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 0899509320

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THE ALBANIANS An Ethnic History from Prehistoric Times to the Present by

Edwin E. Jacques

McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers Jefferson, North Carolina, and London

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data are available

Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Jacques, Edwin E., 1908The Albanians : an ethnic history from prehistoric times to the present / by Edwin E. Jacques, p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-89950-932-0 (lib. bdg.: 50# alk. paper) (CO) 1. Albania —History. I. Title. DR941.J33 1995 949.65-d c 2 0 93-42598 CIP ®1995 Edwin E. Jacques. All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640

To my Dorothy: a "gift of God" for sixty-some years

Table of Contents P reface

ix

Introduction: W ho A re the A lbanians?

xi

Part One: Primeval Albania Colonized by the Greeks and Its Civilization (to 168 b . c .) 1. Archeological Reconstruction of Prehistoric Life in Albania 2. Linguistic Ancestry of the Albanian Language andPeople 3. Traditions About Albania in Our Earliest Chronicles 4. The Early Historical Kingdoms in Albania (1280-323 b.c .) 5. Dissolution of the Albanian Kingdoms and Their Subjugation by Rome (323-168 b.c .)

2 29 46 78 110

Part Two: Developing Albania Subjugated by the Romans and Its Christianization (168 b .c .- a . d . 1503) The Roman Period (168 b.c .- a .d . 395) The Byzantine Period (395-489) Occupation of Albania by the Goths (489-535) Byzantine Rule Once Again (535-861) The Bulgarian Period (861-1014) Byzantine Rule Yet Again (1014-1204) Norman Rule in Albania (1081-1204) Quarreling Feudal Families Vulnerable to the Ottoman Turks 14. The Ottoman Turkish Threat 15. Gradual Capitulation of Feudal Families to the Ottoman Turks 16. Temporary Successes of Skanderberg (1443-1468) 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

vii

126 146 149 151 156 159 160 164 170 173 178

viii

Contents

17. Final Capitulation of Albania to the Turks (1503) 18. Albania's Peculiar Handicaps in Facing Turkish Occupation

190 193

Part Three: Christian Albania Occupied by the Turks and Its Islamization (1503-1912) 19. The Turkish Government of Occupied Albania 20. Reasons for the Adoption of Islam by Albanian Christians 21. Revolutionary and Diplomatic Efforts for Albanian Independence 22. Albania's Nonviolent Revolution: Its Cultural Renaissance 23. Declaration of Albanian Independence at Vlora (28 November 1912) 24. Grounds for Confidence in Albania's Eventual Nationhood

200 213 241 275 320 325

Part Four: Muslim Albania Governed by Feudalists and Its Nationalization (1912-1939) 25. The Fourteen Successive Ineffective Governments (1912-1925) 26. The Fourteen-Year National Government of Ahmet Zogu (1925-1939)

334 382

Part Five: Nationalist Albania Seized by the Marxists and Its Communization (1939-1985) 27. The Fascist Occupation and the Rise of Marxism (1939-1944) 28. The Stalinist Government of Enver Hoxha (1944-1985)

410 425

Part Six: Communist Albania Attracted by the West and Its Democratization (1985- ) 29. The Reform Government of Ramiz Alia (1985-1992) 30. The Democratic Government of Sali Berisha (1992-

)

584 698

In d ex ed M ap s o f A lb a n ia

703

B ib lio g ra p h y

711

In d ex

721

Preface Concerned Albanians and friends of Albania have heard many strange stories about that enigmatic country and its people. I have long confronted the difficulty in distinguishing between fact and fancy. Available informa­ tion is scanty. But altogether helpful was the extensive collection of Albanology in Albanian, French, Italian and English bequeathed to the Public Library of Korcha, Albania, by the pretender to that throne, Prince Don Juan Aladro Castrioti of Paris. His lifelong accumulation of scholarly works proved indispensable to me in preparing a master's degree thesis for Boston University in 1941 on "The Islamization of Albania Under the Turks." Then certain rare works in Italian were researched at the Biblioteca Nazionale of Rome, especially one memorable Fascist half-holiday in 1940 when the departing staff forgot their foreign visitor at his secluded study table and the massive barricaded doors gave me more uninterrupted hours than I really wanted. Certain contemporary Albanian government records are available at the Library of Congress in Washington. Other rare publications in several languages were located by helpful staff at the National Library of Tirana, the Albanian capital, during my visit there in 1986. Of supreme impor­ tance, however, are the Albanian-language books, magazines and clippings that I have gathered throughout more than a half century of fascination with this remarkable people. During the past several years, subscriptions to two Albanian-American newspapers and to an official cultural magazine published in Tirana have enabled me to carefully monitor developments in that country. And finally, intimate accounts of moments of high drama in Albanian history written by eyewitnesses and participants have been ex­ tracted from thousands of pages of American School and Evangelical Mis­ sion documents, reports and correspondence. Some of this material has never been available before in any language, certainly much of it never in English.

IX

Introduction: Who Are the Albanians? When communism crumbled throughout Eastern Europe, Albania re­ mained its last bastion of Stalinism. At the time a spokesman for the United Nations' Commission on Human Rights identified Albania as "the only country in the world which has entirely crushed religious liberty" (Dielli 25 April 1988, 8). Who are the Albanians? Holders of American passports some years ago may remember that Albania was one of the five countries they were forbidden to visit; and when the United States lifted its travel restriction in 1967, the Albanian government promptly applied its own. Some people may have recognized the name of Albania's capital city when former President Carter announced that the man responsible for his inaugural arrangements would head his department of civil defense, one Bardhyl Tirana. Few, probably, would have made a connection between the Albanian community of Detroit and the senior trial attorney with the United States Department of Justice, John T. Kotelly, who in 1979 received the coveted John Marshall Award for his successful prosecution of major cases of public corruption. Nor could they be expected to discern behind the exotic or Americanized surnames of ethnic neighbors the numerous sons and daughters of humble Albanian im­ migrants who resolutely climbed the ladder of success, first in the trades, then in the professions. One of these is Anthony Athanas, a former im­ migrant dishwasher and waiter, who developed one of his five restaurants, Boston's Pier Four, into what the Wall Street Journal once called the biggest restaurant in the world, and who now heads a $1 billion Boston waterfront development project. Other distinguished Albanians include the late John Belushi, the Hol­ lywood comedian who made all America laugh, but whose tragic search for personal happiness led in 1982 to his fatal drug overdose, and his brother, the currently active entertainer James Belushi. Yet another is the nationally syndicated columnist Donald Lambro, named by Reader's Digest (July 1986, 60) "journalism's top expert" on wasteful government programs. And yet another is William Gregory, the air force captain and test pilot with a xi

xii

Introduction

master's degree from Columbia University who was selected by NASA in 1990 for astronaut training as a space shuttle pilot. News watchers could hardly have overlooked more overt mention of the Albanians. When Pope Paul VI broke all precedents by addressing the United Nations General Assembly in 1965, the only delegation to protest and boycott the address was from Albania. When the World Court at the Hague announced its directive on the American hostages in Iran and the world wondered whether Teheran would honor it, newsmen noted that since the court was established in 1945 its decision had been defied only once, and that by Albania. When the People's Republic of China was something of an international pariah, it was successfully nominated for membership in the United Nations Organization by its tiny but strident client, Albania. When a United Nations draft resolution in 1980 condemned Soviet armed aggression in Afghanistan and demanded immediate withdrawal of foreign troops, Albania was one of only four Communist states voting against Moscow. Once unique as the only predominantly Muslim country in Europe, Albania has recently prided herself on being the first and only thoroughly atheistic country in the history of the world, unsurpassed during the years of Communism for its brutal attempt to exterminate all traces of every religion in the country. A 1989 human rights study by the Puebla Institute of Washington identified Albania as "the worst abuser of religious liberty in the world today" (Dielli 10 Sept. 1989, 8). And yet, who has not heard of Mother Teresa, the saintly Nobel Prize winner, the guardian angel of abandoned slum dwellers in Calcutta and 60 other countries, who was born in Uskup, now Yugoslavia, of an Albanian grocer family named Bojaxhiu? Who are the Albanians? In the following pages we shall see that they claim descent from the great warrior Achilles and from other heroes at the siege of ancient Troy. They claim Alexander the Great, who saved Western civilization from the invading hordes of Persia. Pyrrhus was another Alba­ nian. The Albanians predominated in Rome's elite Praetorian Guard and the remarkable succession of soldier-emperors, including the celebrated Diocletian and Constantine the Great. Probably the outstanding emperor to occupy the throne at Constantinople was Justinian the Great, originating in Ochrida, Albania. Then there was the incomparable Skanderbeg who almost alone shielded Europe from the Turks for a quarter century. Albanian courage and loyalty led Turkish sultans to prefer them as Janissaries in the royal bodyguard, and like the Praetorian Guard before them, they could and frequently did make or break the emperors. They were Albanian refugees from Turkish oppression who led in the liberation of Greece. In fact it was the Albanians who originated the costume still used as uniform by the Greek evzones or royal guardsmen: the "fustanella" or pleated white felt kilt, the hide shoes with turned-up points and colorful pom-poms, the crimson sash or belt stuffed with weapons, a black-winged

Introduction

xiii

jacket and a white fez. Garibaldi and other descendants of Albanian refugees in Italy played a primary role in the struggle for the unification of Italy in 1860. It is understandable then that Enver Hoxha, the freedom fighter and founder of the New Albania, should declare, "Our history was written not with pen and ink, but with the sword and blood." Yet Albanians have excelled in other than military exploits. Serious scholars claim Albanian ethnicity for the poet Homer, the philosopher Aristotle, and Hippocrates, the "Father of Medicine." Jerome, who trans­ lated the Latin Vulgate Bible, was of Illyrian, or Albanian, descent, as was Pope Clement XI. So was the Ecumenical Patriarch Athenagoras I, who in 1964 met with Pope Paul VI to release one another from the anathemas of 1054, which split the Eastern Catholic Church from the West. An astonish­ ing number of Albanians were promoted to the highest governmental offices of the Ottoman empire. The Italian statesman Francesco Crispi declared himself of Albanian blood. So was Mohammed Ali Pasha, who in 1805 established the beneficent century-long regime in Egypt. And so was Mustapha Kemal, founder of modern Turkey, and called "Ata-Turk" (Father of the Turks). But there are also many nameless ones. The absence of early Albanian documents has left us only dim traces of their beginnings. It is possible that over 200 generations of unnamed Albanians have lived and labored, loved and hated, married and begotten, struggling continually for survival. They with their children and their communities enjoyed occasional plenty and suffered frequent desperate want. They sought to improve their condition, they perpetuated their language and their culture, and they usually died with little to show for the struggle. These magnificent Albanians have con­ tinued their dramatic struggle for 70 centuries but have recorded for posterity only the last three of these. The many preceding silent centuries allow us only occasional and fleeting glimpses of the heroic past of these largely unknown people. The Albanians have lived in a land of jagged skylines, towering peaks, precipitous cliffs, windswept plateaus and snow-filled ravines. They called it not Albania, but Shqipëria, the Land of the Eagle. They called themselves not Albanians, but Shqiptarë, or Sons of the Eagle. Thus they identified with that noblest of birds that soars the highest, mates for life, and nests among one-and-a-half-mile-high peaks. That picturesque land has won considerable literary mention. Al­ though William Shakespeare never visited the land, he based his comedy Twelfth Night in Illyria, or Albania. Lord Byron's visits to Albania left him so enthusiastic for the land and the people that his poet friend Shelley nicknamed him "Alby." In his Childe H arold (1.2.46) Byron voiced his ad­ miration of "Illyria's vales," her "many a mount sublime," those "lands scarce noticed in historic tales," and declared "such lovely dales are rarely seen." He waxed poetic too over the people, calling Albania a "rugged nurse of savage men" (1.2.38). He pictured "The wild Albanian kirtled to his knee /

XIV

Introduction

with shawl-girt head and ornamented gun, / and gold-embroidered gar­ ments fair to see" (1.2.58). He also declared (ibid.), "The Arnaouts, or Albanese, struck me forcibly by their resemblance to the Highlanders of Scotland, their very mountains, the kilt though white, the spare active form, their dialect Celtic in sound, and their hardy habits, all carried me b ack.. . . " So would their fierce interfamily blood feuds, and their goatskin or pigskin bagpipes softened with warm water and oil, whose gay, flutelike melody was accompanied by a low drone quite like that of the Scottish highland bagpipe music. Across the Atlantic the tale of Albania's hero Skanderbeg was told by the Spanish Jew in Longfellow's "Tales of a Wayside Inn." And yet farther westward across the Pacific the only epic poem in the Tagalog language of the Philippines is "Florante at Laura," a classic love story based in the kingdom of Albania (Leonard Tuggy, letter to author, 27 March 1989). The present-day shrunken Albania is sandwiched between the former Yugoslavia and Greece on the western shore of the Balkan peninsula, only 40 miles across the Adriatic Sea from the heel of the Italian boot. Yet it cer­ tainly is the least known country of Europe. As the last Turkish province in Europe it was tightly closed to foreigners over the centuries, and until recently it has been closed even more tightly by her postwar Communist regime. One can readily visit Nepal, Saudi Arabia or China, but not this tiny enigmatic hermit nation. Journalists characterize Albania as isolated, introverted, mysterious, xenophobic, a Tibet-in-Europe. Even more ap­ propriately applied to Albania than to the Soviet Union is Winston Chur­ chill's characterization as "a riddle, wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma." People ask more specifically, "Where did the Albanians originate? Are they modern descendants of the Greeks or the Romans, the Balkan Slavs or even the Turks?" So first we shall examine archaeological findings, then the highly sophisticated detective work of linguistic experts, and finally the popular traditions preserved in the earliest chronicles of ancient scholars. Here we discover traces of Albania's otherwise incomprehensible pre­ historic culture. This ancient Pelasgian people antedated the developing civilizations of Greece and Rome. Their determination to preserve their ethnic identity, their passion for their own land, language and liberty, were threatened by both the Eastern and Western empires of Christendom, and later by the Ottoman Turks. During a dozen consecutive periods of foreign domination the Albanians gradually abandoned their primitive nature worship and were first Christianized, then Islamized, and later made Com­ munist. Many questions arise. Why would historically Christian Albanians turn predominantly Muslim? Other European peoples were exposed to Turkish Islam just as long as the Albanians were, and under similar cir­ cumstances. Yet Albanians were the only Europeans to submit to Islam in significant numbers. Why was this? So we shall examine the 500-year oppressive occupation of Albania by the Turkish overlords and her

Introduction

xv

abandonment by Roman Catholic and Greek Orthodox neighbors. We shall examine in depth two sets of factors, one objective and one subjective, which contributed directly to her remarkable Islamization. The first of these is the pattern of Turkish policies toward religious minorities, the other, certain characteristics peculiar to the Albanian people which predis­ posed them toward conversion to Islam. Postwar Albania earned the dubious distinction of being the only country to vote itself Communist with little or no outside compulsion. In­ terested observers ask, Why would Communist Albania sever postwar ties with Yugoslavia to ally herself with the Soviet Union in 1948, then re­ pudiate the Soviet Union for Maoist China in 1961, then repudiate all ties with China in 1978 and determine to "go it alone"? Why would Albania con­ tinue as the only state on Earth to officially recognize Joseph Stalin as its hero and role model? And there is a yet more immediate mystery, for Al­ bania owes her very existence to American educational, financial, medical, technical, humanitarian and diplomatic aid. In the United States also is the large, closely knit community of enthusiastically loyal Albanian expa­ triates who again and again have come to the aid of the motherland. So people ask, Why would the recent Albanian regime establish diplomatic, commercial and cultural ties with more than one hundred nations all over the world, yet spurn such with the United States, even, like Iran, calling this the "Great Imperialist Satan"? Again people ask, Why would predominantly Muslim Albanians believing in Allah, and Orthodox or Roman Catholic minorities believing in God and in Jesus Christ, outlaw all religious expression and pride them­ selves on becoming the world's first and only thoroughly atheistic state? And yet again, Why in the world would the Albanian Communist regime take satisfaction in being designated by international monitoring agencies as the world's worst abuser of human rights and religious liberty? More recently we would ask, When democratic reforms swept so many Com­ munist lands of Eastern Europe, why did the Communist leaders of tiny isolated Albania disdain "those revisionists" as traitors and pride them­ selves on standing alone as the last bastion of hard-line Stalinism? And finally, Why would those Stalinist bureaucrats imagine that they alone could survive the total collapse suffered by every other Communist regime in Europe, including even the Soviet Union? Casual observers might mistakenly infer from the above that Alba­ nians are fickle or capricious. Accordingly we shall trace the faltering development of a quasi-independent Albania through a succession of foreign alliances dictated by economic dependence, culminating in her radical communization and her repudiation of all compromising entangle­ ments, the abolition of all religion, and her social and economic develop­ ment. Probably this was the only country in the world which asked foreign aid from nobody, and which had no national debt! Were those constantly changing foreign alliances dictated by a determination to achieve some

XVI

Introduction

clearly defined goal that had inspired but eluded Albanian patriots down through the centuries? Admittedly we can know only in part, for Albania has been shielded by a curtain more impenetrable than those which hid the Soviet bloc and China from the world's view. But there are certain in­ dicators that emerge from Albania's long, turbulent, tragic, bloody history. The record, though scanty, is clear. Our world should recognize it. The present work, an historical inquiry into Albania and the Alba­ nians, is no exercise in scholarly futility. It is urgently relevant to several categories of readers. First are the freedom-loving Albanians. That country is unusual in that the number of ethnic Albanians living beyond her borders is greater than the 3 million living within the country. Yugoslavia alone has nearly 3 million. Turkey has 1.5 million, Greece about 300,000, Italy over 400,000, and the United States 400,000, and there are thousands more liv­ ing in Australia, Argentina, Canada, and throughout Europe. English is the primary language of many of these and the second language of virtually all the rest, both within and outside Albania itself. Many of these have ex­ pressed dismay at the few pages that attempt to cover events in their history prior to this century. Many non-Albanian friends of Albania share their frustration. The editor of an Albanian newspaper in Boston deplored the fact that there are very few English-language books on Albanian history. He pointed out that university libraries as well as other American schools and readers are seek­ ing English-language material on Albania, but very little is available. A subscriber responded that many members of his Albanian-American com­ munity do not read Albanian, but are "hungry for facts on our history and heritage,'' and he expressed the hope that they would get more of such material in the future. Another subscriber wrote of his futile search for an English-language history of Albania in the central library of his metropolitan city in the Midwest, only to be told by the librarian that nothing was available. It is understandable then, if regrettable, that Western diplomatic per­ sonnel would know little about Albanian affairs. And this lack of awareness does have serious implications for the rest of the world. We shall see how the bungling intervention in Albanian affairs by well-meaning European diplomats precipitated the Balkan War, awarded to neighboring nations one-half of Albania's territory and population, and set the stage for World War I. A well-informed American president, Woodrow Wilson, is still venerated by Albanians for his stubborn insistence at Versailles on the right of small nations like Albania to enjoy democratic self-government and independence. On the other hand certain Albanian patriots blame British and American military strategists during World War II for enabling a hard-line Communist clique to seize control of their country and elimi­ nate Western-style democracy. Obviously, for weal or woe, the great and small peoples coexisting on Earth are bound together in the bundle of life. What happens in Albania really does have implications for the rest of us.

Introduction

XVII

With the resumption in 1991 of diplomatic relations between the United States and Albania, the postwar informational vacuum is no basis for in­ telligent cooperation between the two. There are other contemporary implications. Global energy problems in recent years have led certain oil-rich Islamic nations to dream of expan­ sion on a far greater scale than anything envisioned by the savage Ottoman horsemen of Amurat or Mohammed II. Certain fundamentalist Muslim na­ tions dream of turning the clock back a thousand years to a strict enforce­ ment of Islamic law. The implications for Christian minorities living in predominantly Islamic lands are vividly illustrated by the historical realities of Turkish-occupied Albania. It was George Santayana of Harvard University who reminded us all that those who do not remember the past are condemned to repeat it. Albania now catches the attention of many. A New Hampshire legislator, David Young, left for Tirana in May 1992 to serve as chief of staff for two ministries there. Other consultants will go with the United Nations Development Program, the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the World Health Organization (WHO), the International Red Cross or the European Community (EC), each of which has promised millions of dollars for emergency aid. Consultants also represent the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank, US/AID and several trade groups and oil companies such as Occidental, Amoco and Chevron. The Peace Corps will send 25 volunteers, and four Ph.D.s went in May 1992 to consult with the Ministry of Education on revising the educational system. Trucks with emergency food, clothing and medicines have entered Albania from Norway, Sweden, Netherlands, Britain, Germany and Ire­ land, as have ships from Italy and cargo planes from the United States. The Medical Assistance Programs (MAP) of Canada has enlisted four other mission agencies in significant joint health care projects. About 140 evangelical missionaries already serve in Albania. They come from the United States, Britain, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Netherlands, Austria, Germany, Hungary, Greece, Italy, parts of the former Yugoslavia, Brazil, Mexico and Australia. Two agencies specializing in short-term work had hundreds of workers distributing Christian literature during the summer of 1992. Every one of these many individuals has his own network of family and friends, each with a great interest in Albania. SO U R C ES OF K N O W LED G E A B O U T EARLY A LBA N IA Ancient Greek and Roman scholars wrote of contemporary happen­ ings which they could verify and preserve for posterity. Unfortunately the early preliterate Albanians left absolutely nothing in writing: no literature, not a single document, not even an inscription. The archaeologists came to our rescue. Their research has unearthed stone structures of every kind: fortifications, dwellings, monuments, altars and tombs, also mosaics and

xviii

Introduction

especially ceramic pottery. Then they have recovered artifacts of stone, bone, horn, copper, bronze, iron, and precious stones, gold and silver. There are weapons, armor, household utensils, agricultural implements, tools, ornaments, buttons and coins, all of which help us reconstruct their prehistoric culture. Linguists have given us additional insights. For linguistic analysis can trace a written language back to its earlier stages, can discover its relation to other languages and to some common parent stock. The inherited names of mountains and rivers, legendary heroes and divinities, figures and in­ scriptions on coins, and any early vocabulary can yield clues as to the primitive culture. Yet further, the chronicles of ancient Greek and Roman scholars incor­ porated snatches of the wisdom of prehistoric neighbor peoples: their myths and legends, taboos and customs relating to the family, the clan, marriage, birth and death, government and war, planting and harvest, songs and games, medicine and religion. This rich treasury of secondhand Albanian folklore had no known author or source. It was an unwritten body of traditional knowledge passed along by word of mouth from generation to generation. Somewhere, somehow, these cultural traces caught the attention of Greek and Roman scholars who recorded them for posterity. These three sources then, archaeology, linguistics and certain early chronicles, can throw considerable light on what would otherwise be a quite incomprehensible prehistoric Albanian past. At this stage early historical and literary documents help fill the infor­ mation vacuum. Fortunately for us, Albania was situated between the two classic civilizations of Greece and Rome and repeatedly came into collision with both. Many Greek, Latin and Italian historical accounts mention quite incidentally some military, diplomatic, commercial or ecclesiastical con­ tact with Albanians. Later European travelers, scholars, merchants, consu­ lar personnel or adventurers explored this mountainous wilderness and recorded observations in their journals. Such unrelated vignettes can hardly enable the continuous historical record which we would prefer. Yet their very authenticity encourages us in reconstructing as faithfully as possible the long, tragic, heroic story of the Albanians, the Shqiptarë. For as J. D. Bourchier declared, "The determination with which this remarkable race has maintained its mountain strongholds through a long series of ages has hitherto met with scant appreciation in the outside world" (Liria 14 August 1981, 3). Let us instead, like the shipwrecked heroine of Shakespeare's Twelfth Night, ask, "What country, friends, is this?" Shakespeare's sea captain replied, "This is Illyria, lady" (1.2.1-2). When she asked, "Knowest thou this country?" he replied, "Ay, madam, well" (1.2.23-24). These pages, then, will help the reader know this country Illyria, and know it well.

Part One

Primeval Albania Colonized by the Greeks and Its Civilization (to 1 6 8 B.C .)

1. Archeological Reconstruction of Prehistoric Life in Albania THE ROLE OF A R C H E O L O G Y Archeology is the historical science which discovers and analyzes human traces of prehistoric cultures, i.e., those predating any written records. Archeologists excavate ancient dwelling and burial sites to discover construction materials and techniques and to recover tools, weapons, utensils, coins and ornaments fashioned of durable materials such as stone, bone, horn, pottery or metal. These enable an understanding of the domestic, economic, social and religious activities of the preliterate populations. Clay pottery and fragments called sherds remain unchanged over the centuries. However, their shape, color, ornamentation and workmanship did change over the years, thus affording scientists their usual means of dating the artifacts recovered at an ancient site. THE A R C H E O L O G I C A L A G E S IN EUROPE The archeological ages in Europe are usually outlined as follows: The Stone Age came first, extending for thousands of years until about 2600 b.c ., with early man making and using stone implements. The Balkan region is said to have had a common ethnic basis and an approximate linguistic basis, the region and people being called by ancient scholars Pelasgia and Pelasgian. This Stone Age is usually subdivided into three periods. First was the Paleolithic period ending about 10,000 b.c ., when man made and used tools of rough or chipped stone, horn or bone, and lived by hunting, fishing and gathering wild fruit and edible vegetation. Then came the Mesolithic period ending about 6000 b.c ., during which man domesticated certain animals and plants. Finally we have the Neolithic period (6000-2600 b.c .) during which man developed polished stone tools, pottery, weaving, stock-raising and agriculture. The C opper Age followed, from the discovery of copper about 2600 until about 2100 b.c ., with man first using this rather soft new metal for tools and weapons. 2

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in Albania

3

The Bronze Age began about 2100 b.c . with the discovery that tin mixed with copper produced an alloy called bronze, a much harder metal than copper for fashioning tools and weapons. The Iron Age followed from 1100 b.c . to about 500 b .c ., during which iron was used to make tools and weapons. At this time there occurred the greatest development of civilization in the Balkan region, as evidenced by the earliest fortified habitations, the ceramics and coins. These prehistoric ages were followed by the Illyrian City period (500-200 b.c .), the Roman Occupation period (200 b.c . to a .d . 400) and the Early Byzantine period (a .d . 400-500). A R C H E O L O G I C A L R ES E AR CH IN A L BA N I A The earliest recorded interest in Albanian archeology was the visit of Ciriaco d'Ancona by Italian galley along the seacoast (1434-35) to copy in­ scriptions and describe the monuments he observed in Lezha, Durrës, Apollonia, Butrint and other places (N A lb 1984, 4:34). Napoleon III sent an archeological mission to trace Caesar's campaign in Albania and carried back to the Louvre a number of works of art found in Apollonia and Durrës. Ottoman officials and businessmen took to Constantinople valu­ able objects found in Durrës, Apollonia, Finiq and Koman (ibid.). During the decades immediately following Albania's independence in 1912, however, archeological research into their origins was not high on their priority list. National survival came first, then a host of concerns basic to nationhood. Research into Albania's distant past was a luxury left to others. An Austrian team of six scholars headed by Camille Prashniker surveyed archeological monuments from Shkodra to Fier in 1916, then in Apollonia and Mallakastra in 1918 (FESH 1985, 864). The Italian Archaeological Mission in Albania began work about 1926 at Finiq, six miles east of Saranda, and around Butrint. Professor Luigi Ugolini continued research about a decade and was followed by Professor Pirro Marconi. The French Archaeological Mission conducted work in Albania during the latter 1920s and 1930s in and around ancient Apollonia, now Pojani near Fier, under the direction of Professor Leon Rey. All these explorations were conducted at sites along the Adriatic coast, tracing early Greek and Roman settlements. There was little interest in Albania's earlier roots. Their discoveries usually enriched foreign museums, especially those of Italy. Following World War II and Liberation, the Archaeological Re­ search Center under the direction of Muzafer Korkuti made great advances in the archeological exploration of early Albania: its prehistoric sites and fortified towns, its castles and tombs. An archeological map issued in 1971 identified 170 archeological sites then under study, and the number has rapidly increased. Besides the National History Museum at Tirana, the cap­ ital and the archelogical museum at the University of Tirana, there are now important museums at most provincial capitals and at the principal archeo­ logical sites.

4

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

The complete absence of written documents and the scarcity of inscrip­ tions by this preliterate people of antiquity led the Encyclopaedia Britannica author on the Albanian language to the conclusion that "the term 'Illyrian' is really just a name for something we know next to nothing about. 'Pelasgian' is also something that we really can't assign meaning to. These people are better called 'Prehellenic'" (E. P. Hamp, letter to author, 18 June 1983). But the First Colloquium of Illyrian Studies in September 1972 and the second such colloquium in September 1985 brought together at Tirana distinguished scholars of archeology and other disciplines from Albania and 12 foreign countries to pool their extensive research on the theme, "The Illyrians: Origin, Civilization, Heritage." As a consequence the terms Pelasgian or Pre-Illyrian and Illyrian or Prehellenic are now clarified by a greatly enriched body of knowledge. The culture of these prehistoric in­ habitants of the Balkans now appears from the following discoveries of their dwellings, tombs, ceramics, tools, weapons and other articles used for personal ornamentation and worship. THE S T O N E AGE ( T O

CA.

2 60 0 B.C.)

This most ancient stage of human society is called the Stone Age, ex­ tending from the remote beginnings of the human race to the middle of the third millennium b.c . when rough stone and bone tools were replaced by copper. The Stone Age is usually divided into the Paleolithic or early stone age (down to about 10,000 b.c .), the Mesolithic or middle stone age (10,000 to 6000 b.c .), and the Neolithic or late stone age (6000 to 2600 b.c .). T he Paleolithic Period (to

ca .

10,000 b .c .)

Probably the earliest traces of human life in Albania have been found in the prehistoric cave dwelling of Xara about five miles from Butrint. On or near the surface of the ground a considerable quantity of flint tools have been recovered. These include tools for scraping, cutting, chipping and per­ forating and are similar to those recovered at recognized Paleolithic sites in southern Epirus, Thessaly and Montenegro. Scientists classify these humans as Neanderthal in type (FESH 1985, 1181). Similar human traces dating back before 10,000 b .c . have been found in the prehistoric cave dwelling Blazi I of Mat, where in addition to flint tools there were broken animal bones, some with scars showing rudimentary efforts to shape them for use (FESH 1985, 103). Humans at that time usually lived in caves or in the open, fed on edible vegetation or tuberous roots and on the meat of wild animals. Similar traces have also been identified on the slope of Mt. Dajti near Tirana. T he M esolithic P eriod (10,000

to

6ooo b .c .)

Relatively few human traces have been identified with the Mesolithic period. Bone and flint tools have been found in a cave at Gajtan near Shkodra which are thought to date back before 6000 b.c . (NAlb 1984, 4:30).

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in Albania

5

T he N eolithic Period (ca . 6000 to 2600 b.c .) Because archeological findings for the Neolithic period are so numerous, it has become customary to subdivide the period into the early Neolithic, the middle Neolithic and the late Neolithic epochs. The early Neolithic epoch (ca. 6000 to 4500 B.C.). Civilization in the broader sense of the word really began during this early Neolithic epoch, for it was then that this people made the transition from the nomadic life of the hunter to the more settled life of the farmer. Their settlements were usually situated on river banks, on fertile ground, near woodlands and wild animal life. Caves continued in use for dwellings, although some people fashioned dwellings below the surface of the ground, or even above the ground on posts to escape flooding. Their gradual cultural development is indicated by the archeological traces of their construction, ceramics, tools and other articles. Although ancient tradition ascribes the founding of Butrint to defeated Trojans about 1000 b.c ., archeologists do not agree. The Italian Archaeological Mission working from 1928 until World War II discovered human traces there dating back to 5000 b.c . Ugolini recovered such prehistoric material as a polished ax and two knives made from bone and a few other articles from the Stone Age, as well as a variety of buckles dating from the Bronze Age. These indicate that Albania was populated many centuries before the Illyrian invasion (World's W ork 1930). Vlusha of Skrapari is characterized at the beginning of the Neolithic period by a coarse or primitive ceramic without ornamentation and flint tools. The cultures of Blazi II of Mat, Kolsh I of Kukës and Podgoria I and Vashtemia of Korcha all have a bright red monochrome ceramic and a ceramic with white painted decorations on a red background, which relate them cul­ turally and chronologically to Thessaly and Macedonia. Kolshi of Kukës also had a ceramic with coffee-brown paint on a red background (AT 1985, 5:44). People in Podgoria at the foot of Korcha's Mai' i Thatë (Dry Moun­ tain) used to bury their dead under the earthen floor of their dwellings. The middle N eolithic epoch (ca. 4500 to 3500 B.C.). Dunavec I near Korcha represents the oldest stratum of this middle Neolithic epoch. Situated on the Dunavec River near its junction with the Devoll River, its palafit or post dwellings rank probably as the oldest in the Balkans. Here also appear for the first time a black ceramic and a gray-on-black ceramic, often polished and of good quality. But the distinctive tone of this culture is set by the new forms of the vessels, ornamentations in relief, with engrav­ ing or impressions and gray painting. A short while later Dunavec II shows technically improved pottery with ornamentation in relief, decoration in the form of a plumstone, coffee-colored painting as well as gray, and for the first time two-colored ceramics, red and black. Excavations at Cakran near Fier yielded work tools of flint, stone, bone and horn, millstones, ceramic ovens and dwellings below ground and others half below ground. The most typical ceramic was gray on shiny black, with geometric designs.

6

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

They had also four-footed vases used in religious rites and anthropomor­ phic figurines. They too buried their dead under the earthen floor of their dwellings. Painted pottery imported from Thessaly dates the settlement ac­ curately as middle Neolithic (FE5H 1985, 139). Cakran and Dunavec II are in complete accord culturally and chronologically. Certain paints on ceram­ ics imported from the culture of ancient Dimini of Thessaly help fix the Albanian dates, also proving the early existence of trade with Thessaly. A remarkable window on Neolithic life in Albania was afforded by the systematic excavations carried out in the summer of 1989 in the Konispol cave of ancient Xara. Facing due west, a corridor 6 or 8 feet long opens into a chamber of about 1400 square feet with plenty of air and light for human habitation. On the right and left sides of this central chamber a corridor ex­ tends about 70 feet farther. Although admittedly introductory, these exca­ vations have revealed archeological materials dating back to the fourth millennium b . c ., such as ceramic vessels with thick and thin walls, black or gray in color, rarely glazed, decorated in relief patterns and with paint­ ings in gray. These characteristics of the Konispol ceramics are identical with those of the settlements at Dunavec of Korcha, Cakran of Fier and Kolsh of Kukës, evidence that during this epoch a similar culture prevailed across the territory now called Albania. This cultural unity becomes even more evident during the later Neolithic epoch when the prevailing pottery is of reddish tones, mostly decorated with patterns in brown paint. The cultural strata deposited one over the other indicate that this Konispol cave continued as a habitation throughout the Copper and Bronze ages also (N A lb 1990, 1:34). Blazi III of Mat is characterized during this epoch by gray-colored, gray-on-black and coffee-colored ceramics, decorated with geometric linear and spiral designs similar to those found along the Dalmatian coast (AT 1985, 44-45). During this same period unusual low, four-footed ritual tables, all having the same form, dimensions, red coloring and engraved ornamentation, were found widely dispersed from Dalmatia in the north to Corinth in the south, including Kosova, Dunavec and Thessaly. The widespread worship of Mother Earth is evidenced by a rich collection of anthropomorphic figurines found in Cakran, Dunavec, Kolsh and else­ where. Found rather widely in the Balkans the crumpled head-to-toe posi­ tion of skeletons is thought to evidence a worship requiring human sacrifice. These several widespread common elements in the workmanship of ceramic vessels and in worship give evidence of a common culture throughout the Western Balkan peninsula (ibid., 46). The late Neolithic epoch (ca. 3500 to 2600 B.C.). At Barch, a suburban village northeast of Korcha, excavations in an ancient tombyard unearthed a late Neolithic culture. Here is seen the characteristic which identifies the late Neolithic pottery, that is, a light colored ceramic. Usually this was an ocher or earthy yellow pottery closely linked to that of nearby Maliq. Less often it was reddish in color, also brownish gray or gray-on-black carried

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in A lbania

7

over from the past (Liria 15 August 1984, 3). Then Burimas on the slopes of Korcha's Mai' i Thatë was a late Neolithic settlement having light colored ceramic with coffee-colored designs, also red-on-black. Velcha, a village about twenty miles southeast of Vlora, is the site of natural caves which served as human habitation for some centuries of the Neolithic period. By a large fireplace at the end of one of these caves scien­ tists found a great pile of remains. There were articles of bone such as needles, also round plates and spoons. There were also stone implements, especially hammers, arrowheads and knives. There were parts of many earthen vessels, some glazed, some decorated with geometric designs or with different colors, such as brown, red and white. The Italian Professor Marconi commented on his findings at Velcha: For 3000 years before Christ Albania was inhabited, probably sparsely, by a population of neolithic culture, with the forms and expressions characteristic of the Stone Age. Their dwellings were caves, or villages on the tops of hills or mountains, probably because the valleys and plains did not present a safe refuge from flooding. Often the centers were near the sea. The articles were of bone or horn or stone, and artistic workmanship was expressed by the decoration of vessels with drawings and geometric designs. A culture of this same period and the same form appears to be spread throughout the central valley of the Danube, and in regions of cen­ tral Europe and the Balkan peninsula. At the same time it is found in southern Italy, especially in Apulia. Paleethnologists have often examined the problem of how these similarities could have occurred in such widely separated zones. Now it appears that Albania is the link which connects the Italian peninsula with the Balkan peninsula [Drita 9 March 1938; 24 July 1937],

The Maliq swamp-dweller civilization came to light quite by accident in 1948. Workers digging irrigation ditches to drain the Maliq swampland eight miles north of Korcha found in the mud many horn tools, flint knives and broken pieces of pottery or sherds. Archeologists identified there on the bank of the Devoll River a prehistoric site inhabited continuously from about 2900 to 1000 b . c . (N A lb 1984, 3:26). Frano Prendi, one of the arche­ ologists working there, declared Maliq to be the biggest prehistoric habita­ tion discovered to date in the country and the most important for the study of the cultural and ethnic development of early Albanians (Liria 19 June 1981, 1). This is because the very easily identifiable succession of strata makes it possible for archeologists to use Maliq as an archeological calen­ dar. Accordingly, the earliest level of human habitation during the late Neolithic epoch was called Maliq I. People in that first settlement lived in huts built on the ground, with wicker walls plastered with mud or clay in­ side and out. The huts were rectangular in form, often with two rooms. The earthen floor was usually equipped with a clay oven. The usual Neolithic work tools of polished stone, flint and bone were found. But the many ceramic artifacts were quite unusual, both for their unique form and

8

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

especially for their highly decorated surfaces. There was a wide range of geometrical and spiral designs in one, two or three colors reminiscent of the very specialized classical "Dimini" ceramics of Thessaly (FESH 1985, 484). Spinning wheel axles found here are similar in form and decoration to those discovered in ancient Pelasgian Troy (Korkuti 1971, 14). At this earliest level of Maliq there were also several crude terra-cotta figurines of a woman (ibid., 19-20). At Kamnik near Kolonja, excavations conducted by Kolonja district school teachers brought to light Stone Age fireplaces and kilns for baking ceramics dating back to 2800 or 2700 b.c . Also recovered was a rich collec­ tion of pottery, besides work tools of stone, flint, bone and horn. Some of the pottery was painted with two or three colors before baking, while other pieces featured an orange-colored spiral design, a white network, some even shaped like a woman with breasts and stubby arms, which would associate them with ancient Troy (ibid., 11). Thus we see that during this Neolithic period and within present-day Albanian territory an identical culture is revealed at Kamnik, Dunavec and Maliq. The development of agriculture and livestock led to a more sedentary life, more permanent housing and a greater variety of tools like those in the rich collections recovered. Trade also began, not only among these settlements of the region, but even with distant Thessaly. This Neolithic culture was becom­ ing less primitive and isolated. TH E C O P P E R AGE ( 2 6 0 0 - 2 1 0 0

b . c .)

The Copper Age, sometimes called the Aeneolithic age, is a term used for the latter half of the third millennium b .c ., when the use of the new metal, copper, appeared. M aliq II Unlike most other Copper Age settlements which were situated on fairly high ground for better protection against their enemies, Maliq was settled on the Korcha plain near the Devoll River. Apparently the river sometimes flooded, for above the earlier layer called Maliq I was a more recent layer about six feet deep called Maliq II. The huts of this layer had been built on hundreds of posts or piles and were called "palafite." The huts themselves, like those of Maliq I, had been constructed of horizontal, closely packed canes plastered inside and out with clay. Those post or pile huts were apparently destroyed by a big fire. Many work tools of flint, bone, horn and clay were found there, varying a great deal in shape and function. Among these were weights for fish nets, awls, needles and fishhooks. In this layer also the earliest copper axes were found. These had been made locally, as evidenced by the casting molds and scrap copper remnants found there. Although the ceramic pottery found here often repeated or developed the form and decorations of the Maliq I pottery, there now appeared a fine gray or black pottery, smoothed and glazed,

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in A lbania

9

with gray, red, white or coffee-brown painted geometrical designs, often thick lines forming triangles. Decorations were of many types and of good quality, often painted, but sometimes engraved or molded. A number of new forms emerged here, as cups with an elliptic throat, vessels with a wide throat, spherical or conical vessels without a neck, also baking pots and trays. This "Devoll" pottery would rapidly spread elsewhere and become the distinguishing characteristic of the Copper Age culture. Burimas At Burimas on the slope of Korcha's Dry Mountain are the ruins of a settlement dating from the beginning of the Copper Age, about 2600 b . c . Ceramic artifacts found here are like those of Maliq II, gray on black and polished black (N A lb 1981, 6:30), which would soon prevail over all other kinds, being improved throughout the Copper Age. Originally these ves­ sels followed the Neolithic tradition, being simple in form, the cups, bowls, plates and round vessels having narrow throats and short necks. Distin­ guishing early Copper Age ceramics from that of the preceding Neolithic period were the characteristic decorations: deeply engraved lines forming broad bands or triangles filled with spots, two or three parallel lines, or a row or a spiral of dots, or stripes of red paint. Another characteristic was the gray painting of simple designs. Yet other characteristics were decorative bands of red or white color on the edge of the plates or bowls, either outside or both inside and out. A few ceramic fragments from the eastern Balkans indicate widening trade relations {AT 1985, 48-49). G radec At Gradec of Dibra on the upper part of the Black Drin River is a dwelling site which contains all these typical characteristics of Burimas ceramics, besides a few local distinctives. Thick rather than fine pottery prevails, but it does not match the quality of that from the Korcha basin. Decorations are few and simple, usually gray painting, rarely engraving or relief work. They also made plates with thick edges painted white {ibid., 49). T ren A natural cave with traces of human habitation in the late Neolithic years was found at Tren, near Korcha's Lake Presba. The Copper Age stratum of this cave dwelling yielded findings of Maliq II pottery with beautiful channeling painted with gray and white, decorated with dotted lines and spirals engraved or overlaid {ibid., 51). Here incidentally on the so-called Spile Rock is the oldest pictograph known in Albania, dating from about 1100 b . c . Beautifully reproduced by Korkuti (Korkuti 1971, 29), this is a hunting scene depicting horsemen armed with spears and accompanied by dogs as they chase a deer. It illustrates the importance and the mode of hunting in the local economy of that period.

10

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

Benja The Benja cave is situated near Permet in the canyon of the Lengarica River, a tributary of the Vjosa. The cave is in the form of a corridor 523 feet long. The Copper Age stratum is quite inadequate for a complete evaluation. The few ceramic fragments available are thin and black in color or polished gray-black. The typical forms are the hemispheric cups and am­ phora with high shoulders and two small handles, decorated with gray painting and overlaid ornaments. These materials date from the end of the Copper Age {AT 1985, 51). Of special value here are the data about the cultural and ethnic links between the Copper Age and the early Bronze Age, that is, between the ancient Pelasgian population and the Illyrians. For two techniques were used to produce a considerable number of these vessels: the upper part was fashioned with Copper Age techniques, the rest with the technique which would be characteristic of the early Bronze Age (Liria 15 August 1984, 3). N ezir The cave of Nezir in the district of Mat was the site of human habita­ tion in the Copper Age and into the Bronze Age. Characteristic of Copper Age pottery was the gray-on-black smoothed and polished pottery of Maliq II (NAlb 1981, 6: 30). The archeologist Korkuti draws several important conclusions from these Copper Age observations. The similar form, ornamentation and workmanship of ceramic vessels recovered in many parts of the Balkan Peninsula, in Troy, and in the Aegean and Anatolia testify to a surprising degree of cultural similarity and to broad economic ties. Agriculture and animal husbandry expanded rapidly. The smelting, refining and handcraft­ ing of copper opened a whole new dimension of life and trade. The long uninterrupted social and economic development of the Copper Age population became the first step toward the formation of a great ethnic and linguistic community. This would relate to the ancient pre-Illyrian, preHellenic Balkan substratum which Strabo called the Pelasgians. Two ques­ tions arise: the time of the Indo-Europeanization of the Albanian region, indeed of the entire Balkan Peninsula, and the relations of the pre-Illyrian Copper Age substratum with the Illyrians as dwellers in the western Balkans during the Bronze and Iron ages. Scholars are not agreed as to whether this Indo-Europeanization resulted from repeated waves of nomadic invaders during the third millennium b.c ., or from a single great influx at the end of that period. Korkuti concludes from his archeological findings in Albania that the Indo-Europeanization of the Balkans was a long process of reciprocal assimilation during which the culture of the one became interwoven with the culture of the other, accelerated certainly by the rapid social and economic developments of the Copper Age. This is the Balkan population

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in A lbania

11

which was called Pelasgian by Homer, Hesiod, Herodotus and 160 other Greek and Latin historians, geographers and poets. Korkuti considered Pelasgian that broad cultural, religious and partially ethnolinguistic com­ munity which took form during the Copper Age. He and fellow archeolo­ gists demonstrate that the deposits of the Bronze Age at Maliq and other sites were laid without interruption on those of the Copper Age, indicating the continuity of the same population. They concluded that "the early Bronze culture of Maliq is not something new deposited on the cultural ruins of an earlier local population, but rather a culture born of it" (AT 1985, 58). Reviewing these ancient discoveries, Korkuti concluded that the early Bronze Age culture had the same fundamental features throughout Albania. That is, the principal place in its cultural and ethnic formation was taken by the indigenous Copper Age population, the other component of nomadic migrants from the East being quietly diluted and blended with the local population (ibid., 59). THE B R O N Z E AGE (2100-1100

b . c .)

The Bronze Age represents probably the most dynamic epoch in the social, economic, material, spiritual and ethnic development of the early Albanian population. Chronologically the Bronze Age began about 2100 b . c . when Danubian craftsmen discovered that tin mixed with copper pro­ duced an alloy called bronze which was a much harder metal than copper for fashioning tools and weapons. That age ended about 1100 b .c . when the first iron objects appeared in the Balkans to displace bronze. This 1000-year Bronze Age is often divided into early, middle and late periods. T he Early Bronze P eriod (2100-1800 b . c .) Inasmuch as Maliq serves as our archeological calendar, and the culture of the Bronze Age becomes Maliq III, the culture of the early Bronze is called Maliq Ilia. The culture of this period resulted from a blending of the old indigenous Copper Age culture, called by Korkuti "paleoindoeuropean," with that of a great influx of new indoeuropean immigrants begin­ ning at the end of the third millennium b . c . This influx, or infiltration, seems to have penetrated the entire Balkan Peninsula. Evidences of the blended cultures appear throughout Albania. There is no evidence of other than a smooth transition from the late Copper Age to the very different early Bronze Age. Cultural Innovations in the Balkans. Besides bronze tools and weapons, two other distinct innovations now appeared. First, the ceramics at this point assumed new forms and showed improved workmanship and ornamentation. Typical vases now had two handles raised above the lip. Water jugs were wide-mouthed, and cups were conical in shape with one handle. Bowls and vases had different shapes with or without handles below the brim, and massive crockery had a row of perforations around the rim. Characteristic were broad-belted handles, perforated handles,

12

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

others in the shape of a beard, and yet others in the form of a tongue with finger impressions along the side. In fact this latter was a prevailing decora­ tion, made by pressing the finger in one or more rows around the mouth of the vessel or below it. Also widely used throughout the Balkans at this time were different forms of molded decorations in relief, especially having the form of a belt with many little indentations (Iliria 1985, 2: 84-86). The ceramic of Maliq Ilia is very similar to that of Thessaly and Macedonia, not only because of form and decorations, but also because of technology and coloring, principally gray or gray-on-black {ibid., 87). A second innovation at this transition point was ritualistic burial of the dead. Until this time the body was simply laid on its right side in a shallow grave with knees drawn up in a fetal position, according to the local tradi­ tion carried over from the Neolithic period. But a new phenomenon ap­ peared in the early Bronze Age and continued throughout Albania without interruption through the Bronze and early Iron ages. This was the imported practice of burial in grave mounds called tumuli, like those associated with ancient Troy. A shallow grave was dug and the body laid on its side in a fetal position as before. Occasionally the body was incinerated and the ashes placed in an urn in the grave, or placed directly in the ground. Buried with the body were weapons, clay vessels and ornaments and, very rarely, work tools. Then over the grave a mound was erected consisting of earth, earth and stones or infrequently of stones alone. These mounds were usu­ ally from two to 16 feet high and 26 to as much as 144 feet in diameter. The earliest grave was placed in the center, with later or secondary graves being added around it and above it. Invariably the entire grave mound was en­ circled with a ring of stones, the circle thought to have been associated with the worship of the sun. Often these grave mounds were clustered together. Seven such burial mounds were discovered at Pazhok southwest of Elbasan. The largest was 16 feet high and 105 feet in diameter and unique because its central grave contained a pair of skeletons rather than just one as elsewhere. This mound contained many ceramic fragments of Maliq Ilia, dating therefore to about 2000 b . c . This grave also contained the skull of an ox, undoubtedly a ritual sacrifice {ibid.). Besides earthenware utensils, scholars recovered there bronze swords, spears and daggers, and also gold and bronze ornaments. Just above this tomb scholars uncovered another skeleton in the same position, accompanied by a water jug typical of the northern Adriatic culture of Ljubljana, testifying to the broadening trade contacts between the northern and southern coasts of the eastern Adriatic {ibid., 87, 88). Elsewhere, four tumuli like those of Pazhok were opened at Piskova near Përmet. A slight variant was seen at the tumulus of Barch near Korcha, where the skeleton instead of being in the usual position was laid on a low central platform, then covered with a pile of stones and surrounded with the usual circle of stones. Anthropologists determined that the skele­ ton was not of an indigenous Mediterranean type body, but probably one

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in Albania

13

of the new Indo-European nomadic immigrants. Also found here were three small water jugs with single handles, typical of those found then only in western Serbia. Many other tumuli have been found {ibid.) at three sites near Finiq and at several sites near Burrel and Kukës (Korkuti 1971, II). About 40 such tumuli were found near Dedaj of Shkodra, dating back to about 2000 b . c . (NAlb 1984, 4: 30). Three of these were opened in 1983, each having but one central grave with a large quantity of characteristic ceramic artifacts (NAlb 1981, 4: 17). In the Mat region 82 tumuli of this period have been identified (Iliria 1985, 2: 205). Prendi observed that it seems to have been a custom or funeral rite to throw broken pieces of pot­ tery among the stones and earth covering the burial mound (ibid., 90). The architecture of the mounds and of the tombs seems unchanged over the cen­ turies and throughout the country (ibid., 208). Pelasgian Civilization in Early Bronze Age Troy (ca. 2000 B.C.). For the most intimate insight into the civilization of these Indo-Europeans we are indebted to Heinrich Schliemann. His father, a German pastor, used to regale the boy with stories of Achilles, Agamemnon and Hector. Although the youth had to work long hours, he found time to read the classics, developing an obsession for Homer's heroes. Mastering several related languages, he also succeeded in a grain exporting business in Russia to such an extent that he retired as a millionaire at 41. He studied archeology and history, traveled widely, then financed and conducted an archeological ex­ pedition to ancient Troy, called Ilios by the Greeks, Ilium by the Romans and Hissarlik by the Turks. It required seven years to locate the site of the ancient city, situated in northwestern Asia Minor near the Hellespont. There he conducted excavations between 1870 and 1882. His first book, Troy and Its Remains, is a fascinating journal of his experiences supervising a crew of 150 workmen as they unearthed the series of civilizations based on that hilltop. His second volume, entitled Troja, examines meticulously the structures and artifacts discovered in each of the seven distinct strata he found there representing as many successive cultures. Troy was situated in the track of the primitive migration of the Indo-European people from their cradle in the East to their settlement in the West. It was also in the track of a very profitable trade route between Europe and the East, as well as the accepted route for military expeditions. The original Stone Age set­ tlement had been built there on a plateau 80 feet above the plain for defense, near the fertile plain for agriculture and herding, by two rivers for water supply and near the sea for trade. The original plateau itself was discovered by Schliemann 52 feet beneath the surface of a Turkish grain field. The earliest settlement on that rocky plateau had been built of sun-baked bricks and may have dated back to about 3000 b . c . Above those Stone Age ruins there rose in layer after layer ruins of the later cities, each one built on the ruins of its predecessor, reaching up 52 feet to the grain field on the surface. Schliemann believed the Second City to be the very Troy of Homer's

14

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

heroes. Subsequent study, however, has led scholars to believe that the Sec­ ond City was built a thousand years before Homer's Troy, or about 2000 b . c ., and that there were nine not seven consecutive cities on the site, the Sixth City being the Troy of Homer (Breasted 1967, 305). The year 2000 b . c . would take us back to the very time when the Pelasgians are said to have crossed from Asia Minor into Europe. So Schliemann's minute de­ scription of what he thought to be Homer's Troy will afford us a yet more valuable description of the Pelasgian civilization of that very early era. Of central importance was the hill fortress or acropolis of the old Troy. The massive walls, about 24 feet in height, were of unhewn stones, the smoother more regular surface on the outside, with smaller stones and clay as a binder to fill the spaces between (Schliemann 1976a, 76; hereafter ST will refer to Schliemann's Troy). Many of these stone blocks were over three feet square (Schliemann 1976b, 56; hereafter STJ will refer to Schlie­ mann's Troja). This citadel wall was crowned with an eight-foot-high wall of sun-dried bricks and featured several towers (ST] 57-58). The nobility made their homes within the acropolis, the walls being built of stone (ST 20). The houses consisted of three or more stories with massive beams as indicated by the thick foundations and huge heaps of debris (ST 345). Other houses within the acropolis were built with foundations and thresholds of large stones, the walls making use of sun-dried bricks (ST 20, 96). Both stones and bricks were bonded together with clay (ST] 58). The common people lived outside the acropolis and below it, their houses being built of sun-dried brick or even wood, the wooden rafters and roof being covered with rushes and clay. From the citadel gate to the famed Scaean Gate of the lower city wall there was a 17-foot-wide street paved with flagstones approximately 5 feet long and from 3 to 4 Vi feet wide. Featured prominently in the Iliad, this street dropped rather steeply down to the double-fold, 20-foot-wide Scaean Gate which led out onto the broad plain of the heroes (ST 287). There too were the several tumuli or earthen burial mounds still visible (STJ 242-63). Everywhere the citadel gave evidence of the fiery judgment visited upon the city by its conquerors. Wooden fortifications atop the wall and wooden beams and structures were sufficiently massive to leave a red layer of wood ashes ten feet deep (ST 26). Marks of fearful heat were found everywhere (ST 347): many stone blocks were crumbled or burned to lime (ST] 70); brick walls were melted into shapeless masses (ST] 90); metal ob­ jects were fused together (ST] 58). Thirty feet below the surface a stratum of melted lead and copper averaging more than a half-inch in thickness covered the acropolis area (ST 17, 348). Apparently these metals were pres­ ent in great abundance. The ten-foot stratum of old Troy is composed of fallen masonry and red, yellow or occasionally black wood ashes. The excavations of the ancient city unearthed over 100,000 artifacts, which were carefully catalogued (ST 218). These tell the story faithfully. Stone weapons and implements commonly found in the original settlement

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in A lbania

15

were also commonly used in what Schliemann considered to be Homer's Troy. Wedge-shaped battle axes were beautifully made of a very hard gray or green stone called diorite (ST 21), a few being made of transparent greenjade (STJ 41). Some of the same stone had been shaped and fitted as ar­ rowheads, lance heads and sling bullets (ST 21, 163). Found also in abundance were stone hammers, polished axes and knives, single- and double-edged saws of flint (STJ 43, 46), whetstones of slate (STJ 42) and knives of superior quality (ST 95). Hand-operated millstones, oval on one side, flat on the other, were made of stone or lava. Also found were mortars and pestles of diorite, weights, quoits and other objects. At this level metal weapons and implements were then in common use. Pieces of copper armor, helmets and shields were found, also copper battleaxes, daggers, knives, arrowheads and lance heads. Of special interest were serrated or saw-edged lance heads which were unique because they were found nowhere else (STJ 95). The archeologists, however, would correct Homer in one detail: although he made much of swordplay in hand-tohand combat before the walls of Troy, no swords were found here. They depended upon the shorter thrusting dagger of copper until the increasingly common use of bronze made the longer striking sword more popular (STJ 95). Bronze was then coming into use, however, as evidenced by a bronze gimlet such as has been found nowhere else (STJ 98). Of course there was an abundance of copper plates, caldrons or basins like those often given as prizes in the contests, also copper spikes, nails and pins. The art of solder­ ing gold, even some extremely delicate work, was common in Troy, although it was not common in Greece itself until much later (STJ 108). Pottery was plentiful and varied. There were great quantities of earthen plates, most of them uncolored or natural, but some were turned a brilliant red or a dark yellow by the intense heat (ST 263). Although wheel-turned pottery rarely occurred in the lower original settlement, it was found commonly in this level Schliemann associated with Homer's Troy. There were terra-cotta trays, pots, jars and elegant vases of all sizes and some of the most fanciful shapes (ST 281). There were enormous urns for water, wine or funeral ashes, some being over 6 V2 feet high and three feet in diameter (ST 111). They were also cups, spoons, funnels and goblets (STJ 153-61). Among the vast number of urns and vases unearthed, Schlie­ mann stated that several of them were unique, having no counterpart in all the primitive collections of Europe (STJ 152). Also indicative of the foods of that day, the bones of sharks, antlers, boars' tusks, and a great quantity of mussel shells were unearthed (ST 165). Also found were a beautifully or­ namented flute made of bone and part of a four-stringed ivory lyre (ST 25). Probably the most dramatic find during the excavation was the socalled Treasure of Priam. Virgil described the desperate but futile effort to get the king's treasure chest out of the blazing inferno. The wooden chest itself was reduced to ashes, but beside the palace wall the treasures were found, together with the four-inch copper key (ST 23, 322-40). Described

16

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

in great detail are the two golden diadems, the golden fillets or headbands, 60 gold earrings, six gold bracelets, other miscellaneous ornaments, 8,750 small gold rings, buttons and perforated dice originally threaded as necklaces, vases, plates and goblets of gold and silver, a globular bottle and two cups of purest gold, besides six bars of pure silver. Understandably IIios enjoyed her reputation as a wealthy city. Probably the most mystifying discovery at Troy was the vast number and variety of terra-cotta whorls, a type of fly-wheel to regulate the speed of a rotating spindle while spinning thread by hand. These were strangely similar to the whorls found in Scotland. There were also thousands of little idols and volcano-like cones. Because it was concluded that the inscriptions found on all these were Aryan symbols having a religious significance, these objects will be discussed in a following section on Pelasgian religion. Finally, Schliemann's study and excavations failed to resolve the mystery as to the origins of the Pelasgians and the city of Troy. He conjec­ tured that the original Trojans were a branch of the Phrygian population which had dispossessed the earlier Pelasgian population, driving them over into Europe. Or was it a case of reverse migration? Phrygians who had moved over into the Balkan Peninsula were driven back into Asia by the Thracians. In either case the founders were Indo-European or Aryan in origin, as indicated by Aryan symbols found uniformly throughout the early strata. Schliemann could not improve upon Homer's claim that Dardanus was Troy's first king about 1400 b . c ., and its original name was Dardania (ST 27). Furthermore, Schliemann was certain that these Trojans had no writ­ ten language, for no written records were found, not a single intelligible in­ scription (ST 218, 223). An infrequent symbol or ornament on a vase resembled a letter of the Phoenician alphabet, but these were not decipherable. Nor did this Trojan level contain any of the distinctive features of Greek daily life. In dramatic contrast with the Hellenic Ilios there were no alphabetic inscriptions, no coins, no lamps, no characteristic Greek statuary, not even the characteristic Hellenic pottery designs and colors. In fact Schliemann pointed out that all Greek pottery, even the oldest, was painted, whereas the Trojan pottery was not painted. The latter was also different in shape, workmanship and color (ST/ 239-40). He con­ cluded that there was no Greek presence at Troy until several hundred years after the Homeric epics. He found no evidence of Greek culture throughout the earlier six strata. In fact, he found no vestige of Hellenic pottery which could claim a date earlier than the fifth century b . c . (STJ 268). Schliemann illustrated in his books some of the beautiful statuary found at the Greek cultural level. He was especially enthusiastic over a block of marble bearing an exquisite sculpture of Apollo with four spirited horses, to be dated about 350 b . c . (ST 146). Religious Practices o f Schliemann's Trojans (ca. 2000 B.C.). By the very nature of things, archeology as a science is more precise than poetry.

