The Apostolic Age and New Testament

Table of contents :
Chafter Page
Foreword vii
Preface ix
Introduction I
I. T h e Church Unconscious of its Mission 9
I I . Missionary Efforts and Gospel Traditions 33
I I I . Christianity Encompasses the ^ g e a n Sea 59
IV. T h e Passing of the Apostles 86
V. T h e Institutionalizing of Christianity 117
Chronology 147
Selected Bibliography 149
Index 155

Citation preview

THE APOSTOLI C AG E AND TH E NEW TESTAMEN T The Bohlen Lectures, IQ35 By GEORGE A . BARTO N PH.D., S . T . D . , L L . D . Professor of New Testament Literature

and

Language

Divinity Schoo l o f th e Protestan t Episcopa l C h u r c h , Philadelphi a Professor Emeritus of

Semitic Languages

University o f Pennsylvani a

Philadelphia UNIVERSITY O F PENNSYLVANI A PRES S London: Humphrey Milford: Oxford 1936

University Press

Copyright 1 9 3 6 UNIVERSITY O F PENNSYLVANI A PRES S Manufactured in

the United States

of America

To the Memory of My Beloved Colleague

GEORGE CADWALADE R FOLEY , D.D .

FOREWORD T H E JOH N BOHLE N LECTURESHI

P

J

O H N B O H L E N , wh o die d i n Philadelphi a o n th e twenty-sixth da y o f April , 1874 , bequeathe d t o trustee s a fun d o f on e hundre d thousan d dollars , t o b e distribute d to religiou s an d charitabl e object s i n accordanc e wit h th e well-known wishe s o f th e testator . By a dee d o f trust , execute d Jun e 2 , 1875 , th e trustee s under th e wil l o f M r . Bohle n transferre d an d pai d ove r t o " T h e Rector , Churc h Wardens , an d Vestryme n o f th e Church o f th e H o l y Trinity , Philadelphia, " i n trust , a su m of mone y fo r certai n designate d purposes , ou t o f whic h fund th e su m o f te n thousan d dollar s wa s se t apar t fo r th e endowment o f The John Bohlen Lectureship , upo n th e following term s an d conditions : " T h e mone y shal l b e investe d i n goo d substantia l an d safe securities , an d hel d i n trus t fo r a fun d t o b e calle d T h e John Bohle n Lectureship , an d th e incom e shal l b e applie d annually t o th e paymen t o f a qualifie d person , whethe r clergyman o r layman , fo r th e deliver y an d publicatio n o f a t least on e hundre d copie s o f tw o o r mor e lectur e sermons . These lecture s shal l b e delivere d a t suc h tim e an d place , in th e cit y o f Philadelphia , a s th e person s nominate d t o appoint th e lecture r shal l fro m tim e t o tim e determine , vii

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

giving a t leas t si x months ' notic e t o th e perso n appointe d to delive r th e same , whe n th e sam e ma y convenientl y b e done, an d i n no case selectin g th e sam e perso n as lecture r a second tim e withi n a perio d o f five years . Th e paymen t shall b e mad e t o sai d lecture r afte r th e lecture s hav e bee n printed an d receive d b y th e trustees , o f al l th e incom e fo r the yea r derive d fro m sai d fund , afte r defrayin g th e ex pense o f printin g th e lecture s an d th e othe r incidenta l expenses attendin g th e same . The subjec t o f suc h lecture s shal l b e such as is within th e terms se t fort h i n th e wil l o f th e Rev . Joh n Bampton , fo r the delivery o f wha t are known a s the "Bampton Lectures, " at Oxford , o r an y othe r subjec t distinctl y connecte d wit h or relatin g t o th e Christia n Religion . The lecture r shal l b e appointe d annuall y i n th e mont h of M a y , o r a s soo n thereafte r a s ca n convenientl y b e done , by th e person s wh o fo r the time bein g shall hol d th e offices of Bisho p of the Protestant Episcopa l Churc h o f the Dioces e in whic h i s th e Churc h o f th e H o l y Trinity , th e Recto r o f said Church , th e Professo r o f Biblica l Learning , th e Pro fessor o f Systemati c Divinity , an d th e Professo r o f Ecclesi astical History , i n th e Divinit y Schoo l o f th e Protestan t Episcopal Churc h i n Philadelphia . In cas e eithe r o f sai d office s are vacant , th e other s ma y nominate th e lecturer. " Under thi s trus t th e Rev . Georg e A . Barton , Ph.D. , D . D . , L L . D . , wa s appointe d t o delive r th e lecture s fo r the yea r 1935 .

viii

I

PREFACE

T i s no t th e purpos e o f th e followin g page s t o d o mor e than t o presen t a n outlin e o f th e formativ e idea s an d influences o f th e Apostoli c Age , an d thei r effec t o n th e New Testamen t book s produce d i n it , tha t shal l b e suf ficiently brie f an d clea r t o b e understoo d b y th e layma n and non-technica l scholar . Th e Bohle n lecture r mus t de liver hi s lectures . I f h e produce s a technica l treatise , a s some lecturer s hav e done , h e speak s t o almos t empt y benches. I f h e addresse s suc h a n audienc e a s wil l com e together t o hea r a general lecture , h e cannot , i n thes e day s of technicalities , mak e a contributio n t o scholarship . A s the write r preferre d no t t o spea k t o empt y benches , h e chose t o b e a n interprete r rathe r tha n a contributo r t o knowledge. Th e wid e divergencie s o f opinio n amon g Ne w Testament scholar s is , however , suc h tha t i f on e ha s any opinion s a t all , howeve r undogmaticall y h e ma y hol d them, h e canno t travers e th e groun d covere d i n th e fol lowing page s an d b e tru e t o himsel f withou t differin g markedly fro m som e o f th e othe r worker s i n th e field. If i t s o happen s tha t a write r ha s reache d opinion s base d on genuinel y scholarl y ground s whic h mak e th e Ne w Testament document s an d histor y fit int o a coheren t whole, an d reache s tha t resul t withou t o n th e on e han d claiming fo r Ne w Testamen t writing s exemptio n fro m ix

THE APOSTOLI C AG E

any ordinar y jus t canon s o f criticism , o r o n th e othe r denying t o the m suc h credibilit y a s woul d naturall y b e accorded t o an y othe r equall y ancien t documents , tha t result may , perhaps , i n th e presen t chao s o f thought , b e in itsel f som e tin y contributio n t o Ne w Testamen t study . It ha s seemed bes t i n s o unpretentious a volume t o leav e the lecture-for m o f presentatio n entirel y unchanged . GEORGE A . BARTO

i

N

CONTENTS Chafter

Page

Foreword

vii

Preface

ix

Introduction I. T h

I

e Churc h Unconsciou s o f it s Missio n

9

I I . Missionar

y E f f o r t s an d Gospe l Tradition s

33

I I I . Christianit

y Encompasse s th e ^ g e a n Se a

59

IV. T h V. T h

e Passin g o f th e Apostle s e Institutionalizin g o f Christianit y

86 117

Chronology

147

Selected Bibliograph y

149

Index

155

XI

N

INTRODUCTION

O perio d o f biblica l histor y i s s o dea r t o th e heart s of al l Christian s a s th e Apostoli c Age . T h e year s when thos e wh o ha d associate d wit h Jesu s an d ha d bee n taught b y hi m wer e passin g o n t o other s somethin g o f the fait h an d jo y an d powe r tha t th e Maste r ha d im parted t o them·—wer e winnin g thei r converts , collectin g and puttin g i n orde r th e Gospe l tradition s an d wer e heroically meetin g persecution—posses s fo r u s al l a n in comparable fascinatio n an d inspiration . W e Christian s be lieve tha t Go d ha d com e t o th e worl d i n Jesu s Chris t in a uniqu e way , an d ho w th e me n wh o ha d actuall y touched hi s han d an d hear d th e accent s o f hi s voic e live d and acte d afterward , no t onl y arouse s ou r curiosity , bu t contains th e seed s o f instructio n a s t o wha t ou r lif e ma y become. I t is , therefore , no t onl y wit h th e deligh t o f chil dren i n a tal e tha t transcend s th e norma l cours e o f huma n life an d abound s i n wonders , bu t wit h th e wistfu l interes t of thos e wh o woul d find th e wa y o f lif e an d o f happiness , that w e tur n bac k t o th e familiar , ye t unfamilia r stor y o f how a handfu l o f Galilea n fishermen starte d a missio n that ultimatel y conquere d th e world' s proudes t empire . The stor y i s familiar , becaus e w e hav e al l bee n instructe d in th e Act s o f th e Apostle s an d i n th e Ne w Testamen t Epistles, an d ye t i t i s unfamiliar, becaus e thos e book s giv e ι

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

us n o pictur e a t al l o f th e year s betwee n 6 4 an d 10 0 A . D., and fo r th e perio d betwee n th e year s 3 0 an d 6 4 the y leave man y gap s i n ou r knowledge . Further , th e researche s of Christia n scholars , whic h hav e bee n pursue d indefati gably fo r a hundre d an d fifty years—studie s whic h hav e gathered an d ar e gatherin g ne w informatio n fro m th e criticism o f th e text , th e so-calle d historica l o r highe r criti cism, an d fro m suc h ligh t a s ca n b e obtaine d fro m non Christian sources—ar e alway s supplyin g som e ne w detai l here an d ther e whic h throw s a par t o f th e stor y int o ne w perspective. I t i s fo r thi s reaso n tha t th e Bohle n lecture r should mak e som e fres h excursion s int o th e Apostoli c Age , to tr y t o ascertai n wha t ne w ligh t ha s bee n throw n b y recent investigation s upo n part s o f Apostoli c history . I t i s only fai r t o war n th e reade r a t th e star t tha t scholar s ar e by n o mean s agree d a s t o ho w al l th e fact s ar e t o b e in terpreted. Perhap s eve n i n th e millenniu m no t al l o f God's peopl e wil l se e ey e t o eye . T h e lecture r is , however , not a dogmatist . H e trie s t o b e a n impartia l witness , dis tinguishing betwee n establishe d fact s an d mer e opinions . O n man y controverte d point s h e hold s definit e opinion s and wil l no t hesitat e t o stat e them , bu t i n suc h case s h e will no t leav e th e reade r i n doub t a s t o whethe r h e i s ut tering a persona l opinio n o r statin g a vie w i n whic h scholars generall y concur . Within th e las t sixtee n year s a ne w metho d o f study ing th e Gospels , know n a s "form-criticism " (i n Germa n Formgeschichte) ha s bee n devised . It s purpos e i s no t t o deal wit h th e document s whic h underli e th e Gospels , bu t to stud y tha t whic h shape d th e ora l tradition s o f whic h such document s ar e th e record . T h e assumptio n o f th e 2

INTRODUCTION founders o f thi s typ e o f criticis m i s tha t th e tradition s wer e not onl y gathere d t o mee t certai n ecclesiastica l o r com munity needs , bu t wer e shape d i n par t b y thos e need s and i n par t b y influence s whic h shap e al l popula r sagas . T w o eminen t exponent s o f form-criticism , Dibeliu s 1 an d Bultmann, 2 g o s o f a r a s t o assum e tha t man y o f th e tradi tions o f th e doings , sayings , an d experience s o f Jesu s wer e invented b y Christia n communities . A n excellen t exampl e of thi s typ e o f reasonin g i s Dibelius ' articl e " G e t h s e m a n e , " translate d b y Enslin.

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T h e kerne l o f th e argu -

ment i n thi s articl e ma y b e state d thus : Mos t o f th e disciples i n Gethseman e wer e to o f a r distan t f r o m J e s u s to hea r wha t h e sai d o r t o kno w wha t h e did . Peter , J a m e s , and J o h n , who m h e too k wit h him , accordin g t o M a r k ' s own accoun t (an d i t i s St . M a r k ' s accoun t tha t i s mad e the basi s o f th e study ) f e l l asleep ; the y accordingl y coul d not hav e know n wha t Jesu s sai d whe n h e prayed . F u r t h e r , the fac t tha t th e recor d give s onl y th e word s uttere d b y J e s u s whe n h e praye d th e first tim e an d n o word s o f his secon d an d thir d prayer s ar e reported , i s hel d t o show tha t n o on e kne w wha t h e sai d i n an y o f th e prayers , and tha t th e word s o f th e firs t praye r ar e a n invention . Because th e disciple s wer e eithe r aslee p o r to o distan t t o know wha t happened , th e whol e stor y mus t b e a n in vention. Bu t w h y wa s i t invented ? Prophec y ha d fore told tha t th e Messia h mus t suffer . Sufferin g o n th e par t 1

Marti n Dibelius , From Tradition to Gospel, Londo n (trans.) , 1934 . R . Bultmann , Die Geschichte der synoptischen Tradition, 1921 , and . ed., 1 9 3 1 ; Jesus, 1925 ; Die Erforschung der synoptischen Evangelien, 2nd. ed. , 1930 ; Jesus and the IVord, 1934 . C f . als o F . C . Grant , Form Criticism, 1934 . 8 Publishe d i n The Croter Quarterly, X I I (July , 1935) , 254-365 . 2

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T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

of Jesus , therefore , s o fa r fro m disprovin g hi s messiah ship, wa s neede d t o establis h it . Henc e i t i s eviden t tha t the stor y o f th e sufferin g o f Jesu s i n Gethseman e i s a n invention o f th e earl y Christia n communit y fo r purpose s of apologetic . In tha t argumen t ther e ar e tw o fata l weaknesses . I n Mark 1 4 : 5 1 , 52 , mentio n i s mad e o f a "certai n youn g man" wh o wa s loiterin g i n Gethseman e tha t night , and who , whe n Jesu s wa s arrested , onl y escape d b y losin g his outsid e garment . A fa r stronge r cas e ca n b e mad e ou t for th e suppositio n tha t tha t youn g ma n wa s Mar k him self tha n ca n b e mad e ou t fo r th e suppositio n tha t thi s whole stor y i s a pur e invention . Bu t eve n i f th e youn g man wer e no t St . Mark , i t i s certai n tha t h e wa s someon e sufficiently interested i n Jesu s t o ris k hi s nec k fo r th e sak e of bein g nea r hi m an d knowin g wha t happene d t o him . Such a ma n woul d b e sur e t o b e nea r enoug h t o hea r what Jesu s said . Eve n i f n o disciple s witnesse d th e agony , therefore, traditio n ha d n o nee d t o inven t it . Again , i f t o prove Jesus ' messiahshi p sufferin g were needed , th e cruci fixion wa s a n undeniabl e an d a well-know n fact . Ther e was, accordingly , n o groun d o n thi s scor e fo r th e com munity t o inven t th e scen e i n Gethsemane . The typ e o f argumen t represente d i n thi s articl e vitiate s much o f th e wor k o f Dibeliu s an d Bultmann . I t i s th e product o f temperament s tha t ar e s o sceptica l abou t every thing i n th e Bibl e tha t the y deman d o f i t standard s o f certainty tha t woul d no t b e require d i n an y othe r book . This tempe r i s no t confine d t o form-criticism ; i t ha s long pervade d a certai n schoo l o f literar y an d historica l 4

INTRODUCTION

criticism. A goo d exampl e o f i t i n thi s large r field i s W i n disch's "Cas e agains t th e Tradition " (th e traditio n i n th e Acts o f th e Apostles ) i n Foakes-Jackso n an d Kirsop p Lake's Beginnings of Christianity , II , 298-348 . Windisc h there set s u p standard s o f consistenc y an d accurac y t o b e fulfilled befor e historica l credenc e ca n b e accorded , tha t would condem n hi s ow n writin g an d tha t o f mos t moder n scholars. I f suc h standard s o f consistenc y wer e t o b e de manded fo r th e future , th e recor d o f a certai n prominen t American politicia n fro m Jun e 193 2 t o Novembe r 193 5 would neve r i n th e futur e b e credite d a s mor e historica l than Gulliver's Travels! T h e sceptica l and , i n m y judgment , imperfec t reason ing o f critic s lik e Dibeliu s an d Bultman n ha s s o impresse d Robert H e n r y Lightfoot , th e Bampto n Lecture r fo r 1934 , that h e conclude s tha t th e Gospel s affor d u s littl e mor e than a whispe r o f th e voic e o f Jesus. 4 Thi s sceptica l us e of form-criticis m i s a n abus e o f it . Rightl y employed , i t is a mos t valuabl e instrument . I n th e hand s o f les s scepti cal an d mor e reasonabl e critics , suc h a s Burto n Scot t Eas ton r ' an d Vincen t Taylor, " i t ha s yielde d mos t substantia l and usefu l results . I t is , however , a too l whic h i s mainl y useful, whe n studyin g th e Gospels , i n helpin g u s t o under stand th e condition s whic h le d t o th e recallin g o f a sayin g of Jesu s o r a n inciden t i n hi s life , it s preservation , o r th e epoch durin g whic h i t wa s embodie d i n a documen t o r in on e o f ou r presen t Gospels . I t seldo m i s adequat e t o R . H . L i g h t f o o t , History and Interpretation of the Gospels, 1934 ο B . S . E a s t o n , The Gospel before the Gospels, 1928 ; Christ in Gospels, 1930 . β V . T a y l o r , The Formation of the Gospel Tradition, 1933 . 1

5

. the

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

p r o v e tha t th e Christia n communit y ha d th e geniu s t o in vent th e incident s outrigh t whic h the y record . T o suc h incidents the y doubtles s a t time s gav e thei r ow n colorin g or adde d thei r ow n explanations . T h e exigencie s o f thei r life an d wor k ma y explai n w h y the y recalle d the m a t all, bu t I a m convince d b y m y ow n studie s throug h mor e than forty-fiv e year s tha t i t require s mor e credulity , i n most cases , t o believ e tha t th e communit y invente d th e incidents tha n i t doe s t o believ e tha t the y g o bac k t o the uniqu e Master . I n realit y form-criticis m i s a moder n and , whe n rightl y used, a legitimat e for m o f th e "tendency-criticism " whic h F . C . Bau r invente d a centur y ago , an d th e tendencie s which i t detect s ar e no t a t al l fanciful . I t simpl y build s upon th e fac t tha t al l religiou s literature , whethe r ora l tradition o r literar y product , ha s a motiv e an d reflect s i n one wa y o r anothe r th e aspirations , problems , atmosphere , or controllin g idea s unde r whic h i t wa s produced . P e r sonally I hav e foun d th e recognitio n o f thes e fact s il luminating no t onl y fo r th e stud y o f th e Gospels , bu t fo r the whol e field o f N e w Testamen t research . P r o l o n g e d stud y o f th e Apostoli c A g e ha s convince d m e tha t it s histor y fall s int o thre e distinc t periods , d u r i n g each o f which , s o fa r a s ou r N e w Testamen t literatur e i s concerned, differen t problem s ha d t o b e faced , differen t questions agitate d th e mind s o f th e leaders , an d differen t influences ar e reflecte d i n th e literature . T h e first o f thes e began wit h th e D a y o f Pentecos t i n th e yea r 3 0 A . D. an d extended t o th e beginnin g o f St . Paul' s missio n i n Antioc h in 4 2 o r 4 3 A . D . W e migh t cal l i t th e perio d w h e n th e Church wa s gropin g fo r it s mission . D u r i n g thi s perio d 6

INTRODUCTION

the effor t o f th e leader s wa s t o convinc e Jew s tha t Jesu s was th e Messiah , an d th e ne t resul t o f thei r labor s wa s to establis h Christianit y a s a smal l Jewis h sect . The secon d perio d bega n wit h St . Paul' s comin g t o Antioch i n 4 2 o r 4 3 A . D. and ende d wit h hi s deat h i n th e year 6 4 A . D., or , mor e conveniently , wit h th e destructio n of Jerusale m i n 7 0 A . D. Th e questio n t o th e for e i n thi s period was : I s Christianit y a Jewis h sect , o r a universa l religion? Thi s i s th e perio d o f th e beginnin g o f consciou s missionary enterprise . I t i s characterize d b y fierce contro versy betwee n th e universalist s an d th e particularists . The resul t wa s th e sprea d o f Christianit y throug h Asi a Minor, aroun d th e JEgean, t o th e island s o f th e Mediter ranean, t o Rome , and , perhaps , t o Alexandria . The thir d perio d begin s a t 7 0 A . D. and extend s t o th e composition o f th e las t boo k o f th e Cano n abou t 15 0 A . D. During thi s perio d Christian s ha d t o fac e th e problem s created b y syncretisti c though t i n th e for m o f gnosticism , open oppositio n o f th e Jews , th e insidiou s competitio n o f the myster y religions , and , becaus e n o longe r a Jewis h sect, th e persecutio n visite d upo n a n illega l religio n b y Roman government . Thi s wa s th e perio d o f th e institu tionalizing o f Christianity . Each o f thes e period s lef t it s mar k o n th e literatur e o r traditions produce d i n it , an d th e recognitio n o f thes e three stage s o f th e histor y bccome s a helpfu l instrumen t of criticism . I t should , however , b e born e i n min d tha t in eac h perio d ther e wer e force s a t wor k preparin g fo r the on e nex t t o follow . Thu s i n th e firs t period , a s I shall tr y t o show , no t onl y th e conviction s o f Sau l o f Tarsus, bu t th e aboundin g enthusias m o f Christian s no t 7

THE APOSTOLI C AG E of Apostoli c ran k prepare d th e way , ofte n t o th e amaze ment an d embarrassmen t o f th e Apostles , fo r th e missio n work o f th e nex t period . Similarly , St . Paul' s argument s and similes , employe d durin g th e secon d perio d t o hea l violent part y spiri t an d t o preven t schis m i n Christia n con gregations, becam e th e foundatio n i n th e thir d perio d for th e doctrin e o f th e Church . It mus t no t b e supposed , however , tha t th e influence s named constitute d al l th e controllin g idea s o f th e differ ent periods . I n th e discussio n whic h i s t o follo w man y others wil l b e mentione d i n suc h detai l a s th e condition s of a lectur e permit . I trust , however , tha t t o thos e wh o ar e patient enoug h t o follo w m e i n thi s excursio n throug h Ne w Testament history , th e outlin e give n ma y prov e a kin d of Ariadne-clue , i f detail s becom e perplexing .

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I

T H E C H U R C H UNCONSCIOU S O F ITS MISSIO N I H E activitie s o f th e Apostoli c Ag e bega n wit h th e D a y o f Pentecost , a da y signalize d b y suc h a n un usual experienc e tha t it s marvel s constitut e th e initia l won der o f earl y Christianity' s extraordinar y career . W i t h th e account o f th e D a y o f Pentecos t a s recorde d i n th e secon d chapter o f th e Boo k o f Acts , w e ar e al l familiar . Probably , too, w e al l thin k w e kno w wha t happene d the n unti l w e begin t o loo k belo w th e surfac e o f th e stor y an d as k i t some searchin g questions . W e hav e th e impressio n tha t the hous e wher e th e on e hundre d an d twent y disciple s o f J e s u s wer e assemble d wa s fille d wit h a grea t wind , clove n tongues a s o f fire appeare d o n th e hea d o f each , an d al l wer e supernaturally give n th e powe r o f speakin g foreig n lan guages. W h i t t i e r sum s u p i n poetr y th e popula r impression , when h e writes : Not o n on e sacre d forehea d fel l O f ol d th e fire-tongued miracle , But flamed o'e r al l th e throngin g hos t T h e Baptis m o f th e Hol y Ghost .

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T H E APOSTOLI C AG E P o e t r y kindle s th e imaginatio n an d reveal s idea l values , but a realisti c ag e ask s f o r fact , and a fait h whic h make s th e proud boas t tha t i t i s founde d o n fact s canno t w e l l ignor e the question . W h e n w e begi n t o ascertai n wha t th e natur e of th e Pentecosta l phenomeno n was , th e attentio n i s ar rested b y th e phras e (Act s 2 : 4 ) " T h e y bega n t o spea k with othe r tongues " (trtpa n γλώσσας)— a phras e practicall y identical wit h on e ( an

d 355 .

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

as a miracl e o f speaking , but , no t recognizin g th e actua l phenomena described , h e think s " t h e detail s o f th e situa tion ar e obscure. " 2 1 ventur e t o thin k tha t neithe r o f thes e view s i s right . T h e Act s give s us , I believe , a simpl e an d straightforwar d narrative o f wha t actuall y happened . L e t u s imagin e our selves presen t a t suc h a scene. Suppos e on e i n ecstas y utter s the syllabl e bad. A n Englishman , hearin g i t woul d under stand i t t o mea n " n o t good" ; a Germa n woul d understan d it t o mea n " a b a t h " ; a Hebrew , " a part " o r "portion" ; a n ancient Sumeria n woul d understan d i t t o mea n eithe r " a w a l l " o r th e ver b " o p e n , " accordin g t o th e pitc h a t whic h it wa s pronounced ; a n Arab , imaginin g a peculia r guttura l sound wit h th e a , migh t understan d i t t o mea n "after w a r d " ; whil e a Frenchman , i f h e understoo d th e d a s a might tak e i t t o mea n " a pack-saddle. " I n othe r words , many syllabi c sound s hav e some , thoug h different , mean ings i n man y tongues. 3 Ecstati c utterance s were , a s th e fourteenth chapte r o f Firs t Corinthian s shows , matter s o f interpretation. W h e n , therefore , th e autho r o f th e Act s says, " W e hea r the m eac h i n ou r ow n language " h e was , I believe , givin g a simpl e descriptio n o f th e impressio n which th e ecstati c utterance s mad e upo n th e listeners . I t is ou r moder n unfamiliarit y wit h th e ancien t technica l meaning o f "othe r tongues " whic h ha s pu t u s o n th e wron g track an d le d u s astray . W h a t happened , then , a t Pentecos t wa s tha t th e littl e Christian compan y wer e unite d i n a highly emotiona l grou p mystic experience . A s a consequenc e a numbe r o f the m 2 3

Beginnings of Christianity, V , 112 . C f . th e w r i t e r ' s Christ and Evolution,

I2

p

. 10 6 n .

DAY O F PENTECOS T f e l l int o ecstas y an d g a v e voic e t o ejaculations suc h a s were , in ancien t times , regarde d a s utterance s o f th e Spirit . Simi lar experiences , thoug h probabl y o f les s intensity , hav e been ha d a t man y late r period s o f Christia n history , an d may stil l b e witnesse d occasionall y a t cam p meeting s an d revivals amon g peopl e o f backwar d education . T h e ex perience o f th e D a y o f Pentecos t produce d th e effec t tha t it di d becaus e o f it s peculia r settin g an d th e circumstance s and th e backgroun d o f th e grou p the n assembled . It ha s alread y bee n note d tha t i n th e day s o f K i n g Sau l prophets spok e i n ecstasy . T h a t wa s tru e o f th e greate r number o f H e b r e w prophet s dow n t o an d includin g E l i s h a . I n thi s perio d suc h peopl e wer e organize d int o guild s an d were calle d "son s o f th e prophets, " th e H e b r e w technica l term f o r a propheti c guild . Suc h prophet s employe d musi c at time s a s a mean s o f inducin g th e propheti c ecstasy . A n instance i n th e perso n o f E l i s h a i s recorded ( 2 K i n g s 3 : 1 5 ) . It wa s durin g thi s perio d tha t th e oldes t documen t o f th e Pentateuch wa s written . I n i t G o d i s represente d a s v e r y familiar wit h m e n ; h e cam e t o f a v o r e d one s i n huma n f o r m and talke d wit h them . A s th e centurie s passe d an d Israe l experienced th e histori c tragedie s which , f r o m th e page s o f the Bibl e w e al l kno w s o well , thi s sens e o f th e nearnes s o f G o d wa s lost . T h e grea t literar y prophet s discarde d ecstas y and spok e f r o m enlightene d insight . F i n a l l y , abou t tw o hundred year s befor e Pentecost , G o d wa s though t t o hav e ceased t o spea k eve n i n tha t way . T h e da y o f prophec y wa s over. G o d , wh o ha d bee n s o familia r i n th e olde n tim e an d w h o ha d give n th e l a w , wa s no w silent . U n t i l th e Messia h came, al l G o d ' s peopl e coul d d o wa s t o study , interpret , and liv e b y hi s law . T h e prophe t J o e l ha d predicte d ( J o e l 13

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

2:28) a da y w h e n G o d ' s spiri t woul d b e agai n poure d ou t and no t a f e w , bot h me n an d women , woul d agai n prophes y and se e visions . T o tha t da y th e devou t i n Juda h wer e look ing forward . Jus t a s Christian s loo k bac k t o th e Apostoli c A g e a s t o th e patter n o f wha t Christia n lif e shoul d be , s o Jews looke d bac k t o th e tim e whe n Mose s spak e wit h G o d face t o face , whe n propheti c ecstasie s an d vision s wer e com mon, an d w h e n me n wer e f u l l o f courag e an d enthusias m because o f th e consciousnes s o f th e manifes t presenc e o f God. Further, th e littl e grou p tha t gathere d o n tha t Pente costal da y wer e i n a h i g h l y emotiona l an d expectan t state . O n l y a littl e whil e before , thei r hope s ha d bee n raise d t o a great heigh t b y th e belie f tha t Jesu s wa s th e Messia h an d would a t onc e establis h th e kingdo m o f G o d . T h e n the y were reduce d t o th e depth s o f despai r b y hi s crucifixion . Soon agai n hop e wa s revive d b y th e vision s o f th e rise n Christ experience d b y a numbe r o f them . W i t h expecta tions raise d t o a hig h pitc h b y al l this , an d wit h emotion s shaken fro m thei r norma l insensitiv e calm , the y wer e pre pared t o interpre t thi s grou p mysti c experienc e i n th e ligh t of ancien t H e b r e w histor y an d o f th e Messiani c hope . T h e ecstasy an d th e "speakin g wit h tongues " wa s t o the m ocula r evidence tha t th e day s o f Samuel , E l i j a h , an d Elish a ha d returned. Joel' s prophec y wa s no w i n proces s o f f u l f i l l ment. H e r e wa s ocula r an d audibl e evidenc e tha t Jesu s wa s the Messia h an d tha t th e Messiani c A g e ha d actuall y be gun. W h e r e a s the y ha d f o r m e r l y fel t lik e th e Russia n peasants i n th e day s o f th e empir e w h o use d t o say , " G o d i s in heave n an d th e empero r fa r a w a y , " no w the y kne w tha t G o d wa s nea r t o empower , t o protect , t o guide , t o lea d t o '4

DAY O F P E N T E C O S T

triumph. H a d the y bee n enable d merel y t o spea k foreig n languages, thi s result woul d no t hav e been produced . Ther e was n o recor d i n thei r histor y tha t a prophe t eve r spok e a foreign tongu e becaus e o f hi s propheti c inspiration . N o as sociation o f idea s woul d hav e le d the m t o interpre t th e sudden acquisitio n o f suc h a n abilit y a s th e assuranc e tha t the ag e o f th e Messia h wa s beginning . T h e y believed , how ever, a s their Scriptur e taught , tha t prophec y ha d bee n bor n in ecstasy , an d th e ecstasie s whic h the y witnesse d wer e t o them evidenc e tha t prophec y wa s havin g a ne w birt h be fore thei r eyes , an d tha t G o d wa s reall y wit h them . T o us who hav e lon g misinterprete d th e first par t o f th e secon d chapter o f th e Acts , an d wh o hav e learne d t o loo k askanc e at thi s typ e o f ecstas y a s excessive an d unhealth y emotional ism, i t ma y see m a n unwelcom e disillusionmen t t o lear n the truth , bu t thes e disciple s live d i n a n earlie r tim e an d had a backgroun d differen t fro m ours , an d Go d gav e the m just wha t the y neede d the n fo r th e creatio n o f tha t vita l faith, necessar y t o th e wor k befor e them . Equippe d wit h this faith , the y wen t fort h t o convinc e th e worl d tha t Jesu s was th e Messiah . Tha t Go d wa s wit h the m i n a ne w an d creative way , the y neve r doubte d again . T h e gif t o f Pente cost, th e miracl e o f ecstati c tongues , wa s give n the m onc e and agai n t o rene w thei r fait h 4 and , a s th e year s passed , they experience d th e fruit s of th e Spiri t i n man y othe r ways . Out o f thi s experienc e o f th e constan t fellowshi p o f th e Spirit ther e cam e a t lengt h th e Christia n belie f tha t th e H o l y Spirit , togethe r wit h th e Fathe r an d th e Son , i s a " P e r s o n " o f th e Trinity . Fait h i n th e nearnes s o f G o d an d the presenc e o f hi s Spirit , witnessin g t o th e Messiahshi p * See Act s 8 : 1 7 ; 1 0 : 4 4 - 4 6 ; 1 9 : 6 ; an d 1 Cor . 14 .

1

s

THE APOSTOLI C AG E of J e s u s , a s wel l a s g i v i n g the m guidance , thu s becam e th e first an d mos t powerfu l o f th e formativ e influence s o f th e Apostolic A g e . II W e r e w e no t s o familia r wit h th e Boo k o f Acts , i t woul d surely strik e u s a s strang e tha t Pentecos t wa s no t immedi ately f o l l o w e d b y missionar y activities . T h e wor d " a p o s t l e " means " m i s s i o n a r y " an d w e trac e th e missionar y enterprise s which resulte d i n th e histori c Churc h bac k t o Apostles , bu t apparently i t di d no t daw n o n thos e wh o share d th e Pente costal experienc e an d th e Pentecosta l faith , tha t the y ha d any dut y i n thi s regard . T h e i r M a s t e r ha d sen t som e o f them, a s a par t o f thei r training , t o preac h t o J e w s , an d o n the D a y o f Pentecos t J e w s f r o m thirtee n differen t countrie s (so Act s 2 : i o, i i inform s us ) ha d hear d St . Peter' s preach ing. Som e o f thes e a t least , a s w e shal l late r see , accepte d J e s u s a s th e Messia h an d carrie d Christianit y t o thei r dis tant homes . Wit h thi s th e firs t Christian s appea r t o hav e been satisfied . T h e y settle d dow n i n J e r u s a l e m t o liv e a s a sect withi n Judaism . T h e y attende d th e mornin g an d e v e ning sacrifice s i n th e templ e f a i t h f u l l y , the y live d a lif e o f simple communis m suc h a s Jesu s ha d le d wit h th e T w e l v e during hi s ministry , the y brok e brea d " f r o m hous e t o house," eatin g thei r foo d " w i t h gladnes s an d singlenes s o f h e a r t , " an d awaite d Christ' s miraculou s retur n t o establis h his kingdom . T h e i r communis m wa s no t compulsory , bu t voluntary, an d apparentl y laste d onl y five o r si x months , f r o m th e en d o f M a y unti l perhap s N o v e m b e r o f th e yea r 3 0 , whe n i t wa s rudel y interrupte d b y a persecutio n le d b y Saul o f Tarsus . 16

COMMUNISTIC E X P E R I M E N T

T h e recor d o f thi s communisti c experimen t i s interestin g and instructive . I n th e J e r u s a l e m o f th e first century , a s i n the Jerusale m o f today , ther e wer e residen t man y J e w s who ha d bee n bor n abroa d i n othe r countries—whos e an cestors ha d live d i n othe r land s fo r generations . T h e n , a s now, piou s J e w s o f th e Dispersio n wen t t o Jerusale m t o spend thei r las t day s an d t o b e burie d i n th e sacre d soi l o f their fathers . T o thes e th e Aramai c tongu e spoke n i n J e r u salem wa s a foreig n language . Probabl y a majorit y o f thes e Jewish outlander s spok e Greek . A t a grea t festival , lik e that o f Pentecost , th e numbe r o f non-Palestinia n J e w s wa s augmented b y hundred s o f pilgrims . O n th e D a y o f P e n t e cost a considerabl e numbe r o f thes e Greek-speakin g J e w s had bee n wo n t o Christianity . A goodl y numbe r o f thes e formed a par t o f th e Christia n communisti c community . Palestinian, Aramaic-speaking , Pharisaica l J e w s regarde d themselves a s superio r t o thos e wh o live d amon g heathen , spoke anothe r tongue , an d wer e unde r suspicio n o f bein g a little la x i n keepin g th e sacre d L a w . T h e n , a s now, superior ity complexe s wer e resented . E v e n th e Spirit-baptize d Christian communit y wa s huma n enoug h t o shar e thes e very natura l feelings . T h e fund s o f th e communit y wer e i n the hand s o f th e Apostles . T h e y da y b y da y gav e ou t th e doles accordin g a s the y understoo d th e individua l needs , but thes e natura l antipathie s an d suspicion s thre w a n appl e of discor d int o thi s Christia n communisti c paradise . " T h e r e arose a murmuring o f th e Grecia n J e w s ( H e l l e n i s t s ) agains t the Hebrews , becaus e thei r widow s wer e neglecte d i n th e daily administration. " H o w natura l an d ho w modern ! L a b o r toda y doe s no t trus t a n administrativ e boar d con stituted o f capitalists , an d th e revers e i s eve n mor e true . 1

7

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

Even i n th e Churc h on e finds th e sam e spiri t manifested . On thi s occasion , however , th e Apostle s displaye d a degre e of Christia n magnanimit y worth y o f thei r Master . The y proposed t o their complainin g critic s that the y choos e seve n good Christia n me n who m the y coul d trust , an d t o thes e they promise d tha t th e whol e financia l administratio n should be turned over . Upo n thi s th e Hellenist s proceede d to choos e seve n men , al l o f thei r ow n party , an d th e Apos tles, tru e t o thei r promise , committe d th e whol e financial matter o f supplie s an d thei r distributio n t o them . I t wa s a most Christian act. Can we imagine one party in any moder n Church voluntaril y turnin g al l th e mone y o f th e organiza tion ove r t o it s opponent s an d critics ? The purchas e an d distributio n o f foo d wa s called "serv ice" ( diakonia), s o these seve n me n wer e calle d "servants " (diakonoi). I t thu s happene d that , as a result o f th e natura l suspicions o f Hellenist s an d th e unwonte d magnanimit y o f the Apostles , th e Christia n orde r o f Deacon s wa s born — the oldes t o f al l ou r ecclesiastica l orders . True , a t th e be ginning th e function s o f thi s order wer e not wha t the y late r became, bu t wha t i s ther e i n thi s evolvin g worl d tha t doe s not underg o evolution ? These first deacon s di d no t al l o f the m confin e them selves to the management o f the commissariat. One of them , Stephen, became prominent almos t immediatel y a s a propagandist o f th e ne w faith . I t wa s customar y fo r th e Jew s who had migrate d t o Jerusalem fro m an y country t o main tain i n th e Hol y Cit y a synagogue , whic h forme d a kin d of religiou s an d social cente r fo r them . Jus t a s toda y th e Germans o r Italian s i n ou r America n citie s ten d t o for m settlements o f thei r ow n an d t o maintai n certai n associa 18

COMMUNISTIC EXPERIMEN T tions i n c o m m o n , s o i n J e r u s a l e m J e w i s h freedme n f r o m R o m e , J e w i s h settler s f r o m C y r e n e i n N o r t h Africa , f r o m A l e x a n d r i a , f r o m Cilicia , an d th e Provinc e o f Asia , an d m a n y others , maintaine d thei r ow n c o m m u n i t y synagogues , w h e r e the y me t t o stud y th e la w an d fo r othe r communit y purposes. I n o r nea r thes e centers , too , the y maintaine d hostels fo r th e accommodatio n o f pilgrim s wh o migh t com e at festa l o r othe r time s f r o m thei r respectiv e countries . I n t o these synagogue s Stephe n wen t an d endeavore d t o persuad e those w h o m h e foun d ther e tha t J e s u s wa s thei r l o n g e x pected M e s s i a h , an d tha t the y shoul d becom e Christians . A l t h o u g h i t i s no t expressl y state d i n th e B o o k o f Acts , i t is clea r f r o m it s accoun t tha t i n th e synagogu e o f th e C i l i cians h e encountere d a youn g ma n f r o m T a r s u s name d S a u l , w h o too k particula r exceptio n t o hi s teaching , wh o t h o u g h t he sa w ho w contrar y i t al l wa s t o J u d a i s m an d that , i f i t wa s allowed t o spread , i t woul d b e subversiv e o f th e religio n o f their fathers . I t wa s probabl y du e t o th e logi c o f thi s y o u n g m a n tha t other s wer e inflame d s o tha t Stephe n wa s h a l e d before th e Sanhedrin , an d tha t augus t J e w i s h cour t wa s finally s o exasperate d tha t the y c o m m i t t e d a n ac t o f m o b violence b y d r a g g i n g Stephe n ou t an d stonin g h i m — a n ac t which, unde r R o m a n rule , the y ha d n o righ t t o p e r f o r m . T h e m a r t y r d o m o f Stephe n brough t thi s youn g Sau l int o prominence i n th e stor y o f earl y Christianity , a prominenc e which h e maintain s throughou t th e page s o f th e Act s o f t h e Apostles. I f w e woul d understan d ou r N e w T e s t a m e n t i t is necessary , t h e r e f o r e , t o paus e an d endeavo r t o reconstruc t the working s o f th e min d o f thi s youn g J e w f r o m T a r s u s , and endeavo r t o ascertai n wha t mad e hi m ac t a s h e did , fo r the ke y t o hi s violen t activitie s nea r th e clos e o f th e yea r 19

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E 3 0 wil l prov e t o b e th e ke y t o hi s whol e futur e though t an d career. Ill T o thos e wh o hav e eye s t o see, ther e ar e autobiographica l notes i n St . P a u l ' s Epistle s whic h enabl e u s t o reconstruc t his thought . T h e ke y whic h a t th e presen t momen t w e see k is foun d i n Galatian s 3 : 1 3 , wher e w e read , " C h r i s t re deemed u s f r o m th e curs e o f th e law , havin g becom e a curse fo r us: a s it is written, Curse d i s every on e that hanget h on a tree. " M o s t interpreters , failin g t o appl y th e exegetica l maxim, " I n t e r p r e t th e abstrac t b y th e concrete , th e obscur e by th e c l e a r ," hav e misse d th e poin t o f thi s vers e altogether , and hav e speculate d a s t o ho w Chris t th e So n o f G o d , be cause th e sin s o f th e w o r l d reste d upo n him , coul d becom e a curs e i n th e sigh t o f G o d . T h a t St . P a u l ha d n o suc h thought a s thi s i n mind , h e make s clea r t o th e carefu l in terpreter b y th e somewha t inexac t quotatio n f r o m Deut . 2 1 : 2 2 , 2 3 o f th e phrase , " H e tha t i s hange d i s curse d o f G o d . " T h e la w o f Deuteronom y a t thi s poin t provide s that , if a ma n commi t a crime an d i s hung o n a tre e (o r o n w o o d ) , his bod y shal l no t b e allowe d t o remai n hangin g ove r night , that th e lan d ma y no t b e defiled , f o r h e tha t i s hange d i s cursed o f G o d . T o Sau l o f T a r s u s tha t la w wa s G o d ' s in spired w o r d ; h e too k i t literally , ever y wor d o f it . Jesu s had bee n hun g o n a cross—o n wood . Sau l ha d G o d ' s wor d that " H e tha t i s hange d i s curse d o f G o d . " Sau l was , how e v e r , mor e tha n a literalist ; h e wa s a ma n o f imagination . J e s u s ha d bee n burie d th e sam e da y tha t h e wa s crucified , it i s true ; bu t h e ha d claime d t o b e th e Messiah , th e San hedrin ha d convicte d hi m o f blasphemy , th e R o m a n g o v 20

WHY SAU L PERSECUTE D ernor ha d a t thei r reques t crucifie d h i m ; bu t her e w e r e me n w h o declare d tha t thi s crucifie d m a n , curse d o f G o d ' s l a w , was rise n f r o m th e dead , an d the y w e r e proclaimin g tha t this man , s o cursed , wa s stil l t o rul e a s Messiah . W i t h suc h t h o u g h t s i n hi s m i n d , Sau l reasone d tha t th e curs e w h i c h rested o n th e crucifie d was , b y th e sprea d o f th e Christia n heresy, actuall y e x t e n d i n g t o th e Jewis h lan d an d th e J e w ish people . H i s wa s th e logica l mind , traine d i n rabbini c reasoning t o thin k th e thin g t h r o u g h f r o m th e rabbini c point o f v i e w , an d hi s th e arden t y o u t h f u l z e a l t o ac t w i t h v i g o r i n th e premises . H i s initia l activit y appear s t o h a v e been th e accomplishmen t o f th e stonin g o f Stephen . P r o b ably h e h a d encountere d hi m an d debate d wit h hi m i n th e s y n a g o g u e o f th e Cilician s a t Jerusalem . I t ma y hav e bee n this encounte r whic h first awakene d hi s m i n d t o th e f u l l significance o f th e N a z a r e n e heresy . T h i s i s suggeste d b y the fac t tha t th e witnesse s o f th e stonin g o f Stephe n " l a i d d o w n thei r g a r m e n t s a t th e fee t o f a y o u n g ma n n a m e d S a u l . " F o l l o w i n g th e deat h o f Stephen , th e persecutio n o f the Christian s w a x e d hot . Saul , securin g authorit y f r o m th e Sanhedrin, hale d Christia n me n an d w o m e n t o prison . A s a result Christian s (a t leas t m a n y o f t h e m ) fled Jerusale m f o r their lives . T h e communit y wa s scattere d abroad ; th e c o m munistic experimen t wa s a t a n end .

