The Arabic press and nationalism in Palestine (1920-1948)

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NAJJAR, Aida A lt, 1938THE ARABIC PRESS AND NATIONALISM IN PALESTINE, 1920-1948. Syracuse University, Ph.D., 1975 Mass Communications

Xerox University Microfilms,

0

Ann Arbor, Michigan 48108

1976

AIDA ALI NAJJAR

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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THE ARABIC PRESS AND NATIONALISM IN PALESTINE 1920-1948

by AIDA ALI NAJJAR

;i

B.A., Cairo University, 1959 M.S.C., Kansas State University, 1965

DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fu lfillm e n t of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Mass Communications in the Graduate School of Syracuse University 1975

Qex-jyta&m.,

Approved

I

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PREFACE

The w rite r wishes to express her utmost appreciation and g ra ti­ tude to the kind and gracious people who gaverassistance in one way i or another during the course of this research. Special acknowledgement is due to n\y adviser, Dr. Henry F. Schulte, Dean o f S .I. Newhouse School of Public Communications at Syracuse Uni­ versity.

Dean Schulte patiently devoted much time to advising, reading

and correcting this manuscript and made numerous valuable suggestions despite his exceptionally heavy administrative duties.

I thank Dean

j Schulte not only for his professional aid but also fo r his encouragement j and friendship through the years of study. j

Appreciation is also extended to Dr. Maxwell McCombs, Director of

i the Communication Research Center and the John Ben Snow Professor of News­ paper Research a t Newhouse School of Public Communications, fo r his ideas, knowledge, and guidance which enriched both the w riter and the research, j

Gratitude is due to Professor Vernone Sparkes of the Canadian Communi-

!| cation Studies Program at Syracuse University for his interest in the sub| je c t and his helpful suggestions. ! j Thanks are given to Professor John M itchell, Chairman of the NewsI ! paper Department at Newhouse, and to Professor Louis Roberts, Chairman of the Department of Languages and Literature at Syracuse

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U niversity, fo r reading the manuscript and offering helpful suggestions. Appreciation is also extended to a ll those who were interviewed or wrote, offering helpful information related to the study. F in a lly , I am indebted to my friends in this community, Arabs and Americans, who made Syracuse another home for me during my years of study here.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE............................................................................................................ i i i INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................

1

Chapter I.

THE REVIVAL OF ARAB CULTURE AND NATIONALISM.....................

10

II.

HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARABIC PRESS.....................

19

III.

THE YEARS OF PROMISES AND DISAPPOINTMENTS, 1915-1919...

38

PRESS GROWTH AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONALIST MOVEMENT, 1920-1929...................................................................

58

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PRESS AND THE GOVERNMENT, 1920-1948...............................................................

82

IV. V. ;

V I. THE ROLE OF THEPALESTINIAN ARABPRESS IN THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT, 1930-1935............................................ 103 V II.

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REVOLUTION IS THE MESSAGE IN THE PALESTINIANARAB PRESS, 1936-1939........................................................................ 135

V I I I . POLITICAL ANDCULTURALNATIONALISM IN THE LAST YEARS OF THE MANDATE, 1940-1948........................................................ 169 IX.

SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION............................................................. 186

APPENDICES I

A. DOCUMENTS....................................................................................... 198

!

B. TABLES............................................................................................. 209 C.

ILLUSTRATIONS.............................................................................. 227

'BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................. 237

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1

INTRODUCTION

Innovation and change have always been an important part of man's existence, yet only in the recent past has the process of change been transformed into a universal revolution of "moderniza­ tion." or "rapid change in a positive s p ir it. H is to ric a lly , the modernization process developed in Western Europe and North America from the seventeenth to the nineteenth century and then spread to other European countries.

In the nine­

teenth and twentieth centuries the process caught on in the develop­ ing nations of South America, Asia, and A frica, which were described by Bertrand Russell as "economically but not c u ltu ra lly backward. Liberalism, which was a major force in the process of change, had its beginnings in the Renaissance and Reformation, and in the Scien­ t i f i c Revolution which "jolted much of the Western world out of the ; medieval p attern ."3 This notion was a major force in the process of |positive change in the new nations. |

The press, one of the most important innovations in the devel­

oping countries, developed as a result of Western influence.

For

example, the press sprang up in the Arab world following Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798.

From its inception, journalism in the

new nations had become increasingly aware o f the outside world and of a new nation alist self-consciousness.

M 1 :j C.E.Black, The Dynamics of Modernization (New York: ., and Row, 1966), p. 30. :|

Harper

O

|j ^-Herbert Passin,"Writer andJournalist in theTraditional Society" :! in Communication and P o litic al Development, Lucien W. Pye (Ed.), |j (Prineton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1967), p. 97. ! ^Henry F. Schulte, TheSpanish Press:1470-1966 s ity of Illin o is Press, 1968), p. 117.

(Urbana:

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Univer­

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| Newspapers were considered important organs for reaching the 1 ^public. Colonial governments published th e ir own periodicals in order i i

I*to serve the interests of imperialism, imposing th e ir culture and c i v i l­ iz a tio n on the colonies or forestalling an opposition press.

On the

j i

|other hand, the nationalist press was important for the expression of i

jthe new ideas of intellectu als and reformers.

For developing nations,

!journal ism is essential for public enlightenment and p o litic a l action. ,I 'j Journalists who lived during the "awakening" periods of th e ir Ii ’Jnations were not only newsmen but usually men equally at home in p o li; tic s , lite ra tu re and public a ffa irs . They were multi-faceted personalij Jities and i t is often d if f ic u lt to d iffe re n tia te between the journalist and the p o litic ia n .

Journalists were highly p o liticized and considered

jth eir newspapers important organs for th e ir p o litic a l a c tiv itie s .

In

jits early stages of development, the press was not specialized, but mainly p o litic a l and strongly oppositionist, the normal result of the ^nationalist struggle for independence and nation buildingJ |

Scholars such

as Daniel Lerner,

2

Lucien Pye,

3

Wilbur Schramm,

4

i________________________________________________________________ ,____ _______ j

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^Herbert Passin, 0£. C it ., pp. 97-117. 2

Daniel Lerner, The Passing of Traditional Society (Glencoe, Illin o is : Free Press, 1958); "Toward a Communication Theory of Modernization", in Lucien Pye (E d.), 0^. C it . , pp. 327-330; and Daniel !Lerner and Wilbur Schramm (Eds.), Communication and Change in the !iDevelopinq Countries (Honolulu: East-West Center Press, 1967), pp. ! 305-317. • \u c ie n W. Pye (E d .), 0^. C it. See also Lucien Pye and Sidney jVerba (Eds.), P o litic a l Culture and P o litic a l Development (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1965), pp. 3-26. ■ 4 " i Wilbur Schramm, Mass Media and National Development (Stanford, 'California: Stanford University Press, 1964); "Communication Develop­ ment and the Development Process", in Lucien Pye (Ed.), 0^. C it. , pp. 30|57; and "Communication and Change", in Daniel Lerner and Wilbur Schramm (Eds.), 0£. C it . , pp. 5-32.

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i 2 3 .Edward S h ills , John M e rrill, and Hamid Mawlaria, have studied the ij .ro le of the mass media in national development. These scholars rei

ijsearched the interaction between mass communication media and other i

; important factors influencing the society.

Their findings indicate

there are correlations between economic, social, p o litic a l, and I communication factors. Other researchers have studied the impact of the mass media on 4 5 . society, among them Joseph Klapper, Walter Lippmann, and, more rei g : cently with a new perspective, Maxwell McCombs and Donald Shaw. These ; i

:;researchers have found significant social effects resulting from expojsure to mass communications: tions".

"People do learn from mass communica­

In short, as McCombs and Shaw summarized the concept, "mass

:i media may not be successful in te llin g us what to think, but they are Istunningly successful in te llin g us what to think about".

