforming to the state-controlled standards, the presence of the administrative hierarchy, and, above all, the appropriation of land to different social groups (Brahmanas and nonBrahmanas), all lead us to visualize an integrated whole, operating in both the coastal region and the mainstream. Of course, we must not forget land transactions made in the Varakamandala-visaya, following the customs or practices of the territory up to the sea (prak-samudra-maryada) or of land measured by the standard based on Sivachandra’s cubit. The issue related to the trading network and the participation of coastal settlements is widely explained by different scholars. The available explanations point towards two directions: (a) maritime contact between the Bengal coast and the rest of the eastern as well as western littorals and (b)) contact with the Mediterranean world and the Indian Ocean network. What is apparent is that the fluvial network linked Bengal to the larger Ganga and Brahmaputra valley networks, and connections also existed with the east coast and the Bay of Bengal network along the Arakan coast and, of course, Southeast Asia (also through the Coromandel). Milindapanha (VI.21.359) mentions that that the navika or mariner after paying the customs dues (katasunkah) at the port (pattana) entered the ocean or mahasamudda and then traversed different regions such as Vanga, Takkola (Malayan peninsula), Cina, Sorattha, Suvarnabhumi or Southeast Asia. With our archaeological finds from the coastal settlements, it is quite difficult to address direct Mediterranean contact till the 12th century although we have before us the evidence from Periplus and the work of Ptolemy. Considering the distribution of rouletted ware and its concentration along the Bay of Bengal littoral, one should not associate this ware with the Romans. Chakrabarti pleaded in favour of Mediterranean contact with coastal West Bengal in a very precise manner. While explaining such contact Chakrabarti states:

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Epilogue (p.266) On their way to China and southeast Asia ships from the Mediterranean must have known this coast quite well. If anything, the testimony of both Ptolemy and the Periplus is a sure enough indication of this. With the location of as many as 6 sites with rouletted ware, one site with an amphora and a gradually emerging picture of the Bengal potters’ knowledge of Roman figurative art and coins, the archaeological basis of this link may be said to have assumed a sharper focus. This has also been helped by the location of the early historic site of Wari-Bateshwar near the junction of an old course of the Brahmaputra with the Meghna…. It appears that the entire coastal tract of ancient Vanga from the Bhagirathi mouth to the region west of the Meghna was known to sailors from the Mediterranean. (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 155–6) Chakrabarti has based his argument of the element of Mediterranean contact on the basis of (a) distribution of rouletted ware in different sites of coastal Bengal, (b) the discovery of a Roman amphora from the Contai area, (c) the terracotta female bust and the lower part of a clothed female torso reported from Chandraketugarh and Khari, (d) Greek inscription on a terracotta/clay plaque from Tildah, (e) a clay replica of a tetradrachma of Athens from Chandraketugarh, now in the Asutosh Museum, and (f) two male terracotta heads with laurel wreaths around them. The Mediterranean contact elaborated by Chakrabarti need not be questioned; rather, the issue certainly requires further investigations as far as the contexts of the findings and the chronocultural horizon of such interactive network are concerned. Unfortunately, most of the reported artefacts are chance discoveries made by the local collectors and we can never know their original contexts. Excavations in the coastal region have not yet aided us in this matter. This crucial issue which is one of the major parts of the reconstruction of the interactive network between the Bengal coast and the outer world remains neglected and there is enough scope for further investigations. Similarly, the riverine network–facilitated trade and spread of religious ideologies from Chandraketugarh, Deulpota, Harinarayanpur, Sagar (Ganga Sagar), Tamralipta to Mangalkot, Karnasuvarna, parts of the Brahmaputra valley, the Champa or Bhagalpur region, Monghyr, Apsad, Nalanda, Bodhgaya, Pataliputra, Vaishali, Varanasi, Ahichchhatra, Kausambi, and other Buddhist and Brahmanical sites of the middle Ganga valley. The occurrence of stamped wares and (p.267) terracotta figurines at Sanghol, Ahichchhatra, Sonkh, Kausambi, and so on may be noted along with the stamped wares at Chandraketugarh. At Chandraketugarh, stamped rosette designs occur on NBPW sherds and one may cite a BRW sherd decorated on the interior with a row of stamped medallions depicting a bird motif within a square panel (IAR 1957–8: 52) comparable to Wheeler’s type 10 reported from Arikamedu (1946: pl. LXXII, 6). The early historic period is also characterized by the ‘knobbed ware’ reported from Taxila, Hastinapur, Rajghat, Prahladpur, Chandraketugarh, Jaugada, Sisupalgarh, etc. Page 39 of 43

 

Epilogue Another inland circuit may be traced from Arakan via Wari-Bateshwar to Mahasthangarh, connecting the Chittagong–Faridpur tract. The network of routes traversing through the Brahmaputra valley of Assam to Tibet, upper Burma (Myanmar), and China is also noteworthy. Given the significance of inland navigation in the coastal region it is imperative to take into account the surviving strategies adopted by the fishing and sailing communities. Unfortunately, there is limited data of fish remains from excavations as well as explorations from the study area. Cowries as marine resources are significant and they were widely used in the historical period. If one links the background of trading groups with Buddhism then the presence of fishing communities would entail the practice of a number of independent and fragmented traditions involving local deities and rituals. A distinctive Puranic form of worship appeared only with the brahmanas establishing a definite social order during the early medieval period (K. Chakrabarti 2001: 2). The riverine way of life was obviously extended into the ideological/theological domain. There is a passage in Sandhyakara’s Ramacharita in connection with the eulogy of king Dharmapala which states that the stone boat (gravanau) of the great king floated on the sea and looked radiant as it affected a successful crossing. From the evidence of a Javanese text Tantu Panggelaran, it is apparent that Ramacharita actually hinted (the allegorical implication of the gravanau) to the magical power of the king which can be associated with the adepts of the Bhujangga mandalas or orders of Saiva or Buddhist wizards (Ray Chaudhuri 1989: 237–8). A sensible argument related to fluvial network and coastal navigation, though in a later context, has been superbly worked out by Deloche (1994: 93–126) while he is dealing with the eastern coast, that is, from the Gulf of Mannar and Palk Bay in peninsular India to (p.268) the Chattagram (Chittagong) coast, through the mouth of Kaveri, the deltas of Andhra, Kakinara to Chilka in Orissa, Chilka to the Bay of Baleswar, the Bay of Baleswar to Chattagram (Chittagong) including the estuary of the Hooghly, the Sundarban coast, and the mouth of the Padma and the Meghna. Deloche, by using indigenous literary sources and foreign accounts as well as reports of British administrators/scholars, reports of European travellers including Rennell, accounts of Arab travellers, district gazetteers, etc., made a very successful attempt to reconstruct the navigation history so as coastal network operating during pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial period. Such was the interactive legacy of coastal navigation along the eastern littoral which must have resulted from an equally impressive antecedence. Coastal Bengal was not fortunate enough to have witnessed the explorations of Scylax (whose exploration along the sea route from the mouth of the Indus to Egypt) so as to trace an extensive maritime route starting from the inlands. Nor has it witnessed the workings of a dynasty like the Satavahanas who had definitely benefited from the expanding Bay of Bengal trade. The history and culture of this region skirted by Orissa in the southwest, the Chhotanagpur Page 40 of 43