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in Albania

17

Under the impression that his excavations were being conducted on the level of Homer's heroes, Schliemann repeatedly acknowledged his deep desire to locate the Temple of Athena (the tutelary goddess or protectress of Troy) which was mentioned again and again by Homer and Virgil. His journal entries record alternately his encouragement followed inevitably by disillusionment. He did locate what seemed at first to be a temple area. Finding no fallen walls or even foundation stones where he was certain they should have been, he conjectured that early Christians must have destroyed the pagan temple and removed the stone blocks for construction elsewhere (ST 320). Later, however, he admitted that it was doubtful whether any such temple had actually existed, saying, "It is probable that the tutelary goddess at that time possessed only the sacrificial altar which I discov­ ered" (ST 346). He did describe at length the remains of two buildings which he thought might have been temples to some other divinity (ST/ 76-87). Schliemann also sought earnestly some evidence of the famous Palla­ dium, the legendary statue of the goddess Pallas (or Virgin) Athena. This statue was supposed to have been almost five feet in height, holding a spear in her right hand and a spindle and distaff in her left hand (ST] 595). Like that of Diana of Ephesus, the image of Athena was said to have fallen from heaven with the promise that Troy would be safe as long as the statue re­ mained in the city. The classic poets reported an enemy raid on the temple and the theft of the statue, which of course could explain the fact that no trace of such an object was discovered during the digging. Schliemann described the only actual image or statue which he found at this level, a sixinch "copper idol" which he hoped might prove to be a small copy of the famous Palladium. He admitted, though, that the figure was "most prim­ itive," "altogether undiscernible to an inexperienced eye," and lacking the usual physical characteristics identifying the female form (ST] 168-69). Judging from his illustration, the image would seem to represent the first poor effort of a little child rather than a divine image sent down from heaven. His futile search for some trace of the Palladium was also a disap­ pointment. But he did report the discovery of a sacrificial altar, the Great Altar. The first related evidence was a colossal accumulation of debris with a crust as hard as stone. It proved to be 131 feet deep and contained the remains of sacrificed animals (ST 222-23). Soon the sacrificial altar itself was un­ earthed. It consisted of a slab of slate granite about five feet square resting on a pedestal of sun-dried bricks just over three feet high. On the altar was a stone block with a crescent-shaped top for the neck of the sacrificial vic­ tim. A cup of pure gold was found in the treasure of Priam such as was used at the altar. It was in the shape of a ship seven inches long, with a mouth at either end: one for drinking, one for pouring, and two large handles, one on either side. A person holding the vessel of wine before him would drink from the nearer spout, then pour a libation to the gods from the farther

18

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

spout (ST 326 citing Iliad 16:225-28). The libation was usually poured on the sacrificial victim in dedicating it for slaughter and sacrifice. The Trojans used pure wine for the libation to the gods, although they themselves usu­ ally drank only wine mixed with water (ST] 145). Found at this level was an abundance of stone knife blades, including six very pretty blades made of black obsidian which were sharp enough to serve as razors (ST 285). Copper knives were also used for killing the sacrificial animals, and blades of flint resembling saw blades were used for flaying the animals (ST 271). Below the altar was a channel made of slabs of green slate apparently designed to carry off the blood (ST 277). Mute testimony to the religious practices of Troy is given also by the many thousands of terra-cotta whorls which were unearthed here. These whorls were clay objects, always round, up to 2Vi inches in diameter, with a hole through the axis. They differed considerably in thickness, however, some being flat like a disk or wheel, some thicker like two saucers joined at the rim. Some were shaped more like a pear or a top, others more elon­ gated like a cone or volcano with crater, and yet others quite spherical like a ball. The terra-cotta whorl was used in hand spinning. With a hole through the center it was slipped over the wooden spindle to enable a steady rotation like a flywheel and help twist the woolen thread more com­ pletely. Close examination showed that most of these whorls were worn and rubbed on the under side by the circular motion, indicating extensive use with spindles (ST 40). Thus even after the wooden spindles and distaffs disintegrated in the fiery destruction of Troy, the terra-cotta whorls re­ mained. Not only unmarried women did this work, from which we get the term "spinsters," but householders and even noble ladies engaged in spin­ ning. Athena, protectress of Troy, was the goddess of wisdom and skills such as this, and spinning equipment was frequently dedicated to her. Besides the common function of the whorls, their sacred function is in­ dicated by the amazing multiplicity of the religious emblems inscribed on them before they were hardened. All picture the sun in the center, and about half of them show simple rays or rays with stars between them or around the edge (ST 119-24). Certainly the sun god was their most sacred object, and this was an Aryan religious symbol (ST 38). Schliemann iden­ tified on some the 12 stations of the sun or the 12 signs of the zodiac, which are frequently mentioned in the Rig Veda, the oldest and most important of the Hindu Vedas or Psalms. The swastika, a holy "fire machine" thought to represent crossed sticks for making fire by rapid rotation of a vertical stick at their junction, is frequently found, sometimes singly, sometimes in combination, just as in ancient Indian religious art. Or the swastika may have been formed by crossing two units of the letter Z, each standing for Zeus, for the swastika originating in India and spreading to Pompeii and North Africa has always been considered a symbol of the supreme Aryan god Zeus (ST 124-25). It was popularly considered a good luck symbol thousands of years before Christ, "when Germans, Indians, Pelasgians,

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in A lbania

19

Celts, Persians, Slavonians and Iranians still formed one nation and spoke one language" as progenitors of the Aryan races (ST 102). Not only the swastika but the cross was also a sacred symbol of the Aryan forefathers, and this symbol too is found on the whorls in many different forms and combinations. Zeus spoke through the thunder and lightning, and the zig-zag lightning is inscribed on many of the whorls. Two other ancient Aryan mystic symbols were found here: the "Tree of Life" and the "Mystic Rose" (ST 160). In fact, groups and clusters of stars appeared, evidencing an acquaintance with the astronomical system held in Babylon (ST xix). Literally hundreds of different artistic combinations of suns, stars, swastikas, crosses and trees were found on these whorls (ST 186-87). Schliemann observed that the religious symbols incised on similar whorls in the Northwest Provinces of India, now Pakistan, are "perfectly identical" to those on the Trojan whorls (ST] 40). Usually the engraved symbols were filled with white clay to make them more prominent (ST 40). Did these ornamented whorls have some particular sacred use beyond their obvious common or domestic use? The archeologist candidly admit­ ted that this was "inexplicable" (ST 175). Other anthropologists report such objects were used as coins by islanders of the South Pacific. Elsewhere smaller ones were used as buttons for garments, or as necklaces, or as amulets. Those with the hole made to resemble an eye may have been used to protect one from the harmful effects of the evil eye (ST] 31-32). Those resembling a wheel were said to be symbols of the sun chariot and used in worship of the sun god Apollo (ST 175). Some think they were used in the worship of the sun whose round image was in the center (ST 41) or for the worship of Vulcan, the fire god (ST 106). Schliemann considered all these opinions, but because the whorls were exactly like the votive offerings of Babylonia and the votive seals found in India, he remained convinced that they were used as votive offerings to Athena, their guardian goddess (ST] xviii, 106). They were tokens of an act of dedication or a vow or a pledge to the goddess. Apparently these were nailed to the temple wall with a round-headed copper nail or pin which was found in some of the whorls (STJ 105-6). Schliemann noted that the workmanship of this period was "most exquisite," that of the earlier period being more primitive, and that of the following period being even more primitive (ST 192-93). And finally, as evidence of the non-Hellenic character of old Troy, Schliemann reported that at least 22,000 of these ornamented whorls were found in the earlier prehistoric settlements of Troy, but none appeared in the later Hellenic layer of debris (ST] 268). Thousands of small, flat figurines which were unearthed in Troy were further testimony to the religious practices of the Trojans. In form they looked like flat gingerbread cookies, with or without a face and usually without arms or legs, although some did have stubby indications of arms (ST 35, 260-61). In size these ranged from five inches long and three inches wide (ST 234). Most of these figurines were made of very fine marble, some

20

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

of terra-cotta, ordinary limestone, slate, bone and even one of imported ivory. The remarkable fact, however, is that all the figures which have a face feature an owl's face with large or even protruding eyes, and usually between the eyes a more or less conspicuous beak. Often long hair was distinctly marked on the back of the head, with several lines on the neck suggesting armor (ST 164, 172). The workmanship on these figurines was usually rather elementary, even crude (STJ 151). Schliemann pointed out that Homer's Greek text described Athena, the goddess of wisdom, as "owl­ faced," which has always been rendered "bright-eyed" or "shiny-eyed" by translators who did not know the Pelasgians (ST 37-38), and who could not imagine that they would represent their tutelary goddess Athena with anowl'sface. But they did. (ST113). In fact, a four-drachma coin of Athens issued about 600 b . c . shows the first three letters "Athe" for Athens or Athena and the characteristic owl's head of the patron goddess Athena (Breasted 1967, 361). Some of Schliemann's figurines showed more detail: the owl's face on front, the long female hair engraved on back, usually with female breasts and navel, or a woman's girdle (ST 36-37), and some with the vulva (STJ 141). This could be none other than the goddess of wisdom, Athena, the guardian goddess of Troy. Throughout the pre-Hellenic debris at every level he discovered these figurines of the goddess with the owl's face and the enormous eyes (S T 295). They never represented anything else. The flat figures eventually developed into three-dimensional figures. In the ruins of the palace of Priam they found a terra-cotta figure about three inches long, with the owl's head of Athena and the unusually large eyes. Two lines on the temples indicated her helmet, three horizontal lines on the neck her armor. The shield in front had ten rows of dots representing the rows of rivets fastening the several layers of oxhide to the outer case of the shield. The two wings were hollow. Long hair was represented by lines reaching from the back of the head to the ankles (ST 311). This was a rather unique bottle or vase. There were no statues as such. However, there was an immense number of terra-cotta vases in the debris. Many had the usual owl's face, two stubby wings and the physical characteristics of a woman (STJ 151). In no case was Athena represented without the breasts and navel (ST 213). Thus at the 26-foot level in the palace of Priam Schliemann found a splendid brown vase over two feet high, featuring the figure of Athena with the owl's face, two breasts, an engraved necklace, a broad beautifully engraved girdle, but without the two uplifted wings (ST 307). The arche­ ologist pointed out that when the navel was shown it was always ten times larger than the breast and frequently decorated with Aryan religious sym­ bols, such as the cross or the swastika (ST 235). This is probably explained by the prominence given the navel as a result of the Hindu doctrine of rein­ carnation and carried over from the far distant background of these IndoEuropean people. Schliemann was puzzled when he found cups with the traditional owl's face which would not stand when placed on their bottoms. The mystery

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in A lbania

21

was solved when he discovered that these were not cups, but covers for the vases, the cover forming the head of Athena, the vase the body (ST 34-35, 266-67). A yet more persistent puzzle remained, however. What were these figurines and vases used for? The symbol was undoubtedly religious. Schliemann leaped to the obvious conclusion when from the beginning he called the flat figurines "idols." But it seems apparent that the symbol was also used as an ornament, for the owl's face was prominent on many of the earrings, pendants and other jewelry found in the royal treasury (ST 23, 335-36). Were these flat figurines, as Schliemann conjectured, actual miniatures of the legendary Palladium supposed to have descended from heaven to the Temple of Athena? He surely hoped so, for he had found no trace of either of these during the excavations at Troy. But he found no answer. Was there some sacred use of the ornamented vases beyond the ob­ vious domestic use, as was also conjectured for the ornamented whorls? Schliemann admitted the unsolved mysteries and used the words puzzle, mystery, conjecture and inexplicable. We too shall have to leave it there. But Schliemann was certain of one thing. From the founding of Troy until the Greek period long after the time of Homer's Iliad, each stratum had yielded an abundance of terra-cottas engraved with the most sacred emblems of the Aryan race. Even the destruction of four or five consecutive civilizations on this hilltop had not interrupted the religious concepts ex­ pressed by the owl-faced figurines and vases. These artifacts were found in all the pre-Hellenic settlements, but none of them in the Hellenic level. The extensive statuary unearthed in the much later Greek city showed that the Greeks had adopted the Pelasgian goddess and had made her much more attractively human in form. Finally we note a natural progression here. First came the primitive concept of a nature goddess to be worshipped; then a symbol was devised to represent her. Gradually the worship was trans­ ferred from the nature goddess to the symbol, and still later the symbol was refined to an artistic statue or image. The progression was initiated by the Pelasgians and consummated by the Greeks. Archeologists interpret these widespread early Bronze Age changes as evidence of a massive influx of new Indo-European immigrants who did not, however, do away with the older "paleoindoeuropean" culture, but blended it with their own. T he M iddle Bronze P eriod (1800-1500 b .c .)

This middle Bronze period was an era of stability with a quiet and nor­ mal development in the principal branches of the economy: farming, livestock and the beginnings of metallurgy. Findings at Maliq, for instance, showed a sharp reduction in the number of the earlier tools and weapons of stone and horn and copper and an increase in those made of bronze. Local production is proved by the finding of molds for pouring bronze. The increasingly patriarchal social order and the increasing prosperity are

22

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

indicated by more elaborate graves, more luxurious weapons and imported ceramics. The culture of this middle Bronze period, called Maliq IIIc, was founded squarely upon the characteristic forms of the early Bronze period and constituted one more link in the formation of the Illyrian identity. The transition from early Bronze to middle Bronze was so gradual and natural, however, that scholars found it difficult to discern where the one ended and the other began. The difference was mainly technological, in that the pro­ duction of a pottery was of superior quality, with surfaces smoothly pol­ ished and lightly shiny. In color they were still predominantly black or gray-on-black. But new forms emerged: vessels with rounded bottoms, hemispherical bowls with horizontal handles rising directly from the brim or placed obliquely on the neck and little cups with raised handles on the brim. The same circumstances of Maliq in the south were noticed in the northern cave of Nezir in Mat district. Here too the stratum of Nezir IIIc followed smoothly that of Nezir Illb, but the quality of ceramic workman­ ship became increasingly better, with new forms like those of Maliq. Ceramic findings further east in Cetush of Dibra link it with Nezir IIIc, in­ dicating trade relations. Their burial mounds continued the traditional con­ struction of the early Bronze period, a "blister" or shallow hole for the body, covered with a central pile of stones and earth surrounded by a circle of stones. Contained in the graves was the best of local pottery, usually the type of Maliq IIIc, also spear tips of flint and of bronze, and bronze weapons such as swords and daggers. Some bronze weapons were ap­ parently imported from Thessaly, the Ionian Leukas, the Cyclades Islands in the southern Aegean, as well as Mycenae. Other weapons such as those found at Pazhok were apparently fashioned locally following Mycenaean and other Aegean imports. That would give evidence of a relatively high development of metallurgical technology during this middle Bronze period (ibid., 91-93). T he Late Bronze P eriod (1500-1x00

b . c .)

Rapid Social and Economic Development. The late Bronze period em­ bracing the fifteenth through the twelfth centuries b . c . brought great prog­ ress in all branches of the economy: in agriculture and stock-raising, but especially in metallurgy and the production of tools and weapons. Bronze metallurgy became a fine art. Rich copper resources favored this develop­ ment, as illustrated by the discovery of molds for pouring spear heads and chisels at Gajtan near Shkodra. Aegean-type weapons were used through­ out the region: single-bladed knives, daggers and swords being reproduced throughout the region with local variations. This late Bronze culture in the Devoll region is known as Maliq Illd and was characterized by ceramics of high quality clay and finest sand, the surfaces being smoothed and polished. Its distinctive coloring was light with ocher or reddish shading, varied in form and elegantly fashioned,

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in A lbania

23

often painted with coffee-colored geometric designs. This famous "Devoll" pottery found its way throughout the lower Balkans, even reaching southern Italy during the Iron Age. The northern part of present-day Albania had no pottery to compare with that of Devoll either in its fine workmanship or in its light colors. Tumular burial mounds continued in common use. An extensive burial ground of about 250 mounds dating from the twelfth century b . c . was located at Shtoj near the Mesi bridge northeast of Shkodra. These mounds were three to 10 feet high and 33 to 98 feet in diameter, each con­ taining from one to 14 graves (Iliria 1985, 2: 241-42). Inside were clay vessels, weapons and ornaments. The ceramic materials were locally made and differed from those of Maliq in that they were dark brown or gray-onblack, with geometric designs such as triangles or zig-zag lines incised into the surface. Weapons included lance and spear heads, daggers, knives and axes, while ornaments were buckles, brooches, needles, necklaces and ear­ rings (NAlb 1984, 4:30). But just about everything else, such as the con­ struction of graves and burial mounds and the traditional rituals, demonstrated the unity of north and south. Economic relations extended beyond the neighboring region to southern Italy, the northwestern Balkans and the Danube, but especially to the Aegean world. Increased trade brought private wealth to some, as evidenced in the rich contents of some graves, probably Illyrian craftsmen and merchants. Class distinctions arose. The buried treasure and the fre­ quent burial of weapons indicate the resulting conflict and uncertainty. This same late Bronze period saw the establishment of settlements on hilltops protected by walls of massive unhewn stone quite powerful for that time, such as Gajtan. These fortified points were sometimes simply refuges in times of danger, sometimes permanent dwellings. At this time they also began to develop technical improvements for defense and for economic and social welfare, leading to the establishment of urban communities with well-defined borders and organization. Only during this late Bronze period were the social and economic conditions conducive to the establishment of the first large tribal communities which would later be recognized as Il­ lyrian. Pelasgian Civilization in Late Bronze Age M ycenae (ca. 1400 B.C.). Once again our world is indebted to the German archeologist Heinrich Schliemann for his excavations at Mycenae during 1876 and 1877. Because of Homer's Iliad the youthful Schliemann would always remember Mycenae as the capital city of Agamemnon, commander in chief of the united expedition against Troy. Throughout the ages these Trojan heroes have been considered leg­ endary or mythical figures like Zeus or Athena. Now it appears that the stories of the bards and Homer were based on historical fact rather than upon poetic fancy. For while some scholars like Sir Arthur Evans challenged the historicity of Homer's account, Carl Blagen and others

24

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

were equally convinced of its authenticity. Hundreds of Linear B clay tablets in Greece were deciphered by M. Ventris in 1952. Cuneiform writing on clay tablets in the East Berlin museum was deciphered by E. Fahrer. Apparently the wealthy Troy was actually destroyed about 1250 b . c ., the later shanty town in 1180 b . c . The Hittites and Mycenae dwellers respected each other as equals. The Hittites considered the "Akiyawa" or Achaeans as a strong sea power on their western borders and in 1180 b . c . recorded panic as "the enemy ships come." Egyptian records of the time also mention these "sea raiders." But Mycenae was then on the verge of decline. The ruins of Mycenae came to light for the first time in 25 centuries when Schliemann discovered the ancient walls of both the citadel and the palace. Nowhere else did he find a circle of stone slabs forming a nearly con­ tinuous ring of benches, an open-air meeting place which he called the "agora." This was a circle of royal graves dating from about 1600 b . c ., "shaft-graves" for burial in rectangular pits. These gave evidence of a warlike society now beginning to enjoy the luxuries of life. Besides stone slabs incised with scenes of men hunting and fighting from chariots, there were grave objects such as daggers of superior quality, some beautifully in­ laid with gold. There were also many objects of pure gold which were prob­ ably imported. By 1500 b . c . a more elaborate type of royal tomb came into use. It was built of carefully hewn stone blocks mounded over with earth and resembling a great dome or bell (Thorndyke 1977, 66-67). The largest of these discovered at Mycenae Schliemann named the "Treasury of Atreus," after the legendary king of Mycenae, the father of Agamemnon and Menelaus, dating back to the fourteenth century b . c . Modern scholars agree that these findings antedate the Trojan heroes. The largest of these bell-like structures measured 48 feet in diameter and 43 feet to the top of the dome. In fact it remained the largest domed building of the ancient world until the Roman emperor Hadrian erected the Pantheon 1500 years later. The lintel over the doorway was a massive stone block weighing about 100 tons. Similar but far less pretentious tombs were built for the nobility. These were opened for repeated use when other family members died. Rich golden treasure was found in these royal tombs of Mycenae: 23 diadems besides gold necklaces, goblets, vases and wine jars, some with gold lids attached by fine gold wires. There were over 700 stamped gold disks, some shaped like leaves, butterflies, stars, and sunflowers and gold plaques. In some tombs Schliemann found bodies "smothered in gold and jewels." There were several death masks of gold, breastplates and cups of gold, and bronze swords with gold handles (Payne 1959, 198-200). There was a rich variety of brooches, hairpins, buckles, rings, clasps, earrings, belts and beads, not to mention sword blades of bronze beautifully inlaid with hunting scenes in metals of many colors. About 1400 b . c . the rulers of Mycenae began to make equally impres-

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in Albania

25

sive provision for their earthly residences. The remains of great palaces have been unearthed at Mycenae, Pylos, Tiryne and elsewhere. These were not like the open colorfully decorated palaces of Crete, however; they were massive, severe, enclosed stone fortresses. Both the massive stone for­ tresses and the massive stone tombs seemed particularly appropriate for Homer's warriors. The Mycenaeans soon began to imitate Minoan pottery. Then they developed their own polychrome pottery, with a black glazed base and geometric designs of white, red and orange. Incidentally, clay pottery is virtually imperishable and furnishes a fairly precise basis for estimating the time and location of its manufacture. The earlier primitive pottery molded by hand eventually gave way to the potter's wheel which enabled more ar­ tistic vessels. Gradually, yet more elaborate work was done, with increas­ ingly artistic shapes and decorative designs and colors, enabling scholars to fix dates and places of manufacture more accurately. Mycenaeans also seized the trade initiative from the Minoans, reaching westward across the Adriatic to southern Italy by 1600 b . c . but giving priority to Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt. Exports included pottery, olive oil, wine and hides; they imported grain and luxury items like spices and jewelry. As was the case with the Minoans, expanding trade made the keeping of records increas­ ingly important. Rather than adopt the Linear A system of writing from the Minoans, the Myceneans developed their own system of line symbols which has been called Linear B, using it for their non-Greek language. Thus the ancient Pelasgians had climbed up the cultural ladder step by step from hunting and fishing to pottery making, to agriculture, to metal working, to large-scale building and finally to their own system of writing. THE IRO N AGE (1100-500

b . c .)

The Iron Age is characterized, obviously enough, by the production and use of iron for tools and weapons. The Illyrian culture underwent its greatest development during this period, especially in what is now Alba­ nian territory. The economy improved, trade and wealth increased ra­ pidly, class distinctions became more pronounced, slave labor became common, burial in tumuli or grave mounds continued as the general prac­ tice, and settlements increasingly were fortified with walls of massive unhewn stones. By this time many of the Illyrian families had developed into large tribes similar in race, language and culture. Their fortified towns were often situated on high hills for natural protection. They were sur­ rounded by a wall of huge stone blocks, the wall often being irregular in shape so as to take advantage of natural features such as cliffs and thus re­ quire no more fortification than necessary. The huge stone blocks were not hewn or shaped until the use of iron tools became common, nor were they joined by mortar or cement. These fortified hills were usually located near good pasture land, fertile fields and water. Usually the water supply came from cisterns which were constructed or cut into the rock. As the towns

26

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

grew and expanded beyond the walls and down the hillside, a second wall was often built. The original inner city was called the "acropolis," or high city, where the governmental and religious buildings were located as well as the theater or social center. Businesses and additional residences were usually found in the lower city. G ajtan

One of the earliest fortifications of this kind was situated at Gajtan, three miles northeast of Shkodra. Although human traces there date back to the end of the Bronze Age, this fortified tribal settlement dates only to the early Iron Age, about 1000 b .c . It had a permanent encircling wall with space designated for residential, economic and religious use, and was one of the earliest steps toward the development of urban life. Traces of many such fortified towns have been found on the mountain range girdling the Shkodra plain. The walls of Gajtan were built of big blocks of unhewn stone placed one upon the other without mortar, any space between being filled with small and medium-sized stones. The wall was 11 feet thick, the highest portion of the remaining wall being eight feet high. Two gateways allowed entry, the larger one being six feet wide and reinforced with massive stones (NAlb 1984, 4:30). The ruins of such fortified towns are found throughout Albania, especially in the districts of Shkodra, Mat, Tirana, Elbasan, Korcha and Saranda. F iniq

The Italian Archaeological Mission did its first work in Albania at Finiq, about six miles southeast of Saranda. The acropolis, situated on top of the hill, was first identified in 1924, then excavated in 1926. Digging below the Roman level, archeologists came upon epigraphs or inscriptions, coins, ceramics, bas-reliefs, broken columns and statuary, and instruments of the Iron Age. In a yet lower stratum they found two flint hammers or ax heads of the Stone Age. This was the first time that evidence of such an ancient citilization had actually been found in Albania. The acropolis proved to be one of the largest in the classical world, its wall zig-zagging one and a quarter miles, making it seven times as large as that of Athens. The great blocks of stone weighed up to 22 tons each, and moving these to the top of the hill certainly represented a major engineering feat. Por­ tions of the wall still stand 23 feet high and feature gates and towers (Liria 1 November 1982, 2). Modern archeologists assert that this hilltop was sur­ rounded by a series of three walls, confirming the statement of the ancient historian Polybius that Finiq was the richest, strongest and best fortified city in Epirus (Liria 22, 29 April 1977). In the third century b .c . this city served as the capital of all Molossia and Epirus. The plain at the foot of the hill still bears traces of the lower city.

A rcheological Reconstruction o f Prehistoric Life in Albania

27

Butrint

Remains of the ancient city of Butrint, once called Buthrotum, crown a hill nine miles south of Saranda on the Ksamil Peninsula overlooking the Strait of Corfu. The ancient wall is reported to have been built about 1000 b .c ., "constructed of blocks of stone slightly hewn and fitted together without mortar" (Liria 12 May 1978, 3). The walled acropolis served this Chaonian settlement which was essentially agricultural and pastoral until about 700 b .c . Then the entire city was fortified with three walls, the most sophisticated wall being constructed of huge blocks of stone carefully hewn into geometric forms such as polygons, or parallelopipeds carefully fitted together, and featuring several watch towers and six gates. The best preserved and most majestic of these is the 16-foot-high Main Gate rein­ forced by two towers (Edukata e Re October 1930, 383-85). Distant 600 feet is the famous Lion Gate, so named because of its carved scene of an en­ counter between a lion and a bull, reminiscent of the Lion Gate at Mycenae. This dates back to about 350 b .c . Remnants of the wall stretch to a nearby lake. The surviving towers and gates give a good idea of the strength of the old walls of Butrint and the highly developed engineering skill of their builders (Korkuti 1971,111-12). Butrint was emerging as a city with artisans and industry, the volume of its exports indicated by the very large amount of its imported pottery. Elsewhere

Similar megalithic construction is found at the ancient fortress of Rozafat at the northern port city of Shkodra, dating from the ninth century b .c . Although during Turkish sieges it was subjected to incomparably heavy bombardment which required extensive repair work, traces of the original construction are still discernible. At the entrance of the fortress and along the foundations of the walls can still be seen the characteristic huge blocks of stone. Similar massive construction has been discovered at Apollonia and at Antigonea of Gjirokastra, in both cities the encircling walls being two and one-half miles in perimeter. This megalithic construc­ tion is seen also at the Dores fortress at Tirana, the Leshan fortress near Elbasan, the Tren castle near Korcha, the Kalivo castle near Saranda, the hilltop castle of Antipatrea, now Berat, and elsewhere. Near Pogradec on a rocky peak massive stone foundations indicate early human habitation, fragments of glazed black pottery handcrafted without the wheel indicating a date of about 950 b .c . (Liria 15 November 1982, 2). Other valuable Iron Age finds have come to light in Nepravishta, near Gjirokastra, also in the village of Kolsh in the northeastern district of Kukës, and the well-known tombyard of Cinamak. Excavations at these sites have brought to light one interesting change: the body in the grave mound was no longer placed on its side in the fetal position, but on its back with legs extended (Iliria 2:1985, 243). The usual artifacts of bronze and

28

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

iron were recovered: spearheads, swords, daggers, helmets and armor, as well as decorative articles like necklaces, buttons, bracelets and other or­ naments. The many graves in a tumulus at Kuch i Zi just southeast of Korcha date from the eighth to the fifth century b .c . They contained bronze ornaments such as pendants, bracelets, buckles, amulets and rings (Korkuti 1971, 48). In 1981 another tumulus was opened at Such near Burrel; it was found to contain earthenware vessels, bronze weapons and ornaments, iron objects, and amber and glass ornaments of the eighth and seventh cen­ turies b .c . (ibid., 131). Superior pottery made with the wheel and imported from Macedonia forced the Albanian craftsmen to adopt the potter's wheel about the latter half of the sixth century b .c . C onclusions

The origin of the Illyrians must be understood as the end result of a very long historical process. The available archeological material indicates that the Indo-Europeanization of the Balkan peninsula cannot be thought of as resulting from a single mass influx of immigrants, but from a long gradual infiltration of population and its intermingling with the old Neolithic Pelasgian culture to form a new culture which we call Illyrian. Albanian scholars see three steps in the economic and social development of the Illyrian people. First, the new Indo-European immigrants arriving in the Balkans as early as 2200 b .c . and throughout the Bronze Age, in­ terweaving their culture with that of the existing Pelasgians or "paleoindoeuropeans" to form the Bronze Age Illyrian ethnos and culture. Then during the later Bronze Age these smaller Illyrian clans progressing economically merged with one another to form broad Illyrian communities with common cultural and linguistic characteristics. Finally, during the Iron Age the Illyrian economy and culture were consolidated and assumed more stable characteristics with the emergence of fortified towns. The fundamental indices of any ethnos or cultural entity are such as the following: (1) Its socioeconomic pattern, in this case the extended fam­ ily, clan or tribe living in hilltop towns fortified with walls of huge roughly hewn stones. (2) Its burial rites, the buried or cremated body being placed within a ring of stones indicating sun worship and covered by a mound of stones or earth called a tumulus. (3) Its ceramic pottery, having about the same shape and workmanship throughout the region. These three factors indicate the cultural unity of this entire Illyrian region. Archeologists also bear witness to the cultural continuity of this Balkan population from the Neolithic Age down through the Bronze Age to the Iron Age, when at last the earliest written sources about the Pelasgians and Illyrians come to our aid (Zëri 23 February 1985, 3). Our historical sources thereafter demon­ strate the unbroken continuity of these Pelasgian and Illyrian forebears down through additional centuries to the Albanians of our day.

2. Linguistic Ancestry of the Albanian Language and People THE ROLE OF L IN G U IS T IC S An experience in India vividly impressed upon the author the potential of scholarly inquiry in the field of linguistics. A friend stopped his car in the bazaar and apologetically exclaimed, "Excuse me just a moment, but I must go into the dukan." That last word sounded so familiar that im­ pulsively I asked if dukan meant store. The friend was surprised, first that he had inadvertently slipped a Marathi word into his English conversation, also that a person not understanding Marathi should have understood that word. But a common Albanian word for store is dyqan. Later in Pakistan I discovered that Urdu speakers also have a word for it: duka. Then I learned that the Marathi word for horse is kala, identical to the Albanian word kale. There is no explanation of these as "borrowed" words, even though borrowing of vocabulary by one language from another is very common. For instance, the Italian word for persimmon is kaki. The Japanese term is also kaki, not because one people descended from the other, or because both had a common ancestor. Rather some Italian navigator discovered the new fruit in Japan, liked it, and took back to Italy not only the Japanese fruit but the Japanese name for it. Like every other language including our own, the Albanian language has been enriched by the incorporation or adoption of words borrowed from contacts with the Greeks, Latins, Slavs, Turks and others. But the Albanian language itself traces back to an earlier base. Language is recognized as one of the fundamental characteristics of an ethnic entity or people. The term "linguistics" has been defined as the study of human speech, including the units, nature, structure and modification of language. Significant aspects of such study are the following: (1) Phonetics, the study and classification of sounds used in a spoken language. (2) Morphology, the proper formation of words, including inflection (gender, number, case, tense, person, mood or voice), derivation of a word from its base, and compounding. (3) Lexicology, the precise definition of words. (4) Syntax, the proper arrangement of words within a sentence. (5) 29

30

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

Etymology, tracing the origin of a word to some ancestral language, also its development through the years and its transmission from one language to another. Thus it is that the historical study of a language as it changes over the years and the comparative study showing similarities and dissimilarities with other languages can supplement archeology in shedding light on a prehistoric culture. SC H O LA R LY RESEA RC H ON TH E A LBA N IA N LA N GU AGE As in the case of archeology, foreigners rather than Albanians first undertook scientific research into the Albanian language. Not until the nineteenth and twentieth centuries did the science of comparative linguistics assist foreign scholars in determining the origin of the Albanian language and its relation to other Balkan languages. The difficulty of their task was compounded by the absence of early written documents, for like Lithuanian and Romanian, and for valid historical reasons, the Albanian language was cultivated much later than most other Indo-European languages. This makes all the more urgent, then, continuing research into two closely related questions: the origin of the Albanian language and the genesis of the Albanian people. G odfried W ilhelm Leibnitz (1646-1717)

In the history of studies about the Albanian language and people, probably the noted philosopher Leibnitz was the first to deal with the relationship of Albanian to other languages. His letter of 10 December 1709 quoted in the Romanian magazine A lbania in 1897 declared that his study of Albanian books, including a dictionary, convinced him that "Albanian is the language of the ancient Illyrians" (NAlb 1981, 4:17). But he was a philosopher, not a linguist. That same year, 1897, the Brussels magazine Albania pointed out that although Leibnitz was justly famous for his work in other fields, that did not extend to the Albanian lan­ guage, for he "knew only a hundred Albanian words" (A lbania, Brussels, 1897). Hans Erich T hunmann (1746-1778)

This Swedish historian, a professor at the University of Halle, Ger­ many, was one of the earliest foreign Albanologs to trace the origin of the Albanian language and people scientifically. Surprised by the presence of a non-Greek and non-Slav people in the Balkan peninsula, he researched Greek, Latin and Byzantine sources and studied Theodore Kavalioti's trilingual dictionary (Greek, Slavic and Albanian) in 1770. His Research into the History o f East European Peoples (1774) concluded that the Al­ banians are the indigenous continuators of the ancient Illyrian population, who were neither Romanized nor assimilated by later invaders (FESH1985, 1120).

Linguistic Ancestry o f the Albanian Language and People

31

Johan G eorg von H ahn (1811-1869)

This Austrian graduate in jurisprudence from Heidelberg University served as a judge in the newly liberated Greek state, where Albanian-Greek Arvanites amazed him with their Albanian language so different from the Greek (NAlb 1989, 4:35). Appointed in 1847 to the consular post at Janina he studied the Albanian language with linguist Konstantin Kristoforidhi and traveled extensively throughout Albania. In 1854 he published his foundational three-volume A lbanian Studies on Albanian history, language and culture. Ancient sources convinced him that the Illyrians, Epirotes and Macedonians were not Greeks, but antedated them, descend­ ing from the ancient Pelasgians (AT 1983, 1:43). Probably the first to research ancient Illyrian vocabulary, he showed that many Albanian place names carried over directly from their ancient Illyrian names and worked out rules to explain phonetic changes which have occurred in place names over the centuries. He reached the conclusion that the Albanian language is descended directly from Illyrian, and that Illyrian descended from Pelasgian (FESH 1985, 358). Franz Bopp (1791-1867)

A distinguished linguist, Franz Bopp was a professor at the University of Berlin and a pioneer in comparative linguistics for Indo-European languages. When only 25 he published his first work, "On the Conjugation System of Sanskrit as Compared to That of Greek, Latin, Persian and Ger­ man" (NAlb 1989, 3:27). Introduced to Albanian, he noted a close similar­ ity between Albanian and Sanskrit in grammar, in the roots of words, and in their vowels and diphthongs (Dako 1911, 29). He analyzed the numerals and pronouns of the Albanian language then made a historical analysis of its grammatical structure and vocabulary (FESH 1985, 108). He found marked similarities between the vocabulary of Albanian on the one hand, and Armenian or the Baltic languages Lithuanian and Latvian on the other hand, especially in the areas of forestry, agriculture, woodworking, dairy products, household economy, plants, time, weather, animals, livestock, sicknesses, parts of the body and social and juridical terms (Çabej 1976,15). Bopp published his work in 1854 demonstrating conclusively that Albanian belongs to the Indo-European family of languages but did not derive from any other sister languages of the continent, such as Greek (NAlb 1989, 3:27). D emetrio C amarda

Camarda, an Italian philologist of Albanian origin, documented the antiquity of the Albanian language in his book A Com parative Grammar Essay on the Albanian Language, published in Livorno in 1864. While sup­ porting Hahn's findings, he also made an important philological compari-

32

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

son of Sanskrit, Persian, Latin, classical Greek and Albanian roots. From his critical analysis of more than a score of scholarly sources he concluded that the language of the Albanian people was one of the most ancient of all the peoples of Europe (Drizari 1947, xiv). G ustav M eyer (1850-1900)

An Austrian professor at the University of Graz and a member of the Academy of Sciences of Vienna, Meyer specialized in historical studies of the Indo-European, Greek, Turkish and Albanian languages (FESH 1985, 658). His foundational publication of 1883, The Place o f the Albanian Language in the Family o f Indo-European Languages, was followed by eight or more scholarly studies on the formation of plural nouns in Alba­ nian and comparative studies of Albanian numerals with those of other Indo-European languages, also Albanian history, grammar, historical phonetics, folk stories, poems and proverbs collected from the regional dialects of Albania and from the Arbëresh settlements in Italy and Greece. He is celebrated for his Albanian Etymological Dictionary of 1891. By pro­ found scholarly research this outstanding Albanologist concluded that the Albanian language descended from the Illyrian and is a separate branch off the trunk of the Indo-European family of languages (Liria 15 February 1987, 1; 1 March 1987, 3). Edouard Schneider (x8?—19?)

Schneider, a French scientist serving the Ottoman government at Shkodra, appended to his book The Pelasgians and Their Descendants (1894) a highly technical lecture demonstrating the Albanian language to be "the most faithful and pure echo of the Pelasgian language" (Schneider 1894, 189-288). H olger P edersen (1867-1953)

A distinguished Danish linguist, Pedersen served 35 years as professor of comparative Indo-European linguistics in the University of Copenhagen. His interest in the Indo-European languages led him first to concentrate on Albanian, later on Celtic and Armenian. During the 15 years following a visit to the Albanian riviera in 1893 he published several scholarly works on the Albanian language, giving valuable insights on difficult aspects of Albanian historical grammar, such as phonetic problems with the neuter gender, glottal sounds, and grammatical structure. He also collected and published Albanian folklore. Such scholarly research convinced him that the Albanian language derived from its Indo-European and Illyrian pro­ genitors (FESH 1985, 814; NAlb 1989, 5:28). C hristian Sandfeld-Jensen (1873-1942)

This disciple of Pedersen completed studies at the University of Copenhagen, his expertise in the field of linguistics leading to his appoint-

Linguistic Ancestry o f the Albanian Language and People

33

ment as professor of Romanistics for the last 37 years of his life. He pioneered in explaining the affinities between Balkan languages of different linguistic groups because of the coexistence of these peoples from earliest times, but especially during Roman, Byzantine and Ottoman occupations. He identified Albanian as one of the most ancient languages of the Balkans and the source of several purely Balkan features of grammar and syntax, such as the suffix position of the article, the elimination of the infinitive and its replacement by the subjunctive, the formation of the future tense with the auxiliary verb dua, and others. He acknowledged the probability that the Albanian language descended from Illyrian (NAlb 1990, 1:23). N orbert Jokl (1877-1942)

An Austrian linguist of German-Jewish parentage, librarian at the University of Vienna and distinguished scholar of Indo-European languages, Jokl dedicated a lifetime of study to the Albanian language. He was outstanding in his work in etymology and word formation, the relation of Albanian to other ancient non-Greek languages in the Balkans, its phonetics and historic morphology, identifying this as an Indo-European language (FESH 1985, 435). Just before the outbreak of World War II he was invited to teach Albanology to gifted Albanian students, but his death in a Nazi concentration camp deprived Albania of the services of this great scholar (Drizari 1947, viii). M aximillian Lambertz (1882-1963)

While traveling through Greece Lambertz heard some Arbëreshi shepherds conversing in their mother tongue, which aroused his scientific curiosity to investigate the dialect of the Arbëreshi of southern Italy. First visiting Albania in 1915 as an emissary of the Academy of Sciences of Vi­ enna, he soon distinguished himself as a student of Albanian folklore and mythology. Settling at Leipzig he continued studies in Albanology, taught it at the University, and from 1954 to 1959 composed and published a threevolume Course o f the Albanian Language. His new study of personal names and folk beliefs supported the thesis that the Albanian people are descendants of the Illyrians, and the Albanian language is a descendant of the Illyrian (NAlb 1990, 1:22). G iuseppe Schiro (7-1928)

This outstanding Italian philologist, like Camarda, was of Albanian ancestry, and he with his close friend Jokl were inspired by Gustav Meyer. Among foreign scholars of this century, Schiro, Jokl and the Danish Peder­ sen have been called the three foremost Albanologues (Drizari 1947, viii). Professor Schiro's research resulted in his book The Albanian Language, published in Rome in 1932.

34

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

O thers Several Arbëresh scholars, including Jeronim DeRada (1814-1903), affirmed the origin of the Albanian language as an Indo-European language proceeding from Pelasgian through Illyrian (AT 1983, 1:42). A number of early Albanian writers exhibited scholarly pride in the antiquity of their ancestral language. Vaso (Basil) Pasha, Catholic linguist appointed gover­ nor of Lebanon under the Ottoman Empire, wrote a classic entitled The Truth on A lbania and the Albanians, published in London in 1879. He con­ tended that the ancient Greek gods were borrowed from the Pelasgian ancestors of the Albanians and showed that their names derived not from the Greek language but from the Albanian (Drizari 1947, ix). This claim was supported by later Albanian scholars such as Constantine Chekrezi and Christo Dako. Yet other widely recognized philologists have con­ sidered the Albanian language one of the oldest original members of the Indo-European family. One of these was the Frenchman Antoine Meillet who published Les Langues dans VEurope Nouvelle in Paris in 1918 (ibid., xii). Another was the British philologist Joseph Swire. His book Albania: The Rise o f a Kingdom, published in 1929, was based on his five years of serious research in Albania and elsewhere. Swire concluded that the Alba­ nian race is descended from the earliest Aryan immigrants and was repre­ sented in historical times by the Thraco-Illyrians and Epirotes or Pelasgians who originally inhabited the whole of the Balkan peninsula between the Danube and the Aegean. He pointed out that the earliest Greek writers de­ scribed the Epirotes as non-Hellenic and that the inhabitants of Macedonia, Illyria and Epirus spoke the same language and had similar customs (Swire 1929, 4). Yet another, the Albanian linguist Leonida Ndrenika conducted research in about 60 historical, philological and literary sources in the Vatican Library and elsewhere in Italy. In 1936 he published in Shkodra his findings in the Italian work I Pelasgi e la Loro Lingua (The Pelasgians and Their Language). In it he compiled what is probably the first comparative glossary of its kind which indicates the presence of Pelasgo-Albanian words in classical Greek and Latin (Ndrenika 1936). Only in the decades following liberation, however, have other Albanian linguists focused their study and research on these linguistic problems as a means of penetrating the mystery of the prehistoric origin of the Albanian language and people. Eqrem Ç abej (1908-1980) Undoubtedly the Albanian professor Eqrem Çabej was the most out­ standing modern scholar in the field of linguistics. He pursued higher philological studies in Austria, specializing in comparative Indo-European linguistics. For nearly a half century he researched, published and taught in the field of Albanian linguistics, although he also worked in ethnography, folklore and the history of literature. His outstanding con­ tributions were the historical studies in etymology and lexicology. He also

Linguistic Ancestry o f the Albanian Language and People

35

did valuable work in Albanian phonetics and grammar, the origin of the language, its relation to other Indo-European languages and its systematization as an official literary language (FESH 1985, 147). He spe­ cialized in demonstrating that the ancient names of places, rivers and mountains differ from the present Albanian names precisely as the Alba­ nian language has changed phonetically over the years. This was central in the development of his thesis that Albanians are the modern survivors of the Illyrians and of the original Indo-European inhabitants of the Balkans (Liria 8 May 1981, 3). His linguistic dissertation at the First Colloquium on Illyrian Studies (15-20 September, 1972) and other extensive writings "con­ vincingly documented the Illyrian origin of the Albanian language and the autochthony of the Albanian people" (Liria 15 October 1982, 3). A ndrokli K ostallari

and

C olleagues

Professor Kostallari, director of Tirana's Institute of Linguistics and Literature, reached the same conclusion as that of his colleague Çabej. He too specialized in tracing place names back to the Illyrians. Professor Aleks Buda, president of the Academy of Sciences at Tirana, conducted a con­ ference from 2 to 4 July 1982 to emphasize "the Illyrian-Albanian continuity and the autochthony of the Albanians in their historical territories." These historical territories, incidentally, extend deep into Yugoslavia and Greece, and any official Albanian discussion like this makes her neighbors nervous. Another participant was Professor Mahir Domi who spoke on the Illyrian origin and the development of the Albanian language (Liria 15 August 1982, 2).

Shaban D emiraj Undoubtedly the most complete and comprehensive treatment of Albanian language origins is the recent Historical Grammar o f the A lba­ nian Language by Professor Shaban Demiraj. Consulting the most ancient Albanian texts as well as all dialects, Demiraj demonstrated that the many contacts of the Albanian with other languages in the course of the centuries had an impact on the vocabulary but did not affect its grammatical struc­ ture. The author grapples in a highly scientific manner with many abstruse problems of historical linguistics and concludes that the grammatical struc­ ture of the Albanian language proves it to be a separate branch in the family of Indo-European languages. Foreign scholars will prize the author's broad summaries in English (NAlb 1987, 3:22). Demiraj discusses at length the significance of the so-called Balkanisms found in Albanian and in several other neighboring languages. These Balkanisms include the definite article as a suffix, the use of the auxiliary verb "dua" to form the future tense, the replacement of the infinitive by the subjunctive, the repetition of direct and indirect objects through shortened forms of personal pronouns and others. He also pointed out that all scholars of historical linguistics agree that Al­ banian words borrowed from the ancient Greek were borrowed from its

36

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

Doric dialect and surely penetrated into the Illyrian language through the early Corinthian colonies of the seventh to fourth centuries b.c . along the Ionian and Adriatic coastline. Similarly, words borrowed from Latin were incorporated into the Illyrian language during the centuries of Roman oc­ cupation. These borrowings of vocabulary traced down to the present-day Albanian language indicate the continuous presence of Albanian speakers in that same territory from ancient times to the present (NAlb 1986, 3:32-33). TH E ILLY RIA N P A REN TA G E OF TH E A LBA N IA N LA N GU A GE T he Illyrians The Albanians, an Indo-European people, claim descendancy from the prehistoric Pelasgians, and from their descendants the more recent Il­ lyrians. Because of this people's irrevocable determination to remain free, it seems probable that their name, Illyrian, derived from their word i lire (free). Their province was called Illyricum by the Romans and included much of the upper Balkan Peninsula. Unfortunately, the Illyrians left no written documents as did the Greeks and Romans, but they did leave occa­ sional epitaphs on their monuments and tombs, using Greek or Latin characters. These Greek and Latin letters do not indicate the Hellenization or Romanization of the population, but rather their use of these "trade languages" just as India, Pakistan and the Philippines use English, while various countries of Africa use French. Illyrian proper names of cities and kings are frequently found on the coins minted after 450 b.c . Other sur­ viving fragments of the Illyrian language were found in written works on Illyria or the Illyrians by Greek or Roman authors who identified the foreign words as Illyrian. Admittedly, Illyrian vocabulary from these sources is scanty, consisting mainly of proper names of persons, places, deities and tribes, about 1,000 words altogether {AT 1983, 1:43). Illyrian is thought to be closely related to the mysterious Messapian inscriptions found in caves of the Bari region of southeastern Italy {ibid., 44). In 1984 the University of Lecce conducted a seminar to discuss the mysteri­ ous inscriptions recently found in the coastal cave called Rocca Vecchia a few miles north of Otranto. About 2,000 inscriptions cover 4,000 square feet of rock wall and date from the sixth century b.c . This Otranto strait was the Adriatic route between Albania and Italy. Ceramics with the Devoll forms and painted decorations show evidence of an Illyrian in­ fluence along the Otranto coast between the eleventh and eighth centuries b.c ., and linguistic scholars find similarities in the vocabularies of Mes­ sapian, Illyrian and Albanian. The archeologists Korkuti and Prendi at­ tended the seminar and believe that continuing research will indicate that these Messapians were tribes of Illyrian origin who crossed the Adri­ atic to settle along the southeastern coast of Italy about 1000 b.c . and

Linguistic Ancestry o f the Albanian Language and People

37

that their now extinct language is a variant of Illyrian (NAlb 1985, 3:28). A lbanian T ibs

with Illyrian

Many lines of reasoning convince linguistic scholars that the Albanian people and language originated with the ancient Illyrians. 1. The national name Albania is the name Albanoi, an Illyrian tribe mentioned by the geographer Ptolemy of Alexandria about a .d . 150. 2. The Albanoi territory then centered at Albanopoli, between Durrës and Kruja, the heartland of modern Albania. 3. Four peoples speaking their own languages lived in the Balkans in ancient times: the Greeks in the south, the Macedonians in the center, the Thracians in the east and the Illyrians in the west. Today Albanian is spoken in most of the same region where Illyrian was spoken in ancient times. 4. Those few language elements which are known as Illyrian can be explained through the Albanian language, and no other. 5. A linguistic comparison of Albanian with ancient Greek and Latin indicates that Albanian was formed as a language at an earlier period than those other ancient languages. 6. Archeological and historical data witness to the cultural continuity from the Illyrians to the Albanians. Continual contact with other peoples and languages has left its traces in the Albanian vocabulary. Foreign words have been borrowed from Greek, Latin, Slavic and Turkish, yet Albanian has been preserved as a separate language, its grammatical system remain­ ing virtually unchanged. 7. Linguists point out many technical similarities between Illyrian and Albanian words. 8. Borrowings from northern Greek and from Latin incorporated in the Albanian language reflect the well-known political and cultural pressures on Illyrian territory. Linguistic studies indicate that Albanian developed from Illyrian as a distinct language between the fourth and sixth centuries a .d . Thus ancient borrowings of Greek and Latin vocabulary could not have moved directly into Albanian, but into Illyrian, through which these words entered into Albanian. Historical linguists point out that these borrowings from ancient Greek were in the Dorian dialect and penetrated into Illyrian through Corinthian commercial colonies in Corfu, along the Adriatic coast, and through border towns. Latin borrowings came later during the lengthy Roman occupation (NAlb 1986, 3:32). These ancient Greek and Roman contacts occurred precisely in the territory of old Illyria, leaving their traces in the Illyrian language from which they later passed into the Albanian language. 9. Illyrian toponyms, ancient Illyrian place names for cities, rivers and mountains, are preserved today in the Albanian language, and only in Albanian. The names of Balkan villages usually lasted only a few centuries,

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

38

for villages were often destroyed altogether during wartime. Cities lasted longer, so their names were usually older. But rivers, lakes and mountains endured through the centuries, and their ancient names usually continued in use. Even new inhabitants usually adopted the old names, just as American colonists adopted many old Indian place names in the United States. Accordingly, Albanian linguists have found more than 300 names of ancient cities like Shkodra, rivers like the Drin and mountains like Tomor which were mentioned by ancient Greek and Roman geographers or historians and which are still in use in Albania. Scholars show how the rules of historical phonetics explain any changes of spelling over the cen­ turies from Illyrian to Albanian, as Scupi to Shkup, Scodra to Shkodra, Lissus to Lezha, Durrachium to Durrës, Drinus to Drin, Mathis to Mat. Certainly the Albanian language is derived from the Illyrian (Çabej 1985, 42-62). 10. Illyrian proper names continue in use among present-day Alba­ nians. Many of the individual Illyrian names of persons were preserved on epitaphs and inscriptions on coins. Then the names of other people like the Illyrian rulers Agron and Teuta were mentioned by Greek or Roman historians. The Albanian scholar Mahri Domi claims to have identified 800 of these (Liria 15 October 1982; 1 November 1983). 11. The numerous marine terms for sea plants and animals in the Albanian language show that these people lived along the coast on what would correspond with Illyrian territory (AT 1983, 1:44-45). 12. Then there are other words in Albanian which Greek or Roman writers long ago explicitly identified as Illyrian in origin. Down through the centuries many once great peoples have been either destroyed or assimilated by others so as to disappear altogether. But the Il­ lyrian people with their distinctive dress, music, customs and especially their language have persisted in their shrinking territory along the western shore of the Balkan Peninsula. With no record or tradition even hinting at their extermination or assimilation or migration, one can only assume their unbroken historical continuity. There seems to be no question but that the present-day Albanians are the historically uninterrupted descendants of the Illyrians who were known to have inhabited that same region in early Greek and Roman times. THE PE L A SG IA N PA R E N T A G E OF THE ILLY RIA N AND A LBA N IA N LA N G U A G ES T he Pelasgians The ancient term "Pelasgian" is almost as mysterious now as ever, for scholars still have difficulty assigning precise meaning to it. For that reason some linguistic authorities prefer to substitute the term "pre-Hellenic" for the language of the people who antedated the Greeks in the Balkan Penin­ sula (Hamp 1983). However, Herodotus and Strabo wrote a great deal

Linguistic Ancestry o f the Albanian Language and People

39

about the Pelasgians. So did Thucydides, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Pliny the Elder, Hesiod, Homer, Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides, Virgil and many others. Living as they did so much closer to that period of human history, their combined testimony to the Pelasgians should have con­ siderable weight. These Pelasgians migrated into the Balkans in prehistoric times before the Illyrians and were called by Korkuti "paleoindoeuropeans." They were the progenitors of the Illyrians who in turn were pro­ genitors of the Albanians. According to the earliest writers those Pelasgians resided throughout the Balkan-Aegean world, including all the Balkans, the Aegean coast of Asia Minor and Crete. Their Pelasgian language was called "barbarian," that is, not Greek. Linguistic studies show that these Pelasgians left their traces in the Balkans in the pre-Greek terms for the names of persons, places and divinities, names which have no apparent tie to Greek, but which are explained by the later Illyrian and Albanian. A lbanian T ies

with the

Pelasgians

The first modern scholar to identify the present-day Albanians as descendants of the ancient Pelasgians was Johan von Hahn, who continued historical and linguistic research during his 40 years of service as Austrian consul at Janina. The Arbëreshë poet and scholar in Italy Jeronim De Rada continued the same thesis, demonstrating that ancient Pelasgian place names could be explained only by the Albanian language. In 1879, the year following the denial of Albania's legitimacy by the Congress of Berlin, Pashko Vasa of Shkodra continued the argument, publishing in Paris and Berlin in French and German his well-known E Vërteta për Shqipërinë dhe Shqiptarët (The Truth about Albania and the Albanians). He pointed out that when people are obliged to migrate they often name new places after the old which they had to abandon. So the ancient name of Macedonia was Emathia (Albanian: E madhja, the great one), and the Pelasgians, forced back toward present Albanian territory, renamed the mountainous region Matia or Mati (Liria 1,15 May 1983,1, 7). Virgil claimed that the defeated heroes of Troy did the same on migrating to Butrint, and the Arbëreshë did the same upon reaching southern Italy. The scholar J. Thomopullos listed a number of such place names and in addition showed how certain Etruscan words had the same roots as their modern Albanian equivalents (ibid.). Another modern scholar, Spiro Konda, pointed out examples from Homer's O dyssey where the compound name of a mountain, for instance, consisted of the Albanian name given by the local Pelasgian inhabitants and the Greek equivalent of their supplanters. Thus there was a Gyropetra from the Albanian gur for stone and the Greek petra for stone. There was also a M egallopetras Gyres, combin­ ing great stone in Greek and stone in Albanian. Then there were many variations of the Albanian word mal for mountain and its Greek equivalent oros, as M aleiaon oros. Indicating the wide diffusion of the Pelasgian peo­ ple and language he noted the similar compound name for a mountain near

40

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

Budapest named Maliegy, mali being Albanian for the mountain, egy being its Hungarian equivalent. Another linguist, Xhaxhiu, also pointed out the many variations of the Albanian word pyll for forest found in the Pelasgian island of Lesbos and in Epirus. He made the following observation: "The fact that the Pelasgians, attacked by their Greek kinsmen, were forced to withdraw from the lowlands to the forests and the mountains explains the widespread use of place names using the Albanian roots pyll, mal and guC (ibid.). Scholars point out that vanished languages usually leave traces in their names which persist for rivers, mountains and other permanent natural features, just as American Indian names are still found all over the United States. Such a word is Larissa, a Pelasgian word for fortress, which was widely used in the ancient world for a fortified city. Still found in maps, it evidences the widespread dissemination of the Pelasgian people. Shepperd's Classical W orld Atlas shows 11 cities or towns named Larissa. There was a Larissa in Assyria on the Tigris River, and several in Asia Minor. One of these near Troy was mentioned by Homer as the home of "the tough Pelasgians from Larissa's rich plowland" (Iliad 2:811-12). Cities in the Balkan Peninsula bearing that name were the following: one on the river Peneus in the district of Pelasgian Argos in central Thessaly; a Larissa Cremaste in the southern portion of Achaia-Phthiotis, and another Larissa, now called Techos, near the river Larissos which flows into the Ionian Sea below the northwest promontory of the Gulf of Corinth at Elia in Achaea. This may help us to appreciate the striking report of the Albanologist Otto Blau that the ancient inscriptions on stone tablets unearthed in Crete and Lemnos from 1897 to 1899, long unintelligible, could be deciphered by means of the Albanian language. Then there is the mysterious language of the ancient Etruscans in cen­ tral Italy. It was long considered to have no established relationship to any other known language. In recent years, however, an Italian scholar named Filippo Coarelli in his Etruscan Cities of Italy declared that the mysteri­ ous language of the Etruscans was closely "related to the pre-Hellenic language of Lemnos" (Coarelli 1975, 14). Lemnos is the Pelasgian island just west of Pelasgian Troy. A contemporary scholar of Arbëreshë or Italo-Albanian origin, Nermin VIora Falaschi, has authored a second study of ancient Euro-Mediterranean civilizations entitled Etruscan, A Living Language. Drawing upon the works of other scholars from ancient times down to the present and analyzing the wealth of Etruscan epi­ graphs, she concluded that the Etruscans were direct offspring of the Pelas­ gians who civilized much of the Mediterranean region. The Italian and English text of 176 pages is illustrated with 49 colored plates and 53 original reproductions of Etruscan inscriptions. There is also a transcription of each Etruscan word in Latin characters, with its Italian, English and Al­ banian equivalents and a table of alphabets. Her thesis is very convinc­ ing, that these ancient Etruscan inscriptions can be interpreted only by the