IV A c c o r d i n g t o Act s 8:2 , w h e n th e m a j o r i t y o f th e C h r i s tians fled f r o m Jerusale m becaus e o f thi s persecution , th e A p o s t l e s d i d no t flee. T h e y remaine d ther e an d stoo d thei r g r o u n d . St . L u k e tell s u s ( A c t s 8 : 2 ) " T h e y therefor e tha t 21

THE APOSTOLI C AG E were scattere d abroa d wen t abou t preachin g th e word. " I t was thu s tha t th e Christia n missio n fo r th e winnin g o f th e world fo r Chris t wa s begun. I t wa s no t inaugurate d becaus e of Apostoli c planning , no r becaus e th e Apostle s kne w tha t they ha d a missio n fro m thei r Maste r t o wi n th e world } i t was inaugurate d b y th e enthusias m o f th e ran k an d file o f common Christians , who , b y ruthles s persecution , ha d bee n driven fro m th e communisti c nes t i n whic h th e Apostle s had establishe d them . T h e Apostle s wer e conten t t o wai t at Jerusale m fo r th e physica l retur n o f Chris t t o inaugurat e a miraculou s cataclysm . T h e y expecte d hi m t o d o b y mir acle what , a s w e ca n no w see , Go d expect s Christian s t o accomplish b y followin g i n th e footstep s o f thei r M a s t e r : to wi n th e worl d b y preaching , suffering , an d martyrdom . In th e Providenc e o f Go d th e rud e han d o f Sau l o f Tarsus , and th e aboundin g lov e o f Chris t i n th e heart s o f common , unnamed Christians , se t th e Churc h o n th e right wa y i n spite o f Apostoli c letharg y an d lac k o f insight . O f thos e wh o thu s bega n th e Christia n mission , St . L u k e tells th e stor y o f onl y one , Phili p th e deaco n an d evangelist . Probably thi s i s th e onl y on e o f thes e missionar y storie s which St . L u k e kne w i n detail , an d h e learne d thi s a t first hand. Nearl y thirt y year s late r h e wa s a gues t a t th e hous e of Phili p i n Caesare a (Act s 2 1 : 8 - i o ) , an d doubtles s talke d with hi m an d hi s daughter s o f thes e earlie r days . St . L u k e records (Act s 8 ) ho w Phili p establishe d a Churc h i n Samaria, wo n a convert fro m far-of f Ethiopi a ( N u b i a ) , an d preached i n othe r citie s o f th e coasta l plai n o f Palestine . A s we late r find churche s a t L y d d a , Joppa , an d Caesarea , i t is probabl e tha t the y wer e establishe d b y th e pioneerin g work o f Philip . T h u s a t th e beginnin g Philip , a mere deaco n 22

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like Stephen , outdi d th e Apostle s i n missionar y labo r an d zeal. V M e a n t i m e Sau l o f Tarsus , havin g interrupte d th e activi ties o f th e Jerusale m Churc h an d drive n it s member s int o hiding, obtaine d a commissio n fro m th e Sanhedri n t o g o t o Damascus t o searc h fo r Christians , an d t o brin g an y tha t h e might fin d t o Jerusale m fo r trial . Di d i t eve r occu r t o yo u to inquir e wh y ther e shoul d b e Christian s i n Damascu s a t this earl y date , o r wh y Sau l shoul d suspec t tha t ther e wer e Christians there ? W h y , o f al l cities, should h e select Damas cus? Som e document s foun d i n th e Genize h Synagogu e a t Cairo som e year s ag o an d publishe d b y th e lat e Solomo n Schechter ma y perhap s sugges t th e answer . T h e r e ha d bee n in Damascu s fo r som e tim e a sec t o f Zadokites , wh o wer e especially intereste d i n th e comin g o f th e Messiah . Som e of D r . Schechter' s document s contai n thei r teachings . D a mascus wa s a t thi s tim e i n th e possessio n o f th e Nabathxa n king o f Petra , Aretas , o r H a r e t a t — a kingdo m whic h wa s called b y peopl e o f th e Roma n Empire , Arabia . Amon g th e Jews presen t i n Jerusale m o n th e Da y o f Pentecos t ther e were Jew s f r o m Arabia , th e kingdo m o f Aretas , an d doubt less a par t o f the m wer e Zadokite s fro m Damascus . T h e Zadokites wer e zealou s fo r righteousnes s a s wel l a s fo r th e Messiah, an d probabl y som e o f the m ha d becom e Christian s before the y returne d home . I n thi s wa y thes e fragment s f r o m an ol d book-roo m i n Cair o hel p u s to understan d ho w the wa y wa s prepare d fo r th e Christia n messag e t o b e eagerly welcome d i n th e cit y o f tha t ancien t oasi s o n th e border o f th e Arabia n Desert . 23

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

T o Damascus , then , Sau l o f Tarsu s too k hi s way . T h e journey o f a hundre d an d sixt y mile s wa s the n a n under taking. No w i t ca n b e accomplishe d b y moto r betwee n sun rise an d sunset , bu t then , o n th e bac k o f a ploddin g beast , it wa s a matte r o f a t leas t fou r days . Durin g thos e day s o f quiet riding thi s ma n o f Tarsu s ha d tim e t o think , an d i f we would understan d wha t took plac e just before h e reache d his destination , w e mus t paus e t o loo k int o hi s hear t an d t o reconstruct th e working s o f hi s mind . Sau l ha d bee n al l hi s life a n exceedingl y earnest , religiou s man , possesse d o f a n unusual ethica l sincerity . H e wa s a ma n wh o coul d no t tol erate a sha m eve n i n himself— a statemen t tha t woul d b e untrue o f mos t o f us . H e i s reporte d t o hav e sai d t o th e Jewish Sanhedri n (Act s 2 3 : 1 ) " I hav e live d befor e Go d in al l goo d conscienc e unti l thi s d a y , " an d th e statemen t i s entirely credible . W e kno w fro m hi s lette r t o th e Romans , however (ch . 7 : 7 - 2 4 ) , tha t a t th e tim e o f thi s journe y hi s conscience wa s no t a t rest . W e hav e see n tha t h e wa s a Jewish fundamentalis t (t o appl y t o hi m a ter m o f th e pres ent day ) an d tha t h e wa s sincerel y tryin g t o kee p th e law , but h e wa s fa r fro m happy , becaus e h e kne w h e wa s no t successful. H e foun d on e commandmen t tha t h e coul d no t keep: " T h ou shal t not covet." To al l the outwar d command s he coul d conform , bu t t o sav e hi s sou l h e coul d no t contro l the wanderings o f desire . H e rea d in Deuteronomy (27:26 ) how God' s curs e wa s pronounce d upo n al l thos e wh o di d not continu e i n al l th e thing s writte n i n th e la w t o d o them , and, conscious o f hi s inability no t t o covet , h e wa s extremel y unhappy. " O wretche d I , " hi s sou l wa s crying , " w h o shal l deliver m e ou t o f th e bod y o f thi s death? " " W h e n I woul d do good , evi l i s presen t wit h m e . " Onl y a fe w day s before , 24

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or a t th e mos t a ver y fe w weeks , h e ha d witnesse d th e radiantly triumphan t deat h o f Stephen . H e ha d see n hi s shining fac e and ha d hear d hi s dying prayer : "Lor d Jesus , receive m y spirit, " an d "La y no t thi s si n t o thei r charge. " T h e memor y cam e bac k t o hi m i n contras t t o th e agon y o f his ow n failur e an d th e uncertaint y o f hi s ow n salvation . Stephen ha d apparentl y foun d the secre t fo r which h e him self wa s seeking. Wha t if , after all, th e crucifie d Jesus wer e the promise d Messiah ? Pondering suc h thing s as these, as he approached Damas cus he experienced tha t visio n which i s described thre e time s in th e Boo k o f Acts , an d t o whic h St . Pau l allude s mor e than onc e i n hi s Epistles . Jus t ho w muc h o f th e languag e in whic h th e visio n i s described i s to b e take n literally , an d how muc h figuratively, w e ma y no t b e abl e t o determine , but Sau l o f Tarsus wa s ever afte r absolutely certai n tha t th e risen Chris t ha d appeare d t o hi m an d ha d spoke n t o hi m i n an epiphan y jus t a s real a s any experienced b y other s i n th e days tha t followe d th e first Easter . Thi s visio n greatl y developed hi s thinking , an d change d hi s whol e inne r ex perience. W e hav e alread y see n ho w hi s reasoning concern ing th e curse o n on e wh o ha d hun g o n a tree ha d mad e hi m a persecutor . No w h e wa s convince d b y hi s ow n experienc e that Go d ha d raise d fro m th e dea d tha t ma n who m Go d through hi s la w ha d s o cursed . Tha t wa s a n hono r greate r than Go d ha d bestowe d o n an y other . T h e Scripture s tol d how Enoc h an d Elija h ha d bee n translated , bu t n o saint o f old ha d bee n raise d fro m th e dead . Her e wa s a ne w an d unparalleled manifestatio n o f God' s favor , an d tha t Go d made suc h manifestation s t o th e unworthy , Sau l coul d no t believe. Jesu s ha d claime d t o b e th e Messiah , accordingl y *5

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

the Messia h h e mus t b e ·, his resurrectio n prove d hi m suc h (cf. Rom . 1:3 , 4) . Further, if Go d permitte d th e curse of th e law t o rest on his Messia h i n his death an d the n raise d hi m t o lif e again , he must have ha d some great purpos e i n so doing. To Saul , as to every faithfu l Jew, the law ha d been the one and onl y divinely appointe d wa y t o God an d life . I n that wa y ever y Jew mus t walk ; int o that wa y ever y Gentil e mus t com e as a proselyte, if h e would attai n life . To Saul' s logica l mind , as h e pondere d upo n it , i t appeare d that , b y raisin g Jesu s from the dead while th e curse o f th e la w reste d upo n him , God had free d him from that curse and had broken throug h the hedg e o f th e law. Wherea s h e had previousl y reasone d that thos e who identifie d themselves wit h Jesu s share d hi s curse, h e no w reasone d tha t suc h share d Jesus ' freedo m from the law's curse. Thus, a s he says in Romans 3125 , Go d had se t Chris t fort h a s " a merc y seat " (fo r s o hilasterion should be translated). Thi s merc y seat was "apart fro m the law" (Rom . 3 : 2 1 ) , an d thos e wh o cam e t o i t foun d a righteousness possibl e tha t wa s indee d o f God . Sau l him self fel t tha t hi s fait h i n Jesu s ha d connecte d hi m wit h a new sourc e of power . H e coul d no w reasonabl y achiev e hi s ideals. I t wa s n o longer , "Whe n I woul d d o goo d evi l i s present with me," but "The la w of the Spirit of life in Christ Jesus mad e m e free from the law o f si n and death" (Rom . 8:2). The deat h an d resurrection o f Jesu s unde r these circum stances, and the opening thereb y o f thi s "mercy seat " free d forever, s o Sau l thought , bot h Je w an d Gentil e fro m an y religious obligatio n t o kee p th e law . Me n wer e counte d righteous i n God's sight , not because they kep t the law, but 26

CONVERSION O F SAU L

because the y ha d fait h i n Jesus Chris t an d had , a t hi s merc y seat, obtaine d God' s forgiveness . Thu s th e " w a l l o f parti tion" tha t ha d separate d J e w an d Gentil e wa s broke n down . It thu s happene d tha t hi s visio n nea r Damascu s di d fou r things fo r Sau l o f Tarsus . I t convince d hi m tha t Jesu s wa s the Messiah . I t establishe d a ne w spiritua l la w i n hi s being , united hi s warrin g personality , an d gav e hi m peace . I t gave hi m hi s gospe l o f salvatio n b y faith . I t mad e hi m th e Apostle t o th e Gentiles . A l l thi s gre w ou t o f hi s literalistic , rabbinic, first-century poin t o f view , whic h som e regar d a s so crude tha t the y ar e unwillin g t o admit tha t h e hel d it. 5 W e shoul d her e paus e t o poin t ou t tha t St . Paul' s theor y as t o ho w th e deat h o f Chris t i s connected wit h th e forgive ness o f sin s center s i n th e cros s an d no t i n th e altar . I n al l his Epistle s tha t ar e genuin e (Ephesian s i s no t no w re garded a s his) , ther e i s bu t on e passag e wher e Chris t i s spoken o f a s a sacrific e (se e ι Cor . 5 : 7 ) , an d ther e h e i s alluded t o a s th e pascha l lamb . I t wa s t o St . Pau l onl y a passing figure, becaus e h e wa s writin g nea r th e tim e o f th e Passover. I t i s the gibbet , th e cross , no t th e altar , tha t i s fo r St. Pau l th e pivo t aroun d whic h hi s theor y o f th e deat h o f Christ moves . Theologian s hav e consequentl y misunder stood him , readin g int o hi s phraseolog y thei r ow n theorie s of th e Atonement . O f that , however , thi s i s no t th e plac e t o speak. When, throug h th e ministr y o f Ananias , Sau l ha d ad 5 T h i s reconstructio n o f th e w o r k i n g s o f Saul' 9 min d d u r i n g hi s c a r e e as a persecuto r an d throug h hi s c o n v e r s i o n i s no t o r i g i n a l wit h th e w r i t e r though lon g hel d b y h i m ; se e C . C . E v e r e t t ' s Gospel of Paul, Boston , 1 8 9 3 the w r i t e r ' s " T h e S p i r i t u a l D e v e l o p m e n t o f P a u l , " Neia World, VII ( 1 8 9 9 ) , m - 1 2 4 ; The Heart of the Christian Message, zn d ed. , N e w Y o r k 1 9 1 2 , pp . 2 9 - 3 7 ; Studies in Neiu Testament Christianity, Philadelphia , 1928 pp. 8 6 - 8 9 ; Christ and Evolution, P h i l a d e l p h i a , 1934 , pp . 1 3 9 ft .

27

r , ; I , ,

T H E APOSTOLI C A G E

justed hi s though t t o hi s ne w vision , St . L u k e tell s u s tha t "Straightway i n th e synagogue s h e proclaime d Jesus , tha t he i s th e so n o f God , . . . tha t h e increase d th e mor e i n strength an d confounded the J e ws tha t dwelt a t Damascus. " This wen t o n fo r som e time , bu t a t las t th e Jew s becam e s o embittered agains t hi m tha t the y sough t hi s life . W e ar e now i n a positio n t o understan d wh y thi s wa s so . H i s argu ment a s t o ho w th e deat h o f Chris t o n th e cross , followe d by th e Resurrection , opene d a merc y sea t apar t fro m th e law, an d tha t al l wh o cam e b y fait h t o tha t merc y seat , whether Jew s o r Gentiles , wer e exemp t fro m keepin g th e law, wa s subversiv e o f th e mos t fundamenta l o f al l Jewis h institutions. Throughou t hi s ministr y h e wa s neve r abl e to presen t thi s poin t o f vie w fo r lon g i n a Jewish synagogu e without a more o r les s violen t brea k wit h it s leaders . U n d e r these circumstances , Saul , a s h e tell s u s i n Galatian s 1 : 1 7 , went awa y int o Arabia . What i s mean t b y Arabia , an d wh y di d h e g o there ? Lightfoot, sevent y year s ago , notin g tha t i n Gal . 4 : 2 5 M t . Sinai i s sai d t o b e i n Arabia , conceive d th e theor y tha t St . Paul, lik e E l i j a h i n a crisi s o f hi s life , wen t t o H o r e b , th e place wher e th e la w wa s given , t o meditat e i n quie t upo n his lat e experiences , an d t o adjus t hi s lif e graduall y i n th e lapse o f tim e t o th e implication s o f th e experienc e h e ha d encountered o n th e Damascu s road . Suc h a view , i n m y judgment, reveal s a failure to understand th e natur e o f Sau l of Tarsus . O n th e street s o f Tarsu s a s a boy h e ha d learne d in th e rugge d schoo l o f lif e t o mak e quic k decisions , rapi d adjustments, an d speedil y t o adap t himsel f t o ne w situa tions. T h e bo y wa s fathe r t o th e man . H e wh o wen t "straightway" int o th e synagogue s o f Damascu s afte r hi s 28

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conversion t o fac e wit h kee n logi c an d settle d convictio n his forme r sympathizers , neede d n o three-yea r perio d o f retreat i n which t o think thing s through . H e wen t t o Arabi a to preach , I believe . Arabi a was , i n m y opinion , neithe r th e desert no r H o r e b ; i t wa s th e kingdo m o f Aretas . I t con tained man y populou s cities . M a n y o f thes e citie s ha d thei r Jewish colonies , an d Saul , I believe , wen t ther e t o preach . T h e reason s fo r believin g thi s will emerg e mor e f u l l y a s w e proceed. A f t e r a time Sau l returne d agai n t o Damascus , an d agai n the Jewis h hatre d manifeste d itself . Thi s tim e the y invoke d the ai d o f th e governo r o f th e tow n appointe d b y Kin g Aretas; hi s soldier s guarde d th e gates . Saul , the y thought , was thi s tim e no t t o escape , bu t hi s follower s le t hi m dow n over th e wal l i n a larg e baske t an d h e go t awa y agai n ( 2 Cor. 1 1 : 3 2 ) . A s th e Arabia n governmen t ha d no w becom e antagonistic t o him , h e returne d t o Jerusalem . H e himsel f tells u s ( G a l . r : 18 ) thi s retur n wa s "thre e years " afte r hi s departure fo r Damascu s a s a persecutor . I n order , however , to estimat e accuratel y th e laps e o f time , w e mus t not e tha t the J e w s wer e accustome d t o recko n part s o f year s a s whol e years. Thus , i f Sau l starte d fo r Damascu s befor e th e en d of th e year 30 , was in Arabia al l o f th e year 3 1 , an d returne d to Jerusale m i n th e earl y month s o f th e yea r 3 2 , i t woul d constitute i n Jewis h parlanc e "thre e years. " T h e r e ar e rea sons whic h lea d u s t o believ e tha t Sau l wa s actuall y absen t f r o m Jerusale m les s tha n tw o years , an d tha t hi s retur n oc curred i n th e summe r o f th e yea r 3 2 A . D. Of thi s visi t t o Jerusale m ther e ar e tw o account s which , since th e day s o f Ferdinan d Christia n Baur , hav e bee n re garded a s contradictory . Bau r though t tha t the y coul d no t 29

THE APOSTOLI C AG E both b e true , bu t w e ar e no w incline d t o loo k a t th e matte r differently. St . L u k e say s (Act s 9 : 2 6 - 3 0 ) tha t whe n h e came t o J e r u s a l e m , th e Apostle s wer e afrai d o f him , tha t Barnabas explaine d t o the m ho w Sau l ha d changed , tha t he wa s wit h the m goin g i n an d goin g out , tha t h e dispute d with th e Grecia n J e w s wh o ultimatel y plotte d t o kil l him , and tha t h e then wen t t o Tarsus . St . P a u l himsel f say s ( G a l . 1 : 1 8 ff.), tha t h e wa s i n J e r u s a l e m onl y tw o weeks , tha t o f the Apostle s h e sa w onl y St . Pete r an d J a m e s th e L o r d ' s brother, tha t h e the n wen t int o th e region s o f Syri a an d Cilicia, an d tha t h e wa s unknow n b y fac e t o th e churche s of Judaea . I t i s no w realize d tha t b y th e tim e o f whic h w e are speakin g ther e wer e churche s i n othe r citie s o f Judas a than th e on e i n J e r u s a l e m , an d tha t i t i s quit e possibl e tha t the Apostle s othe r tha n St . Pete r an d St . J a m e s ma y hav e been temporaril y absen t f r o m th e H o l y City , s o tha t bot h representations ma y b e true . I t i s noteworth y tha t a t J e r u salem a s i n Damascu s St . P a u l ' s argument s arouse d bitte r opposition—opposition s o bitte r tha t i t wa s necessar y f o r him t o flee. W h e n Sau l returne d t o hi s native provinc e o f Cilicia , ho w did h e bus y himself ? W h e n St . L u k e agai n mention s hi m in th e page s o f th e Act s o f th e Apostles , a t leas t te n year s had passed . W h a t wa s thi s restles s ma n doin g al l tha t time ? It i s usuall y suppose d tha t w e canno t tell , o r tha t h e wa s busy a t hi s trade a s a saddle-maker ( f o r m e r l y though t t o b e tent-maker). T o m e a t leas t i t i s clea r that , howeve r man y saddle s h e may hav e mad e an d sol d durin g thes e years , h e wa s als o busy preachin g Chris t an d foundin g churches . T w o bit s o f evidence tha t h e wa s thu s occupie d li e befor e u s i n th e page s 30

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of th e Acts . W h e n a t a late r dat e th e Apostoli c Syno d a t Jerusalem though t i t necessar y t o sen d a lette r t o th e G e n tile converts , the y addresse d tha t lette r t o Gentile s " i n Antioch, Syria , an d Cilicia, " thoug h ther e i s n o recor d tha t churches ha d eve r bee n founde d i n Syri a an d Cilicia . I t i s noteworthy, however , tha t thes e ar e th e tw o region s t o which St . Pau l himsel f say s h e wen t ( G a l . ι :2o ) afte r hi s first visi t t o Jerusalem . Agai n w e ar e tol d that , whe n un named an d unauthorize d Christian s ha d carrie d Christian ity t o Antioc h an d ha d preache d t o Gentiles , an d th e Apos tles ha d sen t Barnaba s t o Antioc h t o se e abou t it , Barnabas , seeing a n opportunit y fo r a grea t evangelisti c wor k i n tha t city, went t o Tarsus t o seek Sau l (Act s 1 1 : 2 5 ) , a n d , bringin g him back , fo r a whol e yea r the y carrie d o n togethe r a mos t successful evangelisti c work . W h y di d Barnaba s loo k ou t Saul fo r thi s work ? W h e n a moder n recto r wishe s t o hol d a preachin g mission , h e doe s no t as k a professo r o f Syste matic Divinit y o r o f Biblica l Criticis m t o com e an d d o th e preaching, h e send s fo r a Cowle y Fathe r o r som e ma n wh o has attaine d succes s i n tha t typ e o f work . Unde r simila r circumstances ou r Presbyteria n brethre n d o no t sen d fo r a modernistic professo r f r o m Unio n Seminary , o r eve n th e President o f th e Westminste r Seminary , bu t fo r a ma n lik e Billy Sunday , wh o ha s a reputatio n a s a revivalist . T h e fac t that Barnaba s sough t ou t Sau l i s evidenc e tha t Sau l ha d made a reputatio n a s a n exper t i n tha t typ e o f work , an d the results at Antioch prove d th e soundness o f th e judgmen t of Barnabas . Wit h th e zea l tha t mad e hi m a persecutor , Saul, fro m th e tim e o f hi s conversio n a t Damascus , ha d been winnin g J e w an d Gentil e t o Christ . T h u s a t first b y persecution , an d the n o f consecrate d 3'

THE APOSTOLI C AG E

purpose, th e saddle-make r o f Tarsus , i n spit e o f th e lac k of visio n o f th e Twelve , launche d th e Churc h o n he r mis sionary career . Thu s Sau l o f Tarsu s emerge d a s on e o f th e powerful formative influences of th e Apostolic Age .

32

II MISSIONARY EFFORT S AN D GOSPEL TRADITION S

I

ι

N th e first lectur e w e endeavore d t o apprais e th e in fluences which started the Apostolic Church o n its career. That caree r a t it s ver y inceptio n rendere d th e beginning s of th e collectio n o f th e gospe l stor y o r o f gospe l storie s necessary. Wha t th e German s cal l Formgeschichte , bu t which has been more happily named by an American scholar "form-criticism," ha s opene d ou r eye s t o the need s and in fluences which led to the gradual gathering up of the narra tives concernin g Jesu s whic h wer e late r collecte d i n ou r Gospels, an d t o som e o f th e reason s wh y a t leas t som e o f those storie s too k th e for m tha t the y did . Th e account s o f the life and teachings of Jesus were not compiled because of literary o r historica l interes t i n the life of th e Master . Th e first Christians believed tha t Jesus woul d soo n return. An y year, o r almost an y day, might witnes s the end of th e pres ent order of th e world. I f Jesu s himsel f wer e reignin g her e in person, what need would there be for a history o f hi s life or a record o f hi s teachings? I t wa s a considerabl e tim e be fore suc h lengthy , thoug h scant y record s concernin g hi m as our presen t Gospel s give , cam e into existence , and thes e 33

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

were compile d fro m earlie r an d stil l mor e scrapp y records . This i s at least tru e o f th e Gospel s o f Matthew , Mark , an d Luke. While al l thi s i s true , nevertheless , i n spit e o f secon d adventist expectations , th e situatio n demande d a n interes t in the events o f th e earthly lif e of Jesus , and compelled th e compilation o f som e account s o f it . O n th e Da y o f Pente cost St . Pete r preache d t o a congregatio n o f Jews . St . Stephen, disputin g i n th e synagogue s o f th e Hellenist s i n Jerusalem, was still reasoning with Jews . St . Philip, preach ing i n Samaria , a t Lydda , Joppa , o r Caesarea , wa s stil l preaching t o Jews , for , afte r all , th e Samaritan s wer e th e earliest Jewis h sec t and shared man y o f th e Jewish expecta tions. Sau l o f Tarsus , preachin g i n Damascus , o r Arabia , in Cilici a o r Syria , preache d first t o Jews . W e kno w tha t a t Damascus thi s wa s so , an d w e ar e saf e i n inferrin g tha t i t was als o tru e o f th e othe r localitie s becaus e w e learn , fro m the account s i n th e Boo k o f Act s o f hi s late r missionar y ac tivities, that i t was hi s custom. T o mak e a J e w a conver t t o Christianity, i t was necessary t o convince hi m tha t Jesu s wa s the Messiah . I t wa s a notoriou s fac t tha t Jesu s ha d bee n crucified. Tha t fac t n o Je w coul d ignor e an d n o Christia n deny. I t wa s necessary , therefore , i n orde r t o convinc e Jews o f hi s Messiahship, to face the fact of hi s death boldly , but t o carr y th e stor y o n an d convinc e the m tha t Go d ha d borne witnes s t o hi s uniqu e characte r b y raisin g hi m fro m the dead. That i s the line o f argumen t adopte d b y St . Pete r on the Day o f Pentecos t (Act s 2 ) , b y St . Pau l a t Antioch i n Psidia (Act s 1 3 ) , an d doubtles s b y al l th e earl y Christian s in winnin g thei r converts . Thi s necessit y centere d Chris tian thought o n the Passion and Resurrection o f Christ . No t 34

COLLECTING TRADITION S O F JESU S only wa s thi s par t o f th e Master' s caree r th e them e o f preaching, bu t i t i s probabl e tha t becaus e o f this , intelligen t converts woul d wis h t o kno w mor e o f hi s Deat h an d R e s u r rection tha n woul d b e give n i n sermons . I t thu s cam e abou t that th e earlies t narrative s concernin g th e earthl y caree r of ou r L o r d wer e th e account s o f hi s Passio n an d th e R e s u r rection. I t i s due , too , bot h t o thi s interes t an d t o th e earl y date o f th e traditio n tha t th e informatio n give n u s concern ing Passio n W e e k i s so muc h mor e detaile d tha n tha t o f an y other par t o f ou r L o r d ' s life . T h e collectio n o f thes e tradi tions mus t hav e begu n soo n afte r Pentecost . A s th e Christia n missio n progressed , eve n whil e it s con verts wer e J e w s , a deman d aros e f o r othe r knowledg e o f J e s u s tha n tha t containe d i n th e storie s o f Passio n W e e k . T h e ethica l demand s o f Jesu s wer e greate r tha n thos e o f J u d a i s m ; Jesu s demande d a n inwar d purity . Jesus ' estimat e of th e valu e o f sabbath-observanc e d i f f e r e d widel y f r o m that o f th e Pharisees . T h e wa y i n whic h th e ora l l a w — t h e "traditions o f th e e l d e r s " — w a s sometime s permitte d t o an nul ordinar y mora l obligation s ha d bee n t o hi m anathema . Something o f thi s attitud e o f thei r M a s t e r th e earlies t Christians wer e boun d t o transmi t t o thei r ne w converts . I n the effor t to do this , pungent saying s o f Jesu s wer e collecte d and, t o g i ve thes e additional force , an inciden t givin g th e oc casion whe n th e sayin g wa s uttere d wa s recalle d an d related . T h e inciden t accounte d f o r th e saying , an d th e sayin g g a v e point t o th e incident . A n E n g l i s h critic , Professo r Vincen t T a y l o r , ha s name d thes e "Pronouncemen t Stories. " A s a n example o f thes e w e ma y tak e th e stor y o f th e disciple s pass ing throug h th e cornfield s o n th e sabbat h an d pluckin g th e ears o f cor n i n M a r k 2 : 2 3 - 2 8 . I t lead s u p t o th e saying , 3S

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

" T h e sabbat h wa s mad e fo r ma n an d no t ma n fo r th e sab bath: s o tha t th e So n o f ma n i s lor d eve n o f th e sabbath. " T h e saying gave the Master's authorit y fo r placing humani tarian consideration s abov e thos e o f mer e ritual . Suc h au thority mus t hav e bee n neede d a t once , whe n Christianit y had starte d upo n it s caree r as a Jewis h sect . T h e stor y gav e point to the saying. The pronouncemen t stor y o f th e " T r i b ute M o n e y , " Mar k 1 2 : 1 3 ®· > lead s u p t o th e saying , "Render unt o Caesa r th e thing s tha t ar e Caesar' s an d t o God th e thing s tha t ar e God's. " A s Vincen t Taylo r ha s shown, 1 ther e ar e thirty-fiv e clearl y define d pronounce ment storie s i n th e Synopti c Gospels , an d fou r other s tha t should probabl y b e classifie d wit h them . O f these , twent y are i n Mark , ou r earlies t Gospel , fou r o r five i n Q , a docu ment whic h i s generally hel d t o be olde r tha n Mark , seve n or nin e i n Luke's specia l source , on e i n Matthew , an d non e in John . Bultmann, 2 a Germa n critic , ha s attribute d thes e stories t o th e creativ e imaginatio n o f th e earl y Church . I f it wer e tru e tha t the y wer e creation s o f th e Christia n con sciousness, the y shoul d b e mor e numerou s i n th e late r tha n in th e earlie r Gospels . I n realit y th e revers e i s true . A s Taylor ha s pointe d out , thes e storie s bea r o n thei r fac e evidence tha t the y ar e genuin e recollection s o f utterance s of th e Maste r an d o f incident s i n hi s career . Occasionall y one ca n detec t i n on e o f the m a late r editoria l phrase , but the storie s themselve s fit situation s i n th e lif e o f Jesus . I n all probabilit y man y o f thes e stories too k shape i n Christia n tradition i n th e cours e o f th e first decad e afte r Pentecost . 1 2

Formation of the Gospel Tradition, London , 1933 , Lectur e IV . Geschichte der synoptische Tradition, 1931 , pp . 42 , 49 , 58 , 6 3 f . 36

C O L L E C T I N G T R A D I T I O N S O F JESU S

Personally I regar d that , no t a s a probability , bu t a s a cer tainty. It woul d b e wrong , however , t o giv e th e impressio n that th e Christia n tradition s o f thi s earl y perio d wer e con fined t o pronouncemen t stories . T h e y include d muc h be sides. Jesus , lik e th e O l d Testamen t Prophets , ofte n spok e in poeti c form . Wit h th e for m o f Hebre w poetr y w e ar e all familia r fro m th e Psalter . It s characteristi c wa s a kin d of rhymin g o f th e though t which , sinc e th e eighteent h cen tury, scholar s hav e calle d "parallelism. " Familia r example s will occu r t o eac h o f us , such a s He maket h m e t o li e dow n i n gree n pastures , He leadet h m e besid e stil l waters .

Or T h e L o r d knowet h th e w a y o f th e righteous , But th e wa y o f th e wicke d shal l perish .

Such saying s ar e easil y remembered , an d almos t ever y na tion possesse s proverb s cas t i n tha t form . I n thi s earl y period o f th e teaching , collection s o f suc h saying s bega n to b e made . Burto n Scot t Easto n 3 an d Vincen t T a y l o r 4 ar e of th e opinio n tha t on e o r tw o o f the m g o bac k t o th e life time o f Jesu s an d wer e dictate d b y him . Some o f th e mos t significan t teaching s o f Jesu s ar e con tained i n hi s parables . Indeed , Jesu s raise d th e parabl e t o the highes t degre e o f beaut y an d literar y excellenc e tha t i t has eve r reached , an d i n s o doin g mad e a contributio n t o literature. I n collectin g materia l fo r th e instructio n o f con 3 4

Christ in the Gospels, 1930 Op. cit., pp . 9 4 f.

, p . 41 .

37

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

verts to Christianity durin g thi s first decade , certainly som e at leas t o f th e parable s wer e recalle d an d too k for m i n th e tradition. T o th e sam e earl y dat e an d interes t mus t b e as signed th e miracl e storie s an d man y o f th e storie s abou t Jesus. A numbe r o f th e storie s abou t hi m recal l ho w h e looked o n certai n occasions , ho w h e bor e himself , o r refe r to hi s habit s i n a wa y tha t impl y a persona l recollection . Bultmann believe s tha t th e miracl e storie s wer e tol d a s proofs o f th e Messiani c powe r o f Jesus , but a careful stud y of th e Synopti c Gospel s lead s m e t o th e opposit e opinion . The Jew s regarde d miracle s as "signs," an d this early tradi tion represent s Jesu s a s sayin g tha t n o sig n shal l b e give n to this generatio n (Matt . 1 2 : 3 9 ; Luk e 1 1 : 2 9 ) . Th e mira cles wer e tol d simpl y becaus e the y wer e believe d t o b e a part o f th e stor y o f hi s life . Hi s disciple s ha d see n hi m d o things whic h neithe r the y no r thei r neighbor s coul d do , and they believed h e did them by supernatural power . The y simply tol d wha t the y believed . There ar e othe r stories about Jesus , suc h a s the Tempta tion and the Transfiguration, which com e under non e of th e classifications s o fa r mentioned . Thes e stories , man y o f them, betra y a n interes t i n Jesu s fo r hi s ow n sake . Doubt less suc h storie s bega n t o b e collecte d an d repeate d i n th e traditions o f thi s first decad e o f th e Church . Th e Apostle s were still alive, and ther e wer e others , lik e Jame s th e Less , who ha d know n Jesu s well , an d stil l others , w e kno w no t how many , i n th e Christia n fol d wh o ha d listene d t o th e Master's teaching s and , a s Christian s preache d an d taugh t and though t upo n th e Maste r who m the y loved , th e lov e of thei r heart s as wel l a s th e exigencie s o f thei r wor k le d them t o recall , t o collect , an d t o tel l an d retel l storie s o f 38

C A L I G U L A A N D HI S S T A T U E

him w h o ha d change d thei r live s an d brough t G o d near . Perhaps, lik e Papia s o f a late r time , the y stil l though t mor e of th e l i v i n g voic e o f traditio n tha n o f a writte n word , bu t in an y even t the y lai d th e foundation s o f tha t Christia n tradition o n whic h ou r knowledg e o f th e lif e o f Chris t rests . S o m e form-critic s hav e bee n to o skeptical , bu t o n th e whol e they hav e helpe d u s t o visualize , a t leas t i n di m outline , bu t in a vita l w a y , ho w a t th e ver y beginnin g o f Apostoli c his tory, whil e ey e witnesse s wer e abundant , th e Gospe l tradi tions i n al l thei r importan t feature s wer e formed . A t first they wer e no t combine d int o connecte d w h o l e s ; the y wer e just disconnecte d storie s an d saying s tha t wer e tol d an d re peated unti l the y too k a definit e form .