J

Edward A. S h ills , "Demagogues and Cadres in the P o litic al Develop­ ment of the New States", in Lucien W. Pye (E d .), Communication and jDevelOpment (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1963), pp. 64-77. 2

! John C. M e rr ill, "The Role of Mass Media in National Develop­ ment: An Open Question for Speculation", Gazette, Vol. XV II, No. 4, ;1971, pp. 231-242. |

^Hamid Mawlana, "Towards a Theory of Communication Systems: A Developmental Approach", Gazette, Vol. X V II, No. 4, 1971, pp. 17-28. :Also see Frederick W. Frey, "Communication and Development" in Handbook iOf Communication, Ith ie l de Sola Pool, Wilbur Schramm, et aJ_., (Eds.) i(Chicago: Rand McNally College Publishing Company, 1973J, pp. 337-432. A

;j Joseph Klapper, The Effects of Mass Communication (New York: !The Free Press, 1960). ^Walter, Lippmann, Public Opinion (New York:

The Free Press, 1922).

^Maxwell McCombs, Agenda Setting: A flew Perspective on Mass Communi­ cation. Address prepared for Perspective in Mass Communication. A Con­ ference sponsored by the Conversations in the Desciplines Program of the jState of New York. Mohawk Valley Community College, Utica, New York, April 1-3, 1975. Also see Maxwell McCombs and Donald L. Shaw, "The Agenda-Setting Function of Mass Media", Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 36, Summer 1972, pp. 170-187.

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Further conclusions and generalizations from other studies are worth remembering in relation to the present study.

For example,

Karl Deutsch viewed mass communication as necessary to the formation of national consciousness, national s p ir it and concerted national action.

Schramm argues that mass media provide information to the

people; the more information the people get, the more they are in te r­ ested in p o litic a l developments. Pye adds that the communication process in nation building serves mainly an amplifying function, but also acts as a link between the p o litic a l process and the people, to provide the important basis for nation ality in mass p o litic s .* However, Schramm asserts that mass communications can be used either as a national stimulant or as a t r a n q u i l i z e r . ^ And John : M e r r il l ^ does

explains that the mere presence o f a communications system •

not necessarily contribute to national development; the effect

depends on use o f and content of the media, according to M e rrill, j

The development and role of the Arabic press is no exception to the

; models provided. I t is helpful to have these generalizations as a J theoretical framework fo r this study. ii

i; II

The history of the modern Arab press in Palestine can be studied

: e ffic ie n tly by dividing its development into four distinct chronoloI gical phases.

The f ir s t period dates from the opening years of the

|

I twentieth century, when the f ir s t nation alist periodicals were founded, i i

I

I j !

*Pye, Communications and P o litical Development, Op. C it ., p. 11. o William Rivers and Wilbur Schramm, Responsibility in Mass 1 Communication (New York: Harper and Row, 1969), p. 16! ;|

^John

c. M e rr ill, 0£. C it., p. 238.

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to World War I , when the Palestinian people, as did the rest of the Arab world, revolted against the Ottomans, striving fo r independence. The second period started afte r the war when Palestine f e ll 'under the B ritish Mandate, which promised the dews a "national home,i

jland", in Palestine.

This period ended in 1948, with the creation of

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the State of Is ra e l. ' i

The third period ranged from 1948 until 1964, when the Palestin-

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■ian people lost th e ir homeland.

Palestinian identity was endangered

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ijwhen the people became "refugees" in e xile .

During this period, how­

ever, efforts were made by Palestinian groups to oppose both the loss of Palestinian id e n tity and the Israe li settlement. I

The fourth period began in 1964, the year the Palestine Libera­

tion Organization (P.L.O .) was established, and armed struggle became |the Palestinians' strategy for achieving lib eratio n .

During this

period, Palestinian iden tity had been reaffirmed by the Palestinian I 'revolutionary movement and by the resolution o f the United Nations on October 18, 1974. The Arab press of Palestine; its development and role under the I o British Mandate, 1929-1948, is the primary concern of this study,

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because this period is of crucial importance in Palestine history. The people struggled for independence, supported by the press, against I ;two kinds o f imperialism: B ritish and Zionism. The Palestinian press was founded and developed in uncertain social, ;

economic and p o litic a l conditions, but its role was an effective one I ,in helping the n ation alist movement's growth and development. A

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:review of the f ir s t period of the Palestinian press is essential to set the background for this study. Another importance of this present study comes from the fact that the Arabic press of Palestine has never been studied as a 1separate en tity in order to trace its history and role in the nation a lis t movement.

The Arab Palestinian press has been ignored both by

: Arab historians and by the few Arab students of mass communications. ;Thus, i t is hoped that this study w ill prompt further study into this question. I t is also to be hoped that this study w ill make a •i contribution to the fie ld of mass communication research and to the study of the Palestinian problem through the press.

In the last

few years, an increasing number of Arab students, intellectuals and historians,^ have been using newspapers with confidence as a source of material in th e ir studies of the Palestinian problem. At la s t George Antonious' valuable observation, in his book The Arab Awakening, has been noticed by others.

,I

Antonious c r i t i -

cized Arab historians for neglecting the Arabic press of Palestine as an important source which "provides a valuable body of comment on the operation Of the mandate as i t affects the Arab population".

2

See al-K ayyali, Abd al-Wahhab, A Modern History of Palestine (in Arabic), (Beirut: Arab In s titu te of Studies and Publication, 1970). Also for the same author, Documents on Palestine Arab Resistance Against the British Occupation and Zionism, 1918-1939 (in Arabic), (Beirut: In s titu te for Palestine Studies, 1968). Also see Khillah, Mahmoud, Palestine Under the British Mandate, 1922-1939 (in Arabic), (Beirut: Palestine Research Center, 1974)*: Also see Kasmieh, Khairieh, Zionist A ctivities in the Arab World and its Repercussions, 1908-1918 (Beirut: Palestine Research Center, 1973). p Antonious, George, The Arab Awakening (New York: C.P. Putnam's Sons, 1945), p. 388. Newspapers have been used as a source material by American historians since 1883. See "Newspapers as Sources in Historical Journals", by John Stevens and Donald Shaw, Journalism Quarterly, Vol. 44, 1967, p. 129.

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Today, intellectuals^ view the Arabic press of Palestine as an imi

Jportant primary source for researchers on Palestinian a ffa irs .

More-

| over Anis Saygh, General Director of the Palestine Research Center, i! ;has evaluated works of scholars who depended on the press, as scien' I

•I

t i f i c and objective studies.

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2

The purpose of this study, however, is to draw a profile of the

|Arab Palestinian press of yesterday and to t e ll the story of its '■makers, the journalists and the people, in a crucial period of the ; Palestinian history. This study w ill attempt to answer the following questions: !(1) What were the stages of development in the growth of the Arab press of Palestine?; (2) What were the forces which shaped press history?; and (3) What role did the press play, as a medium of mass communication, in the Palestinian nationalist movement? The methodology of this study was essentially historical analy­

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s i s , studying the background of the press and the society, and de'{ monstrating th e ir relationship and interaction. Primary sources provided the major references for this study. i

The Arabic press of Palestine it s e lf was an important source for

i

the study of the flow of press history, as well as the effects of I

press messages on the masses.

Also, interviews with concerned

jpoliticians and journalists were used.

Unpublished British docu­

ments, recently released by the Public Record Office in London, and i

^Khairieh Kasmieh, "Historical Research on the Palestinian National Struggle Under the B ritish Mandate" (in Arabic), Palestine A ffa irs , No. 41/42, February 1975, p. 471. 2

See Introduction by Saygh, Ib id .

Also Khillah,

C it.

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t

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information on the press never used before were consulted.

Unpublished

personal papers and documents of somePalestinian figures are quoted. Traditional lib ra ry sources were also used. To gain access to some of the rare and scattered sources, I traveled to the Middle East, London, and Washington.

My research has

stimulated me to consider conducting further studies into mass communi­ cations and the Palestinian question. »|

Since the press, the masses and the society w ill be studied

through th e ir interaction , i t is important to provide an historical ^background of the cultural and nationalist revival in the Arab world. Thus, Chapter i w ill be a description of the general Arab p o litic a l and cultural awakening from Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798 until after World War I when the Arab countries became separate te rrito rie s .