 

Epilogue upland and the wide stretches of the middle, and parts of lower Ganga valley in the west, the sub-Himalayan north Bengal plains to its north, the Assam region to its northeast and Myanmar to its east and southeast including Sri Lanka, have survived through the passage of time in their own terms as well as in terms of the mainstream developments. It has carved out a definite niche for itself nestled and spread as it is within the deltas of the Ganges/Bhagirathi, the Padma, the Brahmaputra, and the Meghna which carry between themselves its ancient history. Apart from the Bhagirathi and its tributaries, the other major drainage systems were part of its communication network, besides, the land routes originating from the peripheral areas and passing through the coastal region including the routes that started from the sub-Himalayan plains through the Chhotanagpur plateau region and parts of upland-coastal Orissa to the transVindhyan region. Chakrabarti refers to the ‘royal’ or the Badshahi road which was intimately related to coastal West Bengal. Having entered the district of Murshidabad from the direction of Rajmahal, this route came up to Mangalkot near the confluence of the (p.269) Ajay and the Kunur and then moved south in the direction of Garh Mandaran in Hooghly district. The major stop after Garh Mandaran was the area of modern Chandrakona where the route bifurcated, one going to Tamluk via Ghatal and the other going to the Orissan coast via Midnapur, Naraingarh, and Danton. One could also travel along the coast to reach Orissa from Tamluk. A branch-line of the main route led from Garh Mandaran to Bishnupur and from Bishnupur one could go to the Bankura area via Dihar. From Bankura one could travel via Satna to the Raghunathpur sector of Purulia and eventually emerge in the Chatra area of the old Hazaribagh district, from where the Gaya region was equally approachable. There were different variations of these broad alignments; one of them led through Palamau to the Benares sector. (D.K. Chakrabarti 2001: 157–8) This fascinating network was indeed crucial for the chrono-cultural developments of the littoral society, its shifting geopolitical alignments through the passage of time, the spread of ideologies, its shifting power bases besides, the multiple levels of functioning of a society that had access to a long coastline bordering the northern section of the Bay of Bengal. At the beginning of this Epilogue, we had focused on the dual identity of the coastal space of West Bengal and its surrounding littoral, that is, the identity of the coast itself and its wider connotation. Frankly speaking, our study area in its wider connotation remains somehow neglected (that is, its archaeological database was never highlighted in its proper context) particularly with the rise of the imperial power of the Mauryas that maintained close connections with the Mediterranean world through overland caravan routes and with regular voyages across the Indian Ocean on the trail of the monsoon winds. Therefore, one should not explain the extensive world of the littoral society by confining oneself Page 41 of 43

 

Epilogue to a restricted discourse (which is the general practice by solely highlighting, say, the maritime network or the spread of Buddhist ideology or any other singular aspect). It is still awaited that the region with its enormous database be reconstructed in favour of the continuous process of transformation of society and the carving out of a distinct space or niche that would not only break the natural barriers between the Southeast Asian unit and the subcontinent but also link the two. The reciprocation between people and the flow of cultural and ideological modes of political organization, (p.270) artistic styles, and material resources do not leave any space for the superiority of the ‘Greater India’ cultural arena (or of particular aspects of Indian culture that found a ready home time and again in Southeast Asia) or the question of colonization. Rather, it bears testimony to a bigger world where the survival strategies of the Gangetic valley on the one hand and that of Southeast Asia on the other both played pivotal roles—a result of pervasive contacts between one space and another. Terms and expressions like colonization or ‘Greater India’ are not appropriate to explain the entire settlement dynamics of the said orbit which includes eastern India, both plain and plateau, sub-Himalayan India and Bangladesh and adjoining Northeast India and above all the eastern Indian littoral extending till Myanmar and other Southeast Asian countries and obviously Sri Lanka. The political barriers through the ages and even the natural ones failed to stop the movement of population and cultural expressions as well as religious ideologies and exchange network. The present work certainly has limitations in this direction since the findings of Bangladesh, adjoining Northeast India and Myanmar, other parts of Southeast Asia, and the rest of the eastern littoral are beyond the scope of this study. It is a preliminary attempt to raise this issue in a proper archaeological context. This orbit certainly has intimate relationship with the archaeological findings recorded from the three arbitrary zones of the present study area. On the one hand the sites close to the Sundarban region, that is, Atghara, Tilpi, Kankandighi, Jatar Deul, Mandirtala, Harinarayanpur, and other sites of the Diamond Harbour region played a crucial role in reciprocating with the settlements in the present Bangladesh and Myanmar region. On the other hand Tamluk, Clive House (Dum Dum), Chandraketugarh, Mahanad, Saptagram–Triveni–Ballal Dhibi, Tildah, Bahiri, Mogholmari, etc., played a similar role to negotiate both the Ganga plain, the adjoining plateau and the eastern littoral of Orissa, Andhra, and further south. The wide distribution of artefacts like rouletted ware, knobbed ware, etc., beads of semiprecious stones, terracotta art objects, and stone sculptures associated with different religious ideologies referred to in this work prompts us to think in terms of a fresh appraisal of the functioning of the said cultural orbit. A future revisit is certainly a desideratum since the latent objective still pricks our conscience.

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Epilogue

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Figures

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

(p.271) Figures Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

(p.272)

Figure 4.1 Saivacharya from Uttarraybar, Dantan Source: Author.

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Figures (p.273)

Figure 4.2 Surya from Kankrajit Source: Author.

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Figures (p.274)

Figure 4.3 Ekapada Bhairava from Mahanad, Hooghly Source: Author.

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Figures (p.275)

Figure 4.4 Manasa from Singur Source: Author.

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Figures (p.276)

Figure 4.5 Chamunda from Jaynagar, South 24-Parganas Source: Author.

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Figures (p.277)

Figure 4.6 Votive stupa from Jaynagar Source: Author.

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Figures (p.278) (p.279)

Figure 4.7 Mahisamardini from Devishankar Middya Collection Source: Author.

Figure 4.8 Antimony rods from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour

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Figures (p.280)

Source: Author.

(p.281)

Figure 4.9a and 4.9b Beads from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour Source: Author.

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Figures (p.282)

Figure 4.10 Antlers from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour Source: Author.

Figure 4.11a and 4.11b Inscribed terracotta tablets from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour Source: Author.

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Figures (p.283)

Figure 4.12 Sahasralinga from Burartat, South 24-Parganas Source: Author.

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Figures (p.284)

Figure 4.13 Narasimha from Gopalpur, Patharpratima Source: Author.

Figure 5.1 Structural remains from Chandraketugarh Source: Author.

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Figures (p.285)

Figure 5.2 Temple of Jatar Deul from South 24-Parganas Source: Author.