Linguistic Ancestry o f the Albanian Language and People

41

Pellasgo-Illyrian idiom preserved in Albanian (Dielli 28 June 1989, 3; 10 October 1989, 2). Albanian scholars may not be thought altogether ob­ jective, but after studying epitaphs on Etruscan tombs, columns and pot­ tery found in Perugia and elsewhere in Tuscany, they could liken the language to none other than the Tosk dialect of Albanian. Incidentally, the Italian name for this Etruscan region of Tuscany is Toscana, the place of the Toscs, which is identical with the name of the southern Albanians, the Tosks. This matter, however, we must leave with the experts. But un­ doubtedly there is more here than mere coincidence. A consideration of the characteristic vocabulary of this pre-Hellenic people led the French scholar Louis Benloew to the same conclusion in his book La Grëce avant les Grecs, published in Paris in 1877. He observed, "Many names of places, mountains, rivers and legendary personages which cannot be explained by the etymology of Greek words apparently can be explained by a non-Greek language. Only one language up to the present is able to cast light on the names of these places, and this language is Alba­ nian. Therefore, the author of this work is compelled to support the thesis that the Albanians of our day are the descendants of the populations which lived before the coming of the Greeks in the region from the Adriatic as far as the Halys" (x, xi). The Halys was a river in eastern Asia Minor. A scertainment

of the

Pelasgian A lphabet

The reduction of a spoken language to written form is a fascinating story. The Pelasgian alphabet apparently came to us through the Phoeni­ cians. For just as Phoenician craftsmen improved on Egyptian workman­ ship so that King Solomon employed them to build his temple at Jerusalem, so they replaced the clumsy Egyptian hieroglyphs with the first alphabet us­ ing a simple symbol for each consonant. Even more important than their highly prized trade merchandise of metal and glass and ivory was this system of writing which spread by their sea merchants throughout the Mediterranean world. Several of the peoples adopting the Phoenician sym­ bols modified them to represent the different sounds in their speech. Indeed it is claimed that "every alphabet of the civilized world has descended from the Phoenician alphabet" (Breasted 1967, 305). The resulting Pelasgian characters or symbols have not survived in any written documents, but they have been recovered on stone inscriptions, on pottery and later on coins. These different alphabets gradually became distinctive of different city-states or cultures. Thus when Greek colonies girdled the Mediterra­ nean basin and beyond, each colony used the characteristic script of the parent state. So it was that the Chalcidic script used in Cumae and Neapolis in Campania, southern Italy, was that of the founding city Chalcis on Greece's off-shore island of Euboea. The Dorian script found in Corcyra (Corfu) and Syracuse was that of the founding city Corinth. But these several different alphabets sometimes added or lost symbols as they were adapted to different dialects spoken locally. Then too the Etruscan alphabet

42

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

would be discovered not in the inscriptions on vases imported from Athens and Corinth and found in Etruscan tombs, but rather in the inscriptions on their stone monuments and tombs. These inscriptions according to schol­ arly authority establish the origin of the Etruscan alphabet at Chalcis of Euboea (Taylor 1883, 127-28). Comparative tables show the similar origin of Etruscan and four other Italic alphabets: Latin, Faliscan, Umbrian and Oscan {ibid., 126). Compar­ ing similarities and differences of these five related alphabets, Isaac Taylor was able to reconstruct the parent alphabet used by the earliest settlers in Italy, and he called it "Pelasgic" (ibid., 130). The reconstructed Pelasgic alphabet is shown with the Etruscan and other four alphabets in that same table (ibid., 126). Then the coins minted at Chalcis contain letters from which their alphabet also has been reconstructed. Taylor claims that a com­ parison of the two reconstructions makes it conclusive that the Pelasgian alphabet of Italy derived from the primitive alphabet of Chalcis (ibid., 132-33). This conclusion is also supported by the fact that the earliest Etruscan coins followed the weight standards and numismatic forms of Euboean coins, and the inscriptions used the same alphabet (ibid., 134). By this comparative study of certain ancient alphabets, then, we find that both the Romans and Greeks based their alphabets on the Phoenician alphabet, and we obtain a reconstructed Pelasgian alphabet. We also establish the Pelasgian origin of the Etruscan people of Italy, which lends scientific sup­ port for the claims of Thucydides, Dionysius, Virgil and others. T he Pelasgian V ocabulary

and

Language

A professor at Belgium's University of Louvain, A. J. Van Windekens, has written on an ancient Indo-European language which he called Pelasgian (Van Windekens 1952). He insisted that many words in the Greek language can only be explained as carrying over from a pre-Hellenic language which he called Pelasgian. The morphological structure of proper names and place names required a pre-Greek language. Those who first settled the Aegean basin before the arrival of the Greeks he called "protoIndo-Europeans." Part one of his work consists of a phonetic study of Pelasgian vowels and consonants. Part two deals with the formation of nouns with special reference to suffixes, proper nouns and toponyms or place names. The name of the goddess Athena, for instance, he explains as based on the word at for father found in Albanian and other Indo-European languages, but with the feminine suffix, making her the mother (Ibid., 148). Van Windekens observed that Pelasgian place names are found from western Asia Minor to northern Italy, but especially in Illyria and what is now Greece. Pelasgian place names are more numerous in Greece than elsewhere, and Pelasgian names of people and divinities are found only in Greek, which led Van Windekens to believe that the density of the popula­ tion who spoke Pelasgian was greatest in Greece. Then he added that the Illyrian language had disappeared, leaving only certain proper names to be

Linguistic Ancestry o f the Albanian Language and P eople

43

found in Greek and Latin documents. If only the Illyrian language had been conserved like the Greek, he believed that the number of proper names and other words in Pelasgian might indicate just as great a density of Pelasgian population in Illyria as in Greece (ibid., 155). The Greeks, the Illyrians and the Italians found on the Mediterranean shore a language from which they borrowed a great number of words designating familiar and unfamiliar objects. They assimilated the Pelasgian civilization which was reflected in the borrowed vocabulary. Many Pelasgian words have been identified designating animals such as the donkey, pig, pigeon, salamander and lizard. Other words identify plants, minerals, musical instruments, games, navigation, commerce, construc­ tion, warfare, hunting, family, society, and religion. The existence of so many borrowed terms would indicate that the Greeks, Illyrians and Italians did not exterminate or immediately expel the Pelasgian population which they found in those territories. For long years the conquerors must have coexisted with the Pelasgians so as to adopt much of their vocabulary (ibid., 156-58). Van Windekens concluded that the Greeks, Illyrians and Italians could not have been the first Indo-Europeans to settle in southern Europe and Asia Minor. They were preceded by the Pelasgians. He did not date the ar­ rival of the Pelasgians, however, but was certain that they arrived in the peninsula before the Hellenic tribe of Ionians which took place between 2000 and 1600 b.c . Only when the minority Ionians were reinforced by the Aeolians and Achaeans, about 1500 b.c ., and the warlike Dorians about 1000 b .c ., were they able to subdue the Pelasgians and supersede their civilization. The author was convinced that the Pelasgians left their IndoEuropean cradle about the same time as the Hittites, whose migrations cer­ tainly preceded those of the Greeks (ibid., 159). TH E IN D O -E U R O PE A N O R IG IN OF THE PE L A SG IA N , ILLY R IA N AND A LBA N IA N LA N G U A G ES T he Language Families Scholars of linguistics point out that most modern languages are not isolated, but belong to a particular family of related languages, and certain of those families can be traced back to a common parent. Carrying this process of historical reconstruction back yet further, it becomes evident that several of these parent languages in turn derived from a yet more ancient unwritten language which scholars have called "Indo-European." A schematic diagram picturing relationships among the various IndoEuropean languages shows, for instance, that Marathi like Urdu and Hindi and Bengali belongs to the Sanskrit family, although Sanskrit itself is now obsolete (Webster 1970). But Sanskrit was a member of the Indie family, which with Iranian was a member of the Indo-lranian, which in turn de­ rived from the Indo-European base. Strangely enough, this diagram indi-

44

Primeval Albania, the Greeks and Civilization

cates that(among 47 modern languages developing from the Indo-European base, only two languages, Albanian and Armenian, derive directly from Indo-European with no intermediary linguistic parents The technical im­ plications of this matter must be left to the experts. But it seems in­ disputable that Albanian is a most ancient Indo-European language, and the Albanians are a most ancient Indo-European peoplëT^ T he Indo-European Family C haracteristics The Indo-European languages, then, constitute a family of languages, some living, some dead, which have an affinity to each other, and simi­ larities among themselves. Indo-European languages have some degree of similarity in their vocabulary, their phonetic system and their grammatical structure, with evolutionary changes of course appearing over the cen­ turies. Their grammatical structure, for instance, is characterized by the system of gender, number and case for nouns, pronouns and adjectives, also by the system of conjugation of verbs. The Indo-European base has also contributed a rather rich vocabulary to its related languages, including Albanian. Unfortunately, this base was never a written language. But a great deal of highly sophisticated detective work has been carried on by linguistic experts. They are convinced that by comparing an equivalent word in several related languages they can often discover a common root. Various suffixes or endings added to the root in­ dicate that some of these related languages were highly inflected or de­ clined, like old Greek or Latin as well as the present-day Albanian. In this way scholars have identified hundreds of word roots which they claim must have originated in a common or parent language. Some of these words in Albanian are the following: ditë (day), nat'e (night), dimer (winter), i lehtë (light), i thellë (deep), punë (work), zem ër (heart), ujk (wolf), ujë (water), i rëndë (heavy), jam (I am), kam (I have), bie (falls), ha (eats), pi (drinks) and many others. There are 2,000 of these inherited simple words, but from each of them many other compound words can be formed, for example, from "work" we have worker, workman, working, workshop, overwork, workroom, housework, workday and many others (FESH 1985, 353-54). Because such word roots are found in languages spoken from northern Europe to India, the hypothetical parent language is called Indo-Euro­ pean. D iscovering

the

P lace

of Its

O rigin

Where did the Indo-European base originate? The gradual emergence of this Indo-European vocabulary has helped scholars reconstruct the IndoEuropean way of life and thus deduce the environment. The existence of a common root for words like field, horse, house and honey would indicate familiarity with such objects not only among persons using those languages today, but also in the prehistoric Indo-European past. Conversely, the absence of a common root for certain environmental words may be highly

Linguistic Ancestry o f the Albanian Language and People

45

significant. Indo-European does appear to have a common root for words like snow, wolf and oak tree, but no such root for sea, island, tropical trees like the palm or coconut and tropical animals like the tiger and camel. This has led scholars to deduce an Indo-European center or base around the Caucasus or Ural mountains (Thorndyke 1977, 264-65). Without written records it is difficult for them to be more precise and dogmatic. Estimating

the

T ime

of Its

D iversification

When did this Indo-European parent language begin to bifurcate and diversify into later ancient languages which in turn developed into the many present-day related languages? It is generally recognized that a language tends to change over the centuries. For instance, the English language of four centuries ago used in Shakespeare's plays is now archaic but comprehensible, whereas the Old English of 12 centuries ago found in B eow ulf is quite unintelligible. The known rate of such language change furnishes the scholar with a crude yardstick to estimate the time required for one language to change into another language. The earliest IndoEuropean written languages recorded by 1400 b .c . were Hittite, Sanskrit, Mycenaean and Greek. These had already changed considerably from one another. Linguistic scholars estimate that it must have required between 2,000 and 3,500 years for the parent language to have assumed these various forms. That is, the Indo-Europeans as a single people speaking a common language must date back to 4000 or 5000 b.c . (ibid., 266-67). Obviously, the science of linguistics casts both light and shadows on our search for the prehistoric origin of the Albanian people and their language. At this point too we must leave the mystery with the experts. But it must be obvious that the broad consensus of scholarly opinion is that the Albanian people and the Albanian language are the closest modern sur­ vivors of the Illyrian, the Pelasgian and the Indo-European beginnings. That makes it all the more obvious why these ancient people have clung so tenaciously to their ancient language and culture. Although their land has been occupied repeatedly by Greeks and Romans and Slavs and Turks, and although they repeatedly used those imposed trade languages, the peo­ ple now known as Albanians have persistently and triumphantly preserved their own language, customs and traditions, and their ancient Illyrian and Pelasgian identity.

3. Traditions About Albania in Our Earliest Chronicles SU R V IV IN G T R A D IT IO N S A B O U T A LBA N IA Many early traditions indicate that all the Balkan Peninsula including the region now called Albania was once occupied by a pre-Hellenic people called Pelasgians^JVleither the Albanian territory nor its population was yet called Albanian. That name would come later. However, archeology, linguistics and popular traditions reflected in our earliest chronicles all confirm the Pelasgian origin of the Albanian people and language. As we have already seen, no documents or inscriptions in the Pelasgian language exist. But legends of Pelasgian beginnings have been transmitted by word of mouth from generation to generation. About 2,700 years ago the blind Homer's collation of many of these stories was recorded for us in his two great epic poems, the Iliad and the Odyssey. Soon afterwards scholars at­ tempted to explain the geographical distribution of the various branches of the human family. Each of course was particularly concerned about the origin and distribution of his own people and their relationship to neighboring peoples. Only incidentally then do we learn something of the Albanian descendants of the Pelasgians as they happened to come in con­ tact with their more literate Greek and Roman neighbors. Some of these early scholars were historians, some geographers, others were poets and playwrights. A clear pattern emerges. EA RLY H IS T O R IA N S AND G E O G R A P H ER S Herodotus (4857-425? b.c .) The Greek historian Herodotus was called the father of history and had a great deal to say about the Pelasgians. First, their territory. The entire territory later called Greece was first called Pelasgia (Herodotus 1942, 2:56). These Pelasgians had lived in Samothrace, the island just north of Troy, before they came to Attice (2:51). In northwestern Peloponnesus the Ionians "inhabited the land now called Achaea and were called, according to the Greek account, Aegialean Pelasgi, or Pelasgi of the Sea Shore"; 46

Traditions A bout A lbania in Our Earliest Chronicles

47

afterwards they were called Ionians (7:94). "The Islanders . . . were a Pelasgian race, who in later times took the name of Ionians. The Aeolians too were anciently called Pelasgians (7:95). Their language was different from Greek. The original Athenians were Pelasgians who spoke the "bar­ barous" Pelasgian language (1:57). Herodotus wrote that Pelasgians living on the island of Lemnos opposite Troy once kidnapped Hellenic women of Athens for wives, but the Athenian women created a crisis by teaching their children "the language of Attica" instead of that of the Pelasgian boys (6:138). Herodotus wrote that the Pelasgians spoke a language unlike that of any of their neighbors (1:57). The Pelasgians antedated the Greeks in what was later called Greece. Herodotus characterized the Hellenic Athe­ nians as "excessively migratory," but stated that "the Pelasgians or Lacedaemons" had always been there (1:56). Significantly enough, he iden­ tified the Spartans as Pelasgians rather than Greeks. The Hellenic race in­ creased because numerous tribes of barbarians voluntarily entered their ranks (1:58). In Achaia, in northernmost Peloponnesus, the Molossians and Arcadian Pelasgians were recognized as "distinct tribes" (1:146). But the inhabitants of the peninsula were eventually driven from their homes by the invading Dorians; only in Arcadia did the natives remain, not being compelled to migrate (2:171). Repeatedly, Herodotus identified the Spartans as Pelasgians, associating them with the drama of Troy. Argos was then preeminent above all the states which would later be known as Hellas (1:1). A series of kidnappings culminated in that of Helen of Argos (1:3), a Lacedaemo­ nian girl from Sparta (1:4). During the reign of Croesus, about 550 b .c ., the Pelasgian Spartans were still masters of most of Peloponnesus and "held first rank in Greece" (1:69). Herodotus noted that barbarians throughout Greece but "especially the Lacedaemonians" disparaged the tradesman and honored the warrior (2:167), which again would identify the Spartan as a barbarian rather than a Greek. One fascinating expression occurred again and again in the Iliad, "the flowing-haired Achaeans." Herodotus wrote that at the mountain pass of Thermopylae the night before meeting the Persian hordes (481 b.c .) a Persian spy had noted the Spartan warriors ceremoniously "combing their long hair." When he reported back that the enemy soldiers seemed rather effeminate, a more knowledgeable in­ terpreter warned the Persians that "it is their custom when they are about to hazard their lives, to adorn their heads with care. . . . This is the first kingdom and town in Greece, and these are the bravest men" (7:208-9). Leonidas and his 300 Spartans fought to the very last man. The monument erected where they fell bears the inscription, "Go, stranger, and to Lacedaemon tell/ That here, obeying her behests, we fell" (7: 228). We shall note again and again that Greek historians and geograph­ ers and writers insisted on the distinction between the original Pelas­ gians and their rivals the Hellenic Greek newcomers. They also identified the Spartans as Pelasgians rather than Greeks. Traditional "Greek" history

48

P r im e v a l A l b a n ia , th e G r e e k s a n d C iv i l iz a t i o n

may be rewritten some day, but that lies quite beyond the scope of this pres­ ent work. T hucydides (4607-400? b .c .)

The Athenian historian Thucydides stated that before the Trojan War the lower Balkan Peninsula was not known as Hellas (Greece) but as "Pelasgicum," which explains why the eighth century poet Homer never referred to Hellenes, but rather to Danaans, Argives and Achaeans (Thu­ cydides 1959, 1:3). These were all Pelasgian tribes. The legendary founder of ancient Greece or Hellas was Hellen, who is supposed to have lived in the late eighth century b .c . Thucydides also wrote that the Pelasgians once inhabited Athens (4:109) and that the massive stone construction under the citadel at Athens was Pelasgian (2:17). He clearly distinguished between the Greeks and the neighboring Epirotes, referring to the "Chaonians and other neighboring barbarians" (2:68), also to a thousand "barbarians," Chaon­ ians, besides Thesprotians and Molossians, who once aided the warriors of Corinth (2:80). D ionysius of H alicarnassus (first century b .c .)

Dionysius was also a Greek historian, born like the great Herodotus in the ancient city of Halicarnassus on the Aegean seacoast of southwestern Asia Minor, but residing later in Rome. He declared that the Albanians, in common with the great majority of ancient peoples, came from the Euphrates and the Ganges. They settled on the shore of the Caspian Sea and in the Caucasus Mountains, later called Armenia, where they lived as shepherds and warriors. They were known in Asia as Albanians, their region was shown on contemporary maps as Albania, and the rocky gorges of the Caucasian Mountains were called the "Albanian Gates." Dionysius was primarily concerned, however, with the relationship between the Pelasgians in the Balkans and those in Italy. He wrote that the Pelasgians came originally from the Peloponnesus, from the neighborhood of Argos. They received their name from Pelasgius their king, who was the son of Zeus. After six generations they moved to Thessaly, prospering greatly. They remained there five generations, when they were driven out by Deucalion, progenitor of the Greeks (Dionysius 1948, 1:17). They dispersed to the neighboring provinces, to Crete, the Aegean islands, especially Lesbos, and to the coast along the Hellespont (1:18). Many of them went inland to their kinsmen around the Pelasgian shrine of Dodona (1:19). Many of these later moved across the Ionian Sea to Italy, the Umbria region. There they collaborated with the aboriginals in driving out the Um­ brians, occupying for some time several cities including Pisa (1:20). The most conspicuous monument which shows that these people once lived at Pelasgian Argos is the temple of Juno at Falerii, built in the same fashion as the one at Argos. The sacrificial ceremonies were also similar. They possessed much of the fertile Campania plain, building several flourishing

Traditions A bout A lbania in Our Earliest Chronicles

49

cities, including one called Larissa (1:23). Pelasgians were superior in war­ fare, and because they lived with Tyrrhenians they also became proficient seamen. They were called both Pelasgians and Tyrrhenians (1:25). Calamities struck the second generation before the Trojan War. They held their largest city, Cortona, but lost many others to the Tyrrhenians (1:26). These Tyrrhenians were descendants of Tyrrhenus from Asia Minor. Dionysius examined at length the question whether Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians were two different people, or whether these were two different names for the same people (1:27-29). He concluded that although distantly related, they were really two different people. Tyrrhenians were called Etruscans by the Romans. The Pelasgians who remained in Italy were ab­ sorbed as fellow citizens (1:30). Dionysius like his contemporary Virgil wrote that following the fall of Troy, Aeneas sailed from the Ambracian gulf along the coast of Epirus to Buthrotum, the Albanian Butrint. Accompanied by the most vigorous men of his army, Aeneas made a march of two days and reached Pelasgian Dodona in order to consult the oracle. Back at Butrint they found the Tro­ jans who had fled there with Helenus. After dedicating to the god various Trojan offerings, including bronze mixing bowls . .. they rejoined the fleet after a march of about four days. The presence of the Trojans at Buthrotum is indicated by a hill called Troy, where they encamped at that time (1:51). Dionysius declared the Trojans to be descendants of Dardanus of Arcadia, who moved to Samothrace, then to the Hellespont and the plain of Troy (1:61). He traced the descent of Aeneas also from Dardanus (1:62). And he quoted ancient Greek and Roman authorities to show that Rome was founded by refugees from Troy, that the founders Romulus and Remus were sons of Aeneas, or the sons of Aeneas' daughter, in either case Dardanians and therefore Pelasgians (1:72-73; 2:2). But this cannot be substan­ tiated. P lutarch (a .d . 46-119)

The Greek biographer and historian Plutarch described in his Life o f the Roman General Pom pey (106-48 b . c .) the Albanians contacted in the Caucasus. Leaving Armenia Pompey marched his army through several nations living in the Caucasus Mountains. Chief among these were the Albanians living in the easterly mountains toward the Caspian Sea. The Albanians at first acceded to Pompey's request to pass through their ter­ ritory. Then they attacked the Romans, were defeated and forgiven. But the Albanians rebelled again (Plutarch 1952, 195-96). Pompey attacked a superior number of Albanians "ill-armed generally, and most of them covered only with the skins of wild beasts" and assisted by neighboring amazons, or women warriors. He defeated them. Upon his return to Rome in triumph, tables were carried inscribed with the names of defeated nations including Albania, and among the many prisoners of war led in triumph were "the hostages of the Albanians" {ibid., 203).

50

P r i m e v a l A l b a n i a , th e G r e e k s a n d C i v i l iz a t i o n

Strabo (63 b .c .- a .d . 19)

The Greek geographer Strabo wrote as follows (Strabo 1889, 5.2.4). The Pelasgi were an ancient race spread throughout the whole of Greece, but especially Thessaly. He outlined that region and called it "Pelasgic Argos" because it formerly belonged to the Pelasgians. The nations of Epirus are Pelasgic, because the dominion of the Pelasgi ex­ tended so far. . . . Danaus, having arrived in Argos made a law that those who had before borne the name of Pelasgiotic throughout Greece should be called Danai. . . . As many of the heroes have been named Pelasgi, later writers have applied the same name to the nations over which they were chiefs. Thus Lesbos has been called Pelasgic. . . . Peloponnesus was named Pelasgic.

The islands of Lemnos and Imbros were Pelasgian colonies, and some of these Pelasgians passed into Italy with Tyrrhenus. Before the time of the Greeks, the whole of Greece was a settlement of barbarians, among whom were listed the Pelasgi. Danaus, king of Argos about 1570 b . c ., brought colonists from Egypt. The Epirote tribes above Greece were the Thesproti, Cassopae, Amphilochi, M olotti and Athamanes (7.7.1). The Chaones and Molotti were the most celebrated Epirotic nations because the whole of Epirus was formerly subject to one or the other, also because of their "ancient and famous oracle of Dodona" (7.7.5). Dodona was "established by Pelasgi, who are said to be the most ancient people that were sovereign in Greece" (7.7.10). All Thessaly was called "Pelasgic Argos" (8.6.5). The founder of the Hellenic people was Deucalion's son Hellen, whose sons headed the three great branches of the Hellenic Greeks: Dorus the Dorians, Achaous the Achaians and Ion the Ionians (8.7.1). The Pelasgi drove the Boeotians out of their district north of Athens. But returning the Boeotians drove back the Pelasgi who "went to Athens, a part of which city is called from this people Pelasgic." The Pelasgi, however, settled below Hymettus (9.2.3), the range of hills to the east of Athens, celebrated for its honey and fine marble (9.1.23). Strabo had much to say about the Pelasgians of the Caucasus whom he called Albanians. They were a nomadic people, living as shepherds; they were "little disposed to war" and they "were not savages" (11.4.1). Their region was bounded by the Caucasus Mountains on the north, the Caspian Sea on the east, Armenia on the south and Iberia on the west (11.4.1). They were not devoted to agriculture and used only crude plows of wood instead of iron. But the soil was rich and brought a bountiful harvest with little effort. The vines and fruit trees produced more than they could use, and their cattle thrived (11.4.3). They were simple, honest people. They did not use coined money. They could fight on foot or horseback, with either light or heavy armor. They used javelins and bows and wore breastplates,

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shields and coverings for the head, made of the hides of wild animals (11.4.4). They worshipped as gods the sun, Jupiter and especially the moon (11.4.7). Numerous tribes of Pelasgi were allied with Troy. Homer noted that some came from Larissa. There were several towns with this name in Asia Minor, but the Trojan Larissa is probably the one near Cyme, about 100 miles distant from Troy (13.3.2). The whole of the Ionian coast was for­ merly inhabited by Pelasgi. Lesbos was ruled by the chief of the Pelasgi. Chios was founded by Pelasgi from Thessaly. The Pelasgi suffered greatly in the Trojan War, but still they occupied Larissa until mainlanders dispossessed them, settling them at Cyme (13.3.3). Here Hesiod the Pelasgian poet originated. Some claim that Homer also was from Pelasgian Cyme (13.3.6). Pelasgian Chios also claimed Homer (14.1.35), and so did Smyrna (14.1.37) and Pelasgian Lesbos. Any one of these foreign origins might explain the foreign constructions which scholars find in his poetic style. P liny the Elder (a . d . 23-79)

Pliny was a Roman naturalist who wrote a ten-volume work covering many phases of natural history. He mentioned quite incidentally that the Peloponnesus was previously called Pelasgia (Pliny 1947, 4:4). Arcadia in the heart of the Peloponnesus was originally called Drymodes ("wooded") and the presumably Pelasgian term Drymodes incorporates the Albanian word dru for tree or wood (4:6). Pliny observed also that "Epirus begins at the mountains of Himara. It includes the Chaones, Thesproti, Antigonenses, the Molossi in whose territory is the temple of Zeus of Dodona, famous for its oracle" (4:1). EARLY P O E T S AND P L A Y W R IG H T S Ancient poets and playwrights also frequently alluded to a favorite subject, the Pelasgian folk heroes. H esiod (eighth century b .c .)

Hesiod was one of the very earliest "Greek" writers whose work re­ mains to this day. He was an obscure peasant who wrote about the dreary, hopeless struggle of the poor farmer and was called the "peasant poet." Hesiod came from the Pelasgian settlement of Cyme in Asia Minor (Strabo 1889, 13.3.3.). He was the earliest to name Pelasgius as the founder of the Pelasgian people, the autochthonous person, "originating in the place where he was first found," the aboriginal inhabitant, the "son of the earth," springing from the earth itself. Hesiod identified him with Arcadia (Hesiod 1967, 160). Arcadia, incidentally, was situated between the Pelasgian centers of Argos and Sparta. He also associated Pelasgius with Lycaonia in central Asia Minor. In another famous fragment still extant he wrote, "The Pelasgians are said to be the earliest of those who settled around

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Greece, and the poet speaks thus, O Zeus, king of Pelasgian Dodona" (ibid., 319). H omer (eighth century b .c .)

The blind poet Homer has left us two magnificent epic poems unifying the traditions passed down orally more than 500 years. His first, the Iliad, was probably composed about 750 b .c . Without introduction, it plunges the reader into the camp of Achilles, who was besieging the city of Troy in northwest Asia Minor, a city which controlled the Hellespont. Gradually it is learned that Agamemnon, king of Mycenae, and his brother Menelaus, king of Sparta, had married two sisters from Sparta. Paris, son of King Priam of Troy, had abducted one of them, the beautiful Helen, wife of Menelaus. The two brothers summoned the princes of the region to join them in war against Troy. Thousands of Pelasgian warriors espoused the cause of their kinsmen and sailed to Troy. Helen's was the "face that launched a thousand ships," actually 1,200 according to Thucydides (1:10). The siege dragged on for ten years. In single combat Hector, oldest son of Troy's King Priam, killed Patroclus, Achilles' dearest friend. Achilles swore vengeance and killed Hector in single combat. The Iliad closes with the mourning and funeral for Hector conducted by the Trojans. Who were these heroes of the Iliad? Priam, king of Troy, was named as a descendant of Dardanos (3:38; 7:89). Dardanos was the first king of Troy, and he originally named the city Dardania (20:215-18). So Priam and his people were called Dardanians, sons and daughters of Dardanos (18:230). This Indo-European people migrated westward into Asia Minor and became closely identified with Troy (7:88), one of its gates being called the "Dardanian Gate" (5:66). The nearby strait to the Balkans became known as the Dardanelles, and still further west the Albanian region Kosova was anciently called Dardania. Listed as allies of the Trojans were the "noble Pelasgoi" (10:130), probably the same fighters called elsewhere the "rough Pelasgians from Larissa's rich plowland" (2:811-12). But strangely enough the other protagonists in this Trojan drama were also Pelasgians. The beautiful Helen, kidnapped by Paris, was actually Helen of Pelasgian Argos (2:21-22; 7:88), the wife of Menelaus, king of Pelasgian Sparta. Commander-in-chief of the expedition was Agamemnon, king of Mycenae, often associated with neighboring Argos (1:2). Serving in the army of Agamemnon were the brothers of Helen, the family originating in Lacedaemon (3:36-37, 41), the powerful Pelasgian military city also called Sparta. Then there was the legendary Achilles, king of the Myrmidons (1:61; 9:109; 18:229) in Thessaly, son of the early and great Pelasgian chieftain Peleus. The Aeolians, Ionians and Dorians are never mentioned by Homer, but the besieging troops are repeatedly addressed as Achaeans, or Argives or Danaans. Who were these? Achaea was the prov­ ince on the northern border of Pelasgian Mycenae. The Argives were natives of Pelasgian Argos. Danaans were so named after Danaus, the early

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king of Argos. Although some Trojan allies did speak other tongues (4:49), it appears that the classic heroes both within and outside the walls of Troy were Pelasgians rather than Greeks. They all conversed readily in the same language; they venerated the same heroes; they shared the same expertise in breeding and training horses; they had the same augurs consulting the same gods; they practiced the same religious sacrifices and prayers; and they followed the same traditions and manners such as burial customs. One expressed it this way, "Homer immortalized the homogeneity of their speech and culture" (Adamidi 1903, 9). Within the walls and outside the walls, those Trojan heroes were all Pelasgians, not Greeks. Homer's second epic poem was the Odyssey, written somewhat later, probably about 725 b .c . The Pelasgian hero Achilles had died, struck in the heel by an arrow. His son Pyrrhus Neoptolemy immediately took his place at the siege of Troy. Eventually, by the stratagem of the Trojan Horse, they captured the city and utterly destroyed it. King Priam and most of his men were killed, all the women being carried away into slavery. The legendary date for the fall of Troy was about 1184 b .c . The Odyssey narrated the tenyear wanderings of Ulysses or Odysseus, another hero of the siege, as he attempted to rejoin his family and resume his rule as king of Ithaca. This was one of the small Ionian islands off the west coast of Greece. Herodotus identified the Ionians as Pelasgians (Herodotus 1942, 7:94-95). The Odys­ sey gives further evidence of this as it pictures Ulysses consulting the Pelasgian oracle at Dodona when he needed counsel (19:340). Furthermore, his army friend King Menelaus offered to make Ulysses ruler over "Pelas­ gian Argos" (4:233-38). Mentioning Pelasgian colonies on Crete, Ulysses later told his faithful wife Penelope of the "bold Pelasgi" natives, the Dorians and Achaeans, and King Minos who each ninth year consulted Jove in his sanctuary (19:201-7). Homer's seeming preoccupation with the Pelasgian origin of his heroes may well support Strabo's theorizing about the blind poet's own Pelasgian background. Certainly, scholars are agreed that although these epic poems were transmitted to us in the Greek language, the text did include many curious expressions and constructions traceable to the earlier Pelasgian language. In fact, Gounaris in his "Introduction to Indo-European" even theorized that the name Homer derived from the Pelasgian expression of compassion for a blind man: Ho i mjer (O, the poor man!) (Liria June 1985, 7). A eschylus (5257-456 b .c .)

Aeschylus, the Greek writer of tragedies, named Pelasgius as the son of Palaechthon, "Earth-born," the first man. Believing mankind to have proceeded from the womb of the earth, their mother, Aeschylus considered the Pelasgians the "autochthones," his term for the original earth-dwellers who sprang from Mother Earth herself, her earliest-known inhabitants. Pelasgius was the founder of a kingdom in northeastern Peloponnesus,

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with Argos as its capital. He ruled the region to the west, including the religious center at distant Mount Dodona (Aeschylus 1959,1:249-60). Else­ where he called Argos "the Pelasgian earth" (ibid., 1:860). Sophocles (4967-406 b .c .)

Another Greek writer of tragic dramas, Sophocles named the Pelasgians as preeminent in "the lands of Argos," called also "Hera's hills" because of the famous temple of Hera or Juno situated between Argos and Mycenae (Sophocles 1959, 2:164). Also for the first time he identified the Pelasgians with Etruria, land of the Etruscans, in Italy (Sophocles 1941, 364). Euripides (4827-406 b .c .)

An Athenian writer of tragedies, Euripides centered many of his dramas on the still vivid tragedy of Homer's Troy. Separate plays detailed tragic stories of the royal families of both Argos and Troy. On the one hand fascinating plays featured Menelaus the king of Argos, his ancestors through Heracles or Hercules in The H eracleidae, his wife Helen, his brother Agamemnon, a daughter in two plays Iphigenia in Aulis and Iphigenia in Tauris, another daughter in Electra, and a son in Orestes. Not only Euripides but Homer, Aeschylus and Sophocles all dramatized the return of Agamemnon from Troy and his murder by an unfaithful wife. On the other hand, Euripides depicted the tragic consequences to the family of Priam, king of Troy, in plays about his wife Hecuba, his daughter-in-law A ndrom ache the widow of Hector, his ally Rhesus and his people The Tro­ jan Women. Incidentally it was Euripides who developed a fanciful ploy to preserve the integrity of a beautiful but compromised Pelasgian heroine Helen. He wrote that a goddess substituted a phantom for her, the abductor Paris taking only the phantom to Troy, while she herself was taken miraculously to Egypt. Her husband Menelaus returning from the destruc­ tion of Troy was driven by a storm to Egypt, where he was reunited with his wife Helen. Recognizing the tragic futility of the entire Trojan campaign for a mere phantom, Menelaus cried, "Then we were swindled by the gods!" (Euripides 1959, 3:704). Euripides identified the home of Agamemnon's daughter as Argos (3:4, 5, 44), which he called the "country of Pelasgia" (4:959) and "rich Pelasgia" (3:46-64). It was from Argos that Agamemnon launched his thousand ships (4:3), and from Argos his son Orestes set out to consult the Pelasgian oracle of Dodona (3:886). V irgil (70-19 b .c .)

Virgil, the Latin poet, authored an epic poem which will live forever with those of Homer. In the Aeneid he described how Aeneas, warrior and counselor of the Trojans, escaped the destruction of Troy. Attempting to reestablish a colony like Troy on several Aegean islands in succession, he

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was providentially directed to Italy. Meanwhile, Pyrrhus Neoptolemy, son of Achilles, had taken as slave and wife Andromache, the young widow of the Trojan hero Hector whom his father Achilles had killed in combat. Pyr­ rhus returned to Epirus with her and with other Trojan slaves including Elin or Helenus, another son of King Priam. By Andromache Pyrrhus had three sons: Molossius, Pictus and Pergamon. While they were still young, King Pyrrhus was assassinated at the temple of Delphi. Elin then married the twice-widowed Andromache and ruled as king of Chaonia, his kingdom extending from the present-day town of Saranda southwest including the region called Chamëria. Elin established himself at the Albanian town of Butrint, giving it the name of Buthrotum-Troy. Nostalgically, he attempted to reproduce his beloved Troy. Virgil pictured Elin as a cousin of Aeneas (Virgil 1950, 1:3.343). The latter, desiring a visit, "skirted the shores of Epirus, entered the Chaonian harbor, and drew near Buthrotum's lofty city" {ibid., 1:3.292-93). Here he remained two days, saw the palace cloister with marble columns and its wonderful table service of silver bowls and golden plates. Aeneas marveled that Elin had been able to erect such a beautiful city. Elin explained that they had made it like Troy and raised it as a remembrance of that city. Ac­ cordingly they had named the castle gateway Scaea and the two rivers Xanthus and Simois as in old Troy. For the sake of consistency it should be noted that the Xanthus River was also called the Scamander, for Plato wrote about the river that "the gods call Xanthus, and men call Scamander" (Plato 1952, 7:89). Virgil's description of Butrint was so detailed and accurate that the Italian archeol­ ogist Ugolini remarked that Virgil must have visited the site personally (Edukata e Re 1930, 318-19). Aeneas rejoiced to find that his cousin had risen from a slave to a king, that he had married a Trojan girl, and that he had founded a new Troy at Butrint (Qafëzezi 1935, 7-11). The king sent Aeneas on his way with gifts of gold, silver, ivory, valuable armor, horses and weapons, also garments embroidered with gold, encouraging him to establish another replica of Troy on the Tiber River (Virgil 1950, 1: 3.291-505). Like Homer, Virgil presented both protagonists of the Trojan tragedy as Pelasgians rather than Greeks. He declared that the Dardanian King Priam of Troy was, like other Trojan kings, Pelasgian {ibid., 1:1.624). Aeneas also was Dardanian {ibid., 1:1.494, 617) and therefore Pelasgian, as were most of the Trojans. The besieging forces too were Pelasgian {ibid., 1:6.503). Elsewhere even when the English translation calls them "Greeks," Virgil in the Latin text had designated them correctly as "Danaans" and "Pelasgians" {ibid., 1:2.41-49, 83-152). It should be obvious that these "Greek" heroes were not Greeks at all, but Pelasgians. Whether fact or poetic fancy, Virgil also wrote that Dardanus, the first king of Troy, originated in Tuscany north of Rome, that later he went to the island of Samothrace near the Dardanelles and Troy, and then in the person

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of Aeneas he had returned to Rome {ibid., 1:7.111-67, 207, 240). Virgil recorded also their traditional nature worship, that "the old Pelasgians who first held the Latin borders dedicated both grove and festal day to Silvanus, the god of field and flock" {ibid., 1:8.600-1). His identification of the Pelasgians with the ancient Etruscans of Etruria or Tuscany would corre­ spond with the historian Thucydides' identification of them as a "Tyrrhene" nation (Thucydides 1959, 4:109). This would correspond also with the con­ clusion of Coarelli's recent scholarly and superbly illustrated volume on the Etruscan cities of Italy. Summarizing scholarly disagreement over the origin of the Etruscans, Coarelli observed that no theory yet had displaced the oldest: that they originated with nomad Pelasgians. He identified the mysterious language of the Etruscans as "closely related to the pre-Hellenic language of Lemnos" (Coarelli 1975, 14), the Pelasgian island off the coast of Troy. He associated the Pelasgians with Italy toward the close of the sec­ ond millennium b . c . He does not conjecture whether they first came to Italy by sailing over the Ionian and Tyrrhenian seas like Aeneas, or by continu­ ing their westward migration overland by way of Trieste. In either case the massive stone construction characteristic of the Pelasgians is found in Italy, where it is called Etruscan. Thus the remains of the Pelasgic walls of Cor­ tona in Etruria are most remarkable, a 1200-foot fragment being composed of stone blocks of "enormous magnitude" (Smith 1876, 225). Albanians con­ sider the Etruscans to be the same Pelasgians who in their Epirus were called Tosks. These pre-Hellenic Pelasgians, then, once occupied a region extend­ ing from Asia Minor westward to the Adriatic or even the Tyrrhenian Sea, and from the Danube southward through Greece. From a totally unrelated source we find a note which seems altogether in keeping with the foregoing. A scholarly medical doctor interned in southern Italy by Mussolini because of his political activity, wrote that Aeneas, settling in Italy, "found his only allies the Etruscans, city people like him from the Orient, and similarly ruled by a military oligarchy" (Levi 1947, 141). Even though archeologists and historians have disparaged the historicity of the Aeneid, it will surely remain one of the world's greatest epics. Upon the death of Elin of Butrint, the throne went to Pyrrhus' son Molossius. At this point the blend of legend and history began to assume greater credibility. P E L A SG IA N S AND GREEKS These many ancient historical and poetical allusions to the Pelasgians correspond rather closely with the conclusions of modern archeological and linguistic scholars. Without attempting to evaluate or harmonize the many ancient records, we can discern a general pattern. Prehistoric Pelasgians belonged to the Indo-European family of nations. In the remote past these peoples lived where Europe and India meet. They all spoke the same language. They all lived primitively as nomads in tents, herding their

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goats, gathering wild fruits, fishing, and hunting wild animals for food and covering. Apparently about 3000 b .c . some Babel-like dispersion took place, moving these many tribal families centrifugally outward in different directions. The Aryan fountainhead sent tribal streams southward into In­ dia, others migrating westward from the Indo-European cradle of human­ ity. That they "infiltrated" westward may be a more accurate expression, for it has been observed that "people migrate extremely slowly when they don't know where they are going" (MacNeish 1984, 12). Some of these tribes remained in the Caucasus Mountains where they were known as Albanians. Subsequent historians would record how the Caucasian Albanians were incorporated into the Persian empire, fought against their kinsman Alexander the Great, and were found among the cap­ tives in Pompey's triumphal procession at Rome (Plutarch 1952, 109-10). Conquered eventually by the Seljuk Turks, they were later absorbed by the Czarist Russians and disappeared from the pages of history. Linguistic scholars, however, trace certain similarities between the Albanian and the Armenian languages. Yet other prehistoric Pelasgian tribes continued their westward migra­ tion through Asia Minor. Hittite tablets refer to a powerful tribe on the southern coast of Asia Minor with a name almost identical to "Achaeans." These non-Greeks migrated across the Aegean and settled in the southern part of the peninsula. These are the Achaeans of Homer's Iliad, Pelasgians whose name was later applied to the Greek region and people (Breasted 1967, 310). They entered the Balkan Peninsula before 2000 b .c ., either by way of the Dardanelles into Thrace and Macedonia, or by using Crete and the 500 Aegean islands as stepping stones. Scholars are certain that the earliest traces of what we call civilization in Europe appeared in this its southeastern corner. This civilization had developed on the two great eastern rivers, the Euphrates and the Nile. By land along the Hittite highways of Asia Minor and by sea along the shipping lanes of Phoenician and Egyptian traders, still visible traces of their civilization had come to Asia Minor, Crete, the Aegean world and eventually to the European mainland. The migrating Pelasgians had killed off any resisting population and absorbed any acquiescing population. They dispersed throughout the Aegean world, the Balkan Peninsula and even into Italy. They settled from the Danube southward, but seem to have concentrated in the southern region of the Balkans later to be known as Greece. The entire region was known as Pelasgia. Athens, Sparta, Mycenae and Argos were Pelasgian centers. The ten-year military campaign at Troy was not a Greek war, but a Pelasgian inter-tribal conflict. They all spoke their "barbarian" or non-Greek Pelasgian language. They brought the science of agriculture. Archeologists are convinced that "the key to primitive man's transition from migratory hunter to civilized man was the development of agriculture" which provided a stable food supply and led them to settle down in villages (MacNeish 1984, 11). These developed into towns pro-

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tected by walls using massive unhewn blocks of stone fitted together without mortar, their characteristic construction hereafter called "Pelasgian masonry." Their nature worship centered in the most ancient shrine, the temple of Zeus at Dodona in Epirus. One might well ask, "But what about the Greeks? Where did they come from?" Scholars are certain that this people also belonged to the great IndoEuropean family, the mother of many nations. The progenitors of the Greeks are thought to have detached themselves from the others, migrating or infiltrating northward over the centuries, then moving slowly westward through the Russian steppes. About 2000 b .c . an uncivilized Greek­ speaking people slowly infiltrated southward, moving over the Danube and into the Balkan Peninsula with their flocks and herds. There they found the Pelasgian occupants had already developed the art of agriculture, hitherto unknown to these nomads. They had also established permanent and securely fortified homes and towns and had learned how to work bronze. For some time the newcomers coexisted with the Pelasgian residents of the land, adopting their more settled agricultural life, their craftsmanship and civilization, their nature worship and divinities. Culturally they developed more rapidly than the native Pelasgians. But both were quite overshadowed by the invasion of a second wave of Greek nomads, the very aggressive Dorians, about 1500 B.c. The newcomers in­ troduced the use of iron weapons and implements as an improvement over bronze, iron becoming common by 1100 b .c . They also introduced a dark period for the entire region. Increasingly the non-Pelasgians became con­ scious of an ethnic identity and expanded throughout the southerly regions of the peninsula. Greek folklore usually traces the founding of Greece back to the mythical Deucalion and his wife Pyrrha, the only two persons surviving a great flood. Their son Hellen was the legendary ancestor of the Greek race, dating back to about 800 b .c . The people were called after him the Hellenes, their land being called Hellas. This would make it obvious why Homer never placed Greeks or Hellenes at the much earlier siege of Troy, but rather referred to a number of Pelasgian tribal groups. In view of the very frequent mention of these pre-Hellenic Pelasgians by ancient Greek writers, it is a curious fact that many modern historians either ignore their having existed, or lump them together with the Greeks. Ancient scholars knew better than that. Ancient writers agreed that the Greeks increased in numbers and strength, eventually dispossessing the Pelasgians. Some of the earlier in­ habitants were driven out of their southernmost Balkan holdings. To escape the increasing pressure others voluntarily migrated northward. Yet others were absorbed into the Dorian and Greek populations. During the later period of Greek colonization other discontented Pelasgians were scat­ tered throughout the Mediterranean basin. Thus by one process or another —by expulsion, by migration, by absorption or by dispersion —the

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Pelasgian presence diminished in old Greece. Their concentration in the up­ per provinces of the Balkan Peninsula, especially in Epirus, Macedonia and Illyria, made it possible for them to conserve their Pelasgian identity, language, culture and traditions. An examination of those early epic poems will help define more clearly the character of this Pelasgian civilization. PE L A SG IA N C IV IL IZ A T IO N A T M YCEN A E P elasgian O ccupation of the Balkan P eninsula

Any inquiry into early Albanian civilization leads back to their Pelasgian antecedents. The earliest available documents show the Pelasgians in control of most of the Balkan Peninsula, including Greece, with strong points at Mycenae, Argos, Sparta and Athens. Later the Pelasgian Agamemnon would be listed as king of Mycenae and Argos, with his brother Menelaus king of Sparta. To our amazement, then, we find that our inquiry leads us back to the famed Mycenaean Greek civilization which was not Greek at all, but Pelasgian! The people who later settled Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria were from this very heartland of the Pelasgians. So in order to discover the roots of Albanian civilization we must go back to Mycenae. The Pelasgians are thought to have entered the lower Balkan Peninsula about 1900 b.c . By 1600 b .c . they had established themselves throughout the peninsula and had even taken to the sea for commerce and piracy. Those along the southerly coasts of the Pelopon­ nesus soon contacted the advanced Minoan civilization of Crete. C retan Influences on M ycenae

The legendary Minoan civilization may root back as early as 2800 b .c ., although scholars admit that the origin of the Minoans on the island of Crete is an utter mystery. Their name derived from a legendary King Minos, which was probably a term for royalty like Pharaoh or Caesar. The Minoan civilization was characterized by strong kings and nobility in charge of government, religion and business. They produced fine pottery, olive oil, wine, jewelry and metal work, limestone and marble. They car­ ried on profitable trade and cultural exchanges with Egypt and the eastern Mediterranean. Wealth multiplied, and the royalty and nobility built vast palaces as at Knossos. They lived in relative luxury as indicated by the col­ orful paintings on their walls. Found only here was a favorite sport for youth of both sexes: bull-leaping, the youth leaping over the horns of a charging bull to land on its back and somersault safely to the ground. This may have given rise to the Athenian legend of Theseus and the "Minotaur" (Minos bull) in the labyrinth or vast palace maze. By about 1650 b .c . they developed their own unique method of writing. They ignored the wedgeshaped cuneiform characters and the system of pictorial hieroglyphs already used in the eastern Mediterranean and developed a system of linear symbols, each standing for a syllable: the system called Linear A. Unfor-

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tunately, their celebrated clay tablets have not yet been satisfactorily deciphered. Their religion was an animistic nature worship featuring shrines and altars with no idols, but rather pillars or columns. They were a peace-loving people with an advanced culture, living in their unwalled cities and towns with no evidence of violence from without or within. Their greatest prosperity seems to have lasted from 2 1 0 0 to 1600 b .c . A s a thriving commercial center Crete attracted both Phoenician and Pelasgian settlers. But about 1450 b .c . the first Dorian barbarians apparently arrived in Crete from the mainland. By 1 4 0 0 b .c . they had begun to plunder the island, destroying the unwalled cities, the vast palaces and the amazing Minoan civilization. Some who could do so fled to the eastern Mediterranean and became known as Philistines, and their adopted land, Palestine. Others fled to the mainland. Those survivors who could not flee were reduced to mere village existence. By 1150 b .c . the brilliant Minoan civilization was but a distant dream, the people degenerating to such an extent that the apostle Paul quoted one of their own poets who characterized the Cretans as "always liars, evil beasts, slow bellies" (Epistle to Titus, 1 :1 2 ). Apparently they had become dishonest, savage, cunning, greedy and indolent. D evelopment of the M ycenaean C ivilization

The Pelasgians, emerging from centuries of simple village life, benefitted by continuous contact with Crete and the advanced Minoan civilization from 1600 to 1400 b .c . A unique blend of earthy Pelasgian vigor and the more effete Minoan culture led to what has been called the Mycenaean civilization, centering at Mycenae from about 1400 to 1100 b .c . While adopting much of the Minoan culture they retained their own characteristic warlikeness. The Pelasgian princes established themselves in heavily for­ tified hilltop citadels or strongholds from which as a city state they could control the surrounding region. Indeed Thucydides assures us that the world's most famous acropolis, that of neighboring Athens, was built not by the Greeks but by these Pelasgians (Thucydides 1 9 5 9 , 2 :1 7 ). The site was occupied some time before 2 0 0 0 b .c ., later becoming a stronghold. A modern authority on ancient Greece recently observed the following: "There still remain pieces of the wall of gray-blue limestone with which the Pelasgian lords of the castle secured the edge of their precipitous hill. The old wall was called the Pelasgikon. . . . The Acropolis is joined to the Areopagus, and walls were so constructed that the main western entrance to the citadel lay through nine successive gates . . . the work of the Pelasgians, and inherited by their Greek successors. The cult of Athena gave the name to the city, and all nearby residents including Pelasgians became known as Athenians" (Bury 1967, 16 4 ). The government of these city-states was vested in a king who func­ tioned as general, priest and judge and was based on the patriarchal family, with clan loyalty paramount. The king often consulted with a council of the chiefs or princes and nobles, which had advisory power only. The

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common people had little if any voice. The royal city was established at Mycenae, west of Athens and south of Corinth. This ancient city was said to have been founded by Perseus the great-grandfather of Hercules, who was said to have sallied forth from here to perform the 12 mighty labors celebrated by the poets. Like Athens it was situated about six miles inland from the sea for greater safety from pirates, but was associated with its own Pelasgian port city, Argos, for commerce, a naval base and its own brand of piracy. Mycenae was located at the lower end of a pass between two 2,500-foot mountains, thus controlling the main highway from Corinth down into the Peloponnesus. It crowned an easily defensible hill, its walls in places 23 feet thick being constructed of huge irregular blocks of limestone. The western gate featured two lionesses facing each other with their front paws resting on a pillar, this being named the "Lion Gate." As the bull was a symbol for pleasure-loving Cretans, the lion was frequently used by the more warlike Pelasgians. Massive gates and towers strength­ ened the defenses. Within the citadel was the royal palace, surrounded by the quarters for the nobility, his officials, the palace guard and servants, also storage for food supplies and weapons. Their decorations, unlike those of the Minoans, featured scenes of hunting and battle. Outside the citadel were the shops and homes of the commoners, who in danger could flee for refuge to the citadel. Strabo wrote about Mycenae, "It has a citadel called Larissa, a hill moderately fortified, and upon it a temple of Jupiter" (Strabo 1889, 8.6.7). Strabo identified as Mycenae's "twin city" the harbor town Argos, which was overshadowed by its own "larissa" or fortress (ibid., 8.6.19). In a mountainous land with 80 percent of its area unfit for cultivation, Argos was nicely situated on one of the best agricultural plains in the Pelopon­ nesus (Toynbee 1956, 2:48). At first Argos was more powerful than Mycenae. Agamemnon expanded Mycenae to include Corinth and Achaea, but upon his death after the Trojan War the city declined. Later his city was destroyed by the neighboring Argives (Strabo 1889, 8.6.10). For genera­ tions, however, the massive stone walls would remind the Greeks of Mycenae's past greatness and give rise to tales of how they had been built by a race of vanished giants whom they called "cyclopes." Mycenae had other satellites, fortified towns such as Tiryns whose "strong walls" Homer mentioned (Iliad 2.559). The strength of Tiryns becomes apparent in a sketch of the restoration of its castle. It really was massively fortified. An inclined road led up to the main gate "where the great walls are double. An assaulting party, bearing their shields on the left arm, must here march with the exposed right side toward the castle. . . . This was the earliest castle in Europe with outer walls of stone: the nucleus of a city-state in the plain of Argos" (Breasted 1967, 300). Military outposts with watchtowers were scattered throughout the region to control secon­ dary roads. Other nearby fortified centers were Corinth; Pylus, where the wise old King Nestor ruled; and Sparta, governed by Agamemnon's brother

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Menelaus. Facing Crete and strongly influenced by its culture were not only these strongholds in the Peloponnesus, but other centers in its northerly neighbor Thessaly. Such were Athens, Iolcus, Thebes and Orchomenus. In each of these cities archeologists have discovered palaces, citadels and royal tombs. Several of these fortified centers eventually became in­ dependently powerful, and seeking to expand, came into collision and conflict with each other. But three of them are mentioned as "dearest far" to the Pelasgian goddess and Queen of Heaven, Hera (or Juno): "Argos and Sparta and wide-wayed Mycenae" (Iliad 4.44). This Pelasgian heart­ land was the center of the Mycenaean civilization. Between Argos and Mycenae her appreciative devotees later erected the famous temple of Juno. D ecline of the M ycenaean C ivilization

We do know, however, that about 1250 b .c . Mycenae and Argos came under repeated attack by Dorian raiders coming over the Danube into the Balkan Peninsula. The citadels withstood their assaults, but the relatively unfortified environs were gradually devastated. By 1150 b .c . all the great Mycenaean centers had been destroyed. It is claimed that in the Pelopon­ nesus alone, south of the isthmus of Corinth, there had been about 150 Mycenaean sites, but only 14 have given archeological evidence of con­ tinued habitation (Thorndyke 1977, 81). The destruction of Troy was ap­ parently the last dramatic act of the Mycenaeans before the curtain fell. Now their fortresses and cities, their trade and arts and even their Linear B writing technique, all had come to an end. Archeologists have discovered only the remains of huts and inferior pottery and no traces of wealth whatever. By 1100 b .c . the Dorians, Indo-European kinsmen of the Greeks, had followed their southward migration and had gained control of most of the land. Cultural decline and the "Dark Ages" followed from 1100 to 750 b .c . The rough Dorian newcomers established strong settlements at Argos, Corinth and Sparta, the dispossessed Mycenaean people fleeing for refuge first to Athens, later to the Aegean islands and the coast of Asia Minor. The Dorians, however, paid little attention to Achaea, Arcadia and the hinterland. But that entire region became isolated from the rest of the world, and the people were reduced to bare survival by their flocks and farms. In sharp contrast, Homer's poems about 750 b .c . recalled nostalgically the great heroes of the Golden Age long past, and may have contributed to the recovery. Yet other Indo-European tribal migrations followed those of the Greeks and the Dorians down into the Balkans. These included the Phrygians and the Armenians. They crossed the Hellespont into Asia Minor, however, completely annihilating the ancient Hittites by 1200 b .c . (Breasted 1967, 312). The Etruscans, Sicilians and Sardinians fled from Asia Minor, many settling along the western coast of Italy.

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P E L A SG IA N C IV IL IZ A T IO N A T T R O Y R eflections in H omer's Iliad

Their Daily Life. Although these great epic poems of Homer and Virgil may not be acceptable as history, they do preserve a remarkable record of the Pelasgian civilization of that early period. The reader quickly discovers that these Albanian forebears of 1000 b .c . were by no means slouching an­ thropoids or uncouth troglodytes. Indeed, their lifestyle seems comparable if not superior to that of Britain 16 centuries later "when knighthood was in flower." In both instances there was a sharp dichotomy between the nobility and the peasantry, although the social chasm seems to have been bridged a bit more readily by the Pelasgians. The Pelasgians had learned to protect their cities by massive stone walls complete with gates and towers. From their walls the Trojan women and children anxiously watched the combat of their fighting men outside (Iliad 18:239). They were ruled by a king, Priam of Troy, assisted by a council of elders (22:275). Royalty and nobility lived in beautiful palaces (3:41) with marble columns and pavements, high-roofed chambers (3:42) of polished stone (6:73), chambers with inlaid beds (3:41) fragrant and per­ fumed (3:40) and attended by handmaiden servants (3:42). Even in his mili­ tary camp Achilles had a thick couch for repose with fleeces and rugs and linens (9:116). The common people with their families lived in earthenfloored huts, often built of pine timber thatched with rushes (24:315). The first love of the men was warfare, in part for the sheer excitement, in part for the plunder. Their "delight was in war" (23:285), and although separated from homes and families for nine years, they still preferred to re­ main at Troy and fight. War was sometimes provoked by stealing oxen or horses or destroying the harvest (1:5), in this instance by the kidnapping of the queen. Armor was fashioned of shining bronze, the greaves or shin protectors sometimes having silver ankle clasps (2:25; 3:39). They also used a breastplate, a helmet with horsehair crest "nodding terribly" (3:39), a heavy shield of hammered bronze with up to seven thicknesses of oxhide or bullshide stitched together and riveted behind the bronze (12:157). Their weapons were a sword, sometimes with silver hilt (1:7), and long bronzetipped spears (2:31) or darts which were to be hurled or thrusted. Horses were fitted with armor (4:48) and pulled polished bronze chariots (2:27; 8:94) with stout oaken axles (5:67) and wheels. A squire or driver usually handled the reins (8:95), the knight doing the fighting. A squire was also needed to help put on and later remove the cumbersome armor. Foot soldiers sometimes had the advantage of armor —they could strip it from the bodies of slain enemies —or they wore protective mail (7:91; 10:122) or leather covering and carried bronze shields (4:49). For weapons they used swords, spears, bows with bronze- or iron-tipped arrows (3:46), even fighting with sharp stone or metal axes and hatchets (15:194). Their "hornbows" were made of rams' horns.