Chapter I I w ill review the early press in some of the

Arab countries, including Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq and Palestine, from its beginnings to World War I . .i

During World War I , the seeds of the Palestinian problem were planted.

Chapter I I I is devoted to the years of B ritish promises

and Arab disappointments.

The Balfour Declaration and Arab reaction

to i t are discussed in order to provide the situation of the Arabic press in Palestine since 1917. 'i

Chapter IV discusses the Palestinian press and society, and delineates the social, economic and p o litic a l factors which in te r­ acted with the press.

The development of the nationalist movement

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provides a parallel study for press growth and development. i!

Chapter V charts the relationship between the government and .i

II

the press, the history of the Press Bureau, press laws and press punishments. Chapter VI traces the role of the press in the nationalist

movement (1930-1935), the escalation of the power of the press, and its effects on the masses.

The rise o f the partisan press and

'it s messages are discussed in this chapter. |j

11 Between 1936 and 1939, Arab Palestinians conducted a people's ii revolution against the British mandate and Zionism. The revolution, which started o ff with a six-month general s trik e , escalated to ^widespread violence.

The years of the great revolution marked the

most important period in the nationalist movement.

The numerous

|functions of the press, as a mirror of the society, a mover of ^public opinion, a weapon against the enemy and a positive factor i:

in the revolution, direct the discussion of Chapter V II. Chapter V III reviews the development of the nationalist press, which deteriorated along with the n a tio n alist movement in the fo rtie s . The la s t words of the Palestinian press, before the creation of Israel in 1948, are treated in this chapter. Chapter IX provides a summary of the study and discussion of the questions raised.

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CHAPTER ONE

'

THE REVIVAL OF ARAB CULTURE AND NATIONALISM

i In the sixteenth century, the Arab lands f e ll under the Ottoman i

rule.

Arab culture and c iv iliz a tio n went into a deep sleep until

jthe nineteenth century, when the Nahda (awakening) took place. Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798 sparked an Arab awakening. According to scholars, the invasion had three important results: (1) :l - the general Arab awakening which developed modern national conscious­ ,

i

ness; (2) the introduction of the printing press and; (3) the intro­ duction of the Western concept of nationalism, which awakened pride i

in the Arab heritage.

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Although the French foray into Egypt was short-lived, i t in ­ spired Arab intellectu als to work to revive the national consciousi (ness of the masses in order to achieve an independent national iden­ t ity . 'i THE INTRODUCTION OF THE PRINTING PRESS AND THE SPREAD OF EDUCATION Before Napoleon's invasion of Egypt, the printing press was v irtu a lly non-existant in Arab lands.

Some hand-presses had been

b u ilt in the eighteenth century, but th e ir output was lim ited to a few devotional works.

The f ir s t known Arabic printing press was

installed in the Vatican in the early part of the sixteenth century, ■i

but i t was not un til the eighteenth century that presses were in tro ­

duced to the Arab world.

The f ir s t press was set up in Allepo in

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' 1 | Hazem A. Nuseibeh, The Ideas of Arab Nationalism (Ithaca, New |York: Cornell University Press, 1956), p. 13.

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1702.

I t was followed, nearly 100 years la te r, by Napoleon's printing

;'press in Egypt, and then in 1834 by a Jesuit Missionary's press in i 1 Lebanon. A fter 1850, the number of printing presses had risen and both ■national and foreign schools were founded. Education was encouraged I Jby the French and American missionaries, who contributed a great I

Jdeal to the Arab cultural revival.

Butrus al-Bustani, a Christian

from Lebanon, established a national school in 1863. portant schools were soon founded in Beirut:

Two other im­

the Protestant College

in 1866, today the well-known American University of Beirut, and the French St. Joseph's University in 1873.

The la t t e r , in addition

■to its role in education, established important journals.

The most

j

important of the University's publications was al-Mashrik (The O rient), j founded in 1889, which played a leading role in reviving classic

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jArabic.

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By then, the Arabic press was flourishing.

A number of

^newspapers were in operation, encouraging cultural and national I'consciousness. 'THE REVIVAL OF THE ARABIC LANGUAGE i

!

The classic Arabic language was beginning to revive and a number

' i

|of reformers emerged to draw special attention to the Arabs and th e ir ■past c iv iliz a tio n .

. t

Arab reformers found a favorable environment

i

under Muhammad A li in Egypt, and under his son, Ibrahim, in Syria. The two leaders in itia te d a program of sweeping reforms.

Muhammad

jAli encouraged education and sent educational missions to Europe. iI ^Antonious, 0^. C it ., pp. 41-42. ' 2 I Adnan Abu-Ghazaleh, Arab Cultural Nationalism in Palestine i(Beirut: The In s titu te for Palestine Studies, 1973), p. 4.

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jStudents were trained in a ll field s and numerous schools were founded |at home, including a school of languages.^ jj

Muhammad Ali was intrigued by Arab heritage and language, and replaced Turkish with Arabic as the medium o f instruction in the

■schools.

Arabic became the o ffic ia l language and Muhammad Ali en­

couraged the translation of foreign books into Arabic.

i;| ;

This tra d i-

ition was carried on by scholars such as al-Tahtawi of Egypt, who jtranslated several works, and al-Bustani of Lebanon, who helped with Ijthe translation of the Bible and also printed an encyclopedia, al_i |

M a'arif (knowledge). Other intellectuals followed s u it, makinq an i iI e ffo rt to communicate Western ideas into Arabic. Among them were I Nasif a l-Y a z iji and Jurgi Zeidan, both Lebanese Christians, and a l.

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A sir, a Moslem who bridged the East and West with his newspaper, p Thamarat aV-Funun (Fruits of Science). The primary value of reviving the Arabic language stems from

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!its importance in Arab history.

Arabic had been a medium of a rtis tic

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and cultural expression, a means of correct lin g u is tic communication, an instrument of religion and a basis of contemporary nationalism. II j H is to ric a lly , Arabic was used before the rise of Islam in one crucial channel of communication--poetry.

Poetry was a unifying

|force for the people because i t gave focus to th e ir a r tis tic , in te lilectual and spiritu al expression. Western scholars believe that language is "the a rt of the Arabs because of the cen trality of the language, ±he fascination with the ^ Anwar G. Chejne, The Arabic Language: Its Role in History ‘(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1969), pp. 89-90.

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2

C. Huart, A History of Arabic Literature (Beirut: Publishing Company, 1966), p. 439.

Khayat Book

3Ib^d., p. 96.

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word, the concern with the medium", as Jaroslav Stefkevych observed.^ | P h illip H i t t i , an Arab historian, agrees with this view and desi; l! cribes the influence o f Arabic on its Arab audier.ce: ii

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No people in the world, perhaps, manifest such enthusiastic admiration for lite r a ry expression and are so moved by the word, spoken or w ritten , as the Arabs. Hardly any language seems capable of exercising over the minds of its users such irre s is ta b le influence as Arabic .^

ii

Arabic became an important means of communication with the ;i

'spread of Islam and gained added dimensions as the unifying factor jo f religion.

The language of the Koran (Holy Book) unified a ll

Jr

Moslems and created a Moslem culture.

Arabic evolved as a lite ra ry

!i

language in the Moslem Empire and eventually became the national 'I language.

With the rise of "Arabic and foreign sciences", the lan­

guage la te r acquired a universal appeal in the ninth and tenth cen­ turies. As a medium o f intellectual expression, Arabic attracted 11 3 Moslems and non-Moslems a lik e . The decline o f Arab national l if e between the sixteenth and eighteenth century resulted in the impoverishment, corruption and "vulgarization of Arabic speech" and w riting .

Colloquial dialects

(ammiya) spread in various parts of the Arab world at the expense of the classic language ( Fus-ha) .

A gap was created between the

educated e lite and the uneducated masses.

Two forms of Arabic

existed side-by-dise; one for oral communication and the other for lite ra ry expression.^ .