II T h u s th e lif e o f th e Churc h wen t o n fo r te n years . D u r ing al l thi s tim e Christianit y remaine d a Jewish sec t an d wa s content t o do so . T h e Gospe l wa s preache d onl y t o Jews an d to suc h Gentile s a s ha d becom e Jewis h proselytes . Perhap s St. Pete r ha d befor e th e yea r 4 0 ( t h o u g h , a s som e scholar s think, 5 i t ma y hav e bee n afte r 4 4 a . d.) , preache d t o C o r nelius a t Caesarea . Corneliu s wa s a proselyt e o f th e gate , but th e narrativ e o f th e Boo k o f Act s make s i t clea r tha t that wa s regarde d a s a n exceptiona l instance . Probabl y Sau l of Tarsu s ha d preache d t o Gentile s i n Arabia , Cilicia , an d northern Syria , bu t i f so , hi s convert s wer e to o fa r remove d f r o m th e Palestinia n source s f r o m whic h St . L u k e late r drew hi s informatio n t o mak e an y impressio n upo n them . Christianity wa s stil l Jewish , an d th e cente r o f it s interes t ' Se e Foakes-Jaclcso n an d K . Lake , Beginnings of Christianity, II , 159 . 39

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

was Palestine . L i k e Judaism , i t wa s therefor e p r o f o u n d l y stirred, an d mor e p r o f o u n d l y affecte d tha n mos t Christian s realize, b y th e effor t o f th e E m p e r o r Caiu s ( C a l i g u l a ) , t o set u p a statu e o f himsel f i n th e templ e a t Jerusalem , an d t o compel th e Jew s t o d o religiou s honor s t o it . T h e E m p e r o r Augustus , a s i s w e l l known , ha d inaugu rated th e worshi p o f th e Geniu s o f th e empero r i n orde r t o utilize religiou s sentimen t i n holdin g togethe r hi s hetero geneous empire . Juliu s Caesar , becaus e o f ai d g i v e n hi m b y Antipater, th e fathe r o f H e r o d th e Great , ha d grante d th e Jews specia l privilege s fo r thei r religion , an d Augustus , knowing w e l l Jewis h peculiarities , ha d exempte d the m f r o m the necessit y o f participatin g i n th e imperia l cult . Tiberiu s had continue d th e exemption . C a l i g u l a , w h o ha d mad e himself agreeabl e t o hi s subject s a t th e beginnin g o f hi s reign, becam e insanel y conceited , arrogant , an d self assertive afte r a little . H e calle d himsel f th e brothe r o f Jupiter, an d mad e hi s subject s i n approachin g hi m prostrat e themselves a s t o a g o d . I n th e yea r 3 9 h e determine d tha t the Jew s shoul d b e compelled , a l o n g wit h al l hi s othe r sub jects, t o worshi p hi s statue . Accordingl y i n tha t yea r h e sent Petroniu s t o Antioc h a s proconsu l o f Syri a wit h order s to procee d t o Palestin e wit h a n army , erec t th e statu e i n Jerusalem, and , i f th e Jew s w o u l d no t submi t t o i t peace ably, t o compel the m b y forc e t o d o so . Petronius acte d wit h al l promptitude . H e apparentl y reached Antioc h durin g th e summe r o f 3 9 an d b y N o v e m ber ha d collecte d a n arm y an d arrive d a t Ptolemais , th e Accho o f a n earlie r time , wit h hi s force . T h e struggle s which f o l l o w e d ar e v i v i d l y describe d b y Josephus. ® In 6

Antiquities, X V I I I

, 8 , 2-9 .

40

CALIGULA AN D HI S STATU E f o r m e d o f th e purpos e o f th e comin g o f Petronius , J e w s flocked t o Ptolemais i n myriad s t o say that , whil e alive , the y could no t permi t it . Petroniu s threatene d them , bu t the y were unmoved . I t wa s th e tim e fo r sowin g thei r fields, bu t they l e f t the m unsow n an d face d starvatio n i n orde r t o protest. Petroniu s m o v e d t o Tiberia s i n orde r bette r t o ob serve th e J e w s , an d simila r scene s wer e repeate d there . T h e y bare d thei r neck s an d invite d hi m t o sla y the m rathe r than t o compe l the m t o witnes s th e sacrilege . Petroniu s finally wrot e a n adroi t lette r t o Caligula , advisin g th e E m peror no t t o desolat e a countr y tha t pai d a considerabl e tribute, bu t rathe r t o chang e hi s purpos e a s t o th e statue . M e a n t i m e K i n g A g r i p p a I , wh o ha d bee n mad e b y hi s friend C a l i g u l a kin g o f Iturse a an d Trachonitis , territorie s f o r m e r l y rule d b y H e r o d Philip , an d wh o wa s i n R o m e , made a great banque t f o r Caligul a an d flattered hi m i n vari ous ways . W h e n th e E m p e r o r , touche d b y th e attention , and filled wit h wine , urge d A g r i p p a t o p r o f f e r a reques t f o r some g i f t, A g r i p pa aske d i n a flattering speech , tha t C a l i g u l a would abando n hi s purpos e o f erectin g hi s statu e i n J e r u salem. T h i s th e E m p e r o r granted . A littl e later , however , the lette r o f Petroniu s urgin g th e E m p e r o r t o d o th e sam e thing arrived . T h a t a subordinat e office r shoul d ventur e t o advise a n empero r wh o regarde d himsel f a s a g o d , thre w Caligula int o paroxysm s o f rage . H e determine d no w t o erect th e statu e a t al l costs , an d s o wrot e Petronius , a t th e same tim e advisin g tha t office r t o commi t suicide . T h e s e events ha d occupie d m a n y months , s o leisurel y di d affair s move i n thos e ancien t day s o f slo w communication . T h i s letter t o Petroniu s wa s writte n lat e i n th e yea r 4 0 A . D. D u r i n g a whol e year , therefore , th e J e w s o f Palestin e wer e 4«

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

under th e strai n o f thi s hig h tension . O n Jan . 24th , 4 1 a . d. , C a l i g u l a wa s murdered . Fortunatel y fo r Petroniu s th e shi p carrying th e new s o f th e murde r o f th e E m p e r o r outsaile d the shi p carryin g th e lette r commandin g suicide , an d ar rived i n Palestin e first. Petronius , o f course , abandone d th e mission whic h ha d becom e s o distastefu l t o him , an d th e crisis wa s over . Claudius , a n uncl e o f Caligula , succeede d him, an d confirme d th e Jew s i n thei r ancien t privileges .

Ill T h a t thi s excitin g crisi s stirre d th e Christian s a s deepl y as i t di d th e res t o f th e Jew s i s no t a matte r o f conjecture . O n e o f the m wrot e a littl e apocalyps e i n th e nam e o f Jesus , to indicat e tha t thi s repetitio n o f th e abominatio n whic h Antiochus Epiphane s ha d erecte d i n th e templ e i n th e yea r 168 b . c. , an d whic h precipitate d th e M a c c a b x a n revolt , w o u l d b e th e beginnin g o f th e en d o f th e presen t age , an d later, whe n St . M a r k compile d hi s Gospel , thi s apocalyps e was mistake n b y St . M a r k fo r genuin e word s o f Jesus , an d as such, wa s wove n int o th e thirteent h chapte r o f hi s Gospel . It ca n no w b e separate d f r o m th e genuin e word s o f ou r L o r d , whic h i n som e respect s i t contradicts . I t wa s mad e up o f wha t ar e no w verse s 7 , 8 , 1 4 - 2 0 , 2 4 - 2 7 , an d 30 , 3 1 of th e chapte r mentioned . Apocalypse i s a peculia r typ e o f prophec y whic h ha d g r o w n u p afte r 20 0 b . c. , whe n prophec y prope r ha d prac tically die d out . T h e author s o f apocalypse s di d no t dar e prophesy i n thei r ow n names . T h e y kne w tha t the y w o u l d not b e believed , becaus e thei r contemporarie s wer e al l sur e that th e ag e o f inspiratio n ha d ended . T h e y therefor e at 4*

CALIGULA AN D HI S STATU E tributed thei r vision s t o some recognize d authoritativ e hero , usually t o on e wh o ha d l i v e d som e tim e before . T h e apoc alyptists ha d a w e l l define d theor y o f w o r l d history . T h e y believed th e worl d hopelessl y bad . A l l G o d coul d d o wit h the presen t orde r wa s t o destro y i t i n a grea t cataclys m an d by miraculou s interventio n g i v e th e rul e o f th e worl d int o the hand s o f hi s saints , th e J e w s . I t i s a theor y no w foreve r exploded, bu t i t was th e first universa l philosoph y o f histor y e v e r t o b e proposed . Ou r L o r d himsel f ha d live d unde r th e spell o f thi s theor y an d had , a s a matte r o f course , accepte d it. Nevertheles s hi s unparallele d ethica l insigh t le d hi m t o perceive an d t o utter m a n y thing s inconsisten t wit h it . W h i l e accepting it , h e i n man y way s transcende d it . T h i s unknow n apocalyptis t o f th e yea r 4 0 A . D. , however , doubtless believe d himsel f authorize d b y th e H o l y Spiri t to prophes y i n th e nam e o f Jesu s tha t th e untowar d event s of tha t yea r wer e th e beginnin g o f th e en d o f th e age , and , as ha s bee n said , hi s littl e utteranc e wa s i n du e tim e wove n into th e thirteent h chapte r o f St . M a r k ' s Gospel . W h e n th e authors o f St . M a t t h e w an d St . L u k e , employin g M a r k a s a source, reworked thi s chapte r f o r their Gospels, the y obliter ated th e line s whic h divid e i t f r o m th e rea l word s an d thoughts o f Jesus , an d M a t t h e w a t leas t add s t o them . A l though thi s ha s bee n recognize d b y a lon g lin e o f scholar s f o r mor e tha n sixt y years , i t ha s bee n denie d b y Johanne s Weiss an d Alber t Schweitzer . Suc h scholar s mak e thi s littl e apocalypse a par t o f thei r groun d f o r supposin g tha t Jesu s was wholl y a chil d o f hi s age . T o recogniz e th e fact s a s I have state d the m i s a par t o f ou r tas k o f ascertainin g th e truth an d restorin g th e pictur e o f th e M a s t e r t o it s actua l proportions. 43

THE APOSTOLI C AG E

The event s o f thi s struggl e o f th e yea r 4 0 lef t thei r im press also o n the thirteent h chapte r o f th e Book o f Revela tion. Scholar s ar e agree d tha t th e boo k i n it s presen t for m dates fro m th e reig n o f Domitia n abou t 9 0 A. D. They ar e also agree d tha t it s autho r o r compile r wov e int o hi s boo k earlier material , i . e., apocalyptic utterance s tha t ha d take n shape i n forme r generations . Whethe r thi s materia l ha d been preserve d i n th e for m o f complet e apocalypses , o r a s mere fragments , is a point o n which ther e i s n o agreement . The referenc e i n Rev . 1 3 : 1 4 - 1 8 point s clearl y t o th e reig n of Caligula , an d indicate s that , howeve r muc h th e chapte r may hav e bee n reedited , i t ha d it s beginning s then . Both th e origina l autho r o f Rev . 1 3 an d tha t o f th e Apocalypse of Jesus thought that the impious act of Caligul a was a n exces s o f th e Ma n o f Si n whic h betokene d th e beginning o f th e end . Thes e work s greatl y stimulate d Christian hop e o f th e earl y retur n o f Jesus , an d intensifie d Christian secon d adventism . Claudius , however , succeede d Caligula, an d grante d th e Jew s fre e exercis e o f thei r re ligion. St . Paul , wh o ha d share d th e expectation s o f th e Master's earl y return , soo n recognize d tha t i t coul d no t occur whil e Claudiu s reigned . I n writin g t o th e Thessa lonians o n th e subjec t ( 2 Thes . 2:6 , 7 ) h e point s ou t tha t the coming cannot occur until the "lawless one " full y mani fests himself , an d tha t h e coul d no t the n manifes t himsel f because ther e wa s "on e tha t restraineth " «ατί Χων)} o r " a restrainin g thing " κατίχονwhic h woul d hav e t o b e removed befor e tha t manifestatio n coul d occur . Scholar s recognize i n thes e Gree k phrase s fo r "on e tha t restrains " a Gree k translatio n o f a part o f th e ver b claudere, "t o shu t up," o r "shu t off, " "restrain, " probabl y th e participl e 44

FAMINE I N JUD/E A

claudens, a pla y o n th e nam e o f Claudius . St . Pau l accord ingly confirm s the dee p impressio n tha t was mad e o n Chris tians b y th e event s o f th e Jewis h crisi s o f th e yea r 4 0 A . D. It greatl y intensifie d the apocalyptic elemen t i n early Chris tian beliefs . IV Within tw o o r thre e year s afte r th e excitin g event s o f the yea r 40 , Christianit y reache d Antioch , th e capita l o f Syria. T o th e Apostle s a t Jerusale m th e excitin g thin g wa s not s o muc h tha t convert s ha d bee n wo n i n thi s thir d cit y of th e Roma n Empire , bu t tha t irresponsibl e me n had , i n their enthusiasm , actuall y preache d t o Gentile s an d wel comed the m int o the fol d withou t insistin g tha t they becom e Jews. T h e matte r wa s regarde d a s o f s o muc h importanc e that Barnaba s wa s sen t fro m Jerusale m t o th e Syria n cit y to loo k int o th e matter . Barnabas , o n hi s arrival , too k a liberal vie w o f th e situation , sa w a n opportunit y fo r greatl y extending th e work , wen t t o Tarsu s an d induce d Sau l t o come an d hel p him , an d the y tw o carrie d o n fo r a whol e year a mos t successfu l missio n there . A stron g church , con taining a considerabl e Gentil e element , wa s founded , an d the nam e "Christian" wa s given t o the follower s o f Jesus . While thi s wor k wa s i n progres s a t Antioch , Jame s th e son o f Zebede e wa s martyre d a t Jerusalem . Claudiu s i n the yea r 4 1 A . D. had adde d Judae a an d Samari a t o th e ter ritories o f Hero d Agripp a I . Caligula , o n th e banishmen t of Antipa s t o Gaul , ha d previousl y i n 3 9 A . D. given hi m Galilee an d Peraa , s o tha t h e no w governe d nearl y al l th e territories ove r whic h hi s grandfather , Hero d th e Great , had ruled . W h y Agripp a selecte d Jame s fo r execution , 45

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

neither th e Boo k o f Act s no r an y othe r authorit y inform s us. A g r i p p a 's deat h i s clearly t o b e date d i n th e yea r 4 4 A. D., and i t seem s certai n tha t th e m a r t y r d o m o f Jame s an d th e imprisonment o f Pete r occurre d earlie r i n tha t year . In th e yea r 4 5 o r 4 6 ther e wa s a sever e famin e i n Pales tine, when , accordin g t o Josephus, 7 man y wer e reduce d t o the v e r g e o f starvation . Accordin g t o Act s 11:2 8 thi s ha d been predicte d i n Antioc h b y a prophe t name d Agabus , an d the Antiochia n Christian s determine d t o sen d relie f t o Jeru salem. T h i s the y did , makin g Barnaba s an d Sau l th e mes sengers w h o bor e thei r bounty . I t i s altogether probabl e tha t the relie f wa s sen t whe n th e famin e actuall y occurred . I f th e Christians o f Antioc h wer e a t al l lik e us , the y di d no t sen d their contribution s whil e th e Jerusale m Christian s wer e prosperous, jus t becaus e someon e ha d prophesie d tha t the y were g o i n g t o b e i n need . I t i s probable , therefore , tha t th e visit wa s coinciden t wit h th e famine , eithe r i n th e yea r 4 5 or 4 6 A

.D .

A r o u n d thi s visi t o f St . P a u l t o Jerusale m muc h discus sion ha s rage d fo r a hundre d years . I n hi s Epistl e t o th e Galatians (ch . 2 : 1 ) St . P a u l declare s i n th e mos t solem n manner tha t i t wa s fourtee n year s afte r th e visi t t o Jeru salem mentione d i n G a l . 1 : 1 6 , an d whic h w e hav e date d in th e yea r 32 , befor e h e wen t u p t o th e H o l y Cit y again . A s scholar s hav e persiste d i n identifyin g thi s visi t men tioned i n G a l . 2 wit h tha t mentione d i n Act s 15 , the y hav e felt sur e tha t St . L u k e i s i n erro r ( A c t s 1 1 : 3 0 an d 1 2 : 2 5 ) in representin g hi m a s h a v i n g gon e t o Jerusale m i n connec tion wit h th e famine . P a g e s upo n page s o f argumen t hav e 1 Se e Josephus , Antiquities, III , 15 , 3 ; an d X X , 2, 5 . O n th e dat e cf . K . Lake , Beginnings of Christianity, V , 45 4 f .

46

ST. PAU L A T JERUSALE M been writte n p r o a n d con . A f t e r p o n d e r i n g a l l th e considera tions an d a r g u m e n t s , I h a v e c o m e t o th e convictio n tha t th e late Cyri l E m m e t

8

w a s right i n i d e n t i f y i n g t h e visi t d e -

scribed b y St . P a u l i n G a l . 2:1 ff. wit h thi s visi t t o J e r u s a l e m whic h St . L u k e place s a t th e tim e o f th e f a m i n e . C h r o n o l o g i c a l l y i t fits e x a c t l y . I n thi s connectio n i t s h o u l d b e note d tha t m a n y student s of th e A p o s t o l i c A g e h a v e f a i l e d t o u n d e r s t a n d w h a t a seri ous an d l o n g - c o n t i n u e d disput e th e questio n o f w h e t h e r o r not th e G o s p e l s h o u l d b e p r e a c h e d t o th e G e n t i l e s w a s b o u n d t o be . T h e y h a v e r e g a r d e d i t a s a d i f f e r e n c e o f opinion tha t m i g h t c o m e u p once , a s a t th e c o n f e r e n c e o f A c t s 1 5 , bu t whic h c o u l d b e settle d b y a v o t e onc e f o r a l l . T h e histor y o f th e d i f f e r e n c e s b e t w e en H i g h C h u r c h A n g l i cans a n d L o w C h u r c h A n g l i c a n s d u r i n g th e pas t h u n d r e d y e a r s s h o u l d h a v e g i v e n scholar s a sane r perspectiv e i n th e s t u d y o f thi s p r o b l e m o f th e A p o s t o l i c A g e . T h e p a r t y r e p resented b y J a m e s th e L e s s , whic h h e l d tha t a G e n t i l e o u g h t to becom e a J e w i n o r d e r t o b e a g o o d C h r i s t i a n , w a s th e H i g h Churc h party . T h a t represente d b y Barnaba s an d S a u l c o r r e s p o n d e d t o th e L o w o r B r o a d C h u r c h p a r t y . I n their case , a s i n o u r s , thei r r e l i g i o n wa s a t botto m th e s a m e ; the d i f f e r e n c e consiste d i n th e t h o u g h t - p a t t e r n s b y whic h t h e y e x p l a i n e d it , a n d th e consequen t attitud e t o w a r d cer tain ceremonia l minutia e whic h the y t h o u g h t s h o u l d b e maintained. T h e experienc e o f th e A n g l i c a n c o m m u n i o n f o r th e pas t c e n t u r y show s tha t suc h d i f f e r e n c e s ar e n e v e r settled. T h e y a r e a l w a y s c r o p p i n g u p ; the y a r e a l w a y s precipitating n e w discussions . Conviction s o n suc h t h o u g h t patterns ar e d e e p ; o n eithe r sid e t h e y ar e no t u p r o o t e d b y * Beginnings of

Christianity, II

, 27 7 ff. 47

THE APOSTOLI C AG E a f e w arguments, a successful mission, a Broa d Churc h book , or a f e w Catholi c congresses . Decad e afte r decad e th e dis cussion goe s on . Quit e analogou s t o thi s wa s th e differenc e between J a m e s an d th e Jerusale m Christian s an d th e arden t missionaries, o f who m St . P a u l cam e t o b e th e bes t known , in th e Apostoli c A g e . A f t e r man y year s o f stud y I hav e come t o thin k tha t bot h Act s an d Galatian s ar e trustworth y documents an d tha t St . P a u l i n G a l . 2 i s describin g detail s of hi s visi t t o Jerusale m i n th e yea r 4 5 o r 46 . I f , then , we mak e thi s identification , St . P a u l i n Galatian s gives u s some detail s o f wha t happene d a t Jerusalem . I t wa s not simpl y a n inciden t o f givin g an d receivin g money , bu t there wa s discussio n wit h Peter , J a m e s , an d J o h n a s t o whether i t wa s i n accordanc e wit h th e min d o f th e M a s t e r that th e Gospe l shoul d b e carrie d t o th e Gentiles . A p p a r ently th e questio n ha d no t ye t reache d a poin t i n th e mind s of th e Jerusale m Churc h a s a whole suc h tha t i t wa s though t necessary t o consul t other s tha n th e Apostoli c leaders . A s a result, th e thre e Apostles , Peter , J a m e s , an d J o h n , g a v e t o Barnabas an d P a u l th e righ t han d o f fellowship , tha t th e latter shoul d preac h t o th e Gentiles , whil e th e f o r m e r preached t o J e w s ( G a l . 2 : 9 ) . T i t u s , a G r e e k , on e o f th e new converts , accompanie d th e missionar y Apostle s o n thi s occasion, an d hi s cas e entere d int o th e discussion , bu t St . P a u l write s abou t i t i n languag e s o vagu e ( G a l . 2 : 3 - 5 ) that w e d o no t kno w whethe r T i t u s wa s circumcise d o r not . I f w e plac e th e emphasis , i n readin g th e passage , o n cer tain word s i t mean s tha t surel y T i t u s wa s no t circumcise d 5 if w e plac e th e emphasi s otherwise , th e passag e ca n mea n that Titu s wa s circumcised , bu t no t a s a matte r o f necessit y but ou t o f Christia n consideratio n fo r th e feeling s o f th e 48

ST. PAU L A T JERUSALE M

Jewish brethren . On e thin g is , however , mad e ver y clear . There wa s a smal l bu t bitte r part y o f Judaiser s i n Jeru salem. St . Pau l speak s of the m a s "false brethre n wh o cam e in privil y t o sp y ou t ou r libert y whic h w e hav e i n Christ. " Under th e circumstance s ther e wa s boun d t o b e a smal l nucleus o f irreconcilable s i n ever y Jewis h communit y an d consequently i n nearl y ever y Christia n church , th e major ity o f th e member s o f whic h wer e stil l Jews . Peter , James , and Joh n migh t agre e t o le t Pau l an d Barnaba s preac h t o Gentiles withou t molestatio n fro m them , bu t ther e wer e many Jewis h Christian s wh o fel t boun d b y n o suc h obliga tion. Whil e a modus vivendi ha d bee n arrange d wit h th e Jerusalem Apostles , th e controvers y ha d b y n o mean s ended. Indeed , i t ha d jus t begun . V Not lon g afte r Pau l an d Barnaba s returne d fro m Jeru salem t o Antioch , tha t Churc h decide d t o sen d thes e tw o effective preacher s o n a mission. St . Luk e tell s u s that " T h e Holy Ghos t said , Separat e m e Barnaba s an d Sau l fo r th e work whereunto I hav e called them." Ho w the Hol y Ghos t uttered this , w e ar e no t told , bu t i t wa s probabl y sai d b y some prophet . I n obedienc e t o thi s voice , th e Antiochia n Christians formall y lai d thei r hand s o n Barnaba s an d Sau l in toke n tha t th e missionarie s wen t fort h wit h th e Church' s commission an d authority . S o Barnaba s an d Sau l se t fort h on wha t i s usuall y calle d "th e first missionar y journey, " accompanied by Barnabas's cousin, John Mark , a s helper. It is unnecessary here to repeat the details o f this journey . Of thei r travels , hardships , an d successe s i n Cyprus , a t 49

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

Antioch i n Psidia , Iconium , L y s t r a , an d D e r b e , th e thir teenth an d fourteent h chapter s o f th e Act s giv e a f u l l ac count, an d a k n o w l e d g e o f th e familia r stor y wil l b e take n for granted . W e ma y onl y paus e t o not e tha t o n thei r w a y home, i n visitin g th e congregation s the y ha d establishe d i n Asia M i n o r , th e Apostle s appointe d " e l d e r s , " presbuteroi, presbyters, i n e v e r y church . T h i s i s th e earlies t referenc e in th e N e w Testamen t t o th e secon d orde r o f th e Christia n ministry. Bu t wha t wa s th e functio n o f thes e presbyters ? O n w h a t analog y wer e the y appointed ? M u c h stud y ha s been g i v e n t o th e subjec t b y Christia n scholars , an d i t i s no w w e l l know n tha t thei r appointmen t wa s i n accordanc e wit h the f o r m o f governmen t o f al l loca l orienta l communities , in whic h th e leadershi p o r contro l wa s uniforml y i n th e hands o f th e olde r men . A s a matte r o f course , therefore , some olde r me n wer e selecte d i n eac h c o m m u n i t y — m e n of sturd y Christia n characte r an d g o o d j u d g m e n t — a n d th e general decision s necessar y t o community matter s wer e com mitted t o thei r hands . I t i s clea r f r o m a numbe r o f ancien t Christian document s tha t a t thi s tim e th e preachin g an d th e exercise o f spiritua l g i f t s wer e no t th e specia l functio n o f the presbyters . T h o s e function s cam e t o b e exercise d b y them onl y afte r th e laps e o f muc h time . A t th e dat e o f which w e ar e speakin g (abou t 4 7 A . D.) th e presbyter s cor responded apparentl y mor e nearl y t o a vestr y tha n t o any thing els e i n th e moder n church .

VI A proble m tha t ha s bee n muc h discusse d durin g th e las t forty year s is , W h e re wer e th e churche s o f Galati a situated ? So

T H E CHURCHE S O F GALATI

A

W e r e th e churche s o f Antioc h i n Psidia , Iconium , Lystra , and Derb e th e churche s o f Galatia ? T h e proble m ha s arise n because i n th e Roma n Empir e th e ter m "Galatia " wa s em ployed i n tw o senses . Sometime s i t denote d th e lan d o f a race; sometimes , a Roma n politica l uni t whic h embrace d territories inhabite d b y severa l peoples . Thi s ambiguit y grew ou t o f th e histor y o f Asi a Minor . T h e Gaul s o f th e Rhinelan d an d norther n Franc e ar e known t o u s al l fro m ou r studen t days . W e mad e ou r ac quaintance wit h the m throug h Caesar' s Commentaries on the Gallic War. T h e y wer e a restles s people , pushin g thei r way int o Grea t Britai n an d Ireland , bu t o n tw o histori c occasions the y surge d southeastward . O n th e first o f thes e sallies the y overra n Ital y an d sacke d Rom e i n 41 0 B . C. O n the second , the y surge d acros s Macedoni a an d Thrace, som e of the m finding thei r wa y int o Asi a Minor , other s int o Greece. I n Greec e the y sacke d Delph i i n 27 9 B . C. Thos e that invade d Asi a Mino r wer e finally pushe d b y th e king doms o f Pergamo s an d Antioc h int o th e highland s o f Phrygia, wher e the y settled . Thei r countr y cam e t o b e called b y Greek-speakin g people s Galatia , jus t a s th e lan d inhabited b y Gaul s i n th e Wes t wa s calle d b y th e Latin s Gallia. Afte r a complicated history , int o the detail s o f whic h we nee d no t ente r here, 9 whe n th e Roma n provinc e o f Galatia wa s organize d i n 2 5 B . C., ther e wa s include d i n it , because o f thi s previou s history , larg e tract s o f lan d tha t had belonge d t o othe r kingdoms , notabl y Lycaonia , P h r y gia, an d Psidia . I t wa s lon g though t tha t i n th e Ne w Testa ment "Galatia " wa s employe d i n th e nationa l sense , an d that th e churche s o f Galati a wer e i n th e mountai n regio n • Fo r detail s se e K . Lak e i n Beginnings of

5»

Christianity, V

, 233 .

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

where Gaelic , a languag e aki n t o Welsh , wa s spoken . Th e ablest an d mos t persuasiv e presentatio n o f thi s vie w i s that of Bisho p Lightfoo t i n his Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians. O n thi s vie w w e d o no t know th e nam e o f a single Galatia n Churc h o r Christian . Lightfoo t suppose d that ther e were churche s i n such citie s as Tavium, Pessinus , and Ancyr a th e moder n Angora , bu t the y ar e neve r men tioned in the New Testament . In 189 3 W . M . Ramsay , i n his Church and the Roman Empire before 170 A.D., advocate d th e vie w tha t i n th e New Testamen t "Galatia " wa s employe d i n th e Roma n political sense , and tha t the Churche s o f Galati a wer e thos e founded o n the first missionar y journey , Antioc h i n Psidia , Iconium, Lystra , an d Derbe . Ramsay' s theor y i s called th e "South Galatia n Theory, " an d Lightfoot' s th e "Nort h Galatian Theory. " Th e questio n i s a complicate d on e an d perhaps w e shal l neve r b e abl e t o settl e i t wit h certainty , but th e Sout h Galatia n Theor y i s no w accepte d b y th e maj ority o f scholar s an d is , I believe , right . St . Pau l i n hi s missionary labor s sough t ou t Greek-speakin g centers , an d it i s probabl e tha t i n Tavium , Pessinus , an d Ancyr a Gaeli c was spoken. I n Lystra w e know that Lycaonian was the lan guage o f th e heathe n majority— a tongu e o f whic h w e now know apparently a n earlier for m under the name L u v vish fro m th e Hittit e inscription s foun d a t Bogha z Ko i i n 1896—but ther e wa s als o a Gree k population . I t i s clea r that th e Epistl e t o th e Galatian s wa s writte n t o Greek speaking communities , an d thos e communitie s wer e i n al l probability thos e of Antioch i n Psidia, Iconium, Lystra, and Derbe. W e shal l assum e that this is the historic fact . While 52

THE CHURCHE S O F GALATI A it i s not absolutel y certain , th e evidenc e make s i t mor e prob able tha n an y othe r hypothesis . On thi s hypothesi s th e Epistl e t o th e Galatian s wa s written t o th e churche s establishe d o n th e first missionar y j o u r n e y , an d th e evidenc e indicate s tha t i t wa s no t writte n long afte r tha t j o u r n e y ended . I n G a l . 1 : 6 St . P a u l says , " I marve l tha t y e ar e s o quickl y removin g f r o m hi m tha t called yo u i n th e grac e o f Chris t unt o a differen t g o s p e l . " It woul d see m tha t a t th e mos t onl y a f e w month s coul d have elapse d sinc e h e l e f t them . O n th e othe r han d h e im plies i n G a l . 4 : 1 3 that , whe n h e wrot e th e E p i s t l e , h e ha d visited thes e churche s twic e an d preache d i n them . T h i s condition i s f u l f i l l e d b y th e first missionar y j o u r n e y o n which th e Apostles , afte r thei r labor s a t Derb e wer e com pleted, turne d bac k an d visite d th e congregation s i n th e other churche s again . W e conclude , then , tha t th e Epistl e to th e Galatian s wa s writte n f r o m Antioc h no t late r tha n the yea r 4 8 A . D . O n thi s vie w th e E p i s t l e antedate s th e Apostolic counci l a t J e r u s a l e m describe d i n th e fifteenth chapter o f th e Acts , an d man y difficultie s whic h scholar s have found , eithe r wit h th e historicit y o f th e Act s o r th e good fait h o f St . P a u l , disappear .

VII T h e occasio n o f th e E p i s t l e t o th e Galatian s i s mad e clear b y th e Epistl e itself . T h e r e wer e J e w i s h Christian s who wer e no t willin g t o observ e th e agreemen t m a d e b y Peter, J a m e s , an d J o h n tha t P a u l an d Barnaba s w e r e a t liberty t o proclai m a gospe l whic h di d no t requir e th e dis 53

THE APOSTOLI C AG E ciples t o observ e th e Jewis h law . Perhap s thes e zealou s people di d no t eve n kno w o f th e existenc e o f tha t agree ment. A t al l event s som e o f thes e ha d visite d th e churche s of Galati a afte r the departur e o f th e Apostle s an d ha d per suaded a numbe r o f th e Gentile s t o b e circumcise d an d t o keep th e Jewis h law . Ther e see m t o hav e bee n som e o f them engage d i n agricultur e wh o attempte d t o observ e th e sabbatical yea r whic h fel l i n 4 7 - 4 8 A . D . (Se e Gal . 4 : 1 0 ) . In thei r effor t to d o thi s the y ha d denie d tha t St . Pau l ha d any first-hand knowledg e o f Christianity . T h e y claime d that wha t littl e h e di d kno w abou t it , h e ha d obtaine d fro m the Jerusale m Apostles ; tha t h e wa s a time-server , actin g one wa y amon g J e w s an d anothe r wa y amon g Gentiles . S o they belittle d hi s authority . Thi s activit y o f Jewis h Chris tians wa s a par t o f tha t lon g an d inevitabl e clas h betwee n religious thought-pattern s t o whic h referenc e ha s alread y been made . While al l thi s i s clear , perhap s i t i s no t th e whol e ex planation o f St . Paul' s letter . T w o scholars , Wilhel m L ü t gert 1 0 an d the late James H . Ropes, 1 1 hav e pointed ou t tha t there ar e passage s i n th e Epistl e t o th e Galatian s whic h indicate tha t ther e wa s i n Galatia , a s w e kno w tha t ther e was a t a later tim e i n Corinth , a n antinomia n part y tha t re garded itsel f a s free d fro m al l mora l law , an d charge d St . Paul wit h inconsistenc y an d wit h observin g th e mora l law , because h e insiste d upo n morality . Thes e scholar s have , I think, mad e ou t thei r case . Ther e ar e passage s i n th e lette r which ar e hardl y intelligibl e o n th e theor y tha t th e lette r 10

I n Gesetz und Geist, Gütersloh , 1919 . The Singular Problem of the Epistle to the Galatians, Cambridge , Mass., 1919 . 11

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was directe d agains t th e Jewis h part y alone . T h a t suc h a party shoul d aris e was , unde r th e circumstances , mos t natural. T h e logi c o f Sau l o f Tarsu s whic h first mad e hi m a persecuto r an d the n mad e hi m a Christian , an d whic h w e traced i n th e las t lecture , le d hi m t o believ e tha t G o d had , by th e deat h o f Jesu s o n th e cros s an d b y raisin g hi m f r o m the dead , opene d i n Chris t a mercy seat , t o whic h me n coul d come an d b e fre e f r o m th e law . Neithe r St . P a u l no r th e J e w s o f hi s tim e distinguishe d a s w e d o betwee n th e cere monial an d th e mora l laws . A l l ha d com e f r o m G o d ; i t was al l equall y binding . I f G o d abrogate d a part , h e ha d abrogated th e whole . T h a t thi s wa s St . P a u l ' s vie w i s show n by hi s discussio n o f inces t an d sex-relation s i n ι Cor . 6 . I t is noteworthy tha t ther e h e appeal s neithe r t o th e prohibite d degrees o f marriag e i n L e v . 1 8 an d 20 , no r t o th e sevent h commandment, bu t declares : " A l l thing s ar e l a w f u l fo r me , but al l thing s ar e no t expedient . A l l thing s ar e l a w f u l fo r me, bu t I wil l no t b e brough t unde r th e powe r o f a n y , " an d then goe s o n t o argu e i n substanc e tha t a ma n shoul d abstai n f r o m fornication , no t becaus e i t violate s a commandmen t not t o d o so , bu t becaus e t o d o s o i s t o commi t spiritua l sui cide. I n th e Epistl e t o th e Galatian s th e sam e principle s ar e enunciated i n anothe r way . T h e sin s whic h ar e denounce d and prohibite d i n th e la w ar e portraye d ( G a l . 5 : 1 9 ff.) a s " t h e work s o f th e flesh," wherea s thos e thing s whic h ar e the note s o f holines s ar e describe d a s " t h e frui t o f th e spirit" ( G a l . 5:2 2 f . ) . L ü t g e r t an d R o p e s ar e probabl y right i n thei r theor y tha t thi s antinomia n part y i n Galati a claimed t o b e -pneumatici f o r "spirituals. " I t wa s the y w h o charged St . P a u l wit h inconsistency ; i t wa s the y w h o ac cused hi m o f stil l preachin g circumcisio n ( G a l . 5 : 1 1 ) . T o 55

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them St . P a u l say s i n substance , " Y o u ar e no t spiritua l a t all} th e indulgence s whic h yo u ar e a l l o w i n g yourselve s ar e works o f th e flesh. T h o s e w h o ar e spiritua l exhibi t th e fruit s of th e Spirit , love , j o y , peace , long-suffering , kindness , meekness, self-control. " T h e existenc e o f suc h a grou p o f antinomians i n Galati a an d late r a t Corint h reveal s on e o f the danger s o f th e sever e logi c o f St . P a u l ' s position . M a n y were abl e t o f o l l o w hi s logic , whil e unabl e t o shar e hi s mora l earnestness an d spiritua l sincerity . T h e y stil l neede d th e T e n Commandments , whic h th e Churc h retained . St . P a u l is th e onl y write r i n th e N e w Testamen t wh o trie s t o ris e above thi s necessity . H i s grea t successor , th e autho r o f th e Fourth Gospel , insist s tha t " h e tha t sait h I kno w him , an d keepeth no t hi s commandments, i s a liar, an d th e trut h i s no t in h i m " ( ι Joh n 2 : 4 ) . St. Paul' s argumen t agains t th e Judaiser s i n th e Epistl e to th e Galatian s i s i n substanc e a s follows . T h e boo k o f Genesis tell s u s tha t G o d mad e a covenan t wit h A b r a h a m on th e basi s o f faith . A b r a h a m believe d G o d ' s promise , s o his fait h wa s counte d t o hi m fo r righteousness . T h e religio n of fait h i s therefor e olde r b y fou r hundre d an d thirt y year s than th e religio n o f law . T h e sam e G o d w h o mad e th e promise t o A b r a h a m an d confirme d i t b y a n oat h als o gav e the law . T h e la w coul d no t therefor e abrogat e th e promise , for eve n i n huma n covenant s unilatera l modificatio n i s un thinkable. W h a t , then , wa s th e purpos e o f th e law ? I t wa s g i v e n fo r th e guidanc e o f mankin d d u r i n g th e minorit y o f the race , jus t a s parenta l rule s ar e g i v e n fo r th e guidanc e of childre n an d minors . N o w tha t Chris t ha s come , th e la w is n o longe r neede d fo r thos e wh o plac e themselve s unde r his leadership . T h e y hav e com e o f a g e ; the y ar e n o longe r 56

CATECHISTS minors; the y ar e f r e e . Chris t create s i n the m a ne w spirit — the spiri t tha t bring s fort h l o v e , j o y , peace , an d al l th e virtues o f th e Christia n l i f e . Fait h i s th e bon d tha t unite s to C h r i s t — f a i t h suc h a s A b r a h a m ha d an d o n th e basi s o f which G o d establishe d th e covenan t wit h him . T h e s e chil dren o f fait h ar e th e rea l " s e e d o f A b r a h a m " rathe r tha n those w h o happene d t o b e descende d f r o m hi s physica l form. T h i s i s a n earl y sketc h o f thi s par t o f St . P a u l ' s theology . It i s no t a complet e t h e o l o g y ; i t onl y embrace s th e aspect s that wer e pertinen t t o th e questio n a t issue , bu t s o f a r a s we ca n tel l i t remaine d constan t i n hi s min d throughou t his life . N i n e o r te n year s late r h e pu t thi s theor y i n a mor e elaborate f o r m i n th e E p i s t l e t o th e R o m a n s , bu t th e argu ment itsel f remaine d th e same . W h a t th e outcom e o f thi s controvers y wit h th e G a l a tians was , th e N e w Testamen t doe s no t tel l us . Apparentl y the E p i s t l e ha d som e effect , f o r twic e afte r thi s o n hi s second an d thir d missionar y j o u r n e y s St . P a u l preache d among the m (se e Act s 1 6 : 1 - 6 an d 1 8 : 2 3 ) . Christia n churches als o existe d ther e dow n t o th e M o h a m m e d a n conquest. VIII One othe r poin t mus t b e note d befor e w e leav e th e Galatian Epistle . A l r e a d y ther e existe d i n th e Christia n Church a metho d o f instructin g converts . I n G a l . 6: 6 St. P a u l exhort s thos e w h o ar e catechize d i n th e wor d t o share wit h hi m tha t catechize d the m i n al l goo d things . H e r e w e hav e instructor s i n th e w o r d w h o ar e dependen t on thei r pupil s f o r thei r living . T h e y wer e probabl y no t S7

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members o f th e Galatia n communities , bu t sojourner s w h o had com e fro m center s wher e Christianit y ha d bee n longe r established. I t woul d see m t o hav e bee n thei r dut y t o instruct convert s i n th e teaching s o f Jesus . I n al l probabil ity suc h catechist s ha d i n writte n for m a bod y o f Jesus ' teaching—pronouncement stories , poetica l sayings , par ables, miracl e stories , etc. , th e beginning s o f whic h w e traced earlie r i n thi s lecture . Suc h a compilation , regarde d as th e oldes t documen t underlyin g ou r Gospels , wa s em ployed b y th e author s o f ou r first an d thir d Gospels . Since 190 7 scholar s hav e followe d th e lat e Adol f Harnac k in callin g thi s documen t Q . I t ha s lon g bee n though t b y some tha t Q wa s compile d betwee n 4 0 an d 5 0 A . D. Per sonally I woul d pu t i t neare r t o th e yea r 4 0 tha n t o th e year 50 . Q wa s compile d fo r th e us e o f jus t suc h instruc tion a s tha t give n i n Galatia , and , whil e w e canno t prov e that th e catechist s o f Galati a ha d i t i n thei r possession , i t seems t o m e ver y probabl e tha t the y did . It thu s appear s tha t befor e th e yea r 49 , ninetee n year s after th e Crucifixion , th e missio n o f winnin g th e worl d to Chris t wa s wel l started , an d tha t i n th e Apostoli c circl e St. Pau l wa s assumin g a plac e o f leadership . Gospe l tradi tions, too , wer e bein g industriousl y collecte d i n eve r large r aggregates. A s w e shal l se e i n th e nex t lecture , however , the questio n a s t o th e righ t t o b e Christia n withou t first being Je w wa s stil l denie d b y many .