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Although savage warriors, they sometimes displayed high chivalry. One dramatic episode at Troy paralleled precisely the "besa" obligation still inviolable in the northern mountains of Albania. Diomedes of Argos, ad­ vancing for single combat, recognized his opponent as the son of a former houseguest. He refused to fight him, but "planted his spear in the earth" and declared them "guest-friends," whereupon they leaped forward to clasp hands and pledge their faith by exchanging pieces of armor as gifts (6:72). It becomes obvious that chivalry did not originate at King Arthur's Round Table. The Iliad contains many allusions to other aspects of the Pelasgian civilization of that time. Many were herdsmen. They raised horses (2:25; 3:32; 4:50) and like the Trojans were famed as "trainers of horses" (2:36; 3:39; 7:90). Various similes shed light on the daily life of the herdsman: "as thick as flies hover about the milk pails/' and "as goatherds divide the flocks of goats when they mingle in the pasture" (2:29); "as the hound guards the sheepfold from the wild beast" (10:123); "as the bull stands at the head of the pasturing herd of cows" (2:29); "as hounds and country folk drive a lion from the fold of cows" (11:147); "as a lion in his fury leaps out of a high sheep fold" (5:54); "as an ass breaks into a grain field and wastes it" (11:147); "as sheep stand in the courtyard to be milked" (4:49). Goat skins were used as wine bottles (3:37), and soft sheep fleeces were used to cover couches or benches (9:116) just as in rural Albania 3,000 years later. Many Pelasgians were devoted to agriculture or farming. To the aboriginal cave dwellers in the Balkans, the Pelasgians migrating into the region were unique in that they brought the knowledge of agriculture: plowing, sowing and reaping. For this reason it is said (Frashëri, S., 1899, 3-4) that these early Pelasgians were called "Arbënë" or "Arbërë" (from arë, field and bërë, to make), literally field-makers. This it is said gave rise to the terms for Albania: "Arbania" by the Romans, "Arvanit" by the Greeks, and "Amaut" by the Turks. Ptolemy the ancient geographer called the tribe living between Durrës and Dibra the "Albanoi," and to this day a district of the plain in the western part of central Albania between the rivers Mat and Erzen is called "Arbën." Certainly this old name has been perpetuated by the Albanians who fled before the Turks to Greece and to Italy, and later to the United States and elsewhere, many of whom still call themselves "Arbëreshë." The nature and diversity of this early Pelasgian agriculture are evidenced by expressions in the Iliad. They prized their "deep-soiled" lands (9:112), "the fruitful orchards" (5:53) and "wheat-bearing fields" (12:158). They recalled "wind stirring deep cornfields" (2:21), "in plowing, two oxen strain at the shaped plow" (13:174), the "furrow made by mules" (10:128), "reaping with sharp sickles" (18:240), "binding sheaves with bands of twisted straw" (18:241), "yoked bulls tread barley on the threshing floor" (20:261), "threshing floors with men winnowing the chaff" (5:62), "wind car­ ries the chaff about the threshing floor when men are winnowing" (5:62)

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and "as a hen brings her unfledged chickens each morsel" (9:111). It almost sounds as though those warriors at Troy might have wearied of the long siege and nostalgically dreamed of home. Excavations in Albanian burial areas have brought to light early metal farm tools, such as picks, sickles, scythes and even plows (Korkuti 1971, VI). Surely the early Greeks had not ignored agriculture altogether, but they considered the Pelasgians greatly superior. Herodotus confirmed this when he wrote that "the Athenians had given to the Pelasgi a tract of land at the foot of the Hymettus hills as payment for the walls with which the Pelasgians had surrounded the citadel. This land was barren and worth lit­ tle at the time, but the Pelasgians brought it into good condition. Whereupon the Athenians begrudged them the tract and desired to recover it. . . . So they drove out the Pelasgians," who thereupon quit Attica (Herodotus 1942, 6:137). Certainly for their early dwellings the Pelasgians chose sites with fertile land, usually situated along the rivers. Their metalsmiths with fire, bellows and crucible had learned the secret of toughening copper by alloying it with about 15 percent of tin. With tongs, hammer and anvil they made bronze into various pieces of ar­ mor. They also made brooches, spiral armbands, necklaces and cups (Iliad 18:236-38), also other vessels including "tripods," large three-legged caldrons for heating water over a fire (23:302). Prized plunder of war in­ cluded "grey iron'' (9:112) and "smithied iron" (10:129). Shipwrights felled trees for shipbuilding (16:205) and built sea-going vessels. Sailors "beat the sea with polished oars" (7:80). They used "mooring stones" for anchors (1:12). Fishermen "dragged fish from the sea with line and glittering hook of bronze" (16:203) and dived from the ships for oysters (16:210). Hunters with hounds chased the stag or wild goat (15:190). When going into the cool night the warrior threw the skin of the gray wolf (10:127) or the lion (10:119, 123) over his shoulders to keep warm. They loved sports, especially at funerals. Favorite contests for prizes were chariot racing (23:293), foot racing, boxing and wrestling (23:301-4). They competed also in javelin throwing, archery and quoits (2:29). In the military encampment men played music on flutes and pipes (10:118). Achilles himself played the lyre to accompany his singing about the glories of past heroes (9:109). Dancing was common. One dance was described thus: "Youths and maidens dance together, their hands upon one another's wrists. Now they run round with deft feet lightly, now they run in lines to meet each other" (18:242). Incidentally, in greeting one another these early Pelasgians clasped right hands at the wrist (24:320). Women had their own sphere. Noble ladies supervised the duties of many handmaidens and even participated in the work themselves. They combed wool (3:41); used the distaff and spindle to make thread (6:78); did weaving with loom and hand shuttle (6:77; 22:283-84); dyed the cloth (4:46) and embroidered flowers (22:283), battle scenes (2:34) and other figures. Women of high and low degree were prized for their skill in hand-

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work (9:107). Family life, however, took second place for the warriors, although at times they did express nostalgia for home and family. They brought into their households the women they took in battle (1:4; 4:48). Just before his fatal combat, Hector, son of Priam, “kissed his dear son and dandled him in his arms" (6:78). Apparently, then as now boys delighted in tormenting wasps in their nests (16:200), and children enjoyed building sand castles on the seashore (15:192). In a tender little character study Achilles likened a friend to "a fond little maid that runs by her mother's side, and bids her mother take her up, snatching at her gown, and hinders her in her going, and tearfully looks at her, till the mother takes her up" (16:196). Human nature does not change altogether over the centuries. Medicine was admittedly primitive. Wounded warriors bathed off sweat and blood, then anointed the body with olive oil (10:135). Both the physicians and their bloodsuckers were called leeches and were brought in to cleanse open wounds; the healers sucked out the blood and administered whatever "soothing drugs" were at their disposal (4:47). Both men and women loudly mourned their dead. The women weeping and wailing la­ mented shrilly, with their hands tearing their breasts, necks and faces (18:228). They accepted death, however, even their own, as "by the will of the gods from the beginning" (19:243). At Troy both sides burned their honored dead on huge funeral pyres (1:2; 7:82). Bodies of sacrificed animals were also thrown on the pyre. Human sacrifices were not common, but Achilles cut the throats of 12 noble sons of Troy and burned their bodies with that of his dear friend Patroclus (18:234; 21:263). A massive tumulus or burial mound was often erected over the bones and ashes of the noble dead, and these heroes were honored with the reverence given to the deities. To dishonor dead enemies, their bodies were dragged behind a horse or chariot and finally left to scavenger dogs and birds. Homer's description of the advanced civilization attained by these ancient nobles is supported by modern scholars who report finding carved chairs inlaid with ivory and silver, polished tables, close-fitted folding doors with silver handles, and rugs of soft wool (Mills 1925, 30). Pelasgian Nature Worship. The earliest religious expression of the Pelasgians was the worship of nature, such as the sun and moon, the heavens, the sea and earth, the wind, thunder and lightning. These natural bodies and natural phenomena excited the wonder and admiration of the Pelasgians, who personified them as deities and sought to pay reverence to them acceptably. Can this primitive religious expression be traced back yet further? Philologists assure us that so-called Greek mythology has its roots deep in the religious epics of India, as brought to Europe by the Pelasgians, for the names of mountains, rivers and legendary characters are identical. Strabo (5:221) and Herodotus (1:56; 2:171) agreed that the 50 Danaides or daughters of Danaus, king of Argos, had been raised in Egypt, and on returning to Argos they had instructed the Pelasgian women of the Pelo-

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ponnesus in the religious rites of Egypt. Archeologists working on discoveries dating back to the Minoan and Mycenaean ages long before the siege of Troy report that neither in Crete nor on the mainland is there any trace of the so-called Olympian deities. The worship of trees and pillars reminded them rather of Canaan and Asia. The scholar Mills reported, "There were no idols or images for worship and no temples. Each home had its shrine and altar, the distinguishing mark being pillars" (Mills 1925, 13). The early Pelasgians were nature worshippers. During their migration from India through the Euphrates and westward could they have become aware of the biblical patriarch Job? For the biblical Book of Job (ca. 1800 b .c .) antedating Moses and the Levitical law, alludes only to the earliest form of idolatry: the worship of the sun, moon and stars (Job 31:26-28). These were the brightest objects of nature and were seen everywhere. They were regarded as visible representations of a supreme invisible god. As such they were worshipped directly by the early Pelasgians and others with animal sacrifices, but with no intermediating priesthood and no temples. Because the study of the heavenly bodies was so prominent, one writer has referred to their religion as "astrolatry." Is it then possible that descendants of these "astrolators" would later become aware of the sacred books of Moses which predicted that "there shall come a Star out of Jacob, and a Scepter shall rise out of Israel" (Numbers 24:17)? And passing this astrological wisdom on to their descendants, could these have been the sages from the East who came to Jerusalem asking, "Where is he that is born king of the Jews, for we have seen his star in the East, and have come to worship him?" (Gospel of Matthew 2:2)? Babylonians from the East were idol worshippers, while Pelasgians from the East were nature worshippers. Could those Magi have come from the latter? It may never be certain, but it is conceivable. While the people of Israel worshipped a God who had created man in his image, the Pelasgians gradually developed the worship of gods whom they had created in man's image. For the personification of these heavenly bodies led to the concept of a whole family of gods and goddesses, quite distinct from nature itself, having very human characteristics, each exercis­ ing jurisdiction over some particular phase of nature. That is where we pick up the story now, about 1200 b .c . Just as the epic poem Iliad preserved a record of the Pelasgian civiliza­ tion of that early period, it also preserved a clear record of their religious beliefs and practices. Long before Rome was founded (753 b .c .), and long before Greece had developed its own religious system, the Iliad afforded a detailed picture of Pelasgian religion at that period. Among the many natural phenomena personified as deities were the Sun, Moon, Rivers, Earth (Iliad 2:37), Ocean (20:253), Dawn, Morning (24:321), Winds (23:291), Orion (22:273) and others. Then there was the family of the im­ mortals, the later Roman names being more familiar. There was Zeus (called Jupiter or Jove) who was the supreme deity ruling over the immortal

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family of gods and goddesses, and over all people. His wife was Hera (Juno), the queen of the gods, Queen of Heaven, and herself the goddess of the wind, women and marriage. Their daughter Athena (Minerva) was the goddess of wisdom and skill. Another daughter, Aphrodite (Venus), was the "morning star" goddess of beauty and love. Poseidon (Neptune) was god of the sea, lakes, rivers and horses. Ares (Mars), the son of Zeus and Hera, was the god of war. Another son, Hephaestus (Vulcan), was the god of fire and the forge or metalworking. And there were others: Apollo, the god of music and poetry and the lord of archery (4:45); Iris, the goddess of the rainbow and frequently messenger of the gods; Hermes (Mercury), the god of science, commerce, travel and eloquence, often serving as herald and messenger of other gods, and so represented with winged shoes (24:321; 20:260). Then there were lesser nature goddesses called "nymphs," represented as beautiful maidens living in mountains, rivers and trees. One of these was Thetis (1:12), the sea goddess prominent in the Iliad as the mother of the hero Achilles. Herodotus declared that while the Greeks borrowed some of their gods from Egypt, they got the rest from the Pelasgians (Herodotus 1942, 2: 50-52). Albanian scholars assert with Dako (Dako 1911, 29-31) that the names of these gods cannot derive from the Greek language, in which there is no apparent significance such as found in the Albanian language. For in­ stance the name Zeus derives from the Albanian zë meaning voice or sound, whether the voice of thunder on the Acroceraunian Mountains or the whisper of the wind rustling the leaves of the sacred oak trees at their temple of Dodona. Zeus married the goddess Mentis (mënt = mind) and gave birth to Athena ( e thëna = the saying) or expression of wisdom. Hera (era = wind) is the wind. Afrodita or Venus, the "morning star" visible in the eastern sky just before morning, derives literally from the Albanian (afër dita = near day). Mars, the god of war, was frequently rebuked by the gods for continually stirring up trouble among men and provoking them to war; the Albanian i marrë (crazy) could be related to this (Chekrezi 1936, 21). Apparently, Thetis, the sea goddess, received her name from deti (the sea). Such derivations as these would tend to confirm the thesis that the religion of Olympus originated with the Pelasgians not the Greeks, and that the Albanians of our day are the lineal descendants of the Pelasgian popula­ tion which once covered the Balkans (Benloew 1877, x-xi). These Pelasgian gods and goddesses, although immortal, yet shared the usual temperamental shortcomings of humans. They intermarried among themselves and also with humans. Thus by order of Zeus (Iliad 18:237) the sea goddess, Thetis, married Peleus, king of the Pelasgian Myr­ midons in Thessaly, and gave birth to the hero Achilles (18:229). The divinities held feasts together (1:12) using no bread or wine, however, but ambrosia, so their veins circulated ichor instead of blood which preserved their immortality (5:59). They frequently assembled before Zeus (4:43) for consultation together (8:101; 20:252). But these immortals did not live in

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splendid isolation. They usually sat together in a high place watching the mortals in combat (20:255), discussing whether they should permit the one or the other to prevail (12:276). They all had favorites (1:16-17; 14:185). The queen, Hera (Juno), admitted, "These three cities be dearest to me: Argos, nearby Mycenae and Sparta" (4:44). Athena urged on the besieging Achaeans, giving them "might and courage" (4:51-52). Aphrodite, however, was mother of Aeneas, a counselor of the Trojans (5:56), so sided with them, as did Apollo (4:50). Mars aided whichever side was losing so as to intensify the struggle. All interceded before Zeus for their favorites (1:12-14). And on Olympus these immortals carried on the heavenly counterpart of the quarrels and intrigues raging below among the mortals at Troy (4:43). The immortals even intervened directly in the combat to deliver their favorites (1:7; 5:59). Zeus sent baneful nightmares (2:18). Apollo sent a favoring gale to aid the sailors (1:14) and even turned away the dart or ar­ row (7:99). The watching gods cried out to encourage fainting troops to ad­ vance or to frighten other troops to retreat (18:233). Athena diverted the hurled spear (5:68) and turned aside the speeding arrow "as the mother drives a fly from her sleeping child" (4:46). Invisible to others, she caught Achilles by his golden hair to get his attention and counsel him in combat (1:7). Poseidon fearing for Aeneas' safety in mortal combat with Achilles snatched him high over the earth (20:258). Similarly Apollo snatched Hec­ tor, hiding him in thick mist (20:261). Various gods and goddesses aided their favorites or deceived the opposition by appearing in various guises: as a herald (2:25), an aged dame (3:41), a young man (16:209), a friend (22:278), or an old man (14:180). That the gods rather than men played the decisive role is apparent from the remark of Paris. When Aphrodite snatched the imperiled Paris from combat lest he be killed, and set him down in his own chamber, he exclaimed, "Now indeed hath Menelaus van­ quished me with Athena's aid, but another day may I do so to him, for we too have gods with us" (3:40-42). Religious Practices o f the Pelasgians. Understanding then the religious belief system of the Pelasgian warriors both within and outside the walls of Troy, the obvious purpose of their religious practices would be to win the favor of these spectator deities. There seemed to be no other way to secure justice (1:2, 11), to remove woes or pestilence (1:13) and to secure victory in combat (1:20) and a favorable outcome in any other personal or group crisis. They devised several ways of ingratiating these powerful im­ mortals. (1) Dedication of the Weekdays. To properly remember and honor their major deities, a day of the week was dedicated to the veneration of each (Siljanit 1907, 9-13). Their Pelasgian names are perpetuated in the Albanian words. E Djelë (Sunday) is literally "Sun" day; E Hënë (Monday) is literally "Moon" day; E Martë (Tuesday) is "Mars" day; E Mërkurë (Wednesday) is "Mercury" day. The derivation of E Enjtë (Thursday) and

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E Premte (Friday) is uncertain, but E Shtunë (Saturday) is "Saturn" day. (2) Oaths. The name of one or another of these Pelasgian gods was also invoked to confirm a solemn declaration. Apollo, the "lord of the archers," was naturally a favorite of warriors whose lives often depended on a swift true flight of their darts and arrows. So we frequently find the warrior in­ troducing his declaration with the words "By Apollo." The Lord Zeus was over all, and even today Albanians usually swear "Për Zotin" (By the Lord). But reverting to the still earlier nature worship of their Pelasgian ancestors, Albanian villagers often use an expression probably heard nowhere else in the world: "Për këtë gur!" (By this stone), usually taking a nearby stone in hand or pointing to a stone. The celebrated Canon of Lek provided that villagers should warn a potential thief that the goods of a traveler passing through their territory were under their besa protection and therefore un­ touchable, signifying this by placing a stone on the goods (Liria Sep­ tember 1989, 5). Sevasti Kyrias wrote that in her day the first thing her father did after deciding on the location of their new home was "to set up a stone and take the traditional oath. The most solemn oath that can be taken by an Albanian is not by the invocation of Christ or of Mohammed, but by the stone" (Liria 15 October 1985, 3). Thus when a question of boun­ daries between two clans arises, the elders of the two contending parties who have been chosen to adjudicate are first sworn on the stone with fitting formalities and solemnity, and then proceed to examine the boundary and give their judgment which is final. Sometimes the oath "Për këtë gur" (By this stone) was modified somewhat to "Për këtë peshë" (By this weight of the stone), or "Për këtë dhe" (By this earth). Oaths, curses or blessings in­ voking the sun were thought to affect people for good or evil, as "By the ray of that sun," or "May the sun's rays strike you dead." Altogether com­ mon still is the old Pelasgian oath, "Për kokën t'ime" (By my head), or "Për kokën e mëmës" (By my mother's head). Helen of Pelasgian Argos swore by her husband's head (Euripides 3:835). Also, Ascanius, son of Pelasgian Aeneas, exclaimed, T swear by this head whereby my father was wont to swear" (Virgil 1950, 2.9.300). (3) Vows. Both Trojans and Achaians made their solemn pledges to a particular god, even to the same god, to perform a stipulated meritorious act if the god would grant a desire. Thus Trojan women went to the temple of Athena with offerings and a vow to sacrifice cows if she would have mercy on Troy. And Diomedes promised to Athena, "Protect me . .. and I will sacrifice a yearling heifer" (10:126). Other warriors vowed to Apollo to sacrifice lambs if he would give them victory (4:45). (4) Sacrifices. Although there were no religious manuals such as the biblical book of Leviticus to prescribe the procedure for religious sacrifices, the sequence seems to have been quite uniform (1:10-13; 3:37-39). The ceremony could take place almost anywhere: in a field, on the seashore, on the deck of a ship, or at a shrine or temple erected for the deity. A priest

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could officiate, but so could any of the leaders of the people. First those officiating purified themselves by washing their hands, throwing away the defiled water. Then they lifted up their washed hands in prayer to Zeus or Apollo or some other god or goddess. Sometimes they sprinkled barley meal on the head of the sacrificial victim (1:146), a bull, goat or lamb without blemish. Sometimes they poured out on the victim a cup of wine as a libation or drink offering. Then the head was tilted back and the throat cut. The poet described it graphically, "butchered like a lamb, squalling with fright, and the throat held taut for the gashing knife, and the gaping hole where the breath of life goes out" (Euripides 1959, 3:205-9). Then they flayed the animal, cut slices from the thigh, wrapped them in fat and burned them on the fire, pouring wine over them. The "sweet savor" ascended to please the gods. Was it mere coincidence that the sacrifices of these early Pelasgians should parallel so closely the procedure followed by their con­ temporary, the Hebrew King David? Could the migrating Indo-Europeans have come into contact with a Hebrew community somewhere along the way? When the Pelasgians wished some very special favor they offered a "hecatomb," or 100 victims, which was considered the ultimate offering. The sacrifice was followed by a banquet, the rest of the sacrificial victim being roasted for the feast. The food and wine were consumed all day. When sacrificing to Apollo, the god of music and poetry, they "worshipped all day with music, singing a beautiful paean" (1:13-14). At sundown all lay down to sleep. (5) Prayers. The Iliad records many, many earnest prayers. Often they were addressed to "King Zeus" or "Father Zeus" (3:39-40; 15:193). Both the Achaeans and the Trojans prayed to "Father Zeus" (3:39). Looking up to heaven Achilles cried aloud to "Zeus, Father," and sitting by the sea he stretched forth his arms and prayed earnestly to his sea-mother Thetis (1:11). A mistreated old father prayed aloud to King Apollo for justice (1:2) and on another occasion lifted up his hands and prayed aloud to Apollo for the removal of the pestilence (1:13). In the heat of battle Diomedes ejaculated, "Hear me, Athena, . . . be kind to me . . . grant me to slay this man" (5:54). And as Paris and Menelaus prepared for single combat to the death, Agamemnon prayed to Father Zeus, the Sun, the Rivers, the Earth and the Underworld (2:37-38). To assure themselves of the favor of the gods the Pelasgians also sought the assistance of priests and soothsayers. They were convinced that "a dream too is of Zeus" (1:2), and that the gods bestowed on selected individuals the gift of soothsaying, that is, inter­ preting dreams and foretelling the future. To reach a right decision they sometimes cast lots, looking up to heaven and praying to Zeus for the right choice (7:84). Nobles sought to ingratiate the gods by building a shrine or temple and dedicating it to a certain divinity (1:2). (6) Pilgrimages to Dodona. Herodotus recorded for us that Dodona was the most ancient oracle in Greece (Herodotus 1942, 2:52). For some time it was the only one in the country, the Greeks later establishing their

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own at Delphi. The center of Pelasgian worship, however, the famous tem­ ple of Zeus was situated at Dodona, on a mountain southeast of Yanina near the present Greek village of Kastricë. Aeschylus described the ap­ proach: "You come to the Molossian plains around the sheer back of Dodona where is the oracular seat of Thesprotian Zeus, the talking oaks, a wonder past belief" (Aeschylus 1959, 829-34). As early as the eighth cen­ tury b . c . Hesiod, the peasant poet of Sparta, called this Dodona the "seat of the Pelasgians" (Hesiod 1967, Fragment 225), and Herodotus called the whole Dodona district "Pelasgia" (Herodotus 1946, 2:56). Strabo acknowl­ edged that many hundreds of years before his time the Dodonean Jupiter had been called "Pelasgian Dodonean Jove supreme" (Strabo 1889, 5.2.4). There he hurled his thunderbolts from the Acroceraunian Mountains which drop into the Adriatic Sea at Himara, just below Vlora. There also he whis­ pered his wisdom in the rustling leaves of the sacred oak trees. The interpretation of the thunder or the leafy whisper was usually en­ trusted to a few old women called "oracles." The term "doves" was also ap­ plied to these old women who idled about the temple chattering softly among themselves (Strabo 1889, Fragment 1). At the temple of Apollo at Delphi the oracular interpretation was delivered in a deep hollow cavern with a narrow entrance. "From it rises up an exhalation which inspires a deep frenzy. Over the mouth is placed a lofty tripod on which the Pythian priestess ascends to receive the exhalation, after which she gives the pro­ phetic response in verse or prose. The prose is adapted to measure by poets who are in the service of the temple" (Strabo 1889, 9.3.5). Not so at Do­ dona. Besides the famous oak trees and the thunder there was an equally famous brazen vessel donated by devotees in Corcyra (Corfu). Over it stood a statue of a man grasping in his hand a brazen scourge of three thongs, woven in chains from which were suspended small bones. When­ ever they were agitated by the wind these bones struck continually upon the brazen vessel, producing a long protracted sound which was interpreted by the oracle (Strabo 1889, Fragment 3). Often the interpretation of these messages was ambiguous. Aeschylus tells of a person who "sent many an embassy to Dodona seeking to discover what deed or word of his might please the god, but those he sent came back with riddling oracles dark and beyond the power of understanding" (Aeschylus 1959, 1:658-62). Apparently this was common practice. When King Croesus consulted the oracle at Delphi whether to go to battle against the Persians, she assured him he would destroy a mighty empire. Con­ vinced that she meant the Persians, he fought them and was defeated disastrously. When his messenger remonstrated with her, she replied that because he was not smart enough to inquire whose empire was meant, he had only himself to blame (Herodotus 1946, 1:86, 90-91). Sometimes this deliberate ambiguity backfired. Strabo wrote that once when the Pelasgi and Boeotians were at war, both went to consult the oracle at Dodona. "The prophetess replied to the Boeotians that they would prosper by committing

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some act of impiety. The messengers sent to consult the oracle, suspecting the oracle of favoring the Pelasgi on account of their relationship (for the temple had originally belonged to the Pelasgi), seized the woman and threw her upon a burning pile, considering that whether her conduct had been right or wrong, in either case they were right. For if she had uttered a deceit­ ful answer she was duly punished; but if not, they had only complied with the command of the oracle" (Strabo 1889, 9.2.4). Two symbols became associated with Dodona. First was the eagle. In the exacavations of Dodona conducted in 1875, Karapanos found carved on the stone of the temple a two-headed eagle which the ancients used to represent the messenger of Zeus. For the Iliad represented Zeus again and again sending an eagle as a divine sign to the Pelasgian combatants (Iliad 8:97; 12:155). Homer also likened those brave warriors to a swift eagle. Lit­ tle wonder then that they should honor their god by taking the eagle as their national and religious emblem, placing it on their flag. It was appropriate too because they lived among the rocks, built their temples on the rocky peaks, and worshipped their thunder-and-lightning divinity, who used the eagle as his messenger. Queen Olympias of Epirus later took this symbol with her to Macedonia, and her son Alexander the Great made it known throughout the ancient world. Little wonder too that this people should afterwards call themselves not Albanians, but Shqiptarë, Eagle-people, or Sons of the Eagle. Another symbol associated with Dodona was the sacred oak tree which abounded there, and through whose wind-ruffled leaves Zeus re­ vealed his will. One of these sacred oaks formed the prow of the 50-oared ship named the Argo with which Jason and his Argonaut companions sought the Golden Fleece just one generation before the Trojan War. Also prominent at the gate of Troy was "the oak tree" (Iliad 6:72; 7:80; 9:112; 11:137) which was sometimes called the "holy oak" (Iliad7:81; 21:270). This relates to another mystery: the Druids of Britain. For the Albanian language and the Albanian people are both related to the Celts and the Celtic languages. So are the Druids. In fact, the word Druid is Celtic and is a literal translation of "oak tree" and "wise." A Druid is defined as "a member of a Celtic religious order of priests, soothsayers etc., in ancient Britain, Ireland and France." Their religion centered on the heavenly bodies and nature worship, making their appearance in Europe about 2000 b .c . But the word "dru" in Albanian is literally "tree" or "wood." Is there any possible connection here? Stonehenge (ca. 1700 b .c .) is a prehistoric circular arrangement of massive stone monuments oriented for religious reasons toward the sun and other heavenly bodies. In fact the monuments are thought to be primitive astronomical instruments for measuring the movements of the sun and moon. Despite intensive study by scholars over the ages, Stonehenge remains an unsolved mystery. But of all the ancient people, the nature-worshipping Pelasgians were the most famous for their massive stone work.

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P elasgian O vertones in H omer's Odyssey

The Odyssey is the second great epic poem attributed to Homer. There is a striking similarity between the Pelasgian religious practices found in it and those found in the Iliad. Reading the story of Ulysses one becomes overwhelmed by the conviction that here we have another Pelasgian. Learning that his absence of 20 years had led ambitious government leaders to revolt, he was uncertain whether he should reenter his realm openly or in disguise. So he "journeyed to the sylvan shrine of Dodonean Jove" in order to understand his "sure precept" (Homer Odyssey 19:340-44). Or, as he explained to his faithful old servant, he was "wafted to Thesprotia's shore" which was on the Himara coast. There he "voyaged to explore the will of Jove, on high Dodona's holy hill, what means might best his safe return avail, to come in pomp, or by a secret sail" (14:350, 363-66). Meanwhile, his son, Telemachus, fearing that his father might have perished on returning from Troy, went in search of him. Arriving in the court of Sparta he beheld the charming "Argive Helen," restored to her hus­ band, Menelaus (17:133-34). The king of Sparta was exultant to meet the son of his dear friend Ulysses. He said, "I, to confirm the mutual joys we shared, for his abode a capital prepared. Argos the seat of sovereign rule I chose. Fair in the plain the future palace rose, where my Ulysses and his race might reign, and portion to his tribes the wide domain" (4:233-38). For Pelasgian Menelaus to name Ulysses king of Pelasgian Argos would cer­ tainly identify him as of this same Pelasgian race. But Ulysses had persisted in returning to his kingdom. Helen then reassured Prince Telemachus that his father would safely return to Ithaca. "Oh! if this promised bliss by thundering Jove," the prince replied, "stand fix'd in fate above, to thee, as to some god, I'll temples raise, and crown thy altars with the costly blaze" (15:202-5). One more instance will suffice. When Ulysses was restored to Ithaca, and before undertaking the battle with the treasonous suitors to regain his wife, Penelope, and his kingdom, he approached the familiar seaside grotto of the Nymphs. The sacrifices he used to offer them had long been discontinued. But Ulysses entrusted to their safekeeping the treasures he had brought back with him and promised renewed sacrifices if they would grant victory to him and his son. He then "on his knees salutes his mother-earth; then, with his suppliant hands upheld in air, thus to the seagreen sisters sends his prayer: 'All hail! ye virgin daughters of the main! . . . If Jove prolong my days, and Pallas Athena crown the growing virtues of my youthful son, to you shall rites divine be ever paid, and grateful offer­ ings on your altars laid'" (13:404-14). So it was that the gods and goddesses and nymphs were all propitiated, Ulysses regained his wife and the kingdom, and the story ends happily at Ithaca. P elasgian O vertones in V irgil's A eneid

Although Virgil wrote about 700 years later than Homer, his version of the practices prevailing in the Trojan era corresponds rather closely with

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those mirrored in the Iliad and the Odyssey. The setting is Albanian Butrint. The widow Andromache made a yearly sacrifice and gifts at the altar for her dead husband. People recognized the king as a seer and in­ spired interpreter of the gods to give wise counsel and direction. The king, acting as priest, offered animal sacrifices to the gods for cleansing from sin. Then he prayerfully begged the grace of heaven. They recognized the holy tripod or three-legged stool where the oracle sat to receive and interpret messages from the gods. They recognized that the seer understood and in­ terpreted the stars of heaven and the song and flight of birds. Travelers could avoid peril only by appealing to the gods. If they would only call on Apollo he would come to their aid. Their journey to Italy ended, Aeneas raised an altar and made a sacrifice, covering his head with a purple cloth. The fire on the altar was called "holy fire." People believed the seers had their whole spirits full of the truth of the gods. They could overcome the disfavor of powerful goddesses with prayers and vows to present gifts. The holy priestess or oracle at the cave of Cuma beside the lake called Avernos near Naples could foretell the future. She often wrote signs and symbols on leaves but could also chant the oracular message or speak it, giving full directions for the future. Then they honored the gods of the sea and earth and storms with outpoured cups of wine, praying for a safe trip (Virgil 1950, 3:359-462; 525-29). When Aeneas and his party reached Sicily they worshipped the gods. He poured on the ground two goblets of unmixed wine, two of fresh milk and two of the blood of sacrificial victims, showering bright blossoms around. He prayed to his dead father before the gathered thousands. Then he sacrificed two sheep, two swine and two heifers, and while pouring wine called on his father's spirit. Others brought to the fire gifts such as frankincense, flesh, foods and oil (6:225). Others sacrificed steers, set the caldrons, and putting live coals under the spits roasted the flesh. Another day Aeneas directed the contests: oar-driven galleys, foot races, boxing with huge ox-hide gloves "all stiff with insewn lead and iron" (5:404-5), then archery and exercises in horsemanship (5:72-603). One aspect of Pelasgian life, however, assumed greater prominence with Virgil than it had hitherto: the use of idols or images in temple wor­ ship. For Virgil pictured a Troy complete with its Palladium or legendary statue of Pallas Athena, on the preservation of which the safety of the city was said to depend. But Virgil wrote that the Danaans had crept into the city and broken into the shrine, then "to tear the fateful Palladium from its hallowed shrine, slew the guards of the citadel height, and snatching up the sacred image, ventured with bloody hands to touch the fillets of the maiden goddess" (2:165-70). This estranged the goddess. When the image was placed in their camp, Athena's eyes flashed fire and sweat broke out on her limbs (2:162-74). Virgil vividly described the fiery holocaust which destroyed Troy: "the towering flames . . . the hot blast roars skyward," and Priam's "treasures heaped up" (2:758-65). Cassandra, Priam's daughter,

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was "dragged from the temple and shrine of Minerva" (2:404). Fighting went on from the "high temple roof" (2:410). Aeneas and his family fled to Priam's huge altar "beneath the open arch of heaven" beside a huge tree "with household gods in its shade" (2:512-13). Aeneas directed his father to take away with him their own household gods (2:717). Then with the characteristic fatalism of these mortals whose destiny was determined by the immortals, Virgil concluded, "It is not Helen, it is not Paris, that is to blame, but the gods, the relentless gods who make Troy topple" (2:601-3). We face a problem here, of course. Homer has been accused of strain­ ing the patience of scholars because in writing of the Bronze-Age Troy he supplied them with weapons and ships more typical of his own eighth cen­ tury b .c . (Bury 1967, 53). Similarly, there is little if any solid evidence that Athena's temple and religious statues or images ever existed in old Troy. Probably Virgil and to a lesser degree Homer projected the religious prac­ tices of their day back to the heroes of quite a different age. This makes it difficult for us now to distinguish between the religious concepts of Virgil in the first century b .c ., those of Homer in the eighth century and those of the Trojans themselves in the thirteenth century b .c . Dionysius of Halicarnassus had a rather fanciful explanation of what really happened at Troy. He conjectured that the divine Palladium did fall from heaven and was kept at Troy, together with a true copy. Miracu­ lously, the Achaeans stole only the copy. Aeneas rescued the original and took it to Italy (Dionysius 1948,1:69; 2:66). Strabo mentioned the Trojan settlement of Heraclea near Taranto in southern Italy, a town claiming to possess the true Trojan statue of Minerva. Its authenticity was guaranteed by the fact that the statue could miraculously close its eyes as it did when the Trojan women were dragged off into captivity. But Strabo was skep­ tical, for he then listed four other towns in Italy where they claimed to have the same Trojan Minerva (Strabo 1889, 6.1.14). U N R E SO L V E D M Y S T E R I E S OF THE P E L A S G I A N S Scholars have struggled valiantly with the ancient chronicles and with the findings of archeologists and linguists seeking to determine Pelasgian origins and relationships. Was it the Dorians or possibly the Pelasgians who destroyed the Minoan civilization in Crete? (Toynbee 1956, 1:410). Was the Mycenaean civilization the legitimate successor of the Minoan civilization, for it appears that Agamemnon and Menelaus by their mother Aerope were great-grandsons of King Minos of Crete (Smith 1876, 22). How were the Pelasgians in the north Aegean islands of Lemnos, Imbros and Samothrace related to the Pelasgians in neighboring Troy, and to those in Macedonia and continental Greece? (Toynbee 1956, 1:408-9). Did any of these Pelasgian tribals have any relationship with the Pelasgians of Larissa and those elsewhere in Asia Minor who were allies of Troy? Was there any continuing relationship between the Pelasgians of Crete and those on the mainland, for Crete furnished "eighty black ships" to join their

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expedition against Troy (Iliad 2:620). And how were the Pelasgians of Lem­ nos and Crete related to the "Tyrrhenians" or Etruscans of Italy? It would be easy for an Albanophile to be dogmatic. But when scholars like Toynbee grapple with the questions and use words like "puzzle," "conceivable," "ten­ tative" and "fog" (Toynbee, 1:408-15), it would seem wise to leave these mysteries to the professionals.

4. The Early Historical Kingdoms in Albania (1280-323 B.C.) Early Pelasgian families dwelt at first in their own fortified houses, usually built of stone for protection, like primitive castles. Each family was governed by its patriarchal head. Gradually multiplying families estab­ lished their fortified houses in the same neighborhood, relating themselves together for protection as a clan or tribe. Often the tribal chief shared government with a council of elders having advisory or sometimes even legislative power. Despite internal friction and even deadly feuding, these clans eventually sought mutual defense against invaders by associating in a somewhat loose regional federation. Such a federation would usually be dominated by a strong natural leader, or by a prominent tribal family. This gradual process led to the emergence of several distinct Pelasgian states or kingdoms. The historical record, however, is far from continuous. No Pelasgian inscriptions or written records have come to light. Only when the early Albanian came into contact with his Greek or Roman neighbors did their historians record his acts for posterity. Later when records were kept they were usually destroyed, either by enemies who burned the captured city, or by a king like Perseus who in defeat destroyed all his papers so as not to implicate friends in his treason against Rome. The following rather unrelated vignettes, then, must suffice to introduce the early history of the Albanians. THE K IN G D O M OF M O L O S S IA , LA TER EP IR U S (1 2 8 0 -3 3 6 b . c .) P yrrhus N eoptolemy (1280?-? b .c .)

Pyrrhus, son of the legendary Achilles, was the first semihistoric per­ sonage to emerge from the misty past and draw together the scattered Pelasgian tribal people. Shortly after the fall of Troy, traditionally dated about 1284 b . c ., Pyrrhus Neoptolemy came to the southwestern part of the Balkan Peninsula and united under his leadership the warring Pelasgians of that region. This is the region now known by Albanians as Toskëri. These 78

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tribal groups included the Thesprotians of Saranda and Chamëria extend­ ing southward to the Gulf of Art a, the Chaonians of Kurvelesh and Himara or Labëria, the Atintans of Përmet and Tepëlena and the Dassarets of Berat and the present regions of Ochrida and Korcha. Pyrrhus was traditionally associated with Butrint, but shortly thereafter Yanina became the capital of his kingdom. Even at this stage in their history it is difficult to distinguish between history and poetry. The master poet of tragedy Euripides describes how Andromache from the walls of Troy saw her noble husband, Hector, son of King Priam, slain by Achilles in single combat. On the fall of Troy she was allotted as slave-wife to Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles, and they lived at Pharsalus in the district of Phthia in Thessaly. The poet described at length the plot against Pyrrhus and his murder at the altar of Delphi (Euripides 1959, 3:1085-1165). The Greek geographer Strabo was much more cynical. Referring to the tomb of Pyrrhus still to be seen at the shrine, Strabo noted, "He was killed by a Delphian. As the fable goes, he was seek­ ing redress from the god for the murder of his father, but probably he was preparing to pillage the temple" (Strabo 1889, 9.3.9). Thetis, the sea god­ dess and Pyrrhus' grandmother, directed the twice-widowed Andromache to go to Molossia and marry Helenus, where Pyrrhus' son, Molossius, would later reign as king (Euripides 1959, 3:1241-50). Apparently either the poet or the historian has taken liberties with the chronology. The fact re­ mains, however, that Pyrrhus' son, Molossius, did eventually receive the throne and lent his name to the kingdom. Little or nothing is known of the 20 or more kings who followed Pyrrhus. A dmetus (c a . 450 B.C.)

Admetus was ruler in Molossia when Themistocles (5257-460? b . c .), the Athenian statesman and naval commander, was suspected of sympathy with the Persians and condemned. Pursued throughout Greece and allied Corfu, Themistocles fled to Molossia in desperation to appeal to King Admetus, despite the fact that when in the height of his power he had dis­ dainfully insulted Admetus (Thucydides 1959,1:135-37). The king was not at home when Themistocles arrived. Some say that it was Admetus' wife, Phthia, who suggested how Themistocles might place her husband under obligation by taking the king's little son in his arms before the hearth and begging protection. The ploy was effective, and in keeping with ancient Albanian customs of hospitality, Admetus refused to surrender his guest, Themistocles, to the Greek pursuers (Plutarch 1952, 1.19). Later, Themis­ tocles went overland to Pydna of Macedonia and from there crossed the Aegean Sea to exile in Persian territory where he was safe. Obviously Molossia, later called Epirus, was not then considered Greek territory. This was confirmed by modern scholars. In October 1984, 70 his­ torians and archeologists from Greece, Albania, Romania, Italy and several other countries of Europe convened in Clermont-Ferrand, France. They held a colloquium with a group of specialists in ancient history who

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were working there under the direction of Professor Pierre Kaban, the renowned expert on Epirus. They compared studies on the tribal and ethnic groups which gradually organized into urban life, then federated into state organizations. They compared juridical institutions such as the family right of ownership, the role of the woman in the family and the procedure in free­ ing slaves. Similarities of Epirote centers like Dodona and those of southern Illyria were evidenced by their layout, architecture and political organiza­ tion, also the circulation of coins, the structure of graves, the burial rites and articles found in the tumuli. But scholars concluded that from early an­ tiquity until the Roman times the culture of southern Illyria and Epirus, in­ cluding Molossia, was quite different from that of classical Greece as found in Athens and Sparta (NAlb 1985, 3:29). A le xander M olossus ( 1 - 3 3 7 B-c -)

The warrior Alexander Molossus now emerged into the clear light of history. First, in order to further cement family ties with King Philip II of Macedonia and his sister Queen Olympias, he married their daughter Kleopatra, his own niece! Tragically, it was during these nuptials that Philip was assassinated (336 b . c .). Then the merchant princes of Spartan or Pelasgian descent living in Tarentum (Taranto) in southernmost Italy, troubled by regional conflicts, sent a delegation to Alexander begging the help of their Pelasgian kinsman and his fighting men. Characteristically, Alexander consulted the Pelasgian oracle at nearby Dodona to learn whether such a venture would result in victory or defeat. The Lord of Dodona replied cryptically that Alexander must "beware of the waters of the Aheroni and the city of Pandosi, the limits of his good fortune." A river and a city by those names being within his kingdom, he confidently took his army the 40 miles across the Adriatic Sea in 337 b .c . Actually his pur­ pose was not so much to help Taranto as to seize the countryside for himself and become the king of Molossia and Italy. Alexander promptly captured Cosentia (Cosenza), the headquarters of a regional confederacy. Then he defeated their combined forces at Paestum, south of Naples, thus subduing southern Italy from sea to sea. He centered a new "confederation" of cities in Cosenza where he declared himself chief captain and king. His successes in Italy were so great that Rome proposed a treaty with him. A coin issued at the time showed on one side the oak-crowned head of Zeus of Dodona and on the reverse a thunderbolt and spearhead with the legend "Alex­ ander, son of Neoptolemos" (Bury 1967, 680). But Alexander's unexpected successes alarmed his Tarentine patrons, and they turned against him. Alexander tried to rally around him the other Hellenic cities, but in vain. The resulting battle began at a riverside which he discovered to his dismay was named Aheroni, directly opposite a city called Pandosi. Strabo placed this near Mendocino, between Cosenza and the sea (Strabo 1889, 6.1.5). While he was spurring his horse across the river, Alexander was killed by a spear hurled by a former Lucanian ally (Qafëzezi 1934, 24-26). The

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kingdom of Molossia passed into the hands of his sister, Olympias of Macedonia, whose son the following year would begin to rule as Alexander the Great. Queen Olympias was very insistent upon the non-Greek character of her Pelasgian kingdom. Thus, when certain Athenians sent a delegation to Dodona to offer a sacrifice to the lord of the Pelasgians, she sternly rebuked them for not having first sought her permission. Olympias in fact sent a letter to the Greeks stating bluntly, "The Greeks have no right whatever to cross our Molossian territory" (ibid., 25). TH E K IN G D O M OF IL L Y R IA (7-336

b. c .)

H ylli "T he Star" (7-1225 b .c .)

Hylli was the earliest known king ruling over the scattered Pelasgian families and tribes known as the Kingdom of Illyria. He died in 1225 B.c. His territory originally extended along the eastern shore of the Adriatic Sea, reaching northward to the Gulf of Trieste and southward to the Vjosa River. This region included all of that part of Albania which was once called Gegarie. The historian Gibbon stated that Illyria later included all the territory south of the Danube River between the Adriatic and the Black seas (Gibbon 1860,1:24-25). This extensive kingdom was composed of sev­ eral tribes: the Toulants in the Durrës region, the Liburnians along the maritime coast of Shkodra, Ulqin (Dulcigno) and Tivar, the Dalmatians farther north including Trieste, and the Dardanians around Kosova. The Venetians were said to have been of Illyrian extraction, although they were not usually listed as Illyrians (Mommsen 1874, 2:94). The capital city of the Illyrians was always Shkodra, Albania's oldest continuing city. D urrës P recipitates the P eloponnesian W ar (431-404 b .c .)

The Illyrian king Epidamn of the Toulanti tribe founded the city of Epidamnus (Durrës) before the Corinthian colonizers settled Corfu. In 627 b .c . by treachery and force the Greeks from Corfu took the city. They were soon joined by many others from the region of Corinth, and the city became populous and great. In 435 b.c . strife between "democrats" and "oligarchs" within the city offered the resentful Illyrians their opportunity to expel the Greeks and regain control of their city. Under attack by the socalled barbarian Toulanti tribesmen (Thucydides 1959, 1:24), the beleaguered city appealed to both Corfu and Corinth for military assistance. Corinth at once sent a garrison and more colonists. This was resented by Corfu, which then joined the Illyrians in besieging Durrës. War broke out. Corfu defeated Corinth on the sea, the first recorded sea battle between two Greek powers, and then on the land before Durrës. Corfu then drew up a mutual defense treaty with Athens in 433 b .c . This was a fateful move, with dire consequences for Athens. For thanks to its expanding com­ mercial trade, its naval power, its new democracy, its predominance in the arts and its vigorous colonial expansion, Athens had quite overshadowed

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its former partners in the anti-Persian coalition. They feared themselves about to be swallowed up. Accordingly, when Athens sent a battle fleet to support her new ally Corfu, the Corinthian navy of 150 galleys went to Chimerium (Himara) in Thesprotis, their troops camping there with "many barbarians." A great naval battle followed. Both sides suffered heavy losses, yet both sides claimed the victory. This conflict contributed directly to the Peloponnesian War (431-404 b .c .) between Athens with her allies and Corinth with Sparta and their allies. Durrës, over which the struggle began, remained happily uninvolved {ibid., 1:24-56). It is significant that when virtually all the Greek states polarized in their alliances with Athens or Sparta preparatory to the war, neither Epirus, Macedonia nor Illyria became involved as an ally of either side. Bardhylli

or

"W hite Star" (4497-359 b .c .)

Bardhylli, after whom our own Bardhyl Tirana was apparently named, extended his Illyrian kingdom to include much of Epirus and Macedonia. Sons of vanquished noble families were taken to Shkodra as hostages. Few dates are available, except that he reigned from 393 to 359 b.c . This expansionism provoked a strong military response from Philip II of Macedonia, whose general Parmenion defeated their Illyrian cousins between the Albanian lakes Presba and Ochrida near Korcha, killing Bar­ dhylli and recovering the disputed Macedonian territory. In his final battle, Bardhylli is said to have fought on horseback at the age of 90 (NAlb 1987, 4:25). Upon the death of Philip of Macedonia, Bardhylli's sons Kleiti and Glaucus attempted to regain this disputed territory. In a sharp battle at Piluri near the gorge of Devoll northwest of Korcha, young Alexander, son of Philip, defeated them in 335 b .c ., incorporating the Illyrians into his ex­ panding Macedonia. The warlike character of the Illyrians is evident from a recently discovered grave of an Illyrian warrior buried about 350 b.c . at Belsh, 15 miles from Elbasan. At the head of the fighter had been placed an Illyrian helmet and three bronze buckets, one filled with earthenware, another with iron knives and weapons. Beside the body were two pitchers, two bowls and two cups all made of bronze. Beside them were dozens of pottery uten­ sils, most with black glaze or ornamented with red figures. On the other side of the body there were two long iron spears, a sword and several iron spearheads. On his legs were bronze shin-plates, these being the first of their kind ever found in Illyrian cities. They had been shaped to conform to the anatomy of the leg. On the body were found many ornamental objects of silver —such as two bracelets, 15 brooches, two needles, a pair of earrings —some of which featured filigree. The pot­ tery came from nearby Durrës and Apollonia. Evidently the warrior had been an outstanding leader of the Illyrians (Liria 31 October 1975, 3; 28 May 1976).

The Early Historical Kingdoms in A lbania (1280-323 B.C.)

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b. c .)

P erdiccas I (700?-? B.C.)

Perdiccas was probably the founder of this third and latest kingdom federating scattered Pelasgian tribes in the south central region of the Balkans. It is true that Plutarch named the founder as Karano of the Argos region who made himself king in 815 b .c . But Herodotus named as founder a man named Perdiccas. He was one of three brothers, the sons of Temenus, who also fled from Argos to Illyria, then to Lebaea in upper Macedonia. The brothers hired out to serve a local king, Perdiccas caring for the sheep and goats. Dismissed by the king, they settled near Mt. Bermius and gradually gained control of Macedonia. Perdiccas established himself as king about 700 b.c . (Herodotus 1942, 8:137-38). This cor­ responds with the record of the historian Thucydides who wrote that the first Macedonians were the Temenidae (sons of Temenus) who came out of Argos (Thucydides 1959, 2:99). This kingdom included Thessalonica and reached southwesterly as far as Molossia or Epirus, and northwesterly as far as Illyria. Its capital was at Edessa, now Vodena, in western Macedonia. A question arises very naturally: Was not the kingdom of Macedonia Greek in origin and character? Actually Argos was commonly known as "Pelasgian Argos." Although partially intermarried with the Hellenists and influenced by Hellenistic culture, the population was essentially Pelasgian and not Greek. Not much is known about these early kings, except that Per­ diccas was succeeded by his son, Argaeus, who was succeeded by his son, Philip I, who was succeeded by his son, Aeropus, who was succeeded by his son, Alcetas, whose son, Amintas I, became one of the outstanding kings of Macedonia (Herodotus 1942, 8:139). A mintas I (540-500 b .c .)

Amintas expanded his kingdom eastward by annexing successive strips of barbarian territory, then securing them by planting them with "cultivated refugees." Among the distinguished refugees he accommodated in this way was Peisistratus, the exiled despot of Athens, and later in 510 b .c . his tyrant son, Hippias, likewise expelled from Athens (Toynbee 1956, 1:412). This eastward expansion of Amintas brought him into contact with the Persians who were then expanding westward. Cyrus (546-540 b .c .) had incorporated into his empire the Greek cities along the coast of Asia Minor. Then in 513 b .c . Darius moved across the Hellespont and took much of Thrace. It was during the reign of Amintas, about 507 b .c ., that the Persian king sent an embassy of seven high military officers demanding a gift of earth and water as tokens of submission. Amintas entertained them with a great feast. The Persians insisted that the Macedonian women also attend, but their drunken indecencies angered the king's son, Alexander. By a ruse he got the women away from the table and replaced them with young men dressed in women's garments, but armed with daggers. When the ambassa-

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dors became too aggressive they perished. Their attendants and baggage all disappeared. The Persians made a strict search for their lost ambassadors, but could discover no trace of them. By bribery and by giving his sister, Gygaea, in marriage to the chief Persian investigator named Bubares, Alex­ ander hushed up the matter completely (Herodotus 1942, 5:17-21). A lexander I (500-454 b .c .)

Alexander expressed his admiration of Greek culture by encouraging closer ties with Greece. The great lyric poet Pindar of Thebes composed poems praising Alexander, and he was awarded the title "Filelini," or "Friend of the Greeks." Such an award, incidentally, would acknowledge that Alexander the Macedonian was not a Greek. Herodotus tells us that Alexander once went to Olympus to contend in the Pan-Hellenic contests. Knowing that he was from Macedonia, the Greeks wished to exclude him from the games, saying that only Greeks were allowed to contend, and not barbarians. But Alexander proved himself a descendant of Hercules and the kings of Argos, so he was relucantly admitted (ibid., 5:22). It is obvious, though, that the Greeks did not consider the Macedonians as fellow Greeks. About 493 b .c . the Persians sent Mardonius, the son-in-law of Darius, with a small army to eliminate the remaining Greek holdings in Thrace, returning to Asia in 491 b .c . Then proposing to divide and conquer Greece itself, they approached Alexander through his brother-in-law, Bubares. Alexander cooperated by sending messengers urging the Athenians to col­ laborate with Xerxes and his Persians on very favorable terms (ibid., 8:136, 140). At the same time the Lacedaemonians or Spartans sent an embassy urging the Athenians not to collaborate. The Athenians decided that they would never collaborate and lose their freedom, declaring, "While one Athenian remains alive, we will never join alliance with Xerxes!" (ibid., 8:141-44). So the Persians marched on Athens, but were defeated at Marathon in 490 b .c . In 481 b.c . Xerxes marched his troops over the pon­ toon bridge at the Hellespont. Crossing Macedonia, he overcame the legen­ dary Spartan 300 at Thermopylae and captured and destroyed much of Athens but was decisively defeated at the naval battle of Salamis in 480 b.c . That winter Mardonius attempted to split the fragile Greek coalition by offering very lenient terms to Athens for submission: equal partnership with Persia and funds for reconstruction and additional territory. Again they refused, asserting their kinship of race, language, religion and way of life. Just as the Persians were about to join battle with the Athenians and Spartans at Plataea, Alexander did his best to persuade the Greeks. But the Persians were defeated, Mardonius was killed and the Persian army withdrew to Asia in 479 b.c . The Persian threat more than anything else had crystallized this Greek consciousness or sense of Hellenism, even of an early Pan-Hellenism. When Themistocles, condemned by Athens for his suspected Persian sympathies, left Molossia, Alexander extended temporary

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refuge to him at Pydna in Macedonia (Thucydides 1959, 1:137). This and Alexander's friendly alliance with the Corinthians only served to an­ tagonize the Athenians yet more. P erdiccas II (454-413 B.C.)

Perdiccas II succeeded his father, Alexander, as king of Macedonia. As the rival commercial interests of Athens and Corinth at Epidamnos (Durrës) were leading toward conflict, similar rivalry on the Macedonian coast broke out into open warfare. In 432 b .c . Athens quarreled with Cor­ inth over its colony of Potidaea, which had formerly belonged to Athens. When Athens besieged Potidaea, war broke out with Corinth. Most of the Greek states polarized around Athens on the one hand, or Corinth and Sparta on the other. The resulting Peloponnesian War lasted from 431 to 404 b.c . Macedonia was not allied with either. But Perdiccas, hoping to ex­ pand his rule at the expense of the Greeks, found himself frequently em­ broiled in the civil war. At times he sided with Sparta and Corinth against Athens, later to be reconciled with Athens but "unknown to them" sending troops to aid the Molossians against Athens (ibid., 2:29, 80). Noting the stalemate between Sparta and Athens, Perdiccas in 424 b.c . permitted Spar­ tan troops coming through hostile Thessaly to pass through Macedonia into Thrace so as to encourage the revolt of Athenian colonies along the coast. But Perdiccas never did realize his hope to add these colonies to his Macedonian holdings. To punish Perdiccas, Athens encouraged the Thracians from the north and east with allied tribes seeking plunder to invade Macedonia. Thucy­ dides paid tribute to the Macedonian horsemen when he observed, "Where they charged, none was able to resist them, being both good horsemen and well-armed with breastplates" (ibid., 2:100). But enclosed by the sheer multitude of the enemy they were finally overwhelmed. The Thracians assisted by Greeks from the south wasted Macedonian territory. Perdiccas secured peace only by offering his sister in marriage. During the ninth year of the Peloponnesian War, 422 b.c ., Perdiccas aided some neighboring Greeks in their revolt against oppressive Athens. Thucydides differentiated carefully between these Greeks and the Macedonians: "Perdiccas led with him the power of the Macedonians, his subjects, and such Grecian men of arms as dwelt among them." Also, the "Grecians" were numbered separately from their allied "Macedonians and other barbarians" (ibid., 4:124). Thereafter Athens alternately sought Macedonia as an ally and ravaged her as an enemy. Perdiccas II like his father, Alexander II, invited outstanding Greeks to his palace at Edessa. Thus he hosted Mellanipid, an outstanding lyric composer of the period. Hippocrates (460-375? b.c .), the "Father of Medicine," born in Pelasgian Cos, served with Perdiccas as palace physi­ cian for some time. He is reported to have "cured a Macedonian tyrant of the malady of love," dying at a ripe old age at Larissa in Thessaly.

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A rchelaus (413-399 b .c .)

Archelaus succeeded Perdiccas, his father, as king of Macedonia. He was an enthusiastic patron of art and literature. Unfortunately, this was a troubled time in Greece when civil war still raged between Athens and Sparta and their respective allies. From 415 to 412 b.c . Athens launched an expedition in Sicily hoping to annex the colonies of Corinth situated along the coast of Italy, but this proved altogether disastrous. Equally unfor­ tunate was an attempt to reestablish an oligarchical government by the aristocracy and intelligentsia, which provoked the democracy-loving populace into driving many such into exile. Some of these, also a number of artists and writers, found refuge at the court of Archelaus. Thessalus, a Greek physician and most eminent son of Hippocrates, spent consid­ erable time there (Smith 1876, 883). Another, the historian Thucydides (4607-400? b.c .), praised the king for the great progress realized during his peaceful reign: "Many strongholds and walled towns were built by Arche­ laus, the son of Perdiccas, when he came to the kingdom, who also laid out the highways straight, and took order both for matters of war, as horses and arms and for other provision, better than all the other eight kings that were before him" (Thucydides 1959, 2:100). Archelaus also welcomed the tragic poet Euripides, who was said by Aeschylus to have despaired of the gradual deterioration of Athens after the Golden Age of Pericles. Bitter and broken in spirit also by his imagined lack of recognition by his own people, he voluntarily left Athens for exile in 404 b.c ., dying tragically at the Macedonian palace two years later, torn to pieces by the king's dogs (Euripides 1959, 4:530; Smith 1876, 298). In 404 b.c . Athens was crushed militarily and forced to give up its dream of empire. Sparta insisted on dismantling the defenses of the city but was remarkably lenient in dictating the peace terms. Archelaus reigned only five years after the close of the Peloponnesian War, his usually bellicose Macedonia presenting a strangely peaceful contrast to the civil war tearing his Greek neighbors apart. A rather incongruous but welcome historical footnote is that of Pliny, who, in his Natural History, observed that "to give instruction for agriculture was an occupation of the highest dignity, actually performed by Archelaus" (Pliny 1947, 18:5). 40 Y ears of A narchy (399-359 b .c .)

A period of general anarchy followed this peaceful reign in Macedonia, with several short troubled reigns: Orestes and his guardian Aeropus II (399-394 b.c .), Amintas II (393-369 b .c .), Alexander II (369-364 b .c .), Ptolemy (366-364 b.c .) and Perdiccas III (364-360 b.c .). U N ION OF P ELA SG IA N K IN G D O M S ( 3 5 9 - 3 2 3

b . c .)

P hilip II (359-336 b .c .)