Arabic had been an important cohesive fa cto r, and the "oneness ^Jaroslav Stefkevych, The Modern Arabic Literary Language (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), p. 17.

2P h illip K. H i t t i , History of the Arabs, 6th Edition (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1956), p. 89. 2Chejne, 0£. C it . , pp. 8-16. ^Nuseibeh, 0^. C it . , p. 74. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

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! of the language makes a oneness of thought and kinds of individuals ! , ! with a w e ll-k n it and long chain of emotional and mental tie s ". The ! revival of the Arabic language and of national consciousness have 11complemented each other to such a degree that they could hardly be separated. :l THE REVIVAL OF NATIONALISM The growth of Arab p o litic a l nationalism in the nineteenth cenJtury paralleled the cultural revival.

Each of the intellectuals who

^contributed to the revival of culture played a key role as a leader jof p o litic a l public opinion.

The ling uists, teachers, journalists

|and politicians expressed the aspirations o f the masses in calling i

fo r independence from the Ottoman rule. Adib Ishak, a Lebanese Christian, was a devoted leader of .nationalism.

He published several newspapers in Beirut and Cairo,

fusing them to express his b e lie f in nationalism, founded principally 'i 2 .on the concepts of freedom, nation-building and democracy. ;

The p o litic a l nation alist movement began to take on serious

overtones in the 1880's.

Arab nationalists started to abandon th eir

efforts at reform in favor of revolt.

i

A number o f newly-formed l i t e r .

ary and s c ie n tific societies became the basis fo r national consciousI ness. |

Al-Bustani and a l-Y a z iji, two Arab

in telle ctu als supported by

' l

American missionaries, started the Society o f Arts and Sciences in i !

Beirut in 1847.

The two scholars, as Christians, had had more ex-

i

! j

!

l

Sati al-H usri, quoted in Nuseibeh, 0]3. C it . , p. 68.

2Abu-Ghazaleh, 0p_. C it . , p. 12.

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15

| posure to Western ideas than had most Moslems.

Al-Bustani and a l-

!

; Y a ziji encouraged educated Moslems to organize a purely Arab society, with both Moslems and Christians as members.

Al-Jamiyah al-Arabi.yah

al-Suriyah (The Syrian Arab Society) was the result of th e ir jo in t I e f f o r t .1 Also important to the nationalist movement was the Beirut jj jSecret Society, founded in 1876, which attracted both Moslem and Christian intellectuals from Lebanon and Syria. tion was s tric tly p o litic a l.

The society's func­

I t communicated its views to the masses

Jby street placards which carried violent messages against the evils |o f Turkish rule--messages which encouraged the Arabs to rebel and overthrow the Ottomans. This underground revolutionary society, and I I many others lik e i t , threatened Ottoman authority. The Ottomans i

i searched out and disbanded such insurgent groups, causing society i

| members to flee to Egypt to escape prosecution.

These p o litic a l

| refugees continued th e ir struggle, however, and contributed to the :I ? fie ld of journalism using th e ir newspapers as organs of nationalism. During this period, many Moslems became aware of the hidden p o litic a l purpose of some missionaries, and of the growing Western influence on the Moslem culture.

Moslems reacted strongly against

these incursions and founded new Arab-oriented schools which stressed 3 Arab history in th e ir curricula. In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, Arab nationalism was replaced, temporarily, by a pan-Islamic ideology.

Many Moslem

leaders expressed th e ir views through a dynamic press headed by

Antonious, 0£. C it . , p. 82. 2Ib id . , pp. 80-82. 3Ib id ., p. 53.

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16

Jamal al-Din al-Afghani in Egypt, who believed in combining Islam i

[with nationalism and reform.

,

Another major contributor to the

jj

■pan-Islamic movement was al-Kawakibi of Syria, who provided the ji

principle nexus between Arab nationalism and Islamic modernism by

^presenting each in terms of the other. One prominent reformer was Muhammed Abdu, who called for ^rational and s c ie n tific approaches to modernization and reform. Abdu came within arm's distance of placing the University of a lAzhar, the cradle of Moslem orthodoxy, at the forefront of the .Reformist movement. ;!

3

However, numerous other reformers, working as individuals and

through societies, made important contributions during this period. I 'Many adopted the Western model of independence, such as Mustafa 'Kamil of Egypt and Najib Azuri, a Palestinian Christian who was i 4 jinfluenced by French thought.

j

By the turn of the century, Arab p o litic a l and cultural nation­ alism had ripened, and its effect on national consciousness was pro­ found.

In 1908, the nationalist movement was strengthened when the

Ottoman government promulgated a new constitution for the Empire. By supporting the revolutionary Young Turks, who were behind the constitution, Arabs secured a number of privileges which enabled i

them to further intensify th eir p o litica l struggle.

As a result,

j

;Arabs and Turks formed a new society, al-Ikha al-Arabi al-Othmani i i

^Abu-Ghazaleh, 0^. C it ., p. 10. o

Albert Hourani, Arabic Thought in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939 (London: Oxford University Press, 1962, pp. 115-118. 3 John Marlow, Arab Nationalism and B ritish Imperialism: A Study in Power P olitics (London^ The Crescent Press, 1961), p. 10. 4Abu-Ghazaleh, 0^. C it. , p. 13.

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17

(The Arab-Turk Fraternity).

Its goals were to protect the consti­

tution and unite the people. The constitution provided that Arabs in a ll provinces were to be considered equal to the Turks and that Arabic was to be the o f f ijcial language, used as the medium of education in order to in s t ill Arab heritage and culture.

l

Other societies emerged as the Arab nationalist movement grew 'more vigorous.

Al-Muntada al-Adabi (The Literary Club) was the

;f ir s t lite r a ry organization to appear.

Secret organizations spread

|through Lebanon, Syria and Iraq , and remained active throughout the I

jf i r s t World War.

The last of the secret organizations, al-Ahd, was

'founded in Constantinople in 1914 by a group of Arab officers in the Ottoman army, led by Aziz al-M asri. •i

This organization, with a l-F atat

in Damascus, worked with Faisal, son of Sherif, of Mecca, to organ­

i z e an armed revolt against the Turkish rule.

The purpose of a l-

Ahd, in the words of Aziz, was that " ...o f protecting the rights and privileges of a ll the nationalists of the Ottoman Empire... within which a ll people, regardless of race or relig ion , could liv e in peace and harmony".

2

Unfortunately, this desired peace and harmony did not take e ffect as quickly as the Arabs wished.

A fter World War I , the Arabs

found themselves once again ruled by foreigners. turned into B ritish and French colonies.

Arab lands were

The Peace Treaty of San

Remo in 1920 s p lit the Arab te rrito rie s into separate states.

^Antonious, Ojj. C it ., pp. 102-103. p

Khadduri, Magid, Arab Contemporaries (Baltimore: Hopkins University Press, 1973), p. 7.

Johns

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Syria

and Lebanon came under the French Mandate and Palestine, TransI Jordan and Iraq were allocated to the B ritis h . : i

:j

Despite the new occupation, the Arab nation alist movement

|continued to grow. The people's struggle fo r independence escajlated un til sovereignty was gained for a ll but the Palestinians, |who are s t i l l struggling to regain th e ir independence and th eir i

' lands. !

The Palestinian press played a forceful and effective role in the nationalist movement to defend the country against what the

jPalestinians

viewed

,Mandate, the press,

as B ritish-Zionist imperialism.

Under the

as the voiceof the people, developed into a

serious challenge to the B ritish government. I

|

In order to understand the working relationship of the Pales­ tinian press and the nationalist movement, i t is necessary to re­ view the history of the Arab press in general.

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CHAPTER TWO HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARABIC PRESS

The development of the role of the Arabic press paralleled the cultural and national awakening in the Arab countries.

The press,

in its early stages, was marked by Western influences as a result of Napoleon's invasion of Egypt in 1798.

The French brought with

them the f ir s t printing press and published a number of newspapers, including one in Arabic called al-Tanbih, founded in 1800.1 The press spread through Egypt, Syria (including Palestine), Lebanon and Iraq , and became an important catalyst to the process of Nahda (awakening).