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I

ι

N forme r lecture s w e hav e trace d th e histor y o f th e first eightee n year s afte r Pentecost , an d hav e witnesse d the emergenc e withi n th e infan t Christia n Churc h o f tw o opposing conception s o f th e Christia n life . T h e one , cham pioned b y St . Pau l an d acquiesce d i n b y Barnaba s an d many others , hel d tha t fo r thos e wh o ha d fait h i n Jesu s Christ an d identifie d themselve s wit h hi s cause , th e la w was foreve r dead . T h e othe r hel d tha t th e law , becaus e it wa s God' s law , coul d neve r b e superseded ; i t wa s eternally binding . T h e Messiani c hop e wa s fo r J e w s only . If Gentile s woul d shar e it , the y mus t first becom e J e w s . During th e first eightee n year s o f th e Church' s histor y these opposin g conception s ha d emerged ; the y ha d at tracted adherents , an d o n fou r occasions , o f whic h th e N e w Testamen t give s records , ha d foun d expression . T w o of thes e wer e i n Jerusale m (Act s 1 1 : ι—1 8 an d G a l . 2 : 1 1 0 ) , on e i n Antioc h ( G a l . 2 : 1 1 - 1 7 ) , an< ^ o n e Galatia . Although o n eac h occasio n ou r record s sho w tha t th e mor e liberal poin t o f vie w ha d prevailed , nevertheles s th e forces o f narro w devotio n t o ancien t Jewis h institution s 59

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w e r e b y n o mean s convinced , an d b y th e yea r 4 9 the y were read y fo r anothe r attack . A f t e r th e first missionar y j o u r n e y wa s ended , an d per haps whil e St . P a u l wa s dictatin g hi s Epistl e t o th e G a l a tians, certai n me n cam e fro m Judrc a t o Antioc h an d taught, " E x c e p t y e b e circumcise d afte r th e manne r o f M o s e s , y e canno t b e s a v e d . " P a u l an d Barnaba s oppose d this teachin g wit h al l vigor , th e Antiochia n Churc h wa s g r e a t l y disturbed , an d finally

P a u l an d Barnabas , wit h

certain othe r brethren , wer e appointe d t o g o u p t o Jeru salem an d confe r wit h th e Apostle s an d elder s ther e abou t this question . I t thu s cam e abou t tha t th e first Christia n S y n o d o r Counci l wa s hel d a t Jerusale m i n thi s yea r 4 9 A. D . I t shoul d b e noted , however , that , thoug h th e name s " S y n o d " an d " C o u n c i l " hav e bee n applie d t o thi s gather ing, i t wa s i n realit y neithe r th e on e no r th e other , i f w e j u d g e i t b y late r standards . T h e grea t majorit y o f Chris tians the n existin g wer e no t concerne d i n i t a t all . I t wa s simply a

conferenc e o f delegate s fro m th e Churc h a t

Antioch wit h th e leader s o f th e mothe r Churc h a t Jeru salem. T h e stor y o f thi s conferenc e nee d no t her e b e retold . It i s writte n i n th e fifteenth

chapte r o f th e Boo k o f Act s

and i s familia r t o all . I t issue d a lette r t o th e brethre n o f the Gentile s o f th e churche s o f Syri a an d Cilicia , givin g it a s th e j u d g m e n t o f th e conferee s tha t onl y fou r o f th e requirements o f th e la w nee d b e observed . T h e y aske d them t o abstai n f r o m thing s sacrifice d t o idols , an d fro m blood, an d f r o m thing s strangled , an d fro m fornication . It i s no t altogethe r clea r jus t wha t dictate d thi s choic e of requirements . Perhap s i t wa s th e feelin g tha t thes e 60

JERUSALEM COUNCI L things wer e i n v o l v e d ofte n i n heathe n worshi p an d tha t f r o m suc h worshi p Christian s shoul d abstain . F o r t h e request no t t o ea t thing s strangled , C o d e x B e z a e substi tutes, " a n d tha t yo u d o no t d o t o other s wha t yo u w o u l d not wis h t h e m t o d o t o y o u , " — a revisio n whic h h a r d l y c o m m e n d s itself . T h e decisio n embodie d i n thi s l e t t e r onc e m o r e g a v e t h e victor y t o th e libera l party , an d th e Antiochia n d e l e g a tion soo n returne d t o th e cit y whenc e t h e y came , ac companied b y a coupl e o f " p r o p h e t s " f r o m J e r u s a l e m , whose name s wer e J u d a s an d Silas . Silas , o r Silvanus , a s he wa s als o called , wa s destine d t o b e c o m e p r o m i n e n t a s co-laborer o f St . P a u l . II N o t l o n g a f t e r this , St . P a u l propose d t o S t . Barnaba s that the y revisi t th e churche s whic h t h e y ha d f o u n d e d . Barnabas consented , bu t wishe d agai n t o tak e a s thei r helper hi s cousin , J o h n M a r k . S t . P a u l had , h o w e v e r , no t forgotten St . M a r k ' s desertio n a t P e r g a o n thei r first j o u r n e y j u s t a s the y wer e approachin g th e mos t dangerou s part o f thei r wa y throug h th e mountai n passd s o f th e T a u r u s . I t wa s a desertio n whic h St . P a u l resented , an d he positivel y refuse d t o permi t St . M a r k t o b e a m e m b e r of th e party . T h e s e grea t Apostle s w e r e v e r y h u m a n . T h e contentio n betwee n the m becam e s o shar p tha t t h e y separated, Barnaba s takin g M a r k an d settin g ou t f o r Cyprus, hi s nativ e land , whil e P a u l chos e Sila s a s hi s c o m panion an d se t ou t overland , b y wa y o f n o r t h e r n Syri a f o r his ow n nativ e land , Cilicia . T h u s earl y i n Christia n histor y did Christia n laborer s begi n t o refus e t o w o r k t o g e t h e r 61

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because o f difference s ove r littl e things . I t i s a n exampl e that ha s bee n followe d al l to o ofte n i n th e Church . I n th e instance o f Pau l an d Barnaba s th e Churc h obtaine d tw o missions instea d o f one , bu t th e Apostles , althoug h the y differed i n a ver y huma n way , ha d th e goo d sens e t o g o to differen t fields o f labor , whil e mos t o f thei r moder n imitators tur n th e Gospe l int o a Babe l b y becomin g rival s in th e sam e field. Although th e Boo k o f Act s dismisse s Barnaba s an d M a r k a t thi s point , i t wil l repa y u s t o follo w the m fo r a momen t i n imagination . Whil e w e hav e n o detaile d account o f thei r work , i t i s clea r tha t i t wa s n o brie f un dertaking, bu t wa s a n effor t sustaine d throug h th e years . Six o r seve n year s later , whe n St . Pau l wrot e hi s first Epistle t o th e Corinthians , Barnaba s wa s stil l engage d i n missionary labor s an d wa s followin g St . Paul' s ow n pla n of self-suppor t (se e ι Cor . 9 : 6 ) . I n wha t fields h e labore d we ar e no t informed , bu t i t i s probabl e tha t durin g al l those year s St . Mar k wa s hi s companio n an d helper . T w e l v e o r fourtee n year s later , whil e St . Pau l wa s a prisoner i n Rome , h e aske d tha t M a r k com e t o hi m ( 2 T i m . 4 : 1 1 ) ; 1 bu t fo r severa l year s afte r th e autum n of 4 9 Λ . D . h e was , apparently , th e fello w worke r o f Barnabas. Ill In m y opinio n i t wa s a t thi s time , an d fo r us e i n th e missions founde d b y hi s cousi n an d himself , tha t St . M a r k 1 Althoug h th e Pastora l Epistle s ar e clearl y no t St . P a u l ' s i n thei r presen t form, ther e i s i n 2 T i m . 4 : 9 f . a genuin e Paulin e fragment , a s man v scholars h a v e recognized .

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composed th e first draf t o f hi s Gospel . M a n y Europea n scholars hav e believe d tha t th e Gospe l accordin g t o M a r k was issue d i n tw o form s a t differen t time s i n th e Apostoli c A g e ; i n othe r word s tha t i t wen t throug h tw o editions . One o f th e mos t weight y reason s i n favo r o f thi s i s th e fact tha t St . L u k e , whos e literar y habi t i t wa s t o cop y hi s sources entire , omit s al l th e materia l no w containe d be tween M a r k 6:4 6 an d 8:27 , unitin g i n tw o successiv e verses ( L u . 9 : 1 7 , 1 8 ) , M a r k 6:4 6 an d 8:2 7 a s thoug h th e latter followe d immediatel y o n th e forme r i n hi s cop y of St . M a r k . T h e r e ar e othe r reason s base d o n othe r omis sions b y L u k e . I hav e treate d th e matte r i n som e detai l i n an articl e publishe d som e year s ago, 2 an d thi s i s no t th e place t o thres h i t ou t again . Whil e th e theor y o f a n U r Marcus, a s th e German s cal l it , ha s bee n rejecte d b y man y eminent scholars , i t account s best , I believe , fo r al l th e facts. T h e Gospe l o f M a r k , whic h Clemen t o f Alexandri a declared t o hav e bee n writte n a t Rome, 3 was , I believe , th e second an d enlarge d editio n o f th e Gospel , mad e b y St . Mark himsel f som e year s later . T h e reason s whic h le d St . M a r k t o mak e thi s first com pilation o f hi s Gospe l ar e tolerabl y clear . I t wa s a s neces sary i n th e churche s whic h wer e founde d b y Barnaba s t o give catechetica l instructio n t o convert s a s i n th e Paulin e churches. F o r us e i n congregations , a larg e portio n o f which wer e J e w i s h , Q wa s a n unsatisfactor y manual , fo r it containe d n o accoun t o f ou r L o r d ' s Passion , and , a s wa s pointed ou t i n a forme r lecture , t o convinc e J e w s o f th e 2

Se e Journal of Biblical Literature, X L V I I I , 239-247 . Se e Eusebius , Ecclesiastical History, V I , 14 . C f . als o B . W . Bacon , Is Mark a Roman Gospel? 3

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Messiahship o f Jesus , i t wa s necessar y boldl y t o fac e th e shame o f th e Cros s an d t o demonstrat e ho w tha t sham e was followe d b y th e glor y o f th e Resurrection . H e r e the n was th e necessit y an d th e motive , an d M a r k wa s i n som e ways peculiarl y qualifie d fo r th e task . T h e first Churc h at Jerusale m ha d apparentl y bee n hel d i n hi s mother' s house. Whe n Hero d Agripp a imprisone d St . Peter , i t wa s at hi s mother' s hous e tha t th e Churc h wa s gathere d t o pray fo r hi m (Act s 1 2 : 1 2 ) . Indeed , ther e i s reaso n t o be lieve tha t Mark' s fathe r ha d bee n a frien d o f Jesus , an d that i t wa s i n th e "uppe r r o o m " o f tha t sam e hous e tha t Jesus ha d eate n hi s las t suppe r wit h hi s disciples . I t ha s also lon g bee n suspecte d tha t th e youn g ma n wh o followe d Jesus t o Gethseman e t o watch , an d wh o barel y escape d arrest, fleeing naked , havin g lef t hi s garmen t i n th e hand s of th e templ e polic e ( M a r k 1 4 : 5 1 ) , wa s non e othe r tha n St. M a r k himself . A s Pete r an d othe r Apostle s ha d ofte n been guest s a t hi s mother' s house , St . M a r k ha d ha d un usual opportunitie s t o hea r th e storie s concernin g Jesu s repeated agai n an d again , an d I canno t doub t that , a s the y pursued thei r mission , an d th e necessit y o f a fulle r manua l for instructin g convert s " i n th e W o r d " wa s felt , hi s cousi n Barnabas urge d upo n hi m th e compositio n o f th e work . Naturally w e canno t prov e tha t thes e conjecture s repre sent th e facts , bu t the y see m t o me , i n th e ligh t o f suc h knowledge a s w e have , t o b e th e probabl e cours e o f events . If ou r conjecture s ar e right , th e disagreemen t betwee n Paul an d Barnabas , an d th e establishmen t o f a separat e mission b y Barnabas , le d t o th e compilatio n o f th e earlies t form o f ou r earlies t existin g Gospel . 64

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IV I t i s time , however , tha t w e returne d t o Pau l an d Silas . A f t e r thei r visi t t o Cilici a the y passe d on , apparentl y through th e Cilicia n Gates , int o th e Provinc e o f Galatia . At L y s t r a St . P a u l selecte d T i m o t h y , a bo y the n ap parently i n hi s lat e teens , a h a l f - G r e e k , h a l f - J e w , wh o ha d been converte d o n th e previou s trip , a s a helpe r i n thei r travels. T i m o t h y thu s supplie d t o hi m th e plac e tha t M a r k had occupie d o n th e first j o u r n e y . I t i s needles s t o recoun t here th e stor y s o familia r t o a l l , sinc e i t i s recorde d i n th e sixteenth chapte r o f th e Acts . W e kno w ho w St . P a u l groped fo r a field i n whic h t o labor , thinkin g first o f th e province o f Asia , the n o f Bithynia , an d finally i n hi s doub t reaching th e se a a t T r o a s , th e representativ e i n hi s da y o f the storie d cit y o f T r o y . A t T r o a s h e apparentl y f e l l i n with L u k e ,

4

a

physician , wh o appear s t o hav e bee n a

Macedonian, an d hi m h e wo n t o Christianity . Probabl y L u k e urge d hi m t o g o ove r an d preac h i n Macedonia , but , until th e pla n ha d bee n give n divin e sanctio n i n a dream , St. Pau l hesitated . H a v i n g finally,

a s h e believed , th e

divine sanctio n fo r th e undertaking , th e party , no w num bering four , sinc e St . L u k e ha d joine d it , se t sai l fo r Macedonia, an d th e Gospe l wa s carrie d t o Europe , a ne w continent—a continent , too , destine d t o b e fo r man y cen turies i n a peculia r sens e Christianity' s home . A l l Christian s ar e familiar , fro m th e page s o f th e Boo k of th e Acts , wit h th e stor y o f th e foundin g o f th e churche s at Philippi , Thessalonica , an d B e n e a , th e stor y o f St . P a u l ' s 4

Se e Ramsav , St. Paul, the

Traveller and

65

Roman Citizen,

pp . 20 0 f .

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visit t o Athens , where , a s Ramsa y ha s shown , hi s addres s was no t s o muc h a sermo n a s a tria l lectur e t o se e w h e t h e r the cit y father s woul d permi t hi m t o becom e a license d teacher o f philosoph y i n wha t w e migh t cal l th e U n i v e r s i t y of Athens . W e ar e familia r als o wit h th e stor y o f St . P a u l ' s arrival i n Corinth , an d hi s sojour n o f eightee n month s there, durin g whic h h e establishe d himsel f a s a busines s partner o f a R o m a n Jew , A q u i l a b y name , w h o ha d re cently l e f t R o m e becaus e Claudiu s ha d decree d tha t J e w s should leav e tha t cit y an d ha d deprive d the m o f th e right o f assemblage . I n al l thes e town s St . Pau l preache d in th e Jewis h congregation s until , becaus e o f hi s attitud e toward th e Jewis h law , h e wa s drive n out ; the n h e turne d to th e Gentiles . A t Thessalonic a th e Jewis h oppositio n wa s particularly stron g an d necessitate d hi s leavin g th e cit y prematurely. T h e s e thing s ar e s o w e l l know n tha t w e nee d not d w e l l upo n them . O f th e event s o f thi s eightee n month s a t Corinth , men tion ma y b e mad e her e o f bu t two . St . P a u l ha d arrive d at Corint h alon e i n th e autum n o f th e yea r 5 0 A . D. St. L u k e ha d remaine d a t Philipp i and , whe n St . P a u l started southwar d f r o m Berse a fo r Athens , h e ha d sen t Silas an d T i m o t h y bac k t o Thessalonic a t o se e ho w th e infant churc h ther e wa s endurin g th e bitte r persecutio n inflicted upo n i t b y it s Jewis h brethren . St . P a u l wa s w e l l established i n Corint h wit h A q u i l a an d hi s w i f e Priscill a before Sila s an d T i m o t h y rejoine d him . T h e new s the y brought le d hi m t o writ e hi s firs t Epistl e t o th e T h e s salonians. I t appeare d tha t th e Thessalonia n Christian s were endurin g persecutio n nobl y an d wer e unshake n i n their Christia n faith . T h e y ha d not , however , f u l l y under 66

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stood th e hig h ethica l demand s o f th e Christia n life , an d some o f the m wer e i n dee p troubl e o n accoun t o f th e deat h of Christia n member s o f thei r families . T h e y ha d bee n led t o believ e tha t Chris t wa s comin g a t onc e t o establis h his kingdo m and , a s thei r kinsfol k ha d die d befor e tha t coming, the y had , the y thought , foreve r los t th e oppor tunity o f sharin g it s happines s an d it s rewards . St . Pau l in hi s letter , afte r tenderl y commendin g thei r Christia n constancy, addresse d himsel f t o thes e tw o questions . I n th e clearest languag e h e se t befor e the m th e Christia n standar d of pur e famil y life , an d the n wen t o n t o explai n tha t " w e who ar e aliv e an d ar e lef t unt o th e comin g o f th e L o r d " will b e n o bette r of f tha n th e Christian s wh o hav e died , for whe n th e L o r d descend s fro m heaven , decease d Chris tians wil l first ris e fro m th e dea d t o mee t him , an d tha t then we , th e living , shal l b e caugh t u p wit h the m t o mee t the L o r d i n th e air , s o tha t bot h shal l foreve r b e wit h the Lord. 1 5 T h e effec t of thi s lette r o n th e Thessalonian s mus t hav e been a surpris e t o St . Paul . I t gav e th e Thessalonian s th e impression tha t th e retur n o f th e Maste r wa s very , ver y imminent. T h a t impressio n wa s heightene d b y som e Chris tian i n thei r congregatio n who , claimin g t o b e inspire d b y the Spirit , prophesie d tha t i t wa s indee d so . Anothe r wen t so fa r a s t o forg e a lette r i n St . Paul' s name , declarin g tha t it wa s trul y so . T h e resul t wa s tha t som e Thessalonia n Christians stoppe d workin g an d spen t thei r tim e loungin g and gossipin g an d waitin g fo r th e happ y day . Thi s histor y was i n 1 8 4 3 repeate d i n som e place s i n ou r ow n country . T h e leade r o f th e Millerites , a s th e Secon d Adventist s 5

ι Thes . 4:1 3 ff. 67

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were the n called , ha d se t th e nineteent h o f Octobe r o f that yea r a s th e da y whe n Chris t woul d com e again , and , as th e nineteent h o f Octobe r approached , i n on e Ne w England tow n wher e live d a woma n wit h who m I talke d in m y boyhood , shopkeeper s abandone d thei r shops , thre w the door s open , an d invite d th e publi c t o g o i n an d hel p themselves. Thes e peopl e wer e s o sur e o f th e comin g o f Christ, tha t the y neve r expecte d t o nee d o r t o b e abl e t o sell thei r good s again . This situatio n i n Thessalonic a compelle d St . Paul , within thre e o r fou r month s o f th e dat e o f hi s first letter , to writ e t o th e Thessalonian s again . T h e burde n o f hi s second lette r wa s tha t th e retur n o f Chris t wa s no t a s imminent a s the y ha d supposed ; tha t h e coul d no t com e until th e ma n o f si n (th e Roma n Empire ) ha d full y manifested it s oppositio n t o God , an d tha t tha t coul d no t be as long a s Claudius reigned , fo r Claudius , b y hi s friend liness t o Jewis h worship , wa s restrainin g th e ful l mani festation o f th e sacrilegiou s characte r o f Rome' s religiou s pretensions. (St . Pau l doe s no t pu t i t a s plainl y a s I hav e done, bu t tha t i s apparently wha t hi s languag e means. ) This correspondenc e reveal s tha t St . Paul , twent y year s after hi s conversion , stil l hel d i n al l it s literalnes s tha t philosophy o f histor y whic h th e first Christian s ha d take n over fro m Judaism . Ther e i s reaso n t o believ e tha t h e later, i n som e respect s a t least , modifie d thes e views . T h e othe r inciden t o f St . Paul' s Corinthia n ministr y t o arrest th e attentio n i s th e comin g o f Gallio , brothe r o f th e Roman philosophe r Seneca , t o Corint h a s proconsu l o f Achaia. Soo n afte r hi s arrival , a s w e lear n fro m Act s i 8 : i 2 f f . , th e Jew s o f Corint h hale d St . Pau l befor e 68

ST. PAU L A T CORINT H G a l l i o an d endeavore d t o persuad e hi m t o forbi d th e preaching o f th e Gospel . Doubtles s the y hope d t o con vince th e proconsu l tha t St . P a u l wa s preachin g a religio n not allowe d b y R o m a n law . P a u l was , however , obviousl y a J e w ; J e s u s , concernin g who m h e preached , wa s un deniably a J e w , s o G a l l i o dismisse d th e cas e a s on e tha t had n o standin g befor e a Roma n tribunal . T h i s decisio n seems t o hav e give n St . P a u l a ne w estimat e o f th e pos sible plac e o f th e R o m a n governmen t i n th e divin e orde r of things . Wherea s i n secon d Thessalonians , writte n a f e w months befor e hi s contac t wit h G a l l i o , h e stil l though t o f the R o m a n powe r a s th e " m a n o f s i n " o f whic h Caligul a had bee n th e exemplar , whe n som e year s late r h e wrot e to th e Romans , th e " p o w e r s tha t b e , " h e declared , " a r e ordained o f G o d " ( R o m . 1 3 : 1 ff.).

T h e experienc e wit h

G a l l i o ha d apparentl y softene d som e o f th e fierceness o f his Jewis h poin t o f view . T o th e moder n studen t th e comin g o f Galli o i s im portant i n a differen t w a y . Owin g t o th e discover y o f a n inscription a t Delph i a f e w year s ago, ® w e ar e no w abl e to dat e th e comin g o f G a l l i o t o Corint h a s havin g occurre d in th e summe r o f th e yea r 5 1 A . D . T h i s fixe s f o r u s th e date o f St . Paul' s eightee n month s a t Corint h betwee n the autum n o f th e yea r 5 0 an d th e sprin g o f th e yea r 5 2 A . D. , an d i s on e reaso n f o r placin g th e Apostoli c Coun cil o f Act s 1 5 i n th e yea r 4 9 A . D. W h e n St . P a u l though t th e Corinthian Churc h sufficientl y established t o stan d o n it s ow n feet , h e l e f t tha t tow n wit h Aquila an d Priscill a an d crosse d th e ÄLgea n t o Ephesus . 8 Se e Deissmann , St. Paul, pp . 26 1 ff . o r G . A . Barton , Archaeology and the Bible, 6t h ed. , pp . 55 5 ff.

69

THE APOSTOLI C AG E Aquila an d Priscill a remaine d there , bu t St . Paul , stil l no t quite sur e tha t th e L o r d woul d hav e hi m wor k i n Ephesus , made a tri p t o Jerusalem , probabl y t o atten d on e o f th e feasts, visited Antioch again , and mad e anothe r tri p throug h Galatia, finally returnin g t o Ephesus t o settle down fo r a sojourn o f three years. He starte d fo r Jerusalem i n the year 5 2 and i t wa s apparentl y 5 4 befor e h e returne d t o Ephesus . St. Luk e give s u s n o detail s o f th e intervenin g tw o years . So a s fa r a s ou r knowledg e o f detail s go , th e differenc e between th e second an d third missionar y journey s i s mainl y the differenc e betwee n residenc e a t Corint h an d residenc e at Ephesus . V While St . Pau l ha d bee n i n th e eas t befor e h e settle d down a t Ephesus , Priscill a an d Aquil a ha d mad e a ne w convert t o th e faith , wh o wa s destined , i n m y opinion , t o wield a fa r greate r influenc e i n Christianit y tha n i s usuall y suspected. Thi s ne w conver t wa s non e othe r tha n Apollos , a scholarl y J e w fro m Alexandria , wh o ha d ardentl y em braced th e fait h o f th e sec t o f J o h n th e Baptist . I t wil l b e a surpris e t o som e tha t th e follower s o f th e Baptis t stil l existed a s a distinc t grou p amon g th e Jews , bu t th e re searches o f recen t year s hav e f u l l y confirme d th e state ment o f Act s 1 8 : 2 5 t h a t s u c h w a s th e case . Indee d thi s sect, i n th e opinio n o f som e scholars , playe d a fa r mor e important rol e durin g th e earl y centurie s o f ou r er a tha n has bee n suspected . Apollo s ha d receive d baptis m fro m the follower s o f th e Baptis t an d wa s eagerl y awaitin g th e Messiah. Priscill a an d Aquil a convince d hi m tha t i n Jesu s 70

APOLLOS

the Messia h ha d alread y come . H e thereupo n entere d heartily int o Christia n work , laborin g faithfull y t o con vince me n tha t Jesu s wa s indee d th e Christ , an d wo n a place o f suc h prominenc e tha t h e i s ranke d almos t wit h the Apostles . Apollos wa s indee d a notabl e man . St . L u k e describe s him a s λόγιο ς whic h th e Authorize d Versio n render s " e l o quent," bu t whic h i s mor e correctl y rendere d " l e a r n e d " o r " s c h o l a r l y . " H e arrive d a t Ephesu s apparentl y i n th e year 5 3 A . D. , whe n h e woul d b e presumabl y a t leas t fort y years old . H e must , then , hav e bee n growin g u p i n A l e x andria whe n Philo , th e Jewis h philosopher , wh o live d un til th e yea r 4 0 A . D. , was a t th e th e heigh t o f hi s fame , an d there i s goo d reaso n t o believ e tha t h e ha d drun k deepl y at Philo' s fountain , i f h e ha d no t bee n a n actua l pupi l of tha t master . T w o characteristic s o f Philo' s metho d o f teaching can , I believe , b e trace d t o Apollos , deligh t i n allegory, an d a peculia r wa y o f accountin g fo r th e geniu s of eminent , God-commissione d men . Allegor y Apollo s did no t nee d t o introduc e t o Christia n use , a s i t wa s alread y employed b y St . Paul . A l l J e w s ha d i n a degre e employe d it sinc e th e day s o f Hosea , th e prophet . I f Apollo s was , as som e suspect , th e autho r o f th e Epistl e t o th e Hebrews , he ha s lef t u s th e mos t consummat e specimen s o f allegor y in th e N e w Testament . A f t e r Apollo s ha d labore d a t Ephesu s fo r a time , h e desired t o g o acros s t o Corint h t o labo r i n th e Christia n Church there . Aquil a an d Priscill a encourage d hi m an d gave hi m letter s o f introduction . O f th e result s o f hi s la bors there , w e hea r i n St . Paul' s first Epistl e t o th e Corinthians, o f whic h notic e wil l b e take n later . A t thi s 71

T H E APOSTOLI C A G E

point I wan t t o emphasiz e wha t I believ e t o b e Apollos ' contribution t o ou r Gospe l narratives . Fo r mor e tha n te n years I hav e believe d tha t i t wa s h e wh o firs t raise d th e question whethe r Go d heralde d th e adven t o f Jesu s b y miracles an d marvels , an d wh o wrot e th e earlies t accoun t of ou r Lord' s Birth—tha t embodie d i n th e Gospe l o f Luke. Th e reason s fo r attributin g thi s infanc y narrativ e to Apollos wer e se t fort h b y m e mor e tha n te n year s ago, 7 and hav e bee n embodie d b y Dr . Elwoo d Worceste r i n hi s Studies in the Birth of our Lord. The y ma y b e briefl y stated a s follows . Phil o regarde d Isaa c an d Samue l a s begotten o f divin e see d becaus e Go d wa s sai d t o hav e directly intervene d t o mak e i t possibl e fo r thei r mother s to bea r sons . Phil o als o regarde d th e birt h o f Gershom , the so n o f Moses , a s a virgi n birth , becaus e i t i s no t sai d in Exodu s 2 : 2 1 , 2 2 tha t Mose s "wen t in " t o Zipporah, hi s wife. Whil e i n al l thes e case s Phil o count s th e birt h a miraculous one , an d use s suc h phrase s a s "begotte n o f divine seed, " h e nevertheles s continue d t o spea k o f Abra ham, Moses , and Elkana h a s the father s of thei r respectiv e sons. Reader s o f St . Luk e hav e ofte n bee n puzzle d be cause th e narrativ e represent s Mar y a s callin g Josep h Jesus' father , an d refer s t o Josep h an d Mar y a s "hi s parents." Som e scholar s hav e gon e s o fa r a s t o suppos e that th e verse s attributin g t o Jesu s a Virgi n Birt h are , o n this account , a late r additio n t o th e narrative . Al l diffi culty, however , disappear s i f w e recogniz e tha t ou r narra tive i s writte n fro m th e Philoni c poin t o f view— a poin t of vie w tha t di d no t regar d divin e an d huma n parentag e as mutually exclusive . I f writte n b y a disciple o f Philo , th e "Journal of

Biblical Literature, XLIII , 1924 , pp . 21 0 ff.

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narrative wit h on e possibl e exceptio n i s consisten t a s i t stands. A stil l stronge r argumen t fo r connectin g thi s narrativ e with Apollo s i s it s interes t i n th e birt h o f Joh n th e Baptist . It make s th e birt h o f th e Forerunne r almos t a s miraculou s as tha t o f th e Messiah . W h o bu t Apollos , o f al l th e know n Christians o f th e Apostoli c Age , woul d b e likel y t o d o that? Apollo s i s th e onl y nam e tha t w e kno w o f a prom inent Christia n wh o ha d com e int o th e Churc h fro m th e sect o f th e Baptist . W e d o hea r tha t ther e wer e a doze n others (Act s 1 9 : 1 - 6 ) bu t thei r name s ar e no t given , an d we ar e tol d n o mor e o f them . Apollos i s sai d t o hav e bee n "might y i n th e scriptures " — a descriptio n tha t suit s wel l th e autho r o f th e first tw o chapters o f L u k e , whic h ar e saturate d wit h th e Ol d Testa ment. Indeed , thes e chapter s ar e th e wor k o f n o tyro , bu t of a ma n o f consummat e ability . T h e y ar e n o plai n nar rative, bu t ar e grea t literature . T h e Benedictus , th e M a g nificat, th e Son g o f th e Angels , th e Nun c Dimittis , poem s that hav e voice d th e worshi p o f th e Churc h fo r centuries , are poem s o f a hig h order , thoug h saturate d wit h O l d Testament reminiscences . Eac h enter s s o appropriatel y into th e situatio n fo r whic h i t wa s writte n a s t o revea l a n author o f rar e gift s o f insigh t an d expression . T h e Gospe l of L u k e , becaus e o f th e presenc e o f thes e poem s i n it , ha s been calle d "th e Gospe l o f poetry, " but , i f I a m no t mis taken, th e poe t wa s Apollo s an d no t L u k e . W e canno t prov e it , bu t i t seem s a plausibl e conjectur e that, befor e hi s conversion , Apollo s ha d bee n t o Palestin e and ha d bee n wo n b y th e sec t o f th e Baptist s t o member ship wit h them . T h e r e h e ha d hear d th e stor y tha t Joh n 73

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was th e onl y chil d o f Zacharia s an d Elizabeth , an d a chil d born lon g afte r thi s marriag e and , wit h th e teaching s o f Philo i n mind , a t onc e adde d Joh n t o Philo' s lis t o f me n born o f "divin e seed. " Later , whe n h e ha d becom e a Chris tian, h e inquire d o f th e origina l disciple s wha t the y ha d heard o f th e birt h o f Christ . Possibly , o n a visi t t o Jeru salem, h e ha d converse d wit h ou r Lord' s mothe r herself , for, whil e w e hav e n o mentio n o f he r i n th e Ne w Testa ment afte r th e yea r 3 0 (se e Act s 1 : 1 4 ) , sh e ma y hav e lived unti l afte r th e conversio n o f Apollos . Reason s wil l be adduce d a t a late r poin t fo r thinkin g tha t Apollo s ha d composed hi s narrativ e befor e th e yea r 6 0 A . D., whe n th e Virgin M a r y would , i f living , b e a littl e ove r eight y year s of age . Mos t o f th e reconstruction s o f th e histor y o f th e Apostolic A g e ar e conjectural , an d I frankl y confes s tha t this theor y o f Apollo s belong s t o th e sam e class . Becaus e it i s presente d a s a conjecture , an d no t wit h th e cocksure ness o f certaint y wit h whic h som e scholar s presen t con jectural results , i t is , I assur e you , quit e a s worth y o f acceptance a s are man y o f theirs . I f i t i s right, i t gives u s th e clue a s t o whe n an d b y who m th e interes t o f th e Churc h was turne d t o th e questio n o f ho w Chris t cam e int o th e world, an d give s u s a dat e withi n th e first thirt y year s o f Gospel history , whe n a n attemp t wa s mad e t o answe r th e question. A t a late r poin t w e shal l hav e t o not e othe r in fluences fro m Phil o tha t Apollo s seem s t o hav e brough t into th e Apostoli c circle . VI W e mus t no w retur n t o St . Paul' s thre e year s a t Ephesus. St . Luk e give s i n th e nineteent h chapte r o f th e 74

ST. PAU L A T EPHESU S A c t s a brie f accoun t o f it , f r o m whic h w e lear n that , a s usual i n a ne w field, h e preache d f o r thre e month s i n th e Jewish s y n a g o g u e , tha t th e usua l bitte r oppositio n o n th e part o f som e J e w s arose , tha t h e the n " t a u g h t dail y i n the schoo l o f T y r a n n u s , " tha t other s carrie d th e messag e t h e y ha d learne d f r o m hi m unti l " a l l A s i a " hear d th e w o r d o f G o d , tha t a numbe r o f Jewis h exorcist s wer e con v e r t e d an d burne d thei r magica l books , an d tha t s o m a n y of th e heathe n w e r e converte d tha t i t interfere d wit h th e trade o f th e silversmiths , w h o m a d e littl e shrine s o f th e g o d d e s s A r t e m i s f o r sal e t o p i l g r i m s t o he r Ephesias n t e m p l e . T h i s las t cause d a riot, f o m e n t e d b y thos e whos e trade ha d bee n ruined , th e q u e l l i n g o f whic h St . L u k e describes a t som e l e n g t h . W e k n o w , too , tha t i t wa s d u r i n g this perio d o f St . P a u l ' s l i f e tha t h e w r o t e hi s Epistle s t o the Corinthians . T h e s e letter s r e v e a l th e d e v e l o p m e n t and th e solutio n o f a crisi s i n t h e relation s o f th e A p o s t l e with hi s Corinthia n disciples , whic h cos t hi m muc h sor r o w an d anxiety . B u t a p p a r e n t l y St . L u k e doe s no t tel l al l that happene d d u r i n g thes e t h r e e years . T h e r e ar e v a g u e hints o f othe r an d greate r dangers . I t appear s f r o m Act s 20:33, a par t o f St . P a u l ' s f a r e w e l l t o th e Ephesia n elders , that th e A p o s t l e ha d bee n accuse d b y som e o f insincerit y — o f preachin g f o r wha t h e c o u l d mak e ou t o f it . I t i s hinted i n Act s 1 9 : 3 7 tha t h e h a d bee n accuse d o f robbin g temples, which , i n th e eye s o f t h e G o v e r n m e n t w o u l d b e a serious charge . H i s remar k ( 2 C o r . 1 1 : 2 3 ) tha t h e h a d been i n prison s " m o r e a b u n d a n t l y " tha n others , seem s t o hint a t on e o r m o r e imprisonment s a t Ephesus . Som e find confirmation o f thi s i n th e fac t tha t th e sit e o f th e " p r i s o n of St . P a u l " i s stil l pointe d ou t t o on e w h o visit s th e sit e 75

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of Ephesus . Bu t ther e ar e stil l darke r hints . I n ι Cor . 1 5 : 3 2 St . Pau l says , " I f, afte r the manne r o f men , I fough t with beast s a t Ephesus. " H a d h e actuall y bee n throw n t o the beast s i n th e arena , o r wa s h e speakin g figuratively o f contentions wit h implacabl e huma n enemies ? I n 2 Cor . 1: 8 he speak s o f havin g bee n "s o weighe d dow n i n Asi a tha t he despaire d eve n o f l i f e , " an d i n Rom . 16:3 , 4 h e make s reference t o th e fac t tha t Priscill a an d Aquil a ha d en dangered thei r ow n live s t o sav e his . Fro m al l thi s i t i s quite clea r tha t St . Luk e ha s no t tol d u s th e whol e stor y of St . Paul' s Ephesia n sojourn , tha t hi s lif e wa s i n dange r while there , tha t h e wa s perhap s imprisone d mor e tha n once, tha t possibl y o n a charg e o f robbin g temple s h e ha d been throw n t o th e lion s i n th e aren a an d ha d someho w escaped. There ar e som e scholar s (Deissmann , Gogue l an d Pro fessor Georg e S . Dunca n 8 o f St . Andrews ) wh o regar d an Ephesia n imprisonmen t o f St . Pau l a s practicall y a n established fact , an d wh o thin k tha t i t wa s durin g tha t im prisonment tha t St . Paul' s letter s t o th e Philippians , Philemon, an d Colossian s wer e written . Becaus e St . Pau l in Philemo n 2 2 aske d Philemo n t o prepar e fo r hi m a lodging becaus e h e hope d t o b e released , i t i s argue d tha t he mus t hav e bee n writin g fro m Ephesus , whic h wa s onl y 1 2 5 mile s fro m Colossae , an d coul d no t hav e bee n writin g from distan t Rome . Similarly , becaus e i n th e Epistl e t o the Philippian s th e fac t i s reveale d that , afte r Epaphro ditus ha d arrive d wit h a gif t o f mone y fo r St . Pau l an d had falle n ill , fou r journey s ha d bee n mad e betwee n Philippi an d th e plac e o f St . Paul' s imprisonmen t befor e 8

Se e hi s St. Paul's Ephesian Ministry, Ne w York , 1930 .