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Figures (p.286)

Figure 5.3 (a) High-neck vessel from Tamluk; (b) Roman amphora from Chandraketugarh; (c) Miniature pots from Jaynagar; (d) Pottery from Rabin Haldar Collection, Diamond Harbour Source: Author.

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Figures (p.287) (p.288)

Figure 5.4 Bone tools from Chandraketugarh, North 24-Parganas Source: Author.

Figure 5.5 Visnu from Gajamuri, South 24-Parganas Source: Author.

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Figures (p.289)

Figure 5.6 Image of Visnu from Hatnagar, East Midnapur Source: Author.

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Figures (p.290)

Figure 5.7 Bronze image from Jaynagar Source: Author.

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Figures (p.291)

Figure 5.8 Ivory object from Deulpota Source: Author.

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Figures (p.292)

Map 1 Excavated and explored sites of coastal Bengal Source: Author. Note: Map is not to scale and does not represent authentic international boundaries.

Map 2 Excavated sites of coastal Bengal Source: Author. Note: Map is not to scale and does not represent authentic international boundaries.

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Glossary

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

(p.293) Glossary Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

acharya a religious preceptor amalaka spheroid member ribbed at the edges surmounting the sikhara amalaka-sila spheroid stone member with ribbed edges capping the sikhara of a temple astana grave avataras incarnations ayagapatta votive plaque or tablet of homage; it is an ornamental slab bearing the representation of a Jina or Tirthankara or of some other object of worship and the term may be appropriately rendered by ‘tablet of homage or of worship’ bhukti ancient territorial unit denoting a province bhumisparsa mudra earth-touching hand posture originally associated with the Buddha, where the right palm, with fingers stretched, touches the ground or seat and the left palm rests on the lap chaitya generally used in the sense of a stupa chakra wheel charchala Page 1 of 4

 

Glossary structure or temple in Bengal with four eaves or temples having a curved roof constituting of four triangular segments (p.294) chaturmukhalinga a linga depicting four faces on the four cardinal directions chaumukha a miniature temple or shrine depicting images of Jaina Tirthankaras or patriarchs on the four sides dargah shrine built over the grave of a revered religious figure, often a Sufi saint deul temple dharmachakrapravartana mudra hand posture indicating the turning of the wheel of law; in this mudra the two hands are held near the chest, the right palm (inner surface) turned outwards, with the tips of the thumb and the index finger joined (vyakhyana mudra) and the left palm turned inwards (jnana mudra) gajavyala mythical animal figure of a stylized body of a lion and the head of an elephant gauri-patta same as yoni-patta or yoni-pitha ghats paved banks along a river handis a type of carinated bowls jagamohana the porch or assembly hall in front of the main sanctum janapadas settlements associated with specific territories and a political identity karnakundala ear-ornament kayotsarga erect standing posture of the Jaina Tirthankaras, with four fingers’ breadth between the toes and a lesser width between the heels of the feet; ‘kayotsarga’ literally means ‘letting loose the body’ Kazirdanga a mound locally known as Kazirdanga; the word ‘Kazi’ or judge is used by Muslims; however, it is of common usage today kunda receptacle for water lotas pots with spouts Page 2 of 4

 

Glossary (p.295) mahanavika master mariner mahavihara great monastery makar sankranti last day of the Bengali month of Pous makra stone laterite stone mandala mystic circle, single or multiple, or a diagram in which a number of deities are visualized or their figures arrayed in a circle (or concentric circles) around the central deity, sphere of divinity. A spiritual and ritual symbol associated with both Buddhism and the Brahmanical order mandapa hall of assemblage, porch maribelons plum-shaped beads matha monastery mouza an administrative district navagrahas the nine planets pancaratha with five projections or segments. purnaghata urn of plenty or pot full of offerings sahasralingas depiction of thousand and one Siva lingas or phallic emblems Saktapitha pilgrimage centre of the Saktas Sakti goddess saptaratha with seven projections or segments Sarvatobhadra a type of square-shaped temples of north India sikhara towered roof stupika a small stupa surkhi brick dust occasionally mixed with mud Page 3 of 4

 

Glossary than local place of worship or sacred space theras senior monks or bhikshus of the Buddhist order Tipitaka Buddhist scriptures torana ornamented or arched gateway trinetra three-eyed triratha with three projections or segments vihara Buddhist monastery visaya ancient territorial unit denoting a district (p.296) Visnupatta special class of votive relic consisting of square plaques/slabs of stone or metal depicting Visnu on one side and his ten incarnations on the other yaksi folk divinity yojana ancient Indian measure of distance equivalent to about 12–15 kilometres yoni-patta usually stone pithas or pedestals signifying the female procreative principle on which stands the linga or the phallic emblem of Siva yoni-pitha same as yoni-patta

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References

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

(p.297) References Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

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Index

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

(p.324) Index abandoned structural/habitational settlements, xvi Adhikari, Umacharan, 39 Adi Ganga, 112, 115, 120 Aguiboni, 53 Ajay/Ajay river, 22, 144, 148 Akrapunji village, 125 Amta, 78 Angua, 28, 148 antiquarian finds, 2 Antra, 55 Anulia, 69 Anulia copper plate of Laksmanasena, 69 archaeological remains of coastal Bengal, 2–4 coastal settlements, 5–7 excavation reports, 9 lower Ganges, 6 maritime history, 8 from North and South 24-Parganas, 10 publications, 9–10 trade, trading networks, 7 Ardhanarisvara icon, 106, 162, 164 Astamahabhaya Tara icon, 235, 236 Asurali, 124 Asutosh Museum, 37, 67, 76, 82, 90, 112, 114, 118, 177 Atghara, 8–9, 130, 144, 155, 186 Atghara BRW, 148 Avadanasataka, 42 Bachhari, 9, 68, 78 Badur–Latpatia, 50, 148 Bagchi, K., 6 Bahiri, 28, 36, 59–60, 148, 155, xvii Page 1 of 19

 

Index temple of Jagannatha, 60–1 terracotta figurines, 60 Baidyabati, 75 Baishata, 96–7, 155 Baishata-Ghosher Chak, 9 Bakarganj district, 19–20 Balagarh, 74 Balanda Pratna Sangrahalaya, 82 Balarampur, 63 Balasore, 22, 238, 239 Bali, 80 Ballal Dhibi/Dhipi, 9, 65–7, 144, 157, 194, 224, 270 Banamalipara, 69 Bandipur, 70 (p.325) Bandyopadhyay, B., 74 Bandyopadhyay, S., 6 Banerjee, S. N., 6 Banerji, R.D., 82 Bangaduni, 25 Bangarh, 149 Bangladesh, 20 Bankura, 13, 22, 23, 52, 59, 70, 147, 151, 165, 172, 176, 258, 269 Bansberia, 24 Barabaghira, 28, 56, 148 Barashi, 103, 116, 117 Baratala, 25 Bargabhima Mandir, 48 Barind Formation, 28 Baripada Formation, 28 Barros, Jao de, 6, 38, 76 Baruipara, 24 Basak, B., 11 Bashberia, 73, 74 Basholir Mandir, 59 Basu, D., 32 Bay of Bengal, 1, 11, 12, 13, 17, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 37, 60, 80, 134, 167, 197, 198, 212, 220, 227, 238, 240, 248, 250, 251, 253, 254, 256, 264, 265, 268, 269 Begley, Vimala, 7 Beharasai, 55 Bengal Basin, 12–14, 16–17, 24, 224 Bengal delta, 25 Berabere, 80 Berachampa, 81, 82, 188 Betara, xviii, 76 Betor/Betar, 64, 71, 76, 78, 149, 155, 208, 239, 256 Betor Bandar, 78 Bhagirathi, 21–2, 24, 29, 37, 72 Bhagirathi basin, 13, 29, 229, 232 Bhairava icon, 164 Page 2 of 19