Both the po litician s and the public opinion

leaders depended on the press as a medium of expression. |

Journalists and members o f the in te llig e n ts ia played multiple roles in the early stages of Arabic journalism, and participated in the revival of Arab national consciousness.

In the la s t three

decades of the nineteenth century the press became important to the i

public as i t was a spokesman fo r nationalism and independence.

The

j force o f the press can be assumed to have grown i f one accepts the | hypothesis which argues that press influence increases as more inhabitants ! 2 ! become lite r a te . The a b ility of the press to shape public opinion was deemed a threat to the Ottomans, who were autocratic rulers and sought to

*Adib Mrowa, The Arabic Journalism (Beirut: Hayyat Publications, 1970), pp. 142-143. The two French newspapers were le Courrier de Egypt and le Decade Egyptienne. 2Lerner, Op. C it . , p. 42.

I I i

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isuppress publications.

Newspapers and th e ir editors, however,

: struggled for independence along with the people during the nine­ teenth and a part of the twentieth century, when the Arab countries came under the British and French Mandates. i i

j

The press was influenced and shaped by that new p o litica l en-

jvironment.

Arab countries had been given d ifferen t borders and

the press, as a "style of l i f e " , reflected these new developments. The Palestinian press, which grew into a force able to give voice j |to the Palestinian id e n tity , had its roots in the early development |of the Arab press. THE EARLY PRESS IN EGYPT The press developed e a rlie r and more quickly in Egypt than i t i

did in Syria

and Lebanon due to a climate of freedom of expression

there which attracted many in te llec tu als unable to practice journal­ ism in th e ir own countries. j

The native press in Egypt developed during the second h alf of I

the nineteenth century, in four stages of growth, historians have observed.^

The f ir s t period lasted u n til 1882, when the British

began th e ir occupation of-Egypt. the f ir s t native newspaper.

Wadi a ! - N il , founded in 1866, was

The press flourished between 1876 and

1878, under the influence of exiled Syro-Lebanese journalists and in te lle c tu a ls .

During the f ir s t stage, a number of newspapers were

started in Cairo, some of which s t i l l publish today.

A!-Ahram, a

weekly founded in 1876 by two brothers, Salim and Bashir Takla, was

Vhe Encyclopedia of Islam (London:

Leyden, 1934), p. 466.

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21

| marked by French cultural influence but paid close attention to the .policies of the Caliph in Constantinople.

With high lite ra ry stan­

dards and scrupulous presentation, a1-Ahram remains to date the most ^prestigious newspaper in the Arab world.

Observers^ call i t The New

i

.

‘ York Times of the Arab world. The second period, which lasted fa r more than three decades from the British occupation, to the f ir s t World War in 1914, w it­ nessed the growth of the p o litic a l press, a vehicle for nationalis­ tic lite ra tu re and the Arab cultural revival.

Journalists and in­

te lle c tu a ls joined ranks to in s t ill nationalism. Sarruf, Nimir, I 2 and Makaryous, three Syrian intellectu als who took refuge in Egypt, set up a group of publications in 1885.

The most important of these

newspapers, al-Muqtataf (The Chosen), was founded in Beirut in 1877 Jand moved to Cairo to gain more press freedom.

Another was a l-

■I i

Muqattam (a fte r the mountain overlooking the c ity ) , a p o litic a l

' i

daily newspaper with pro-British and reformist sympathies.

After

1889, al-Muqattam became an opponent of al-Ahram (The Pyramids), which continued to support the policies of the Ottoman rulers. The Syro-Lebanese exiles dominated the press until 1890 when they were gradually replaced by a third party whose policy was to advocate orthodox Islam.

The press then represented this group, and

|a number of new periodicals appeared.

Al-Muayyad, edited by Shei

:A1i Yusuf, was the f ir s t of the new publications to express the ! 3 ,new mood. Al-Adalah (Justice), another Moslem paper, took over the ^H.A. Kitchen, "Al-Ahram, the Times of the Arab World", Middle lEast Journal, Vol. 4, 1950, dp. 155-169. 2 P h illip de Tarrazi, History of the Arab Press (Beirut: a lWallaniyah Press, 1913), Vol. I , pp. 124-129.

j

1

3

A. Swan, "The Moslem Press in Egypt", Moslem World, Vol. 7, 1917, pp. 415-419.

i

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22

i

|role held by al-Muayyad when the la tte r changed its stance and became i

|more moderate.

During the last ten years of the nineteenth century,

■ja number of other newspapers appeared as advocates of the panjIslamic mood. For some time, Arab national consciousness had been growing.

J

I t was strongly defended from the f i r s t , by the daily newspaper, I Misr, published in 1896 by Adib Ishak, a Christian born in Damascus |who fle d the Ottomans, along with many other in tellectu als, to conI itinue spreading his nationalist message in Egypt. Ishak, as a (nationalist w rite r, attracted many readers who were looking for a ;way to express support for the independence o f Arab nations. defined home land as

He

the place where a person enjoys p o litic a l

rights and obligations J

Nationalism continued to be encouraged

by intellectu als and journalists such as Mustafa Kamil in Egypt, through al-Liwa (The Flag)

iTor

newspaper.

His objectives were to work

modern concepts of Arab and Moslem nationalism.

s

The second period witnessed the growth of a large number of newspapers in Cairo.

The press revived because of better printing

methods, better education, more freedom o f expression and the need to communicate the developments and ideas o f Arab nationalism. In this same period, another major paper was born in Cairo, a l-H ila l (The Crescent).

First published by Jurgi Zeidan in 1892,

a l-H ila l has survived until today, although i t is now a monthly magazine of lite ra tu re instead of a newspaper.

Mrowa, 0]3. C rt., p. 12. ^Nuseibeh, 0£. C it ., p. 142. 3 For details about each newspaper and jo u rn a lis t, see T arrazi, 0£. C it. , Vol. 4.

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23 I

I

By 1897, Cairo had 52 differen t publications and Alexandria, six

ti

‘ including al-Ahram.

In this encouraging environment, the number of

|papers grew and by 1909, there were 135 periodicals, 90 published in | *1 Cairo and 45 in Alexandria. The p o litic a l press became powerful in Egypt, although there |were s t i l l many non-political publications.

Many specialized periodi-

i |

cals were founded including those devoted to medicine, sports, lite r a :i

ture and other special interests.

2

The press in this period tended

:I

■to express the aspirations of the Moslem people,

3

encouraging Arab

^nationalism and stimulating Arab awakening and modernization, carried |on from the beginning of the century by both Christians and Moslems. ;

The third period of the Egyptian press started a fte r the disso­

lution of the Ottoman Empire when general aspirations for Arab inde­ pendence took shape as the main goal of the people.

The press la te r

developed into a partisan press and has been evolving according to •I ;ithe p o litic a l and social developments in the country. THE EARLY PRESS IN LEBANON The history and developments of the press inSyria and

Lebanon

were shaped, in many ways, by the same factors a t work in Egyptian society. ■

Lebanon's f i r s t Arabic newspaper, Hadicat al-Akhbar (Garden of

News), was founded in 1858 by Khalil al-Khoury, a Christian in te lle c tu a l. 'Christian Arabs in the area had had more contact with Western in flu ­ ence since the turn of the nineteenth century than had most Moslems. ; i

|

Vhe Encyclopedia of Islam, Op. C it . , p.

i

^Mrowa, 0£. C it . , pp. 201-202.

466.

3Swan, 0£. C it . , p. 315.

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24

II i

and i t was to be expected that a Christian would found the country's

! f ir s t Arabic paper. The Jesuits, who played an important role along with other Ameri­ can missionaries in the Arab cultural reviva l, founded al-Bashir (The Information of Good News)^ in 1869.

The paper survived until recently.

In te lle c tu a ls , however, were well aware of the value of the press as a means of implementing th e ir purpose of educating and awakening the national consciousness of th e ir readers.