76

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St. Pau l compose d hi s letter , i t i s argue d tha t th e plac e of imprisonmen t i s fa r mor e likel y t o hav e bee n Ephesu s than far-of f Rome . Suc h argument s are , however , no t con vincing. Suppos e i t wer e reporte d tha t th e Archbisho p o f Canterbury wer e i n N e w Yor k an d tha t a churc h i n St . Louis sen t hi m a gif t o f money , an d tha t i n N e w Yor k h e fell i n wit h th e profligat e so n o f a n ol d frien d o f hi s wh o happened t o b e livin g i n D e n v e r , on e coul d no t prov e that th e N e w Yor k traditio n mus t b e wron g an d tha t th e Archbishop mus t hav e bee n i n Chicago , whe n thes e experi ences happene d t o him , becaus e Chicag o i s s o muc h neare r to St . Loui s an d Denve r tha n Ne w Yor k is ! T o m e th e arguments f o r supposin g tha t St . Paul' s Epistle s o f th e imprisonment wer e writte n f r o m Ephesu s see m n o mor e convincing. F u r t h e r , th e though t o f St . Pau l expresse d i n the Epistle s o f th e imprisonmen t reveal s a theolog y s o much mor e develope d tha n th e theolog y o f th e Corin thian Epistle s tha t I canno t believ e tha t al l thes e letter s were contemporaneous . I f a perio d o f fou r o r five year s had intervene d an d th e Apostl e ha d bee n confronte d wit h new theologica l problems , th e differenc e i n though t i s in telligible. T h e supposition , therefore , whic h ha s lon g prevailed amon g scholars , tha t th e Epistle s o f th e im prisonment wer e writte n f r o m Rome , stil l seem s t o m e t o represent th e truth . T h a t St . Pau l wa s imprisone d whil e at Ephesus , perhap s mor e tha n once , i s altogethe r prob able; tha t someho w hi s lif e wa s endangere d an d tha t Priscilla an d Aquil a riske d thei r live s t o sav e him , seem s certain. M o r e tha n thi s w e canno t say . T h e detail s com pletely elud e us . 77

THE APOSTOLI C AG E VII In 2 Cor . 1 1 : 2 8 St . P a u l conclude s th e catalogu e o f the hardship s whic h h e bor e f o r Christ' s sake , wit h " a n x iety f o r al l th e churches. " H e furthe r explain s i t b y in dicating wit h wha t arden t sympath y h e entere d int o al l their weaknesse s an d errors . I n ou r brie f revie w o f th e Galatian an d Thessalonia n letter s w e hav e alread y see n what tha t coul d mea n t o him . D u r i n g hi s Ephesia n min istry event s occurre d whic h calle d fort h f r o m hi m f o u r letters t o th e Churc h a t Corinth , and , a s th e las t tw o o f these letter s show , som e o f thes e event s cu t hi m t o th e quick. T h e first o f thes e letter s t o th e Corinthians , no w pre served i n substanc e i n ou r 2 Cor . 6 : 1 4 - 7 : 1 , wa s a simpl e exhortation t o th e Corinthia n Christian s t o kee p them selves fre e f r o m th e entanglement s o f heathe n society , and especiall y no t t o contrac t marriage s wit h idolaters . On th e Lachacu m R o a d i n Corinth , no t f a r fro m th e meeting-place o f th e first Christia n Churc h there , stoo d the templ e o f Apollo , th e influence s o f whic h penetrate d f a m i l y an d socia l l i f e i n variou s ways . O n Acro-Corinthus , which lifte d it s hea d som e five hundre d fee t a coupl e of mile s a w a y , stoo d th e templ e o f Aphrodite , th e im moral characte r o f som e o f whos e rite s fostere d a socia l ethic utterl y subversiv e o f Christia n purity . I t wa s natura l that th e grea t Apostl e shoul d labo r t o kee p hi s convert s free f r o m suc h corruption . H i s first letter , althoug h some what misunderstood , seem s t o hav e bee n wel l receive d (see ι Cor . 5 : 9 ) . 78

LETTERS T O CORINT H T h e troubl e bega n afte r h e ha d writte n the m hi s secon d letter, ou r Firs t Corinthians . T h a t lette r wa s calle d fort h by a numbe r o f circumstances . W e hav e alread y note d ho w Apollos wen t t o Corint h t o labor , whil e St . Pau l wa s i n the east . St . Pau l describe s himsel f a s "rud e i n speech" ; Apollos wa s eloquent , polished , an d seeme d mor e phil osophical. Greeks , wh o especiall y appreciate d suc h abili ties, enthusiasticall y laude d hi m a s greate r tha n Paul . Some, wh o value d St . Paul' s sterlin g qualitie s abov e suc h brilliant gifts , resente d th e implie d slu r t o th e belove d founder o f thei r church . T h u s tw o partie s wer e formed . St. Peter , accompanie d b y hi s wife , appear s als o t o hav e visited Corinth . T h e fac t tha t h e ha d know n Jesu s per sonally—had actuall y live d wit h him—gav e St . Pete r great prestig e wit h some , an d soo n a Pete r part y wa s formed. T h e unit y an d harmon y o f th e churc h wa s en dangered. T h e n on e o f th e Corinthia n Christian s ha d mar ried hi s stepmother—a n ac t whic h scandalize d bot h Jew s and Greeks . St . Paul' s lette r t o the m abou t marriage , too,, ha d le d th e Corinthian s t o writ e an d as k hi m i f h e thought Christian s ough t t o marr y a t all . T h e y appea r also t o hav e aske d hi m whethe r i t wa s wron g t o ea t mea t that ha d bee n give n i n sacrific e t o idols , som e o f whic h was ofte n sol d i n Corinthia n markets . St . Pau l ha d als o heard tha t ther e wa s a t Corint h unbrotherl y conduc t a t th e celebration o f th e L o r d ' s Supper , and , a t thei r meeting s for worship , suc h a n eagernes s o n th e par t o f eac h t o dis play hi s spiritua l gift s wa s manifeste d tha t th e resul t was unedifyin g disorder . F i n a l l y h e ha d hear d tha t som e of the m denie d tha t th e dea d coul d ris e again . A s St . 79

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Paul treate d al l thes e question s i n th e lette r whic h no w lies befor e u s a s Firs t Corinthians , i t i s th e mos t miscel laneous o f al l hi s Epistles . One par t o f thi s lette r cause d trouble . St . Pau l ha d advised ( i Cor . 5 ) tha t th e Corinthian s hol d a churc h meeting an d expe l th e ma n wh o ha d marrie d hi s step mother unti l suc h tim e a s h e shoul d repent . Thi s ma n ha d friends i n th e Church . Apparentl y h e belonge d t o a party o f perjecti, suc h a s w e trace d i n Galatia , wh o re garded a Christia n a s abov e al l mora l standards . Thes e people no t onl y refuse d t o follo w St . Paul' s advice , bu t in variou s way s belittle d hi m an d slandere d him . W h e n St. Pau l hear d o f it , h e sen t Titus , wh o ha d no w joine d him i n Ephesus , acros s t o Corint h alon g wit h a n unname d brother ( 2 Cor . 12:18 ) t o tr y t o brin g th e Corinthian s t o a Christia n attitud e i n th e whol e matter , bu t Titu s failed . St. Pau l himsel f the n lef t Ephesu s an d mad e a brie f visi t to Corint h t o tr y b y hi s persona l presenc e an d authorit y to redee m th e Churc h fro m it s dangerou s position , but , after h e returne d t o Ephesus , h e kne w tha t th e chie f effect o f hi s effor t ha d bee n t o giv e the m th e opportunit y to say , " H i s letter s ar e weight y an d strong ; bu t hi s bodil y presence i s weak , an d hi s speec h o f n o account " ( 2 Cor . 10:10). Under thes e circumstance s th e Apostl e determine d t o make a final effort . H e wrot e the m a lette r o f appeal , a s he himsel f says , "ou t o f muc h afflictio n an d anguis h o f heart . . . wit h man y tears " ( 2 Cor . 2:4) , an d sen t Titu s again t o Corint h t o plea d wit h th e Corinthians . Tha t lette r (or th e bul k o f it ) i s no w preserve d i n chapter s te n t o thirteen o f ou r Secon d Epistl e t o th e Corinthians . W h e n 80

LETTERS T O CORINT H

this lette r wa s penned , St . P a u l ha d determine d t o brin g his labor s a t Ephesu s t o a n end . H e ha d arrange d t o leav e that cit y an d labo r fo r a tim e i n Troas , wher e h e arrange d that Titu s shoul d rejoi n hi m an d mak e repor t a s t o hi s mission. T h e Corinthia n situation , however , s o preye d upon hi s min d tha t h e coul d thin k o f nothin g else . A s Titus wa s t o retur n overland , b y wa y o f Macedonia , St. Pau l lef t Troas , an d crosse d over , probabl y t o Philippi . H e r e Titu s joine d hi m an d reporte d tha t a t las t th e Corinthians wer e penitent , tha t the y ha d com e t o th e Apostle's wa y o f thinkin g an d wer e deepl y sorr y fo r al l the har d thing s the y ha d sai d o f him . O n receip t o f thi s information, St . P a u l wa s s o overjoye d tha t h e sa t dow n and wrot e hi s fourt h Epistl e t o th e Corinthians , whic h w e now posses s i n ou r ι Cor. , chapter s on e t o nine . Thi s epi sode illustrate s wha t "anxiet y fo r th e churches " mean t to a n Apostle . F o r mor e tha n a yea r befor e St . Pau l lef t Ephesu s h e had bee n plannin g t o hav e th e churche s h e ha d founde d around th e ^ g e a n perfor m a n effectiv e an d appealin g act o f brotherhoo d t o th e Churc h a t Jerusalem . J e r u salem ha s neve r bee n a n industria l city , wher e on e coul d easily ear n a living . Dow n t o th e presen t da y it s chie f industry i s th e entertainin g o f pilgrim s an d tourists . Suc h capital a s th e Jerusale m Christian s ha d ha d the y ha d con sumed year s befor e i n thei r communisti c experiment . Al l through th e N e w Testamen t perio d the y wer e " t h e poo r saints" a t Jerusalem . St . Pau l kne w tha t "mone y talks. " W e sometime s thin k tha t i t speak s mor e eloquentl y t o th e J e w tha n t o others ; bu t w e ar e al l ver y sensitiv e t o it s utterances. T h e convert s wh o ha d bee n wo n t o Chris t o n 81

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both side s o f th e JEge&n wer e nearl y al l poor . " N o t man y mighty, no t man y noble " ha d bee n called . T h e y wer e laborers, smal l traders , an d suc h lik e people . T o secur e from congregation s mad e u p o f suc h peopl e a substantia l sum o f money , require d tim e an d insigh t an d tact . T o ac complish i t St . Pau l institute d a systemati c pla n o f giving . Members o f th e differen t churche s wer e t o la y b y a smal l sum eac h week , accordin g a s th e Lor d ha d prospere d them. H a d envelope s onl y bee n invente d then , i t woul d be th e earlies t instanc e o f th e envelop e syste m o n record . T h e eight h an d nint h chapter s o f Secon d Corinthians , which reall y ar e th e concludin g chapter s o f hi s fou r letter s to tha t church , ar e devote d t o direction s fo r completin g this fund . An y moder n churchma n wh o ha s t o rais e mone y can gai n point s i n th e psycholog y o f th e ar t fro m readin g St. Paul' s arguments . I n money-raising , a s i n everythin g he undertook , h e wa s a master . VIII After writin g hi s fourt h Epistl e t o th e Corinthian s fro m Macedonia, St . Pau l proceede d fro m churc h t o churc h until i n th e lat e autum n o f th e yea r 5 7 h e arrive d a t Corinth. Ther e h e spen t th e thre e winte r months , an d there h e wrot e hi s Epistl e t o th e Romans . A n Epistl e t o the Roman s presuppose s th e existenc e o f a churc h a t Rome, bu t ho w cam e i t tha t ther e wa s a churc h a t Rome ? W h o founde d it ? An d when ? Mos t scholar s hav e re garded thes e question s a s unanswerable , bu t i n m y opin ion somethin g o f th e obscurit y surroundin g th e subjec t may b e penetrated , an d a genuin e vie w o f th e wa y i n 82

T H E CHURC H A T ROM E

which a churc h cam e t o b e established , i n wha t wa s the n the capita l o f th e w o r l d , ca n wit h grea t probabilit y b e discerned. F r o m Act s 18: 2 w e lear n tha t Aquil a an d Priscill a ha d l e f t R o m e i n 5 0 A . D . becaus e Claudiu s ha d ordere d al l J e w s ou t o f th e city . T h a t Claudiu s issue d suc h a decre e is confirme d b y Suetoniu s an d D i o Cassius , an d b y Orosius , a fifth-century

writer . Orosiu s date s th e edic t i n th e nint h

year o f Claudius , whic h w o u l d mak e i t th e yea r 4 9 o r 50 , which agree s wit h th e statemen t i n Acts . D i o Cassiu s say s that th e decre e wa s no t enforce d becaus e o f th e grea t numbers o f Jew s i n R o m e , an d tha t Claudiu s contente d himself finally wit h forbiddin g Jewis h assemblies. 9 I f the y could no t assemble , th e Jew s wer e denie d th e fre e exer cise o f thei r religion , an d doubtles s many , lik e A q u i l a and Priscilla , di d actuall y leav e th e city . A s th e metho d o f propagatin g Christianit y wa s a t thi s time b y preachin g i n Jewis h synagogues , i t i s therefor e altogether improbabl e tha t Christianit y wa s establishe d i n R o m e d u r i n g th e reig n o f Claudius . T h a t empero r die d and wa s succeede d b y N e r o i n Octobe r o f th e yea r 54 , about th e tim e St . P a u l wa s arrivin g i n Ephesu s fo r hi s stay o f thre e years . A f t e r new s o f th e accessio n o f a ne w emperor reache d th e East , n o Jew s coul d retur n t o R o m e thence unti l navigatio n opene d i n th e yea r 55 , an d i t i s quite possibl e tha t the y w o u l d wai t anothe r yea r t o hea r w h e t h e r th e ne w empero r enforce d th e edic t agains t th e right o f assemblage . B y th e yea r 56 , however , th e wa y wa s open, an d fo r som e year s I hav e hel d th e theor y 1 8

Se e K . Lake' s discussion , Beginnings of Christianity, V Se e Expository Times, X L I I I ( M a y , 1932) , 35 9 f .

10

83

, 45 9 f .

0

tha t

THE APOSTOLI C AG E two J e w i s h Christians , Andronicu s an d Junius , wh o ha d been wit h St . P a u l i n Ephesu s an d ha d share d on e o f hi s imprisonments there , the n wen t t o R o m e an d establishe d that church . I n Roman s 1 6 : 7 St . P a u l send s hi s saluta tion t o them , refer s t o the m a s J e w s an d a s hi s f e l l o w prisoners, an d speak s o f the m a s " o f not e amon g th e A p o s t l e s . " W e neve r hea r o f the m afterward , bu t wha t could hav e give n the m greate r not e tha n t o hav e founde d the churc h i n th e eterna l city , a field o f labo r t o whic h St. P a u l ha d himsel f looke d wit h longin g eyes ? I a m wel l awar e tha t f o r man y year s i t ha s bee n th e fashion i n som e scholarl y circle s t o den y tha t th e six teenth chapte r o f Roman s wa s originall y a par t o f tha t epistle, an d t o regar d i t a s a lette r introducin g on e Phoeb e to th e churc h a t Ephesus . T h e reason s f o r thi s vie w ar e that s o man y o f th e peopl e greete d i n th e letter , lik e Aquila an d Priscilla , wer e a t Ephesu s onl y a shor t tim e before. T h e adherent s o f tha t theor y see m t o m e t o fai l to us e thei r imaginations , an d the y offe r n o explanatio n as t o ho w th e chapter , i f writte n t o th e Ephesians , go t at tached t o th e Epistl e t o th e Romans . Phoeb e wa s probabl y the messenge r wh o carrie d St . P a u l ' s lette r t o R o m e . W e have alread y note d muc h evidenc e a s t o th e difficultie s encountered b y St . P a u l an d hi s helper s i n Ephesus , and , if Andronicu s an d Juniu s ha d establishe d a Christia n con gregation i n R o m e b y th e year s 5 6 , wha t mor e natura l than f o r Aquil a an d Priscill a t o flee persecutio n an d t o re turn t o thei r ol d home ? W h a t mor e natura l tha n f o r othe r persecuted Christian s t o leav e Ephesu s an d t o g o wit h them? I t wa s someho w thus , I believe , tha t th e Churc h o f R o m e cam e int o existence . 84

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IX St. Paul' s experienc e wit h Jew s an d Judaizer s le d hi m to realiz e th e importanc e o f havin g hi s libera l vie w o f Christianity understoo d and , i f possible , accepte d a t Rome . At th e momen t h e coul d no t g o ther e i n person ; h e wa s committed t o go wit h th e delegate s electe d b y th e JE gean churches t o carr y thei r contributio n an d brotherl y offerin g to th e Mothe r Churc h a t Jerusalem . H e accordingl y sa t down an d indite d th e Epistl e t o th e Romans . Th e them e of hi s Epistl e i s that i n Chris t ther e i s revealed a righteous ness o f Go d b y fait h apar t fro m th e law . T h e argumen t i s the argumen t h e employe d t o th e Galatian s nin e o r te n years before , bu t no w ther e ar e n o charge s t o b e repelled , no renegade s t o b e chided , an d h e set s fort h hi s idea s ex pansively an d withou t passion . I t i s th e longes t an d mos t treatise-like lette r tha t w e hav e fro m hi s pen . I t wa s com posed i n order , i f possible , t o persuad e th e church , whic h St. Pau l believe d woul d becom e th e mos t influentia l church i n th e world , no t t o mak e th e mistak e o f advocat ing a Christianit y tha t woul d constitut e onl y a Jewis h sect , but t o becom e th e heral d o f a messag e mean t fo r al l man kind. The lette r ended , St . Pau l wa s read y wit h hi s fello w delegates t o star t fo r Jerusalem. 1 1 11 A t som e tim e durin g th e perio d betwee n 4 3 an d 6 4 A . D. th e documen t M , whic h w a s employe d b y St . Matthe w alon e o f al l th e evangelists , w a s written. It s autho r belonge d t o th e J e w i s h party , a s i s show n b y Matt . 5:17-19.

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IV THE PASSIN G O F TH E APOSTLE S ι Λ Τ th e end of the last lectur e w e lef t St . Paul a t Corint h AM*ready t o star t fo r Jerusale m t o carry , alon g wit h delegates fro m loca l churches , a toke n o f goo d wil l i n the for m o f a gif t o f mone y t o th e Mothe r Churc h o f Christendom. Thi s gif t would , h e hoped , b e accepte d a s a toke n o f Christia n brotherhoo d tha t woul d ten d t o alla y the suspicion s o f th e Jewis h Christian s an d s o hel p t o bin d the whol e Christia n fellowshi p firmly togethe r i n con scious unity a s devoted servant s o f Jesu s Christ . It ha d bee n th e Apostle' s pla n t o sai l fro m Canchreae , the por t fou r mile s eas t o f Corinth , o n th e othe r sid e o f the isthmus . I t was , however , discovere d tha t som e Jew s had forme d a plo t t o kil l hi m durin g th e voyag e an d ap parently tak e such o f the fund s as St. Pau l migh t hav e wit h him. Doubtles s thes e Jew s fel t tha t suc h a n ac t woul d b e a servic e t o Go d a s wel l a s a mean s o f enrichin g them selves. Jewis h Christians , lik e James , John , an d Peter , might understan d th e logi c whic h le d St . Pau l t o disre gard th e law an d teac h Gentile s t o do so, but non-Christia n Jews coul d no t b e expecte d t o shar e tha t view . T o them , as t o St . Pau l i n hi s earlie r days , th e la w wa s th e on e ex 86

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pression o f God' s will , an d t o disregar d i t wa s a mos t heinous sin . U n d e r thes e circumstances , then , St . Pau l prudentl y changed hi s pla n an d travele d b y lan d throug h Thessaly , Thrace, an d Macedonia , aroun d th e ^ g e a n , an d cam e down it s easter n coas t b y wa y o f Troas , pas t Ephesu s t o Miletus. A t variou s point s o n thi s journe y delegate s fro m churches i n variou s citie s joine d him , an d a t Philipp i St . L u k e attache d himsel f t o th e company , t o remai n wit h th e Apostle apparentl y unti l th e en d o f hi s Roma n imprison ment. Elder s o f th e churc h a t Ephesu s cam e t o Miletu s t o take thei r leav e o f St . Paul , an d i n th e twentiet h chapte r of Acts , St . L u k e give s th e substanc e o f th e Apostle' s fare well addres s t o them . I t seem s unnecessar y t o recoun t her e the event s whic h ar e tol d wit h s o muc h detai l i n th e con cluding chapter s o f th e boo k o f Acts , th e frequen t readin g of whic h ha s mad e the m s o familia r t o u s all . W e recal l the affectionat e hospitalit y tha t wa s extende d t o th e com pany a t T y r e an d Ptolemais ; th e sta y a t Caesarea , durin g which vai n effort s wer e mad e t o persuad e St . Pau l no t t o go t o Jerusale m J th e pla n St . Pau l adopte d afte r hi s ar rival i n Jerusalem , a t th e suggestio n o f St . James , b y whic h it wa s hope d t o persuad e al l J e w s tha t St . Pau l wa s stil l loyal t o th e tradition s an d custom s o f hi s race ; th e fals e cr y raised b y a n Ephesia n J e w , wh o recognize d St . Pau l i n the templ e court , tha t cause d a mo b t o attemp t t o kil l him. W e recal l als o ho w th e chie f captai n arreste d St . P a u l to sav e hi s life , ho w fort y me n afte r tha t boun d them selves b y a n oat h no t t o ea t o r drin k unti l the y ha d slai n him; ho w th e chie f captain , t o sav e hi s life , sen t hi m b y night t o Caesarea ; ho w a t hi s hearin g befor e Feli x h e in »7

THE APOSTOLI C AG E

advertently state d tha t h e ha d com e t o brin g alm s t o hi s nation an d ho w Felix , thinkin g tha t a ma n wh o coul d give alm s t o a natio n coul d find mone y wit h whic h t o buy hi s liberty, kept hi m a prisoner fo r tw o years, and then , to pleas e th e Jews , lef t hi m a prisone r whos e fat e wa s t o be settle d b y hi s successo r Festus ; an d ho w St . Paul , i n order t o escap e certai n deat h a t th e hand s o f th e Jew s a t Jerusalem, exercise d hi s righ t a s a Roma n citize n an d ap pealed t o th e emperor' s tribuna l a t Rome . T h e stor y o f his voyag e an d shipwreck , o f hi s arriva l i n Rome , an d o f his "tw o whol e year s i n hi s ow n hire d house " (possibl y t o be translate d "tw o whol e year s o n hi s ow n earnings" ) ar e familiar t o u s all . The event s jus t sketche d occupie d five years , year s tha t were eventfu l an d tha t lef t thei r mar k bot h upo n St . Pau l and th e Church . Unfortunatel y ou r writte n record s giv e us onl y passin g glimpse s o f them . Durin g th e tw o year s of th e Apostle' s imprisonmen t a t Caesare a St . Luk e ap pears t o hav e bee n a residen t ther e also . Apparentl y a s a free ma n h e remaine d nea r hi s frien d i n orde r t o rende r him suc h servic e a s h e might . Wha t thes e year s mean t t o St. Luk e I shal l tr y t o stat e a t a late r point . O f th e work ings o f St . Paul' s min d durin g thes e tw o years , w e hav e no record . Tha t hi s gras p o f th e meanin g o f th e wor k o f Jesus Chris t an d it s adequac y fo r al l th e need s o f mankin d was growing , i s made manifes t b y hi s late r letters . II During th e Apostle' s residenc e o f tw o year s i n Rome , events occurre d whic h calle d fort h fro m hi m thre e letters , 88

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one t o th e Philippians , on e t o Philemon , an d on e t o th e Colossians. Thes e letter s tel l u s bot h somethin g o f th e forces a t wor k i n th e Churc h an d somethin g o f St . Paul . T h e Philippia n lette r wa s occasione d b y th e fac t tha t th e church a t Philipp i ha d sen t St . Pau l a contributio n o f money b y a messenge r name d Epaphroditus , who , afte r arriving i n R o m e , wa s attacke d b y a seriou s illness . I n i t the Apostl e tell s the m o f hi s situatio n i n Rom e an d ho w in consequenc e o f i t th e Gospe l wa s bein g proclaime d an d was bein g accepted . I t wa s bein g mad e know n throughou t the whol e pretoria n guard . St . Paul , thoug h livin g i n hi s own hire d dwelling , wa s apparentl y chaine d t o a sol dier, wh o wa s responsibl e fo r him. 1 Bein g a n inveterat e preacher, n o soldie r coul d b e chaine d t o hi m withou t re ceiving th e Christia n message . M o d e r n hearers , whe n the y tire o f th e sermon , ca n ge t u p an d g o out , bu t St . Pau l was durin g thes e year s alway s sur e o f a congregatio n o f one wh o wa s compelle d t o listen . F r o m tim e t o tim e th e soldiers wer e changed , an d thu s Christianit y graduall y penetrated th e pretoria n guard . St . Pau l wa s lookin g for ward t o a n earl y release , an d wa s ver y hopefu l tha t h e would b e released . T o suc h a degre e di d th e grea t Apostl e fee l respon sibility fo r th e welfar e o f al l hi s spiritua l offspring , tha t he coul d no t writ e a lette r o f thank s withou t takin g th e opportunity t o giv e pastora l advice . A t Philippi , a s i n most churches , ther e wa s no t perfec t harmon y i n th e con gregation. Som e Christian s though t themselve s bette r than other s an d hel d themselve s aloof ; thi s wa s resente d by thos e wh o wer e looke d dow n upon , an d il l feelin g an d 1

Se e A c t s 2 8 : 20 .

89

THE APOSTOLI C AG E disunity wa s th e result . I n addressin g himsel f t o thi s situa tion, St . P a u l urge d the m t o imitat e th e exampl e o f Christ , and, i n s o doing , wa s le d t o g i v e th e mos t explici t state ment o f th e proces s o f th e incarnatio n tha t w e hav e f r o m his pe n (se e P h i l . 2 : 5 - 1 1 ) . I t i s clea r a s on e read s i t tha t he wa s consciousl y drawin g th e contrastin g paralle l be tween A d a m an d Chris t o f whic h h e wa s s o fond . A d a m was mad e i n th e imag e o f G o d , wa s tempte d t o gras p a t equality wit h G o d and , i n consequence , wa s expelle d f r o m E d e n . " C h r i s t , " say s St . P a u l , "bein g i n th e f o r m o f G o d , thought i t no t somethin g t o b e graspe d a t t o b e equa l wit h G o d , bu t emptie d himself , takin g th e f o r m o f a servant , being mad e i n th e likenes s o f m e n . " T h a t wa s hi s first ac t of self-abnegation , t o becom e incarnate . T h e n , " b e i n g found i n fashio n a s a man , h e humble d himself , becomin g obedient t o death , eve n th e deat h o f th e cross. " T h a t wa s the secon d ac t o f self-renunciation . Becaus e o f thes e tw o acts o f humility , " G o d highl y exalte d hi m an d gav e unt o him th e nam e tha t i s abov e e v e r y n a m e . " T h a t is , h e g a v e him God' s ow n name , Y a h w e h , o r J e h o v a h — t h e nam e that bot h th e Gree k an d E n g l i s h Scripture s rende r b y th e name " L O R D " ( K U R I O S ) . I n n o stronge r wa y coul d a J e w avo w hi s belie f i n th e divin e characte r o f Jesus . T o the essenc e indicate d b y thi s divin e name , regarde d i n St. P a u l ' s tim e a s to o sacre d t o b e uttered , St . P a u l refer s when h e goe s o n t o sa y tha t i t i s God' s purpos e tha t e v e r y tongue shal l confes s Jesu s L O R D . T h e passag e show s u s the working s o f th e Apostle' s min d o n th e myster y o f th e incarnation, an d open s a numbe r o f mos t interestin g prob lems, whic h i t i s no t possibl e i n thi s connectio n t o discuss . T h e Epistl e als o show s tha t th e frictio n betwee n th e 90

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E

Jewish schoo l o f though t an d th e liberal s i n earl y Chris tianity, o f whic h St . Pau l wa s th e leader , dogge d th e Apostle's footstep s t o th e en d o f hi s life . H e foun d i t necessary t o war n th e Philippian s agains t Judaizers , an d in s o doin g pointe d ou t ho w h e himself , thoug h possess ing al l th e advantage s o f th e mos t exclusiv e Jewis h ortho doxy, ha d renounce d i t al l fo r Christ . T h e n , fearin g tha t he ha d seeme d t o boast , h e gav e expressio n t o on e o f th e most beautifu l attitude s o f Christia n humilit y an d conse cration o n record : N o t tha t I hav e alread y obtaine d o r a m alread y m a d e p e r f e c t : but I pres s o n , i f s o b e tha t I m a y la y hol d o f tha t fo r w h i c h I w a s laid hol d o f b y C h r i s t J e s u s . .

. .

F o r g e t t i n g th e thing s tha t ar e

behind, an d stretchin g f o r w a r d t o th e thing s tha t ar e before , I press o n t o w a r d th e goa l unt o th e priz e o f th e hig h callin g o f G o d in C h r i s t J e s u s .

Such wa s th e attitud e o f thi s Christia n her o who , mor e than an y other , influence d th e tren d o f th e earl y Apostoli c A g e an d throug h i t th e Christianit y o f al l time , a s afte r twenty-three year s o f arduou s servic e i n whic h h e ha d always " l i v e d dangerously " h e face d th e threshol d o f the eterna l life . Ill T h e Epistl e t o th e Colossian s wa s calle d fort h b y a different situation , an d on e tha t give s u s a stil l mor e in teresting glimps e o f force s a t wor k i n earl y Christianit y and o f th e flexibility an d growt h o f th e Apostle' s thought . T o understan d th e underlyin g force s on e mus t i n though t make a brie f historica l retrospect . A s earl y a s th e eight h 91

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century befor e Chris t th e conquest s an d deportation s o f the Assyria n Empir e bega n th e minglin g o f peopl e wit h people an d cultur e wit h culture . T h i s wa s continue d b y the Babylonians . The n fo r tw o hundre d year s th e Persian s united unde r on e governmen t people s fro m Indi a t o th e vEgean. Dariu s 1 eve n invade d India . Alexande r th e Great repeate d hi s achievement , an d unde r hi s successor s a commo n languag e wa s understoo d fro m Greec e t o th e Punjab. A s a result , people s wh o ha d believe d tha t thei r own cultur e an d religio n containe d al l th e trut h bega n t o see th e value s o f othe r culture s an d religions . Asoka , kin g of Magadh a i n India , had , befor e 25 0 B . C., sent Buddhis t missionaries t o Syria , E g y p t , Macedonia , Epirus , an d Cyrene. A s a resul t o f al l thi s intermingling , ther e bega n to sprin g u p befor e th e tim e o f Chris t eclecti c system s o f thought i n which , jus t a s i n Christia n Science , N e w Thought, an d simila r cult s o f ou r ow n time , i t wa s sough t to combin e th e bes t o f variou s nationa l systems . Thi s mixture wa s ofte n base d o n th e Persia n conceptio n o f a good an d a n evi l god , wh o wer e strugglin g fo r th e con trol o f th e universe . I t usuall y containe d som e Babylonia n conceptions, an d sometime s appropriate d th e India n con ception o f th e transmigratio n o f souls . On e o f th e concep tions to which i t gave birt h wa s tha t o f a primal o r heavenl y m a n — a conceptio n whic h figures i n Poimandres, on e o f the Hermetic writing s o f Egypt . Thi s conceptio n ha d already bee n borrowe d b y orthodo x Judaism , an d figures in th e Book s o f Danie l an d Enoc h a s th e So n o f Man . In anothe r for m i t ha d befor e th e Christia n er a invade d Judaism an d calle d int o existenc e th e semi-asceti c sec t o f the Essenes . I n stil l anothe r for m i t invade d bot h heathen 92

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ism an d earl y Christianity , an d create d sect s whic h hel d that salvatio n wa s t o b e obtaine d b y knowledg e rathe r than b y faith . I n earl y Christia n histor y thes e sect s ar e known a s gnostics . I t wa s a t Colossa e i n th e tim e o f St. Paul' s imprisonmen t tha t thi s typ e o f though t first manifested itsel f amon g Christians , an d a t Colossa e i t was mingle d wit h Judais m an d cam e i n apparentl y a s a part o f th e anti-Paulin e Jewis h propaganda . Accordin g to thi s teaching , th e worl d wa s mad e b y th e go d o f evil : the sou l i s a spar k fro m th e go d o f goo d tha t ha s becom e embodied i n a materia l bod y which , becaus e i t i s material , is corrupt . T h e system s varied , bu t th e metho d o f thi s em bodiment was , generall y speaking , someho w thus : fro m God ther e emanate d Logo s an d Sophi a ( W o r d an d Wis dom) fro m thes e Plerom a an d Bathu s (Fullnes s an d D e p t h ) an d fro m thes e anothe r pair , an d s o on . I n som e systems ther e wer e fe w o f thes e syzigies , a s th e pair s wer e called, i n others , many . I t wa s believed tha t th e sou l shoul d know ho w i t go t enmeshe d i n matter , i n orde r t o kno w how t o find it s wa y out . Escap e fro m thi s enmeshmen t was salvation . Man y gnosti c system s wer e ascetic , a s on e might expect . A t Colossa e thi s asceticis m too k th e for m o f strict obedienc e t o th e Jewis h law . I t wa s t o counterac t thi s teachin g tha t St . Pau l wrot e his lette r t o th e Colossians , an d i t i s mos t instructiv e t o se e how h e di d it . H e reinterprete d Chris t an d hi s wor k i n a wa y which , i f accepted , woul d cu t th e groun d fro m unde r the gnosti c thought . " C h r i s t , " h e declares , "i s th e imag e of th e unsee n G o d ; h e i s th e firstborn o f al l creation , be cause al l thing s i n th e heaven s an d o n th e eart h wer e created b y him , thing s see n an d unseen , whethe r throne s 93

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or lordships , o r principalitie s o r authorities—al l thing s were create d throug h hi m an d unt o him , an d h e i s befor e all thing s an d i n hi m al l thing s consis t (o r hol d together). " Again h e say s tha t i t please d ( G o d ) tha t i n hi m al l full ness ( Pleroma) shoul d dwel l (Col . 1 : 1 5 - 1 7 ) . Agai n (Col . 2:9, 10 ) h e declares , " I n hi m (Christ ) dwell s al l th e fullness o f th e godhea d bodily , an d i n hi m ar e y e mad e full, wh o i s th e hea d o f al l principalit y ( arche) an d au thority ( exousia)." Amon g th e syzigie s a t Colossae , Pleroma, Arche , an d Exousi a bor e prominen t places . St. Pau l her e declare s tha t Chris t i s God' s firstborn. There i s n o roo m fo r Logo s an d Sophia . I f the y exis t the y exist i n him . A l l thing s i n heave n an d eart h wer e mad e by him . T h e worl d i s no t th e wor k o f a n evi l deit y 5 Go d created i t throug h hi s Son . I n hi m al l thing s consis t j Christ i s th e world-soul , s o t o speak , th e vita l forc e whic h holds th e univers e together . A l l th e fullnes s o f th e god head dwell s i n him . I f yo u see k t o b e touche d b y divin e fullness, i t i s possibl e throug h hi m t o hav e th e experience . St. Pau l doe s not , lik e som e late r writers , fal l bac k o n denunciation, tradition , an d churc h authority , bu t inter prets Chris t s o a s t o mak e hi m appea r t o b e th e agen t fo r the correctio n o f thei r error s i n thought , an d th e vehicl e through who m al l thei r aspiration s fo r th e ineffabl e migh t be attained . One canno t compar e thes e utterance s abou t Chris t wit h those o f th e Thessalonia n letters , writte n a doze n o r thirteen year s before , withou t notin g how , unde r th e pres sure o f lif e an d it s problems , th e Apostle' s though t ha d grown. T h e n Chris t wa s i n a heave n jus t abov e th e sk y and migh t a t an y tim e descen d i n bodil y form . No w h e i s 94

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the world-sou l tha t hold s al l thing s together . H o w a world-soul coul d ge t f a r enoug h fro m th e worl d t o nee d to com e back , i t i s har d t o see . Whethe r St . Pau l eve r coordinated hi s thought s an d le t th e ne w f u l l y expe l th e old fro m hi s syste m o f things , w e d o no t know . In hi s conceptio n o f Chris t a s th e agen t o f creation , St. Pau l anticipate d th e Logo s doctrin e o f th e autho r o f the Fourt h Gospel . St . Pau l doe s no t emplo y th e term , but h e clearl y state s th e idea . Indeed , si x o r seve n year s before h e wrot e t o th e Colossians , h e ha d accepte d th e idea, fo r i n ι Cor . 8: 6 h e speak s o f " O n e L o r d Jesu s Christ, throug h who m ar e al l things. " These epistle s o f th e Roma n imprisonmen t revea l th e great servan t o f Jesu s Christ , wh o ha d begu n b y perse cuting th e disciple s o f hi s Master , a s growin g i n grace , in humility , i n though t an d i n understanding , a s wel l a s in sacrificia l servic e unt o th e ver y end . Wit h th e clos e o f these epistles , th e curtai n fall s fo r u s o n bot h th e inne r and oute r lif e o f St . P a u l . IV W h i l e St . Paul , St . L u k e , an d other s ha d bee n spendin g two year s i n Rome , th e Mothe r Churc h a t Jerusale m ha d had he r tribulations . T h e Procurato r Festus , on e o f whos e first officia l act s i n th e yea r 6 0 A. D. ha d bee n t o reman d St. P a u l t o Rom e t o b e hear d b y th e emperor' s tribunal , died i n offic e i n th e sprin g o f th e yea r 6 2 A. D. Abou t th e time o f hi s death , H e r o d Agripp a I I , Kin g o f Chalcis , t o whom th e Roma n governmen t ha d committe d th e powe r of namin g an d deposin g hig h priests , depose d a certai n 95

THE APOSTOLI C AGF . J o s e p h , wh o wa s holdin g th e office , becaus e J o s e p h ha d built a w a l l i n th e templ e are a t o hid e th e wor k o f th e sacred are a f r o m th e window s o f th e ne w dinin g roo m that A g r i p p a ha d adde d t o th e palac e i n J e r u s a l e m whic h he ha d inherite d f r o m hi s ancestors.

2

A g r i p p a appointe d

3

Annas, th e so n o f th e Annas , mentione d i n th e Gospe l o f J o h n i n connectio n wit h th e tria l o f ou r L o r d , an d a brother-in-law o f Caiaphas , t o th e offic e o f hig h priest . Josephus describe s thi s Anna s a s a rash , bol d man . H e tell s us tha t h e wa s a Sadducee , an d tha t th e Sadducee s wer e much mor e sever e i n j u d g i n g departure s f r o m th e la w than th e Pharisees . I n thos e day s communicatio n wa s slow . T h e r e wa s n o telegrap h o r wireless . A f t e r th e deat h o f Festus thre e month s elapse d befor e hi s successor , Albinus , could b e appointe d an d reac h Palestine . Annas , i n th e absence o f a representativ e o f th e R o m a n government , de termined t o ac t boldl y t o ri d th e H o l y Cit y o f som e lead ing Christian s wh o wer e obnoxiou s t o hi m an d suc h a s he . H e accordingl y hale d J a m e s th e Brothe r o f Christ , wit h some other s o f th e leadin g Christians , befor e th e San hedrin, ha d the m condemne d an d pu t t o deat h b y stoning . Christian traditio n ha s preserve d som e detail s o f ho w J a m e s , a ma n o f grea t piety , died.