 

Index Bharatpur, 156 Bhattacharya, Sushil, 3 Bhattacharyya, N. N., 9 Bhattasali, N. K., 3 Bhavanipur, 28 Bhumi Devi, 186 Bhurishreshtra, xviii Bhurisresthika, 76 Bhursut, xviii Biddar Sasana village, 111 Bighati, 74 Bijiara, 134, 135, 138, 139, 167, 169, 230 Biral-Dhamnagar, 111 Black and Red Ware (BRW), 8, 147–8, xvii associated agrarian set-up, 58 associated EVF phases, 53–4, 56, 59, 63, 143 associated EVF settlements, 28 black-slipped ware (BSW), 8, 49–51, 74, 82, 95, 149 Blaev, 6, 38, 76 boat manufacturing, 256–64, 267 Bohuru, 116 Boichigram, 75, 176 Bonshamnagar, 126 Bopearachchi, Osmund, 8 Boral, 8, 80, 109, 120, 130, 146, 149, 155, 160, 162, 166, 171 Brahma image, 162 Brahmani–Baitarani delta, 16 Brahmaputra, 17 Brahmaputra–Ganga delta, 22 Brihatkathamanjari, 42 Brihatkathaslokasamgraha, 41 Brihat-Samhita of Varahamihira, 41 Broucke, Van den, 6 Buddha image, 101, 136, 162, 164, 190 Buddhism, 8, 11, 147 Buddhist architecture, 32–4 (p.326) Budhagupta, 45, 178 Burimar Bati, 101–2 Buroburir Tat or Burartat, 132 Bysack, Gaurdas, 2, 46 ceramic industry, 147–53 applique work, 150 red-slipped and grey-slipped wares, 149 Chaitanya, xv, 65, 92, 242, 243 Chakfuldubi, 129, 161 Chakrabarti, Dilip K., 10, 25, 72 Chakrabarti, P., 6, 16–17 Chakravarti, R., 7 chalcolithic habitation, 59 Page 3 of 19

 

Index Chandaneswar, 96 Chandannagar, 24 Chandra, Satish, 8 Chandraketugarh, 4–5, 8–9, 81–2, 86–7, 90, 130, 144–6, 149–50, 155, 167–8, 171, 173, 186, 188, 224, xviii beads, 156 bone tools, 154 Chandul, 79 Chattopadhyay, G. S., 6 Chattopadhyay, Sunil, 67 Chaudhuri, K. N., 8 Chaulia, 28 Chhatrabhog village, 117 Chhotanagpur, 29, 193 Chhotanagpur plateau, 19, 22, 52, 156, 163, 166, 193, 222, 230–231, 236, 268 Chhoto Rakshaskhali, 132 Chowdhury, Sima Roy, 10 Clive House, 9, 87, 129, 144, 148–9, 154–7, 166, 171, 190, xvii mound, 155, 171, 187 coastal archaeology, definition of, xv coastal landscape, xv coast-line fluctuations, 25–6 Gangetic delta, 25–6 coins, 46–8, 88–9, 92, 94, 97, 171–85 Archer type gold coins, 177, 178–9 cast copper coins, 113, 123, 172–3, 176 copper coins, 46–9, 51, 61, 73, 77, 83–4, 88, 90, 92–4, 96, 104–5, 109, 113–14, 120– 3, 137, 171–4, 176, 183, 231 copper punch-marked coins, 172 gold coinage of Samatata, 181–2 Gupta coins, 2, 177–9 Gupta gold coins, 75, 97, 113, 177, 179 Kushana coins, 113, 119, 123, 174–5 Lydian coins, 123 Puri-Kushana coins, 61, 104, 115, 175–6, 237, 253 Rata coins, 134 Roman gold coin, 176–7 silver punch-marked coins, 171, 173 Visnugupta, 37, 75 Comilla region, 165, 178, 182, 192, 195, 217, 226, 228, 265 commerce/trade and trading networks, 6–8, 39–40, 44–5, 138, 215, 217–18, 240, 247– 56, 265, xii, xviii Indo-Roman trade, 7–8 maritime trade, stages of, 8 contact zones, 226–39 Contai beach ridge, 23 copper hoard, 53, 59 cowrie shells, 33, 175, 182–5 cultural matrix Page 4 of 19

 

Index BRW-associated cultural deposit, 30 (p.327) Moghalmari, 29 Zone A, 28, 30 Curray, J. R., 6 Dabu, 114–15, 171 Dadpur, 113 Daintikri, 51–3 Dakshina Radha, 29, 36, 64, 159, 230 Dakshin Barasat, 116 Dakshin Bishnupur, 117, 120–1, 162, 166, 170–1, 174 Dakshin Durgapur, 77 Dakshineshwar, 107–8 Dakshin Mahendrapur, 136 Damodar, 22, 24, 25, 144, 148 Damodar–Bhagirathi inter-riverine plain, 24 Dandabhukti, 18, 29, 36, 57, 159, 179–80, 193–4, 199, 230 Dankuni, 23 Dantan, 27–8, 30, 36 Das Gupta, P. C., 4, 47, 90, 109, 112, 115, 168, 170 Dasakumaracharita, 41 Dasgupta, Ashin, 8 Dasnagar, 79 Datta, A., 149 Datta, Kalidas, 2–3, 11, 82, 97, 102, 104, 111, 114, 117–18, 136, 204 Adi Gangar Itihas, 3 De, Sudhin, 97–8, 111–12 Delbari, 126, 146 Deloche, Jean, 7, 37, 159–60, 258–9, 267–8 Depara, 69, 164 Desabalibibriti, 38, 42 Deshpande, M.N., 49 Deulpota, 25, 122–4, 130, 144, 148–9, 155, 164, 166, 187, 224 Deva, Krishna, 7 Devagram, 65, 69 Dhanagar, 69 Dhasbhanga, 119 Dhibi, 27, 30, 33–4, 65–7, 81–3, 85–6, 91, 97, 118, 140, 144, 156–8, 194, 270 Dhosha, 9, 146, 155 Digha, 23 Dignagar, 70, 164 Dihar, 145, 156, 165, 172, 232 Dikshit, K.N., 82 Dingelpota, 111 Directorate of Archaeology and Museums, West Bengal (DAWB), 9, 51, 68, 71, 115, 121–3 Dom community, 92 drainage systems, 14, 22, 24–5, 60, 82, 93, 99–100, 145, 220, 268, xvi Bhagirathi–Hooghly, 22, 229 Chandraketugarh area, 242 Page 5 of 19