During this troubled period of Macedonian history the Greeks tried to assure their subjection by holding Philip, the 15-year-old son of Amintas II,

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a hostage for three years (367-364 b.c .) in Thebes. Here he absorbed the Greek language and rich Greek culture, but remained determinedly Mace­ donian. Upon returning to his native Macedonia he was given the throne in 359 b .c ., making his residence and capital of the Macedonian monarchy at Pella near Thessalonica. Philip soon brought fame to the kingdom of Macedonia by his determined efforts to unite the western kingdoms in order to block the constantly expanding Persian empire. The first phase of his national strategy was to unite Macedonia itself, this process of consolidation extending from 359 to 352 b .c . To the west and north the mountain ranges created natural frontiers with their kinsmen in Epirus and Illyria respectively and the Paeonians. On the east the Strymon River was the acknowledged boundary with Thrace. But the thriving Greek trading colonies established along the coast of the three-pronged Chalcidice Peninsula irritated Philip and challenged him. Earlier Macedonian kings had established their capital at Pella and built roads, but they had been quite unable to consolidate the scattered princes and tribal chieftains and patriarchal heads of families. Strong hereditary leaders were recognized only by their kinsmen, and loyalty was a sacred obligation. Any broader loyalty was altogether voluntary and tentative and usually appeared quite unnecessary. Philip, however, provided strong leadership. He attracted the loyalty of tribal leaders and created a national consciousness as Mace­ donians. By persuasion and force he won the allegiance of the independent tribal chiefs of the western highlands. By his marriage in 358 b.c . to Olym­ pias, sister of King Alexander, he created a closer alliance with the Molossians of Epirus, who already according to the Greek geographer Strabo resembled the Macedonians in language, dress and other customs (Strabo 1889, 7.7.8). In joint campaigns they drove the Illyrians out of occupied Macedonian and Epirote territory and assured their subordination. By a combination of shrewd diplomacy, persuasive double-talk and restrained military action Philip took from the weakened Athenians some of their trading colonies along the Aegean coast. Thus for the first time in history the three kingdoms of Pelasgian people: Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria, the early Albanians, were all under one head, King Philip II. Two factors were of primary importance both in the consolidation of Macedonia and in its later expansion. First was the reorganization of Philip's army. He recognized tribal and regional loyalties in the formation of battle units, fostering pride in their achievements and competition with other regional units. He also developed the legendary "Macedonian phalanx" for foot soldiers, the men in close and deep ranks with shields joined together and pikes so long that those of the third rank bristled ahead of the front line. He coordinated with them in battle the swift, armored horsemen for which these hardy mountaineers were famous. Philip himself was an inspirational frontline soldier and warrior. Besieging the city of Methone in 354 b .c . he was grievously wounded when an arrow discharged from a catapult pierced his right eye. One Critopulus attending him earned

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a great reputation for successfully extracting the arrow, "treating his loss of sight without causing disfigurement of the face" (Pliny 1947, 7:37; Strabo 1889, Fragment 22). With a leader like that his men would follow him anywhere. But Philip was also a statesman. He remained uninfluenced by the several political experiments through which neighboring Greece was slowly and painfully moving toward a more democratic rule. The original in­ dependent city-states ruled by local chiefs had been replaced by regional kingdoms ruled by hereditary kings. Then in a first step toward democracy, power was placed in the hands of certain aristocratic families. Rebelling against the rule of hereditary and arbitrary rulers, whether one or many, strong individuals seized the government by force and held it by force. The so-called Age of the Tyrants continued from 650 to 500 b .c . While Sparta remained conservative and rigidly disciplinarian, Athens was more flexible and ready to experiment with new patterns of democracy. Although both rivals moved away from the rule of Tyrants, Sparta remained an authori­ tarian state of tough disciplined soldiers, while Athens established a popular democracy in 508 b.c . and took the lead in art, philosophy and literature. Other states polarized around one or the other of these two ideals, some forming a voluntary coalition with Sparta in the Peloponne­ sian League, others with Athens in the Achaean League. But Philip had not been affected by any of this experimentation. He remained the strong man in the field. Power was not to be placed in the hands of the people, but in his hands. The first tentative steps toward democracy in Albania must wait over 2,200 years! Philip accordingly organized newly conquered towns and newly founded towns not like the old Greek city-states with a good degree of independence, but rather as municipalities of the kingdom of Macedonia. Thus Philip became the first to accomplish what the Greeks never could do with their individualistic city-states, or even with their limited democracies: He welded his diverse peoples into a powerful, unified national state. The second phase of Philip's strategy, the expansion of his kingdom, occupied his attention from 352 to 338 b .c . For an ambitious king like Philip, a consolidated Macedonia seemed altogether restricted. To the south a rather fluid border excluded him from all the former Pelasgian ter­ ritory which was now called Hellas. The occasion he awaited soon pre­ sented itself. A sacred war broke out in Greece over the seizure of Delphi temple treasure for military purposes. Influential citizens of Thessaly on Philip's southern border asked his help to resist attack. This was all he needed. In 352 b .c . his army drove the enemies out of Thessaly, and their reorganized Thessalian League of cities elected Philip as their general. The next year he expanded his eastern border to the Hebrus River in eastern Thrace. Then in 349 b .c . Philip distressed Athens by fomenting a diver­ sionary revolt nearby so as to take possession of the Chalcidice Peninsula with the rest of Athens' colonies and the important trade potential. Philip

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also won the so-called Peace of Philocrates settlement in 346 b .c ., then marched at once on Thessaly's southern neighbor enemy Phocis, annexing it and even being elected to take its seat on the venerable Amphictyonic Council of Greek city-states. This southward expansion of Philip caused considerable apprehension in Athens. Although the Greeks would later claim Philip of Macedon as one of their own, history records the life-long struggle between this Mace­ donian and the Greeks despite the common threat by the Persians. This was due in part to the hostility of Demosthenes (3847-322 b .c .), the Athenian statesman and orator. Plutarch stated that early in his career Demosthenes conceived a distrust of Philip and the Macedonians (Plutarch 1952, 353-58). This developed into a lifelong feud which became the obsession of his public life. Demosthenes was not above receiving bribes from Greeks and even from the king of Persia, but he spurned such from Philip. When one Antiphon had been acquitted by the assembly of having accepted a bribe from Philip to burn the Greek arsenal, Demosthenes had him haled before the court of Areopagus and got him convicted and condemned Demosthenes continually inflamed the Greeks against Philip. On one occa­ sion he was named as one of the ten ambassadors to present a matter in the court of Philip. When another of the ambassadors commended Philip for his able speaking, his delightful personality and his genial companionship in drinking, Demosthenes disparagingly replied, "The first quality is ap­ propriate for a rhetorician, the second for a woman, and the third for a sponge —but none would commend a prince" (ibid., 356). Demosthenes was famous for his controversial public orations against Philip, called Philippics. In his Third Philippic he cried out, "And shall not Philip and his actions raise like indignation? He who is not only no Greek, no way allied to Greece, but sprung from a part of the barbarian world unworthy to be named: a vile Macedonian, where formerly we could not find a slave fit to purchase!" (Demosthenes 1830, 146). It is obvious that while some might wish belatedly to claim Philip and the Macedonians as fellow Greeks, Demosthenes certainly was not in that number. Some of his countrymen distrusted Demosthenes, however. Others were sure that Philip could do more for them than Athens could. Many considered Philip their last and best hope against the Persian threat. Athens finally enlisted a coalition of states sufficiently large to attack Philip. But at the decisive battle of Chaeronia in 338 b.c . they were defeated. Demosthenes himself deserted the field, throwing away his arms and fleeing disgracefully. Philip now made separate treaties with each of the Greek states, breaking up the earlier coalitions around Athens, Thebes and Sparta. Instead he united both former allies and enemies in the League of Corinth, which was formed in that city in 337 b.c . The agreement permitted a surprising degree of autonomy, also freedom from paying tribute and supporting Macedonian garrison troops. It forbade civil war and substituted procedures for the arbitration of disputes. The League also

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approved war with Persia, elected Philip commander in chief, and prom­ ised troops for the effort. Thus Philip seems to have accomplished the impossible —the subordination of the age-old tradition of independent citystates and their incorporation into a national entity quite beyond the wildest dreams of his predecessors. But Philip would never see its fruition. He returned to Macedonia to prepare for a campaign against Persia. At­ tending a wedding celebration, Philip was assassinated in 336 b .c . by an aristocratic youth with a personal grudge against a member of the family. Demosthenes declared a holiday in Athens, put on festive garlands, and joined the assembly in composing a congratulatory message to the assassin. A lexander the G reat (336-323 b .c .)

Alexander III, Philip's son, nicknamed Leka, was born in July 356 b .c . at Pella, northwest of Thessalonica. The date is remembered because that same night the famed temple of the great goddess Diana of the Ephesians burned down. Plutarch recorded that all the soothsayers then at Ephesus looked upon the ruin of their temple then ran through the streets crying that this signaled the birth of one who would destroy all Asia (Plutarch 1952, 238). Although his father delighted in engraving on his coinage the victories of his racing chariots at the Olympian games, Alexander did not deign to compete in the contests with commoners (ibid., 237). The historian Plutarch also described at length how the 12-year-old lad tamed the wild black horse Bucephalus (ibid., 238). Philip engaged the best teachers for Leka. He learned to speak, read and write the Greek language, as did so many cultured Albanians 22 centuries later. But due to the mutual an­ tipathy between Philip and the Greeks, those most directly responsible for Alexander's education were non-Greeks. Two of these were Leonidas, a close relative of his Molossian mother, Olympias, and Lysimachus the Arcananian from the region of Pelasgian Dodona (ibid., 238). Alexander afterwards declared that the austere Leonidas had taught him to be hardy and reliant by furnishing him with two excellent cooks: a night's march to season his breakfast, and a scanty breakfast to season his dinner (Smith 1876, 421). Then there was Aristotle, the most celebrated philosopher and logician of his time. Philip sent for him to instruct his son in Morals, Politics, Medicine and Philosophy or Metaphysics. It is of more than pass­ ing interest to note that Aristotle (384-322 b .c .) himself was born at Stagira in Macedonia just east of Thessalonica, his father having been the court physician attending Philip's father, King Amintas II (Strabo Fragment 35; Qafëzezi 1929, 11). The Macedonian Aristotle was quite at home in the Macedonian court until age 17 when he went to Athens and studied under Plato. In 342 b .c . he returned to Macedonia as tutor to 13-year-old Alex­ ander, where he remained seven years. The influence of Aristotle during these formative years is evidenced by a letter which Alexander afterwards directed to his tutor: "I had rather excel others in the knowledge of what is excellent, than in the extent of my power and dominion" (Plutarch 1952,

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239). Yet he identified with the ancient heroes of Homer, convinced that he was a descendant of Heracles (Hercules) through his father and of Achilles through his mother. Upon the death of Philip in 336 b.c ., Alexander came to the throne of Macedonia at 20 years of age. Philip had already given him considerable responsibility in military campaigns and in peace negotiations, his skill in both having won the confidence of his officers and troops. First, he had to demonstrate his authority by subduing dissent in Macedonia. Then he had to crush transitional outbreaks among the Illyrians from Pilur near Korcha all the way north to the Danube River. Cooperation with the Molossians was assured by his maternal ties. But with his accession to the throne, his father's arch-enemy Demosthenes formed a rival league once again and even urged the Persians to make war on Alexander, calling him a child and a simpleton (ibid., 361). So Alexander marched on Greece. Athens in despair sent ambassadors to negotiate with Alexander. Demosthenes was appointed one of these, but fearing the king's anger he forsook the others and returned to Athens. Alexander was placated, however, but the honor of Demosthenes began to decline. Despite Alexander's temperate use of force and his magnanimous peace terms, many of the Greeks and especially the Athenians bitterly and persistently opposed him. But Alexander demanded and secured the loyal support of his kinsmen in the projected campaign against Persia. Going to nearby Delphi to consult the oracle of Apollo as to the out­ come of the Asian campaign, Alexander arrived on a forbidden day when it was considered improper for the oracle to give her prediction. When she refused to heed his messenger, Alexander himself went and began to drag her bodily into the temple. She resisted in vain and finally protested, "My son, you are irresistible!" He released her immediately, saying that that was just the answer he wished and that he did not need to consult the gods any further (ibid., 245). In 334 b.c . Alexander led his army of 35,000 men across the Hellespont to face the hundreds of thousands of Persians. Alexander asked for only 7,000 men from the Greek states but realized far less than this; one Alba­ nian scholar assures us that there were only 600 Greeks (Qafëzezi 1929, viii). Alexander never fully trusted the Greeks, but depended instead upon his Macedonians and Epirotes, Illyrians and Thracians in whom he had con­ fidence. The Greek language was used as the international and official language of the civilized world at that time just as Latin became so later, then French and now English. But in several crucial moments, as when one of his captains, Clitus, compared the Macedonians unfavorably with the Greeks, Alexander "called out to his guards in the Macedonian language, which was a certain sign of some great disturbance" (Plutarch 1952, 277-78). On another occasion when Alexander sent a Greek general, Philotas, to be tried before a military court he asked Philotas to speak in Macedonian so that his judges who were Macedonians might understand

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him. But the general refused, saying, "I shall speak in Greek, because I want to be understood by my own countrymen" (The Orient 20 March 1912, 3-4). Apparently most of the leadership and most of the soldiery involved in this Asian expedition were Pelasgian or Albanian; certainly they were Macedonians, not Greeks. Alexander's distrust of the Greeks would soon intensify, for again and again the historian observed that as many as 30,000 Greek mercenaries had joined the Persians in fighting their common enemy, Alexander (Qafëzezi 1929, 76). Alexander frequently sought the aid of his Pelasgian divinities in bringing success to the great undertaking. Thus on the Hellespont, midway between Europe and Asia, he offered a bullock in sacrifice to Neptune, the god of the sea. To the "Zënat" (voices or spirits) of the sea he poured on the altar much wine from a golden goblet (ibid., 44). Stepping ashore in Asia he erected altars to the lord of the Pelasgians, to the goddess Athena and to Heracles (Hercules), the Pelasgian hero whom he claimed as ancestor on his father's side. Reaching the fabled Troy he sacrificed to the goddess Athena at the shrine recently dedicated to her (ibid.) and honored the memory of the heroes who fell there with solemn libations (Plutarch 1952, 245). Finding the tomb of the Trojan king, Priam, who was slain by his maternal ancestor Pyrrhus, son of Achilles, he offered sacrifice on the altar to appease the king's anger (Qafëzezi 1929, 44). Besides placing wreaths of flowers, he anointed the tomb with myrrh, and according to an old custom, the captains ran naked around and around the tomb (Plutarch 1952, 245). Surely the saga of Troy fascinated this romanticist warrior. Even on the Asian campaign he carried the plays of Euripides, Sophocles and Aeschy­ lus, but prized Homer's Iliad as the "perfect portable treasure of all military virtue and knowledge," keeping "a copy with his dagger under his pillow" as he slept (ibid., 240). The first decisive victory over the Persians and mercenary Greeks oc­ curred at the Granicus River just east of Troy. Then he marched down the west coast of Asia Minor, liberating Greek cities from Persian control. Sar­ dis surrendered, and Alexander ordered erected on the citadel a shrine to the lord of the Pelasgians (Qafëzezi 1929, 51). Ephesus surrendered, and Alexander ordered that the taxes hitherto paid to Persia thereafter be paid to their temple of Diana (ibid., 52). He meticulously provided for the governmental administration of conquered territory and maintained com­ munication with his administrators in Macedonia. There followed in suc­ cession the fall of Syria, the decisive victory of Issus, the surrender of Sidon, and after a seven-month siege, the destruction of Tyre. During the siege of Tyre, Darius, now safely beyond the Euphrates, proposed a treaty. He would surrender his vast empire west of the Euphrates and offer his daughter to Alexander in marriage. Alexander, intent on the whole empire, refused. One of his veteran generals, Parmenion, observed to Alexander, "If I were you I would accept those terms." Alexander replied, "So would I if I were Parmenion." Gaza and the cities of Egypt fell, the liberated

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Egyptians making him their Pharaoh. One priest saluted him as "Son of Zeus." Because of his spectacular military exploits and his judicious mixture of severity and clemency towards the vanquished, others also repeatedly addressed him as a divinity. Although later he is alleged to have accepted such reverence, at this stage anyway he nourished no such illusion. Plutarch recorded that once when wounded by an arrow and in much pain, Alexander turned to his companions and said, "This, my friends, is real flowing blood, not ichor such as immortal gods are wont to shed" (Plutarch 1952, 258). At this juncture, 331 b.c ., Greek discontent with the League of Corinth led to a hostile outbreak which required intervention by Macedonian troops. So Alexander dismissed his Greek allies, paid them liberally, and continued the next three years without Greek assistance. With the capture of Babylon and the great cities of Persia, and with the death of Darius, the empire collapsed. Its riches went to Alexander. Whereas his treasury on crossing the Hellespont had amounted to only 70 talents, it now amounted to 180,000 talents, said to be the equivalent of several billion dollars (Roebuck 1966, 256). Rather than return his battle-weary troops to Europe, the ambitious Alexander pressed on through Iran, Turkestan and Afghan­ istan. The pursuit of armed bands and the capture of isolated strongholds in these most rugged mountains proved extremely tiring and difficult. After subduing Turkestan and present-day Afghanistan, he proceeded through the fabled Khyber Pass to India's Punjab and the Indus River. He had reversed the migratory route of his ancient Pelasgian ancestors. Nor would he have turned back even then but for the discontent and resentment of his army, which threatened to break out into open revolt. So before returning homeward in 326 b.c . he erected a monumental witness to the farthest penetration of his army into India. He supervised the construction of 12 altars, high and wide like towers, for the gods of his Pelasgian ancestors. Upon these monumental altars sacrifices were offered to the gods according to the custom, followed by gymnastic games and races on foot and on horseback (Qafëzezi 1929, 150). Then they headed homeward, revisiting cities they had captured, reviewing the governments they had established there, reorganizing as necessary, and replacing certain officials who had become corrupt during his long absence. But at Babylon Alexander fell desperately ill with a fever, and within a few days he died at 33 years of age, in 323 b .c . Thus in the approximately 10 years which it had taken his heroes to capture Troy he and his army had subdued most of the thenknown world. The death of Macedonia's archenemy Demosthenes shortly afterwards seems altogether anticlimactic. His susceptibility to bribes proved his undo­ ing. For Alexander's treasurer, a luxury-loving Macedonian named Harpalus, had left Asia to offer to the Athenians not only himself and his men but also several ships and much embezzled booty. Demosthenes at first angrily advised the Athenians to chase the traitor out of the country, but

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was reconciled upon receiving a heavy golden cup from Persia. He and others were condemned for bribery and banished. Upon the death of Alex­ ander, however, Demosthenes was recalled and reinstated so that he might rally the Greeks once again to drive the Macedonians out of Greece. Failing utterly in this effort, he fled the battlefield and took refuge in a nearby shrine where, to escape capture, he took poison and died. The Athenians erected a brass statue with this inscription at its base: "Had you for Greece been as strong as you were wise, the Macedonians would not have con­ quered her" (Plutarch 1952, 367). P R O FO U N D SO C IA L C H A N G ES A FFE C T IN G A LBA N IA Establishment of G reek T rading P osts and C olonies

About 775 b .c . a significant development began which would pro­ foundly affect the struggling Albanian people. Greek merchants began to establish trading posts and colonies throughout the Mediterranean world. Colonization then, even as in our recent past, was prompted more by com­ mercial rather than national expansionism. Greek merchant ships carried throughout the Mediterranean their famed oil and wine, their crafted metal, woven goods and beautiful ceramic pottery. They brought back raw materials such as copper, iron and tin from Europe, as well as grain, fish, amber, the bronze utensils of the Etruscans and the silver and gold orna­ ments and carpets from the Orient. First came the trading station, then the settlement of colonists on the land. Among these were the landless and dispossessed longing for a better life, political malcontents, social misfits and restless adventurers. Some of these soon wore out their welcome. The colony usually maintained loose ties with its mother city, more sentimental and religious than political. The passion for independence led to the multiplication of independent city-states. Colonists usually brought with them the worship of the gods of their mother city. Westward, the first Greek trading post in Italy was begun on the island of Ischia in the bay of Naples about 770 b .c . A second post was established in 740 b .c . on the fertile plain of Naples at Cuma. This remained the north­ ernmost Greek settlement on the west coast of Italy and a main center of trade with Italian tribes, especially their distant kinsmen the Etruscans. By 735 b .c . Corinth established a colony on Corcyra (Corfu) as a base for crossing the Adriatic to southern Italy, Sicily and the west coast of Italy. This proved a natural sea route for merchants of Corinth and the Ionian ports of Achaea. Colonists from Sparta founded the most important town of southern Italy, Taros (Tarentum, now Taranto), in 706 b .c . But it was the Ionians who colonized the Adriatic shores and the southern coast of France and Spain by 635 b .c . At the same time other merchants were col­ onizing the coastline of Thrace, the Black Sea, Asia Minor and even North Africa. This extensive trade did much to awaken the economy and lay the foundation for a new era, the classical era of Greece.

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Trading posts and colonies were established also along the Albanian coast. Herodotus noted that "almost all 'barbarians' hold the citizens who practice trades, and their children, in less repute than the rest, while they esteem as noble those who keep aloof from handicrafts, and especially honor such as are given wholly to war. These ideas prevail throughout the whole of Greece, particularly among the Lacedaemonians. Corinth is the place where mechanics are least despised" (Herodotus 1942, 2:167). For it was Corinth, situated on the four-mile-wide isthmus with a port on both the Ionian and Aegean seas, which became the commercial emporium of Greece. Very naturally, then, it was Corinth which colonized the off-shore island, Corfu, and merchants from Corinth and Corfu established commer­ cial colonies at Epidamnus (the Roman Dyrrhachium, now Durrës) and Apollonia (Pojan). Indeed, Apollonia, founded much earlier by the Pelasgian inhabitants, is said to have been "enlarged and beautified by col­ onists from Corinth and Corfu" (Drita 17 July 1937, 3). Soon a trading col­ ony appeared also at the very ancient Butrint, which was already noted for its excellent pasturage and its fine breed of oxen, also its cattle, sheep and goats. Another colony was established at the fortress city Finiq. About 385 b .c . Dionysius of the Hellenistic base at Syracuse, Sicily, occupied and col­ onized the Adriatic port of Lissus (Lezha) just below Shkodra, and the Dalmatian island of Issa just north of Shkodra (Mommsen 1874, 1:417). These commercial relationships proved profitable to both the Greek mer­ chants and the Albanian producers. Soon Durrës with its fine harbor became the largest commercial center along the eastern shore of the Adriatic and was called by Catullus, a Roman poet, the "Tavern of the Adriatic" (Smith 1876, 274). R eplacement of the Barter System by a M oney Economy

Another giant step toward riches and ruin was the transition from the age-old barter system to a money economy. Rather than continue the direct exchange of commodities, the Greeks imitated the Lydian kings of Sardis, Asia Minor, about 700 b .c . and started minting and using coins made of valuable metal. Phidon of Argos is said to have introduced copper and silver coinage in Greece about 748 b .c ., also a new system of weights and measures (Smith 1876, 963). This greatly facilitated trade, and it made possible as never before the accumulation of wealth. It also led to the lend­ ing of money at high interest rates, which in turn led to great poverty and even to human slavery. Among the most significant archeological discoveries made in 1988 was the treasure found at Lleshan near Elbasan. It consisted of 2,758 silver and bronze coins of the ancient Illyrian cities of Amantia, Orik, Shkodra, Durrës and Apollonia dating from the third and second centuries b .c . (Liria 15 October 1989, 3). The numismatic section of the Archaeological Research Center at Tirana collects, studies and classifies ancient coins, about 25,000 of which bear the stamp of Illyrian cities or rulers. The first

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Albanian coins were minted about 450 b .c . in Durrës and Apollonia. Both cities used the same silver coins, although each city stamped its own name on its coins. Their monetary unit, like that of the Greeks who introduced the system, was the drachma. But the coins minted and circulated in Il­ lyrian territories were called "Illyrian drachmas," probably because they bore the names of Illyrian kings such as Monun, Mytil, Boiken, Gent, Trit, Bato, etc., or of Illyrian cities such as Damastion, Amanthia, Byllis, Finiq, Butrint, Lissus, Shkodra, etc. Bronze coins of lesser value than silver came into use later. The symbols used on a city's coins help us understand the basis of its economy. The earliest coins indicated the importance of cattle in its economy by showing on one side a cow suckling a calf, on the other side a square with other geometric figures. Another coin featured a horse (Korkuti 1971, 124-25). The central importance of agriculture along Il­ lyria's coastal plains is shown by the symbols of a stalk of wheat, a plough, a bee or beehive, a cornucopia or horn of plenty. The goat head on the coins of Lissus evidences its developing animal husbandry. Bunches of grapes on the coins of Byllis illustrate its fertile and famous vineyards. The figure of a ship indicates the importance of commerce and fishing for Durrës, and the Liburnian vessels on Shkodra's coins became famous for speed during the Illyrian wars with Rome. When before 350 b .c . Damastion in the present province of Kosova became renowned for its iron and silver mines, its coins bore the figure of a miner's hammer and metal bars. Coins sometimes featured mythological figures, such as that of Helios the Sun God, of Heracles or Hercules with the Lion Skin, of Zeus with the crown of laurels, of Iris with the lotus flowers, of Hera with the features of an owl, etc. (NAlb 1989, 1:1). But these coins were usually initiated by merchants not priests and were secular rather than religious in character. Usually they illustrated export products, occasionally a civic symbol or a local legendary hero. The recovery of a city's coins in distant regions evidenced extensive commercial activity. Excavations in the remote northeast mountainous region of Tropoja have produced coins from various Illyrian cities. Find­ ings there revealed also large earthen grain storage vessels, combs and looms for working wool, metal spearheads and other weapons used in trade (Zëri 1 February 1985, 3). Illyrian coins have come to light in Macedonia, Asia Minor and Italy. Also ancient coins from Greece and southern Italy have been found at Finiq and Butrint, illustrating commercial ties between these regions (Drita 9 March 1938, 3). Industrial Expansion and H uman S lavery

For generations Albanian craftsmen had turned out metal work, especially bronze and later iron armor and weapons such as spearheads, swords and daggers. They produced metal agricultural implements such as picks, sickles, scythes, pruning knives and ploughs, also household utensils and ornaments such as necklaces, bracelets and buttons of bronze and later of silver and gold. They produced earthenware utensils of all sorts and

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sizes, including large vases for the storage of wine, oil and grain. In fact, Kavaja and the entire region between Durrës and Apollonia became famous for its pottery and other ceramics. Large quantities of all these products have been unearthed in the tumuli or burial mounds characteristic of the Illyrians. Building materials of clay and stone were also produced, as were tiles and bricks, also pillars, capitals, terra-cotta and bronze figurines, sculptures and reliefs and materials for fishing and weaving. Now, however, the expanding market for such goods stimulated their production on a far larger scale. This desire for more rapid production of marketable goods led to the introduction of human slavery. Previously, most male prisoners taken in warfare had been killed, while their women and children were taken into captivity as household servants or sold as slaves. But industrial development made warfare profitable not only for plunder, but for the provision of slave laborers. Indeed, piratical raids on distant settlements became a common means of increasing the supply of slaves. Furthermore, peasants obliged to borrow money at high interest often lost their land, then their animals, and could be reduced to selling into slavery their wife or children or even themselves. Interestingly enough, in­ scriptions discovered on the entrance walls of the theater at Butrint proved to be the publicized acts emancipating certain designated slaves (Liria 11 March 1977). In the tomb of a wealthy merchant in Lower Selenica ar­ cheologists found a skeleton still wearing leg shackles. The slave had been put there about 250 b .c . to serve his master in the world beyond the grave (Korkuti 1971, V-VI). In all honesty, however, it must be acknowledged that human slavery was never practiced in Albania to the same extent and with the same cruelty that it was practiced in Greece and Rome. Emergence of a W ealthy C lass

Illyrian merchant ships now touched not only the shores of the Adriatic, but all ports of the Mediterranean Sea. A wealthy merchant class gradually emerged, with a new aristocracy based on wealth not birth. Ex­ cavations show the homes of the wealthy having floors of multicolored mosaic stone cubes with as many as 19 different colors to illustrate floral, animal or geometric designs, or scenes including mythological personages (ibid., 79). One such floor at Apollonia showing Achilles' victory over the Amazons is noted for its artistic perfection (ibid., IX, 80). Just east of Butrint's theater a Pompeii-style residence was found, its rooms built around a peristyle or colonnaded inner courtyard open to the sky, with a garden and sculptured fountain (ibid., 113-14). Apparently this new wealth was not confined to the coastal commercial centers, for remains of a similar dwelling, its entrances decorated with colonnades, were found inland at Antigonea near Gjirokastra (ibid., V-VI). Monumental tombs hewn in the rock have yielded valuable artifacts indicating considerable wealth. One such in Lower Selenica a few miles northwest of Pogradec dating in the third century b . c . yielded "dozens of weapons, earthenware and bronze

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utensils, as well as many gold and silver ornaments, outstanding among which is a silver fastener representing three knights and a warrior" {ibid.). Some of the golden earrings featured very delicate filigree work {ibid., 46-47). C ultural D evelopment

The Fine Arts. The coming of the Greeks brought something yet more valuable than commerce. By 650 b .c . the demands of trade had led them to borrow the Phoenician alphabet and adapt it to their writing needs, thus creating a writing system of their own. Expanding trade within Albania compelled them also to devise some means of writing their own Albanian language, so they adopted the Greek characters, as noted on seals, tomb­ stone epitaphs, busts and coins. This of course would imply no ethnic iden­ tity with the Greeks, any more than their later adoption of Arabic or Latin characters for the Albanian language would imply ethnic identity with the Turks or Italians. The Greeks, however, had become altogether unique for their cultural development in many fields —literature, philosophy, geography, history, sculpture, architecture, art, music, poetry, drama, dance, science, medicine and mathematics —while the ancient Pelasgians and their Albanian descendants had excelled in their massive stone con­ struction and military exploits. Fortified urban centers multiplied throughout the land during this period, some walls of huge rectangular blocks of stone being carefully hewn, as thick as 20 feet, and topped with baked bricks to a yet greater height {ibid., IX). The coming of the Greeks introduced a new cultural dimension. They "enlarged and beautified" not only Apollonia, but all the population centers they touched. The increasing prosperity made it possible for the sturdy Illyrian construction to become a thing of beauty. The Agoras. So it was that Apollonia near Fier, long inhabited by the Toulant tribe of Illyrians, was embellished by Greek colonists from Corinth who came in 588 b.c . It rapidly became a large city with straight streets crossing at right angles. It also became famous for its Greek-style agora: an open square or plaza, paved and colonnaded, surrounded by shops and public buildings, with stone benches to invite social and business inter­ course. The agora itself was a rectangular space 40 by 246 feet, built with big blocks of stone and dating from the fourth century b .c . Widely known as the Portico, this monument featured two rows of Doric columns. The agora was open to the west, affording a splendid view over the Myzeqe plain to the Adriatic Sea. Its background featured 17 semicircular niches, each surmounted by an arch, to display the statues or busts of heroes and famous people of the city {ibid., 70). When ancient Butrint expanded down the hillside to the lowland early in the third century b .c ., an agora was built there, also at Byllis and elsewhere during the same period. Theaters. The theater at Apollonia, dating from the fourth century b .c ., was 66 feet long by 50 feet wide and open to the sky like all others at

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the time. The theater was used for dramas, both comedies and tragedies, and for oratorical and musical events. It had a raised stage for the actors, a semicircular floor before and below the stage for the chorus and in­ strumentalists and semicircular tiers of stone benches rising up the slope of the hill to seat 8,000 spectators. Two special features of this theater were an orchestra floor of marble beautified with red lines (Minerva 2 March 1934, 13-14) and a colonnaded portico as a stage background. Traces of similar structures were found at Finiq, Amantia and other cities. The theater of white marble unearthed at Butrint was built about 300 b.c . It was not large, seating only about 1,500, but it was unusually beautiful, and its lower portions are still preserved. This particular theater had 19 rows of benches rising on the slope of the hill, the first row being equipped with special chairs for the dignitaries of the city. The stage was backed by a high wall with niches adorned with sculptures (Liria 11 March 1977). Below Fier was Byllis, one of the largest cities of the Illyrian world. Its theater was larger than most others, seating 9,000, and like that of Apollonia, featured a colonnaded portico behind the stage (NAlb 1984, 3:26). The seats of the first rows were carefully carved out of the rocky hillside and had broad back supports (NAlb 1989, 4:14, 23). Its smaller mother city, nearby Nikae, excavated its own fourth century b.c . theater, with 15 rows of tiered seating for 1,000 spectators and a two-story stage (ibid.). Similar open air struc­ tures with tiered seating, orchestra and stage with niches reserved for sta­ tues were found in most cities (ibid.). A theater mask and some terra-cotta figures of comedians have come to light in Durrës (NAlb 1987, 1:34). Stadiums. The first stadium for sporting events discovered in Albania was the well-preserved rectangular (some say horseshoe shaped) structure of about 250 b.c . at the Illyrian city of Amantia in Plocha near Vlora. Ex­ cavations showed 17 rows of terraced seating on one side and eight on the other, seating 3,000 spectators (NAlb 1984, 3:26). Racing, wrestling, box­ ing and throwing the discus and javelin, as well as other athletic games were conducted here. It was here that the headless but dynamic figurine of a boxer was unearthed (Korkuti 1971, 41-42). The excavation of a major stadium at Byllis began in 1981 (ibid., 131). Continuing exploration in 1987 revealed under the stadium arena a cistern of rather large dimensions which supplied the town with water (NAlb 1987, 6:35). Athletic events and sport­ ing competition were also encouraged by the construction of gymnasiums like those at Byllis, Apollonia, Durrës and other cities. The sheer number and diversity of these social buildings designed for recreation and pleasure would suggest that some of the increasing prosperity may have trickled down to the people, emancipating them from the ceaseless round of grind­ ing poverty and dawn-to-dusk servitude. Shrines and Temples. One of the most famous shrines in old Albania was the magnificent monumental fountain at Apollonia known as the Shrine of the Nymphs or water goddesses. Dating from the third century B.c. (Korkuti 1971 IX, 72) this is probably the earliest of such discovered

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in Albania and was mentioned by Pliny as still famous in the first century 3:23). Water from several small springs on the hillside was supplemented by water from wells and cisterns and carried by six conduits to this monumental reservoir with its portico of Doric columns and niches for the display of statues. Niches in the wall around a semicircular pond at Butrint dedicated to the Nymphs once contained three statues, two of which have been found: those of Apollo and of young Bacchus with a beautiful head dating from the fourth century b.c . A sacred well there dating from the Grecian era served for many centuries and bore on its parapet the votive inscription: "Guinia Ruffina, friend of the Nymphs" (World's W ork June 1930, 65). The most ancient temple appearing to date is that of Artemis in Apollonia, built about 525 b .c ., located on the highest hill of the city. Found here was the famous relief carving of warriors in com­ bat, originating at that same date. The foundations of other temples and altars were found nearby, one of them dedicated to the god of medicine, Aesculapius. This cluster of similar structures shows that this hill was the sacred zone of the city. At the end of the fourth century b .c . the zone was surrounded by a wall 13 feet high (Liria 1 March 1984, 1). A temple of Aphrodite has come to light in Amantia, traces of a small temple were found at Butrint, and a sanctuary of the goddess Aphrodite was discovered on a hill at Durrës in 1970 (NAlb 1987, 1:34). The Thesaurus. A beautiful and deservedly famous thesaurus or treasury building dating back to the fourth or third century b.c . has been identified at Finiq near Saranda, reputedly the wealthiest fortified city of Epirus (Korkuti 1971, 43). This city's greatest development occurred in the third century b .c . Inscriptions. Numerous well-preserved inscriptions in Greek, the trade language, have been found at Butrint on two walls of the theater and on the stones of a tower of the city wall. These shed valuable light on the social and political life of the city in the third and second centuries b .c . Most of the tower inscriptions were acts announcing the liberation of certain slaves. The neatly carved inscriptions on the theater wall, still very legible, repre­ sent city ordinances (World's W ork June 1930, 66). Inscriptions on many tombstones in Durrës bear Illyrian names and figures in Illyrian dress, revealing the important role of Illyrians in the life of the city (NAlb 1984, 3:26). One such is the tombstone of a young student athlete with the Il­ lyrian name Dardan (NAlb 1987, 3:36). Another is the stone bust of a girl identified by the Illyrian name Kleitia in Greek capital letters, the inspired craftsman remaining anonymous. She wears the usual costume of an Il­ lyrian girl: an inner vest, decorative ribbons on the arms, a cape or scarf over the head and a necklace. The bust is preserved in Tirana's National Museum of Archaeology (NAlb 1989, 3:21). Recent excavations in the district of Gorisht near Vlora have produced not only furnaces for ceramics, building materials and archeological objects such as tools, earthen vessels, ornaments, coins, etc., but also two valuable epitaphs a .d . (Pliny 1947,

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dating back to the third century b.c . One of these was in the Greek alphabet, one in the Latin, showing that already Roman influences were beginning to replace those of the earlier Greeks (Liria 15 May 1983, 5). Ancient drawings are found carved in stone on the walls of a third century B.c. quarry on the Acroceraunian Peninsula (literally, Lightning Mountain) which forms the southern shore of the Bay of Vlora. Two human faces were carved in the rock wall of the Mermer (marble) quarry, probably by slaves working there at the time. The other quarry, called Gramata, has been covered with hun­ dreds of inscriptions, symbols and figures which interpret to us the culture of 2,000 years ago (NAlb 1986, 6:28). W orks o f Art. One of Albania's most ancient works of art was found at Apollonia: a six-foot-long stone carving or bas-relief dating back to the sixth century b .c . and picturing warriors in combat (Minerva 2 March 1934, 14). The figures of this limestone relief were painted red, blue and black and represented three warriors in combat with the mythical amazons. The war­ riors are only partially clothed, muscular, holding large round shields in their left hands and spears in their right. The limestone came from the nearby hills of Mallakastra, and the fine workmanship shows evidence of the early artistic skill of the craftsmen (Liria 1 March 1984, 1). A relief of Nike (Victory) was recovered at Butrint dating from the fifth century b .c . Terra-cotta statuary, figurines of fired clay, were apparently a specialty of Durrës sculptors. Beginning in the sixth century b.c ., they molded figures of females standing, seated on thrones and holding children. The statuettes were placed on altars in temples and shrines. Literally thousands of terra­ cottas dedicated to the cult of Aphrodite, Demeter, Persephone, Dionysius, Artemis and others have been recovered, dating from the third to the first century b .c . (NAlb 1987, 1:34). Aphrodite was represented with classical features, either in half-bust, standing or seated, sometimes naked, sometimes dressed, wearing earrings or a crown of flowers. Thus in 1984 when a prolonged drought lowered the level of Lake Seferan near Elbasan, many terra-cottas and ceramic vessels were found in the mud. Predomi­ nating were figurines of Aphrodite, the goddess of love, in various forms, all belonging to the third century b.c . Spread rather uniformly along the edge of the lake, they had undoubtedly been thrown into the water during religious ceremonies. Some figurines resembled the Durrës workmanship with the appearance and clothing typical of the Greek goddess. Others had features more characteristically Illyrian and clothing worn by Illyrian women: the short-sleeved blouse, the sleeveless dress with a V-neck and belt, as well as their typical head scarf (NAlb 1988, 2:30). Recovered near Durrës was a lion's head carved in white marble about the fourth century b.c ., with open mouth to spout water pouring from the roof tiles. Recovered also was a ceramic vase of the same period featuring a red-painted winged female figure of Nike, goddess of victory, also the figure of a dolphin carved in stone at about the same time (NAlb 1987, 3:36). A beautiful bronze Pegasus or winged horse dating from the fourth

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century b.c . was unearthed in the Illyrian settlement of Qinam near Kolonja. Probably made by a Greek artist to decorate a bronze vessel, its im­ port by the Illyrians gives evidence of their increasing interest in art (NAlb 1988, 2:31). A group of terra-cotta dancers and musicians came from the rubbish heap of an Apollonian ceramic workshop of the second half of the fourth century b .c . T wo musicians in the center of the group each plays a flute called an "aulos" consisting of two pipes, one carrying the melody and the other the drone. Behind them several rather crude figurines represent dancers, their mouths open singing, their stubby arms shortened because they were linked with one another in a circular dance quite like the tradi­ tional singing dance which survives to the present day (ibid., 30). Because the Illyrians believed in life beyond the grave, they buried per­ sonal ornaments with their dead. A wealth of such artifacts has been recov­ ered from tombs dating as early as the eleventh century b.c ., but especially those of the eighth and seventh centuries b.c . Articles found were buttons, belts, pendants, bracelets, necklaces, fibulae, pins, etc. These ornaments had a pronounced social character to differentiate the wearer, whether man or woman, according to his civic function or economic status. Some pen­ dants of circular plates with or without rays symbolized for the naturalistic Illyrians the sun god as the source of all life (NAlb 1986, 5:30). Remarkable was a necklace found in the sixth century b.c . tumuli of Kuch i Zi near Korcha. It was a very tasteful combination of big blue beads and beads of white glass from Greece, separated by beads of amber imported from the Baltic countries. These exotic ornaments indicate both the economic and the social development of the country at that early period (NAlb 1988, 2:31). Mosaics. With the development of artistic ability and increasing wealth, mosaic floors were installed in many public buildings and increas­ ingly in private homes. While true of Apollonia, this was especially true of Durrës, whose skillful craftsmen in metals, ceramics, cloth, leather and shipbuilding made this city wealthy as a commercial center as early as the fifth century b.c . Unfortunately, the modern city has been built over the ruins of the old, which hinders the unearthing of many ancient sites. It was the digging of an air-raid shelter there in March 1918 which first brought to light a most remarkable mosaic. Elliptical in form, the long dimension is 16.7 feet, the shorter dimension 9.8 feet. In the center, surrounded by many flowers, is a most gracious female head four feet high which has become widely known as "The Beautiful Girl of Durres." The unknown art­ ist used thousands of bits of mosaic stone of highly contrasting colors. Originating in the latter half of the fourth century b.c ., this is one of the oldest mosaics in the Balkans and one of the most gracious mosaic portraits ever recovered by the archeologists. Scholars comparing this figure with others in Italy and the British Museum conclude that she represents Aphrodite, Artemis or some other goddess honored by the Durrës popula­ tion because she assured an auspicious birth and happy progeny. In the

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early 1920s casual digging for foundations on the outskirts of Durrës brought to light other remarkable mosaics of the third century b .c . which evidence the luxury of some buildings of that early period. Fragments of vases of the fourth century b.c . were recovered nearby, as well as the re­ mains of equally ancient residences just 10 inches beneath the surface. In fact, below ground in this historic city there are so many antiquities that every time one digs to lay the foundation of a new building, some valuable archeological treasure is found. It is understandable, then, that all new con­ struction there is now under the strict supervision of the Institute of Monuments of Culture. Ironically enough, however, the valuable commercial expansion which enabled this prosperity also led to the piracy which brought Albania into collision with Rome and led to her utter collapse. G REEK EM BELLISH M EN T OF THE N A T U R A L IST IC PELA SG IA N R E L I GI O N Pelasgian N ature W orship The renewed and widespread contact with the Greeks would have pro­ found implications also for the religious life of the Albanians. Apparently the Pelasgians did not make graven images, small idols of their household gods or even sacred paintings or pictures. The many pages of Homer's epic poems are remarkably free of idol worship. The earliest Pelasgian religious worship had no material representation of their gods: no images, no idols, no statues, no sculpture, no pictures. Theirs was an idol-free nature wor­ ship. Having no revelation of divine truth like the contemporary Hebrews, these incredible Sons of the Eagle had nevertheless avoided the gross idolatry of India and the Euphrates where they had originated. But this would soon change. A very early intimation of such a transition may have been this. The new shield prepared for Achilles in his mortal combat with Hector was adorned with symbols of their nature gods: Earth, Heaven, Sea, Sun, Moon, Pleiades, Orion, the Great Bear and others (Iliad 18:239). Were these symbols the innocent beginning of a transition toward a more idolatrous approach to their gods, as was characteristic of the later Greek and Roman mythologies? Remaking

the

G ods

in

Human Form

Significantly, it was the Greeks not the Pelasgians who were noted for "the craft of written words" as a means of remembering things. It was the Greeks who also developed the artistic crafts of painting and sculpture so as to visualize and remember their religion. When they adopted the Pelasgian religion they found no fixed religious system crystallized by a revealed book or a charismatic founder. There was no developed theology, no systematized declaration of their teaching, no catechism or creed to define their religion. There was not even a regular clergy to perpetuate or

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require it, but each father served as priest of his own household. And these leaders could look for guidance only to a very flexible popular folklore transmitted by word of mouth from generation to generation. There was no priesthood to lend continuity, only a few "oracles" or soothsayers, usually old women presiding over an isolated sanctuary or shrine. City magistrates or civic leaders subject to frequent change did conduct public sacrifices and prayers. There were few temples. Obviously this adopted Pelasgian religion needed embellishment, and the Greeks were just the ones to accomplish that. They faced the basic question, "How can ordinary people relate satisfactorily to the immortals who are preoccupied with their own other­ worldly concerns?" True, they did intervene in human affairs when a Troy was at stake or a national hero was in jeopardy. But these transcendent im­ mortals had to be brought down to the level of the mortals. So philosophers sought to identify them with the mundane details of human life. Humanism was the essence of Greek art, and it became the essence of their religion. This was more than the simplistic anthropomorphism of Mt. Olympus. Every unexplainable phenomenon of the natural world was represented as the activity of a god or goddess. Those divinities were not transcendent, but dwelt in stones as well as stars, in a tree as well as the sea, in an animal as well as in a human. The Olympian family was adopted by the Greeks. It was their own Socrates who, in a dialog with Plato on the meaning of words, observed that "the Hellenes, especially those who were under the dominion of the barbarians, often borrowed from them" (Plato 1952, 7:98). Herodotus was more specific, asserting that the Greeks learned the names of their gods from the Pelasgians (Herodotus 1942, 2:52). He wrote also that it was Hesiod and Homer, both probably having Pelasgian roots, who "introduced the genealogies of the gods among the Greeks, assigned to them surnames, functions and honors, and clothed them in their several forms" (ibid., 2:53). Surely the Olympian family was expanded fantastically. Hesiod in the eighth century b . c . detailed the acts of procreation, adultery, rape and incest by which the immortals begot myriads of divinities, semidivine humans, humans, semihuman animals and ordinary or gro­ tesque animals. Besides the Olympian family Hesiod listed the names and devious origins of scores and scores of other divinities including Titans, Gorgons, Nymphs, Naiads, Dayads, Nereids, Oceanids, Oreads, Dryads, the Three Graces, the Nine Muses and the Three Fates. There were also the lecherous goat-man Satyrs, the hideous bird-woman Harpies, the snakeyhaired Furies and a host of assorted monsters and dragons (Hesiod 1953). These gods had power to help or harm people. If properly propitiated they could meet every person at the point of his every need; if not, they could destroy him. So people prayed to one divinity or another about every phase of their daily life: for the increased fertility of the herdsman's sheep, for a good harvest as the farmer plowed, sowed and reaped, for safety as the sailor went to sea, for victory as the contestant entered the games, for

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applause as players opened a theatrical performance, or approbation as officials convened a civic assembly. Patrons

This led to the recognition of a certain god or goddess as the protector or benefactor of individuals having a certain category of need. Thus Apollo as the lord of archery became the protector of the shepherd from marauding wild beasts, and of soldiers. As god of poesy and song he was also patron of poets and musicians. The surest way of winning his favor was by offering sacrifices accompanied by song and dance and poetry. Hephaestus (Vulcan) became patron of those working with fire, whether at the forge or in the kitchen. Athena was the wise patroness of skilled workers such as carpenters and masons, workers in metal and ceramics, as well as those with the spindle and loom, and was often pictured weaving or embroidering. The wing-footed Hermes protected messengers, travelers, merchants and commercial people. The lesbian Sappho maintained a sorority or academy for the cultural training of young women, operating under the patronage of Aphrodite, the goddess of love and beauty. Academies for medical training depended of course upon Aesculapius, the god of healing. Each city or town also adopted a particular god or goddess as its protector, with an appropriately imposing temple and a designated holy day for sacrifice and prayers. Thus Apollo became the protector of Apollonia, and a headless but otherwise perfect statue of the god dating from about 250 b .c . was unearthed there. So also Mercury was chosen as the patron of Durrës, and the merchants of the city credited him with mak­ ing this seaport one of the most active in the Mediterranean world. With increasing prosperity and luxury, however, the people decided to choose as their protectress the goddess of love and beauty, Aphrodite. To ra­ tionalize this change they pointed out that according to their mythology Aphrodite emerged from the foam of the sea, and along the coast was popularly worshipped as the protector of ports, sailors and maritime trade. In fact the Roman poet Catullus once identified Durrës as "the place of Aphrodite" (NAlb 1987,1:34). Fortunately for them, Mercury with godlike patience did not resent the switch of loyalties. But some of the residents of Durrës insisted that the city should have chosen Poseidon (Neptune) because they lived on the sea and did their business on the sea, and therefore they should have chosen the protection of the one who ruled the waves. But the pleasure lovers preferred the beautiful Aphrodite. They believe that she truly did protect the city in 435 B.c. when the Corinthians attempted to seize the city and the armies of Sparta and Athens swung to opposite sides and precipitated the Peloponnesian War, leaving Durrës quite uninvolved. That is what took place on earth. An Albanian writer whimsically reported what must have taken place up on Mt. Olympus: "Aphrodite naturally would not stay with folded hands. She would present herself before Zeus, would fall at his feet, probably would beg him with a

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smile to gain his intervention in favor of her city. And Zeus, although he was truly old, would not want to disappoint the charming Aphrodite" (.Drita 4 May 1940, 2). More than two centuries then passed quietly for Durrës, her commerce continually increasing, thanks to the intervention and patronage of Aphrodite. But honored above all these local divinities was Hera or Juno, called "Queen of Heaven" by Virgil (A eneid 1:9) and "Queen Hera of Argos" by Hesiod (Theogony 1) because of the famous tem­ ple dedicated to her there (Herodotus 1942, 1:31). Almost every household also adopted its protector, with an altar, a family idol and family sacrifices to secure protection and favor. Thus Aeschylus projected his fifth century b .c . practices back to the Trojans when he pictured Cassandra, daughter of Priam, who was taken captive to the home of Agamemnon and commanded to "stand with the great throng of slaves that flock to the altar of our household god" (Aeschylus, Agam em ­ non, 1959, 1:1037-38). Every effort was made to bring these immortals down from remote Olympus and relate them to the everyday life of mor­ tals. They were progressively humanized and domesticated. It should be noted that eventually the influential dead were also propitiated. On the death of Lycurgus, a Spartan lawgiver, his admirers built him a temple and "worshipped him with the utmost reverence" (Herodotus 1942,1:66). Also, a noble father was revered with offerings of flowers, libations (pouring liquid on the tomb), and prayers directed to him (Aeschylus, Libation Bearers, 1959, 1:88-89, 94). Idols

Paintings and statuary were also pressed into the service of religion as a means of making the invisible divinities more real. Also, how could art­ ists win the favor of these deities better than by honoring them with their beautiful paintings? The earliest Greek figure of a god was simply a wooden post with a roughly hewn head at the top, draped with a garment. But sculptors now sought to excel one another in portraying the gods in ex­ quisitely sculptured marble and molded bronze or even gold. Spartans about 550 b .c . tried to get from Croesus enough gold for a statue of Apollo (Herodotus 1942,1:69). It was a Greek sculptor, Polycletus, who in the fifth century b .c . made the statue of Juno for the temple at Argos. Herodotus also noted that Egyptian kings now "enriched with offerings many of the Greek temples," mentioning especially a statue of Minerva covered with plates of gold, also two or three statues of stone and two others of wood (ibid., 2:182). The "Dea" or "Goddess of Butrint" recovered in that city was probably the head of Apollo, a work of rare beauty characteristic of the Praxitelean school of sculpture of Greece in about the fourth century b .c . This rare find was unearthed in 1929 by the Italian archeologist Ugolini (World's W ork June 1930, 65). King Zog presented it personally to Mussolini, but in 1982 it was returned to the homeland and placed in the National Museum of History (Liria 15 August 1983, 4; 1 June 1984, 3).

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Progressively thereafter folk worship was not directed upward to an invisible Zeus or seaward to an invisible Thetis. Rather the people would face the beautiful image and direct worship through it to the invisible god and progressively to it as the visible representation of the invisible god. This would seem obvious in the lines of Sophocles, "Hail, Athena! Daughter of Zeus! .. . How well you have stood by me! I shall deck you with trophies all of gold in thanksgiving" (Sophocles, Ajax, 1941 2:91-94). Such religious statuary multiplied phenomenally, being used in sanc­ tuaries, temples, shrines, civic buildings and monuments, and especially in private homes. T emples

Although the Greeks still offered sacrifices and worshipped out of doors, the move toward enhancing or embellishing the earlier nature wor­ ship led to the multiplication of beautiful temples to house their beautiful gods. The folk worship became institutionalized. The earliest remains of large temples were dated about 650 b .c ., with a stone foundation and a rough building of sun-dried brick and timber. By 600 b .c . temples were be­ ing built entirely of stone, and later of polished marble. The temple always featured a statue of the god it honored and frequently was surrounded by stone or marble columns topped by capitals of Doric or Ionian or Corin­ thian style, increasingly elaborate with carvings of floral or leaf designs. Still later sculptured figures of gods adorned the triangular gabled end of the structure. Greek sculptors began using stone late in the seventh century b .c ., almost exclusively for religious purposes. Cities and towns vied with one another in erecting splendid temples for religious observances. Thus ar­ cheologists have discovered at Apollonia the most ancient temple, that of Artemis or Diana built about the sixth century b .c . on the highest hill of the city. The dimensions are quite average, but the lower part of the roof is decorated with various figures. The limestone taken from the hills of Mallakastra is carved in high relief and has been highlighted with strong colors: red, blue and black. Three warriors are shown in combat with amazons, the women warriors of mythology. The workmanship seems to date these figures and the temple just prior to 525 b .c . The use of local stone indicates that Apollonia at this early date had begun to produce artistic work. Other temples are found on the same hilltop. At the side of one of these sanctuaries archeologists discovered three pedestals in a row designated for three statues. One of these pedestals is beautified with carved roses (Liria 1 March 1984, 1). Inside a small temple at Butrint dedicated to Aesculapius researchers found two statues, some epitaphs and about 350 terra-cotta statuettes brought as votive offerings by the worshippers. Likewise at Butrint ar­ cheologists discovered another temple erected in honor of the Nymphs, having three fountains and several statues. Shrines and temples were often "fragrant with garlands" (Virgil 1950, 1:417). Thucydides affords us a

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fascinating insight into temple life: "The temple of Juno in Argos was also burnt down by the negligence of Chrysis the priest, who, having set a burn­ ing torch by the garlands, fell asleep, insomuch as all was on fire and flamed before she knew. Chrysis, the same night, for fear of the Argives, fled, and they according to the law chose another priest in her room, called Phaeinis" (Thucydides 1959, 4:133). Some temples became very popular and famous. Because of the preva­ lence of illness and the lack of proper medical facilities, sanctuaries to the god of healing, Aesculapius, became very popular. Victims of disease or in­ jury made pilgrimages to the sanctuary, where by purification ceremonies and prayers and offerings they might secure the intervention of the god for miraculous healing. Generous donations were left. As a testimonial grateful patients would purchase and dedicate a model of the part of the body for which healing had been sought: an eye, an ear or leg or arm, the model being made of clay for the poor, but of silver or gold for the more wealthy. Around such a sanctuary a whole complex of buildings developed to sell sacred emblems and souvenirs, food and housing for the staff and pilgrim-patients. Temples and shrines became wealthy, accumulating sacrificial gifts such as gold and silver bowls, goblets, vases and basins. The temple at Delphi was dedicated to Apollo, so Croesus, the last king of Lydia (560-546 b .c .) sent to Delphi a golden statue of a woman about five feet high, also a shield and spear of solid gold (Herodotus 1:51-52). The temple of Olympia was richly decorated with offerings from all over Greece: "a Jupiter of beaten gold . . . the largest was a statue of Jupiter in ivory, the workmanship of Phidias of Athens . . . also many and admirable pictures" (Strabo 1889, 8:3.30). Religious P rocessions

Herodotus claimed that the Greeks began their solemn assemblies, processions and litanies to the gods, having learned them from the Egyp­ tians (Herodotus 1942, 2:58). Anything theatrical and spectacular held special appeal to the masses. Women with castanets and men with pipes played; others sang continually and clapped their hands; all proceeded to sacrifice at a particular shrine. This was followed by feasting and drinking wine till the close of the day (ibid., 2:60). Increasingly, religion became a communal rather than a personal activity. Centrally located shrines like the temple of Zeus at Olympia attracted popular loyalty more than could the relatively remote sanctuary of Dodona, and the whispering oak trees could not arouse the same religious excitement as did the spectacular proces­ sions. The festival of Zeus became extremely popular when the Olympic games began there in 776 b .c . Held every four years, this festival attracted the best Greek athletes, poets, musicians and even the nobility in chariot races. Similar Pythian games centered later at the temple of Apollo at Delphi. This temple enjoyed greater fame, however, for its oracular priestess, the Pythia, whose unintelligible babblings were interpreted by

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temple priests as predictions of the future. During the sixth century b . c . several other cities erected temples with more incredible claims for their miracle-working idols and more colorful festivals in order to eclipse the competition and attract bigger crowds. So it was that the Greeks migrating into the peninsula adopted the sim­ ple Pelasgian nature worship they found there, embellished it, and gave it back to the Pelasgians when their commercial colonies "enlarged and beautified" their cities (Drita 17 July 1937, 3). Earlier the Trojan Laocoon had cried out his apprehension about the great hollow wooden Trojan Horse left before their city gate. "I fear the Greeks even when bringing gifts!" (Virgil 1950, 2:41-49). After many equally unhappy experiences, his modern Albanian descendants express their apprehension with this prov­ erb, "If you shake hands with a Greek, count your fingers!" Be that as it may, the originally unadorned Pelasgian nature worship had become over the years a beautifully embellished system of idolatry, thanks largely to the Greeks.

5. Dissolution of the Albanian Kingdoms and Their Subjugation by Rome (323-168 B.C.) The death of Alexander the Great signaled the end of the brief union of the three Albanian kingdoms: Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria. Without the unifying personality of Alexander his vast empire quickly dissolved. There being no hereditary successor to the throne, his very capable generals divided the empire, each setting up his own kingdom. Antipater continued his administration of Macedonia and Greece. Lysimachus took Thrace. Antigonus took Asia Minor. Ptolemy got Egypt, and Perdiccas took over Asia. Relations among these leaders gradually deteriorated. For 50 years the so-called Wars of the Successors tore the empire apart. Philip of Macedon and Alexander the Great were magnificent memories, but there was no worthy successor. By 275 b .c . relative stability prevailed once more, with the Seleucid dynasty in Asia, that of Ptolemy in Egypt and en­ virons, and that of Antigonus Gonatas in Macedonia. During the wars, however, native princes had assumed control of most of Epirus and Illyria. In effect Antigonus inherited only Macedonia and Greece. The three Pelasgian kingdoms of Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria each went its own way, cooperating in desperation altogether too late to avert their common ruin by the Romans. M A C ED O N IA Ten kings ruled briefly in Macedonia during those troubled years. C assander (317-298 B.C.)

One of those 10, Cassander, is credited with having upgraded the town of Alorus into a city which he renamed Thessalonica after his wife Thessalonice, the daughter of King Philip Amintas, about 315 b.c . T o ac­ complish this he is said to have pulled down about 26 towns in the district, collecting their populations into this one new city which would thereafter serve as the metropolis of Macedonia (Strabo 1 8 8 9 , Fragment 20). 110

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A ntigonus II G onatas (279-243 b .c .)