4

H o w authenti c thes e

traditions ar e i t i s impossibl e t o say . Neithe r Josephu s no r tradition ha s preserve d th e name s o f th e other s w h o thu s f o l l o w e d J a m e s th e so n o f Zebedee , an d St . Stephe n int o the pat h o f martyrdo m f o r Christ' s sake , though , a s wil l appear directly , w e ar e no w i n a position , I believe , t o 2

Josephus , Ant. X X , 8 : n . Ibid., X X , 9 : 1 . Eusebius , Eccl. History, II , 1 3 : 8 fr . Eusebiu s quote s th e traditio n fro m Hegessippus. 96 a

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recover wit h a goo d dea l o f certaint y th e nam e o f on e o f them. In puttin g thes e me n t o death , Anna s ha d exceede d hi s authority. Th e Roman s ha d specificall y kep t th e decisio n of capita l case s i n thei r ow n hands . Josephu s tell s u s tha t many Jew s wer e "mos t uneasy " a t thi s breac h o f th e laws , and begge d Agripp a t o forbi d Anna s t o commi t an y suc h acts i n th e future . Other s me t Albinu s a s h e entere d th e country, an d reporte d t o hi m th e conduc t o f Annas , fo r which Albinu s threatene d t o punis h him . Unde r thes e cir cumstances Agripp a depose d Annas . Ther e can , I think , be n o doub t tha t thos e wh o thu s proteste d t o Agripp a an d reported Anna s t o Albinu s wer e Christia n Jews , member s of th e Churc h a t Jerusalem . One o f th e Christian s wh o wer e martyre d alon g wit h James th e Les s i n th e summe r o f th e yea r 6 2 A . D. was , it i s no w believed , th e Apostl e John , Joh n th e so n o f Zebedee. Som e year s ag o a Dutc h scholar , D e Boor , re covered fro m a lat e Gree k write r a fragmen t o f Papias , which state s tha t Jame s an d John , th e son s o f Zebedee , were martyre d b y th e Jews . Th e martyrdo m o f Jame s i s recorded i n th e twelft h chapte r o f th e Acts , bu t tha t o f the Apostl e Joh n i s specificall y recorde d b y n o othe r ancient authenti c writing . I f Joh n wa s pu t t o deat h b y th e Jews, i t mus t hav e bee n befor e th e yea r 7 0 A . D., for neve r since tha t dat e hav e the y ha d authorit y t o inflic t suc h punishment, and , i f the y di d i t befor e 7 0 A . D., there i s n o occasion fo r th e dee d s o probabl e a s th e summe r o f th e year 6 2 A . D. I t shoul d b e adde d tha t sinc e th e discover y of thi s D e Boo r fragmen t o f Papias , discussio n as t o it s genuineness ha s hotl y raged . Som e scholars , a s th e lat e 97

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Arthur Peake , regarde d i t a s a fabrication . T h e majorit y of N e w Testamen t scholar s o f weigh t have , however , accepted it , an d th e lat e Archdeaco n Charles , i n hi s Commentary o n th e Boo k o f Revelation , demonstrated , I be lieve, it s genuineness . I f w e woul d rightl y portra y fo r ourselves th e event s o f th e year s w e ar e considering , w e should thin k tha t durin g th e " t w o whol e years " tha t St . Paul spen t "i n hi s ow n hire d house " o r "o n hi s ow n wage " in Rome , an d perhap s durin g th e ver y summer , whe n h e was writin g hi s Epistl e t o th e Colossians , tw o o f th e " p i l l a r " Apostle s (se e Gal . 2:9) , wit h who m h e ha d fre quently conferre d throug h th e year s o n Christia n work , passed o n befor e hi m b y th e painfu l gat e o f martyrdo m into th e othe r world , leavin g onl y St . Pete r stil l alive , of th e thre e tha t wer e counte d "pillars. " V One o f th e mos t interestin g an d puzzlin g problem s connected wit h Ne w Testamen t histor y i s th e question , W h a t happene d t o St . Pau l a t th e en d o f th e tw o years ? Was h e condemne d an d beheaded , o r wa s h e acquitte d and released ? O n thi s poin t variou s theorie s hav e bee n held, eac h base d o n som e sligh t bu t inconclusiv e clue . I. T h e theor y o n which , I suppose , al l o f u s wer e brought u p wa s tha t h e wa s release d whe n hi s cas e wa s heard b y Nero , tha t h e wa s fre e fo r a time , durin g whic h he visite d Crete , wen t t o Asi a again , an d wrot e th e Epistle s to Timoth y an d Titus . T h i s theor y rest s upo n th e fac t tha t tradition attribute d t o St . Pau l th e authorshi p o f th e Epistles t o Timoth y an d Titus , tha t ther e i s n o roo m fo r 98

ST. PAUL' S M A R T Y R D O M t h e m i n St . P a u l ' s l i f e unles s h e wa s release d i n t h e y e a r 6 4 A . D. , tha t C l e m e n t o f R o m e , w r i t i n g t o th e C o r i n t h i a n s about t h e y e a r 9 6 A . D. , speak s o f St . P a u l a s h a v i n g "preached th e gospe l t o th e uttermos t bound s o f th e w e s t , " 5 a n d t h a t St . P a u l i n hi s E p i s t l e t o t h e R o m a n s h a d e x p r e s s e d hi s intentio n o f p r e a c h i n g i n Spain. ® I n ou r y o u t h thi s h y p o t h e s i s w a s g e n e r a l l y accepted . T h e diffi culties w i t h i t ar e m a n y . I f St . P a u l w a s release d a n d w e n t to Spai n w h i c h w a s i n t h e f a r w e s t , h o w d i d h e e v a n g e l i z e C r e t e als o a n d t r a v e l i n t h e east ? C l e m e n t , i n t h e passag e a l r e a d y r e f e r r e d to , a l l u d e s t o t h e m a r t y r d o m o f St . P a u l , p r e s u m a b l y u n d e r N e r o . A s N e r o w a s assassinate d i n th e y e a r 6 8 A . D. , a n d t r a v e l w a s t h e n s l o w , i t i s h a r d l y p r o b able t h a t , i f h e w e n t w e s t , h e als o w e n t east . Sinc e i t i s n o w g e n e r a l l y accepte d b y scholar s tha t t h e E p i s t l e s t o T i m o t h y a n d T i t u s ar e no t b y St . P a u l , bu t w e r e w r i t t e n t o m e e t a l a t e r situatio n b y on e int o w h o s e hand s s o m e brie f P a u l i n e l e t t e r s , w r i t t e n b y t h e A p o s t l e , ha d c o m e , th e d i f f i c u l t y o f a j o u r n e y t o t h e eas t ha s bee n e l i m i n a t e d . T h i s fact d o e s not , h o w e v e r , establis h t h e historicit y o f t h e j o u r n e y t o S p a i n , f o r C l e m e n t ' s r e f e r e n c e i s v e r y oratorical , an d t h e r e f e r e n c e t o t h e " u t t e r m o s t b o u n d s o f t h e w e s t " seem s t o m a n y scholar s o f t h e presen t a n e x a g g e r a t e d h y p e r b o l e f o r R o m e . T h e t h e o r y a s a w h o l e i s n o w g e n e r a l l y aban d o n e d . St . P a u l ' s p l a n , w h i c h i n th e y e a r 5 8 A . D . h e enter tained, t o g o t o S p a i n , i s n o g u a r a n t e e tha t h e e v e r f o u n d h i m s e l f i n a positio n t o c a r r y i t out . 2. T h e r e i s a tradition , firs t m e n t i o n e d i n t h e Acts of Paul abou t 1 6 0 A . D. , t h a t St . P a u l w a s m a r t y r e d b y b e i n g I Clement , C h . V . • Ch . 15 : 2 4 an d aS .

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beheaded wit h a sword . T h e testimon y fo r thi s i s late , an d it ma y b e base d o n nothin g mor e tha n a n inferenc e fro m the fac t that , a s a Roma n citizen , h e ha d th e right , i f h e were t o b e pu t t o deat h b y judicia l order , t o choos e be heading t o othe r form s o f execution . 3. Eusebius , i n hi s secon d boo k o f Chronicles ,7 implie s that bot h St . Pau l an d St . Pete r wer e martyre d i n th e year 6 4 A . D. Hi s word s are : " A m o n g al l hi s injustice s he [Nero ] inaugurate d th e first persecutio n agains t th e Christians, whe n Pete r an d Paul , th e mos t godlik e Apos tles, wer e crowne d a s martyr s b y sufferin g fo r Christ. " T h e persecutio n o f Ner o was , apparently , a brie f episod e designed t o deflec t suspicio n fro m th e Emperor , an d ther e is n o evidenc e tha t i t wa s prolonge d throug h th e years , and furthe r i t woul d see m that , whe n i t wa s begun , th e most prominen t Christian s woul d b e execute d first.

I t

would appea r probable , then , i f Eusebiu s i s t o b e credite d at all , tha t th e Apostle s me t thei r deat h i n 6 4 Λ . D., th e year tha t Rom e wa s burned . 4. T h e researche s o f Professor s Ramsay , Lake , an d Cadbury concernin g th e outcom e o f St . Paul' s appea l t o Caesar—researches base d o n Roma n lega l procedure — while no t altogethe r conclusive , hav e establishe d a hig h degree o f probabilit y tha t St . Paul' s cas e wa s neve r hear d by th e imperia l tribunal , an d tha t i t lapse d an d th e Apos tle wa s se t fre e becaus e hi s accuser s di d no t appear . T h e fullest an d lates t presentatio n o f th e cas e fo r thi s ha s bee n made b y Professo r Cadbury,

8

whos e argument s ma y b e

briefly summarize d a s follows : ( 1 ) A n appea l t o th e E m ' s « editio n o f A l f r e d Schoene , Berlin , 1875-1876 , II , 156 . 8 Beginnings of Christianity, V , 319-338 .

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peror b y peopl e o f th e province s wa s a n expensiv e matter , as it involve d th e expensiv e transpor t t o Rom e o f witnesse s and professiona l pleaders , th e equivalen t o f th e moder n lawyer. St . Pau l wa s no t pu t t o al l tha t expens e a s h e always plea d hi s ow n cases , an d eve n i f h e ha d t o suppl y his ow n foo d o n th e voyag e t o Rome , a s i s possible , i t wa s not mor e expensiv e t o hi m tha n hi s othe r journeys . T h e two whol e year s i n Rome , ^ μισθώματ ^ wer e probabl y years i n whic h h e wa s allowe d libert y unde r som e sor t o f guard t o wor k a t hi s trade , an d s o wa s abl e t o suppor t himself. ( 2 ) Jews , wh o wishe d t o prosecut e case s i n Rome, di d no t alway s g o t o th e expens e o f travelin g thither, bu t sen t document s t o Jew s residen t i n Rome , ask ing the m t o represen t the m befor e th e tribunal . Act s 2 8 : 1 7 - 2 2 tell s u s ho w St . Paul , o n hi s arriva l i n Rome , called togethe r th e leader s o f th e Jew s an d explaine d hi s case t o them . T h e y replied , " W e neithe r receive d letter s from Judse a concernin g thee , no r di d an y o f th e brethre n come her e an d spea k an y har m o f thee. " A t th e tim e o f St. Paul' s arriva l i n Rom e th e Judsea n Jew s ha d take n n o steps t o prosecut e thei r cas e agains t th e Apostle . T h e y ha d not eve n aske d a Roma n Je w t o appea r agains t him . ( 3 ) A papyrus fro m th e reig n o f Ner o specificall y state s tha t i n capital case s originatin g i n Italy , i f th e accuser s di d no t appear withi n nin e months , th e cas e wa s t o b e dropped . If th e cas e originate d nort h o f th e Alps , eightee n month s must b e allowe d them . I f the y di d no t appea r i n tha t time , the cas e wen t b y defaul t an d th e prisone r wa s freed . I n the correspondenc e betwee n Plin y an d th e Empero r T r a j a n , i n a cas e no t altogethe r paralle l t o St . Paul's , tw o years wer e allowed . I t i s possibl e tha t i n th e tim e o f Ner o 101

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two year s wer e allowe d fo r th e presentatio n o f evidenc e in case s originatin g beyon d th e sea . Ou r evidenc e i s in complete an d fragmentary . I t i s gathered i n par t fro m th e accounts o f case s tha t ar e no t altogethe r paralle l t o tha t of St . Paul . I t doe s seem , however , t o establis h a prob ability tha t St . Pau l remaine d i n Rom e tw o whol e year s waiting fo r hi s accuser s t o presen t th e evidenc e agains t him, an d tha t the y di d no t d o it . Th e lega l tim e limi t hav ing the n elapsed , th e cas e wa s dismissed , an d St . Pau l wa s set free . I f thi s i s reall y wha t happened , i t ma y justl y b e asked, W h y di d no t St . Luk e sa y so ? I t ma y b e sai d i n reply, a s Dr . Cadbur y ha s pointe d out , tha t "tw o whol e years" ma y hav e bee n a n expressio n a s wel l understoo d i n such case s as "serve d hi s time " i s with us . I f w e sa y a ma n has "serve d hi s time, " w e d o no t nee d t o sa y tha t h e wa s discharged. I t i s understood . S o St . Luk e ma y wel l hav e conveyed t o hi s readers , wh o wer e familia r wit h th e term s of Roma n law , th e fac t tha t St . Paul' s cas e neve r cam e t o trial an d tha t h e wa s se t free— a meanin g whic h w e hav e hitherto faile d t o gras p throug h ignoranc e o f Roma n lega l procedure i n suc h cases . I f thi s b e so , th e conclusio n o f th e Book o f Act s i s no t s o abrup t an d puzzlin g a s w e hav e hitherto suppose d i t t o be . Dr. Cadbury , wit h tru e scholarl y caution , avoid s de ducing fro m hi s evidenc e an y definit e conclusion . Wer e I to ventur e a hypothesi s concernin g th e cours e o f events , it woul d b e tha t St . Paul' s cas e was never hear d b y th e im perial tribunal , tha t becaus e th e prosecutio n di d no t follo w it u p h e was set fre e after two years , tha t fo r reason s whic h we ca n onl y conjectur e h e continue d t o liv e i n Rome , an d 102

ST. LUKE' S WRITING S that a s a Christia n h e f e l l a victi m t o th e malignit y o f N e r o afte r th e grea t fire i n th e yea r 6 4 A. D. It m a y wel l b e tha t som e ac t o f St . P a u l arouse d agains t him N e r o ' s anger , s o tha t h e suffere d martyrdo m quit e apart f r o m J e w i s h charge s o r th e burnin g o f th e city . I f we g a v e an y credenc e t o late r traditions , the y poin t t o thi s conclusion. F o r example , th e Acts of Paul relat e tha t St . P a u l converte d t o Christianit y Patroclus , a cupbeare r o f N e r o , an d tha t N e r o , bein g tol d b y Patroclu s tha t Chris t was king , ha d th e Apostl e pu t t o deat h f o r treason . Chrysostom, o n th e othe r hand , relate s tha t St . P a u l wo n to Christianit y a beautifu l concubin e o f Nero's , and , whe n she refuse d t o continu e he r unhallowe d relation s wit h th e E m p e r o r , h e sentence d th e Apostl e t o death . O f cours e both tradition s canno t b e true , bu t the y ope n ou r eye s t o the possibilitie s o f th e situation .

VI In thi s lectur e w e hav e f o l l o w e d th e fortune s o f St . P a u l durin g mor e tha n si x year s f r o m hi s departur e fro m Corinth i n th e yea r 58 A. D. t o hi s martyrdo m i n th e yea r 64 A. D. W i th St . P a u l ther e wa s durin g mos t o f thi s tim e a companion , St . L u k e , whos e personalit y i s no t v i v i d l y pictured i n th e page s o f th e N e w Testament , bu t who , according t o tradition , compose d ou r T h i r d Gospe l an d the Act s o f th e A p o s t l e s — a traditio n whic h I no w believ e to b e valid , thoug h f o r year s I doubte d it . W e ma y no t know muc h o f hi s personality , bu t St . L u k e wa s th e bes t literary artis t i n th e N e w Testamen t an d th e bes t write r 103

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of Greek . H o w muc h w e ow e t o hi m w e ca n perhap s imagine b y tryin g t o realiz e ho w muc h poore r th e N e w Testament w o u l d b e withou t th e Gospe l accordin g t o L u k e and th e Act s o f th e Apostles . H o w wa s St . L u k e occupy ing himsel f durin g thes e si x years ? O f cours e w e canno t answer th e questio n f u l l y . W h e t h e r h e supporte d himsel f by practisin g medicin e o r whethe r h e ha d independen t means, w e d o no t know . I am , however , heretica l enough , from th e poin t o f vie w o f presen t scholarl y opinion , t o believe tha t on e o f hi s occupation s durin g thes e year s wa s the compositio n o f hi s Gospe l an d th e Boo k o f Act s an d that th e las t o f the m wa s complete d sometim e i n th e yea r 63 A . D. I n orde r tha t thi s statemen t ma y no t see m t o b e arbitrary o r t o res t o n w i l f u l idiosyncrasies , I mus t be g your indulgenc e fo r a little , whil e I recapitulat e som e o f the view s concernin g th e authorshi p an d dat e o f th e Act s which hav e bee n hel d durin g th e las t fifty years . A s a preliminar y t o thi s review , le t m e poin t ou t tha t there ar e fou r section s i n th e Boo k o f Act s i n whic h th e author employ s th e pronou n " w e , " implyin g tha t h e wa s himself o f St . Paul' s compan y an d participate d i n th e events whic h h e narrated . T h e s e passage s scholar s cal l the "we-sections. " T h e y are : Act s 1 6 : 1 0 - 1 6 , th e j o u r n e y f r o m T r o a s t o Philippi ; Act s 2 0 : 5 - 1 5 , th e j o u r n e y f r o m Philippi t o M i l e t u s ; Act s 2 1 : 1 - 1 7 , th e journe y fro m M i l e t u s t o Jerusalem ; an d Act s 2 7 : 1 - 2 8 : 1 6 , th e j o u r n e y from Caesare a t o R o m e , includin g it s v o y a g e an d ship wreck. I t i s necessar y t o hav e th e fac t o f th e "we-sections " in min d i n orde r t o understan d th e argument s pr o an d con . In th e earl y ninetie s o f th e las t centur y a grou p o f G e r man scholar s se t themselve s t o discove r i n th e B o o k o f 104

ST. LUKE' S WRITING S Acts document s whic h it s autho r had , the y assumed , wove n together. Document s ha d bee n foun d underlyin g th e Pentateuch j document s ha d bee n foun d t o underli e th e Gospels o f M a t t h e w an d L u k e ; presumably , therefore , documents underla y th e Boo k o f Acts . It s autho r ha d bee n the autho r o f th e G o s p e l o f L u k e , t o compos e whic h h e had employe d previousl y existin g documents , an d i t wa s reasonable t o suppos e tha t i n hi s secon d wor k h e ha d em ployed th e sam e method . A s a youn g ma n I eagerl y teste d these analyse s b y workin g th e boo k throug h i n thei r light, an d wa s convince d tha t th e theor y o f Fredric h Spitta bes t accounte d f o r th e facts . Accordin g t o thi s theory , the compile r o f Act s employe d tw o documents ; one , whic h contained th e "we-sections, " wa s compose d b y St . L u k e , the companio n o f St . P a u l , th e other , whic h gav e th e ac count o f th e earl y Churc h a t J e r u s a l e m , wa s th e wor k o f a J e w i s h Christian . T h e compiler , i t wa s thought , w o v e these tw o document s togethe r betwee n 7 5 an d 8 5 a . d . T h i s dat e wa s base d o n th e belie f tha t L u k e 2 1 : 2 0 wa s written afte r th e destructio n o f J e r u s a l e m i n th e yea r 7 0 a . d. , an d tha t th e Act s mus t hav e bee n compose d later . Between 1 9 0 5 an d 1 9 1 0 Professo r A d o l f Harnac k wrot e his thre e work s o n th e Gospe l o f L u k e an d th e Act s o f th e Apostles, reachin g th e conclusio n i n th e las t o f the m tha t the Act s wa s compose d (o r rathe r completed ) i n th e yea r 63 a . d. , an d tha t th e Gospe l o f L u k e mus t accordingl y b e earlier tha n that . Harnack' s reaso n f o r thi s dat e wa s th e abrupt endin g o f th e Boo k o f A c t s — a n endin g whic h un expectedly stop s a t th e en d o f St . P a u l ' s tw o year s o f residence i n R o m e withou t tellin g u s wha t happene d t o the Apostl e afterward . T h i s abrup t endin g ha d bee n ex 105

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plained i n othe r ways . Som e ( P a u l Schräde r an d others ) had suppose d tha t St . L u k e (o r w h o e v e r th e autho r w a s ) had trie d t o sho w throughou t hi s wor k tha t th e R o m a n government, w h e n i t ha d occasio n t o notic e Christianit y at a l l , ha d bee n favorabl e t o it , whereas , ha d h e gon e on , it w o u l d hav e bee n necessar y t o relat e tha t i t execute d hi s hero. T h i s h e wa s suppose d t o hav e avoide d b y terminat ing hi s boo k abruptly . Other s ( C r e d n e r , Spitta , an d R a m say) ha d believe d tha t th e autho r intende d t o writ e a thir d work i n whic h h e expecte d t o brin g th e stor y o f Chris tianity u p t o hi s ow n time , and , havin g i n on e wor k trace d the lif e o f Jesu s t o th e Ascension , an d i n another , th e spread o f th e gospe l fro m Jerusale m t o R o m e , h e wa s content t o conclud e th e Boo k o f Act s wher e h e did . H a r nack foun d bot h thes e theorie s inadequate , an d argue d tha t the onl y satisfactor y explanatio n o f th e abrup t endin g o f the boo k i s th e vie w tha t th e autho r wa s writin g i n th e year 6 3 A . D., tha t h e ha d tol d al l tha t ha d happene d t o St. P a u l u p t o th e tim e o f writing , an d conclude d hi s narrative becaus e ther e wa s n o mor e t o tell . T o j u s t i f y this datin g H a r n a c k wen t throug h th e Gospe l o f L u k e an d the Boo k o f Act s t o sho w tha t nothin g i s containe d i n either o f the m tha t reall y coul d no t hav e bee n writte n i n the yea r 6 3 A . D. H a r n a c k , fo r example , discarde d th e vie w tha t th e prophecy i n L u k e 21:20 , " W h e n y e se e Jerusale m com passed wit h armies , the n kno w tha t he r desolatio n i s a t h a n d , " i s a prophec y afte r th e event . I t should , perhaps , be explaine d that , i n th e twenty-firs t chapte r o f L u k e , St. L u k e ha s worke d ove r an d mad e presentabl e t o th e readers o f hi s tim e th e thirteent h chapte r o f St . M a r k . A s 106

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noted i n a forme r lecture , M a r k 1 3 : 1 4 , " W h e n y e se e the abominatio n o f desolatio n standin g wher e h e ough t no t (let hi m tha t readet h understand) , the n le t the m tha t ar e in J u d x a flee unt o th e mountains, " i s a par t o f a littl e apocalypse writte n i n th e nam e o f Jesus , an d compose d about th e yea r 4 0 a . d . whil e Caligul a wa s attemptin g t o set u p hi s statu e i n th e templ e a t Jerusalem . T h e phras e "abomination o f desolation " wa s borrowe d fro m Danie l 1 1 : 3 1 an d 1 2 : 1 1 , wher e i t referre d t o th e settin g u p i n the templ e th e statu e o f Zeu s b y Antiochu s I V . I t wa s a phrase tha t woul d b e readil y understoo d b y J e w s wh o were steepe d i n thei r history , bu t woul d mea n nothin g t o a Gentile . L u k e , writin g fo r Gentiles , naturall y change d it . Most scholar s hav e contended , an d stil l contend , tha t St. L u k e coul d no t hav e adopte d th e phraseolog y fo r th e verse tha t h e did , ha d h e no t know n o f th e sieg e o f J e r u salem b y Titu s i n 7 0 a . d . Harnac k pointe d ou t tha t J e r u salem ha d bee n besiege d man y times , an d tha t i t wa s n o stretch o f propheti c imaginatio n t o forese e tha t i t woul d be besiege d again . H e hel d tha t Luke' s vagu e languag e is evidenc e tha t Jerusale m ha d no t bee n destroyed . Harnack's poin t may , I think , b e pu t differently . I f St . L u k e wer e writin g hi s Gospe l i n th e yea r 6 1 a . d. , h e would b e compelle d t o interpre t th e phras e "abominatio n of desolation, " no t onl y fo r th e reaso n alread y stated , bu t because i t n o longe r seeme d t o correspon d wit h fact . Claudius, o n hi s accessio n i n 4 1 a . d. , ha d grante d th e J e w s freedo m fro m suc h interference , an d Ner o ha d re spected it . F o r twent y year s ther e ha d bee n n o suc h danger. O n th e othe r hand , f r o m th e procuratorshi p o f Cumanus, whic h bega n abou t 5 0 a . d. , disorde r ha d bee n 107

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E

increasing i n Judaea , an d frictio n wit h th e Governmen t o f Rome wa s ofte n acute . I t wa s quit e possibl e (indee d woul d it no t b e natural? ) fo r St . L u k e t o forese e tha t tha t fric tion wa s likel y t o lea d t o a , war tha t woul d en d i n desecra tion o f th e temple , an d t o suppos e tha t th e enigmatica l phrase ascribe d t o Jesu s i n M a r k 1 3 : 1 4 referre d t o suc h a siege ? Although , whe n Harnack' s boo k first appeared , I regarde d hi s argumen t a s a n excellen t exampl e o f specia l pleading, I hav e com e heartil y t o agre e wit h him . Another passage , whic h Professo r Edga r J . Good speed 9 claim s wit h touchin g eloquenc e an d ingeniou s ar gument t o b e evidenc e tha t Act s wa s no t writte n unti l after St . Paul' s death , i s th e statemen t i n St . Paul' s fare well t o th e Ephesian s (Act s 20:25 , 38) , tha t the y shoul d never se e hi s fac e again . H a d no t St . Pau l bee n dead , say s Goodspeed, w h y thi s pathos ? Anothe r explanation , quit e simple an d natural , i s tha t thes e Ephesian s sincerel y love d this Christia n hero , wh o i n thei r mids t ha d passe d throug h such grea t sufferin g t o giv e the m th e Gospel , an d tha t St. Luke , a s th e Apostl e wa s facin g possibl e death , recalle d St. Paul' s word s wit h a pang . H e to o love d St . Pau l an d the Apostle' s word s ha d t o hi m a n ominou s sound . H e had crosse d sea s an d face d deat h t o b e nea r him . Good speed's reasonin g i s no t convincing . Harnac k was , I be lieve, righ t i n hi s contentio n tha t thi s passag e i s stron g evidence tha t Act s wa s writte n befor e St . Pau l regaine d hi s freedom. Foakes-Jackson an d Kirsop p Lak e woul d tentativel y date th e writin g o f th e Act s betwee n 9 5 an d 10 0 A . D., be cause the y thin k i t probabl e tha t St . Luk e employe d th e 9

Neiu Solutions of

Neiv Testament

Problems, I08

Chicago

, 1927 , p . 9 6 ff.

ST. LUKE' S WRITING S writings o f Josephus , whos e Antiquities of the Jews wa s not publishe d unti l th e yea r 9 3 a . d. , an d Burto n Scot t Easton i s reporte d t o hav e argue d i n a publi c lectur e tha t Acts wa s compose d i n 9 4 a . d . a s a kin d o f apologi a t o th e emperor i n th e persecutio n o f Domitian . Easto n too , ap parently, reache s hi s dat e becaus e h e believe s St . L u k e wa s dependent o n th e Antiquities o

f Josephus . Possibl e con -

tacts wit h Josephu s hav e bee n considere d sinc e J . B . O t t 1

0

called attentio n t o th e matte r i n 1 7 4 1 . I n th e nineteent h century K e i m 1 1 an d Krenke l 1 2 accepte d th e vie w tha t th e dependence o f St . L u k e o n th e Jewis h write r wa s mad e out. Cadbur y 1 3 ha s examine d th e evidenc e and , wit h hi s usual caution , pronounce d i t inconclusive , whil e C . C . T o r r e y 1 4 has , t o m y mind , show n tha t Josephu s an d St . L u k e ha d acces s t o th e sam e source s o f information , whic h in a t leas t on e detai l St . L u k e o r hi s sourc e reporte d mor e f a i t h f u l l y tha n Josephus , though , perhaps , blunderin g badly a s t o a date . T h e thre e passage s i n questio n ar e a s follows : I n L u k e 3: ι Lysania s i s sai d t o hav e bee n tetrarc h o f Abilen e i n th e fifteenth yea

r o f th e empero r Tiberius , i . e. , i n 2 8 a . d. ,

whereas th e onl y Lysania s wh o rule d Abilene , a s know n from othe r ancien t writers , wa s execute d b y M a r k A n t o n y in 3 6 b . c . I t i s generall y suppose d tha t St . L u k e her e made a chronologica l mistake . N o w Josephus , Antiquities, X X , vii , i , say s tha t Claudiu s i n th e t w e l f t h yea r o f hi s 10 Spicilegium sivi excerpla ex Flavio losepho ad Ν ο vi Testamenti lustrationem, 1741 . 11 Aus dem Urchristentum, 1878 , pp . 1 - 2 7 . 12 Josephus und Lucas, 1884 . 13 Beginnings of Christianity, I I . p . 357 . 14 The Composition and Date of Acts, 1916 , pp . 7 0 - 7 2 .

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reign (5 2 A . D.) gav e variou s territorie s t o Agripp a II, naming a s on e o f them , "Abil a whic h ha d bee n th e ter ritory o f Lysanias. " Krenke l an d other s hav e urge d tha t St. Luk e kne w Josephu s an d wa s misle d b y him . I sub mit tha t th e evidenc e doe s no t prov e tha t St . Luk e eve r saw Josephus , o r tha t ther e ma y no t hav e bee n a secon d Lysanias, a s St. Luk e implies . Again i n Act s 5:3 6 Gamalie l i s represente d a s saying , "Before thes e day s ros e u p Theuda s . . . t o who m a number o f men , abou t fou r hundred , joine d themselves. " Josephus, Antiquities , X X , v , 1 , tell s ho w i n th e pro curatorship o f Fadus , 44—4 8 A . D., Theuda s raise d a n in surrection, an d the n goe s o n t o tel l ho w Jame s an d Simon , sons o f Juda s o f Galilee , wh o ha d raise d a rebellio n i n the tim e o f Quirinius , wer e crucifie d b y Alexander , th e successor o f Fadus . St . Luk e i s credite d wit h mixin g u p this ver y clea r statement , an d puttin g th e historica l mis take abou t Theuda s int o th e mout h o f Gamaliel . I t i s hard t o believ e St . Luk e s o stupid . Tha t h e di d no t dra w his informatio n fro m Josephu s i s show n b y th e fac t tha t St. Luk e say s tha t Theuda s ha d bu t abou t fou r hundre d followers, wherea s Josephu s say s h e dre w afte r hi m irXitiTov 5 x\ovf "th e greates t multitude. " St . Luke , o r hi s source, mus t hav e employe d a sourc e o f informatio n no t so clearl y state d a s th e sectio n i n Josephus , an d whic h di d not s o exaggerate . Again, i n Act s 21:3 8 th e Chiliarc h i s said t o hav e aske d St. Paul , "Ar t no t tho u th e Egyptia n wh o befor e thes e days revolte d an d le d ou t int o th e wildernes s fou r thou sand me n o f th e Sicarii? " Josephus , Wars, II , xiii , 3 , de scribes the Sicarii, then the fals e prophets who led the m int o 110

ST. LUKE' S WRITING S the deser t an d w e r e destroye d b y F e l i x , t h e n h e tell s o f an E g y p t i a n w h o l e d thirt y thousan d m e n ou t o f ( n o t i n t o ) th e desert . St . L u k e i s suppose d b y thes e m o d e r n critics t o h a v e b l u n d e r i n g l y e m p l o y e d thi s l o n g passage . T h a t h e n e v e r sa w Josephu s i s t o m y min d a m p l y p r o v e d b y th e fac t tha t hi s f o u r thousan d m e n d i f f e r s s o w i d e l y f r o m Josephus' s thirt y thousand . St . L u k e clearl y ha d some othe r source . T i m e an d spac e forbi d consideratio n o f les s outstandin g instances. T h e r e i s nothin g eithe r i n th e T h i r d G o s p e l or th e A c t s tha t compel s u s t o postulat e a dat e late r tha n the y e a r 6 3 fo r thei r composition , an d I h a v e g r a d u a l l y , as t h r o u g h th e year s I h a v e studie d thes e document s agai n and again , com e t o believ e tha t th e dat e se t b y H a r n a c k , which I l o n g t h o u g h t impossible , i s th e rea l dat e o f th e completion o f thes e books . T h e a r g u m e n t can , I no w be l i e v e , b e confirme d b y w h a t i s calle d form-criticism . A s stated i n a f o r m e r lectur e th e Apostoli c A g e fall s int o three periods . T h e firs t perio d i s th e tim e f r o m 3 0 t o 4 3 A. D . ( o r thereabouts) , w h e n th e C h u r c h wa s unconsciou s of it s mission , an d tha t missio n wa s bein g shape d b y th e z e a l an d th e opportunitie s o f obscur e m e n , t o th e aston ishment o f th e A p o s t l e s themselves . T h e secon d period , f r o m abou t 4 3 A . D . t o th e destructio n o f J e r u s a l e m i n 7 0 A. D. , wa s th e perio d o f consciou s an d p u r p o s e f u l e f f o r t s to e v a n g e l i z e th e w o r l d . A s w e h a v e seen , i t wa s m a r k e d by seriou s frictio n i n th e C h u r c h itself . T h i s perio d close d with th e destructio n o f Jerusalem . T h e J e r u s a l e m C h u r c h m o v e d t o P e l l a , an d kep t u p it s Jewis h w a y s , bu t cease d to b e influential . T h e G e n t i l e C h u r c h , no w separate d f r o m the S y n a g o g u e , swep t o n i n th e d e v e l o p m e n t o f it s t h o u g h t III

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and practice , s o tha t i n th e secon d centur y th e Churc h a t Pella wa s identifie d wit h Ebionites , Nazarenes , an d groups tha t wer e considere d heretical . T h e thir d period , from 7 0 A . D. t o th e clos e o f th e Ne w Testamen t Canon , about 15 0 A . D., i s th e perio d whe n Christianit y wa s in stitutionalized. T h e Apostle s ha d passe d away , an d me n fell bac k mor e an d mor e upo n th e Churc h a s a n institu tion, an d upo n it s traditions , officers , an d authorit y a s bulwarks agains t error . Thi s perio d an d th e writing s tha t it adde d t o ou r Ne w Testamen t wil l for m th e subjec t o f our nex t lecture . It i s pertinent , however , t o not e her e tha t th e Luka n writings reflec t th e atmospher e o f th e Pauline , Gentil e mission, an d no t a t al l th e atmospher e o f th e institution alizing perio d afte r th e yea r 7 0 A . D. I f form-criticis m i s of value , it s lesso n o n thi s poin t shoul d b e heeded . Through th e Gospe l o f Luk e ther e sound s th e not e o f universality. T h e Gospe l i s mean t fo r all , quit e i n th e Pauline vein . Go d seek s everyone , a s th e los t coin , th e lost sheep , an d th e los t so n wer e sought , bu t ther e i s n o note o f churchlines s a s i n th e Gospe l o f Matthew , o r i n Ephesians, o r i n th e Pastora l Epistles , o r i n th e Gospe l of John . I n thi s respec t th e Boo k o f Act s agree s wit h the genuin e Paulin e Epistles . Neithe r th e Churc h no r its officer s figure mor e prominentl y tha n i n th e perio d of evangelization . I t i s a necessar y organization , it s mem bers hav e obligation s t o on e another , bu t tha t i s all . I f it s elders (presbyters ) ar e calle d "bishops " (overseers ) i n Acts 20:28 , s o the y ar e i n St . Paul' s Epistl e t o th e Philip pians (ch . 1 : 1 ) , an d indee d s o the y ar e i n Clemen t o f Rome t o th e Corinthians , ch . 44 . H a d th e autho r o f thes e 112

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books bee n writin g i n th e ecclesiasticalizin g period , coul d he hav e escape d reflectin g tha t period ? Th e author s o f St. Matthe w an d St . Joh n di d not . I quit e agre e tha t probably Act s wa s compose d t o b e employe d i n St . Paul' s defense, no t befor e Domitian , bu t befor e Nero , ha d th e case com e t o trial . Thos e wh o fin d a tendenc y strai n i n it ar e t o a degre e right , but th e purpos e o f th e writin g was t o influenc e Nero , no t Domitian . Whe n i t wa s com pleted an d th e tw o year s allowe d fo r St . Paul' s prosecu tors t o presen t thei r evidenc e ha d passe d an d th e cas e was dismissed , St . Luk e adde d hi s closin g sentences , Act s 28:30, 3 1 , an d gav e th e boo k t o th e world . W e may , then , pictur e t o ourselve s St . Luke' s literar y activities durin g th e year s 5 8 t o 6 3 A . D. a s follows : H e had, a s a membe r o f th e Paulin e mission , becom e ac quainted wit h th e documen t Q . A t Corint h o r Ephesu s he ha d als o becom e acquainte d wit h Apollos ' accoun t o f our Lord' s nativity , th e literar y qualit y an d miraculou s element i n whic h strongl y appeale d t o him . Durin g hi s two year s a t Caesare a h e ha d learne d fro m Phili p an d his daughter s an d fro m othe r Palestinia n Christian s man y traditions abou t Jesus , als o man y mor e saying s an d par ables o f th e Master . Thes e h e combine d wit h th e materia l of Q thu s makin g th e documen t whic h Streete r ha s calle d L . I n gatherin g thi s h e als o collected , probabl y som e i n oral an d som e i n writte n form , tale s o f th e earl y day s o f the Churc h i n Jerusalem . The n h e wen t wit h St . Pau l to Rome , wher e h e cam e int o possessio n o f a cop y o f the first editio n o f St . Mark' s Gospe l (th e secon d editio n had no t ye t bee n published) . Tha t Gospel , a s note d i n a former lecture , wa s probabl y compose d fo r us e i n th e mis 113

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sion o f Barnabas . St . Luke , i n th e earl y month s o f hi s Roman residence , combine d th e ne w materia l i n St . Mar k with hi s documen t L an d th e nativit y narrativ e o f Apol los, an d thu s forme d hi s Gospe l as w e hav e it . I t the n oc curred t o hi m t o combin e hi s ow n knowledg e o f th e Pauline missio n wit h th e materia l h e ha d gathere d re lating t o th e earl y day s o f Christianit y int o a stor y tha t would continu e th e narrativ e begu n b y th e Gospe l an d at th e sam e tim e b e usefu l i n St . Paul' s defense , i f hi s case eve r cam e t o trial . Thus , durin g hi s residenc e a t Rome, betwee n th e year s 6 1 an d 6 3 A . D., h e complete d his Gospe l an d compose d th e Boo k o f Acts . Whe n th e two year s wer e complete d an d St . Paul' s cas e wa s dis missed, h e adde d tw o verses , whic h informe d hi s con temporaries wha t ha d happened , thoug h the y hav e lon g been obscur e t o us . Thu s w e see m t o b e abl e t o trac e th e activities o f St . Luk e a s wel l a s o f St . Pau l durin g thes e five eventfu l years . In conclusion , le t m e agai n war n yo u tha t thi s interpre tation o f th e fact s i s onl y a hypothesis . I t i s t o me , how ever, a hypothesi s whic h bes t interpret s an d give s co herence t o suc h fact s as w e know . VII There i s a traditio n tha t th e Gospe l o f Mar k wa s written a t Rom e fo r Romans— a traditio n whic h th e lat e Professor B . W . Baco n believe d tha t h e ha d vindicate d as historica l i n hi s book , Is Mark a Roman Gospel? I f this b e so , th e traditio n coul d appl y onl y t o th e secon d edition o f th e book , i . e. , th e Gospe l i n it s presen t form . 114

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If, a s Papia s declared , Mar k wa s th e interprete r o f St . Peter, h e mus t hav e joine d St . Pete r afte r th e conclusio n of th e missio n o f Barnabas , o r afte r th e deat h o f Barnabas . It woul d appea r fro m Philemo n 2 4 tha t M a r k wa s i n Rome durin g St . Paul' s imprisonmen t there . Presum ably h e wa s actin g a s St . Peter' s helpe r then . I f so , w e may suppos e that , remainin g afte r th e tw o grea t Apostle s Peter an d Pau l ha d bee n pu t t o death , h e enlarge d hi s Gospel b y th e insertio n o f th e materia l betwee n ch . 6:4 6 and 8:26 , an d th e additio n o f a fe w scattere d verse s i n other chapters , an d gav e i t t o th e worl d a secon d time . T h e Epistl e t o th e Hebrew s (s o called ) i s i n realit y an addres s t o Jewis h Christians . A s i t i s first quote d b y Clement o f Rom e i n hi s lette r t o th e Corinthians , writte n about 9 6 A . D., i t seem s probabl e tha t i t wa s addresse d t o Jewish Christian s a t Rome . W e d o no t kno w wh o wrot e it, bu t it s mos t probabl e autho r wa s Apollos , fo r i t i s saturated wit h Alexandrin e allegory , an d i s evidentl y th e product o f a n eloquen t maste r o f O l d Testamen t learn ing. Tha t Hebrew s wa s writte n whil e th e templ e wa s stil l standing i s show n b y ch . 9:6 , 7 , wher e i t i s sai d tha t th e temple sacrifice s a t Jerusale m ar e stil l goin g on . Ch . 13:2 4 shows tha t i t wa s writte n fro m som e cit y wher e ther e wa s a Roman-Jewis h colony ; i t ma y hav e bee n Corinth , Ephe sus, o r eve n Alexandria . T h e autho r o f thi s Epistl e t o th e Hebrew s introduce d into Christia n though t a ne w interpretatio n o f th e deat h of Jesus . St . Paul , reasonin g a s a Palestinia n rabbi , ha d taught tha t th e deat h an d resurrectio n o f Jesu s abolishe d the la w fo r Jesus ' disciple s an d opene d apar t fro m th e la w a merc y seat , t o whic h al l th e worl d migh t come . Thi s "5

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

author, steepe d i n Philoni c though t an d allegory , re garded th e la w as a divinely give n type , Jesu s a s th e grea t High Priest , wh o wit h th e offerin g o f himsel f a s a sacri fice an d b y hi s entr y int o heaven , th e tru e hol y o f holies , had brough t t o ligh t th e realit y whic h th e typ e pre figured. A s thi s gav e t o Christianit y a s t o othe r faith s a sacrificial system , an d as al l convert s t o Christianit y ha d been educate d i n faith s whic h possesse d suc h systems , i t proved a fa r mor e appealin g interpretatio n tha n tha t o f St. Paul . A s th e centurie s passe d i t cam e t o b e accepte d as th e orthodo x doctrine , s o tha t throug h i t Apollos , if , as w e suppose , h e wa s th e autho r o f Hebrews , exerte d an influenc e o n th e futur e o f Christia n thinkin g almos t as grea t as tha t o f St . Pau l o r th e autho r o f th e Fourt h Gospel.