 

Index Subarnarekha, 22 Durgapur, 116 Dvadasaditya panel, 161 Dwarakeswar–Damodar inter-riverine plain, 24 Dwarbasini, 75–6 earliest settlements of coastal West Bengal, 21 Early Village Farming (EVF), xvii eastern littoral, 4, 7, 147, xix Egra/Egra Patna, 29, 37, 53, 58–9, 161, 164, 180, 183, 199 Ekapada Bhairava image, 67, 160 Ektiarpur, 28, 148 Emmel, F. J., 6 epigraphic records/sources, xii, 3, 11, 29, 36, 45, 52, 179–80, 184, 192–5, 200, 212–14, 216–17, 241, 245, 248, 262, 264 Erenda, xvii, 29, 58, 144, 147 (p.328) Fa-hien, 43 Federick, Caeser, 6 fertility cult, 186 Fine Black Slipped Ware (FBSW), 254–5 floral and faunal regimes, 190, xvii Zone A, 28 folklore, 39, 81 Gada Mathura, 136 Ganesa icon, 116, 162, 164, 217 Ganga–Bhagirathi channel, 38, 76, 80 Ganga delta, 13–16 Baltora Formation in Bankura, 13 Calcutta Formation, 15 Coastal zone, 15–16 coast-line fluctuations and river course changes, 25–6 Daintikri/Panskura Formation, 14 depressed zone of brackish marshes, 20 Digha Formation, 15–16 Dum Dum Formation, 15 Illambazar Formation in Birbhum and Murshidbabad, 13 Kharagpur Formation in Midnapur, 14 Mid-basinal zone, 14–15 Mio-Pliocene Bhairab Banki Formation, 13 moribund, mature, and active delta regions, 19–20 Pleistocene Lalgarh Formation, 13 Shelf zone, 13 Sijua Formation in Kasai sub-basin, 14 Sundarban Formation, 15 Sundarban region, 19–20 Worgram Formation in Burdwan, 14 Zone A, 21–3 Zone B, 23–4 Zone C, 24–5 Gangasagara, 128–9 Page 6 of 19

 

Index Ganga valley, 3, 5, xvi Ganges–Brahmaputra–Meghna river system, 17 Gangopadhyay, K., 10 Ganguli, Kalyan Kumar, 10 Garanbas/Garan-Basu, 137 Garh Mandaran, 9, 64, 67, 269 Garo-Rajmahal Gap, 22 Gastaldi, 6, 38 Gaudiya script, 31 geoarchaeology, xvi–xvii geopolitical units in ancient Bengal, 239–40 Ghatal, 61–2 ghats, 48, 73, 75, 109, 130, 132, 135, 141, 262 Ghosh, A., 7 Ghosh, D. P., 47, 82 Ghosh, Debaprasad, 3 Ghosh, P. G., 112 Ghosh, Prasanta, 10 Ghosh, R. N., 6 Ghosh, Tarak Nath, 82 Ghosher Chak, 9, 96–7, 99, 160 glass objects, 190 Gobardhanpur, 134–5 Gogte, V., 7 Golbai Sasan, 29, 141, 147, 154, 156, 220, 232 Goswami, K.G., 4, 36, 82 Gourimukha, 126 Guasuba, 25 Gupta period, 49, 83, 91, 146 (p.329) Guptipara, 24 Habra, 107 Hadipur, 82 Haludpur/Haridrapur, 74 Haribhanga, 25 Hariharpur-Mahinagar, 111–13 Harinabhi, 111 Harinarayanpur, 8, 25, 77, 121–2, 130, 144, 148–9, 155, 168, 172, 185–6, 224 Haroa Museum, 82 Hatiagarh, 131–2 Hatnagar, 29, 55, 58–9, 164 hinterland, xv hinterland/adjoining territory, 7–8, 13, 18, 21, 29, 36–8, 51–3, 58, 65, 71, 73, 144, 151, 153, 159, 165, 184–5, 189, 194–5, 214, 221, 224–5, 227–30, 236, 239, 247, 252, 257, 260–1, 263–4, xv, xvii–xviii Hirapari, 54 Holocene deposition, 14–17, 20, 28, 219–20 Hooghly, 10, 19, 24–5, 66–8, 70–6, 80, 131, 148, 178–9, 224 antiquarian remains, 67–8 ceramic assemblage, 68 Page 7 of 19

 

Index Jatesvaranatha temple, 67 Howrah, 19, 21, 24, 68, 76–80, 148 Hsuan-tsang, 44 Hunter, W. W., 2, 78 Ichhamati, 25, 26 Indian Ocean, 1, 6, 8, 11–12, 184, 250, 252, 256, 265, 269 Indo-Roman trade, 7–8 inscriptions, 192–3 Anulia copper plate of Laksmanasena, 208–9 Anulia plate of Laksmanasena, 214 Asokan Brahmi inscription, 185 Barrackpore copper plate of Vijayasena, 206–7 Belava copper plate of Bhojavarman, 206 Belava inscription of Bhojavarman, 214 Calcutta Sahitya Parishad copper plate of Visvarupasena, 212 Chandra copper plates, 193 Chittagong copper plate, 212–13 Chittagong copper plate of Damodaradeva, 215 copper plates of Sasanka, 29 Dacca copper plate of Kalyanachandra, 203 Deopara inscription of Vijayasena, 207 Dhulla copper plate of Srichandra, 202 Dommanapala copper-plate inscription, 3 Dudhpani rock inscription, 45, 52, 218, 263 Edilpur copper plate of Visvarupasena, 211–12 Faridpur copper plate inscription, 196–8 Govindapur Copper Plate Inscription, 111 Govindapur copper plate of Laksmanasena, 207–8 Gunaighar copper plate inscription, 195–6 Haraha inscription of Maukhari king Isanavarman, 215 India Office plate of Laksmanasena, 209 Kailan copper plate inscription, 199 (p.330) Kalanda copper plate of Nayapaladeva, 237 Kalyani inscription, 43 Kedarpur plate of Srichandra, 202 Khalimpur inscription, 216 Kharosti–Brahmi inscriptions, 188 Kotalipada copper plate inscription, 198–9 Madhainagar copper plate of Laksmanasena, 209 Mainamati (Charpatramura) copper plate, 203–4 Mainamati copper plate of Govindachandra, 204 Mehar plate of Damodaradeva, 212–13 Monghyr copper plate inscription of Devapala, 216 Motupalli stone pillar inscription, 236 Naihati copper plate of Vallalasena, 207, 214 Pala inscriptions, 192, 205 Panchrol copper plate inscription, 199 Pascimbhag plate of Srichandra, 200–2 Proto-Bengali inscriptions, 127 Page 8 of 19