Butrus al-Bustani, a l i n ­

guist, educator, p o litic ia n , and jo u rn a lis t, published a small newsi 2 paper, N afir Suriya in Beirut, in 1860. Although i t was the country's

i

jfir s t p o litic a l paper, N afir Suriya became popular with the public in the middle of the 1870's because of its emphasis on general education and national lite ra tu re .

Al-Bustani enriched his contribution to the

fie ld of journalism with al-Janna (Paradise), a weekly which his son, Salim, continued to publish u n til 1886. The jo u rn a lis t al-Bustani continued to enlighten his readers about modernization and to call on Arabs to unite for the sake of national interest.

He published two other papers to convey his aspi­

rations, al-Junayna (L ittle Garden) and al-Jenan (The Paradise), which i

carried a nationalist motto on its f i r s t page: "Patriotism is an 3 a rtic le o f fa ith " . This s p ir it , no doubt, attracted many contribu­ tions from intellectuals in other Arab countries. ;

The modernization process taking place in the Arab world impelled

the Moslems of Beirut to get involved in the journalism f ie ld , an

^ H it t i, P h ilip , Lebanon in History (New York: 1957), p. 461.

St. Martins Press,

2

T a rra zi, 0^. C it ., p. 10. 3 Antonious, OjD. C it. , pp. 4-5.

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I

25 i

I [increasingly important medium of nationalism.

Thamarat al-Funun

(Fruits o f Science), a weekly newspaper, became the Moslems' voice in 1874 and continued to publish Arab objectives until the Young .Turks revolted in 1909.

The paper's name was changed to a l-Itih a d

' al-Othmani (The Ottoman Union) while its mood became more conservative. II |J That same year, a stronger call fo r nationalism went out and, as a res u lt, al-Tagadum (The Progress)^ was founded in Beirut by the courageous in te lle c tu a l Adib Ishak.

Ishak, as a w riter with strong

:i

jnational b e lie fs , proved himself an innovator and an enemy of reac­ tio n a ry movements in the Arab world. :l 2 f e t t e r freedom of expression.

He la te r fled to Egypt, seeking

:j

By 1876, the "fathers of Arabic" journalism, Yaqub Sarruf and Faris Nimr, were ready to publish a modern periodical.

Al-Muqtataf

j(The Chosen) o f Beirut was published as the e a rlie s t Arabic s c ie n tific 3 and lite r a r y magazine. I t b u ilt a bridge between the East and West. | Through translations, the journalists transferred modern Western ' ii

messages to Arab transitional society using Arabic as the lite ra ry medium. !

However, the "fathers of journalism", along with other in te lle c -

i

tuals, continued contributing to the process of change in Egypt when, |in 1885, they fled Abdul-Hamid's autocratic rule. !

Since 1880, the Maronites had opposed the expansion of the Roman

Curia in Lebanon.

Al-Misbah newspaper (The Lamp), was published to

're fle ct Protestant views while al-Hidiyya (The G ift) mirrored Greek 'j •' ! '

i

^Abu-Ghazaleh, Op. C it ., p. 6. 2 See above, p. 22. 3

T a rra zi, 0]3. C it. , p. 27.

i

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26

Orthodox b e lie fs .

The religious press in Lebanon expanded great

e ffo rt to a ttra c t more believers, as did the Moslem press in Egypt. The Ottoman government, aware of the press's influence on public opinion, supported Bayrut newspaper in 1885, using i t to counterpose jThamarat al-Funun.

The government, moreover, published an o ffic ia l

|paper, Bayrut al-Rasmiyya, in 1888. ij

By the end o f the nineteenth century, twelve periodicals were | 1 publishing in Lebanon, and that number had increased by early in

t i ;i

'this century. jw h e n ,

The new growth and development of the press accelerated

in 1908, the Ottoman constitution dictated a

new

press law

^which encouraged journalists and in tellectu als in exile to return ■ i.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

'home and practice journalism fre ely . i

The Lebanese press continued to increase in numbers and quality from 1909-1914.

Various nationalist dailies were started which be-

'came threats to the Ottoman Empire due to th e ir national conscious­ ness and strong call for independence. :

Courageous shouts for independence in the pioneering press moved

the government to take revenge on the nationalists.

In 1916, the

autocratic Ottomans ceased a ll publication o f the press.

Thirty-one

public heroes were executed; sixteen of them were journalists.

2

After the f ir s t World War under the French mandate, the press in i

Lebanon grew along with the Lebanese society and contributed a great deal to progress in general, and even more to Arab Nahda (awakening), i

'I

The active growth of the press in Lebanon in the nineteenth cen-

^ee T a rra zi, 0]). C it. , Vol. I , pp. 312-313, for a fu ll l i s t of newspapers. 2 Mrowa, 0]3. C it. , p. 171. Among them were Sheik Ahmmad Hasan Tabbara, Abdul Ghani a l-A ris i, P h illip and Farid al-Khazin, and Saud Fadil Aki1.

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27

!i

tury was a f it t in g s ta rt for the most developed and least regulated i

of mass media in the Middle East today.

j

I THE EARLY PRESS IN SYRIA i

!

Journalism in Syria, as in Lebanon, was born during and devel­

oped with the Arab awakening. The press led a precarious existence, ■ ;i 'especially due to the absence of free expression, under the auto*! |cratic rule of the Ottomans. 'l

II The f ir s t press control law in Syria, and in other Ottoman pro;i vinces, was put into e ffe c t in 1864. The law, issued by both the ^Ministry of Education and the Ministry of In te rio r, allowed for news j censorship and the punishment of refractory jou rn alists. The dis­ t r ic t agent had the authority to flog offending journalists in th e ir houses,^ when they c ritic ize d the authorities. Sultan Abdul Hamid introduced the press law to serve his own li

interests and to eliminate freedom of expression.

Syrian journalists

and intellectuals suffered as a result of the law and fled to Egypt to continue issuing th e ir message of independence and freedom.

2

Suriya was established by the government in 1865 as the f ir s t newspaper, in both Arabic and Turkish.

The paper was published as

a result of the reorganization of the Turkish administration.

The

authorities at that time decided that each v ila y e t ( d is tr ic t), should have a newspaper printed in both languages.

The government also set

up Damashk (Damascus) newspaper in 1879 and Mi rat al-A khlar.^

i

^Mrowa, Op. C it ., pp. 172-174. 2 See above, p. 21. I

^Mrowa, 0^. C it. , pp. 207-208.

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28 -1

Al-Kawakibi, a well-known Moslem reformer of Allepo, was the ;T irs t Syrian to publish a newspaper; al-Shahba was started in 1877, jfollowed by a l-Itid a l (Straightness) in 1879. strongly in modern pan-Arabism.

Al-Kawakibi believed

Although he had a deep religious

!

orientation, his newspapers advocated freedom of thought; thus, he !

was respected by both Moslems and Christians,

1

for his b e lie f in

!

Islamic rev iv a l, Arab nationalism, Westernization and Constitution! ? alism. ! Few independent newspapers were published in Syria during the i last quarter of the nineteenth century due to a lack o f freedom of I 3 expression. A new press law in 1908 made i t easier fo r Syrian 'i

|intellectuals to make up fo r th e ir slow development. One hundred ! different newspapers were published between 1908 and World War I . These papers conveyed a common theme to the people:

the encourage-

i

ment of national consciousness against the Ottoman Empire or any pother foreign rule. i

j

One of the most important newspapers at that time was al-Muqtabas (The Chosen), published in 1908 by Muhammad Kurd-Ali.

An eminent

educator and reformer, Kurd-Ali worked to give Arabic its rightful place in the curriculum and to have the language taught by modern methods.

Kurd-Ali also published a magazine of lite ra tu re .^ Arab

journalists, at the time, viewed newspapers not only as a source of information but also as organs of p o litic a l and cultural development. Al-Muqtabas was not only Kurd-Ali's vehicle of nationalism; many

V a r r a z i, 0jk C it. , p. 80. 2

Hourani, 0£_. C it. , pp. 115-19.