Macedonia faced hostile pressure from several directions. Barbarian Celts and Gauls flooded in from the north, devastating Macedonia and northern Greece. Antigonus repulsed them, however, in 277 b.c . Then Ptolemy of Egypt encouraged Sparta and the Peloponnesus to revolt against Macedonia in 278 b.c . He also persuaded his son-in-law, Pyrrhus of Epirus, to invade Macedonia from the west in 273? b .c ., and in 267 b.c . provoked a two-year rebellion by Athens and Sparta. City-states of the old Achaean League in the lower peninsula followed Macedonian leadership. But Antigonus lost control of those states in upper Greece which had banded together in the Aetolian League. With its mountain frontiers to the west and north relatively secure, Macedonia faced the Aegean Sea. It was natural then that it should carry on its prosperous trade principally with ports of the Aegean and Black seas. But Ptolemy's unfriendly naval control of the Aegean grain routes jeopardized Macedonia's trade and security, so Antigonus finally engaged the Egyptian fleet in battle off the coast of Cos in 258 b .c . and defeated it. Until his rule ended in 243 b.c . he devoted himself to an attempt to upgrade a decaying Macedonia and to resist con­ tinuing pressures on her several borders. He did succeed in establishing a degree of continuity with his 36-year reign. D emetrius II (243-225 b .c .)

The successor to the throne, Demetrius II, also gave priority to strengthening Macedonia rather than extending its frontiers. It is probable that the leaders of the neighboring Aetolian League recognized the value of a Macedonian buffer state against barbarians to the north and the nonaggressive attitude of recent Macedonian rulers. Accordingly they abandoned their former anti-Macedonian position and even solicited their help against the increasingly strong Achaean League then pressuring them from the Peloponnesus to the south. A ntigonus D oson (225-220 b .c .)

Antigonus acted for these few years as regent on behalf of young Philip V. Strangely enough, when members of the Achaean League felt themselves threatened by the expansionism of their neighbor Sparta, they reversed their anti-Macedonian attitude and appealed for help. Antigonus and Demetrius Pharos of Illyria fought as allies at the battle of Sellassia in 222 b.c ., defeating the Spartans. Thus Antigonus saved the Achaean League from extinction and reestablished the Macedonian protectorate over its states in the Peloponnesus. But this also set him at variance with Rome. An­ tigonus and Philip V after him attempted to reestablish Alexander's old Hellenic League set-up at Corinth, liberalizing it so as to attract other Greek states. Regretfully this effort met with only partial success, for by this time (2 2 0 b .c .) Rome had become painfully aware of both Epirus and Illyria. A

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greater degree of unity among these Pelasgian states and Greece would have prepared them all for the gathering storm. It might even have averted the storm. But that was not to be. Philip V (220-179 b .c .)

Philip began his rule as king of Macedonia while only 18 years of age. Macedonia was a strong state militarily and financially, having all of Thessaly subject to him, as well as all the chief fortresses of Greece, several provinces and islands and other isolated districts. In contrast with a debilitated Greece, Macedonians possessed a sturdy nationalistic vigor much like that of the Romans themselves. Facing the Aegean Sea, Macedonia may have been less conscious of the rising power of Rome than were Epirus and Illyria facing the Adriatic, but Philip seemed to have a genius for attracting more hostile attention than both of them put together. Rome would not overlook his military adventure in the Peloponnesus. When Rome as punishment drove the allied King Demetrius out of Illyria in 219 b .c ., he took refuge at the Macedonian court at Pella, where Philip gallantly refused the Roman demand for his surrender (Mommsen 1874, 2:121). The refugee king then proposed that Philip liberate Illyria from the Romans and agreed to cede it to Macedonia. Rome at this time was fighting for its life against Hannibal of Carthage. So Philip in 217 b .c . concluded an offensive alliance with Carthage against Rome. Macedonia was to land an expeditionary army on the coast of Italy to cooperate with Hannibal's forces in a great anti-Roman alliance. Following the anticipated victory Philip would regain the Roman possessions in Epirus. In preparation for the conflict he made peace with the Aetolian League. But his lack of decisiveness doomed the united campaign. Or it may have been that the 21-year-old Philip was envious of the meteoric career of the 30-year-old Hannibal. Whatever the reason, he broke his promise to bring troops to Tarentum to join Hannibal's expedition in southern Italy in 215 b .c . The great anti-Roman alliance bogged down. Instead, Philip determined to take over the Roman holdings in Epirus in 214 b .c . The small Roman army then occupying Apollonia and Oricum neutralized Philip so he could not respond to Hannibal's fiery pleas. Rome also stirred up the anti-Macedo­ nian sentiment of the Aetolian League and of the semi-barbarous Thracians so as to waste their strength and resources fighting each other rather than their common enemy. Hostilities gradually died down, and in 205 b .c . Rome signed the Peace of Phoenice (Finiq) with Philip, retaining, however, most of the disputed protectorate. This became known as the First Mace­ donian War, 214-205 b.c . The Second Macedonian War would soon follow. Three years later in 201 b .c . Rome was preoccupied with concluding a peace with Carthage. Philip seized several important Greek cities and territory along the Aegean coast of Asia Minor, in two instances showing unnecessary cruelty. Follow­ ing territorial encroachments in Illyria, he extended his eastern border from

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the Strymon River through Thrace to the Nestus River near the Hellespont. In the process he seized several more Greek cities which were allied to the Aetolian League. The League appealed to Rome for help, but this had to be deferred for the time. Philip's aggrandizement continued, and the League's appeals to Rome became more urgent. Rome's warnings to Philip were ig­ nored brusquely, as was an ultimatum. Then to punish the Athenians for an injustice done to their Greek ally Acarnania, Macedonian troops accom­ panied Acarnanian troops against Athens. This was the last straw. The Sec­ ond Macedonian War began. Rome went to war against Philip, posing as the protector of the freedom of the Greek states. Philip's potential allies of the Hellenic League exercised their right to remain neutral, and Philip found himself isolated. In 200 b .c . Roman troops landed at Apollonia on the Adriatic coast of Epirus and marched eastward through the mountains to the frontier of Macedonia. Even the Illyrians joined the Roman advance, eager to extend their own territory. Following skirmishes in the mountains the Romans returned to Apollonia with little to show for their year of effort. The campaign had bogged down. In 198 b .c . a new general, Flaminius, prosecuted the campaign more vigorously. He wintered in Greece where he enlisted the neutral states against Philip and crushed the loyal allies one by one. The decisive battle of the war was fought in 197 b .c . at the Greek border town of Cynoscephalae. The Romans dictated rather moderate terms of peace. Philip had to surrender all territory outside of Macedonia itself, pay an annual war indemnity, make no foreign alliances without permission from Rome, send no garrisons abroad, make no war outside of Macedonia, limit his army to 5,000 men, surrender all but five war ships, contribute Macedonian troops to serve with Roman legions and as surety send hostages to Rome, including his younger son, Demetrius. Flaminius, departing in 194 b .c ., did permit continued independence, realizing the importance of such a buffer state between Greece and the bar­ barians of the Danube Valley. But Macedonia was now a satellite or protec­ torate of Rome. Soon afterwards the Aetolian League and Sparta joined with Antiochus of Syria in urging Philip to cooperate with them in war against Rome. Philip distrusted the Greeks and refused. So when Roman troops landed again at Apollonia in 191 b.c . he allowed them to move freely through Macedonia, placed his troops at Rome's disposal and furnished them with supplies. In fact, the Romans were so disgusted with the Aetolians that they permitted a coalition of Macedonians, Illyrians, Epirots, Acarnanians and Achaeans to fall upon the Aetolians and punish them until they repeatedly pleaded for peace. Whereupon Rome rewarded Philip with limited territory along the border of Thessaly, returned many of the hostages and canceled repayment of further indemnity. However, Rome would not permit Macedonia to regain her former power, but con­ sidered her a protectorate whose internal affairs and foreign policy were both subject to Roman supervision.

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Philip was naturally proud of Macedonia's national traditions and cherished her independence. Forbidden to expand territorially, he concen­ trated on consolidating and developing the country. Strabo recorded that "he raised a very large revenue from the mines" (Strabo 1889, 7:5.8). He also exploited their rich forest resources, reclaimed land for improved agriculture, imposed tithes on grain produced and customs duty on im­ ports. He also fostered good relations with Epirus, which resentful Greek neighbors interpreted as preparation for further war with Rome. Plutarch was more explicit. He alleged that Philip left the cities on the highways and seacoast ungarrisoned and apparently desolate, while assembling troops and stockpiling provisions and supplies at inland strongholds out of sight. Correctly or not, he estimated that there were arms for 30,000 men besides 8 million bushels of corn and money enough to maintain 10,000 mercenary soldiers for 10 years. In fact, most cities and states throughout Greece and the Aegean coastal region, released from their subjection to Macedonia, delighted in the Roman humiliation of Philip. Trivial complaints against him poured into Rome. Some of the accusations were neutralized by Demetrius, Philip's younger son, who as a hostage at Rome had become a great favorite. Unfortunately, Perseus, the elder son and heir apparent, suspected that the Romans were planning to place the younger son on the throne, so brought about his death through family intrigue just before the death of Philip in 179 b . c .. Perseus (179-168 b.c .) Perseus had experienced with his father the humiliation of Macedonia under the Romans and shared his father's vision of national revival. Like his father he devoted himself to the development and strengthening of the country. Repeatedly the Greeks complained to Rome that Macedonia was preparing for war. They also charged Macedonia, rightly or wrongly, with attempting to kill a Greek king, Eumenes. Actually Eumenes had visited Rome to urge further military intervention against Macedonia. On return­ ing home he narrowly escaped death near Delphi when a rock bounded down the mountainside. He considered this an attempt on his life and blamed Perseus, sending charges to Rome. Perseus did, however, approach oppressed peoples within the empire and the barbarian hordes beyond the frontiers about an anti-Roman coalition. He discovered considerable sym­ pathy. Even most of the Greeks expressed themselves as willing to follow Perseus if they could regain freedom from Rome. Rome now had sufficient ground for the Third Macedonian War: secret foreign alliances without Rome's approval and the obvious intent of Perseus to supplant Rome as the protector of Greece. The Roman army landed at Apollonia in 171 B.c., one body moving through Thessaly to approach Macedonia from the south, another smaller body moving on Illyria to approach Macedonia from the west. At the ap­ proach of actual warfare the Greek states collapsed which had favored the

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coalition. Some states openly cooperated with Rome, while others pro­ claimed very loudly their neutrality. Perseus found himself standing almost alone. But he won the first encounter rather decisively. Thereafter, neither he nor the Roman commander prosecuted the war vigorously. It became a stalemate. Roman cruelty, injustices and extortion alienated the civilian population. The year ended with no military gains and many political losses. The blunders of the Macedonians, however, were as serious as the blunders of the Romans. Perseus was charged with having an inordinate love for the royal treasury, amassing it for war but at the crucial moment unwilling to part with it. Specifically, Plutarch (229-160 b .c .) in his Life o f Perseus charged him with being so stingy that he lost the support of 10,000 fierce Gaul mercenary horsemen who had actually arrived in Macedonia for battle. He also charged Perseus with stingily betraying King Gentius of Illyria whom he had enlisted as an ally when promising payment of 300 talents. He allegedly paid the promised amount, upon which Gentius cruelly imprisoned several Roman ambassadors at his court. Then Perseus, sure that Gentius had committed himself as an enemy of Rome and in­ volved himself in the war, somehow got back the 300 talents! Plutarch described pathetically how Perseus afterwards saw Gentius with his wife and children carried prisoners to Rome. The story of course may be apocryphal. Rome was unhappy with the stalemate on the battlefield and alarmed over the enlistment of Illyria and the threat of Gauls invading Italy from the north. In 168 b .c . they drafted a veteran, Aemilius Paulus, to replace the incompetent Roman generalship and prosecute the war against Perseus. Plutarch told how the general following his appointment returned home to find his little daughter weeping. Taking her in his arms he asked why she was crying. Catching him about the neck and kissing him, she said, "Oh, father, do you not know that my Perseus is dead?" referring to her little dog of that name. Aemilius replied, "Good fortune, my daughter. I embrace the omen" (Plutarch 1952, 217). The new commander proceeded to join his troops on the Macedonian border. Pliny, who was particularly interested in the relation between the natural and the supernatural, described the apprehension of the Ro­ man troops on the eve of the great battle of Pydna in 168 b .c . Lest his superstitious troops interpret the eclipse of the moon that night as a bad omen, the commander brought a Roman astronomer, Sulpicius Gallus, to announce it to an assembly beforehand (Pliny 1947, 2:9). This relieved them of their fear. Plutarch's Life o f Aemilius Paulus provides considerable detail on the decisive battle of Pydna. Within one hour of fierce fighting the Romans defeated Perseus, who fled to Pella with his gold, then to Samothrace where he surrendered. His army was annihi­ lated. Within two days Macedonia had capitulated to the Romans. Perseus was led in triumph at Rome with his three children, "the most illus­ trious captive whom the Roman general had ever brought home" (Momm-

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sen 1874, 2:356). A few years later he died as an honored state pris­ oner. Thus ended the Macedonian kingdom. To destroy national unity and prevent a future rebirth, the Romans divided the country into four separate republics. Ordinary business relations, ownership of property and even in­ termarriage across boundaries were all forbidden. All who had held office under Perseus were interned with their families in Italy for 16 years, as were 1,000 Greeks who were traitorously betrayed as having favored the cause of Perseus. Among these was the historian Polybius. To hinder economic recovery and national revival the Romans also temporarily closed the gold and silver mines and the forests. They disarmed the people and razed all the fortresses except those along the northern frontier. The punishment of Greece, however, was much more severe. Their pro-Macedonian spokesmen were hunted down and executed. So it was that Rome effec­ tively ruled out any significant history of Macedonia for the foreseeable future. EPIRU S P yrrhus (296-272 b .c .)

Pyrrhus was probably the most distinguished ruler of Epirus. Tracing his ancestry back to Achilles, he was a son of Aeacides, the cousin of Alex­ ander of Molossus who ruled the Molossians from Yanina. Unfortunately, Aeacides became entangled in regional family politics, first losing his kingdom then his life in 313 b . c . His son, Pyrrhus, then six years of age, was rescued by Glaucias, prince of the Illyrian Taulanti tribe. Restored to the throne briefly as a boy, he was expelled again and began his military career with Antigonus of Macedonia, the veteran commander who had served with Alexander the Great. Captured in battle, he was taken as a hostage to Alexandria. There he won the admiration of Ptolemy, who gave his daughter in marriage and in 296 b . c . restored him to his paternal kingdom. Pyrrhus was noted for his noble bearing and his bravery in bat­ tle. The Epirots called him "Eagle." An Albanian tradition claims that their name "Shqiptarë" (Sons of the Eagle) originated with a statement made by Pyrrhus. When someone praised the swiftness of his troop movements, Pyrrhus proudly replied that this was natural, inasmuch as his soldiers were "sons of the eagle," their movements similar to the majestic flight of the king of birds (Chekrezi 1919,17). A somewhat different version is that when his troops praised his swift bold attacks and called him the eagle, he replied that they were his pinions or wings, which enabled the swift flight of the eagle. This it is said led to the adoption of the name by which this people still recognize themselves: not Albanians, but "Shqiptarë," Sons of the Eagle. It was about this time that the Greek colonies of Corfu and other Ionian islands began to call the neighboring mainland "Epirus" (the main-

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land) in contradistinction to their island home. Greek historians gradually dropped the term Molossia, and referred instead to the "Kingdom of Epirus" (Pouq 1805, 3:1) and to "Pyrrhus of Epirus" (Chekrezi 1936, 43). This change of name, however, in no way affected the Pelasgian or Albanian character of that region. Epirus extended as far south as the gulf of Ambracia (Arta). In fact the Greek geographer Strabo wrote, "For those enter­ ing the gulf of Arta by boat, on the right hand are the Acarnanians who are Greek, on the left are Nicopolis and the Cassopians who are Epirotes" (Strabo 1889, 7:325). Thus Strabo distinguished the Epirotes from the Greeks. Ambracia had formerly been a flourishing city, but it had fallen into decay. Pyrrhus "embellished it more than any other person, and made it a royal residence" {ibid., 7:7.6). Pyrrhus was widely recognized as a great and good prince. He ex­ tended his territory to include the island of Corfu and the border regions of Macedonia. With the continual jockeying for power by these regional princes, and the very fluid borders defining their jurisdiction, conflict was inevitable and perennial. It is reported that on one occasion when battling their Macedonian kinsmen, the Macedonian soldiers were so impressed with Pyrrhus' resemblance to Alexander the Great that they forsook their king and united with him (Chekrezi 1936, 42). Indeed, when an unworthy Macedonian king, Demetrius, was dethroned, they invited Pyrrhus to rule Macedonia also. Within seven months, however, he realized that most proud Macedonians would prefer a bad Macedonian ruler to a good non-Macedonian, so he voluntarily relinquished the throne in 287 b . c . Pyrrhus envisioned instead an empire in the West similar to that pro­ posed 40 years earlier by his father's cousin, Alexander Molossus. Rome, considered traditionally to have been founded in 753 b . c ., had gradually emerged as the most powerful city-state in Italy, then had united the diverse groups into a confederation under Roman leadership. Rome had become a strong unified republic. The Gallic or Celtic invasion swept down from the north about 400 b . c ., partly destroying Rome itself by fire in 390 b . c . and dominating much of Italy for a while. The Samnite wars of 326 to 312 b . c . and again from 299 to 291 b . c . had just been concluded as Pyrrhus began to look westward. Inspired possibly by the pontoon bridge thrown across the Hellespont by the Persian Xerxes 200 years before, Pyrrhus ac­ cording to Pliny was the first to conceive of a similar bridge across the Adriatic at its narrowest point, the Strait of Otranto (Pliny 1947, 3:11). His opportunity came in 282 b . c . The wealthy merchant city of Tarentum (Taranto) in southernmost Italy, a Spartan colony, resented the Roman fleet in their harbor contrary to treaty, and appealed to Pyrrhus for assistance. Without waiting to solve the engineering problems involved in the bridge, he adopted the more conventional method of transporting his 25,000 troops across the Adriatic by ship. Besides his 3,000 horsemen he also took 19 war elephants, the first time the Italians had ever seen the huge beasts. With a Roman army approaching, the Tarentines preferred their

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possible subjection to Pelasgian Pyrrhus rather than to the barbarian Romans, so they gave Pyrrhus supreme command of the anti-Roman forces. Pyrrhus first wrote to the Roman consul, Valerius Laevinus, offer­ ing to arbitrate between Rome and Tarentum. The consul replied bluntly that Pyrrhus should mind his own business and return to Epirus. When an Epirote spy was captured behind Roman lines, Laevinus showed him the legions in battle games then sent him back to tell Pyrrhus that if he was curious about the Roman soldiers and tactics, he should come and see them for himself (Smith 1876, 418). In the battle that followed, Pyrrhus engaged Roman troops twice as great as his own at Heraclea near Tarentum (280 b . c .) and won the battle. But he lost so many of his officers and best troops that he exclaimed, "Another such victory and I must return to Epirus alone!" (ibid., 728). This gave rise to the expression a "Pyrrhic victory." Although this was Rome's first military contact with the Greek world to the east, it was by no means the last. Hoping for peace and the freedom of the Greek communities in It­ aly, Pyrrhus sent to Rome his most eloquent minister, Lineas. The envoy's phenomenal memory astounded Pliny, for he "knew the names of those in the Roman senate and knighthood the day after his arrival in Rome" (Pliny 1947, 7:24). But Rome refused to negotiate, so Pyrrhus marched on the capital city itself, with its several armies and militia massed in defense. Unable to capture the city, he turned south for the winter. At Asculum he defeated more Roman troops. For the second time he released all his Roman prisoners with clothing and money, asking them to mediate peace for him (Dionysius 1948, 20:1-6). At this juncture Carthage offered to come to the assistance of Rome with a military alliance, hoping actually to expand its holdings in Sicily. This greatly alarmed the Greek colony of Syracuse, which begged Pyrrhus for military aid against the Carthaginans. Pyrrhus was altogether willing to accommodate them. He crossed into Sicily in 278 b . c . and succeeded brilliantly in regaining most of the island from Carthage. He built a strong war fleet by 276 b . c . Unfortunately Pyrrhus attempted to rule these freedom-loving Greeks just as arbitrarily as he had seen Ptolemy rule in Egypt, and the Greeks would not tolerate it. They refused to accept his offer to serve as their king, some openly preferring Carthage to his military government. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, whose Greek birth and Roman residence may not have left him altogether unprejudiced as a historian, blamed Pyrrhus. He wrote that Pyrrhus acted as arrogantly and tyranically as their Italian oppressors, confiscating estates and distributing high offices among his friends and captains. He banished or even executed prominent men on trumped-up charges. He offended their sensibilities even more by sacrilegiously plundering the unguarded treasures of their temples. When he eventually withdrew to go to Tarentum, adverse winds wrecked several of his ships including those transporting the temple treasure. Despite every advantage in his favor, Pyrrhus lost his next battle "because of the wrath

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of the goddess" (ibid., 20:8- 12). This was the quite inconclusive battle of Beneventum. Following this, in 275 b .c . he returned home, leaving a gar­ rison in Tarentum, but leaving Italy to the Romans. Not only Epirus, but Greece and the East were now becoming aware of the new power rising in the West. Ptolemy in Egypt was also attempting to expand. Not content with his naval control of the Aegean shipping routes, he fomented revolts in Greece and Macedonia. In fact, Pyrrhus was persuaded all too easily to invade Macedonia from the west, but without great success. Nor would he attack Illyria, for her king, Glaucias, had received him when an infant and helped to restore him to the throne of Molossia when he was only 12 years of age. So he turned his arms against Greece. Penetrating as far east as Peloponne­ sian Argos, he must have been dismayed when the Argives would not ad­ mit him within the city. And here at Pelasgian Argos of all places, he would end his career in 272 b . c . Just as his hero Alexander the Great had ter­ minated his brilliant career so inappropriately on a sickbed in Babylon, Pyrrhus would end his brilliant career ignominiously under the walls of Argos, when an angry old woman hurled a tile from her rooftop and struck him on the head! (Strabo 1889, 8:6.18). Pliny in his Natural History re­ corded a most unnatural phenomenon observed in Rome: "On the day when Pyrrhus died, the heads of sacrificial victims when cut off, crawled about the ground licking up their own blood, an incredibly happy portent" (Pliny 1947, 11:77). A bust identified by scholars as that of Pyrrhus was recovered in Herculaneum at the foot of Mt. Vesuvius and is preserved in the National Archaeological Museum of Naples (NAlb 1989, 1:30). A lexander (272-? b .c .)

Pyrrhus was succeeded by his son Alexander who had frequent alter­ cations with Macedonia. Significantly, however, neither of these early Albanian kingdoms sought an alliance with Greece against the other. Fragmentation (?- i 68 b .c .)

After Alexander, Epirus was divided among a number of related tribal princes who governed their own districts as mini-kingdoms. Many of these sided with Perseus of Macedonia in his struggle against Rome. Accord­ ingly, the angry Roman senate ordered their newly appointed general, Aemilius Paulus, to authorize his soldiers to plunder the cities of Epirus as punishment (Pliny 1947, 4:10). Following the battle of Pydna the Roman troops destroyed 70 cities of the Epirotes, most of which belonged to the Molotti tribe, and sold into slavery 150,000 of the inhabitants (Strabo 1889, 7:7.3). Most of these were carried over to Italy. One century later Strabo wrote that even though the countryside was rugged and full of mountains, "the whole of Epirus and Illyria were once well-peopled. At present the greater part is uninhabited, and the inhabited parts are left in the state of villages, or in ruins. Even the oracle at Dodona has almost been deserted

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like the rest" (ibid., 7:7.9). Mute witness to Rome's fierce retribution on Epirus was found 2,000 years later when excavations at Antigonea near Gjirokastra revealed a considerable layer of ash from the fire which com­ pletely destroyed this city and 69 others like it. ILLY R IA With the breakup of Alexander's empire, Illyria seized the opportunity to regain its independence of Macedonia. Strabo pictured the Illyrians as occupying a portion of the land between the Danube River on the north and Macedonia with Epirus on the south. The Illyrians then occupied the western portion of this Balkan territory reaching to the Adriatic Sea, the Thracians occupying the eastern portion reaching to the Euxine (Black) Sea (Strabo 1889, 7:5.1). There is no known succession of kings during this ini­ tial period. Apparently the Illyrians did not keep records, and they seldom came into contact with other more literate peoples. Three kings named Klito, Glaucias and Pleurates were among those who ruled during this period, but we know little about their dates or accomplishments. M onun (c a . 280 B.C.)

Monun was an Illyrian king from the Taulanti tribe who ruled about 280 b . c . For some time Durrës and Apollonia had existed as independent city-states like those of Greece. But King Monun reestablished Illyrian authority over all its former territories from the Adriatic to the Macedonian border, including both Durrës and Apollonia. He commemorated this ac­ complishment by minting silver coins carrying the name Durrës and his own likeness (Liria 21 November 1980). An unusual treasure of 193 ancient silver coins came to light in the Fier district near old Apollonia. King Monun had issued 37 of these coins in 280 b . c . (Liria 1 October 1983, 3). Monun waged war continually with Macedonia along their common border. There on the shore of Lake Ochrida during World War I a passerby happened to find a helmet which once belonged to Monun. This so-called Crown of Monun pictured in Korkuti's article is a semicircular helmet with slightly protruding edges, embellished by a flowing tassel. At the back a dotted inscription includes the words "Basileos Monounious" (Of King Monun). This national treasure is preserved in the Berlin Museum (NAlb 1989, 1:30). King Monun was succeeded by King Mytili (FESH1985, 724). A gron (2501-231 B.C.)

Agron was the son of Pleuratus, his kingdom extending from Dalmatia on the north to the Aous (Vjosa) River on the south. His capital city, Shkodra, was already famous for its ships and seamen. He built a powerful navy which preyed on the shipping of both Greece and Rome. These acts of piracy attracted the unfavorable attention of both states. He developed both an army and a navy stronger than those of any of his predecessors. Agron induced the Illyrian tribesmen to join in the most common and fruit-

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ful business venture they were fitted for: piracy. Squadrons of their swift vessels with two banks of oarsmen plundered merchant shipping in the Adriatic regardless of nationality. The Greek settlements of Epidamnus (Durrës), Apollonia and Pharos on Corfu were also attacked. The pirates also established themselves farther south in Finiq, the most flourishing town in Epirus (Mommsen 1874, 2:90), and on the lower west coast of Greece. In alliance with Demetrius II of Macedonia Agron defeated the Aetolians in Acarnania, western Greece, in 231 b . c . Agron celebrated his victory by drinking so heavily that he collapsed and died. T efta (231-? B.C.)

Tefta or Teuta, the widow of King Agron, acted as regent for her young stepson Pinneus. Her first decision was to drive the Greek colonies off the Albanian coast. Attempting this, she found Durrës too well fortified, but Finiq farther south surrendered. While her Illyrian ships were off the coast of Saranda they intercepted and plundered some merchant vessels of Rome. Encouraged by this success, Tefta's pirates extended their operations southward in the Ionian Sea, westward along the coast of Italy, and were soon feared as the terror of the Adriatic. As soon as Rome's preoccupation with the threatened Gaulic invasions was somewhat relieved, she re­ sponded to the repeated appeals of her beleaguered merchant towns. The Roman senate sent two ambassadors to the pirate lair at Shkodra to require reparations and demand an end to the piratical expeditions. Tefta assured them that her warships would not trouble their merchant ships again, but she could give no assurance that merchant vessels would not plunder one another. Apparently she told the ambassadors that according to the law of the Illyrians piracy was a lawful trade and that her government had no right to interfere with this as a private enterprise. One of the envoys is reported to have replied that in that case Rome would make it her business to in­ troduce better law among the Illyrians. At any rate, one of the ambassadors addressed the queen so disrespectfully that her offended attendants killed him as he embarked for Rome. This was too much for Rome to endure. In 229 b . c . Rome declared war on Illyria and for the first time sent armies across the Adriatic to the Balkan Peninsula. The Roman fleet of 200 ships went first to Corcyra (Corfu). Tefta's governor, Demetrius, at Pharos had little alternative but to surren­ der, and the Romans awarded him a considerable part of Tefta's holdings (228 b . c .). The Roman army then landed farther north at Apollonia. The combined army and navy proceeded northward together, subduing one town after another and besieging Shkodra, the capital. Tefta finally sur­ rendered in 227 b . c ., having to accept an ignominious peace. The Romans allowed her to continue her reign but restricted her to a narrow region around Shkodra, deprived her of all her other holdings, and forbade her to sail an armed ship below nearby Lissus (Lezha) just south of her capital. They also required her to pay an annual tribute and to acknowledge the

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final authority of Rome. Thus the damage was done. Thanks to Queen Tefta the expanding empire of Rome had learned the military route to the peninsula. D emetrius P haros (7-219 b .c .)

Tefta's former governor on the island of Corfu eventually succeeded her as ruler over Illyria and the Greek colonies along the coast. By 222 b . c . he broke off his relations with Rome and resumed piratical attacks on Roman shipping. Hoping to expand his territory southward, he formed an alliance with Antigonus Doson of Macedonia. In 222 b . c . their troops fought as allies at the battle of Sellassia in the Peloponnesus. Rome sent General Aemilius Paulus to punish Demetrius. Unfortunately for him, his ally Antigonus had just died, and Macedonia with a new 18-year-old king, Philip V, was in no position to give help. Shkodra fell to the Romans in 219 b . c . Demetrius fled into exile, taking refuge in the Macedonian court at Pella, where young Philip gallantly refused Roman demands for his sur­ render. Needless to say, this effective Roman intervention encouraged the long-suffering Greek traders. It also encouraged the anti-Macedonian ele­ ment in Greece who were becoming uneasy over the efforts of the Mace­ donian king, Philip V, to reactivate the old Hellenic League. PlNNEUS (7 - 2 0 5 ? B.C.)

Little consecutive history is possible here. We do know that Tefta's stepson, Pinneus, was left on her defeat under the guardianship of Demetrius of Pharos. Upon the defeat of Demetrius the Romans placed Pin­ neus upon the throne of Illyria, requiring him to pay tribute. Upon his death an uncle, Scerdilaedus, the young brother of King Agron, became king. He seems to have continued an alliance with Rome, even fighting against Philip V of Macedonia until his death about 205 b . c . P leuratus (205-? B.C.)

Philip of Macedonia was continually probing the borders of his neighbors with a view to Macedonian expansion. So in 203 b . c . Roman troops drove Philip's raiders out of Illyrian territory with stern warnings. Pleuratus ruled at Shkodra in 200 b . c . and was so eager to extend his ter­ ritory that he cultivated friendly relations with the Romans, even joining in their attacks on Macedonia. Accordingly, when the treaty of Flaminius in 197 b . c . took from Philip V all his holdings outside of Macedonia itself, Pleuratus received the territory east of Durrës as an Illyrian province. This made the "state of robbers and pirates" a powerful principality once again. G e n tiu s (7- i 68 b . c .)

The last king to rule over Illyria was Gentius, the son of Pleuratus. Even though nominally subject to Rome, he apparently resumed piratical expeditions along the Adriatic Sea as early as 180 b . c . He also responded

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favorably to the approaches of Perseus of Macedonia for an anti-Roman coalition. Just then the ambassadors of Issa, a Greek island colony on the Dalmatian coast above Shkodra, complained to the Roman senate about Gentius. Rome sent ambassadors to Shkodra for negotiation, but he im­ prisoned them and prematurely committed himself to war with Rome. The following year, 168 b . c ., a small Roman army moved against him. Within 30 days they captured his pirate fleet, his capital, Shkodra, and the king himself. His capitulation to Rome marked the end of the Illyrian kingdom. Gentius went to Rome in chains, side by side with Perseus of Macedonia as prisoner of war in the triumphal procession of Aemilius Paulus. This marked the end of the Third Macedonian War, as well as the end of Illyria. The Romans split the Illyrian territory into three small unrelated states and required payment to Rome of half their property taxes. She also confiscated the Illyrian ships and awarded them to the more cooperative Greek towns along the Adriatic coast. PoSTLUDE

Two observations have significance here. Even when facing this ex­ tremity, the Albanian states made no appeal to neighboring Greece for help, nor did Greece offer any. Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria had their fre­ quent quarrels, but frequently they did find common cause among them­ selves as kinsmen. But there does not seem to have been any common bond, any mutual sympathy between these three states and their neighbor Greece. Again it must be obvious that Illyria had gained a reputation in its lat­ ter years which it could not soon live down. One century after its fall to Rome Strabo wrote in his geography of the peninsula that Illyria was "avoided on account of the savage manners of the inhabitants and their piratical habits" (Strabo 1889, 7:5.10). Many of the survivors of Illyria's col­ lapse fled to their remote mountain fastnesses where they could preserve their language and customs and some measure of freedom. But the descen­ dants of the old Pelasgian people living in Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria, these early Albanians, had lost their cherished liberty for the next 2,000 years.

Part Two

Developing Albania Subjugated by the Romans and Its Christianization (1 6 8 B .C .-A .D . 1 5 0 3 )

6. The Roman Period (168

B .C .-A .D .

395)

A LBA N IA N RESEN TM EN T OF RO M A N RULE Neither eagles nor eagle people can endure captivity. They are not canaries to sing happily in a cage. For the "Shqiptarë," the Eagle People, there now began a struggle for independence which would drag on for 2,000 years. In simple terms, theirs was a long desperate struggle for their own land, their own language and their own government. As we now sift through the centuries of foreign invasion, occupation, oppression, political machination and attempted assimilation, it would be easy to lose our bear­ ings in the tangled jungle of unrelated historical data. We shall discern a meaningful pattern in all of this only as we determinedly follow the bloodred thread which runs throughout: the single-minded passion for Albanian independence, the passion for Albanian land, language and liberty. Now for the first time in their history Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria had come under foreign domination. Previously each had suffered frequent invasion and foreign occupation, and they had even dominated one another. But now Rome had accomplished what Greece never could. Rome alone had succeeded in capturing these incredible Sons of the Eagle, but not in caging them. Even the mighty Roman Empire could not eradicate their passion for freedom. The adolescent Roman Empire failed to work out immediately those administrative procedures necessary for controlling or governing the populations she had conquered. By this failure she contributed to the widespread unrest in Albania and other occupied lands. Certainly Rome did require disarmament of the population, taxation and a degree of isola­ tion for the separate regions. But Rome also allowed a measure of autonomy instead of imposing a resident Roman governor and demanding obedience. Confusion and disorder resulted. Twenty years after the fall of Macedonia, one Andriscus, pretending to be the son of Perseus, attempted to resuscitate the ancient kingdom. The Romans crushed him in 146 b . c ., and only then did they establish the region as a Roman province with a Roman magistrate at its head. Gradually an administrative pattern began 126

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to emerge. Conquered territories were incorporated into the empire as provinces. Final authority over each province was assigned to the reigning emperor, termed an "augustus," or to one of his princes or potential suc­ cessors termed "caesars." Direct supervision of each province was assigned to a proconsul or governor appointed at first by the populace, later by the Roman senate. Rome also committed troops to the province and stipulated an annual tribute to care for its administration and defense. The collection of taxes was farmed out to "publicans." Certain favored cities were per­ mitted to retain their own municipal government as "free cities." Repeated insurrections broke out among the Illyrian tribes of the northern mountains. Bato, a Dalmatian leader, is reported to have enlisted 200,000 warriors in a liberation attempt which was thwarted by the Romans in a . d . 6 . The peace of a . d . 8 was interrupted by a second attempt that year, and by a third fruitless attempt the following year. Archeolo­ gists unearthed on the north wall of old Durrës a portion of the frieze of a monument which has not been recovered as yet. The relief carved in limestone shows Victory (Nike) in front of a war chariot treading upon the leg of a warrior. The archeologist Korkuti states that because the scene is partially obscured by the use of mortar, "it is difficult to identify this relief with a specific victory in the Durrës territory, where it could be considered the suppression of a Parthian uprising in the year 36 b . c ., or (more prob­ ably) the victory over the Illyrian uprising led by Bato in the years 6 to 9 of our era" (Korkuti, Muzafer, letter to author, 30 April 1987). Strabo noted that in many parts of the conquered territory cities and towns had been destroyed "in consequence of rebellion," and that to pacify potential rebels "the Romans lodged soldiers in their houses" (Strabo 1889, 7.7.3). Pyrrhus had adorned his capital, Ambracia, with public buildings and statues. But Strabo noted that the Romans harassed the city "because of the refractory disposition of the inhabitants" (ibid., 7.7.6). Later those same in­ habitants would be uprooted to populate the new Roman city of Nicopolis. Roman colonies with their garrisons of troops were established also at Buthrotum, Apollonia and elsewhere, but especially at the "truly Roman­ ized" Dyrrhachium (Durrës). Indeed Pliny mentioned that when the Romans adopted the city which was called by the earlier Greeks "Epidamnos," they renamed it Dyrrhachium because of the "ill-omened sound of that name 'damnum'!" (Pliny 1947, 3:23). As a "municipium" the city en­ joyed an unusual degree of autonomy. Indeed, Cicero, banished from his homeland, relieved his nostalgia by sojourning there. He wrote in 58 b . c ., "I have come to Dyrrhachium because it is not only a free state, but devoted to me, and is also the nearest point to Italy. But if the place is too crowded for my liking, I shall betake myself elsewhere" (Cicero 1960, 14:1). Although said to be "truly Romanized," Dyrrhachium was still truly Alba­ nian, for its excavated monuments of that period evidence a predominance of Illyrian names and the Illyrian language. The Italian archeologist Mar­ coni declared that statues unearthed around Vlora and Butrint also showed

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that even in Roman times the traditional Illyrian costumes still prevailed, and that Albanians more than any other occupied population had pre­ served their ethnic identity (Drita, 10 March 1938, 3). Illyricum traditionally had included all the territory between Macedonia and the Adriatic, reaching south to Epirus and north to the Savus, Dravus and Danube rivers, with its capital at Shkodra. The north­ ern portion was called Illyris Barbara or Romana, the southern portion IIlyris Graeca or Epirus Nova. Illyricum, however, was not organized as a province until the reign of Augustus. Epirus, lying south of Illyricum and west of Macedonia, with Nicopolis its capital, was only gradually recover­ ing from the utter devastation of 168 b .c . In 148 b .c . Rome made Macedonia a province consisting of four districts having the following capitals: Amphipolis, Thessalonica, Pella and Pelagonia (now Monastir), all of which would later be connected by the Via Egnatia. After the conquest of the Achaeans in 146 b .c ., Rome placed Thessaly and Illyricum under the jurisdiction of the same governor of Macedonia. The province of Macedonia then extended from the Aegean Sea to the Adriatic and from the Danube south to Achaea, with its capital at Thessalonica. It must have become apparent to quarreling Greece and Macedonia that if they would not hang together in a fight for freedom, they would certainly hang separately in defeat. Of the three provinces Illyricum became by far the most important because of its contribution to Rome of soldiers, administrators and emperors. In return Illyricum enjoyed a period of peace and progress. Several of its cities, such as Butrint, Apollonia and Dyrrhachium (Durrës), became noted as commercial and cultural cen­ ters. A LBA N IA N C O N T A C T S W ITH TH E IM PE R IA L A D M IN IS T R A T O R S Julius C aesar (48 b .c .)

Julius Caesar in 59 b .c . requested jurisdiction over the provinces of Il­ lyricum and Gaul, which the populace of Rome granted for a five-year period, extended another five years to 49 b .c . His nine brilliant campaigns in Gaul won both the adulation of the Roman populace and the jealous resentment of Pompey, second ruler in the triumvirate. When Caesar accepted Pompey's challenge and crossed the Rubicon toward Rome (49 b . c .), Pompey fled across the Adriatic to Dyrrhachium. At this port in Caesar's territory he amassed his military supplies and established his headquarters. The following January, 48 b .c ., Julius Caesar encamped at the Rock of Kavaja on the narrow coastal plain facing Dyrrhachium. At first Caesar was repulsed with great losses and was forced to re­ treat southeasterly through Epirus to Thessaly. At Pharsalus, however, Caesar utterly defeated Pompey and became sole ruler of the Roman world.

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A ugustus O ctavius (45 b .c .)

Octavius as a fatherless youth was befriended by his royal uncle, Julius Caesar. Having no sons of his own, Caesar undertook the education and training of the youth, sending him at 18 to Apollonia where several Roman legions were stationed so that he might acquire practical military training. At the same time Octavius furthered his studies at the excellent academy situated there and became closely associated with a schoolmate, Agrippa, who would become a valued and lifelong collaborator. The following year, 44 b .c . , on the fateful Ides of March, his uncle was assassinated. Octavius with Agrippa left at once for Italy. Landing at Brundisium (now Brindisi) he learned that Caesar in his last testament had adopted him as sole heir. At Rome, however, the veteran Marc Antony aggressively promoted himself as Caesar's successor. A triumvirate was agreed upon. Antony's empire extended from the Euphrates westward to the Illyrian border, Caesar's from that border westward including Italy. In 42 b .c . their legions crushed the assassins Brutus and Cassius at the battle of Philippi in Macedonia. Shortly thereafter Antony became infatuated with the Egyp­ tian Cleopatra and repudiated his beautiful and virtuous wife Octavia, sending her back to her brother, Octavius. Following a campaign against the Illyrians in 35 b .c . and the Dalmatians in 34 b .c ., Octavius rightly sensed the disgust of the Romans at Antony's dereliction of duty and deter­ mined to eliminate his rival. In the spring of 31 b .c . he went to Epirus. That September the fleet, commanded by his colleague Agrippa, gained a brilliant victory over Antony and Cleopatra in the sea battle of Actium just below Corfu. When Cleopatra retreated with her fleet to Egypt, Antony's fleet was destroyed. He abandoned his remaining ships, 19 legions and 12,000 horsemen on shore, and fled to rejoin Cleopatra at Alexandria. The next year when Octavius appeared before the city Antony and Cleopatra both put an end to their lives. Octavius now became sole ruler of the Roman world. In 27 b .c . the title Emperor Caesar Augustus was bestowed upon him. Commemorating his victory at Actium Augustus beautified its temple of Apollo, revived the festival to Apollo, and erected the city of Nicopolis (Victory City) on the north shore of the bay opposite Actium. Here he relocated the "refractory" inhabitants of Ambracia and other towns around the gulf. Recognized as Rome's first emperor, Octavius Augustus devoted his whole life to enhancing the beauty of Rome. Besides sponsoring the arts, he completed several other famous monuments and began con­ struction of the Pantheon. His reign became known as the Golden Age of Rome (Nagel 1954, 458). It began in Albania's Apollonia. T he P raetorian G uard

The increasing Gothic and Scythian pressure on the northern frontier along the Danube led Rome to make constructive use of its warlike Illyrian subjects. Many were enlisted in the Roman legions while others were settled

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in colonies along the northern frontier to form a buffer zone. The Illyrian soldiers performed so magnificently that many of them were selected for service in the Praetorian Guard, Rome's elite bodyguard for the emperor. A remarkable number of these men were also promoted to the top of the ladder and were known as Illyrian soldier-emperors. These incredible Sons of the Eagle were worthy descendants of Achilles, Philip, Alexander the Great and Pyrrhus. The sheer number of these soldier-emperors is im­ pressive, and the caliber of several of them is amazing. D ecius (a .d . 249-251)

Decius originated at Bubalia in Pannonia, northern Illyricum. The troops he commanded compelled him to accept the imperial purple under threats of death. His short reign was occupied chiefly in warring against the invading Goths. On the basis of Marcus Aurelius' political philosophy that "what is bad for the hive cannot be good for the bee," Decius began the first universal and systematic persecution of Christians with the deliberate in­ tention of annihilating the Church. The fearful period of torture, imprison­ ment and terror begun by him lasted intermittently from 250 to 259. A ureolus (a . d . 267-268)

While a Caesar was engaged in prolonged campaigns in Persia or Spain and barbarians threatened the leaderless empire, a legion in several in­ stances proclaimed its own general to be the emperor. Thus in 267 Aureolus was proclaimed emperor by his legions in Illyria. He at once made himself master of northern Italy, but he was slain in battle the following year. M arcus A urelius C laudius (268-270)

Originating in an obscure family in Dardania, eastern Illyricum, Mar­ cus Aurelius Claudius rose to distinction as a military leader under the emperors Decius, Valerian and Gallienus. On the death of the latter in 268 he became emperor. At the time hostile pressure from Goths, Germans and Persians threatened to collapse the empire. But in 269 he defeated a great host of Goths near Naissus (or Nissa) in Dardania, for which he was surnamed Gothicus. He died in 270. M arcus A urelius P robus (276-282)

Probus was a native of Sirmium in Pannonia, the northern frontier of Illyricum. Because of his military skill the emperor Tacitus appointed him governor of the east. Upon the emperor's death the armies of Syria forced Probus to take the position. He was enthusiastically and unanimously con­ firmed by the senate, the people and the legions. He brilliantly defeated the barbarians along the frontiers of Gaul and Illyricum and put down several rebellions. But because he required his troops to labor in public works, his own soldiers rose in mutiny against him and killed him in his own home town of Sirmium. A historian writes that Probus "was as just and virtuous

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as he was warlike, and is deservedly regarded as one of the greatest and best of the Roman emperors" (Smith 1876, 708). V alerius D iocletian (284-305)

Diocletian was born of obscure Dalmatian parentage in the village of Doclea in the basin of the lake of Shkodra, long the capital city of free Il­ lyria. He achieved distinction in the army, serving under Probus, and was proclaimed emperor in 284. As barbarian attacks became more formidable, he associated with himself an Illyrian colleague, Maximianus, who was also given the title of augustus in 286. Maximianus held responsibility for the western empire while Diocletian had that of the eastern regions. The con­ tinuing threat of Persians in the east and barbarian tribes in the north made a further division of responsibility seem necessary. So in 292 Diocletian chose two other Illyrians to serve as caesars: Constantius Chlorus and Galerius. Diocletian had the government of the East; Maximianus, Italy and Africa; Constantius, Britain, Gaul and Spain; while Galerius had IIlyricum up to the Danubian frontier. They carried on successful campaigns against the Britons, Persians and northern barbarians. Diocletian received credit for exceptional statesmanship and his skillful organization of the em­ pire. However, he considered the old Roman religion indispensable for the unity of the empire. Because he considered Christianity divisive, and at the instigation of Galerius, he launched a fierce persecution of the Christians in 303, seeking to exterminate them. This was the greatest stain on the memory of a great and good man. After an anxious reign of 21 years Diocle­ tian longed for peace and quiet. In 305 he abdicated, retiring to coastal Salona (now Split) a few miles north of his birthplace. There he devoted himself to meditation and the care of his gardens. The extensive remains of his magnificent palace are still to be seen. His city in fact soon out­ stripped the older commercial centers of Dyrrhachium and Apollonia. Diocletian, one of Rome's greatest emperors, died in 313. M aximianus (286-305)

The soldier-emperor Marcus Aurelius Valerius Maximianus was also born of humble parentage in Pannonia, northernmost Illyricum near the Danube. He acquired such fame during army service that Diocletian selected this rough soldier to serve with him in troubled times, first as a caesar (285) then as an augustus (286). C onstantius C hlorus (the P ale ) (305-306)

Constantius was the son of a noble Dardanian named Eutropius and was born in eastern Illyricum. Appointed a caesar in 292 by his Illyrian col­ league Diocletian, he was given the government of Britain, Gaul and Spain. After a three-year campaign he succeeded in reestablishing the authority of Rome over Britain. He was equally successful against the warlike Alemanni (German) tribes on the eastern frontier of Gaul. Upon the abdication of

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Diocletian he became an augustus but died 15 months later (306) fighting in Britain at York. G alerius (305-311) Galerius, later to be known as Galerius Valerius Maximianus, was born the son of a shepherd near Sardica (now Sophia) of Moesia, eastern­ most Illyricum. He rose from the ranks to the highest commands in the army and was appointed a caesar by Diocletian in 292. At the same time he was adopted by Diocletian, whose daughter he married, receiving the command of Illyricum and Thrace. Besides successful campaigns against the Persians, he is remembered as a cruel persecutor of the Christians. It was at his instigation that Diocletian issued the fatal decree of 303 which deluged the Roman world with innocent blood. Upon the retirement of Diocletian in 305, Galerius became an augustus or emperor, dying in 311 of "the disgusting disease known as 'morbus pediculosus' (infestation with lice)" (Smith 1876, 487). C onstantine

the

G reat (306-337)

Constantine, surnamed "the Great," was the oldest son of emperor Constantius Chlorus and was born in 272 at Naissus (now Nissa) of Moesia in eastern Illyricum. He fought beside his father who was killed at the fatal battle of York. Constantine became a caesar (306) then an augustus (308). It was on his way to the crucial battle of Rome's Milvian Bridge that he saw a vision of a luminous cross in the sky and the words "By This Conquer," from which he dated his conversion to Christianity in 312. Fighting against the one remaining emperor, Licinius, he gained control of Illyricum, Macedonia and Achaia (314). In 324 he remained the sole emperor of Rome. Early in his career he issued his famous edict to stop the persecution of Christians (311) and two years later (313) his edict in favor of Christian­ ity. In 325 he convened the Christian Council of Nicea attended by 318 bishops. Possibly to symbolize his break with Rome's pagan past, Constan­ tine left Rome in 326 never to return. He removed the seat of empire to Byzantium which he renamed Constantinople after himself, dedicating it in 330. In his new organization of the empire Illyricum formed one of the great provinces. It was divided into two parts: Illyricum Occidental, which in­ cluded Illyricum proper, Pannonia and Noricum, and Illyricum Orientale which consisted of Dacia, Moesia, Macedonia and Thrace. Constantine was baptized by the church historian Eusebius shortly before his death in 337. His three unworthy sons Constantine, Constantius and Constans suc­ ceeded their father, the latter inheriting Illyricum, Italy and Africa. Julian

the

A postate (361-363)

Julian, known as Flavius Claudius Julianus, was the nephew of Con­ stantine the Great, and like his uncle he was of Illyrian origin. As a Roman general he became emperor at 30. Because of his obsession for the ancient

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books of Greece and Rome he was surnamed "The Philosopher." Unlike his famous uncle, however, he reinstituted the persecution of the Christians, attempting to restore once again the worship of the gods and goddesses of his Pelasgian forefathers. His efforts failed, and he became known as Julian the Apostate. FRIN G E BEN EFITS P A R T IA L L Y C O M P E N SA T IN G FO R ROM A N O C C U P A T IO N Limited A utonomy In his historical geography the Greek scholar Strabo paid tribute to the Roman administration of occupied territory when he described Apollonia as "a city governed by excellent laws" (Strabo 1889, 7.5.8). An Italian scholar pointed out that Rome in its occupation of conquered territory "did not represent oppression, but after accomplishing the purposes which led her into the Balkan Peninsula, she left to the Illyrians a broad autonomy which in the hinterland amounted almost to true independence." He added that "on the other hand Rome brought to the Illyrians, often warring among themselves, an organization, a unity, an appearance of statehood which they had never enjoyed under the earlier rule of absolutist families and princes" (Drita, 10 March 1938, 3). We can safely conclude that although these Albanian provinces no longer enjoyed complete independence, they did enjoy a surprising measure of supervised local autonomy. They also did retain their ethnic identity: their language, traditions, costumes and cus­ toms. T rade

and the

Egnatian Highway

The improvement and multiplication of harbors and shipping, the sup­ pression of piracy, the unification of the Mediterranean world, the con­ struction of roads and bridges, these all encouraged the expansion of trade and commerce. Indeed the port of Dyrrhachium (Durrës) became so busy that the Roman poet Catullus singled it out as the "Tavern of the Adriatic" (Smith 1876, 274). Uniquely helpful to Albanian trade with the Balkan world was the system of Roman roads which gradually tied together the whole Roman Empire. These highways were usually made of large, square, flat slabs of stone set in a bed of sand or even mortar. One of the earliest of these highways, the Via Appia, the "Queen of Roman Roads," led from Rome southeastward to Brundisium on the Adriatic Sea opposite Albania. Early in her expansion into the Balkans Rome discovered that both military and commercial considerations demanded a good highway to the East. So they followed an ancient trade route which criss-crossed the Shkumbin River and led from Dyrrhachium eastward to Constantinople. The exact date of this construction is uncertain, but it was some time after their oc­ cupation of Macedonia in 148 b.c . and before the death of Polybius about 117 b .c . who mentioned it in his writings. They had to build many bridges

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over the turbulent river, leaving the flat road in gravel, but paving the in­ clines with their characteristic large flat stones. The highway itself was a marvel of ancient engineering. The Albanian scholar and patriot Sami Frashëri claimed that the name "Egnatia" originated with the Albanian expression e gjata meaning long (Frashëri, S., 1899, 11). Strabo, writing about Epidamnos (Durrës), enthused about the Egnatian way: "Its direction is toward the east, and the distance is measured by pillars at every mile. . . . The whole distance is 535 miles. . . . The road passes through Lychnidus [Ochrida] a city, and Pylon, a place which separates Illyricum from Macedonia. . . . It continues through Heraclea [Monastir] to Edessa and Pella to Thessalonica. Polybius says this is 267 miles" (Strabo 1889, 7.7.4). The highway extended from Thessalonica to Amphipolis and Philippi on through Thrace to Byzantium. Incidentally, Strabo noted that this highway followed the boundary between Epirus and Illyria. "Traveling from Epidamnos and Apollonia, on the right hand are the Epirotic nations situated on the coast and extending as far as the Gulf of Ambracia (Gulf of Arta). On the left are the Illyrian mountains . . . ex­ tending as far as Macedonia and the Paeones" (Pannonia) (ibid.). Dr. Johan Hahn, the noted Austrian ethnologist and linguist, concluded that the Il­ lyrians were the progenitors of the northern Albanians or Gegs and the Epirotes were the progenitors of the southern Albanians or Tosks. The Via Egnatia followed the Shkumbin River which Albanians have always con­ sidered to be the line of demarcation between the Gegs and the Tosks. This highway opened new markets and facilitated trade. It passed through Lychnidus (Ochrida) already famous for its spring-fed lake 970 feet deep in places, and its fine fish (NAlb 1984, 3:15). Strabo noted that the highway made available its "large supplies of fish for salting" (Strabo 1889, 7.7.8). For centuries fortified habitations had controlled the passes, and small communities had developed there. Now the Romans established military posts and a chain of forts along the highway, and populous com­ munities emerged. The continual passage of Roman legions to and from the East helped control the turbulent area and reassure merchants escorting their caravans to distant markets. But the highway proved to be a mixed blessing. It also facilitated the later eastward movement of the Normans and the Crusaders, also the westward invasions of the Goths, the Bulgarians, the Byzantines and the Ottoman Turks. A griculture Rome proved to be an insatiable market for grain. The ready market and the available transportation encouraged the expansion of agriculture. To assure uninterrupted production the Albanians constructed a stone dam quite unequaled in the Balkans of that period. Built about a .d . 150, the dam in the bed of the Gjanica River near Fier assured the irrigation of the lower agricultural plain. The dam was built of stone blocks forming a wall 436 feet long, averaging 15 feet thick, and about 26 feet high (Liria 12 December

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1980). Surely those early builders were worthy sons of their Pelasgian ancestors! Wealthy Latin landowners also established estates and farms in some of the most beautiful and productive regions. Atticus, for instance, the friend of Cicero, is said to have set up a plantation in the region of Butrint (Drita 10 March 1938). In fact, coins bearing the name of Butrint went into circulation only when the city became a Roman colony (Liria 25 February 1977). Such coins minted in cities all along the coastal plains bear agricultural symbols such as a stalk of wheat, a plough, a bee or beehive and a cornucopia, or horn of plenty, giving evidence of the central impor­ tance of agriculture in their economy. Roman C ultural

and

Religious C ontributions

The Romans like the Greeks "enlarged and beautified" the cities they occupied. Old fortifications were strengthened by the Romans, and new fortifications were built. While the Illyrian city of Lissos (Lezha) was founded about 385 b.c ., the city's inner gate was added by the Romans about the first century b .c . (Korkuti 1971, 12). They also fortified and beautified the old Illyrian capital city of Shkodra and its famous Rozafat fortress (Tom ori 17 March 1940). But the many cultural monuments were of far greater importance. Theaters. The "truly Romanized" Dyrrhachium, for instance, has yielded to archeologists the well-preserved remains of the amphitheater built at the beginning of the first century a .d . This was the biggest and most important amphitheater in the Balkans. It was also one of the largest struc­ tures in this important port city, its diameter of about 400 feet comparing favorably with that of the amphitheater at Pompeii (Liria 11 June 1976). Its tiers of stone benches rising 35 feet and seating 15,000 to 20,000 spectators, its galleries and subterranean corridors, all are reminiscent of the Roman colosseum (Korkuti 1971, 101- 2). Here the populace was entertained with artistic performances or contests between gladiators or with wild beasts. Water systems. Romans were famous for their aqueducts and water systems which were also introduced into some Albanian cities. In the hills below Butrint are the remains of what is probably the oldest aqueduct discovered in Albania, built in the first or second century in the Roman tradition. A symbol of this aqueduct is proudly stamped on coins minted at the time by the city's administration (Liria 18 March 1977). A more com­ plex system was that at Durrës of the second century which drew water from Lake Erzen. There were underground canals, raised aqueducts and a system of controls to distribute the water throughout the city by lead pipes, like those at Pompeii. Later, ceramic pipes and stone masonry were used (FESH1985,1129-30). The public baths of the first century at Durrës have been discovered under that city's very modern theater. There are also many masonry chambers and flues through which heat was distributed to the rooms. One of these well-preserved chambers is paved with black and white marble slabs arranged like a chess board. Understandably, the

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ground floor of this theater is now a museum (Korkuti 1971, X). Public ther­ mal baths were found in numerous other places. At Butrint the remains of five public baths have been found (FESH1985,134), one of which was prob­ ably the largest building in the city. The big cooling room or "frigidarium" had its floor paved with black and white mosaic stone arranged in geometric designs (Liria 11 March 1977). The bath at Apollonia also featured mosaic floors. The remains of an ancient sewer system were un­ earthed in Durrës (Liria 18 June 1976, 4). Libraries. The discovery of five tablets in a memorial urn indicated the existence of a public library in Durrës back in the second century (Liria 11 July 1980, 3). Libraries are mentioned in Apollonia and Durrës in the first century and Finiq in the second century (FESH 1985, 94). The library at Apollonia undoubtedly helped establish the reputation of that city as a center of art, philosophy and oratory (Korkuti 1971, 67, 91). The Romans did encourage education and schools, and because their noble families did prize such training for their youth, it is highly probable that they were partly responsible for the founding of the famous Academy at Apollonia. W orks o f Art. During the Roman period Apollonia also became famous for its own school of sculpture, a number of examples of which have come to light. At Butrint a famous head, the "Goddess of Butrint," has been recovered and is thought to be a second century reproduction of the fourth century b . c . work of the Athenian school of Praxiteles. Inscriptions in the city of Apollonia and on its tombstones include numerous Illyrian names. Here also have been recovered rich collections of coins, ceramics and terra-cottas. Exquisite stone carvings were found on a second century sarcophagus unearthed at Durrës (Korkuti 1971, 107-8) and on tomb­ stones, statues and busts. There was also found a bronze figurine of Eros and a dolphin of the third century similar to the large sculptures which were used to ornament the fountains in the gardens of the wealthy (ibid., 120 ).