 

Index Rakshaskhali Island copper plate inscription, 209–11 Raktamala copper plate inscription, 196 Rampal copper plate of Srichandra, 203 Samantasar plate of Harivarman, 205–6 Sasanka copper plates, 199 of Sena rulers, 206–18 on settlement hierarchy, 213–14 Siyan Stone slab inscription of Nayapala, 205 Srichandra’s Comilla copper plate, 203 Sundarban (Bakultala) copper plate of Laksmanasena, 208 Tarpanadighi plate of Laksmanasena, 214 Tirumalai rock inscription of Rajendra Chola I, 221 Vajrayogini plate of Samalavarman, 206 Itakhola, 84–6, 145 I-tsing, 43–4, 45 ivory objects, 189–90 Jagatballavpur region, 79 Jagtighata, 112 Jahan, S.H., 7 Jai Kalir Chak, 58 Jaina icons, 117 Jaina images, 53, 125, 163, 244 Jaina sculptures, 52, 56, 107 Jaina Tirthankara images, 91, 116, 164 Jalangi, 25 Jalchak Nateshwari Netaji Vidyalaya, 37 Jaleshwar, 107 Jalghata, 119 Jamira, 25 Jamuna, 16, 25, 72 Janai, 23, 75 Jatar Deul, 9, 99–104, 125–6, 146, 155, 158, 160, 174, 204, 244, 270 Jaynagar–Majilpur, 115–16 jhum cultivation, 221 Jinsar, 51, 52–3, 163 Jokhia village, 98 Joypur, 80 Joypura, 28 (p.331) Kaikala, 70 Kakdwip–Khulna–Dacca lineament, 17 Kankrajit, 14, 28, 56, 57, 148, 163 Kalidas Datta Smriti Sangrahasala, 97, 102, 119, 163 Kalyan Rudra, 37 Kameshwarpalli, 156 Kanchrapara Khal, 72 Kankandighi, 9, 99–101, 130, 148, 155, 164–5 Kangsavati/Kasai river, 22, 23, 51–2 Kanthi Sand Dune Ridges, 61 Karanjali, 125 Page 9 of 19

 

Index Karnasuvarna, 29 Kasipur or Kasinagar, 102–3, 118, 148, 160–1, 186, 190 Katabenia, 125 Katandighi, 117 Kathasaritsagara, 41, 218 Kazirdanga, 114 Kesiari, 56 Khana Mihirer Dhipi, 82–4, 149 Khania–Shahjadpur, 126 Kharai Kotbar, 29 Khari–Chhatrabhog, 99, 100, 103, 116, 124, 125, 148, 155, 194, 210, 243 Khariop, 78 Kiyarchand, 55–6 Korbeg/Korabeg, 114 Krishnachandrapur, 116–18, 164, 170 Krishnanagar, 54, 65, 69, 98, 129 Krishnapur, 28, 148 Kuldiya, 113 Kumarganj, 64 Kumbhachak Natsal, 50 Kundarali, 113 Kuntirghat, 24 Kushana period, 83–4, 91, 98, 146, 173 Lachhipur-Nepura, 52–3 Lamb, Alastair, 2 lime surkhi mortar, 145 littoral society, xv–xvi, xvii, 18, 38, 102, 225 of ancient Bengal, 2 of Utkaladesa, 36 in Zone A, 23 littoral space, xv Loltapur, 29, 148 Lombard, Dennis, 8 Longhurst, A.H., 82 lower Ganges, 3, 10, 39–40, 257 Middle Stone Age industries, 123 Mabbett, I.W., 2 Madhavpur, 70, 92, 127, 178 Mahabharata, 40, 73 Mahadebtala, 127, 128 Mahakarmavibhanga, 41 Mahanad, 23, 146, 148, 155 Mahasthangarh, 149 Mahavamsa, 42 Mahisamardini 73, 88, 162 Mahisasuramardini icon, 97, 110–11, 113, 119, 161, 164–5 Maity, Arabinda, 58 major/minor settlements/sites, xvii, 102, 260 Majumdar, Hemen, 3 Page 10 of 19

 

Index Majumdar, N. G., 66 Majumdar, S., 6 Manasa icon, 78 Manasamangal kavya, 72, 76, 140, 218 Mandirtala, 129–37 Mandirtala–Sagar, 155 Mangalkavyas, xv Mangalkot, 8, 149 Manikabasan, 58 Manir Tat, 118–19 Manna, Sibendu, 10 (p.332) Manoharpur, 28–9, 148 Marandighi, 56 maritime history, 8 Mathabhanga, 25 Mathbari Dhibi, 118 Mathbari I, 98 Mathbari II, 98 Matla, 25 Matnagar, 55 Mauryan period, 92, 139 Mayda, 116 Mayta, 54 Mayurbhanj, 22, 29 McPherson, Kenneth, 8 Mellak, 80 metal images, 35, 98, 110, 114, 164–5, 237 metal objects, 92, 101, 129, 131, 165–6, 223 Midnapur, 4–5, 14–16, 19, 21–2, 27–8, 35, 37, 39, 50, 52, 55, 60, 63, 127, 161, 163–4, 169, 172, 174–5, 177–8, 180, 199, 214, 230, 232–4, 239, 258, 269 Milindapanho, 41 Mitra, Sudhir Kumar, 10 Moghalmari, xvii, 9, 27, 143, 147, 155–7, 163, 180, 186–7, 225, 235, 238, 242, 244, 247 brick structures, 30–1, 34–5 BRW-associated deposits from, 30–1 BRW level at, 28 ceramic types unearthed, 32–3 common cultural matrix, 29 iron objects, 33 lime-plastered wall with stucco work, 33 metal images from, 35 monastic complex of, 30–1, 147, 166 phases of cultural sequences, 35 stone objects, 32 stucco figures, 33 superimposed floors of monastic complex(es) at, 31 terracotta objects from, 32 triratha plan of monastery, 34 monastic complex, 185, 262 Page 11 of 19

 

Index Moghalmari, 30–1, 147, 166 Ratnagiri, 182, 235 Telhara, 182 Moore, D. G., 6 Mor river, 22 mounds Basholi Mandir, xvii Bhandarhati, Bainchi, and Polba, 74 Clive House, 155, 171, 187 Damdama, 77 Dum Dum, 88–9 Gajagiribari, 102 Itakhola, 84, 145 Itakhola, 145 Jagannath Temple, xvii Jattala, 146 Khadipada/Khadpara, 235 Khatpukur, 47 Mathbari, 104 Pilkhanar Bati, 101 Triveni, 72 Mughal period, 27–8 Mukherjee, B. N., 7 Mukherjee, S. K., 49 Mukhopadhyay, N., 109, 112 Muriganga, 25 Nadia, 19, 65–6, 69–70 Nagara style of temple architecture, 34, 55, 146 Nalgara, 118–19, 164 Nalikul, 70 (p.333) Nandigram, 61 Narayangarh, 54, 56, 164 Nataraja, 115, 126, 135, 136, 164 Natsal/Natshal village, 9, 50, 148, 154, 163, 167 terracotta figurines, 51 tools, 50–1 Navagraha panel, 164 Nicobar Fan, 17 Nimta, 73, 105, 144, 149, 150 Nitai, 52–3 Niyogi, D., 6, 25 Noongola, 81–2, 86 Northern Black Polished Ware (NBPW), 8, 36, 48–51, 61, 70–1, 73, 75–6, 81–3, 85, 88, 90–1, 105–6, 112–13, 122–3, 131, 148–9, 151, 171, 229, 254, 267 North 24-Parganas, 21, 24–5, 105, 148, 162, 178, 189 Nrisimha/Narasimha icon, 69, 80, 114–17, 120, 135, 161, 164 Nrisimha plaque, 113 Nurpur, 120 Orissa, 21, 28–9 Page 12 of 19