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ν THE INSTITUTIONALIZIN G O F CHRISTIANITY

I

ι

N th e las t lectur e w e note d tha t St . Pete r an d St . Pau l were bot h martyre d unde r Nero , probabl y i n th e yea r 64 A . D., and somethin g wa s als o sai d o f th e profoun d in fluence o f th e destructio n o f Jerusale m upo n th e fortune s of Christianity . Th e destructio n o f Jerusale m marke d a n epoch i n th e histor y o f th e earl y Church . Christianit y ha d started a s a Jewis h sec t and , a s th e Boo k o f Act s shows , i t could a s suc h clai m freedo m a s a lega l religio n durin g th e whole perio d covere d b y tha t book . Whe n i t cam e i n con tact wit h Roma n officials , the y recognize d i t as a par t o f Judaism. Nero' s persecutio n o f Christian s proceede d fro m a specia l persona l impulse , an d i n n o wa y invalidate d th e legal standin g o f Christianit y as a par t o f Judaism . Whe n Jerusalem fel l th e Churc h an d th e synagogu e wer e sepa rated. Th e Churc h fled t o Pella ; th e synagogu e t o Jabne , then calle d Jamnia , i n th e regio n sout h o f Joppa . T h e Church a t Pell a possesse d n o Apostoli c leaders . Jame s and Joh n ha d perishe d eigh t year s befor e Jerusale m fell . It no w exerte d n o mor e influenc e tha n an y othe r church . In th e grea t centers , suc h a s Antioch , Ephesus , an d Rome , «17

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E

the Churc h ha d lon g been a schismatic synagogue , t o whic h orthodox Jew s wer e hostile . H a d no t th e hostilit y o f Ephesian Jew s cos t St . Pau l hi s freedo m throug h five long years ? Ther e wer e no w n o commo n pilgrimage s fro m such citie s o f bot h orthodo x Jew s an d Jewis h Christian s for unite d worshi p i n th e templ e a t Jerusalem . Jewis h communities continue d t o b e actuall y hostile , an d there fore th e separatio n betwee n Synagogu e an d Churc h wa s complete. Thi s separatio n lef t th e Churc h fre e fo r de velopments i n othe r directions . T h e frictio n betwee n wha t in a n earlie r lectur e I calle d th e Jewis h hig h churchme n and th e liberal s rapidl y fade d away . Tha t frictio n ha d dogged th e step s o f St . Pau l durin g hi s whol e ministry , but, thoug h som e o f th e sentiment s cherishe d b y i t cam e into th e Gospe l o f Matthe w throug h on e o f it s sources , a s an influenc e i n th e developmen t o f Christianit y i t wa s impotent. One o f th e consequence s o f th e separatio n o f Syna gogue an d Churc h wa s tha t no w Christianit y wa s n o longer a religio licita an d thu s becam e a n objec t o f perse cution o n th e par t o f th e Roma n government . A s Chris tians, n o mor e tha n Jews , coul d participat e i n th e worshi p of th e empero r o r hi s genius , thei r refusa l brough t the m naturally int o publi c notice , an d fro m tim e t o tim e the y were compelle d t o bea r th e weigh t o f th e stron g ar m o f the law . Professo r Ramsa y ha s show n tha t thi s wa s no t crystallized int o a settle d polic y o n th e par t o f th e emper ors unti l abou t th e yea r 8 1 A . D. That was , however , onl y eleven year s afte r Jerusale m wa s destroyed , and , sinc e the temp o o f ancien t lif e wa s slowe r tha n ours , w e coul d 118

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hardly expec t i t t o occu r sooner . T h a t Christian s ha d no w to fac e a hostil e government , ha d a profoun d influenc e upon them . II Another fact , o f eve n mor e fundamenta l importance , was tha t no w th e Churc h ha d n o authoritativ e an d in spired leader s i n th e sens e tha t i t ha d ha d before . Wit h the martyrdo m o f Pete r an d Pau l i n th e yea r 6 4 A . D. , th e last o f th e Apostle s ha d bee n swep t away . I f Thomas , o r J a m e s so n o f Alphaeus , o r Simo n th e Canansean , o r an y others o f th e T w e l v e wer e alive , the y wer e i n distan t fields and , s o fa r a s th e churche s abou t th e Mediterranea n were concerned , thei r voice s wer e silent . N o Apostoli c voice remaine d t o giv e instructio n tha t woul d b e accepte d as authoritative . T h e Churc h thu s lef t withou t a captai n was nevertheles s confronte d b y problem s tha t wer e in creasingly acute . T h a t syncretisti c though t whic h ha d brought gnosticis m t o Colossa e stil l manifeste d itsel f i n many center s i n hydra-heade d forms . It s seduction s wer e insidious, an d f e w wer e equippe d t o mee t the m o n a n intellectual basis . Friction , an d eve n schisms , i n congrega tions o n othe r matter s continue d t o aris e a s the y ha d i n Apostolic days . Thes e ha d t o b e me t an d healed . Unde r these circumstance s Christian s everywher e durin g thi s period fel l bac k mor e an d mor e o n th e ide a o f th e Churc h as a n institutio n wit h authority , a s th e bod y o f Christ , as th e groun d an d bulwar k o f th e truth . A s difficultie s still furthe r increased , an d th e presidin g presbyte r wa s gradually elevate d t o th e monarchi c episcopate , th e bisho p 119

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became th e symbo l o r personificatio n o f th e Church , an d to b e i n unit y wit h hi m wa s t o b e withi n th e Church ; t o be i n disunity , wa s t o b e withou t th e Church . The root s o f thi s development , whic h reache d it s cul mination onl y fort y o r mor e year s afte r th e destructio n of Jerusalem , an d the n onl y i n certai n centers , g o fa r back int o Judaism . I n th e priestl y strat a o f th e Pentateuc h Israel i s regarde d a s a "congregation " o r a n "assembly " (the Hebre w wor d i s sometime s 'edhah, fro m '«JA , "t o return," o r "repeat, " an d the n t o "revert, " an d sometime s qähäl, fro m qähäl , "t o call") . I n th e though t o f th e com pilers o f th e Cod e o f Holines s an d th e Priestl y Code , Israel wa s a communit y hol y t o Yahweh , an d on e tha t could b e assembled . T h e legislator' s though t envisage d a comparativel y smal l community , suc h a s th e Babylonia n captives o r th e post-exili c communit y i n Jerusale m an d it s environs. B y th e tim e o f Chris t th e developmen t o f th e Synagogue an d o f sects , an d widel y scattere d communities , made divergen t throug h residenc e i n differen t cultures , had t o a degre e blurre d th e sens e o f on e grea t Jewis h con gregation. I t ha d no t destroye d b y an y mean s th e sens e of Jewis h solidarity , bu t th e wor d ( edhahy whic h alon e had com e ove r int o th e Aramai c no w employe d a s th e vernacular, wa s applie d t o th e synagogue—sometime s t o the buildin g an d sometime s t o th e congregation . ^Vhe n Jesus sai d t o St . Peter , " O n thi s roc k I wil l buil d m y 'edhahit mean t t o a Jew m y "synagogue. " T h e Targum s and Talmu d emplo y k emshta instea d o f 'edhah. I f Jesu s also use d k emshtay no t 'edhah, th e argumen t woul d b e the same . Jus t a s ther e wer e synagogue s o f Cyrenians , of Cilicians , an d o f Italia n freedmen , s o her e wa s th e be 1 20

T H E CHURC H

ginning o f a synagogu e o f th e follower s o f Jesus . The y were par t o f th e grea t communit y o f Israel , wh o wor shipped th e on e G o d j the y onl y differe d fro m th e other s in tha t the y acknowledge d Jesu s as th e Messiah . I n th e teaching o f Jesu s w e ca n trac e th e ide a o f th e Churc h n o further tha n this . I t wa s St . Pau l wh o first carrie d i t further. I n tryin g t o combat , i n hi s letter s t o th e Cor inthians, th e spiri t o f divisio n tha t ha d grow n u p i n tha t Church, h e employe d th e figure o f a bod y t o brin g hom e to the m th e fac t tha t the y bor e a n organi c relatio n t o one another , an d tha t the y coul d affor d neithe r t o despis e nor t o separat e fro m on e another . H e tell s the m tha t i n the bod y th e ey e an d th e han d nee d eac h other , th e hea d cannot sa y t o th e fee t " I hav e n o nee d o f you. " I n th e same wa y Christian s nee d on e another . Hi s mysti c doc trine o f th e unit y o f eac h believe r wit h Chris t le d St . Pau l to go a step further , and declar e tha t th e group o f believer s are th e bod y o f Chris t ( i Cor . 1 0 : 1 7 ) . hi s genuin e epistles St . Pau l di d no t develo p th e though t further , bu t he ha d investe d th e though t o f th e Churc h wit h a mysti c significance, upo n whic h i n th e stres s o f late r struggle s Christian thinker s eagerl y lai d hold . Thu s i t cam e abou t that durin g th e perio d whic h w e ar e no w considerin g Christianity wa s institutionalized .

Ill Still a thir d factor , thoug h a mor e subtl e an d les s ob vious one , wa s th e sprea d o f th e myster y religion s an d th e competition whic h the y offere d t o Christianity . Th e cul t of Cybele , first brough t t o th e vicinit y o f Rom e i n 20 4 121

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B. c ., had , becaus e o f it s orgiasti c character , bee n lon g hedged abou t b y law s whic h prevente d it s sprea d amon g the people , bu t Claudiu s ( 4 1 - 5 4 A . D.) finally bestowe d the imperia l favo r upo n it . T h e cul t o f th e Egyptia n Isis , which fo r eight y year s ha d bee n persecute d i n Rome , ha d received th e sanctio n o f Caligula , wh o i n 3 8 A . D. erecte d a templ e fo r her . T h e cul t o f th e Persia n Mithra , whic h had lon g flourished i n Rome' s Asiati c provinces , sprea d in th e reig n o f Vespasia n ( 7 0 - 7 9 A . D.) int o th e wester n part o f th e empire , an d fo r tw o an d a hal f centurie s there after wa s ver y popular . Thes e cult s offered , a s di d Chris tianity, persona l salvatio n an d immortalit y t o peopl e o f all nation s throug h unio n wit h a deity . T h e y offere d thi s by mean s o f mystery-initiation s an d sacraments , and , al though thei r heathe n practice s wer e repugnan t t o th e ver y spirit o f Christianity , i t wa s inevitabl e tha t competitio n with them , an d th e receptio n int o th e Churc h o f convert s from them , shoul d ultimatel y exer t a materializin g in fluence upo n th e wa y th e Christia n sacrament s wer e re garded. IV With thes e influence s i n mind , w e tur n t o a n exam ination o f th e literatur e produce d durin g thi s period , beginning wit h th e Epistl e t o th e Ephesians . I t wil l doubt less surpris e som e o f yo u t o b e tol d tha t thi s Epistl e i s not b y St . Paul , bu t I hav e reluctantl y com e t o believ e tha t it i s not . I t i s tru e tha t mos t o f th e specifi c argument s against St . Paul' s authorshi p o f i t ca n b e answered , but , as I hav e rea d i t yea r afte r yea r wit h al l th e fact s i n mind, I hav e becom e convince d tha t i t belong s t o a late r 122

EPISTLE T O TH E EPHESIAN S period tha n th e l i f e o f th e grea t Apostle . On e persuasiv e fact i s tha t th e ide a o f th e Churc h i n Ephesian s i s muc h more develope d tha n i n St . P a u l ' s epistles j (se e E p h . 4 : 4 - 1 6 ) . T h e r e i s on e L o r d , on e faith , on e baptism ; th e Church i s a body , o f whic h Chris t i s th e head . St . P a u l had spoke n o f th e Churc h a s th e bod y o f Chris t ( 1 C o r . 1 0 : 1 6 , 1 7 ) , bu t hi s treatmen t o f thi s figure i n 1 Cor . 1 2 : 1 2 - 3 1 , an d especiall y i n vs . 2 1 , seem s t o indicat e tha t h e did no t appl y th e figure

s o literall y a s i t i s applie d i n

E p h . 4 : 1 5 , w h e r e Chris t i s declare d t o b e th e hea d o f thi s body. F u r t h e r , i n E p h . 2 : 2 0 th e Churc h i s sai d t o b e a building, erecte d " o n th e foundatio n o f th e apostle s an d prophets, J e s u s Chris t himsel f bein g th e chie f corner stone." T h i s i s a statemen t natura l t o a Christia n w h o looked bac k t o th e pioneerin g day s o f Christianity , an d reverenced a s heroe s th e apostoli c missionarie s an d th e im passioned preacher s b y who m the y wer e f o l l o w e d an d reverently realize d tha t th e self-denyin g labor s o f thes e men ha d lai d th e foundatio n o f th e Church . Suc h a ma n might emplo y th e languag e o f Ephesians , bu t no t St . P a u l . H e a r hi m sayin g t o th e Corinthians , " O t h e r founda tion ca n n o ma n la y tha n tha t whic h i s laid , whic h i s J e s u s C h r i s t " ( 1 Cor . 3 : 1 1 ) . H e coul d spea k o f himsel f a s a laborer o n G o d ' s f a r m , an d a s a workma n o n God' s build ing, bu t t o cal l himsel f a par t o f th e foundatio n o f tha t building an d t o thin k o f Chris t a s onl y a s on e ston e i n it s foundation, was , I believe , fo r hi m impossible . F u r t h e r , of th e 1 5 5 verse s i n th e Epistl e t o th e Ephesians , seventy eight, o r exactl y h a l f , contai n expression s o r thought s o r both, identica l wit h o r borrowe d f r o m Colossians . N o t only so , bu t e v e r y chapte r i s honeycombe d wit h expres 123

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sions identica l wit h thos e i n othe r epistle s o f St . Paul. 1 T h e lette r wa s evidentl y written , therefore , b y on e wh o had saturate d himsel f i n th e Paulin e epistle s an d wa s espe cially attracte d b y th e Epistl e t o th e Colossians . Professo r Goodspeed believe s tha t it s autho r wa s th e Christia n wh o gathered th e epistle s o f St . Pau l int o a collection. 2 Hi s theory i s tha t thi s man , o n readin g th e Boo k o f Acts , conceived th e ide a o f gatherin g th e letter s o f it s her o into a body , and , havin g don e s o an d copie d them , h e composed Ephesian s a s a n introductio n t o them . B e thi s as i t may , th e autho r o f Ephesians , thoug h h e live d late r than St . Paul , wa s on e o f th e choices t o f spirits . T h e heights o f aspiratio n an d th e beaut y o f expressio n exhibite d in th e praye r i n E p h . 3 : 1 4 - 2 1 , beginning , " f o r thi s caus e I bo w m y knees " ar e no t surpasse d i n th e whol e Ne w Testament. Nevertheles s i t seem s clea r tha t h e wrot e after th e Apostle s wer e dead , a t a tim e whe n th e Churc h as a n organizatio n wa s assumin g greate r importanc e i n Christian consciousness—a n importanc e whic h thi s au thor's compositio n helpe d t o increase . V Another Epistl e o f thi s period , calle d fort h b y th e persecutions whic h Christian s wer e suffering , wa s th e First Epistl e o f St . Peter . I t i s addresse d t o Christian s 1 Se e E . J . G o o d s p e e d , The Meaning of Ephesians, C h i c a g o , 1933 , pp . 83-163, w h e r e th e m a t e r i a l f r o m th e v a r i o u s epistle s i s a r r a n g e d i n p a r a l l e l columns. 2 Se e E . J . G o o d s p e e d , Sevi Solutions of Se-w Testament Problems, C h i c a g o , 1927 , c h a p t e r s I an d II .

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FIRST PETE R in th e province s o f Pontus , Galatia , Cappadocia , Asia , an d Bithynia, name d i n tha t order . I t wa s writte n t o encourag e Christians w h o wer e bein g systematicall y persecute d jus t because the y wer e Christians , a s ch . 4 : 1 3 - 1 5 shows . Chris tians wer e classe d wit h murderers , thieves , an d evildoers . A s R a m s a y perceive d mor e tha n fort y year s ago , thi s wa s not possibl e befor e th e yea r 8 1 A . D., an d th e situatio n pre supposed m a y no t hav e occurre d unti l som e year s later . R a m s a y als o realize d tha t St . Pete r coul d no t hav e writte n the lette r i f h e wer e m a r t y r e d i n th e reig n o f N e r o . T h a t St. P e t e r wa s no t th e autho r woul d see m t o b e mad e clear b y ch . 5 : 1 : " T h e presbyters , therefore , amon g yo u I exhort , wh o a m a fellow-presbyter , an d a witnes s o f the suffering s o f C h r i s t " — a passag e which , o n th e supposi tion o f Petrin e authorship , contain s tw o discrepancies . St . P e t e r wa s a n apostle , no t a presbyter . T h e function s o f the tw o wer e a s distinc t durin g th e first centur y a s thos e of a missionar y bisho p an d a vestryma n ar e today . F u r t h e r , St. P e t e r wa s no t a witnes s o f th e suffering s o f Christ ; he wa s on e o f thos e o f w h o m i t wa s said , " T h e y al l forsoo k him an d fled."

I n th e speeche s attribute d t o St . Pete r i n

the Acts , h e si x time s call s himsel f a witnes s o f th e R e s u r rection, whic h wa s true , bu t neve r a witnes s o f hi s s u f f e r ings. Streeter , f o l l o w i n g a suggestio n o f H a r n a c k , i s o f the opinio n tha t originall y tha t portio n o f th e documen t between ch . 1 : 3 an d 4 : 1 1 wa s th e sermo n o f a bisho p o r presiding presbyte r t o a grou p o f newl y baptize d persons , while ch . 4 : 1 2 - 5 : 1 1 i s a pastora l letter , writte n perhap s two o r thre e year s late r b y th e autho r o f th e sermon . Stil l later, ch . 1 : 1 , 2 an d ch . 5 : 1 2 - 1 4 wer e adde d b y a n edito r »25

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E

w h o combine d them , t o g i v e wide r currenc y t o document s already h i g h l y value d fo r thei r intrinsi c worth . T h i s theory i s frankl y conjectural , bu t i t w o u l d accoun t fo r the facts . W h e t h e r tru e o r not , th e Epistl e wa s writte n b y someone w h o kne w St . Paul' s Epistl e t o th e Romans , an d w h o als o kne w an d dre w largel y upo n th e Epistl e t o th e Ephesians. 3 It s dat e i s accordingl y doubtles s late r tha n the gatherin g o f th e Paulin e Epistle s int o a collection . It probabl y belong s t o th e perio d betwee n 8 1 an d 9 6 A . D . Its autho r no t onl y kne w th e Paulin e Epistle s bu t wa s profoundly influence d b y St . P a u l ' s thought . H i s concep tion o f th e wa y th e Cros s o f Chris t affecte d th e forgive ness o f sins , a s expresse d i n 1 Pet . 2:24 , is , whe n analyzed , identical wit h tha t o f St . Pau l whic h w e trace d i n a forme r lecture. I f th e statemen t i n ch . 5 : 1 2 tha t th e documen t was writte n b y Silvanu s represent s a historica l fact , i t would b e eas y t o explai n thi s reflectio n o f Paulin e thought , since Silvanu s wa s fo r a tim e a companio n o f St . P a u l , but i t i s difficult , fro m wha t i s sai d o f Silvanu s i n th e Book o f Acts , t o thin k o f hi m a s th e presbyte r o f a loca l church. W e hav e t o remembe r tha t th e presbyterat e wa s at thi s perio d a n offic e o f considerabl y les s dignit y tha n that o f evangelis t o r prophet . H o w e v e r obscur e th e prob lems connecte d wit h th e origi n o f th e Epistl e ma y be , i t is, nevertheless , on e o f th e nobl e Christia n document s o f the N e w Testament , an d afford s u s som e o f th e mos t precious glimpse s int o th e struggle s an d aspiration s o f Christians o f th e las t quarte r o f th e first century . 3 Fo r proo f se e Moffatt , Introduction to the Literature of ment, pp . 3S 2 f .

126

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GOSPEL O F MATTHE W VI Another work , th e compositio n o f whic h f e l l i n thi s period, i s th e Gospe l accordin g t o M a t t h e w — a gospe l which reflect s th e growin g emphasi s which , a s year s passed, wa s bein g place d upo n th e Churc h an d upo n Apos tolic authority , an d whic h als o record s Christ' s word s t o St. Peter , whic h wer e late r t o pla y suc h a par t i n th e claims o f th e churc h a t R o m e . W h i l e al l thi s i s true , it s author wa s a J e w , wh o wa s deepl y intereste d i n th e f u l f i l ment o f prophec y an d adde d man y editoria l notes , calling attentio n t o suc h fulfilment s t o earlie r traditions . H e als o exhibit s th e somewha t sombe r Hebrai c outloo k on l i f e i n contras t t o th e mor e joyou s Hellenisti c out look o f St . L u k e . W h e r e th e compile r o f thi s Gospe l lived , w e canno t b e certain . A numbe r o f scholar s hav e i n recen t years guesse d tha t h e live d i n o r nea r Antioc h i n norther n Syria, an d o n th e whol e thi s seem s probable . A l t h o u g h th e autho r o f thi s Gospe l wa s a J e w , h e ha d caught th e spiri t o f th e universa l swee p o f th e Gospel . H e portrays th e rise n Chris t a s commandin g hi s follower s t o " m a k e disciple s o f al l th e nations. " F u r t h e r , h e alon e o f all th e writer s i n th e N e w Testamen t employ s th e T r i n i tarian baptisma l formula , " I n th e nam e o f th e F a t h e r and o f th e So n an d o f th e H o l y G h o s t " ( M a t t . 2 8 : 1 9 ) . W h e n th e Boo k o f Act s wa s written , Christian s baptize d simply " I n th e nam e o f th e L o r d J e s u s . " T h i s f o r m u l a , as w e l l a s th e ecclesiastica l outloo k o f th e book , i s a mar k of it s comparativel y lat e date . T h e autho r o f th e Gospe l o f M a t t h e w f o l l o w e d , i n I 2

7

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composing hi s work , th e metho d tha t St . Luk e ha d em ployed i n composin g hi s Gospel ; h e use d previousl y ex isting documentar y sources . On e o f thes e wa s St . Mark' s Gospel whic h h e possesse d i n it s final form . I n othe r words, h e use d th e las t editio n o f it , thu s admittin g int o his Gospe l th e material s i n St . Mar k tha t Luk e di d no t have. H e als o ha d befor e hi m an d employe d th e documen t Q whic h h e possesse d i n it s origina l form . Neithe r th e expansions o f thi s document , whic h i t i s suppose d tha t St. Luk e mad e a t Caesarea , no r th e Gospe l o f Luk e itsel f were know n t o him . H e di d possess , however , a docu ment containin g materia l whic h wa s accessibl e t o neithe r St. Mar k no r St . Luke— a documen t whic h th e re searches o f recen t year s i s graduall y disclosing—an d which scholar s represen t b y th e symbo l M , becaus e i t wa s employed onl y b y Matthew. 4 Thi s sourc e ha d clearl y been compile d b y som e Christia n o f th e Jewis h part y during th e controvers y ove r th e Gentil e mission , betwee n the year s 4 3 an d 6 4 A . D. Perhap s th e traditio n wa s tha t the collectio n o f saying s i n Μ wa s mad e b y th e Apostl e Matthew. I f so , i t wa s th e employmen t o f thi s documen t which le d t o the namin g o f th e resultan t compilatio n " T h e Gospel accordin g t o Matthew. " B e tha t as i t may , i t wa s from thi s documen t Μ tha t som e o f th e mos t value d o f our Lord' s teachin g i n tha t compilatio n whic h w e cal l " T h e Sermo n o n th e Mount " wa s taken . Beside s thes e three source s th e compile r o f Matthe w employe d a sourc e which gav e a n accoun t o f ou r Lord' s birt h an d infancy . 4

Cf . E . D . Burton , Decennial Publications of the University of Chicago,

V, Chicago , 1904 , p . 23 3 ff.; Η . B . Streeter , The Four Gospels, Ν . Y. , 1915, ch . I X ; an d R . H . Roschi , Matthews Special

published).

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Most scholar s hav e believe d tha t thi s sourc e differe d from the on e employe d b y St . Luke , th e compositio n o f whic h we hav e attribute d t o Apollos . S o fa r as th e first chapte r of Matthe w i s concerned , I coul d easil y believ e tha t i t was th e author' s modificatio n o f th e sourc e attribute d t o Apollos, th e modification s havin g bee n mad e b y th e com piler fo r reason s whic h w e can , I believe , readil y discern . The material , however , containe d i n ch . 2 i s withou t parallel elsewher e i n th e Ne w Testament , an d mus t hav e been derive d fro m a specia l source , ora l o r written . This author' s metho d o f treatin g hi s source s wa s jus t the opposit e o f tha t employe d b y St . Luke . St . Luk e fitted his material s togethe r i n blocks , s o a s t o brea k u p th e continuity o f a sourc e as littl e as wa s compatibl e wit h combination. Th e autho r o f St . Matthe w treate d hi s ma terials topically , cullin g fro m hi s source s an d combinin g ethical teaching s o f Jesus , thu s composin g wha t w e cal l " T h e Sermo n o n th e Mount, " agai n gatherin g int o on e collection storie s o f miracles , as i n Matt . chs . 8 , 9 , an d still agai n makin g collection s o f parable s a s i n ch . 1 3 . I t thus happen s tha t hi s source s wer e completel y tor n asun der. Sinc e w e stil l posses s on e o f them , th e Gospe l o f Mark, i n it s origina l form , i t i s easy t o discer n hi s method . Perhaps th e autho r o f th e Gospe l o f Matthe w ha d been a catechist , whos e dut y i t ha d bee n fo r year s t o in struct recentl y baptize d person s i n th e precept s o f th e Gospel an d wh o ha d arrange d i t b y subjects . Bein g a devout J e w h e groupe d th e law s o f th e Ne w Covenan t into five collections , jus t a s th e law s o f th e Pentateuc h and th e psalm s o f th e Psalte r ha d eac h bee n collecte d into five books . I n th e Gospe l o f Matthe w eac h o f thes e i*9

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five collection s i s marke d b y a statemen t o f wha t hap pened whe n Jesu s ha d finished th e teachin g containe d in th e sectio n jus t preceding . T h u s i n M t . 7:28 , 29 , whic h concludes th e sectio n beginnin g wit h th e Baptis m o f John, w e read : " W h e n Jesu s ende d thes e words , th e multitudes wer e astonished. " T h e sectio n (ch . 8 : 1 - 1 1 : 1 ) begins b y tellin g wha t Jesu s di d whe n h e cam e dow n fro m the mountain , an d end s b y saying , " W h e n Jesu s mad e a n end o f commandin g hi s twelv e disciples , h e departe d thence t o teac h an d t o preac h i n thei r cities. " T h e thir d section (chs . 1 1 : 2 - 1 3 : 5 3 ) , conclude s wit h th e statement , " W h e n Jesu s ha d finished thes e parables , h e departe d thence, an d cam e int o hi s ow n country. " T h e fourt h sec tion, ( M t . 1 5 : 5 4 - 1 9 : 1 ) conclude s thus , " W h e n Jesu s ha d finished thes e words , h e departe d fro m Galile e an d cam e into th e border s o f Judse a beyon d Jordan. " T h e las t sec tion (chs . 1 9 : 2 - 2 6 : 1 ) end s wit h th e words , " W h e n Jesu s had finished al l thes e word s h e sai d t o hi s disciple s . . . " T h e autho r o f th e Gospe l seem s no t t o hav e know n St . Luke's Gospel , whic h had , i n m y opinion , bee n compose d some twent y year s before . I f h e ha d bee n a catechist , whe n he cam e t o th e decisio n t o pu t hi s teaching s int o th e for m of a Gospel , al l h e ha d t o d o wa s t o prefi x a prologue , telling ho w Jesu s cam e int o th e worl d an d o f hi s rela tions wit h Joh n th e Baptist , and , a s an epilogue , St . Mark' s Passion Narrative , whic h tol d o f th e en d o f Jesus ' earthl y life. I believ e tha t someho w s o w e rightl y envisio n th e genesis o f th e Gospe l accordin g t o St . Matthew . T h e sourc e M , whic h th e autho r employed , containe d some stron g saying s a s t o th e validit y o f th e Jewis h law . " T i l l heave n an d eart h pas s away , on e jo t o r on e tittl e 130

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shall i n n o wis e pas s awa y fro m th e law , til l al l thing s b e accomplished." "Thin k no t tha t I cam e t o destro y th e la w or th e prophets ; I cam e no t t o destroy , bu t t o fulfil. " (See Mt . 5 : 1 7 , 18. ) Suc h saying s wer e congenia l t o th e heart o f th e compile r o f th e Gospel . Th e event s o f th e life o f Chris t wer e fulfilment s o f Ol d Testamen t prophe cies, an d thoug h Jesus , a s thi s evangelis t records , sai d again an d again , " Y e hav e hear d tha t i t wa s sai d b y the m of ol d time , . . . bu t I sa y unt o you, " thi s autho r re garded th e ne w requirement s o f Jesus , no t a s a n annul ment, bu t a s a fulfillin g o f th e old . Doubtles s i t wa s hi s delight i n tracin g fulfilment s o f prophec y tha t helpe d t o make th e Gospe l o f Matthe w th e mos t popula r o f th e four i n th e Churc h a t larg e durin g centurie s tha t fol lowed. Suc h conception s wer e especiall y congenia l t o th e point o f vie w o f th e worl d o f tha t time—non-Christian s as well a s Christians . Although som e o f th e earl y collection s o f saying s o f Jesus ha d bee n mad e i n Aramaic , al l ou r Gospels , includ ing tha t o f St . Matthew , wer e writte n i n Greek . On e mar k of th e lat e dat e o f th e Gospe l i s tha t th e Aramai c wor d 'edhah o r k'ntshta, i s twic e represente d i n th e Gospe l b y the Gree k ekklesia , th e regula r Christia n wor d fo r "church," an d no t b y th e earlie r Jewish-Gree k sunagöge. Further, th e Churc h i s represente d i n ch . 1 8 : 1 7 a s havin g authority. On e wh o fail s t o liste n t o tha t authorit y ma y be regarde d as a Gentil e o r a publican . I n thi s sam e con text i n word s whic h ar e represente d a s addresse d t o Jesus ' disciples, the y ar e told , "Whatsoeve r y e shal l bin d o n earth shal l b e boun d i n heaven. " "Binding " an d "loosing " were Jewis h phrase s fo r givin g authoritativ e interpreta 131

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E tions o f th e L a w o f G o d . T h e i r us e her e implie s a recog nition o f th e abilit y o f th e Apostle s t o spea k a s th e repre sentatives o f G o d ' s authority . I n ch . 1 6 : 1 9 thi s Gospe l represents thes e sam e word s a s addresse d t o St . Peter , " W h a t s o e v e r tho u shal t bin d o n eart h shal l b e boun d i n h e a v e n , " etc . T h i s ma y b e sai d t o represen t th e primac y of St . Peter , bu t no t th e primac y a s R o m e ha s interprete d it. T h e sayin g i n it s earlies t f o r m i n Aramai c wa s probabl y written befor e th e G o s p e l ha d reache d R o m e a t all , an d represented th e f e e l i n g o f a J e w i s h Christian , a s h e re called th e sayin g tha t Chris t ha d founde d hi s Churc h a s a J e w i s h synagogu e (i . e. , a s a branc h o f J u d a i s m ) , an d that St . Peter , no t St . P a u l , wa s it s idea l exponen t an d rep resentative. I n it s wordin g i t simpl y state s tha t St . P e t e r was th e first t o recogniz e th e Messiahshi p o f J e s u s , whic h they al l immediatel y accepted , an d s o wa s th e first

t o

gain th e spiritua l authorit y whic h the y al l cam e almos t a t once t o share . T h e autho r o f th e Gospe l ha d n o though t of suc h claim s a s th e papac y ha s erecte d o n hi s founda tion, bu t h e doe s writ e wit h a Churc h consciousness , an d with a realizatio n tha t th e Apostles , becaus e o f thei r near ness t o Jesu s an d becaus e h e ha d especiall y instructe d them, wer e qualifie d t o exercis e uniqu e authorit y i n th e Church. VII Somewhere abou t th e yea r 9 0 A . D. , a t an y rat e befor e the en d o f th e reig n o f Domitian , ou r N e w Testamen t B o o k o f Revelatio n cam e int o it s presen t f o r m . T h e de nunciation o f certai n phase s o f gnosticis m i n it s first thre e «3*

BOOK O F REVELATIO N

chapters, an d it s testimon y t o th e inroad s th e form s o f that heres y wer e makin g i n th e churche s o f Asia , ar e evi dence tha t thes e chapter s wer e shape d i n par t b y th e combat wit h thi s influentia l elemen t o f th e though t o f this period . T h e whol e ton e o f th e boo k indicate s tha t i t was produce d i n a tim e o f persecution . T h e message s t o the seve n churche s o f Asi a bea r witnes s tha t it s autho r lived i n tha t province , probabl y a t Ephesus . Opinion s a s to th e structur e an d interpretatio n o f thi s boo k ar e almos t as numerou s a s it s interpreter s hav e been . Someon e ha s said tha t it s stud y "eithe r finds a

ma n ma d o r leave s hi m

s o . " Scholar s ar e no w prett y w e l l agree d tha t i t contain s materials earlie r tha n th e dat e o f it s fina l composition , which wer e reworke d an d reminte d b y it s author , bu t when the y com e t o specifyin g wha t thes e material s are , they ar e a s f a r fro m agreemen t a s mos t madmen . Person a l l y , thoug h perhap s mad , I a m persuade d tha t th e grea t bulk o f th e book , apar t f r o m chapter s 1 - 3 an d portion s of chs . 1 9 - 2 2 , wa s compose d befor e th e yea r 7 0 a . d. , and tha t th e earlies t portio n o f i t originate d i n th e yea r 4 0 a . d . T h e latte r dat e i s indicate d b y R e v . 1 1 : 7 , 8 , 1 4 , and th e former , b y R e v . 1 7 : 9 , 1 0 . I a m furthe r convince d that abou t hal f o f th e materia l wa s originall y o f Jewis h composition. 5 B e thi s a s i t may , th e Boo k o f Revelation , apart f r o m chapter s 1—3 , i s a n expressio n o f a might y influence tha t survive d f r o m th e first decade s o f Chris tianity. I n th e first lectur e i t wa s pointe d ou t ho w apoc 5 C . A . Briggs , The Messiah of the Apostles, Ne w York , 1895 , chs . I X X V I , an d G . A . Barton , "Th e Apocalyps e an d Recen t Criticism " i n th e American Journal of Theology, I I (1898) , 776-801 .

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alyptic hope s filled th e mind s o f th e Apostle s t o th e exclusion o f al l though t o f a worl d missio n fo r them selves, an d i n anothe r lectur e somethin g wa s sai d o f the fac t tha t Jewis h apocalypti c wa s the pionee r philosoph y of history . A n Englis h schola r ha s recently show n ho w th e apocalyptists, takin g myt h an d ritua l thought-pattern s that ha d bee n poten t i n th e eas t fo r millennia , bu t whic h had bee n largel y pushe d int o th e backgroun d i n Judaism , because o f a fait h i n Go d tha t create s "fro m it s ow n wrec k the thin g i t contemplates, " too k thes e pattern s "i n thei r 'last gidd y hou r o f drea d endurance ' " an d wov e the m into a syste m o f philosoph y o f histor y tha t helpe d t o sus tain thei r faith , an d girde d the m fo r heroi c deed s an d martyrdom. I n tha t atmospher e Christianit y ha d bee n born. Th e ne w fait h ha d neve r sloughe d i t off . Whil e St . Paul apparentl y outgre w it , h e neve r discarde d it s vo cabulary, an d thoug h th e autho r o f th e Fourt h Gospe l discards i t i n hi s Gospel , i n hi s Firs t Epistl e h e stil l write s as though i t wer e real . I n th e mind s o f th e greates t Chris tian thinker s it s inadequac y wa s becomin g apparent , bu t it wa s a philosophy s o simple, s o expectant o f miracle , an d one which so appealed to the unregenerate desire for venge ance laten t i n th e breas t o f eve n ever y Christian , tha t it die d ver y slowly . Th e compilatio n i n th e Boo k o f Revelation, whic h gather s u p an d reinterpret s muc h o f th e most forcefu l an d vivi d apocalypti c o f th e first centur y from bot h Jewis h an d Christia n sources , i s th e las t an d greatest expressio n o f i t i n th e Ne w Testament . A s Chiliasm i t live d o n sporadicall y i n th e earl y Church , an d through th e influenc e o f th e Bibl e survive s i n som e Chris tian circle s t o th e presen t day , bu t th e Boo k o f Revela '34

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L

tion was , fo r Christians, ® it s last , it s mos t brilliant , an d its expirin g flame o f influence . VIII Somewhere betwee n 9 0 an d 1 1 5 a . d . ther e live d a t Ephesus th e Autho r o f th e Fourt h Gospel , th e greates t Christian geniu s o f thi s period . I n th e shapin g o f th e thought o f th e Christia n worl d hi s influenc e i s full y a s great a s tha t o f St . Paul . Wha t hi s nam e was , w e d o no t know. Tha t h e wa s no t Joh n th e so n o f Zebede e i s no w generally recognize d b y competen t scholars . Indeed , i f that Joh n wer e martyre d i n th e yea r 6 2 a . d. , h e coul d not hav e writte n thi s Gospel . Tha t h e wa s no t th e Joh n who sa w th e vision s o f th e Boo k o f Revelatio n i s als o the judgmen t o f present-da y scholarship . T h e though t o f the tw o book s i s mutuall y exclusive . I a m incline d t o agre e with thos e scholar s wh o attribut e it s compositio n t o Joh n the Presbyter , wh o wa s distinguishe d fro m Joh n th e Apostle b y Papias , a s Eusebiu s 7 lon g ag o perceived . T h e same autho r compose d th e thre e epistle s whic h pas s unde r the nam e o f John . F o r ou r presen t purpos e th e influenc e whic h molde d the Gospe l ar e o f greate r importanc e tha n th e nam e o f its author . O f cours e th e grea t motiv e whic h prompte d the compositio n o f th e Epistle s an d Gospe l o f Joh n wa s the lov e o f Jesu s Chris t an d th e desir e t o lea d al l me n to reverenc e an d worshi p him , bu t whil e thi s suprem e β

On e Jewis h apocalypse , The Rest of the Words of Baruch, date s f r o m

IJ2—I35 A . D .

''Ecclesiastical History,

III , 39 .