^The O ffic ia l Gazzette, Al-Waqai-al-Fa!astinvvah. 1922, pp. 30-54. This law was adopted by the B ritish mandate in Palestine and Jordan in 1922. 4 Tarrazi, 0p_. C it. , pp. 311-315. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

| other nationalists expressed th e ir aspirations on its pages.

The

j paper used to quote al-Carmel and Falastin, two leading papers in | Palestine between 1908 and 1914 about Zionist a c tiv itie s developing ! i ; in Palestine. The new nationalist mood of the press, augmented by ’ intellectu al e ffo rts , threatened the Ottoman authorities.

As a

^result, al-Muqtabas was suppressed by the government in 1913 and jal-Kabas was published instead.

Shukri a l-A ss a li, a nationalist

;jfig ure, cooperated in editing the newspaper.

He was among those

^nationalist intellectu als executed in 1916 in Damascus, fo r a c ti­ v i t i e s and writings aimed at achieving independence. i

As in Lebanon during the French mandate, the press in Syria underwent extensive development and a large number of newspapers 'began publication. The press, as a result of new p o litic a l developI !ments, took a new shape as i t did in each of the new Arab states. THE EARLY PRESS IN IRAQ I

|

Iraq got its f ir s t newspaper in 1868, three years la te r than did Syria.

Under the lib e ra l Ottoman government of Midhat Pasha,

al-Zawra appeared in Arabic and Turkish as the o ffic ia l paper of the d is tr ic t.

In 1875, the government issued two more newspapers

in major c itie s , al-Musil in Musil and al-Basra in Basra. There were no independent papers in Iraq throughout the nine­ teenth century.

The intellectu als depended on the Syrian and Leban­

ese press to re fle c t th e ir national and p o litic a l aspirations.

How-

'j

jever, the new constitution of 1908 had the s-ame impact on Iraqi society I

^al-K ayyali, Op. C it. , p. 70.

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30

■as i t did on the rest of the Arab world.

Freedom of the press awak-

! ened a response from intellectuals and f i f t y new periodicals appeared in that yearJ

i

The f ir s t p o litic a l newspaper to appear in Iraq under the new press law was founded by Murad Sulieman. Baghdad, published in 1908, j ^staunchly defended Arab nationalism. Al-Zahawi and al-Rasafi, two poets :j

;

admired for th e ir nation alist s p ir it, were among the contributors to | the paper. Baghdad became the major vehicle by which Iraqi poets and intellectuals propagated the people's aspirations for independence.

'THE EARLY PRESS IN PALESTINE ■i | The Arab press in Palestine did not develop during the second ! 'half of the nineteenth century as i t had in other Arab countries. .Press development was slower and came la te r in Palestine, although Palestinian in te lle c tu a ls had contributed to the Arab awakening in

i

•I

other fields since the la s t quarter of the nineteenth century. The Palestinian contributions came mainly in the fields of lin g u istics, education, and p o litic s .

One o f the leading Palestinian 2 figures in the lin g u is tic revival was A. Jail ad, who compiled an Ara­ bic dictionary o f legal and administrative vocabularies. Palestinian educators, Isaaf al-Nashashibi also contributed to the revival of Arabic.

3

Two other

and Khalil al-Sakakini,

4

Al-Sakakini, a Christian

in te lle c tu a l, opened a high school in Jerusalem, under Ottoman rule, where i

he used Arabic as the medium of instruction.

Al-Sakakini la te r

developed p o litic a l sentiments as a result^of the nationalist movement ;l ^Mrowa, 0^. C it . , p. 70. ^Chejne, Oja. C it . , p. 80. 3Ib id . , p. 744. 4Ib id . , p. 458.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

and continued to work for Arab nationalism under the British Mandate in the twentieth century. Khalil Baydas, a w riter and jo u rn a lis t, introduced a rich amount of Western thought to Arabic lite ra tu re .

He translated both novels

■and short stories into Arabic from the world's classics. In 1898 ! alone, he translated three Russian novels which were read by most educated Arabs J

Baydas founded al -Nafai s al -Asri.yyha (Modern Trea-

j

sures) magazine in 1908 in order to publish both his own short stories land translations.

Thus, he l e f t his mark in education, translations, 2 short stories, e d ito ria ls , and writings on linguistics and history. Baydas played an important ro le, while participating in the Moslem-

■Christian Organization in 1918-1919, as a leader of public opinion. '

However, the f ir s t press in Palestine was established by the

!Jgovernment. Al-Quds a l-S h a rif, the f ir s t Arabic newspaper, was j !jpublished in 1870 in Jerusalem by the Ottoman government, as were 11 | other o ffic ia l newspapers in the Sanjak '. Arabic was not the only ■ ; language used.

Turkish accompanied i t

3

as the o ffic ia l language of

• the empire. Al-Gazal, another o ffic ia l paper, was issued in the ! 4 1same year in Arabic alone. i

However, the Palestinian e lit e , until the turn of the twentieth

i

, century, depended on Syrian and Lebanese publications which were circu: lated in Palestine, part of Syria under the Ottoman ru le, and which reflected common Arab nationalist aspirations. Although missionaries had brought the f i r s t printing press to i

ii | |

i

Nasir al-D in al-Assad, Lectures About Khalil Baydas (Arabic) (Cairo: Madeny Press, 1963), pp. 16-19.

2Ib id ., p. 39. 3 Ahmad al-Aqqad, History of the Arab Palestinian Press (Arabic) | (Damascus: al-Wafaa Printing Press, 1966), p. 80. !

4Ib id .

;It Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Palestine in 1852, the f ir s t independent newspaper did not appear ii un til 1904, when a l-N a fir al-Othomani was founded in Alexandria by !| -------------------------------Ibrahim ZakkaJ Zakka moved the paper to Jerusalem and shortened its name to a l-N a fir.

In 1908, a fte r the promulgation of the new consti­

tu tio n , Zakka's brother became editor and shifted the paper and its printing press from Jerusalem to Haifa, then to Jaffa, and fin a lly back to Jerusalem, where i t stayed from 1913 until ceasing publica­ tion in the 1930's. I j The p o litic a l developments taking place in the la st quarter of I the nineteenth century were of special interest to the Arabs in general i

,

[and to the Palestinians in p articu lar.

At that time, the Arabs were

[preparing for a revo lt, led by Sherif Hussein, for independence from jthe Ottomans.

Meanwhile, the Zionist movement in Europe revealed

Jits intention to establish a homeland in Palestine.

Theodor Herzl

'was working in Western Europe to create new Zionists during the late i

J890's.

His followers hoped to secure Palestine as a "national

homeland" for the Jews.

These new ideas encouraged the Jews of Europe 2 to work for a new state supported by Jewish funds. Arabs were a le rt to the threat of Zionist a c tiv ity and Jewish immigration to Palestine between 1881-1891.

In 1891, the f ir s t o f f i­

cial complaint was cabled to the Ottoman government by Moslem leaders in Jerusalem opposing Jewish immigration and the lenient Ottoman policy

Vuqan, Subhi S ., Al-Mawsoah al-Falastin.yah (The Palestine Encyclopedia (Cairo: Dar al-Kutub al-Jamiyah, 1969), p. 287. o Kasmieh, 0{). C it. , pp. 20-21. Herzl, in his attempts to secure Palestine as a homeland fo r the Jews, also made his only v is it to Palestine in 1898. For details read, Desmond Stewart, "Herzl's Journeys in Palestine and Egypt", Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. I l l , No. 3, Spring 1974, pp. 18-38.

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33

on immigration.^ !

The Palestinians took advantage of the 1908 constitution, as did

I other Arab nations, and established many new publications between 19081914.

The Palestinian identity began to grow strong, both in the press

■at home and in most Arab periodicals.

j

Nineteen publications appeared in that period, twelve of them I 2 jfounded in 1908. This emerging press became an important vehicle of nation alist s p ir it, a medium of information about new p o litic a l developments and an organ stressing Palestinian id en tity . Al-Carmel (named a fte r a mountain), a Haifa newspaper, was the i most important of the 1908 papers. Its founder, Najib Nassar, an Orthodox Christian, is generally considered the father of nationalist journalism in Palestine.