 

Index Padma–Jamuna channel, 80 Pakhanna, 145, 151, 156, 172, 232 Pakurseni, 54 Pakurtala, 54, 127, 148, 169, 172, 187, 215, 256 Pala period, 68–9, 83, 91, 98, 147, 206, 228 Pala–Sena idiom, 49, 76, 78, 106, 115, 125, 129, 159, 161, 244 Pala–Sena sculptures, 117 Panchagram, 124 Pandu Rajar Dhibi, 156 Panna, 36, 62 Parihati, 53 Patharghata, 63 Pathra, 63–4 Pearson, M. N., 8 Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, 3, 5, 175, 229 Pichhaldaha, 80 Piyali, 25–6, 93, 94, 96, 115 Pliny, xv, 7 pottery, 84 pottery/ceramic types, 147–53 Prabodhachandrodaya, 77 Prakash, Om, 8 Priyangu, 42, 194, 236–7 Ptolemy, xv, 4–5, 40 Pukurberia, 128 Puma, Richard Daniel de, 7 Pundravardhanabhukti, 18, 229, 250, 263 Purulia, 22 Quaternary period BRW-associated EVF settlements, 18 Ganga–Brahmaputra delta, 12–13 Ganga delta, 13–16 Ganges–Brahmaputra delta, 17 Hooghly delta, 12 phenomenon of rapid amelioration, 18 Subarnarekha delta, 16–18 tectonic displacement, 17 Rabin Haldar collection, 123–4, 156 Radha, 18, 29, 36, 64, 237 Radhakantopur, 118–19 Radhapur/Char Radhapur, 78 Raidighi, 126–7 Raimangal, 25 Raimangal/Haribhanga channels, 3–4 (p.334) Rakshaskhali Island, 3, 132, 209 Ramachandran, T.N., 4 Ramnagar, 58, 93, 113, 162, 171 Rasanala, 60 Raut, L.N., 8 Page 13 of 19

 

Index Rautmani, 54 Ray, Aniruddha, 10 Ray, H.P., 7–8 Ray, N.R., 5–6, 50, 119 Raybaruttar, 29, 56, 148 Rayen/Raina, 148 Rayer Chak, 124 related to EVF phases, 144 religious ideologies, 243–7, 266 religious structures, post-Gupta period, 146 Rennell, J., 6, 38, 76, 97, 137, 215, 268 ‘resurrecting’ of settlement, xvi Revanta images, 57 rice agriculture, 221–2 ring wells, 145 river course changes, 25–6, 71, 103, 122, 124, 140, 223–4 Damodar, 25 Ganga, 25 Gangetic delta, 25–6 Rupnarayan, 25, 39 Saraswati, 25 Vidyadhari, 25 rouletted ware, 8, 150, 252–5, 266 Roy, Mohit, 9 Roy, Pranab, 9 Roy, R.K., 6 Roychaudhuri, Umakanta, 77 Roychoudhury, C.R., 82 Rudra, K., 6 Rupnarayan river, 2, 10, 22, 38–9, 61 Sabang, 55 Sagar Island, 128, 130, 160 Sahasralinga, 57–8 Saivism, 65 Sakhisenar Dhibi, 30, 33–4 Salika–Maheshpur, 113 Samaraichchakaha, 41 Samatata, 18 Sampson, E.D., 115 Samudragarh, 75 Santra, Tarapada, 9 Sanyal, Hitesh Ranjan, 4 Saptagram, 8, 24, 70–1, 73, 76, 155 Saptamukhi, 25 Saradacharan Museum, 67 Saral dighi, 109 Sarasanka/Sharsanka, 148 Sarasankha, 28–9 Saraswati icon, 162, 164 Page 14 of 19

 

Index Saraswati river, 37–8, 70–1, 74 Sarberia, 115, 175 Satdeula/Satdeulia, 28 Sat Deula/Sat Deulia/Satdeula, 28, 56–7, 148 Satgharar Dhibi, 78 Saudagar, Chand, xv sea-faring activities, xviii seals and sealings, 48, 123, 185–9 Sekua, 54 Sena dighi, 109 Sengupta, G., 7 settlements in coastal Bengal, distribution of, xviii–xix, 5, 7, 21, 29, 141–2 Shelf zone, Ganga delta, 13 Sheoraphuli, 23, 67, 149 Siddhesvara temple, 146 Sijua Formation, 14, 16, 28 Simlagarh, 75 Singhbhum district, 22 Singh Darwaza, 85 Sircar, D.C., 5, 128, 174–6, 183–4, 195, 199, 211, 216, 246, 255 (p.335) Sisupalgarh, 156 Sitakundu, 148 Siva lingas, 55, 57, 70, 107, 114, 125, 131, 133, 160 Skilling, Peter, 34 Sonakhali village, 98 South 24-Parganas, 21, 24–5, 103–5, 108–37 Baishnabghata, 109 Behala, 108–9 Bohuru, 116 Bonshamnagar, 126–9 Boral, 109–10 Dabu, 114–15 Dakshin Barasat, 116 Durgapur, 116 Fartabad, 110–11 Garanbas/Garan-Basu, 137 Hariharpur–Mahinagar, 111–13 Jaynagar–Majilpur, 115–16 Kasipur or Kasinagar, 118 Kulpi, 125–6 Kundarali, 113 Mandirtala, 129–37 Manir Tat, 118–19 Radhakantopur, 119 Sagar Island, 128 Sarberia, 115 Sarisadaha, 113–14 Srikol, 78 Sri Sri Hangsheshwar Mandir, 133 Page 15 of 19

 