Mosaics. Occasional mosaic pictures made of small colored stones were introduced into Albania as early as the middle of the fourth century b . c . on the floors of public buildings or the homes of the wealthy. This art really flourished, however, in the first two centuries of our era, when the small colored stones were replaced by small cubes cut from stone, baked clay, marble or glass. Early mosaics were usually made with black cubes on a white background, like the 15-by-33-foot mosaic at Durrës, with different geometric figures and scenes from marine mythology. Similar mosaics were found at Butrint and especially at Apollonia. Mosaics of the later Roman period used color more frequently and were of a higher artistic level. The earlier geometric and floral themes were replaced by mytho­ logical figures. One such polychrome of the early third century at Apol­ lonia pictures a Nereid or sea nymph mounted on a dolphin and surrounded by sea animals and fish. In the same house a mosaic shows Achilles and the battle with the Amazons. Four multicolored groups of figures appear on a

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white background. One such 13-by-15-foot mosaic contains 180,000 small stone cubes (NAlb 1985, 6:30-31). Shrines and Temples. The religion of the Romans was similar to that of the Greeks, probably because of their common origin according to tradi­ tion. The supreme Roman god of the skies was Jupiter, corresponding to the Greek god Zeus. His wife Juno was like Hera, Minerva like Athena, Neptune like Poseidon and Venus like Aphrodite. Apollo, Hercules, Mer­ cury and Aesculapius were so recognized by both. But there was a subtle difference. The Romans like the Greeks made the gods in their own image. The Greeks had more genius, originality, imagination, versatility, delicacy, artistry, emotionalism, and both tragedy and comedy. The Ro­ mans were characterized more by stability, inflexibility, endurance, disci­ pline, virility, duty, justice, and legalism. Roman mythology had little place for the fanciful stories of the births, loves and romantic adventures of the Greek gods and stressed heroic characters and deeds. Their worship was more methodical, a duty or debt owed to the gods. Indeed their very word "religion" had the same root as to bind or obligate. It denoted the duty or service owed by men to the gods for their protection and favor. This duty had to be legalistically discharged according to certain fixed regu­ lations. The Romans made little religious contribution to occupied Albania. Occasional temples, shrines and statues were erected to the familiar gods during the Roman period. Thus a temple of the first century dedicated to the Nymphs was discovered at Butrint near the tower gate. It had a semicir­ cular façade with three niches for marble statues of the goddesses, and basins, all faced with multicolored marble (FESH 1985, 758). There also was a small temple of Aesculapius, the god of health, built during the sec­ ond century on the foundation of a yet more ancient religious structure ad­ joining the theater (Liria 11 March 1977). Some of these imported religious expressions penetrated surprisingly far inland. At Korcha near the village of Shëngjergj is a limestone cave extending 40 feet back into the mountain called Mali i Thatë (Dry Mountain). Fascinating archeological materials have been found there: ceramic vessels painted with black varnish, bronze ornaments, earrings, clasps, rings, brooches and bracelets, as well as coins dating from the fourth century b . c . to the fourth century a . d . One of the most interesting among these was a "bronze statuette five inches tall representing the goddess Diana (the Greek Artemis) standing on a slightly inclined square pedestal. The left foot is placed forward, and the right foot rests on its toes, with the heel raised showing Diana in motion. She wears leather sandals. In the palm of her left hand she holds a hemispherical bowl. Her right hand is raised to shoulder height and is reaching toward the sheaf of arrows behind her right arm. This shows two of Diana's roles: huntress and giver of gifts. This type first emerged during the Roman period" (Liria 14 January 1977, 2 ) but differed only slightly from the Artemis already familiar to the Greeks and the Albanians.

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A radical change was soon to come, not from the west but from the east, and thanks in part to the Via Egnatia. THE IN T R O D U C T IO N OF C H R IS T IA N IT Y T O A LBA N IA T he O rigin

of

C hristianity

Christianity began with the birth of Jesus Christ in Roman-occupied Palestine. He announced himself as the long-awaited Messiah and Savior. He taught with authority, performed marvelous works of power and mercy and claimed to be a perfect man and incarnate God and the world's only way to God. He was falsely accused, crucified with two common thieves and buried. Three days later his despondent followers saw him in bodily form resurrected from the dead. He commanded them to proclaim the Christian gospel to every nation with the assurance that all who trusted him would be forgiven their sins and become children of God for eternity. While the Apostle Peter exercised a special ministry to the Jewish people, a converted Jewish fanatic named Paul focused his ministry on the Gentile or non-Jewish world. Missionary journeys took him throughout Asia Minor, into the Balkan Peninsula and Italy. Little could the Roman gover­ nor of Palestine imagine that the crucified Jewish teacher and the peripatetic preacher Paul would some day revolutionize his Roman world. Nor could the new Christians persecuted so bitterly by one Illyrian emperor of Rome imagine that his successor, another Illyrian emperor, would halt the persecution and make the proscribed religion the official religion of the em­ pire. But that is just what happened. C hristian Penetration

of

A lbania D uring

the

A postolic A ge

Christianity in Albania claims apostolic foundation. The geographical position of Albania makes this almost inevitable. The Christian gospel was first planted in Europe by the Apostle Paul at Philippi in Macedonia (Acts of the Apostles 16:12). Traveling westward on the Via Egnatia he then preached at Thessalonica, the largest city on this great highway. This in turn became the center from which Christianity radiated to Athens and Corinth, also to the province of Illyricum. It is interesting to note how closely Paul's missionary journeys followed these Roman highways, and along them extends the chain of early churches. Indeed, a trip of 150 miles along the Egnatian highway from Thessalonica westward would penetrate to the very heart of Albania. The Apostle Paul traveled that road. On his third itinerary, about a .d . 59, he wrote to the Christian church at Rome that "from Jerusalem, and round about even unto Illyricum I have fully preached the gospel of Christ" (Letter to the Romans 15:19). The Greek preposition "unto" is somewhat ambiguous, admitting either an exclusive or inclusive usage. Paul did not state unequivocally whether he had taken the Christian gospel as far as the Illyrian frontier or whether he had actually penetrated the province itself.

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The Roman Catholic historian Farlati claims that the church of Durrës was the most ancient in Albania, having been founded by the Apostle Paul while preaching in Illyria and Epirus (Hecquard 1857, 480). He also noted that in a . d . 58 there were 70 Christian families at Durrës, having for bishop one Caesar or Apollonius. Another historian, Lavardin, when writing about the antiquities of the Dukagjin family of the northern mountains mentioned that "in the interior of this region can be seen monuments of marble, on which can still (1576) be read the names of many emperors, Romans and others, and among these, certain remarks or testimonies by which it is evident that St. Paul the apostle preached the Law of the Son of God to the people" (Lavardin 1621, 47). Unfortunately, Lavardin is no more explicit than this, and he seems to have held a monopoly on this infor­ mation. A Roman Catholic scholar names a Greek historian, Menalog, who mentioned the martyrdom of St. Astio, Bishop of Durrës, on 7 July during the persecutions conducted by the emperor Trajan during his reign (a . d . 98-117), and two martyrs, Florian and Laurin, from Ulpiana near modern Prishtina, killed during the reign of Hadrian (a . d . 117-138) (ACB 1988, 111). Further firm evidence is lacking, however. One can only conjec­ ture. So let us do that. The Christian gospel could have reached Albania through the Illyrian soldiers who predominated in the famous Praetorian Guard. These men were housed in their barracks called the "praetorium" and were responsible for guarding the palaces of the Roman emperors and governors. These im­ perial guards had two exceptional opportunities to become acquainted with the new Christian religion. First, when the Roman provincial governor Pilate turned Jesus Christ over to the soldiers for crucifixion, they "led him away into the hall called Praetorium, and called together the whole band" (Gospel of Mark, 15:16). The brutal soldiery mocked, abused and finally crucified their captive. And it was one of them who at Christ's death voiced what others of their number must have concluded by then: "Truly this man was the son of God!" (Mark, 15:39). Some years later the elite Illyrian guardsmen had another excellent op­ portunity to hear the message of Christ from the Apostle Paul. They would have heard his reasoned defense when arrested at Jerusalem (Acts, 22) and during his lengthy detention at the praetorium at Caesarea. Interestingly enough, although the translations had Paul confined in Herod's "judgment hall" or his "palace," the Greek text specifies that he was kept in "Herod's praetorium" (Acts, 23:35). Then later in a . d . 64 during his imprisonment at Rome the Apostle wrote that his "bonds in Christ are manifest in all the palace," but again the Greek text specifies "all the praetorium" (Letter to the Philippians 1:12-13). In those same verses he assured the Christians in Philippi that his imprisonment had resulted in "the furtherance of the gospel." Undoubtedly, his two years of imprisonment and Christian witness to the rotating Illyrian guardsmen would have brought conversions among them as it did among the servants of "Caesar's household" (Philip-

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pians, 4:22). Thereafter when these men returned to their Albanian homes on furlough the Christian faith would have reached their families and friends. But although very probable, this too is conjecture. Paul may well have visited southern Albania personally. Writing to his assistant Titus after release from the first Roman imprisonment, Paul charged him, "Be diligent to come unto me to Nicopolis, for there I have determined to winter" (Letter to Titus, 3:12). It is generally conceded that of the several "Victory Cities" in the ancient world, Paul was referring to this more important Nicopolis, a well-known winter resort on the Ambracian Gulf just below Corfu. This was a chief city of Epirus, connected to the Via Egnatia and Durrës by a branch highway through Buthrotum (Butrint), Apollonia (Pojani) and Clodiana (Peqin). Paul must have had Christian acquaintances in Nicopolis, for he would never propose winter­ ing there unless he was sure of his welcome. It is possible that Paul had taken this route down to Achaia after having preached "even unto IIlyricum." We shall probably never know. History is silent also as to whether Paul ever did actually realize his plan to winter at this riviera port of southern Albania. Even if actual visits of the Apostle Paul to Illyricum are questioned in these instances, it is impossible to question the visit of his assistant Titus. While imprisoned at Rome Paul wrote that Titus had gone to Dalmatia, a district of Illyricum (Second Letter to Timothy, 4:10). But we have nothing further about the character of his mission there. The alleged mission of the Apostle Andrew rests on an even less substantial basis. He is reported to have preached in the vicinity of Albania, for St. Gregory of Nazianzus in a .d . 380 associated him with Epirus (Schaff 1893, 33:2.7.332). Six centuries later Nicephorus declared that Andrew in his missionary ministry passed through Thrace, Macedonia, Thessaly and Achaia (Migne 1865, 2.2.39). As early as the second century a heretic, Leucius Charinus, writing about the apostles, referred to Andrew's mission and martyrdom in Epirus at Patras, 75 miles south of Nicopolis (Epiphanius, 61:1; 63:2). An allegedly contemporary encyclical letter of the priests and deacons of Achaia tells the story (Catholic Encyclopaedia, 1:471; 6:737). Thus we have several tradi­ tions which indicate the evangelization by the apostles or their associates in southern Illyricum and northern Epirus. But the foundation of Chris­ tianity elsewhere in Albania during the apostolic age, although possible or even probable, is not explicitly stated. C hristianity

in

A lbania Until

the

D ivision

of the

Empire (a .d . 395)

Information on the existence of Christian churches in Albania during this post-apostolic period is also unfortunately vague. Before the end of the first century Ignatius, bishop of Antioch and martyr, declared enthusias­ tically that "bishops were settled everywhere to the utmost bounds of the earth" (ANCL 1867, 3:1.50. Cf. 117:1.258; 2:3.106; 3:7.302). While these many similar statements of contemporary church leaders can hardly be

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accepted literally, they certainly do bear witness to the extensive if not the intensive propagation of the Christian gospel throughout the empire. Yet the status of Christianity in Albania at this early period is admittedly obscure. An authoritative German church historian, Adolf Harnack, has stated cautiously, "We have but a faint knowledge of Christianity in the Balkan peninsula (the diocese of Illyricum) during the first centuries. No outstanding figures emerge . . . the large part of the peninsula cannot have had more than a scanty population of Christians up till 325" (Harnack 1908, 2:230-31). The equally prominent Catholic historian Duchesne wrote that we have little light on the Christian churches of Greece at the end of the second century and no particulars as to the countries farther north (Duchesne 1905, 1:190). The North African church father Tertullian, however, did affirm (ca. 204) the early existence of churches in the "bar­ baric" provinces north of Greece. He wrote, "Throughout Greece and cer­ tain of its barbaric provinces, the majority of churches keep their virgins covered. . .. But I have proposed as models those churches which were founded by apostles or apostolic men" (ANCL 1867, 2:4.27). No specific provinces are named, but Macedonia, Epirus and Illyricum were all con­ sidered barbarian by the Greeks. The saintly martyr Ignatius was in a position to have enlightened us on early Albanian Christianity, but he left us no record of what he observed there. Condemned to death by the emperor Trajan, chained and guarded, Ignatius was hurried from Antioch to Rome and martyrdom (ca. 110). Sail­ ing from Smyrna to Troas to Neapolis, he went on foot "by Philippi through Macedonia, and on to that part of Epirus which is near to Epidamnus (Durrës); and finding a ship in one of the seaports he sailed over the Adriatic sea" (ANCL 1867, 1.295). Ignatius described the journey thus: "From Syria even unto Rome I fight with beasts both by land and sea, both by night and day, being bound to 10 leopards, I mean a band of soldiers, who, even when they receive benefits show themselves the worse" (ibid., 1.75). These "benefits" were probably gifts presented to the soldiers by sym­ pathizing Christians along the way, hoping that the aged Ignatius might be treated more kindly. Referring to the churches en route, he wrote, "The churches received me in the name of Jesus Christ and not as a mere pas­ serby. For even those churches which were not near to me in the way, I mean according to the flesh, have gone before me, city by city, to meet me" (ibid., 1.77). This letter was written from Smyrna, however, before reaching Europe. We have no later document from him, so shall probably never know whether there were Christian churches along the Via Egnatia in Albania to extend the same expressions of love and sympathy. Nicopolis in Epirus was known as an early center of the Christian church. It seems that one of its members was elected to the papal throne. According to the Liber Pontificalis, Pope Eleutherius (ca. 174-189) was a native of Nicopolis. The Christian theologian Origen (185-254) visited Nicopolis and found there a version of the Old Testament hitherto unknown

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to him. Eusebius (2647-340), the historian, described Origen's zeal in col­ lecting and studying biblical manuscripts: "These he searched up and traced to I know not what ancient lurking places, where they had lain hidden from remote times, and brought them to the light. In which, when it was doubt­ ful to him from what author they came, he only added the remark that he had found this translation at Nicopolis near Axium (Actium), but the other translation in such a place" (Eusebius 1879, 6.16). So, concluded Harnack, there must have been local Christians there at the time (Harnack 1908, 2 : 10 ). The early martyrologies compiled by the church alluded to no martyrs in southern Illyria or northern Epirus. Probably the earliest persecutions would have had little bearing on these regions. The Neronian outbreak following the Great Fire ( a . d . 64) was confined to Rome. Trajan's proscrip­ tion of Christianity as a criminal offense against the state (a . d . I ll ) brought sharp local outbreaks in the more thoroughly Christianized regions, such as Asia Minor, North Africa, Gaul and Italy. Yet the actual number of mar­ tyrdoms in this early period seems to have been comparatively small. While no estimate of the Christian population is possible, Harnack placed IIlyricum in his third category, where Christianity was thinly scattered, and probably for this reason escaped prominence in the martyrologies. Yet there were some Illyrian martyrs. Hecquard wrote that among the three bishops of the early church cited in Farlati's Illyricum Sacrum, the second, St. Astius of Durrës, was martyred under this same Trajan, together with seven Romans who had fled persecution in Rome and had sought refuge at Dyrrhachium (Hecquard 1857, 479-80). How strange it is that Illyrians were responsible both for the systematic persecution of Christianity, and later for its establishment as the official religion of the empire. The Illyrian emperor Decius undertook the first universal and most vicious persecution to stamp out Christianity. Follow­ ing a series of Illyrian soldier-emperors, the great Illyrian Diocletian made his native Salona, just above Shkodra, the administrative seat of the prov­ ince of Illyricum. He erected there his magnificent Palace of Diocletian. Under imperial patronage the city rapidly flourished, putting even Dyr­ rhachium into eclipse. Christianity in Illyricum seems also to have centered in Salona, where a wealth of inscriptions reveals a considerable Christian presence. The otherwise benign reign of the statesman Diocletian was stained by bitter persecutions (303-11) instigated by the two fanatical Il­ lyrians Maximian and Galerius. So many Christians died here that the authorities erected a monument bearing the Latin words "Extincto nomene Christianorum" (The name of Christian is extinguished) (M oody 1978, 6:7). But it was just one year after the retirement of Diocletian (305) that another Illyrian, Constantine, became a caesar, then an augustus. In 313 he issued his famous Edict of Milan guaranteeing religious toleration. This freedom from persecution was not made effective in the eastern empire until his defeat of a co-emperor, the persecuting Licinius, in 323. Then Constantine

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seized complete control of the empire and established Christianity as the religion of the state. Thus the first and last great persecutions of the church as well as the peace of the church came alike from Illyrian hands. C ouncil of N icea , a .d . 325

In his effort to sink deep foundations for his newly established state church, Constantine called the first ecumenical Council of Nicea in 325. The representative attendance of 318 bishops from all over the empire is im­ portant because it indicates the expansion of the Christian church during the preceding difficult centuries. The existence of Christianity in the Balkans is indicated by 13 signatures of bishops present at Nicea, of whom three came from localities very near present-day Albania: the bishops of Scupi (later Uskup, now Skopje), Stobi (in Macedonia north of Thessalonica) and Corcyra (Corfu). Harnack indicates that Christian centers were existent in 325 at Nicopolis, Buthrotum (Butrint) and Corcyra (Corfu) (Harnack 1908, 13). R eorganization of the Empire

The establishment of the Christian religion brought immediate relief from the series of bloody persecutions. Constantine's celebrated "Sunday Edict" of a . d . 321 adopted the Christian's holy day as the official holy day of the empire and gave the Christians unaccustomed status. But social change would come about more gradually. During that fourth century the bloody games of the amphitheater were prohibited. Promptly the galleries of the famous Durrës amphitheater were altered, one being turned into a chapel with mural mosaics of the Byzantine style. Archeological excava­ tions in 1987 revealed a second gallery adapted to Christian worship. On the walls four human figures were distinguishable, painted with water colors on the plaster. One of these figures depicts a young girl with a royal crown on her head, dressed in an ornamented robe. On the right side of the badly damaged painting is an inscription in Greek reading, "Saint. . . , " her name, however, being no longer legible (NAlb 1988, 1:35). During this fourth century the slave-owning system also began to decay, leading in turn to the decay of the cities. This was especially true along the Adriatic coast where the discontinuance of slave labor cut back the production of goods, which in turn reduced commercial interchange. Certain cities such as Apollonia, Antigonea and Zgërdhesh near Kruja were gradually abandoned. Other cities with a more advantageous geographical position strengthened their fortifications and remained important centers, such as Shkodra, Lezha, Durrës and Antipatrea (Berat). In most of the Il­ lyrian territories, however, there was an appreciable increase of rural set­ tlements. Archeologists report a much greater number of agricultural implements in the necropolises of these rural settlements. The slave labor system had led to rather broad trade relations which now seemed inter­ rupted. The production of handcrafts was on a smaller scale and designed

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mainly for local consumption. Traditional Roman art forms disappeared, and local Illyrian art revived, featuring the craftsmen, peasants and especially the typical Illyrian figures and garments (AT 1983, 3:41-42). The establishment of the Christian religion soon brought new prob­ lems. Eleven years later, Constantine dramatized his departure from pagan Rome by dedicating imperial Constantinople as a New Rome. He estab­ lished a "symphonic" relation between the new state and the Christian church. He recognized the church as autonomous, having final authority over doctrinal matters, while the state would protect the church and main­ tain uniformity. Constantine called himself in relation to the church, its "bishop in externals." Thus he determined the peculiar character of the Eastern church under the Bishop of Constantinople. The church's prox­ imity to the imperial court led to its infection by courtly conflicts and in­ trigues. The clergy soon became characterized by worldly ambition and servility to worldly men. In the West, the church had more firmness of character, being also protected by distance from the dangers of imperial pastronage. But the Christian emperor, who by his decrees and ecumenical council had sought to unify Christendom, had by his creation of New Rome given rise to a rivalry which was to exercise the most profoundly adverse influence in preparing the church to resist the coming Muslim invasions. Illyricum, lying midway between these rival giants, became a bone of contention. Her allegiance became the cause of a protracted and jealous en­ mity between Constantinople and Rome, as well as the prize of countless intrigues. Constantine's symphonic relationship between church and state was partly responsible, as was his inappropriate partition of Illyricum. For his reorganization of the empire recognized four great divisions called prefectures: Gaul, Italy, Illyricum and the East. These were subdivided into 13 dioceses, and these in turn were divided into 116 provinces. The Balkan peoples were split up unnaturally. The provinces of Macedonia, Thessaly, Epirus, Hellas, Crete and Praevalis (Dalmatia south to Epirus) composed the diocese of Macedonia, which with the northeasterly diocese of Dacia formed the prefecture of Illyricum. The northwesterly provinces between Dalmatia and the Danube formed the diocese of Illyricum under the prefec­ ture of Italy. Then the eastern Balkan diocese of Thrace came under the prefecture of the East. Under this clumsy arrangement, one part of the old Roman Illyricum was attached to Rome, another part to Constantinople, and the heartland between the two was contestable. To compound the misfortune, Constantine's symphonic relationship between church and state determined ecclesiastical organization on the basis of the political organization. Henceforth, the church was inextricably joined to the divided state. Political vicissitudes would have their ecclesiastical counterparts. And there would be plenty of each. Church leaders in the great centers assumed ecclesiastical authority over their regional church leaders com­ parable to that of the civil authorities over their regional officials. The bishops of Constantinople, Rome, Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria

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competed among themselves for primacy just like their political counter­ parts. During the turbulent period following Constantine, Theodosius I surnamed "the Great" became emperor of the prefecture of the East responsible for prosecuting war with the Goths. For geographic and strategic reasons the two great dioceses of Macedonia and Dacia which constituted the pre­ fecture of Illyricum were temporarily added to the dominions of the eastern empire. Then on the death of Theodosius in 395 the Roman Empire was for­ mally and permanently divided between his two sons Honorius and Arcadius who ruled over the western and eastern empires respectively. The northern Illyrian provinces of Noricum, Pannonia and Dalmatia were in the diocese of Illyricum, and so politically and ecclesiastically were part of the western empire. On the other hand, the Illyrian provinces constituting the diocese of Macedonia were permanently united to the eastern empire. But incredibly, while these latter provinces came politically under Constan­ tinople, they remained ecclesiastically under Rome. This unfortunate discrepancy between the political and the ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the prefecture of Illyricum provided the perfect occasion for competing bishops to express their growing rivalry and to test their comparative strengths. This date marks the transition from ancient to mediaeval history. More significant, this age-old religious divisiveness handicapped the Albanian population in their effort to resist the Ottoman invasion and to survive the Ottoman occupation. Even more significant, this religious divisiveness still later provided the Marxists with their rationale for outlawing all religion and substituting Albanianism as the unifying alternative.

7. The Byzantine Period (395-489) C o n stan tin ople

Constantinople, capital of the eastern empire of Rome, was built on the site of old Byzantium, dominating the Bosphorus Strait and the en­ trance to the Black Sea. Its commercial and military importance had led to its frequent occupation by the Macedonians and Romans and its partial destruction. Constantine rebuilt it on seven hills like western Rome. It con­ tinued as the capital of the Roman empire of the East until its capture by the Turks in 1453. I n c rea sin g P ressu re fro m the G oths

This Germanic people originated on the Baltic coast, gradually in­ filtrating southward. By a . d . 250 they had occupied much of Dacia just north of the Danube. In fact, marauding expeditions had penetrated to the southernmost parts of the Balkan Peninsula. There were two branches of the Goths. The Visigoths or western Goths sent their armies into Gaul, Italy and Spain, plundering Rome itself in 410. The Ostrogoths or eastern Goths descended into the Balkans, even threatening Constantinople. The Ostrogoths embraced Christianity, however, and it was for their use that Ulfilas translated the Scriptures into Gothic about 350. Pressed by the more barbaric Huns, in 370 the Christian Goths begged Constantinople for an asylum south of the fortified centers along the Danube. Bringing their arms with them, however, they revolted again and again. In 386 Theodosius in­ corporated 40,000 Goths into his imperial army. Upon his death the empire was divided between his two young sons. Reigning at Constantinople, Arcadius, then only 18, came under the influence of a cunning unprincipled Gothic diplomat named Rufinus. Because Rome as well as Constantinople wished to control Illyricum, Arcadius sent Alaric and his army of Goths to ravage and seize Macedonia and Greece. On the murder of Rufinus, Ar­ cadius appointed Alaric as the duke of Illyricum and sent him to ravage It­ aly. Honorius, emperor of the West, adopted the strategy of his brother Arcadius. He made Alaric a general in 403 and commissioned him to 146

The Byzantine Period (395-489)

14 7

conquer Illyricum for the western empire. Outrages committed by Honorius against his Gothic troops in Italy, however, brought Alaric back to plunder Rome in 410, dying later that year. Another Gothic leader, Odoacer, made himself ruler of Italy in 476, capturing Rome and bringing the western empire to a close. But strangely enough, the senate of Rome and Odoacer himself agreed that he would rule not as king, but as prefect of Italy in nominal subjection to Zeno of Constantinople. This led to a more or less united Roman Empire based at Constantinople. E c c lesia stic a l R iv a lr y betw een E ast and W est

The political wrangling between East and West had its ecclesiastical counterpart, which worked out to the disadvantage of Albania. For Albania at the time was subject to the more effete oriental Constantinople rather than to the more virile Rome. For some years, the Byzantine govern­ ment had been largely managed by women. The successor of Arcadius, Theodosius II, was dominated his entire reign (408-450) by his sister Pulcheria. Furthermore, the speculative Greek mind was obsessed with metaphysical aspects of Christian theology, such as the relationship be­ tween the two natures of Christ. Heated controversy was heard even in the streets. In the interests of unity the emperor exercised his high prerogative of personally deciding doctrinal disputes and dictating decisions. As a result the clergy lost their independence and became abjectly subservient to the emperor. While in the West the Roman popes found it relatively easy to dominate the political leaders, in the East the state dominated the church. Traditionally, Thessalonica had been the ecclesiastical center of Balkan Christianity. In order to retain his influence there, the Roman bishop had made it a practice to reserve to himself the appointment of the bishop of Thessalonica. In 421 the unhappy patriarch of Constantinople, Atticus, obtained from his emperor, Theodosius the Younger, a decree assigning to Constantinople the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Illyricum. The pope appealed to Honorius, emperor of the West, who intervened to annul the decree and return Illyricum to the West. To strengthen his position, Pope Leo I (440-461) amplified the authority of the bishop of Thessalonica over the churches of Illyricum. Tensions increased. An earlier Council of Constantinople in 381 had decreed the bishop of Constantinople second to the bishop of Rome. But now the Council of Chalcedon (451) by its 28th canon declared the two of equal privilege. The dispute between the patriarch of the East and the pope of the West became more acrid. Pope Leo of course rejected this canon, basing his claim to primacy no longer on the political preeminence of Rome, but on the religious preeminence of Peter. But while the Council of Chalcedon did subject other dioceses to the patriarch of Constantinople, it gave him no authority over Illyricum. Heated correspondence between Constantinople and Rome resulted in mutual excommunications in 484. The actual extent of the jurisdiction of

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Thessalonica over Illyricum was diminished, however, not by patriarch or pope, but by the first of many barbarian invasions, that of the Goths. A lba n ia under C o n stan tin ople

At this time relatively little is known of internal affairs in Albania. At the reorganization of the empire in 395 Albania was divided into three districts. There was High Albania also called Praevalis which extended from the Zetes and Moracia valleys southward to the Shkumbin River. Central Albania or New Epirus extended from the Shkumbin River to the Voiosa (Vjosa) River emptying into the Adriatic near Vlora. Then Southern Albania, also called Ancient Epirus extended from the Vjosa River to the Gulf of Arta or Ambracia (Orient 17 January 1912, 3). Illyrians gave to the early Christian Church one of its most celebrated church fathers and theologians, St. Jerome, called Hieronymus (340-420). He was born at Stridon on the northern frontier of Dalmatia and is remembered especially for his Bible translation known as the Latin Vulgate. Christians apparently flourished in old Dodona, for a bishop of Dodona at­ tended the Council of Ephesus in 431 (Smith 1876, 268). Also attending that council was Eucario, bishop of Durrës, and Felix, bishop of Apollonia (Pouq 1826, 1:357). Shkodra became an archbishopric on the formation of Praevalis and was represented at Ephesus by its second known archbishop, Senecius. The archbishop of Shkodra had under him the bishops of Dulcigno and Drivasto, north and east of Shkodra respectively, and was himself subject to the primate of eastern Illyricum residing at Thessalonica. Farlati discovered the names of six of the archbishops of Shkodra and 45 bishops (Hecquard 1857, 475). We also know that a common soldier, a native Illyrian, rose to be emperor of the East following Theodosius. He was known as Marcianus, ruling from 450 to 457 (Smith 1876, 477).

8. Occupation of Albania by the Goths (489-535) As early as 376 the Goths had been permitted to cross the Danube to escape the terrible Huns. For a half century the Goths had halted Hun ex­ pansion. But under Attila, "the scourge of God," they too crossed the Danube and laid waste much of Illyricum in 441 and 442. In the process they destroyed 70 cities and forced the eastern emperor to pay a heavy tribute, besides ceding to them the lower bank of the Danube. Once again in 447 Attila ravaged the Balkans, penetrating far into Greece. His cam­ paigns have been likened to a violent tempest, destructive for the moment, but the traces of which soon disappear. Unlike the fierce Huns, the Goths came to occupy and enjoy the region. Their soldiers enlisted in the army of the emperor and proved helpful in resisting the Huns. Theodoric, who as a youth had lived at the court of Constantinople and had defended the emperor, became king of the Ostrogoths. The emperor Zeno encouraged him to move against Italy. A host of 200,000 fighting men with their families and goods followed Theodoric to victory and a long reign of justice and peace. In 489 he extended his dominion by negotiation more than by war and included Illyricum as well as other provinces to the north and west and Italy and Gaul. Although he was illiterate, he fostered agriculture, manufacturing, trade, learning, laws, peace and respect for religions. He is quoted as saying, "Let other kings seek to procure booty, or the downfall of conquered nations. Our purpose is, with God's help, so to conquer that our subjects shall lament only that they have so late come under our rule" (Fisher 1885, 212). The Ostrogothic kingdom fell in 552, and as a nation the Goths vanished from history. It appears that a young man named Anastasius of Durrës was installed on the throne at Constantinople to rule from 491 to 518. Anastasius I, as he became known, came from an important senatorial family of Illyrian blood in Durrës. He attempted to restore the Byzantine empire by strengthening its finances. This enabled him to reinforce the fortifications at Durrës, building its famous castle and improving its defense system with three surrounding walls and four towers (FESH1985, 24, 473). He also built 149

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the hippodrome. Apparently, however, the anti-eastern sentiment of the "Romanized" Dyrrhachium overcame any pride over the fact that a local boy had made good. An Albanian scholar observed, "Everyone would im­ agine that all Durrës people would be proud that one of their sons had reached this level. Not so. Durrës people despised him, and in a tablet which was unearthed, dirty words were expressed against him" (Drita 4 May 1940, 2). This Byzantine emperor from Durrës would soon be followed by a far greater Albanian emperor, Justinian, from Ochrida.

9. Byzantine Rule Once Again (535-861) After years under the Goths, Illyricum was restored to the Byzantine empire in 535 by Justinian (527-565), the Illyrian emperor of Constanti­ nople. He divided Illyricum into western and eastern Illyricum. Wishing to honor the place of his birth, he built up Ochrida near Korcha. Renaming it Justiniana Prima, he made it an administrative center and the residence of the archbishop of Illyricum. Being zealously Eastern or Orthodox, he released Illyricum from obedience to Roman Catholic Thessalonica and placed under its jurisdiction Praevalis, Dardania, New Epirus, the two Moesias and the two Dacias. These provincial borders varied continually. At this time Praevalis extended from the Shkumbin River northward to the Zetes and Moracia valleys, Dardania extended eastward to include the Kosova region, and New Epirus extended from the Shkumbin southward to the Vjosa River. Much of these regions composes present-day Albania. By this administrative reorganization Roman Catholic Shkodra found itself placed under the ecclesiastical oversight of Orthodox Ochrida. Only the eastern part of Illyricum still remained subject to Thessalonica, and in com­ munion with Rome. The armies of Justinian, led by an outstanding Illyrian general, Belisarius, won decisive campaigns against the Vandals, the Goths and the Bulgarians. The emperor adorned Constantinople with many magnificent public buildings, including the great temple of St. Sophia and numberless fortresses. He also sought to draw up a perfect code of law for the empire. But he loved pomp and extravagance. All these activities led to crushing taxation. Yet the reign of this Albanian emperor is said to have been the most brilliant period of Byzantine history after Constantine. Archeological excavations in Albania have revealed a new creative ac­ tivity at this period, not only in military and civil construction, but especially in the construction of churches, their mosaics and their decorative patterns. Among recent discoveries belonging to the sixth cen­ tury are the basilica of Saranda with over 1,600 square feet of multicolored mosaic floors, the basilica of Ballsh near Fier with very rich decorative sculpture, and the basilica of Arpaj near Durrës which appears to be one 151

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of the largest buildings for Christian worship ever discovered in the coun­ try. In fact, the remains of over 30 such Christian basilicas have been un­ earthed in recent years. One of the well-preserved Byzantine church structures built during this period, about 550, is the Baptistry at Buthrotum (Butrint). The building is circular in form, 44 feet in diameter, with 16 straight granite columns sup­ porting an arched roof with a central dome. The floor was paved with multi-colored mosaic figures forming seven concentric circles with the bap­ tismal font itself in their center. In the areas between the concentric circles were geometric designs, also 69 medallions, each picturing in mosaic an animal, bird, fish or vegetation. When the original building was converted into a baptistry, some of the earlier mosaics were replaced by others con­ taining Christian symbols. In the space between the entrance and the cen­ tral baptistry two allegorical scenes were displayed. The rite of baptism was symbolized by two stags approaching a font, with a triumphal arch over them, in the center of which a cross appears between two palm branches. The eucharist was symbolized by a vase from which grape vines hung, while two peacocks perch on either side (World's W ork 1930, 6:65). An ad­ joining service room, rectangular in form, is also paved with mosaics featuring birds and geometric figures of special artistic value. The central baptismal font is described as "deep, faced with white marble, and polygonal in shape" (Edukata August-September 1930, 318-19). Professor Pirro Marconi, Italian archeologist, observed that the baptismal font was deep "for the rite of implanting in water" (Drita 20 April 1939, 3). Korkuti beautifully illustrates the mosaic pavement of this baptistry (Korkuti 1971, 116). Another Italian archeologist in 1930 called this "the most beautiful mosaic of all the old mosaics of the world which have been discovered up to the present" (Edukata August-September 1930, 318-19). Nearby are the walls of a basilica dating from the end of the sixth century. Then there was a considerable number of castle towns. Some of these were related to the military concerns of the Byzantine Empire. Certain for­ tified towns of Kosova were centers of a mining population. But most of them existed as peasant settlements with agriculture their primary concern. One of the most important of these was Kruja, named for its fountains, which existed as an Illyrian settlement as early as the third century b . c . The nearby village of Gërdhesh, thought to be the Albanopolis mentioned by Ptolemy in the second century, was abandoned because of barbarian incur­ sions. Between the fifth and sixth centuries the inhabitants sought protec­ tion by building a castle at Kruja on a steep rock bluff dominating the plain leading to the nearby coast. Later in the Middle Ages this would become the center of the Arbër state, then Albania's capital city from which Skanderbeg would mount his resistance to the Ottoman invaders who named it Akhissar or White Castle (NAlb 1988, 2:8). Archeologists assure us that all their findings of the fifth and sixth centuries throughout Praevalis and Dardania of northern Albania and Old Epirus and New Epirus in the

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south indicate a uniform material culture. This is evident in their handcraft products, their pottery, building ceramics, architectural patterns, mosaics and coins (AT 1983, 3:41-42). Although Byzantine sources provide little if any information about the Albanian civilization of these Middle Ages, archeological investigation is revealing an increasing treasury of data on the economic, social, material and spiritual culture of their Illyrian forebears. One such culture in north­ ern Albania is the Koman culture, taking its name from the village Koman in the Puka district of Shkodra where the mediaeval tumuli or burial mounds near the Castle of Dalmaca yielded such valuable work im­ plements and weapons. This culture dated back to the period of the bar­ barian invasions of the fourth to the seventh centuries. About 30 such tombs have recently been unearthed in northern and central Albania, in the regions of Mirdita, Kukës, Shkodra, Lezha, Kruja, Tirana and Durrës. Yet others have been discovered over the border in Macedonia, Montenegro and Corfu. All these tombs are built in the same manner: case-like with slightly protruding sides. Usually the graves are built of limestone slabs, often encircled by a low wall of stones. The roofing is also built of stone slabs. In all the tombs the body was laid on its back directly on the earth. The tombs were usually, but not always, oriented in an east-to-west direc­ tion. The inventory of these tombs indicates a uniform culture. There are metal fibulae or clasps, rings, bracelets and belt buckles with common or­ namentation such as spirals or pyramid-like heads. Axes, knives, spearheads and ceramics all indicate a direct continuity from their ancient culture, but with elaboration. So does their silver workmanship, their blacksmithery and their pottery. Bronze necklaces resemble those of the Iron Age Illyrians. They consist of one or two rings, with or without a spoke in between them, often abundantly decorated with bird images. These ring-like ornaments were also used as amulets, their circular shape symbolizing the sun, their bird-figures symbolizing the sunbird. Appar­ ently these Illyrians still persisted in the religious practices of their earlier nature worship. Other characteristic Illyrian objects in these Koman tombs were hemispherical buttons with transversal cuts on the upper surface, string beads of a double-conical form, and rings with side protrusions. These all were made of bronze and were commonly found in the Illyrian tumuli, but not in the tombs of neighboring peoples. Occasionally these ob­ jects, especially earrings, incorporated traces of Byzantine or Roman design, but they always retained their ethnic distinctiveness and illustrate the continuity of the Illyrian or Arbër people up through the eighth and ninth centuries (AT 1983, 3:43-44). The excavated tumuli of southern Albania indicate a similar Arbër culture, such as those at Piskova, Rapska and Grabova in the Përmet district and Rehova in the Kolonja district. This Arbër culture is found in two distinct stages. That from the seventh to the ninth centuries displays certain pagan elements connected with the burial ritual surviving as a tradition

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among the Christianized population. The ceramics were like those of the Koman culture, but had more elegant shapes and were decorated with pur­ ple belts against an ocher background. The second stage of Arbër culture of the ninth to the eleventh centuries during the Bulgarian period would evidence the continuing stylistic features of the Koman culture but with enriched decoration of earrings, necklaces and ceramics (NAlb 1989, 2:25). For a century and a half after the death of Justinian (565) the story of the Byzantine court and empire was an almost unbroken tale of crime and degeneracy. The only bright chapter was the reign of Heraclius (610-41). Leo the Isaurian, emperor from 717 to 741, accomplished the reorientation of eastern Illyricum to the Orthodox patriarch. Like the Ottoman Muslims already approaching Constantinople he abominated the Christian use of icons and images, abhorring them as idolatry. His edict of 726 forbade the veneration of such, and in 730 icons and images were banned altogether. The party of "image-breakers" or iconoclasts was strongly opposed by the party of "image-worshippers" supported by the monks. The remonstrances of the Roman bishop made no impression on Leo. When Pope Gregory III convened a synod against the iconoclasts, Leo retaliated by annexing to Constantinople (732) the papal provinces of eastern Illyricum and even Sicily and Calabria in southern Italy. The powerful papal vicar at Thessalonica was reduced to an inferior bishop. The fanatical eastern em­ press Irene (780-802) later restored image worship, and in 842 the empress Theodora finally confirmed it. But neither chose to reverse Leo's arbitrary acquisition of eastern Illyricum. During this unstable period Durrës was the "metropolis" or provincial capital of New Epirus. In the Eastern church the metropolitan bishop had oversight of the bishops of his province. He ranked below the "exarch" or bishop of a diocese, but above the archbishops of the province. At this time when Durrës was alternately under the Byzantines then the Bulgarians, a unique little chapel was built in a gallery of that city's famous amphi­ theater. Gladiatorial games had been forbidden in the fourth century, and Christian shrines were often erected to commemorate early Christians massacred in the amphitheaters. Such a massacre had occurred in Durrës during the persecutions under the Roman emperor Trajan (Liria 15 August 1985, 2). Still to be seen at the amphitheater chapel is the only mural mosaic to be found in all Albania, with two vertical panels remaining. One of these, poorly preserved, shows a female figure wearing an imperial crown and holding a globe encircled by a diadem, with two other females beside her named Irene and Sofia. The better preserved panel shows St. Stephen with a prominently displayed ruler and two archangels, with a two-line in­ scription overhead. The mosaic features red, white, black and green stones, also fragments of gold-caked glass (NAlb 1989, 5:29). Some consider the ruler a divine figure wearing imperial garments, and would date the mosaic to the sixth or seventh century. Other scholars identify the ruler as the Byzantine emperor Alexander who ruled from 912 to 913 (FESH1985, 726).

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Another scholar identifies two of the figures as an important Durrës official named Alexander and his wife, dating sometime between the seventh and tenth centuries (Liria 15 August 1985, 2). On the plaster of the apse an ar­ cheologist discerns traces of a fresco with the figures of Mary and the Child used in worship (ibid.). In this case the chapel would probably have been built following the image controversy, or sometime after 800.

10. The Bulgarian Period (861-1014) The Slavic tribes did not appear on the scene until the sixth century. Under pressure from the barbarian Avars, some of them moved south and west of the Danube. In 640 the good emperor Heraclius invited them into his realm to help him repulse the invading Avars. But afterwards Heraclius could find no one to help him drive out the Slavs. So he settled them in the southwestern part of the Balkans, dispossessing the Illyrians and moving them southward. There the newcomers gradually formed the Slavic states of Serbia, Croatia, Istria and Dalmatia. Except for the coastal cities those regions became quite thoroughly Slavicized. Meanwhile the Bulgarian peo­ ple had mingled with the Slavs and adopted their language. About 861 cen­ tral and southern Albania were overrun by the Bulgarians and devastated. The Bulgarians however were Christianized by the "Apostles to the Slavs," the brothers Cyril and Methodius of Thessalonica. Many of them were bap­ tized in 864 and 865 in the Eastern rite. When Boris of Bulgaria failed to obtain autocephaly from the Patriarch Photius, he accepted the eager Latin promises and was Latinized in 866. Subsequently offended, he returned to Orthodoxy, and in 870 was accorded a Bulgarian archbishopric at Ochrida as well as governmental autonomy. It will be remembered that Ochrida is situated at the north end of Lake Ochrida, the largest body of water in the Balkan Peninsula, and it was important because it commanded the pass by which the Egnatian Way led from the Shkumbin River over the lofty Scardus range to Heraclea, now Monastir (Finlay 1877, 2:371). The archbishops styled themselves "Archbishop of Prima Justiniana, Ochrida and all Bulgaria," and enjoyed spiritual authority as far as Kanina of Vlora. Shortly afterwards another wave of Bulgarians under Czar Simeon (892-927) enveloped virtually all of Albania except the impenetrable north­ ern mountains. Numerous large settlements were established. The Bulgarian King Samuel invaded the eastern empire 26 times between 988 and 1014. But in 1018 the emperor, Basil II, drove them out of Albania, then placed the Bulgarian kingdom under Byzantine rule. Although virtually all other traces of the Bulgarian occupation have 156

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disappeared over the centuries, a number of Bulgarian place-names are still to be found. But there is one other fascinating trace: a religious statue, whereas the Eastern church used only the flat picture called an icon. A British historian wrote the following one century ago: Only one statue now remains in the Greek Church, a wooden statue of St. Clement of Rome in the metropolitan church of Ochrida in western Macedonia. I have elsewhere suggested that this statue dates from the time of Cyril and Methodius, who transported the body of St. Clement from the East to Rome, and one of whose followers, Clement of Ochrida, after their death, retired to his native city and founded a monastery there. Reverence for his memory would cause it to be spared. Von Hahn who has since visited Ochrida is also of the opinion that its date is earlier than the capture of that place by Basil II in 1018. The crucifix came to be pro­ scribed in the same way. The only remaining specimens of this that I am acquainted with are: one at Ochrida in the same church with the statue, one at Mount Athos and one at Crete [Finlay 1877, 2:165-66],

Northern Albania or Praevalis was not affected too seriously by the theological disputations so common between patriarch and pope. One such dispute centered around Photius, the most learned theologian in the East. His appointment as patriarch was irregular. Pope Nicholas I condemned the appointment and anathematized Photius in 863. Photius in an en­ cyclical letter indicted the Latins for their Filioque interpolation, adding to the Nicene Creed that the Holy Spirit proceeded from the Father "and the Son." He also challenged their rule of clerical celibacy and other peculiarities of theology and ritual. A synod of Constantinople in 864 ex­ communicated the pope, and the bitter controversy continued. But it seems to have brought no immediate local reaction within Albania. A Dalmatian Council was held in 875 in which legates of the pope and of the emperor of Byzantium as well as Serbian chiefs took part. They regulated the demarcation of the provinces and the jurisdiction of the magistrates, the hierarchy and the churches. They also transferred the seat of the metropolitan bishop of Praevalis from Shkodra to nearby Dioclea. But the schism of Photius seems to have had no effect on these Catholics of northern Albania. Their attachment to the Latin rite earned for their country the designation Latinia, by which name it is called in a letter of 983 addressed by Emperor Constantine XI to the people of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) (Chopin 1856, 116-17). This fact will explain both their persistent Catholicism and their affinity with the neighboring Venetians in the Turkish period. The historian Spinka provides a bewildering story, however, of Latin and Byzantine missionary machination during this period, when the tribes very cleverly played the East against the West and vice versa in order to secure for themselves greater privileges (Spinka 1933, 20-25; 36; 73-86). Latin pressure won to Catholicism the Croats who had settled in the western part of Praevalis, but the eastern Serbians remained Orthodox.

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Edward Gibbon records with relish a unique instance in East-West relations when the Greeks cooperated with the Latins in driving the Saracens out of Bari and southern Italy. Incurable proselytizers, the Greeks then compelled the Italians of Apulia and Calabria in the Kingdom of Naples to acknowledge the eastern emperor and patriarch (890) (Gibbon, 1860 5:440-43). The Byzantine or Greek ecclesiastical organization set up at that time would continue for more than a century until the Norman con­ quest of Apulia (1040-43). This was to become the immediate cause of the great and final schism between the Eastern and the Western church.

11. Byzantine Rule Yet Again (1014-1204) The Greek or eastern empire survived only at the expense of constant military warfare with barbarians pressing in from the north and Muslims pressing in from the south. In addition there were theological battles both within the empire and with the Western church. The Latins complained of the Orthodox use of leavened bread for the eucharist, the marriage of their priests, and other Greek distinctives. This continuing irritation led the new Patriarch Cerularius (1043) to collaborate with the Bulgarian metropolitan area of Ochrida in arbitrarily banning the Latin liturgy still used in some Bulgarian churches and monasteries. When the Normans annexed the Byzantinized provinces of southern Italy to the see of Rome (1040-43), Cerularius addressed to the Italian bishop of Trani a violent letter warning him against the erroneous Latin practices. The bishop turned the letter over to the pope, who directed his ambassadors to leave on the altar of St. Sophia in Constantinople a papal bull anathematizing the "seven mortal heresies" of the Greeks and excommunicating the patriarch. Supported by other Eastern Orthodox patriarchs, he in turn anathematized the pope. Thus in 1054 occurred the Oriental Schism, the great and final rupture be­ tween the Roman Catholic and the Eastern Orthodox churches. Churches in northern Albania remained in communion with the Latin church; those in central and southern Albania remained under the religious jurisdiction of Constantinople. It would be 900 years before an Albanian patriarch would salute the Roman pope with a kiss of peace. A remarkable Macedo­ nian dynasty led the beleaguered empire for some time, culminating with Basil II. Isaac I, the first of the Comneni family, succeeded him in 1057. Isaac had to combat a new and vigorous enemy, the Turks, who had al­ ready conquered most of Asia.

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12. Norman Rule in Albania (1081-1204) THE N O RM A N A R R IV A L Early in the eleventh century knights from Normandy in northern France ventured into southern Italy and Sicily helping different states battle against the encroaching Saracens. When their successful campaign in Sicily went unrewarded, they decided to reward themselves by conquering all of southern Italy for themselves (1072). This brought them into contact with the eastern empire. The Norman Robert Guiscard (1057-1085) conceived the conquest of the whole Byzantine empire. His opportunity soon came. The bishop of Deabolis or Devoll in central Albania invited the Franks or Nor­ mans from Italy to support his people in throwing off the imperial yoke of Constantinople (Dako 1919, 20). With Norman, Bulgarian and Greek sup­ port the Albanians formed an army under Nicephorus Basilicus and gathered in the countryside before Durrës. The troops of Emperor Alexius Comnenus defeated them, however, in 1079. The Normans apparently liked what they had seen in Albania, for they soon returned. Guiscard and his son Bohemond led their troops back across the Adriatic in 1081. They defeated the Byzantine emperor, Alexius Comnenus, under the walls of Durrës that October, capturing the fortress itself the following February. Anna Comnena, favorite daughter of Alexius, recorded in her Alexiad a vivid account of the Norman siege. First they tried battering rams against the walls, then tunneling under the walls, and finally a wooden siege tower to attack over the walls. Anna described the tower as a terrible sight, but especially terrible in motion. For the tower was covered on all sides to protect the soldiers within who used levers to jack it up onto rollers. The seemingly self-propelled tower astounded the defenders. Slits on each of the several levels allowed the sheltered bowmen to fire showers of arrows, and a drawbridge raised on the top level protected the swordsmen until it was lowered onto the wall to allow them to overrun the defenders. From their base at Durrës the Normans soon occupied Albanian territory as far east as the Vardar River. Many Norman families now transferred their residence to Albania. 160

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TH E NAME "ALBAN IA" It was at this time that the name "Albania" emerged once again. It had first been used by Claudius Ptolemy (90-160), a geographer and astronomer of Alexandria, Egypt. In his G eography he mentioned for the first time the "Albana" people and their capital city Albanopolis located behind Durrës, probably the Illyrian town Zgërdhesh between Tirana and Kruja. This name was popularized by Anna Comnena (1083-1146), daugh­ ter of the Byzantine emperor, Alexius I, who recorded in her famous history that the population located behind Durrës called themselves "Arbanez." In the beginning of the twelfth century the Normans in their French language Song o f Roland called the region from Durrës south to Vlora "Albana." In the fourteenth century these people fleeing to Greece used a linguistic variant "Arvaniti" for themselves, and in the fifteenth and six­ teenth centuries other fleeing to southern Italy called their homeland "Arbana" and themselves "Arbëreshë." Where ancient Albanopolis once stood there is a village still called "Arbana." Gjon Buzuku, one of the early Alba­ nian writers of the sixteenth century, referred to his country as "Arbën." Strangely enough, though, he was also the first to call its language "Shqip." While the western world continued to use the older name "Albania" for the land and "Albanian" for the people and language, the people themselves based on this word "Shqip" the word "Shqipëria" which they use for their country and "Shqiptarë" which they use for themselves (NAlb 1987, 2:17). TH E C R U SA D ES Exhausted by prolonged resistance to the savage Muslim expansion, Byzantine Emperor Michael VII in 1071 appealed to the pope for military aid against the Turks. Distracted by ecclesiastical problems of his own, it was not until 1095 that Pope Urban II conceived the Crusades as a means of regaining the Lateran Palace and St. Peter's, also the churches and kingdoms of his Holy Roman Empire then lost to the anti-Pope Wiebert, and even of reuniting the Greek and Latin branches of Christendom. In­ creasing outrages perpetrated by Muslims against Christian pilgrims to the Holy Land furnished the occasion. Urban's impassioned appeal at the Council of Clermont (France) in 1095 provoked the spontaneous outcry "God wills it!" and precipitated the series of Crusades. These hordes of knights and fanatics, saints and savages, were inspired by motives as base and as lofty as hatred, adventure, plunder, salvation and the liberation of the holy places. The First Crusade (1096-1099) was a disaster. Various contingents descending through Hungary and Bulgaria provoked the populace to violence by their disorderly pillaging for food, their drunken brawls and their massacre of the Christ-killer Jews in order to seize their wealth. Ac­ cordingly, while some contingents chose to reach Constantinople by ship, another under Raymond of Toulouse descended the eastern shore of the

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Adriatic Sea to Durrës, then followed the old Via Egnatia eastward to Con­ stantinople. Alexius, the Byzantine emperor, was embarrassed and alarmed by these disorderly mobs converging on the city. Fearing that they might unite and seize Constantinople, he very generously offered to set them across the strait of the Bosporus on the road to Jerusalem, being careful to hasten each division on its way before the next division could ar­ rive. There they were waylaid one division at a time by the Turks, and thousands were annihilated on the march through Asia Minor. At intervals throughout the 150 years of the Crusades, Durrës became the favored port of entry, the Albanian coast their staging ground, and the Egnatian Way their central Albanian highway to Constantinople and the East. Despite the Norman occupation of the region, the countryside, in­ cluding their chief seaport Durrës, remained faithful to the patriarch until his fall in 1204. It is traditionally believed in Albania that St. Francis of Assisi (1182-1226) on returning from the Holy Land personally founded the first Franciscan monastery on Albanian soil at Lezha in 1220. Supporting this early date is the old Gothic inscription over the entrance of the Fran­ ciscan Church of the Annunciation in Lezha, stating that it was "built in the year 1240" (ACB 1990, 23). During the First Crusade (1096-1099), the Second Crusade (1147-1149) and the Third Crusade (1189-1192), the emperors at Constantinople were more alarmed than gratified by the many swarms of crusaders passing through their territory en route to the Holy Land. But their worst fears materialized with the Fourth Crusade (1202-1204). Some of those crusaders dallied in central Albania, then proceeded over the Via Egnatia to Constan­ tinople. There they joined forces with other crusaders who had sailed with the Venetian fleet. Then the Roman Catholic crusaders en route to fight the Turks quarreled instead with the Greeks and pillaged Constantinople. They even established a Latin Kingdom there (1204-1261) under the Nor­ man knight Baldwin of Flanders. For the first time in history a Roman pope set up Latin bishops over the Eastern churches. They also established there the Latin liturgy. Pope Innocent III proclaimed the reunion of the Eastern and Western churches accomplished. The Orthodox government and patriarch, however, simply withdrew to Nicea. THE LEGEND OF FLA U R IM O N T Another legacy of the Norman period in Albania was a fascinating though fanciful novel which appeared about 1180. This epic poem called Flaurimont was written in old French by a romanticist poet, Amon de Varanes. Scholars are convinced that the poet was born in the Balkans, later moving to Chatillon castle near Lyons, France, where he wrote this novel of 13,680 verses. The hero of his blend of history and legend was named Flaurimont (or Mountain Flower), the son of Duke Matakas, ruler of ancient Durrës. He is pictured as the grandfather of Alexander the Great, whose Illyrian mother was of the neighboring Molossi tribe. A "detested

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king Candiobras" sent a dragon which terrorized the Albanian territories, demanding a live man and an ox for its food each day. Like Hercules before him, Flaurimont slew the dragon and delivered his people. The names Albania and Durrës occur frequently in the poem. The description of the Durrës castle and its surrounding territory is so detailed that scholars believe the author of this chivalrous legend must have lived there himself during the Norman period. Handwritten copies of this work are preserved in Montpellier, Paris, London, Turin and Venice (Liria 1 February 1989, 3). It is certain that tales of this mysterious land and these untamed heroes would travel far and excite the imaginations of many others. So it was that Shakespeare based his Twelfth Night in Albania, and Longfellow's Tales o f a Wayside Inn included the exploits of Skanderbeg as told by the Spanish Jew. In fact, it may have been some devious Spanish connection which ac­ counts for the fact that the only classic poem in the Tagalog language of the Philippines is a love story, Florante at Laura, which took place in the Kingdom of Albania (Tuggy, Leonard, letter to author, 27 March 1989). Y E T A N O TH ER N O RM A N L E G A C Y -F E U D A L IS M The Normans as a people have vanished from the face of the earth, lost in the kingdoms they founded. Wherever they went they merged into the conquered peoples so that they left no permanent traces behind. In Albania alone, however, their institution of feudalism remained for centuries. The principles were few and simple. The king allotted land to his officers and personal followers. As feudal lords these men governed their territory, allotted it to trusted friends as underlords, paid taxes on it, defended it, and bequeathed it to their sons. Dependents of the landowner tilled the land for him, fought for him, and were protected by him. They were not slaves to be sold, yet they were not free to change their residence, marry or bequeath their goods without permission from their lord. There was a clear dichotomy between landowners and serfs, also a hierarchy or gradation of landowners which position would pass down to their heirs along with the land.