He was fu lly responsible for the paper's

policy from the fifte e n th issue, dated March 27, 1909.^ Nassar, as a jo u rn a lis t, was among the f ir s t to foresee the dangers the Zionist movement posed to Palestinians.

He was diligent

about revealing the aspirations and a c tiv itie s of Zionists through 4 his w ritings. Al-Carmel, for Nassar, was a means of leading public opinion rather than a business enterprise. The paper, according to 5 Nassar, was read for free by thousands of people; only 247 subscri­ bers paid regularly.

Another 560 paid occasionally, but only after

1Muhammad Abdul Aziz Awwad, D is tric t of Jerusalem Under the Ottoman Rule, 1874-1914. Unpublished thesis fo r Ph.D. degree, Ein Shams University, Cairo, September 1970, p. 299. 2 For a l i s t of the papers, see Appendix, pp. 223-226. 3 P h illip Tarrazi, unpublished collection of documents. ^For a detailed study on the Zionist a c tiv itie s in the Arab world (1908-1918), see Kasmieh, 0£. C it. ^al-Carmel, December 13, 1912.

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34 ' i

11 i

.

irepeated requests from the editor. The readers' reluctance to pay j| 'never stopped Nassar from sending his paper to them. He believed in ;jhis message, but was tolerant of those who disagreed with him.

He

^published "le tte rs to the editor" which opposed his p o litic a l views [as well as those which endorsed them. Nassar's opposition to the Zionist movement and its a c tiv itie s , along with his criticism

of the Ottoman policy toward Jews, twice

' j

brought about suspension o f his paper.

In 1909, the paper was sus-

jpended fo r writings which, the government charged, agitated public jopinion.

In 1910, the paper was again suspended because of Nassar's

,views against the transfer of Arab lands to Jews, j

Al-Carmel played an important role in the Arab nationalist move­

ment u n til World War I .

In his prestigious newspaper, Nassar called

fo r an Arab conference to counter the Zionist Congress which was scheduled to be held in Vienna in 1913. Palestinian in te lle c tu a ls J

His call found support among

In 1914, Nassar urged the establishment

of an Arab organization in Palestine in order to s o lid ify Arab goals and aspirations, and to raise the people's agricultural standards. Nassar continued to urge the Palestinians to organize a national p o litic a l party which would work to create organized public opposition to the a c tiv itie s o f what he considered to be the major enemy, the Zionist movement.

Prophetically, Nassar wrote that the public should

drive the Zionists out of Palestine because the Zionists intended to

^al-Carmel, September 10, 1913 =2al-Carmel, February 10, 1914. Also see Fa!astin, April 2, 1914, for Nassar's e ffo rts against the Zionist movement. ^al-Carmel, April 24, 1914.

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35

drive out the Arab PalestiniansJ |j Nassar, as a leader of public opinion, succeeded in tapping his i; i'readers' national consciousness. The in te lle c tu a ls , aroused by Nassar's

i

encouragement,

2

established p o litic a l organizations in most of the

major Palestinian c itie s , many of which had both Moslem and Christian members, as did one in Haifa called al-Muntada al-Adabi, whose stated objective was to revive the national movement while secretly fighting Zionism. ;i

The role played by Nassar, a national jo u rn alist and a prime foe

of Zionism, did not end when al-Carmel ceased publication in 1914 along with most of the Arab press.

Nassar resumed publication of

al-Carmel under the British Mandate, but his mood had changed to sympathy for British policy.

Nassar helped to form peasants parties

3

in the twenties, but came to regret that policy in the th irtie s . Meanwhile other emerging papers were playing important roles in the Arab awakening in Palestine despite the unfavorable circumstances in which they were found. One of the longest-lived papers in Palestine was Falastin (Palestine). (1911-1968), named for the country i t staunchly defended throughout its publication.

Its founders were Orthodox Christians,

Isa a l-Is a and Yousuf a l-Is a

of Jaffa.

Falastin's policy was expressed in its f ir s t e d ito ria l;^ i t was to be an independent paper that appreciated the constitution which had resulted in the existence of the press.

Its objectives were’ "to

] al-Carmel, May 5, 1914 and May 29, 1914. ^Falastin, June 7, 1914. 3 See below, p. 62. 4 Falastin, January 14, 1911.

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36

i I

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i I

support every development beneficial to constructive rather than destructive nation-building".

i

I I

Falastin played a leading role, as did al-Carmel, against Zionist a c tiv itie s and toward awakening the national consciousness of the

masses.

Falastin, however, remained constant to nationalism while

i

a1-Carmel shifted its policy in 1914.

In 1913, Falastin was serving

jas an organ for intellectu als to express th e ir nationalistic views, j i t continued too its leading role and was harshly c ritic a l of the jauthori tie s ' policy toward Zionism fo r the f i r s t seven months of 1914, ,'as were the national presses in Cairo, Beirut, and Damascus.

Falastin's

'criticisms moved the government to suppress the paper on April 20, 1914 for its obvious impact on the public against the government's policy."* This did not end the editor's b a ttle .

Instead he distributed a d if ­

ferent publication to his readers, continuing in i t his criticisms i

and nation alistic message.

2

In 1914, another Palestinian p a trio t founded a nation alistic newspaper, not in Palestine but in Cairo. to Zionism.

Al-Iqdam

3

was strongly opposed

The e d ito r, Muhammed al-Shanti, aimed at serving the

Palestinian cause.

He took a new approach in journalism by in tro ­

ducing the candidates running in Parliamentary elections through his paper.^

The paper published series of interviews with the candidates 5 who discussed th e ir programs and campaigns against Zionism. The paper, therefore, was used as a p o litic a l mass medium of a campaign.

*See Falastin, June 27, July 4, July 11, July 27, campaign against transferring Arab lands to Zionists. 2Ib id . 3al-K ayyali, 0£. C it. ^al-Iqdam, March 22, 29, 1914. 5al-Iqdam, April 12, 1914. See also May 3 and July 14, 1914 for al-Shanti's interviews with the candidates. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

37

just as today's mass media in v ite the people to judge the candidates I

'

according to th e ir programs and promises. | However, the nation alistic press in Palestine, including al-Carmel i 'and Falastin, was suppressed by the Ottomans during the f ir s t World War and did not resume publication until a fte r the war.

Many new

periodicals were founded expressing the Arab's p o litic al reactions to the British mandate and policy of the "Jewish national home". i

press, mirroring the society, continued its battle for a receptive audience in a new environment shaped by the p o litic al events.

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The

38

! I

CHAPTER THREE THE YEARS OF PROMISES AND DISAPPOINTMENTS 1915 - 1919

i

i j

The period between 1915 and 1919 witnessed the creation of an

angered public which continued to express its frustrations throughi out the years of the British Mandate. The seeds of the Palestinian iproblem were planted a fte r World War I when the Arabs were suffering from the division of Arab te rrito rie s into d ifferen t p o litic a l units. ;A review o f this period of history is necessary for any discussion involving the press not only in Palestine, but in the whole Arab world as w e ll. THE ARAB REVOLT In June o f 1916, Sherif Hussein of Mecca led the Arab world in a revolt against the Ottoman Empire by joining the A llied forces in World War I .

Hussein sought to achieve the independence of a ll Arab

te rr ito rie s .

He explained his course of action against the Ottomans

in his f ir s t proclamation, saying i t was based on the dual factors of religion and nationalism.^

Sherif Hussein refused to head the

Ottoman caliph's call for Jihad (Holy War), and appealed to Moslems throughout the world to follow him in the fig h t to gain independence from the Ottomans. His decision came as a result of early cooperation between his son Faisal and Arab nation alists, through secret societies in Syria

^Antonious, Ojk C it . , p. 27.

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39

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The Arab Palestine

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al-Arab, Jerusalem, 1932-1934.

The Is tig la l party's organ.

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"The Voice of the People".

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