Index State Archaeological Museum, Kolkata, 44, 53, 75, 106, 108, 110, 112, 114, 121, 153, 162, 167, 173 Steamer Ghat, 48 stone sculpture, 10, 31, 36–7, 47, 57, 69–70, 77–9, 89–90, 103, 107, 110, 112–13, 115, 118–19, 125, 129–30, 134–6, 158–64, 229, 209 structural remains, 143 beads, 155–7 bone tools, 153–4 brick in mud mortar, 145 ceramic industry, 147–53 coins, 171–85 glass objects, 90, 155, 157, 190, 253 metal objects, 165–6 seals and sealings, 185–9 stone sculptures, 158–64 stone tools, 154–5 terracotta objects, 166–71 wooden objects, 46, 57, 78, 84–6, 144–5, 190 stucco sculptures, 31–4, 65–7, 105, 157–8, 163 stupika basement, 98 Subarnarekha, 22–3, 27 Subarnarekha–Baitarani settlements, 29 Subarnarekha delta, 16–18 subsistence strategies, 52, 143, 154–5, 215, 257, 261 Suhma, 18, 29 Sukhchar, 106–7 Sundarban Formation, 15, 20 Sundarban Pratna Gabeshana Kendra, 170 Sundarbans, 19–20, 25, 117–18, 135, 137–42 beads, 156 occurrences of old habitational debris, 138–9 recovered antiquities, 140 sites/settlements in, 141–2 Sundarban Tiger Project, 137 Sunga and Kushana terracotta objects and beads, 121 ‘Sunga-Kushan pottery’, 112 Sunga period, 84, 92, 145 Surya icons, 57, 73–4, 79, 106, 113, 121, 164 Sunga yaksi figure, 61 (p.336) Suvarnabihar, 69 Tamluk, xvii–xviii, 4–5, 8–9, 28, 36, 90, 130, 141, 143, 147–9, 154–5, 163, 167–8, 171, 220, 224 antiquarian remains found at, 45–8 beads, 156 bone tools, 154 BRW-associated EVF phase/phases, 29 coins, 46–8 microliths, 48 plaques and seals, 48 Page 16 of 19

 

Index stone tools, 49–50 tank sites/locations, 47 terracotta figurines, 48–50 Tamluk–Contai road, 59 Tamluk Museum, 48, 162 Tamralipta, 5, 29, 37, 236, 238, 256 embarkation and disembarkation of Chinese Buddhist pilgrims, 44 epigraphic references to, 45 horse trading from, 44 literary sources, 40–4 routes with Pataliputra and Kausambi, 45 settlement dimensions of, 39 trade routes, 40, 45 Tarafeni, 22, 52 Tarakeshwar, 70, 148 Telihati, 79 terracotta decorative plaques, 113 terracotta figurines, 2, 36–7, 46–7, 49–51, 60, 68, 70, 77, 82, 84–5, 89–93, 95, 105–6, 108–16, 119–23, 129, 132, 134, 136–7, 140 Baribhanga, 119 Dakshin Bishnupur, 120 Hariharpur-Mahinagar, 113 Namajgarh, 115 Radhakantopur, 119 terracotta objects, 32, 36–7, 47, 50, 54, 57, 60, 62–3, 70–1, 74, 76, 78, 83–4, 86, 88–90, 92, 95–6, 101–3, 108–110, 112–13, 116, 118–19, 121–2, 124, 126, 127, 129–32, 134–41, 166–71, 230 terracotta seals, 113, 185–6, 255 Tetulberiya, 120 Thakuran, 25 Tildah (Tildahganj), 9, 35–6, 59, 146–9, 155, 163 BRW-associated EVF phase/phases, 36 excavated items, 36–7 terracotta figurines from, 37 Tilpi, 9, 130, 148–9, 154–5, 186 Tokinagar Gram, 28, 148 Tripati, Sila, 8 Tripurasundari Sangrahasala, 109 Triveni, 73 Triveni-Saptagrama, xviii Uma–Mahesvara icon, 117, 164 urbanization in coastal area, 240–3 Utkaladesa, 29 Uttarraybar, 28 Vaisnavism, 65, 243–4 Valentin, 38 Varaha icon, 54, 63, 74, 160 Vardhamanabhukti, 18 Vasudevahindi, 41 Page 17 of 19

 

Index Vidyadhari, 25–6 Vidyadhar Lake, 29, 148 Vidyadharpur Visnu, 111 village settlements, xv, 29, 64, 147, 232, 242 Vishnupur, 69, 161, 258 (p.337) Visnu icons, 37, 54, 57, 69, 74, 76–9, 106, 109, 125, 161, 163–4, 217 Visnu Trivikrama icon, 79, 160 Wales, H.G. Quaritch, 2 Wari-Bateshwar, 149 Warmington, E.H., 7 ‘wet’ rice culture, 221 Willcocks, William, 26 Wolters, O.W., 2 wooden objects, 46, 57, 78, 84–6, 144–5, 190 Xin Ri Liu, 8 Zone A, 143 Aguiboni, 53 Balarampur, 63 brick platforms, 30 common cultural matrix, 28 Daintikri, 52–3 Dantan-I and Dantan-II blocks, 56 excavated sites of, 27–37 Gangetic delta, 21–3 Ghatal, 61–2 Hirapari, 54 Jai Kalir Chak, 58 Jinsar, 52–3 Kakrajit, 57 Kesiari, 56 Kiyarchand, 55–6 Lacchipur-Nepura, 52–3 littoral society, 23 Marandighi, 56 Mayta, 54 Moghalmari, 27–9 Nandigram, 61 Narayangarh, 54 Nitiai, 52–3 Panna, 62 Parihati, 53 Patharghata, 63 Pathra, 63–4 Sabang, 55 Sahasralinga, 57–8 Sat Deula/Sat Deulia/Satdeula, 56–7 stupa-basements, 30 Tamluk, 37–51 Zone B, 144 Page 18 of 19

 

Index different settlement units, 64–5 Gangetic delta, 23–4 Hooghly, 66–8, 70–6 Howrah, 68, 76–80 Nadia, 65–6, 69–70 Zone C, 144, 146 antiquarian finds, 88–9 Atghara, 89–90 Baishata, 96 ceramic assemblage, 89 Chandraketugarh, 81–2, 86–7 Clive House (Dum Dum), 87–8 coins, 88–9, 92, 94, 97 Dakshineshwar, 107–8 Dhosha, 93–5 Gangetic delta, 24–5 Habra, 107 Jaleshwar, 107 Kankandighi, 99–104 Khana Mihirer Dhipi, 82–6 Kolkata, 108 Noongola, 82, 86 stone and metal sculptures, 92 terrracotta figurines, 90 Tilpi, 93–4

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About the Author

The Archaeology of Coastal Bengal Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Print publication date: 2018 Print ISBN-13: 9780199481682 Published to Oxford Scholarship Online: January 2019 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199481682.001.0001

(p.338) About the Author Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay

Rupendra Kumar Chattopadhyay is Paresh Chandra Chatterjee Professor of History, Department of History, Presidency University, Kolkata, India. He has published widely in national and international journals on various issues related to the archaeology of the middle and lower Ganga valley, the eastern Indian plateau, and the eastern Indian littoral. He has also written on eastern Indian prehistory, protohistory, Indian religions, Indian art and iconography, the political history of the Satavahanas and the western Kshatrapas, and the ancient Indian caste system. His major publications include Bankura: A Study of Its Archaeological Sources (2010).

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