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motive shine s throughou t thes e documents , a numbe r o f minor specia l motive s ar e apparen t a s on e reads . Thes e minor motive s wer e du e t o specia l condition s o f though t and practic e amon g thos e wh o compose d th e environmen t of th e writer . One o f th e mos t palpabl e o f thes e motive s wa s opposi tion t o gnosticism . Thi s stand s ou t clearl y an d undeniabl y in th e Firs t Epistl e o f St . John . Th e errorist s denounce d in that Epistl e wer e th e type o f gnosti c know n a s Docetists . They hel d tha t Christ , a n emanatio n fro m th e Go d o f purity, wa s no t reall y incarnat e i n th e ma n Jesus , wh o was, lik e othe r huma n beings , corrup t flesh; h e onl y seemed t o be . Chris t di d not , therefore , reall y suffe r o n the Cross , h e onl y seemed t o suffer . This , i n th e Epistle , our autho r denounce d a s a denia l tha t "Jesu s Chris t ha d come i n th e flesh." Whil e i n th e Gospe l hi s polemi c i s not s o pointed , i t i s non e th e les s real . " I n th e beginnin g was th e Logos , o r Word ; th e Logo s wa s o f th e sam e sub stance a s God , an d th e Logo s becam e flesh an d taber nacled amon g us. " Not e tha t he , afte r th e manne r o f St . Paul, combat s gnosticis m b y s o interpretin g th e natur e of Chris t a s t o cu t th e groun d fro m beneat h gnosticism . Another o f th e aim s o f thi s autho r wa s t o sho w u p the perversit y o f th e Jews . B y th e tim e thi s Gospe l wa s written th e Churc h an d th e Synagogu e ha d bee n lon g separated. W e lear n fro m Irenasu s tha t a t Ephesu s a Je w named Cerinthu s wa s a n arden t leade r o f oppositio n against th e Christians—a n oppositio n tha t ha d bee n con tinuous fro m th e day s o f St . Paul . I t wa s Trophimus , an Ephesia n Jew , wh o ha d cause d St . Paul' s arres t i n 136

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Jerusalem (Act s 2 1 : 2 9 ) . I t thu s cam e abou t tha t Phari sees an d Sadducees , Herodians , an d th e res t ar e absen t from th e page s o f St . John , an d w e hea r onl y o f Jews , and t o thes e Jesu s i s reporte d t o hav e said , " Y e ar e o f your father , the devil " (Joh n 8:44) . Still anothe r purpos e o f th e write r wa s t o convinc e th e devotees o f th e sec t o f Joh n th e Baptist , whic h ha d bee n in Ephesu s sinc e th e day s o f St . Pau l (Act s 1 9 : 3 ) , an d which th e researche s o f recen t year s hav e show n t o hav e persisted lon g afterwar d an d finally t o hav e bee n ab sorbed, i n par t a t least , i n Mandasanism , tha t Joh n ha d himself recognize d hi s missio n a s temporary , an d tha t John ha d born e definit e an d effectiv e witnes s t o th e Messiahship o f Jesus . Yet anothe r ai m o f th e autho r woul d see m t o hav e been t o comba t th e Stoi c doctrin e tha t th e Logos wa s simply divin e reason , an d tha t ma n coul d accomplis h hi s own salvation . Ou r autho r make s th e Logo s personal , and everlastin g lif e i s obtaine d b y fait h i n Christ . Further, a s on e studie s th e Gospe l carefull y h e detect s the influence , throug h rivalr y an d opposition , o f th e mystery religion s tha t wer e s o popula r a t tha t period . These myster y religion s hel d ou t th e hop e o f a n immorta l life throug h unio n wit h a god— a unio n achieve d throug h the eatin g o f th e flesh o f a sacre d victim . I n contradistinc tion t o suc h teachin g ou r autho r i s a t grea t pains , i n bot h Gospel an d Epistle , t o insis t tha t eterna l lif e i s God' s gift, tha t i t consist s o f knowledg e o f Go d an d o f Jesu s Christ who m h e sent , tha t h e tha t believet h o n th e So n hath everlastin g lif e an d tha t h e tha t believet h no t o n 137

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the So n shal l no t se e life , an d tha t th e onl y sacre d mea l that give s lif e i s th e eatin g o f th e flesh o f th e So n an d the drinkin g o f hi s blood . The influence s thu s fa r mentione d cam e fro m withou t Christianity} ther e wer e other s tha t cam e fro m within . When ou r autho r wrote , th e Apostle s ha d al l passe d away , and th e first wave s o f enthusias m whic h ha d swep t Chris tianity forwar d ha d subsided . I n ever y religio n suc h creative period s ar e followe d b y organizatio n an d institu tionalism. W e hav e previousl y note d ho w i n thi s perio d Christians wer e fallin g bac k upo n th e Churc h an d it s au thority. Thi s ou r autho r perceived , an d h e approve d o f it . H e take s pains in his Gospel t o emphasize th e idea althoug h he neve r employ s th e wor d ekklesia. H e doe s tel l us , though, tha t ou r Lor d i n hi s las t grea t praye r praye d not onl y fo r hi s immediat e disciples , but " f o r the m als o who believ e o n m e throug h thei r word, " thu s lookin g forward t o a n unendin g successio n o f believer s i n th e Church. Thi s Churc h wa s t o includ e Gentiles . "Othe r sheep I hav e whic h ar e no t o f thi s fold , the m als o I must bring , . . . an d the y shal l becom e on e flock" (Joh n 1 0 : 1 6 ) . Thi s universa l churc h is , however , t o b e quit e distinct fro m th e world . I t i s t o b e i n th e worl d ( " I pra y not tha t tho u shoulds t tak e the m ou t o f th e world" ) but no t o f i t ("the y ar e no t o f th e world , eve n as I a m not o f th e world") . Th e autho r accordingl y believe d i n a universalism wit h limitations . Som e o f al l nation s woul d be i n th e Church , bu t ther e woul d alway s b e a " w o r l d " outside th e Church . Thi s wa s a limitatio n o f th e teaching s of th e Master . A churc h mus t hav e officer s wh o hav e authority, an d t o thi s ou r autho r ha s n o objection . H e «38

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tells u s (Joh n 2 0 : 2 3 ) tha t th e risen Jesu s sai d t o th e Apostles, "whosesoeve r sin s y e remit , the y ar e remitte d unto them , an d whosesoeve r sin s y e retai n the y ar e re tained." While th e Autho r o f th e Fourt h Gospe l believe d i n the Church , h e di d no t believ e i n a stati c Church , o r i n a faith "onc e fo r al l delivere d t o th e saints. " H e hel d tha t the Maste r ha d promise d th e Spirit , whic h shoul d lea d into al l th e truth , an d tha t th e Spiri t woul d teac h hi s disciples th e man y thing s tha t Chris t woul d hav e sai d t o them, ha d the y bee n abl e t o bea r the m whe n h e wa s i n the flesh (Joh n 1 6 : 1 2 , 1 3 ) . Revelatio n wa s t o b e pro gressive. While al l thi s i s tru e (an d th e them e migh t b e greatl y elaborated) th e autho r quietl y endeavor s t o correc t a n undue emphasi s upo n th e sacrament s as havin g i n them selves a magica l potency . Tha t ide a wa s creepin g int o the Churc h o f hi s time . I t wa s thi s tendenc y tha t le d hi s contemporary, Ignatiu s o f Antioch , t o spea k o f th e E u charist a s "th e medicin e o f immortalit y (Ad . Eph . 2 0 : 2 ) . St. Joh n di d no t approv e o f this , but hi s metho d o f show ing hi s disapprova l i s peculiarl y hi s own . I n hi s accoun t of th e Las t Suppe r h e omit s th e accoun t o f th e institutio n of th e rit e altogether . Instea d h e tell s u s ho w Jesu s washed th e disciples ' feet , as thoug h h e woul d sa y tha t th e Master's partin g legac y wa s no t a ceremonia l sacrament , but a n exampl e o f lowl y service . Th e author' s treatmen t of th e Eucharis t i s foun d i n th e sixt h chapte r o f hi s Gospel i n a discours e whic h h e tell s u s Jesu s delivere d on th e feedin g o f th e five thousand . There , a s w e hav e already noted , h e tell s u s tha t Jesu s said , "Excep t y e ea t 139

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the flesh o f th e So n o f ma n an d drin k hi s bloo d y e hav e not lif e i n yourselves. " H e goe s on , however , t o sa y tha t Jesus said , " I t i s th e Spiri t tha t quickeneth ; th e flesh profiteth nothing ; th e word s tha t I hav e spoke n unt o you ar e spirit , an d ar e life. " No t magi c receive d throug h a materia l substance , but th e possessio n o f th e Spiri t o f the livin g God , mediate d throug h Christ , wa s th e life giving reality . Ye t ther e i s n o hin t tha t th e partakin g o f the symbol s o f th e flesh an d bloo d shoul d b e discon tinued. Th e author' s effor t seem s rathe r t o hav e bee n di rected t o th e preventio n o f th e los s o f th e spiritua l realit y through th e degradatio n o f th e symbol s i n Christia n thought t o substance s charge d wit h magica l potenc y a s i n the myster y religions . Hi s attitud e towar d Baptis m i s no t so clear , but i t i s h e alon e o f al l th e evangelist s wh o tell s us tha t "Jesu s himsel f baptize d not , bu t hi s disciples " (John 4 : 2 ) . Much effor t ha s bee n mad e b y scholar s t o determin e from wha t source s th e autho r derive d th e informatio n contained i n hi s Gospel . I t ha s becom e clea r tha t h e kne w and mad e considerabl e us e o f th e Gospe l o f Mark , an d that h e kne w bu t mad e les s us e o f th e Gospe l o f Luke . H e was apparentl y unacquainte d wit h th e Gospe l o f Mat thew. Scholar s ar e no t agree d as t o whethe r w e ca n o r cannot detec t i n th e Gospe l a specia l Johannin e source . Personally I a m incline d t o agre e wit h Streeter , tha t i t would b e as eas y t o reconstruc t a pi g fro m a strin g o f sausages a s t o reconstruc t it s source s fro m th e Gospe l o f John. Time forbid s ou r followin g th e topi c further , but enough ha s bee n sai d t o indicat e th e influence s whic h le d 140

T H E PASTORA L EPISTLE S the Gospe l o f J o h n t o tak e th e f o r m tha t i t has . Chris tianity, i n it s syncretisti c an d polyglo t environment , ha d reached a partin g o f th e ways . I t mus t receiv e a universa l — a cosmic—interpretatio n o r g r a d u a l l y di e away . T h i s inspired geniu s g a v e i t th e ne w an d necessar y interpreta tion. H e s o tol d th e stor y o f th e So n o f G o d a s t o mee t the variou s current s o f though t o f hi s tim e an d t o com m e n d Chris t a s th e suprem e revelatio n o f th e Fathe r and th e on e hop e o f ma n t o al l sort s an d condition s o f men. T h e moder n reade r instinctivel y feel s that , howeve r f r e e l y historica l fact s m a y sometime s b e deal t with , never theless th e F o u r t h Gospe l interpret s th e min d o f Chris t better tha n an y o f th e othe r three . IX T h e Epistle s t o T i m o t h y an d Titus , commonl y calle d the Pastora l Epistles , althoug h attribute d t o St . P a u l an d in par t base d o n som e genuin e note s writte n b y th e Apostle , have bee n conclusivel y show n t o belon g t o th e perio d w e are considering.

8

W e canno t dat e thei r compositio n ex -

actly, bu t thei r autho r live d i n th e sam e genera l perio d as th e A u t h o r o f th e Fourt h Gospe l an d Ignatiu s o f Anti och. L i k e the m h e wa s confronte d wit h th e inroad s o f gnosticism, an d lik e the m h e attempte d t o ste m it s on coming tide . U n a b l e t o mee t gnosti c though t intellectuall y as th e autho r o f th e Fourt h Gospe l did , lik e Ignatiu s h e f e l l bac k upo n authority . W h i l e th e autho r o f th e Pastoral s 8 Se e Ε . Y . Hincks , " T h e Authorshi p o f th e Pastora l Epistles " i n Journal of Biblical Literature, XV I ( 1 8 9 7 ) , 9 4 - 1 1 7 , an d P . N . Harrison , The Problem of the Pastoral Epistles, O x f o r d , 1 9 2 1 .

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has les s passio n tha n Ignatius , hi s syste m o f though t i s more complet e an d coherent . I n assertin g th e realit y o f the fact s o f Christ' s lif e agains t th e doceti c errors , Ignatiu s at time s fall s int o a strai n tha t remind s u s o f th e Roma n Baptismal Formula , whic h afterwar d gre w int o th e Apos tles' Creed . Th e autho r o f th e Pastoral s wa s acquainte d with a "for m o f soun d words " whic h embodie d th e tru e faith. H e speak s o f "th e faith " i n a n objectiv e wa y a s something tha t coul d b e "kept " (se e ι Tim . ι :iO; 2 Tim . i : i 3 i 4:3 i Tit . 1:9 , 13 ; 2:1 , 2 ; ι Tim . 1:9 5 3:9 5 5:8 5 6:10; 2 Tim . 4:7) . Further , th e autho r o f th e Pastoral s held thi s fait h becaus e i t ha d bee n hande d dow n fro m th e Apostles; on e believe d i t becaus e on e kne w fro m who m one ha d receive d it ; i t wa s to b e committed t o faithfu l me n and s o passe d o n t o th e futur e (se e 1 Tim . 6:20 ; 2 Tim . 1:13; 3:14) . Her e w e hav e th e first formulatio n o f th e doctrine o f Apostoli c Traditio n o f whic h suc h us e wa s made late r b y Irenaiu s an d Tertullian . Like Ignatiu s th e autho r believe s i n th e threefol d min istry o f th e Church : bishops , presbyters , an d deacons . While h e doe s no t asser t th e right s o f th e monarchica l episcopate wit h th e passio n o f Ignatius , h e assume s tha t the bisho p i s th e hea d o f th e Churc h an d tha t h e ma y si t in judgmen t o n presbyter s ( 1 Tim . 5:19) . H e devote s considerable spac e t o describin g th e qualification s o f on e who aspire s t o th e offic e o f bisho p ( 1 Tim . 3 : 1 - 7 ) . I n the Pastorals , however , th e bisho p i s onl y a n office r of th e Church. I t i s the Churc h whic h i s the "pilla r an d bulwark " of th e trut h ( 1 Tim . 3:15) . Thi s Churc h i s equippe d no t only wit h it s threefol d ministry , bu t ha s a n orde r o f of ficial widows , enrolle d a s suc h ( 1 Tim . 5:9) , wh o doubt 142

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less ministere d t o th e sic k an d need y a s distric t nurse s no w do. I n al l thi s th e autho r radiate s a n atmospher e ver y different fro m St . Paul's . I f tim e permitted , i t coul d b e shown tha t hi s conceptio n o f goo d work s wa s quit e un Pauline. Perhap s hi s mos t startlin g un-Paulin e statement , in vie w o f St . Paul' s doctrin e o f salvatio n b y faith , i s th e statement ( i T i m . 2 : 1 5 ) that , unde r certai n conditions , women ma y b e save d b y childbearing ! T i m e forbid s furthe r citation , bu t enoug h ha s bee n said t o sho w ho w th e condition s o f lif e an d though t a t th e turn o f th e first centur y le d on e wh o lacke d th e intel lectual powe r an d mystica l insigh t o f th e Autho r o f th e Fourth Gospe l t o fal l bac k o n th e Church , tradition , an d creed a s hi s guid e i n th e maz e o f life . T h e grea t majorit y of Christians , whil e the y hav e admire d an d reverence d the autho r o f th e Fourt h Gospel , hav e fel t greate r kinshi p with th e autho r o f th e Pastorals .

X Over th e thre e remainin g book s o f th e N e w Testamen t we nee d not , fo r ou r presen t purpose , dela y long . T h e so called Epistl e o f Jame s woul d not , bu t fo r th e superscrip tion, b e though t o f a s a n Epistl e a t all . I t i s reall y a mora l address afte r th e manne r o f th e Gree k diatribe. 9 It s autho r was a Jewis h Christian , wh o kne w St . Paul' s Epistl e t o the Roman s an d di d no t approv e o f it s teaching . H e di d not, however , belon g t o an y o f th e Jewish-Christia n type s of St . Paul' s time . H e ha s n o wor d t o sa y o f th e valu e o f 8 Se e J . H . R o p e s , James pp. 10-15 .

i

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the Jewis h dietar y laws , o f circumcision , o r o f th e valu e of th e templ e service . H e wrot e afte r th e destructio n o f Jerusalem when , fo r Christians , thos e question s ha d bee n forever settled . T o hi m Christianit y i s a ne w law—th e perfect la w o f liberty . H e ha d n o us e fo r a fait h tha t wa s not manifeste d i n works . Th e calmnes s wit h whic h h e writes woul d lea d on e t o thin k tha t th e destructio n o f Jerusalem la y fa r behin d him . Hi s lette r breathe s th e atmosphere o f th e perio d betwee n 10 0 an d 1 2 5 a . d . Th e author nowher e claim s t o b e a n Apostle , an d clearl y wa s not. Hi s compositio n onl y slowl y wo n it s wa y t o a plac e in th e Ne w Testamen t Canon , an d the n i t succeede d onl y on th e mistake n suppositio n tha t i t wa s compose d b y James, th e Lord' s brother . The Epistl e o f Jud e was , lik e th e Pastora l Epistles , called fort h b y th e inroad s o f gnosticism . I t wa s writte n later tha n th e Pastora l Epistles , whic h it s autho r quote s as o f Apostoli c authorit y (se e Jude , 1 7 , 18 . Cf . 1 Tim . 5 : 1 ; 2 Tim . 3 : 1 ) . Unlik e th e autho r o f th e Pastorals , h e has n o metho d eithe r o f cree d o r Churc h b y whic h t o op pose error . Hi s on e weapo n i s denunciation . T h e autho r calls himsel f simpl y Jude , th e brothe r o f James , and , a s in th e cas e o f th e Epistl e o f James , hi s lette r slowl y wo n its wa y t o a plac e i n th e Cano n becaus e i t cam e t o b e ac cepted as th e wor k o f ou r Lord' s brothe r Jude , o r Judas . W e learn , however , fro m Eusebius, 10 wh o go t hi s in formation fro m Hegesippus , tha t i n th e reig n o f Domitia n the onl y kindre d o f ou r Lor d wh o coul d the n b e foun d were tw o grandson s o f Jude , wh o wer e smal l farmer s i n Palestine. A s Jud e wa s represente d o n eart h onl y b y 10

Ecclesiastical History , III , 10 . 144

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R

grandsons som e thirt y year s befor e ou r E p i s t l e o f J u d e was composed , i t i s clea r tha t som e othe r J u d a s mus t hav e been it s author . T h e Secon d E p i s t l e o f P e t e r , whic h i s clearl y a pseud onymous work , was , lik e th e Epistl e o f J u d e , calle d fort h in par t b y gnosticism . T h e author' s metho d o f combatin g it is , lik e J u d e ' s , simpl e denunciation . Indee d h e kne w J u d e ' s letter , an d copie d it s vigorou s arraignmen t o f gnostic error s int o hi s o w n .

11

T h e autho r had , h o w e v e r ,

another motiv e f o r writing . T h e Apostle s ha d bee n lon g dead an d th e secon d comin g o f Chris t ha d no t occurred . T h e unbelievin g wer e makin g mocker y o f Christia n hope s ( 2 Pet . 3 : 4 ) . A part , therefore , o f th e author' s purpos e was t o poin t ou t tha t G o d ' s conceptio n o f day s an d year s is no t lik e ours , an d tha t hi s promise s ar e sure , eve n though w e misunderstan d them . Secon d Peter , writte n perhaps abou t 1 5 0 A . D. , at a tim e whe n St . P a u l ' s Epistle s had bee n canonize d an d wer e alread y place d o n a pa r with th e O l d Testamen t Scripture s ( 2 Pet . 3 : 1 5 , 1 6 ) , i s the lates t boo k i n th e N e w Testament .

XI Our tas k i s completed . O u r revie w o f th e influence s reflected i n th e book s o f th e N e w Testamen t tha t wer e composed a f t e r 7 0 A . D . abundantl y prove s th e thesi s that , after th e Apostle s ha d passe d a w a y an d th e Christian s were confronte d b y th e inroad s o f syncretisti c though t an d the competitio n o f th e myster y religions , the y f e l l bac k 11 Fo r proof , us e th e paralle l column s i n Moffatt' s Introduction to Lit. of the S. T., p . 34 8 f .

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more an d mor e o n th e Churc h a s a n organization , o n it s traditions a s a bod y o f teaching , o n it s ministry , especiall y its bishops , a s successor s o f th e Apostles , an d s o institution alized Christianity . Unde r th e circumstance s i t wa s doubt less a necessar y process . Fe w Christian s wer e abl e t o think clearl y an d successfully . T h i s ha s bee n true , no t only o f Christians , bu t o f th e devotee s o f othe r religion s in ever y age . T h e Autho r o f th e Fourt h Gospe l wa s a great exception , bu t t o hi m th e Church , it s oneness , an d its separatenes s fro m th e worl d wa s on e o f Christ' s mos t precious legacies . I t i s difficul t t o se e how , unles s Chris tianity ha d bee n institutionalized , i t coul d hav e survive d all thes e centuries . Moder n psycholog y i s no w teachin g us tha t w e ar e socia l beings ; w e canno t eve n b e person s alone, muc h les s b e save d alone . A n institutio n ma y b e s o exalted a s t o crus h morality , ethics , individualism , an d personality, an d thi s ha s sometime s happene d i n th e Church. O n th e othe r hand , a n institutio n tha t conserve s the bes t aspiratio n an d teachin g tha t th e pas t ha s achieved , fosters hig h aspiration , ethica l endeavor , an d persona l consecration i n th e present , an d help s t o kee p th e min d open t o th e leadin g o f th e Spiri t int o ne w fields o f thought , of service , an d o f sacrific e fo r th e futur e i s indispensabl e to th e bes t lif e o f man . So , i n hi s providence , Go d evolve d the Church .

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CHRONOLOGY A. D . T h e D a y o f Pentecos t en

d o f Ma y 3 0

Appointment o f Deacon s Jul

y (? ) 3 0

M a r t y r d o m o f St . Stephe n O c t o b e

r (? ) 3 0

C o n v e r s i o n o f St . P a u l D e c e m b e

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St. P a u l i n A r a b i a 3

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St. P a u l return s t o J e r u s a l e m 3

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C a l i g u l a trie s t o erec t hi s statu e i n th e T e m p l e 3

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St. Barnaba s bring s Sau l t o A n t i o c h 4

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M a r t y r d o m o f J a m e s so n o f Z e b e d e e 4

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Death o f Hero d Agripp a I 4

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Composition o f th e d o c u m e n t Q 4

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Barnabas, Saul , an d T i t u s carr y alm s t o J e r u s a l e m 4

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First missionar y j o u r n e y 4

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Composition o f th e Epistl e t o th e G a l a t i a n s 4

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Apostolic C o u n c i l a t J e r u s a l e m 4

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Composition o f th e d o c u m e n t Μ

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Composition o f th e first editio n o f St . M a r k ' s Gospe l . . . . 5 0 o r 5 1 St. P a u l ' s Epistle s t o th e T h e s s a l o n i a n s 5

0to5 I

T h e conversio n o f A p o l l o s 5

3

T h i r d missionar y j o u r n e y 5

3t o5 8

Composition o f th e a c c o u n t o f th e birt h an d infanc y o f Jesus 5

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St. P a u l ' s correspondenc e w i t h th e C o r i n t h i a n s 5

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St. P a u l ' s Epistl e t o th e R o m a n s 5

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St. P a u l ' s arres t i n J e r u s a l e m 5

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8t o6 0

Composition o f th e first draf t o f St . L u k e 5

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T h e voyage , shipwreck , an d arriva l a t R o m e 6

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Imprisonment a t Rom e 6

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Composition o f secon d draf t o f St . L u k e 6

1t o62

Composition o f th e Epistle s t o Philemon , Colossians , and th e Philippian s 6

1t o6 3

Martyrdom o f J a m e s th e L o r d ' s brothe r an d Joh n so n of Zebede e 6

2

Composition o f th e Act s o f th e Apostle s 6 St. Paul' s releas e 6

2to63 3

St. Pete r an d St . Pau l martyre d b y Ner o 6

4

Composition o f th e Epistl e t o th e Hebrew s 6

5t o 7 0

Second editio n o f St . Mar k 6

8t o7 0

Destruction o f Jerusale m 7

0

Composition o f f irs t Pete r 8

1t o9 0

Composition o f th e Gospe l o f M a t t h e w 8

5t o9 0

Composition o f th e Epistl e t o th e Ephesian s 8

5t o9 5

Compilation o f th e Boo k o f Revelatio n 9

0to 96

First Epistl e o f Clemen t o f R o m e t o th e Corinthian s 9 T h e Gospe l an d Epistle s o f J o h n 9 T h e Pastora l Epistle s cir

6 0 to 11 0 . 11 0

Epistles o f Ignatiu s 1 1

0t o 11 5

Epistle o f J a m e s 1 0

0 t o 12 5

Epistle o f J u d e 1 2

0 t o 13 0

Second Epistl e o f Pete r cir

. 15 0

148

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPH Y Bacon, B . W . , The Beginnings of

the Gospel Story, Ne w Haven ,

1909. , The Fourth

Gospel

in

Research and

Debate, Ne

w

York, 1 9 1 0 . , The Gospel of Mark, Ne w Haven , 1 9 2 5 . , The Gospel of the Hellenists, Ne w Y o r k , 1 9 3 3 . , Is Mark a Roman Gospel? , Studies in Matthew, N e Barton, G . Λ . Archtrology and

Cambridge , 1 9 1 9 . w York , 1 9 3 0 .

the Bible, 6t h cd. , Philadelphia ,

»933, Christ and Evolution, Philadelphia

, 1934 .

, "Professo r Torrey' s Theor y o f th e Aramai c Origi n of th e Gospel s an d th e Firs t Hal f o f th e Act s o f th e Apostles, " in The Journal

of

Theological Studies,

Vol . X X X V I , pp .

357-373· , " T h e Questio n o f ' U r - M a r c u s onc e more, " i n th e Journal of

Biblical Literature,

XLVIII

, (1929) , 239-248 .

" T h e Spiritua l Developmen t o f Paul, " i n The New

—,

World, V I I I ( M a r c h , 1 8 9 9 ) , pp . 1 1 I —1 24. , Studies in New Testament

Christianity,

Philadelphia ,

1928. Beckwith, I . T . , The Apocalypse of John, Ne w York , 1 9 2 2 . Briggs, C . Α . , The Messiah of the Apostles, Ne w York , 1 8 9 5 , chs. I X - X V I . Bruce, A . B . , The Epistle to the Hebrews, Ne w York , 1 8 9 9 . Bultmann, R . , Die Geschichte A u f . , Göttingen , Χ 9 3 1.

der 149

synoptischen Tradition,

2t

e

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E Burton, E . D. , Galatians i n the International Critical

Commentary

New York , 1 9 2 0 . , "Principle s o f Literar y Criticis m an d th e Synopti c Problem," i n The Decennial Publications of the University of Chicago, Vol . V , Chicago , 1904 , pp . 195—264 . Cadbury, H . J . , The Style and Literary Method

of

Luke, Cam -

bridge, 1919—1920 . , The Making of Luke-Acts, Ne Charles, R . H. , The Revelation of

w York , 1 9 2 7 .

St. John, 2

national Critical Commentary, Ne

vols. , i n th e Inter-

w York , 1920 .

Creed, J . M . , The Gospel According to

St. Luke, London , 1 9 3 0 .

Dibelius, M . , Die Formgeschichte des

Evangeliums, 2t

e Auf. ,

Tübingen, 1 9 3 3 . , From Tradition to Gosfel, London , 1934 , "Gethsemane, " i n th e Cromer Seminary Quarterly, X I I (July , 1 9 3 5 ) , pp . 2 5 4 - 2 6 5 (translate d b y Enslin) . Dobschütz, E . von , The Apostolic Age, London , 1909 . Drummond, James , Character and Authorship of the Fourth Gosfel, Ne w York , 1904 . Easton, B . S. , The Gosfel According

to

St. Luke, Ne w York ,

1926. , The Gosfel before the Gospels, Ne w York , 1 9 2 8 . Eusebius, The Ecclesiastical History and the Martyrs of Palestine, Translated with Introduction and Notes b y H . J . Lawlo r an d J . E . L . Oulton , London , 1 9 2 7 . Everett, C . C . , The Gosfel of Paul, Boston , 1 8 9 3 . Fascher, E . , Die Formgeschichtliche Methode,

1

924.

Foakes-Jackson, F . Α. , an d Lake , Kirsopp , The Beginnings

of

Christianity, Vols . I—V , London , 1920—1933 . Garvie, Alfred , The Beloved Disc'tfle,

Ne w York , 1 9 2 2 .

Goodspeed, E . J . , New Solutions of New Testament

Problems,

Chicago, 1 9 2 7 . , The Meaning of

Efhesians, Chicago 150

, 1933 .

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPH Y G r a n t , F . C . , The Growth of

the Gospels, N e w Y o r k , 1933 .

, Form Criticism, Chicago , 1934 . Harnack, Α . , Luke the Physician, N e w Y o r k , 1907 . , The Sayings of Jesus, N e w Y o r k , 1908 . , The Acts of the Apostles, N e w Y o r k , 1909 . , The Date of the Acts and the Synoptic Gospels, N e w York, 1 9 1 1 . Harrison, P . N . , The Problem

of

the Pastoral Epistles, O x f o r d ,

1921. Hincks, Ε . Y . , " T h e Authorshi p o f th e Pastora l Epistles, " i n The Journal of Biblical Literature, X V I ( 1 8 9 7 ) , 9 4 - 1 1 7 . Holtzmann, J . H. , Evangelium, Briefe,

und

Offenbarung des

Johannie, 3t e A u f . , besorg t vo n VV . Bauer , Tübingen , 1908 . H o w a r d , W . F . , The Fourth Gospel

in Recent Criticism

and In-

terpretation, London , 1 9 3 1 . L a k e , K . , The Apostolic

Fathers,

1

vols , (i n th e Loe b Classica l

L i b r a r y ) , N e w Y o r k an d London , 1924—1925 . Lewis, F . Warburton , Disarrangements in

the Fourth Gospel,

Cambridge, 1 9 1 0 . Lightfoot, J . B. , St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians, London , 1 8 6 5 , 2nd, ed. , 1866 . Lightfoot, R . H . , History and Interpretation of

the Gospels, L o n -

don, 1 9 3 5 . M c G i f f e r t , A . C . , The Apostolic Age, N e w Y o r k , 1898 . M o f f a t t , James , " T h e Revelatio n o f St . Joh n th e Divine, " i n W . R . Nicoll' s Expositor's Greek

Testament,

Vol . V , 2 7 9 -

494, N e w Y o r k , 1 9 1 0 . , Introduction to

the Literature of

the New Testament,

N e w Y o r k , 1908 . Perry, A . M . , The Sources of St. Luke's Passion-Narrative,

Chi

cago, 1 9 1 6 . Ramsay, W . M . , The Church and the Roman Empire before A.D. ι γ ο , N e w Y o r k , 1893 . 151

-

T H E APOSTOLI C AG E Ramsay, W . M. , St. Paul the Traveller and

Roman Citizen, N e w

York, 1896 . Ropes, J . H. , The Apostolic Age, Ne w York , 1906 . , The Epistle of St. James i n th e International Critical Commentary, Ne w Y o r k , 1 9 1 6 . , The Singular Problem of

the Epistle to the Galatians,

Cambridge, 1 9 2 9 . Sanday, W m . , The Criticism of the Fourth Gospel,

Ne w York ,

1905. , Studies in the S\noptic Problem by

Members of

Ox-

ford University, Oxford , 19 1 I . Schechter, S. , Documents of

Jewish Sectaries, 2 vols. , Cambridge ,

1910. Scott, E . P\ , The Epistle to the Hebrews, Edinburgh , 1 9 2 2 . , The Fourth Gospel, Edinburgh , 1906 . Spitta, F. , Das Johannes Evangelium,

Göttingen

, 19 1 ο .

Staunton, V . Η. , The Gospels as Historical Documents, Vol . I — I I I , Cambridge , 1 9 0 3 - 1 9 1 9 . Strachan, R . H. , The Fourth Evangelist, Dramatist

or Historian?,

New York , 1 9 2 5 . Streeter, Η . B. , The Four Gospels, Ne w York , 1 9 2 5 . , The Primitive Church,

Ne w York , 1929 .

Swete, Η . B. , The Apocalypse of John, London , 1906 . Taylor, Vincent , Behind the Third Gospel,

Oxford , 1926 .

, The First Draft of St. Luke's Gospel, , The Formation

of

London , 1 9 2 7 .

the Gospel Tradition,

London

1

,

933· Torrey, C . C . , " T h e Authorshi p an d Characte r o f th e 'so-called ' Epistle t o th e Hebrews, " i n th e Journal of Biblical Literature, XXX ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 1 3 7 - 1 5 7 , The Composition of Acts, Cambridge , 1 9 1 6 . , The Four Gospels, Ne w Y o r k , 1 9 3 3 . 152

S E L E C T E D BIBLIOGRAPH Y W a n d , J . W . C . , The General Epistles

of St. Peter and St. Jude,

London, 1 9 3 4 . Wellhausen, J . , Erweiterungen und

Anderung im

vierten Evange-

lium, Berlin , 1 9 0 7 . Wendt, W . W . , Das Evengelium Johannis, , Die Schichten

im

Göttingen , 1 9 0 0 .

vierten Evangelium,

Göttingen

,

1911. Wiekes, D . R . , The Sources of St. Luke's Perean cago, 1 9 1 2 .

'53

Section , Chi -

INDEX Catechists i n G a l a t i a , 5 8 Charles, R . H. , 98 , 15 0 Christian, th e name , 4 5 Christianity, J e w i s h , 3 9 Christianity, J e w i s h sect , 1 6 Chronology, 147-14 8 Church, 138 , 14 6 Cilicia, 30 , 6 0 Claudius, 42 , 4 4 f. , 8 3 Communism, 1 6 Corinth, 6 6

Agabus, 4 6 Agrippa I , 41 , 4 5 A g r i p p a II , 9 5 Allegory, 7 0 Ancyra, 5 2 Andronicus, 8 4 Annas, 9 6 Antioch, 3 1 , 4 9 ff.; i n Psidia , 5 0 f . ; Christianity reached , 4 5 Apocalypse o f Jesus , 4 2 Apollos, 7 0 ff. A q u i l a , 66 , 6 9 ff., 7 6 f. , 8 3 f . A r a b i a , 23 , 2 8 f . A r e t a s , 23 , 2 9 A s i a Minor , 5 0 Augustus, 4 0

Corinthian Epistles , 7 8 ff. Credner, K. , 10 6 Creed, J . M. , 15 0 Damascus, 2 3 ff., 2 8 ff. Deacons, Orde r of , 1 8 De Boor , 9 7 Deissmann, Α. , 69 , 7 6 Delphi, Inscriptio n at , 6 9 Derbe, 5 0 f. , 5 2 Dibelius, M a r t i n , 3 , 4 , 5 , 15 0 Dobschütz, Ε . von , 15 0 Domitian, 4 4 Drummond, J . , 1 5 0 Duncan, G . S. , 7 6

Bacon, Β . VV. , 63 , 1 1 4 , 14 9 Baptismal formula , 1 2 7 ; Roman , 1 4 2 ; Trinitarian , 12 7 B a r n a b a s , 3 0 f. , 45 , 4 7 ff., 6 0 f. , 6 4 B a u r , F . C. , 6 , 2 9 Beckwith, I . T . , 14 9 Bezae Codex , 6 1 Bibliography, selected , 149-15 3 Bishops, i i 2 , 14 2 B r i g g s , C . Α. , 133 , U 9 Bruce, A . B. , 14 9 Bultmann, R. , 3 , 4 , 5 , 36 , 14 9 Burton, E . D. , 128 , 15 0

Easton, B . S. , 5 , 37 , 109 , 15 0 Ebionites, 1 1 2 Emmet, Cyril , 4 7 Enslin, M . S. , 3 Epaphroditus, 7 6 Ephesians, Epistl e to , 12 2 f . Ephesus, 6 9 f. , 7 4

Cadbury, H . J. , 100 , 102 , 109 , 15 0 Caesarea, 2 2 Caius, 4 0 ff., see also C a l i g u l a Caligula, 4 4 f .

Eusebius, 63 , 96 , 100 , 135 , 144 , 1 5 0 Everett C . C. , 27 , 1 5 0 I

INDEX Famine, 4 6

J o h n , th e so n o f Z e b e d e e , 4 8 f. , 96 -

Fascher, Ε. , 15 0

97 Joppa, 2 2

F e s t u s , 88 , 9 5 f . F o a k e s - J a c k s o n , F . J . , 5 , 39 , 1 0 8 , 1 5 0

J o s e p h u s , 40 , 46 , 96-97 , 1 0 9 - m

Form-criticism, 2 , 3 3

Judas, 6 1

Formgeschichte, 2

J u d e , Epistl e of , 14 4

,3 3

Fourth Gospel , 13 5

Junius, 8 4

G a l a t i a , 5 1 , 7 0 ; c a t e c h i s t s in , 5 8 ;

K e i m , Τ . , 10 9 Krenkel, Μ. , 109-11 0

churches of , 5 0 f . G a l a t i a n theory , 5 2

L a k e , K i r s o p p , 5 , 1 1 - 1 2 , 39 , 46 , 5 1 ,

G a l a t i a n s , E p i s t l e to , 5 3 f. , 5 6 f .

83, 1 0 0 , 1 0 8 , 1 5 1

Gallio, 6 8

L e w i s , F . \V. , 1 5 1

G a r v i e , Α. , 15 0 G l o s s o l a l i a , 9 ff.

L i g h t f o o t , J . B. , 28 , 52 , 1 5 1

Goguel, M. , 7 6

L i g h t f o o t , R . H. , 5 , 1 5 1

Goodspeed, E . J. , 108 , 124 , 1 5 0

L u k e , 65-66 , 1 0 3 - 1 0 4 , 1 1 2 Luke, Gospe l of , 1 1 3 f .

G o s p e l stories , 3 3

L ü t g e r t , \V. , 5 4

G o s p e l t o th e G e n t i l e s , 4 7 G r a n t , F . C. , 3 , 1 5 1

Lycaonia 5 1

Harnack, Α. , von , 105-108 , h i , 1 5 1

L y s t r a , 5 0 ff.

Lydda 2 2

H a r r i s o n , P . N. , 1 4 1 , 1 5 1

Μ ( D o c u m e n t ) , 85 , 1 2 8 , 1 3 0

H e b r e w s , E p i s t l e to , 1 1 5

M a r k , Gospe l of , 1 1 4

Hellenists, 17 , 1 8 H e r o d A g r i p p a see

Agripp

M a r k , J o h n , 3 , 49 , 6 1 f. , 6 4

a

M a t t h e w , G o s p e l o f , 1 2 7 ff.

Hincks, Ε . Y . , 1 4 1 , 1 5 1

M c G i f f e r t , A . C. , 1 5 1

Holtzmann, J . H. , 1 5 1

Mission, Christian , 2 2

Holy Spirit , 1 5

M i s s i o n a r y j o u r n e y s : th e first,

H o w a r d , \ V . F. , 1 5 1 I c o n i u m , 5 0 ff.

Moffatt, J. , 126 , 145 , 1 5 1

Ignatius o f Antioch , 139 , 1 4 1 , 14 2

Mother churc h a

t Jerusalem , 71

85 f· , 9 5

J a m e s , Epistl e of , 14 3

M y s t e r y religions , 13 7

J a m e s , th e L o r d ' s b r o t h e r , 4 7 f . , 9 6

M y s t i c g r o u p e x p e r i e n c e , 1 0 ff.

J a m e s , th e so n o f Z e b e d e e , 4 5 J e r u s a l e m , 16 , 2 9 - 3 1 , 7 0 ; M o t h e

49 ;

the s e c o n d , 6 5 ff.; th e t h i r d , 7 0

Nazarenes, 11

r

2

N e r o , 83 , 9 8 f .

c h u r c h at , 7 1 , 8 5 f . , 9 5 ; S y n o d o r council o f , 4 9 A . D. , 6 0

Ott, J . B . , 10 9

J e w s , p r e a c h i n g to , 3 4 J o h n th e B a p t i s t , b i r t h o f , 7 3

P a p i a s , 39 , 9 7

J o h n th e B a p t i s t , sec t o f , 70 , 7 3 , 1 3 7

Parables, 3 7

J o h n , G o s p e l o f , 1 3 5 ff.

Parallelism, 3 7

.56

,

Sanday, W. , 15 2

P a s s i o n , account s o f , 3 5 Pastoral Epistles , 14 1

S a u l o f T a r s u s see

P a u l , 1 9 ff., 2 3 - 2 6 , 28 , 30 , 4 6 ff., 55 ,

S c h e c h t e r , S. , 2 3 , 1 5 2

60 ff., 65 , 74 , 7 6 f. , 8 5 ; c o n v e r s i o n ,

Schoene, Α . , io o

23 ff.; i s t m i s s i o n a r y j o u r n e y , 4 9 ;

Schweitzer, Α. , 4 3

2nd missionar

Scott, E . F . , 1 5 2

y journey

,6

5 ff.;

3rd missionar y journey , 7 0 ; vi

-

sion n e a r D a m a s c u s , 2 5 f .

Pau l

S h r a d e r , P a u l , 10 6 S i l a s , 6 1 , 6 5 - 6 6 ; see also

Silvanu

Peake, Arthur , 9 8

S i l v a n u s , 1 2 6 ; see also

Pentecost, D a y o f , 9 ff.

Spitta, F. , 1 1 , 105-106 , 1 5 2

Perfecti, 8

Staunton, V . H. , 15 2

0

P e r i o d s o f th e A p o s t o l i c A g e , 6

S t e p h e n , 1 8 f . , 2 1 f. , 25 , 9 6

Perry, A . M. , 15 1 Persecution o f Christians , 2 1 ; b

Strachan, R . H. , 15 2 S t r e e t e r , Η . B. , 1 2 5 , 1 2 8 , 140 , 1 5 2

y

Swete, Η . B. , 1 5 2

N e r o , 1 0 0 ff. Pessinus, 5 2

Synod, 3 1

P e t e r , t r , 16 , 30 , 4 8 f . , 79 , 98 , 1 0 0 ,

S y r i a , 3 0 f. , 6 0

120, 125 , 127 , 13 2

Tavium, 5 2

P e t e r , E p i s t l e s o f , 1 2 4 f. , 1 4 5

T a y l o r , V . , 5 , 35 , 37 , 1 5 2

P e t r o n i u s , 4 0 ff.

Temptation, 3 8

Philemon, 7 6

T e n Commandments , 5 6

Philip, 2 2

T i m o t h y , 65-6 6

P h i l o , 70-7 2

T i m o t h y , E p i s t l e s to , 1 4 1

Phoebe, 8 4

T i t u s , 48 , 8 0

Phrygia, 5 1 Pneumatici, 5

s

Sila s

T i t u s , E p i s t l e to , 1 4 1

5

T o n g u e s , s p e a k i n g w i t h , 9 ff.

Preaching t o Jews , 3 4

T o r r e v , C . C. , 109 , 1 5 2

Presbyters, 5 0

Transfiguration, 3 8

P r i s c i l l a , 66 , 6 9 - 7 1 , 76-77 , 83-8 4

T r i n i t a r i a n baptisma l formula , 12 7

P r o n o u n c e m e n t stories , 3 5

Trinity, 1 5

Prophecy, 1 3 f .

Troas, 6 5

P s y c h i c p h e n o m e n a a t Pentecost , 1 1

Virgin Mary , 7 4

Q ( D o c u m e n t ) , 58 , 63 , 1 2 8 R a m s a y , W . M . , 52 , 65-66 , 100 , 1 0 6 ,

W a n d , J . W . C. , 15 3 Weiss, J. , 4 3

118, 125 , 151 , 15 2

Wellhausen, J. , 15 3

Resurrection, 3 5 R e v e l a t i o n , Boo k o f , 44 , 98 , 1 3 2 , 1 3 4

Wendt, W . W. , 15 3

R o m a n s , E p i s t l e t o the , 8 4 f .

Wiekes, D . R. , 15 3

R o p e s , J . H . , 54 , 1 4 3 , 1 5 2

Windisch, Η. , $

Rosche, R . H . , 1 2 8

Worcester, Elwood , 7 2

Samaria, 2 2

Zadokites, 2 3

>57