13. Quarreling Feudal Families Vulnerable to the Ottoman Turks Following the seizure of Constantinople by the Latin crusaders, Albania, midway between Constantinople and Rome, was torn by the bit­ ter rivalry between the two. Then feudal families sought to expand their regional holdings at the expense of weaker neighbors. The Islamic invasion of Europe through Spain and through Italy having been thwarted, the Ot­ toman Turks in Asia Minor now launched another attack through the Balkans. Finally, the Republic of Venice, seeing its vital trade interests threatened, determined to seize the prosperous commercial cities along the Adriatic coast before the Turks got them. For two centuries, then, Albania seemed like a tangled jungle of conflicting interests. The borders of com­ peting principalities were changing from year to year, even from month to month. The feudal princes, unwilling to stand together united, would in­ evitably fall one by one divided. Their tragic story precedes and follows the decisive battle of Kosova in 1389. THE CO M N EN U S FA M ILY (1204-1318) AND THE D E S P O T A T OF EPIR U S When Constantinople fell to the Latin crusaders in 1204, a prince of the fallen dynasty, Michael Comnenus, escaped death at their hands only by fleeing to southern Albania. He rallied the feudal lords and drove out the Latin Venetians to establish an independent principality which he called the Despotat of Epirus with its capital at Yanina. For this reason it was sometimes called the "Principality of Yanina." To the north were the Serbs, and to the east the Bulgarians, both of whom sought every occasion to ex­ tend their dominion. Prince Michael seized the initiative, however, and ex­ tended his rule to Corfu and Durrës then as far north as Shkodra. With the establishment of the Latin kingdom at Constantinople, the new Latin patriarch of Constantinople had replaced the Byzantine archbishop of Durrës with a Latin prelate. Michael, however, reoriented Durrës toward Orthodoxy, for which he received the title "Defender of the Faith." In­ terestingly enough, this principality was the first free kingdom in Albania 164

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since it was subjugated by the Romans 14 centuries earlier. Michael I died in 1215, his successor Theodore Engjelli expanding the Despotat in territory and power, extending it even to Thessalonica in the east. Michael II succeeded his father as despot from 1230 to 1267, fighting constantly against Latin Constantinople which was trying to regain control of this Albanian principality. Winning some campaigns and losing others, he was alternately independent of and subject to Constantinople. It was probably about this time (1250) that the Byzantine church and monastery of St. Mary were built at Pojani, about four miles west of Fier. The struc­ ture is unique in that the lower part was constructed of large stone blocks taken from the ruins of the ancient theater of nearby Apollonia (FESH1985, 854). The Eastern authorities relocated in Nicea sent an officer to Albanon in 1257 to restore order in the province. The Albanian population, however, preferred alliance with the Despotat and sent the officer back to Nicea. An influential chief supporting Michael II at the time was Gulam (William) of Albanon. The name Albanon was frequently applied at that time not only to the town, but also to the triangular region of central Albania between Elbasan, Durrës and Kruja. Some believe that the name Albanon may have given rise to the designation of the region as "Al­ bania." The historian Theodor Ippen, a native of Albanon, has sum­ marized the vicissitudes of the Despotat (Diturija October 1928, 374-75). At Constantinople there was constant strife between the Greek Ortho­ dox population and the Latin usurpers. To win friends in his opposition to the usurpers, Michael II gave his daughter Helen in marriage to Man­ fred, King of the Two Sicilies, in 1258. He granted much of lower Al­ bania as a dowry, including Corfu, Durrës, Vlora, Himara, Butrint and Berat. Two years later (1260) Michael Paleologus drove the Latins out of Constantinople and reestablished his capital there. On the death of Manfred (1266) much of this southern Albanian territory passed to Charles I of Anjou, a prince of the French royal family. The remaining territory of the Despotat went to Prince Michael's son Nicephor (1267-93) then to his son Thomas (1293-1318) who was the last of the Comnenus line. THE O R S IN I FA M ILY (1318-1358) When Thomas was assassinated by his sister's son Nikolla Orsini, the Orsini family seized control and ruled from 1318 to 1323. But it was a turbulent period. Nikolla was assassinated by his brother John who ruled from 1323 to 1335. It was during this period that the Albanians of Kolonja, Devoll and the Ochrida region joined the emperor Andronicus Palaeologus against the Despotat (1327). A few years later (1338) Andronicus, enraged by the repeated incursions of the western Albanians against the imperial fortresses at Berat, Kanina, Skrapari and Klisura, sent a punitive expedition into Albania. But John was assassinated by his wife Anna Palaeologus, who then ruled through their minor son

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Nicephor from 1335 to 1358. While resisting raids from Albanian chieftains to the north, Prince Nicephor was killed in 1358. THE SH P A T A FA M ILY (1358-1431) The principality then passed into the hands of Gjin (John) Bua Shpata ("The Sword"). The Shpata family sprang from ancient Finiq, John himself being a nobleman from Delvina. He based his principality in Arta and en­ joyed the support of many lesser feudal families who feared the return of the Byzantines. During this century the pressure of invaders from the north and east caused many Albanians to withdraw southward and occupy the northern provinces of Greece. Shpata captured territory there and helped establish Albanian colonies, giving his name to the important village of Shpata, a suburb of Athens. During this period repeated contact with the advancing Turks foreshadowed the catastrophe to come. Strangely enough it was the Byzantine emperors who became the authors of their own ruin. When John Catacuzenos was unable to control his disintegrating empire he introduced mercenaries: Bulgarians, Serbs and even Turks (Gibbon 1860, 6:188). Thus in 1341 Orhan under the crescent of Islam entered Europe for the first time. They proved to be formidable fighters, and carried off im­ mense quantities of booty. In fact, the Latins, besieged in the Yanina for­ tress, hired Turkish troops in 1381 and again in 1384 to distract the Albanian troops of John Shpata. Apparently the Turks liked what they saw, for they would soon come back uninvited. THE Z E N E V ISI FA M ILY (1 304-1435) The Zenevisi (or Zenebishi) family ruled the southern region of Albania below the Vjosa River as early as 1304. Ruling from their capital, Gjirokastra, their territory included the seaport Vlora and the coastal region almost as far south as Arta and Yanina. The despot of Yanina, at that time a Serb, called Turkish troops in from Thessaly in 1380 and 1382. TH E A N JO U FA M ILY (12 6 9 -1 3 6 8 ) AND THE A N G EVIN "K IN G D O M OF A RBËRIA " On the death of Manfred, King of the Two Sicilies (1266), the south central Albanian territory he had received as a dowry from Comnenus and his Kingdom of Naples passed to Charles I of Anjou, a prince of the French royal family. The territory Charles occupied in 1269 consisted of Durrës, Vlora, Corfu and Butrint to the south, the Berat district as far east as Ochrida and the Dibras and Mirdita to the north. Negotiating with the principal chieftains of central Albania, he created the Angevin "Kingdom of Arbëria" in 1272, with himself as king and Durrës his capital. In 1274 19 influential chieftains from the region between Kruja and Elbasan signed a document recognizing King Charles as their sovereign. Documents in Naples list 15 governors who represented the Angevins at Durrës from 1269

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to 1301. Even Pope John XXII appealed to the chieftains to remain loyal to Charles when in 1319 the Byzantines and Serbs were preparing to attack and recapture this Latin stronghold. Charles I was succeeded by his son Charles II the Lame, who in 1294 turned the Kingdom of Albania over to his son Philip, prince of Taranto. On the death of Philip in 1333 the rule went to his brother John of Gravina, then in 1335 to John's son Charles of Duras. Charles was beheaded in Aversa near Naples in 1347 on the order of his cousin Ludwig, king of Hungary. Another cousin, Philip II, inherited the Kingdom of Albania but lost it to the Topia family in 1368. THE M U ZA KA FA M ILY (1280-1389) One of the feudal families holding power in central Albania under the Angevins was the Muzaka family. Andre Muzaka at Berat held the title "Marshal of Arbëria" from 1280 to 1319. The region of broad plains they once held is still called Myzeqe. Andre II holding the title "Despot" ex­ panded their territory to its maximum: from the Adriatic Sea between the Vjosa and Devoll rivers eastward including the Korcha plain. With one daughter, Komita, married to Balsha II of Shkodra and another to the Gropa family at Ochrida, there seemed to be an unusual degree of stability. But on the death of Balsha II in 1385, Komita separated from the Balshas and ruled the southern portion of this principality independently. But then came the catastrophe of Kosova in 1389. THE T O P IA FA M ILY (1338-1460) The Topia family ruled under the Angevins in 1338, controlling the Durrës region and much of central Albania from Mat to the Shkumbin River and ruling from Kruja. Robert of the famous house of Anjou, king of Naples, had an illegitimate daughter whom he wished to marry to a French gentleman of Greece. En route her ship touched at Durrës, where she met and fell in love with Tanush Topia. They were married and had a son Karl. King Robert, feigning pleasure at the marriage, invited the daughter and her husband to Naples, where he killed them both. The Topia family ruled over the regions of Durrës, Kruja, Peqin, Elbasan, Mokra and Gora, that is, along both sides of the Via Egnatia as far east as Lake Ochrida. The Topia family subdivided into two branches: that of the mountains, and that of the coastal plains ruled by Prince Karl. In 1385 Karl, at war with his cousin George Balsha II, was supported by another ruling prince who asked help from the Turks. They gladly entered Al­ bania and helped defeat Balsha. Upon his death in 1388, Karl was buried in the monastery of St. John which he had built in Elbasan. Mindful of his mother's origin, he ordered that his Elbasan gravestone commem­ orate him as of the "House of France," and that it bear the French fleurde-lis. Just one year later the fateful battle of Kosova would take place (1389).

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TH E DU SH AN FA M ILY (1331-1355) Stephen Dushan in 1331 succeeded his father as king of Serbia, ruling from Prizren in northern Albania. He acquired much of Macedonia (1343), then Epirus and Thessaly (1348), and much of northern Albania. He as­ sumed the rather pretentious title "Emperor of Romania, Slavonia and Albania." Obviously there was a continuous Albanian presence there even during Serbian rule. His natural religious antipathies were sharpened, however, by contact with the northern Albanians. For while he and the Serbs adhered to the Eastern or Orthodox church, these northern Alba­ nians adhered to the Western church of Rome, centering now at coastal An­ ti vari rather than Shkodra. Thus in 1332 a Franciscan friar, Brocardus, related of that region, "There are two peoples, the Albanians and the Latins, who both belong to the Church of Rome." He then enumerated the bishoprics: "Anthibarie [Antivari], Catharo [Cattaro], Dulcedine [Dulcigno], Suacinense, Scutari [Shkodra] and Drivasto [now ruined], Greater and Lesser Polat [Upper and Lower Pulati], Sabbate [Sappa] and Albania [Elbasan and Durrës]. They are all under the archbishop of An­ thibarie" (Durham 1921, 13). Dushan chose direct confrontation. His celebrated Canon of Laws "established by the grace of God in the year 1349 at a meeting of the Patriarchs" provided that even the emperor could be called into court if he had done any injustice. It also provided the following: As to the Latin heresy, and those that draw true believers to its faith. If such a one will not be converted . . . he shall be punished by death. The Orthodox Tsar must eradicate all heresy from his state. The property of all such as refuse conversion shall be confiscated. Heretical priests of other communions who try to make proselytes will be sent to the mines or ex­ pelled from the country. Heretical churches will be consecrated and opened for priests of the Orthodox faith. . . . If a Latin priest be found try­ ing to convert a Christian to the Latin faith he shall be punished by death" [Durham 1909, 295],

This canon also crystallized into law the attachment of the peasants to the feudal landowner, detailing their obligations of money, produce and labor. But Stephen was ambitious, and he was shrewd. Learning that the pope was seeking to confederate all the powers against the Turks, and desiring to be named chief of the league, he feigned to embrace the Catholic faith. He even ordered that Latin priests enjoy complete liberty in the exer­ cise of their functions. Happy over this conversion, Pope Innocent VI sent two legates. Dushan received them with honors. But understanding that several million of his subjects would revolt against him if he tried to convert them, he forbade the legates to attend Latin services. The pope, seeing himself deceived by Dushan, engaged the king of Hungary to make war on him. He marched on Dushan and took him prisoner. Forced to recognize the religious authority of the pope in order to regain his liberty, Dushan

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was released with magnificent presents. While mounting a crusade against the Turks, however, he died at Devoll of a fever in 1355. His conglomerate empire broke up among several regional feudal families, the province of Shkodra being taken over by members of the Balsha family. TH E BA LSH A FA M ILY (1360-1421) The origin of the Balsha family is uncertain. Hecquard claims that the family was originally French by the name of Baux coming from Provence to Naples with the Angevins, and then to Shkodra (Hecquard 1857, 416). In 1360 he assumed the title Balsha I, and with the help of his brothers and Albanian feudal chiefs he eliminated the rule of the Byzantines and the Or­ thodox Serbs in north and central Albania. Soon the Balsha family ruled over Dalmatia, much of Macedonia, including Thessalonica, and much of present-day Albania, with his capital at Shkodra. He died in 1362. His three sons ruled together, their expanding power bringing them into conflict with Karl Topia and with Venice. The Balsha family restored Catholicism (1369), their coins thereafter having Latin inscriptions. In 1383 Balsha II captured Durrës from Karl Topia and assumed the title "Duke of Durrës." Topia called on the Turks for assistance. Amurat I (or Murad I) gladly sent an army of 40,000 men from Macedonia. In the plain of Savre between Elbasan and Lushnja Balsha fought the Turks and was defeated and killed, his head being taken to the Turkish capital as a trophy. The principality now split into two parts, Balsha's widow, Komita Muzaka, returned to her family seat at Berat to rule over the southern part of the principality. His nephew Gjergj II Balsha ruled the northern portion from Shkodra (13851403).

14. The Ottoman Turkish Threat THE E X P A N SIO N OF ISLA M Islam, the great historic movement which threatened Albania and Europe at this juncture, had its origin in Arabia. Muhammad's original crusade against idolatry in his own country was by its very success ex­ panded into the Muslim concept of a universal theocratic state. Although Muhammad died in a . d . 632, the first caliph, Abu Bekr, with both religious and secular authority, consolidated the prophet's conquests. His successor, Omar, expanded the Muslim dominions until they stretched from Cyrene to India (644). The expansion broke out of the heat belt with the Saracen invasion of Spain but met its decisive defeat at Tours (732) by Charles Martel. Thereafter the northward expansion of Islam into Europe was at­ tempted through Asia Minor. The three patriarchates of Alexandria, Jerusalem and Antioch fell. Constantinople itself was besieged unsuc­ cessfully on two occasions, from 669 to 676, and from 717 to 718. Then a short-cut into Europe through Sicily and Italy was attempted in the ninth century, but with no permanent gain. Alarmed over the rise of the Seljuk Turks, the popes proposed the crusades, partly to rescue the holy places from Muslim domination, and partly to establish Latin supremacy over the eastern empire and church. Then in 1307 the more virile Ottoman Turks from the Mongolian steppes succeeded the Seljuk dynasty. Heading north­ ward they succeeded by 1312 in overwhelming most of Asia Minor, in­ cluding six of the seven biblical churches of Asia. In 1333 the emperor of the East, Andronicus III, fearful of the advanc­ ing Turks, sought aid from the pope, but could not accept the stern Roman prerequisites. Pope Benedict XII reopened negotiations with Andronicus, but when at Avignon in 1339 he demanded the unconditional surrender of Orthodoxy, all again proved futile. In 1354 the Turks bypassed Constan­ tinople and crossed the Dardanelles into Europe. The eastern Emperor, John Cantacuzenus, gave his daughter in marriage to the Turkish emir Orhan, and they signed treaties of perpetual friendship (Gibbon 1860, 6:230-33). On the untimely death of Orhan, his brother Amurat I suc­ ceeded to the throne (1361-1389). He established his capital at Adrianople (or Edirne) near the border of Greece and subdued the province of Thrace. 170

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The capital of the waning Greek empire and of the Orthodox church was now surrounded by the Turks. To resist their further encroachments, the Byzantine emperor, John V Paleologus, was forced to seek help in 1369 from Pope Urban V at Avignon. En route his ship paused at a famous quarry on the Karaburun Peninsula of Vlora which was often visited by sailing vessels. Still visible, carved on the rock wall of the Gramata cave by one of the ship's company, is a figure symbolizing the desperate plight of eastern Christendom. A stone tower surmounted by a cross is encircled by the strangulating coils of a serpent (NAlb 1986, 6:28). The immediate Ottoman threat compelled John to pretend to submit to the pope's severe conditions for military assistance, but his people repudiated his hypocritical submission. Meanwhile the Turks were overrunning the Balkans, coming up through Greece into Albania. Because of the prevailing feudal anarchy they met with little effective resistance. THE B A T T L E OF K O S O V A (1389) An anti-Ottoman coalition of Hungarians, Bulgarians, Romanians, Poles, Serbs and Albanians headed by the Serbian prince Lazar fought a Turkish army twice its size on the plain of Kosova near Prishtina on 15 June 1389. Troops of Gjergj II Balsha of Shkodra and of Theodore Korona Muzaka of Berat participated. Even though an Albanian named Milosh Kopiliq penetrated to the Sultan's tent and assassinated Amurat I, the Turks succeeded in destroying the Balkan coalition. This bloody defeat opened the way for yet deeper penetration of Albanian territory under Sultan Bayazet, surnamed "Thunderbolt" (FESH 1985, 88). He overran Albania from 1394 to 1396 and occupied it from Gjirokastra in the south to Shkodra in the north, and from its eastern border to Durrës on the coast. The Christian powers had their opportunity to annihilate the Turks in 1402, when Tamerlane and his Tartars crushed the hitherto victorious Ot­ tomans at Ankara. Turkish troops withdrew from all European possessions except the province of Adrianople. Bloody revolts in Asia Minor followed one another without interruption. If at that moment a coalition of Christian princes had united against the Turkish Empire, they would inevitably have destroyed it. Instead the feudal families fought one another to expand their territory and fought Venice to regain lost cities. No attack was made against the Turks, however, so they reorganized their internal affairs and recovered their strength under Mohammed I (1403-1421) and his successor, Amurat II. A LBA N IA N D IS IL L U SIO N M E N T W ITH VEN ICE The Republic of Venice seemed to be Albania's only hope of deliverance from the Ottoman Turks. Since its founding in a . d . 500 by Romans and others fleeing German barbarians, Venice had become Europe's greatest commercial city. Not content with establishing trading centers along the Adriatic and Mediterranean coasts, the Venetians also

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determined to take over the control of those centers before the arrival of the Turks. To induce local princes to place their port cities under the protec­ tion of Venice, the Venetian senate promised attractive rewards as well as material and military support. If these promises did not prove to be suffi­ ciently persuasive, the Venetian senate fomented friction between neighboring families, resorted to assassination, or even bribed the Turks to attack. By one means or another Venice soon had control of Shkodra and the harbors of Lezha, Durrës, Vlora and Himara. The senate rebuilt their destroyed city walls, and the "Venetian towers" are still to be seen. Venice built roads and bridges and issued special Albanian coins called "Venetika." It appeared to be Albania's only hope to withstand the invading Turks. But it soon became obvious that the only intention of Venice was to safeguard its own trade interests. Even the offer of Albanian princes to acknowledge Venetian sovereignty did not suffice. For Venice, uncertain of its ability to grapple militarily with the Turkish colossus, chose instead to sign accords, agreeing to pay annual tribute in exchange for the safekeeping of its trading centers. In despair some Albanian princes also submitted. For the Turks, unable to enforce their rule in the vast conquered territories, preferred to leave the native feudal families in control of the peasant population. Under this arrangement the feudal princes were obliged to accept the Turkish sultan as overlord, pay yearly tribute, and provide troops whenever called upon. Other Albanian princes determined to continue their one-sided bat­ tle against overwhelming odds until finally they too were forced to yield to the Turks.

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15. Gradual Capitulation of Feudal Families to the Ottoman Turks Following the decisive battle of Kosova the Albanian feudal families were forced to capitulate one by one. THE SH P A T A FA M ILY (T O 1431) Just ten years after Kosova, John Bua Shpata died in 1399 and his despotat was divided into two parts. The northern part went to his son-inlaw John Zenevisi based at Gjirokastra, the southern part to his brother Maurik Bua at Arta. Not too long afterwards these two domains were divided into still smaller and weaker domains until Yanina and the whole southern region fell into the hands of the Turks in 1431. Yanina surrendered to the Turks, however, so as to preserve a measure of autonomy. The cir­ cumstances were not altogether unique in Albanian history. On the death of Prince Charles of Yanina, three illegitimate sons quarreled with two nephews over the inheritance. When they very naively sought a solution by Turkish intervention, Amurat seized the pretext and marched on Yanina. F. C. H. L. Pouqueville, later consul general of France to the court of Ali Pasha of Yanina, discovered the following ultimatum among old docu­ ments at Yanina: Amurat, Emperor of the Orient and of the Occident, I write to you, people of Yanina, and I invite you to come voluntarily to present the keys of your fortress, and salute me as your emperor, if you would not excite my anger, and oblige me to march against you with my army, to take your city. Then you would prove the evils which have been suffered by the places which have resisted me, and which have refused to recognize me as their master; cities which my sword has smitten, and which have fallen before the sabre of my soldiers, conquerors of the Orient and the Occident. We shall swear together: I that I shall never drive you from your fortress, you that you will be faithful, and forever submitted to my authority [Pouq 1826,1:149].

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Several of the city's most distinguished citizens appeared before the sultan and arranged the capitulation. In consequence, 18 Turks commanded by an officer took possession of the chateau of Yanina in the name of Amurat on 9 October 1431. THE Z EN EV ISI FA M ILY (T O 1434) During the years following Kosova, Prince John Zenevisi (7-1417) car­ ried on continual warfare with the Turks, with the new despot of Yanina and with Venice over the salt trade. Upon his death the Turks besieged his capital, Gjirokastra, and took the stronghold in 1418. Depa Zenevisi, John's son, took refuge in the island of Corfu. Then, encouraged by the successful uprising of Gjergj Arianiti Topia in central Albania, he raised an army in 1434 with the intention of recapturing Gjirokastra. While he was besieging the Janissary garrison holding his former capital, superior Turkish forces arrived. Caught between the two forces, many of the Albanian revolu­ tionaries were killed, including Zenevisi himself (1435) (Noli 1921, 84-85). THE M U ZA KA FA M ILY (T O 1474) Theodore II Muzaka died during the crucial battle of Kosova. The Balsha widow Komita Muzaka ruled from Berat until her death in 1396. Then her daughter Rugina Balsha of Vlora held the territory until 1417, when it all fell to the Turks and she took refuge in Corfu. The city of Berat also fell in 1417, the Muzakas there submitting as vassals to the sultan. In­ congruously enough, they still maintained political relations with Venice, even though some of their children embraced Islam and rose to eminent positions in the Turkish army. Another, John Muzaka, later fought the Turks together with Skanderbeg throughout his revolution. After the death of Skanderbeg when the last Albanian stronghold fell (1474), Muzaka refugeed in Naples where in 1510 he wrote a valuable history of the Muzaka family (FESH 1985, 730-31). THE T O P IA FA M ILY (T O 1425) Upon the death of Karl Topia (1388) his sickly young son Gjergj headed the principality. Being an ineffective ruler anyway, he yielded to Venetian pressure and left Durrës to Venice just before he died in 1392. The remainder of his principality was divided among the daughters of Karl and other relatives, who fought with both Venice and the Turks until Kruja fell to the latter in 1425. Of the Topia family ruling in the mountains, one war­ rior left a brilliant record. George Arianiti Komneni Topia lived from 1400 to 1460. As a young prince he was captured by the invading Turks and held as a hostage by the sultan. Escaping in 1432 he returned to Albania and established his rule over the region from Vlora to Durrës. The sultan sent an army after him, but it was utterly defeated between Ochrida and Elbasan. Not long afterwards the historian Chalcondile vividly described several revolutions against the Turks, including this temporarily successful

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one of Arianita (Chalcondile 1662, 112-16). In fact his uprising was spec­ tacularly successful for several years. Ali Pasha Evrenozi, sent to suppress the revolt, pursued the southern Albanians into the mountain passes where his troops were cut to pieces again and again, only a few escaping by the Ionian Sea. Arianita became a national hero, even winning international acclaim. In 1443 he extended the revolution into Macedonia, but col­ laborated with Skanderbeg from 1444 to 1450. His eldest daughter, Andronika, became the wife of Skanderbeg. Topia died about 1460. When the Turks occupied his domain in 1466, two of his sons went to live in Venice, one remaining in Albania and embracing Islam. THE G R O P A FAM ILY (1 273-1468) The Gropa family ruled the eastern shore of Lake Ochrida under the Angevins as early as 1273. They were neighbors of the Topias, the Shpatas and the Kastriotis. After the disaster of Kosova (1389), nearby Ochrida fell into the hands of the Turks. Several warriors of this family served with Skanderbeg, Zaharia Gropa becoming distinguished as a commander in several battles against the Turks. THE BA LSH A FA M ILY (T O 1421) Balsha III was the last of this northern dynasty, ruling at Shkodra from 1403 to 1421. Venice with Ottoman help seized several of Balsha's coastal cities, and even the region around Shkodra. By 1412 Balsha III had regained three of those cities, and with the support of the Zaharias, Kastriotis, Rugina Balsha of Vlora and others, he continued the warfare with Venice right up until his premature death in 1421. The Balsha dynasty then dis­ solved and their territory was divided among local feudal lords, such as the Zaharias of Dagnum (Daina) at the mouth of the Drin River, the Jonimas of Lezha, and especially Duke John, better known as Dukagjin. Apparently the liberty-loving Albanians did not welcome the Venetian overlords much more than they did the Turks. Indicating their restlessness, an order was issued in the Senate of Venice on 12 August 1423 setting forth measures to be taken to stop the Albanian uprisings. It concluded, "The observance of the present shall be sworn to by the contracting parties on the image of the crucifix" (Deputazione 1876, 11:133). Shortly afterwards (1430) Venice again felt compelled to make peace and commercial treaties with Amurat, pledging mutual nonaggression, free commerce and payment by Venice of an annual tribute of 136 ducats for Shkodra and Drivasto (ibid., 12:140; Romanin 1853, 4:233). TH E D U K A G JIN FAM ILY (1 393-1479) The famous Dukagjin or Duke John family ruled over the moun­ tainous territory of Lezha, Mirdita and Dukagjin as far east as Prizren. The name first appears in history following the disastrous battle of Kosova (1389) when Progon and Tanushi, the sons of Lek Dukagjin, turned the city

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of Lezha over to the Venetians in 1393. The names of Paul and Nikolla Dukagjin emerge frequently during the first half of the fifteenth century because of their quarrels. Both brothers participated in Skanderbeg's Assembly of Lezha (1444) and his warfare, especially against Venice in 1447-48. When the territorial claims of Lek Dukagjin caused a quarrel and the death of Lek Zaharia (1445) and the seizure of his castle at Daina on the Drin River, Skanderbeg had to intervene. This caused an estrangement be­ tween the two, and Dukagjin even sided with Venice in 1456 and with the Turks in 1457. Fortunately, Pal Engjell, archbishop of Durrës, was able to reconcile these two leaders (1463) in view of the continually increasing pressure of the Turks in Dukagjin's territory. Fighting side by side until the death of Skanderbeg, Lek Dukagjin thereafter became one of the prin­ cipal figures in the warfare against the Turks. When the last strongholds fell to the Turks in 1478 and 1479, Lek and other family leaders sought refuge in Venice. Others remaining in Albania became Muslims and reached high positions with the Turks. Many others in their mountain strongholds steadfastly resisted Turkish domination and continued as Catholics with some degree of autonomy under their celebrated Canon of Lek. This famous Canon of Lek originated with some unknown legislator of the family, although tradition links it with Prince Lek himself. Never re­ duced to writing until modern times, this governmental pattern was handed down orally from generation to generation, becoming more or less stan­ dard among all the mountain tribesmen. In fact it was considered more binding than Turkish law or their church's Ten Commandments. The basic unit was the patriarchal family, all the descendants of the living head dwell­ ing together in a great fortified stone house well distant from its neighbors. Each family had an elder who represented it at the council of the tribe or bajrak (literally, banner) of that district. The bajraktar or tribal chief presided over the tribal council and carried the tribe's banner in war. The tribes of a given region recognized one of their number as a prink (prince). The chief offices were hereditary but required confirmation by a decree of the Turkish vali or governor. Each principality thus formed a sort of aristocratic republic. The Canon embodied both civil and penal regula­ tions. One unique feature of Albanian mountain justice was the blood feud, or purification by blood. Murder had to be avenged at once by the victim's relatives. Family honor was not reestablished until the murderer or one of his male relatives had paid with his own blood. The code was very com­ plicated, and very exact. Women were highly respected and were in­ violable. Ffospitality was a sacred obligation, the host being required to avenge harm to one's guest. Real or imagined dishonor to one of these proud mountaineers might begin a feud which could cost many lives and last a century. The besa or besa-besën (word of honor) was an oath or pledge to keep one's word, and when extended to guests, friends or even to blood enemies was absolutely sacred and inviolable.

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TH E K A S T R IO T I FA M ILY (1 383-1474) The Kastrioti family had a small principality in the mountains between Mat and Dibra, just north of the Topia holdings. Kostandin (Constantine) Kastriota began ruling this principality in 1383. His son Gjergj (George) with his troops took part in the ill-fated battle of Kosova in 1389. The Vene­ tians occupied Kruja the capital in 1392. When Gjergj reestablished his rule at Kruja in 1395 the Venetians considered him an enemy and beheaded him at Durrës in 1402. His son Gjon (John) succeeded him, reoccupied Kruja and gradually extended his domain over Tirana, Mat, the Dibras and Mirdita from Prizren in the east to the Adriatic in the west. Strong fortresses were maintained at Kruja, Petrel near Tirana, Petralba, Stelluzi in Mat, Sfetigrad in Upper Dibra and Tornach. From 1407 to 1430 John fought periodically with the Turks, but three times was defeated and forced to ac­ cept severe conditions of peace. When the Turks under Amurat II over­ whelmed him in 1421 they followed their usual practice, allowing him to remain with limited control of his principality. But they required him to pay annual tribute, also to surrender four sons as hostages to guarantee his continued submission to the sultan. They also promised the father that after his death they would return his oldest son to rule in his place. The youngest son was a nine-year-old boy, George, who would later be known as the hero Skanderbeg (Noli 1921, 70-71, 88-89). When Turkey and Venice went to war over possession of Thessalonica in 1428, Venice encouraged Gjon Kastrioti to rebel. Then in 1430 Venice yielded the coveted port to the Turks, signed a peace treaty and abandoned her ally to Turkish reprisal. The victorious sultan immediately retaliated against the revolting Albanians, defeating Kastrioti and restricting him to a small mountainous zone. Then using Kruja as a base, Ali Pasha Evrenozi from 1431 to 1433 laid waste most of Albania from Shkodra in the north to Vlora in the south. Except for the stronghold of Shkodra and other seaports held by Venice, virtually all of Albania was now in Turkish hands. One after another the individualistic feudal lords had been compelled to sue for peace and submit to the tribute. The longing for independence had not been crushed, however. It only awaited the proper leader who could rally the regional princes for united resistance. His time had come.

16. Temporary Successes of Skanderbeg (1443-1468) HIS EA RLY TR A IN IN G AS A H O ST A G E During much of this time young George Kastrioti had been held as a hostage at the court of Amurat II in Adrianople. Hardly were he and his brothers in the hands of Amurat when, contrary to Amurat's pledge, they were circumcised, given Muslim names and instructed in the Muslim faith. Sansovino, an Italian who for 13 years was a Turkish prisoner, and yet not antagonistic toward the Turks, wrote that "the most beautiful young men are used for immoral purposes by the courtiers, and when their beauty fades, they are made eunuchs for guarding the women or for stable or kitchen servants" (Sansovino 1560, 1:69). Chalcondile implied that young Kastrioti was so abused (Chalcondile 1662, 154). This does not, however, seem probable in view of the fact that he was given the select training of the elite Imperial Guard called the Janissaries, founded by Amurat I. Al­ banians were said to have predominated in that bodyguard just as they had in the elite Praetorian Guard of Rome. His older brothers were allegedly poisoned (Noli 1921, 74). George, now named Skender after the equally youthful Alexander the Great and because of their common Albanian origin, appeared thoroughly Ottomanized. By his intelligence and strength he won the favor of the sultan and rapid advancement. He showed such courage in battle that he was made an officer, a sanjak or commander over 5,000 cavalrymen, and was thereafter called Skander Beg or Lord Alex­ ander. In 1438 and 1440 Skanderbeg was sent with his troops to suppress the restless peasants in upper Albania, where he became aware of their readiness for revolt. SK A N D ER BEG C O M M IT S H IM SELF T O A LBA N IA N IN D EPEN D EN CE (1443) In 1442 John Kastrioti died, and the sultan granted his principality to a renegade Albanian then governing Kruja rather than to the lawful heir. Apparently Skanderbeg reached a decision. The next year he was sent in company with another Turkish general at the head of an army against the 178

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revolting Hungarians headed by John Hunyades. In battle at Nish that 3 November 1443, Skanderbeg retired his troops, deliberately causing con­ fusion. Locating the sultan's secretary, he extorted an imperial firman (order) to Sabel Pasha, governor of Kruja, directing him to surrender to Skanderbeg the fortress and the governorship of Kruja, Mat and Dibra. In the American poet Longfellow's Tales o f a Wayside Inn the Spanish Jew in his second tale dramatized the ensuing forced march with 300 loyal Alba­ nians, the surrender of the sixth-century fortress of Kruja, and the annihila­ tion of the Turkish garrison, excepting only those few who abjured their religion in order to survive. In place of the Turkish banner Skanderbeg raised his family banner, a red field with a superimposed black double­ headed eagle. The watchwords of liberty and religion provoked a general revolt. Couriers radiated through the countryside. With the exception of four strongly garrisoned fortresses, the example of Kruja was enthu­ siastically repeated. The remaining fortresses - Petrel, Petralba, Stelluse and Sfetigrad —all surrendered, their Turkish defenders being promised deportation to Turkey. Within one month Skanderbeg regained all of his father's principality, which consisted of Mat, Kruja, Mirdita and Dibra. On 28 November 1443 a new era began as he was formally proclaimed head of the Kastrioti principality. Immediately, he mobilized the villages, rein­ forced the castles and set up a courier network to prevent a surprise attack by the Turks. Skanderbeg now once more publicly professed the Christian faith. On Christmas Day his nephew Hamza and several comrades were baptized as Christians. Although in a predominantly Muslim Albania this sensitive conversion has been denied, a foremost authority on Turkey declared that Hamza "a Musulman like himself [Skanderbeg] became a Christian and was baptized on December 25, 1443" (Hammer-Purgstall 1835, 2:340-43). The principality was purged of the Turks and of their religion. But Skanderbeg was well acquainted with Amurat and the vengeance he would unleash. So he began a long contest in which he was destined not only to preserve the liberty of his country, but to stand as a bulwark between Christian civiliza­ tion and Islam. Two months later on 2 March 1444 he convened an assembly of the feudal lords of Albania. To avoid jealousy among the princes and to solicit the aid of the powerful republic, the assembly convened at the Cathedral of Venetian-occupied Lezha. Besides local princes, others came: Gjergj Arianita, Andrea Topia, Nikolla Dukagjin, Theodore Muzaka and many others, including delegates from Venice. While no formal unity of these feudal princes was attempted, they did form a "League of the Albanian Peoples." Each noble kept his autonomous domain, but they did create a military alliance for the sole purpose of conducting common warfare against the Turks. They elected the 32-year-old Skanderbeg as their generalissimo, and each ally, including Venice, pledged men, food and money to be contributed. The League's army consisted of about 18,000

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soldiers, half cavalry, half infantry, about three-quarters of them from Skanderbeg's own principality. He established his counterpart of the elite Janissaries or royal guard consisting of 2,000 men unequalled for their discipline, courage and loyalty. Because the League united Albanians from the north and the south, the symbolic two-headed eagle found its place on their Albanian flag. T R E A C H ER Y OF SK A N D ER BE G 'S C H R I S T I A N ALLIES H ungary

As Skanderbeg foresaw, his treason enraged Amurat II. A punitive ex­ pedition entered Albania that June of 1444 through the usual northeastern gateway of Kosova, descending to Dibra. At the nearby plain of Torviolli between Librasht and Pogradec in one long day of battle the smaller inex­ perienced Albanian army utterly destroyed the Turks. Albanian princes were jubilant. European courts were amazed and pledged support. En­ couraged by this victory Pope Eugene IV organized a united crusade which gave promise of success. Fearing nothing more than Christian union, however, the sultan that July succeeded in signing a ten-year peace with Hungary, which had tired of waging war alone and unsupported. Amurat II then abdicated the throne and retired to a life of leisure. Cardinal Julian Cesarini, however, persuaded the new King Ladislaus of Hungary and Poland to join a united effort to drive the Turks out of Europe. The cardinal absolved him from his treaty oath "which should not obligate a Christian to keep faith with an infidel," and within six weeks Hungarians were march­ ing southward. Amurat led his troops once more, unexpectedly intercept­ ing the Hungarians on the field of Varna. The battle at first seemed to be going against Amurat. The French Jesuit Duponcet wrote the following, which may have been fancy rather than fact, but which should have taken place even if it did not: The infidel prince, seeing himself on the verge of losing the battle, took out of his pocket the treaty which he had made with King Ladislaus and Hunyades, and raising toward heaven the hand holding it he cried aloud these words, "Jesus Christ, if you are God as your people assure us, avenge the injury which they have done to you in violating this treaty which they have sworn to me in your name to observe inviolate'' [Duponcet 1709, 103-41. Duponcet added that the prayer was too impious to be heard, but a terrible jealousy among the Christians enabled him to obtain the thing requested. For Polish lords with King Ladislaus were pricked in honor to see the Hungarian Hunyades reaping all the glory of the battle. They shouted to one another not to be put to shame. The king with more courage than suc­ cess spurred his horse into the midst of the Janissaries, where the horse was cut down and the rider beheaded. Cardinal Julian also perished on the field, as did most of their army (November, 1444).

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To their everlasting shame it should be made clear that Christians elsewhere were partly responsible for this defeat. For when Amurat was separated from the advancing crusaders by the Hellespont, certain moneyloving Genoese merchants promptly ferried 40,000 of his soldiers over the strait at a ducat a head (Ganem 1901, 1:118). Further, a Serbian, George Brankovich, who had married his daughter to Amurat, resisted Skanderbeg's passage to reinforce the crusader army. The Albanians now determinedly resisted the ruthless war of exter­ mination launched by Amurat. Except for occasional brief truces and ar­ mistices, warfare was incessant. After three successive years of victory over the Turks, a year of peace followed in 1447. This enabled Skanderbeg in 1448 to respond to an appeal for help for Alphonse I, King of Naples. He sent soldiers to help suppress an uprising. The grateful king granted land, and that year many of the soldiers settled permanently in southern Italy, founding a dozen villages in the region of Catanzaro and four others in Si­ cily, including Piana degli Albanesi. This was the first of several waves of immigrants from Albania. But the grateful King Alphonse contributed only about 100 soldiers to aid Skanderbeg against the Turks. V en ice

The growing military reputation of Skanderbeg warmed Pope Eugene IX and King Alphonse of Naples, but it alarmed his Christian allies, the Venetians. At first they welcomed him for maintaining a buffer state be­ tween their commercial colonies along the coast and their common enemy, the Turks. But now they feared losing their Albanian strongholds. In 1447 they seized the fortress of Daino by trickery so as to sow discord among the Albanian princes. The League having no artillery failed in their at­ tempts to recapture Daino and Durrës. One of their own Venetian historians recorded their Machiavellian duplicity. They sought by every means to overthrow or bring about the death of "this formidable one" (Romanin 1853, 4 Marzo 1448, Secreta 17:221). They even offered in 1448 a life-provision of 100 ducats annually to the man who killed him (Kortshës 1923, 14). Venice, fearing that he might take Durrës, sent reinforcements there. They also sent a messenger to the sultan with plans for the punish­ ment of his rebellious subject (Romanin 1853, 25 Maggio 1448, Senati Mar. 62t). Their captain, Paul Loredan, received an order to assail and combat Skanderbeg with all his force {ibid., 27 Giugno, Secreta 18:14). He was warned, though, that if Turkish assistance should be delayed, it would not suffice to enter the undertaking alone. In that case it would be necessary to introduce negotiations, recalling the ancient friendship of the Republic with his father, and how from the beginning it had favored his advancement. Thus he could prolong matters until the arrival of the Turkish troops. Should these not come in time, however, he should then conclude a treaty providing that Venice would pay Skanderbeg an annual tribute for the cas­ tle of Daino which they had seized. The Turkish contingent did not appear

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in time, so Venice concluded a peace treaty (4 October 1448) with her "buoni amici e vicini" (good friends and neighbors). Venice agreed to pay Skanderbeg 1,400 ducats annually for retaining Daino and environs, but would cede Buzëgjarpëri at the mouth of the Drin River, and would enjoy the privilege of buying tax-free 200 horse-loads of salt annually (Deputazione 1876, 14:31). Two weeks later an attacking Turkish contingent was defeated at Upper Dibra. Captured documents showed that the Venetians had urged the Turks to attack Skanderbeg (Noli 1921, 154-55). CONTINUING TURKISH CAMPAIGNS B O T H M I L I T A R Y AND D I P L O M A T I C Just three days later (17-19 October 1448) one more huge crusading army under the courageous but unfortunate Hungarian John Hunyades was completely destroyed by the Turks on the plain of Kosova. Turkish at­ tention then focused on the rebel league of Albanian princes. Sultan Amurat or Murad II himself led the invasion in the spring of 1448 with an army of 80,000 men. They also brought into Albania for the first time two cannons which could fire stones or iron weighing over 500 pounds. Sharp engagements punctuated an unsuccessful campaign of 18 months, Skander­ beg and his men winning each battle. In 1449 Amurat returned to Adrianople or Edirne his capital. But in May 1450 Amurat with his son Mohammed and an army of over 100,000 men returned to lay siege to the capital, Kruja. Skanderbeg could marshal only about 17,500 men. So while 1,500 select fighters defended the castle itself, Skanderbeg and two bands of 8,000 peasants remained outside to harass the Turks day and night. To the scene the Turks brought four enormous cannons which would hurl 600-pound stones at the gate and walls, with six more to handle 200-pound stones. The castle was bom­ barded four days in succession and then stormed by overwhelming forces, but in vain. Once again the Venetians prized financial gain above the com­ mon cause against the Turks and sold them the necessary food and sup­ plies. The siege continued until the late October rains began. Amurat finally abandoned the siege, leaving 20,000 men dead, then losing many more to snipers and ambushes throughout the mountain passes leading to the eastern frontier of Albania. Returning to Edirne quite demoralized, Amurat died a few weeks later in January 1451. Skanderbeg reentered Kruja. The garrison and population could hardly believe that they had repulsed the sultan. Wild jubilation continued for days. The amazement and rejoicing in Albania was equaled by that of all Christendom. Am­ bassadors were sent to the court at Kruja. Rich gifts and warrior volunteers poured in. Skanderbeg and the Albanian fortresses seemed the last desperate hope of European civilization against the encroaching Turks. One of Albania's greatest literary figures, Naim Bey Frashëri, pointed out at this juncture that for the third time Albanian military leadership had saved Europe from Asia: when Achilles conquered the Trojans, Alexander

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the Great the Persians, and now Skanderbeg the Turks (Frashëri, N., ca. 1900, 8). D I V I S I O N S IN C H R I S T E N D O M LEAD T O THE FALL OF C O N S T A N T I N O P L E (1453) As Turkish power became ever more threatening, Byzantine am­ bassadors appeared ever more frequently at the papal court. According to military vicissitudes, insincere negotiations for a reunion of Christendom were proposed or withdrawn. It seems that the wily Greeks wished first military aid, then a council, and finally (if unavoidable) reunion. The Latins knew the futility of a council, so promised assistance as a conse­ quence of reunion. A Byzantine historian and intimate of the emperor recorded the principle of these negotiations as revealed in a conversation between the emperor and his young heir, later to be known as John II Paleologus: Our last resource against the Turks is their fear of our union with the Latins, of the warlike nations of the west, who may arm for our relief and their destruction. As often as you are threatened by the miscreants, pre­ sent this danger before their eyes. Propose a council, consult on the means; but ever delay and avoid the convocation of an assembly, which cannot tend either to our spiritual or temporal emolument. The Latins are proud, the Greeks are obstinate; neither party will recede or retract. And the attempt of a perfect union will confirm the schism, alienate the churches, and leave us without hope or defense at the mercy of the bar­ barians [Gibbon 1860, 6:306-7]. Accordingly the emperor discussed union with the Latins so as to halt Muslim aggression, but to retain the identity of Orthodoxy he never con­ summated the reunion. The son, John II Paleologus, was not so cautious, or perhaps the pressure was greater. He was giving serious consideration to the invitation of Pope Eugenius IV, who had put down three antipopes and who now aspired to heal this more ancient schism. The sultan, fearing a reunion, offered to Paleologus guarantees of security and even of money if he would repulse the papal advances. As a pretext for delay the young emperor pleaded his depleted treasury. The pope promptly covered the expenses with a subsidy of 10,000 ducats. Yielding, the emperor, the patriarch and a large entourage sailed to the Council of Ferrara-Florence in 1438. There after interminable doctrinal debates, the Greeks signed ambiguously phrased concessions, and a meager military aid was forthcoming as the reward of union. Back in Constantinople, however, these representatives were charged with apostasy, the agreement was popularly denounced and the traffickers in religion obtained popular pardon only by humbly confess­ ing their error and abjuring the union. After the annihilation of the crusader troops at Varna (1444) and the

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preparation of Mohammed II for the siege of Constantinople, Constantine Paleologus made a last desperate appeal to the West for substantial military aid on any terms. Although as recently as 1450 a council at Constantinople had again enumerated Latin errors, Constantine in 1452 subscribed to the former union, proclaimed it at St. Sophia Cathedral, and for the first time since the eleventh century the name of the pope was recited in the prayers. The Greeks, however, unanimously repudiated any alliance with the Latins. Their great admiral Notares, premier and second to the emperor himself, declared that he preferred to see the turban of the Turks in Con­ stantinople rather than the cap of a cardinal (LaMartine 1854, 3:214-15). Stubborn to the death, they faced the Turks alone, and the city fell on 29 May 1453. Constantinople became the Turkish capital and was renamed Istanbul. The crescent replaced the cross, and the great St. Sophia Cathedral was turned into a mosque. The persistent animosity between Latin and Greek over technical points of doctrine is mirrored in the account of the Latin historian Bernino. He found a significant relation between the fall of Constantinople that fatal day in May, and the fact that this was the day "appointed in that year for the feast of the Holy Spirit, which pro­ ceeded from the Father and from the Son, denied by the Greeks" (Bernino 1685, 79). It is possible that a more decisive factor in the fall of the capital of Orthodox Christendom was the unusually heavy artillery used by the Turks. Gibbon took delight in pointing out that the grand master of Ot­ toman artillery was Urban, a Hungarian, presumably Latin, who had left Greek employ for that of the Turks because they paid him more liberally (Gibbon 1860, 6:379). For a thousand years Constantinople had served as the custodian of the intellectual heritage of antiquity, as well as developing its own culture and literature. Many of its scholars now fled from the Turks, transplanting their cultural treasures in the West. An important group of these emigrants settled in Moskopolis (now Voskopoja of Korcha district). This small village became a city of about 60,000 and for 350 years was famous for its academy, its public library and the first printing press in the Balkans. After conquering Constantinople, Mohammed II determined to crush Albanian resistance so he could move across the Adriatic into Italy and capture Rome. Pope Nicholas V did not cease appealing to quarreling Christian princes for a crusade. Apparently, Mohammed II took the proposal more seriously than did the princes. He addressed a letter to the pope to dissuade him. After enumerating his forces he urged the pope and his Sacred College to submit to him, promising entire religious liberty. Then he added naively, "When my task of pacification shall have been completed, it is not impossi­ ble that, instructed by you and by your priests in the miracles and the life of Jesus, I shall embrace your religion. Some astrologers have predicted that of me. As for me, I shall leave to heaven the care of inspiring me" (Julien 1879, 93). Unfortunately, the appeals of Nicholas fell on deaf ears. The spirit of the times doomed him to failure. Now no Christian banner

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stood between the vengeful Turks and the Albanians. And the Albanians knew they had to face the Turks alone. C R O W N I N G J O Y S AND S O R R O W S OF THE I N C REDI BLE S K A N D E R B E G His M a rr ia g e During a happy interlude between seemingly incessant military cam­ paigns came the marriage of Skanderbeg at age 39 to Marina Andronika on 26 April 1451 in the cathedral of Kruja. She was the 23-year-old daughter of the heroic Arianiti Komneni Topia, the second most powerful prince of Albania after Skanderbeg, and the first to pledge himself, his soldiers and his fortune to the cause of Albanian freedom (Drita 13 April 1938). Following the wedding Skanderbeg and his bride visited cities and castles throughout the country, receiving congratulations from them and from European courts, including even Venice. T rea c h ery and D efectio n of H is A ides

Skanderbeg's several victories over the troops of Mohammed's generals were followed by extremely critical days from 1455 to 1457. Unable to conquer the Albanian princes militarily, the sultan undertook to subvert them with bribes of riches and honors. Assassination plots were discovered. An army entrusted with the siege of Berat was cut to pieces in June 1455. Skanderbeg's outstanding general Moisi of Dibra deserted to the enemy, though he begged for restoration the following summer, 1456. That same year the joyous birth of Skanderbeg's son John convinced Hamza, his nephew and best general, that he would never inherit the Albanian throne, so he deserted to the Turks who promised it to him. To create a unified Albanian state the victorious Skanderbeg took strong measures against several feudal princes who were incompetent, thus generating pockets of resentment. Venice too was troubled by his alliance with her enemy Naples, so incited these resentful princes against him. Skanderbeg's sense of gloom was relieved, however, by the Hungarian John Hunyades' defeat of Mohammed II at Belgrade in August 1456, then descended again just six days later as Hunyades died of malaria. Between 1457 and 1460 there followed a swift succession of five brilliant victories by Skanderbeg over invading Turkish armies. Mohammed the Conqueror then asked for a three-year armistice, which was signed on 27 April 1461. In it the sultan recognized Skanderbeg as the king of Albania. T he C a m pa ig n in I ta ly

This first declared peace in over 18 years of continual warfare permit­ ted the Albanian population to resume normal occupations once again. They plowed the neglected fields, repaired their homes and rebuilt the dam­ aged villages and towns. The peace also allowed Skanderbeg to respond to

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the appeal of Ferdinand I, king of Naples, son of his friend Alphonse I. Rais­ ing an expeditionary force of 5,000 veterans he sailed to Brindisi that autumn of 1461. At Barleta his cavalry helped defeat the Angevin kings of Sicily. By August 1462 the whole kingdom was restored to a most grateful Ferdinand. Skanderbeg returned to Albania, but once again many of his warriors chose to remain and establish themselves in 15 more villages near Taranto. Commercial rivalry between the Kingdom of Naples and the Republic of Venice was so sharp, however, that Venice urged the sultan to break his armistice and attack Albania. Receiving word of Turkish raids along the Albanian frontier, Skanderbeg reached Kruja just in time to discourage further attacks on Albania itself that fall of 1462. Further border raids were repulsed, and in April 1463 the Turks proposed a 10-year ar­ mistice, which was signed in Uskup. Two great honors must be noted. Fer­ dinand gave to Skanderbeg not only honorary titles and a goodly pension, but he granted to him and his heirs several territories in southern Italy where more of his veterans settled periodically. Then Pope Pius II blessed Skanderbeg, naming him the "Athlete of Christ" and promising to organize a crusade against the Turks with Skanderbeg as the generalissimo of the Christian armies. The pope also promised to come personally to Albania and officially crown Skanderbeg as King of Albania, Macedonia and Rumeli (the Turkish designation for Thrace and Romania). C ollapse of the P r o jec ted C rusade

The idea of a great crusade to drive the Turks out of Europe became an obsession of the pope. Plans repeatedly fell apart, however. Once John Anjou seized 26 galleys constructed for the crusade and invaded the Kingdom of Naples, precipitating a civil war. Pope Pius II tried another ap­ proach. Fie invited the sultan to become a Christian and the legitimate suc­ cessor of the Paleologus dynasty of Constantinople. Fie wrote a 64-page document and urged, "A trifle can make thee the most celebrated of mor­ tals, and this trifle is not difficult to find: aquae pauxillum, just a little water which will make thee a Christian, a servant of God and of the gospel. . . . We shall name thee Emperor of the Greeks and the Orient. Not one prince on earth will surpass you in glory and power" (Julien 1879,106). At last the pope concluded that war was the only solution. Yet both Christian powers —Venice supreme on the seas and Albania supreme on the land — were bound to the Turks by treaties of peace. After lengthy negotiations Pal Engjëlli, archbishop of Durrës, representing the pope and even Venice convinced the reluctant Albanian leaders that both national honor and sur­ vival demanded their participation in the crusade. When they declared war in November 1463 the archbishop was rewarded with the red cap of a car­ dinal. On 14 August 1464 at Ochrida Skanderbeg overwhelmed Sheremet Bey with 14,000 of his troops. Returning to Kruja he prepared to go to Durrës to welcome the pope and the crusader army. Instead, a messenger arrived announcing the death of Pope Pius II at Ancona just before embark-

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ing. He died, and with him the proposed crusade, on the very day when Skanderbeg was assuring wrath on himself by his defeat of Sheremet at Ochrida. Although all Europe admired and felicitated Skanderbeg on his victories, the only serious initiative to aid him had collapsed. T he D eath of S kanderbeg (1468)

In 1465 an unbelievably swift succession of major battles was fought, five within five months. All were won by the astonishing Albanians. But the erosion in numbers of Albanian warriors was great, and Skanderbeg's principality was weakening progressively. Assassination attempts failed. Then Sultan Mohammed II himself came at the head of his army to subdue this last center of resistance. Kruja was besieged in June 1466. Skanderbeg personally appealed to Venice, Naples and Rome for men, weapons and provisions. He received congratulations, honors, homage and eulogies, but little more tangible than a sword and helmet which had been blessed per­ sonally by Pope Paul II. The following April Skanderbeg disastrously defeated the Turks, even their commander, Ballaban Pasha, losing his life. Another expedition led personally by Mohammed II, the conqueror of Constantinople, proved equally futile that spring of 1467. But that which Turkish armies failed to accomplish by force, and hired assassins by treachery, was accomplished by an anopheles mosquito from a neighbor­ ing swamp at Lezha. While laying plans for the eradication of four Turkish strongholds remaining in Albania, Skanderbeg at 56 was stricken with malaria, like Alexander the Great and John Hunyades and Balsha before him. He died at Lezha on 17 January 1468. To the great joy of the Turks, but accompanied by mourning throughout Albania and all Christendom, Skanderbeg was buried in the cathedral of St. Nicholas at Lezha. In token of their grief his people thereafter dyed black the traditional white xhufka (tassels) on the shoulders of their jackets. Noli expressed it well: "together with his body was buried also free Albania" (Noli 1921, 269). But this magnificent Skanderbeg with little outside help had rallied his troops to defeat more than a score of Turkish armies. His Albanians had blocked the invasion of Europe by the Turkish colossus for a quarter of a century. In doing so Skanderbeg bought time for the maturing of the Renaissance, for the Reformation, for the development of printing (1456) and the explora­ tion of the Western world where hundreds of thousands of his descendants would later take refuge. The Albanian government has restored the historic old church of St. Nicholas and in 1981 incorporated it in a national memorial. The museum complex features a heroic monument of Skander­ beg, his sword and helmet and many other mementos of the national hero (.Lina 15 December 1982, 3). TH E R EL IG I ON OF S K A N D E R B E G In view of subsequent claims and counterclaims, it would seem in order to inquire whether Skanderbeg was sincerely motivated by religious

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convictions, or whether as some claim he merely used religion as a tool to achieve Albanian independence. Fethy Pasha, a former minister of Turkey in Belgrade, asserted that while Skanderbeg was commanding a military force in Anatolia (Asia Minor), "the archives give evidence that he was a good Moslem. But after the death of his father (1432) the sultan gave his principality of Kruja to another instead of inviting him to take the post of his father. It is from this day that he gave himself secretly to the Roman Church, with the hope of finding there the means of realizing his views" (Dukagjin-Zadeh 1920, 5-6). This viewpoint is shared by other Muslims. One Muslim official ridiculed a reference to Skanderbeg as a "General of the Cross" and declared that "Skanderbeg did not fight for the cross but for his fatherland; he did not fight against the religion of Islam but against the Turk. It must be recognized that Skanderbeg himself was a Mohammedan, and there is no foundation for saying that he became a Christian" (Zan i Naltë April 1936, 107-8). Roman Catholic writers often go to the other extreme. They affirm that he was baptized into the Roman Catholic Church, and his later compulsory circumcision as a Muslim at age nine had little significance. The numerous clerical historians assert that as a Turkish commander he secretly nourished the determination to reestablish Christianity in his domain, that he battled mercilessly against Muslim opponents, but when sent against Christians in Greece and Hungary he moderated his ferocity so as to spare the Christians and yet not sacrifice the troops committed to his care (Duponcet 1709, 15-16). To reconcile this with his later wars against Christians, as when the Venetians disputed his right to the town of Daino, for instance, clerical historians make a nice distinction. When Skanderbeg noticed that his soldiers were less eager to fight against Christians than against Turks, and fearing that they might not display their usual courage, he declared that they must separate the religion of their enemies from their unjust preten­ sions: they were not to fight them as Christians, but as usurpers. This would also justify the shedding of Angevin blood in Italy. From the standpoint of objectivity, it is regrettable that virtually all of the early chroniclers of this heroic era were ardent clerics. It is inevitable that their personal religious convictions would color their narratives somewhat too strongly. The historians Giovio, Lavardin, Duponcet and others fill entire pages with devotional speeches and letters of Skanderbeg. Would that these were authentic, that we might get beyond the historian to the warrior himself. A German scholar supports the assertion that these devotional speeches sound like the priest-historian rather than the warriorSkanderbeg (Hammer-Purgstall 1835, 2:346). Despite the continued use of the Turkish name Skanderbeg there is no doubt that he was a true Roman Catholic. Around his famous helmet were the Latin initials standing for the words: "Jesus of Nazareth Blesses Skanderbeg Prince of Mat King of Albania Terror of Ottomans King of Epirus." He selected as advisors and diplomatic representatives men like the Dominican friar and astronomer

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Gjin Gazulli and the archbishop of Durrës Pal Engjëlli. He continued lifelong and intimate relations with the popes and the Church. Pope Pius II and Pope Paul II affectionately called the warrior the "Christian Gideon," the "Sword of Christendom," the "Pillar of the Holy Church," the "New Maccabaeus" and the "Terror of Islam" (Tocci 1911, 20-21). In gratitude the city of Rome erected a large equestrian statue of the warrior in a square near the Colosseum dedicated to his people and still bearing the name Piazza Albanese. There can be little doubt about the matter. Skanderbeg was a loyal Roman Catholic.

17. Final Capitulation of Albania to the Turks (1503) Upon the death of Skanderbeg his 12-year-old son Gjon (John) Kastrioti was declared his successor with the queen mother as regent. But there was now no strong charismatic prince to unite the naturally clannish Albanian tribesmen. The country was impoverished both of men and materials for the prosecution of the war. Venice, with an obviously ulterior motive, encouraged the Albanian lords to continue the struggle against the Turks. But the outcome was inevitable. In 1474 Gjon turned over Kruja and his father's principality to the Republic of Venice, and with his mother and other refugees left the country to take up residence in the gift territories of Calabria and Sicily. Only two warrior princes now remained, one of whom was Lek Dukagjini. About the only chronicler to continue the story of Albanian misfor­ tune was Marin Barleti (1460-1513), a Roman Catholic priest of Shkodra. He provided detailed histories of the siege of Kruja, the two sieges of Shkodra and the life of Skanderbeg. Twice a year, at the spring harvest and the autumn vintage, Turkish troops repeatedly invaded the country, laying waste the olive groves, vineyards and crops around Kruja, Durrës, Lezha and Shkodra. Thus they hoped to starve out their Albanian and Venetian garrisons. Mohammed II undertook a 13-month siege of Kruja and finally starved them into capitulation in June 1478. In retaliation for his many defeats there and despite guarantees of their free withdrawal from the region, the Turks massacred the men, sent women and children into slavery, and held the wealthy for ransom (Secretario 1560,139). When the Turks captured Lezha from the Venetians in 1479, local tradition asserts that they recovered the body of Skanderbeg, not for desecration but for veneration. They mounted bits of his bone in silver and gold as amulets or charms, hoping that the wearer would become a partaker of his courage and good fortune in war (Hecquard ca. 1859, 56-57; Noli 1921, 280; Duponcet 1709, 575). In 1478 Mohammed II himself proceeded with his army of 100,000 men to besiege and capture Shkodra. A poet-historian reported that Moham190

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med II himself proceeded with his army of 100,000 men to besiege and cap­ ture Shkodra. A poet-historian reported that Mohammed, catching his first glimpse of the Rozafat fortress, its Pelasgian foundations, its cliffs, its mighty ramparts and towers, cried in admiration, "What an excellent nest the eagle has chosen, there to defend its young!" (LaMartine 1854, 3:214-15). The 1,700 defenders are said to have withstood the attacks over six months. The Venetian Romanin provides graphic details of both sieges. He praised the Venetian commander, Antonio Loredano, for presenting himself before the famine-stricken population and crying, "If you are hungry, eat of my flesh; if you are thirsty, drink of my blood" (Romanin 1853, 4:369-73). The second siege was notable in that for the first time in warfare the attackers used huge cannon, molded on the spot, which could fire balls of 1,200 pounds and incendiary bombs (ibid., 4:379-83). The fall of Shkodra eventually became inevitable. Venice signed a treaty with the Turks in 1479 surrendering the city and all her other Albanian holdings ex­ cept Corfu, Durrës and nearby Antivari and Dulcigno. Most of the in­ habitants of Shkodra settled in the Venice region (Secretario 1560,139-40). Mohammed II, the conqueror of Constantinople, now looked long­ ingly at Rome, its riches and its pope, the archenemy of infidels. In August 1480 the Turks with a powerful army of 10,000 and their navy passed from Vlora across the Adriatic to Italy. The city of Otranto fell, and Italy tasted the cruelty of that from which the Albanians had shielded her for almost a century. This campaign was cut short, however, by the death of Mohammed in the spring of 1481. A rather extensive rebellion then broke out in Albania. Gjon Kastrioti, son of Skanderbeg, returned to direct the war against the Turks and was proclaimed "Prince of Albania." Between 1481 and 1485 they fought fairly successfully from Kruja to Vlora. In 1494 Charles VIII of France proposed a united campaign against the Turks, send­ ing the archbishop of Durrës to Greece to promote a move on Shkodra with Greek and Albanian help. But the Venetians arrested the archbishop, and learning of the enterprise from his papers, those Venetians who should have been the first to favor the plan instead sought to ingratiate their common enemy Bajazet II by forewarning the Turkish garrisons (Chalcondile 1662, 112-16). In fact the Republic of Venice frequently in her quarrels with Hungary, Naples or other Christian rivals would covertly urge the sultan and his armies to attack them, while taking care to keep the hordes away from its own borders. The sultan on his part was as unprincipled as Venice, making it his policy to divide and conquer. By his manipulation of cir­ cumstances, the sultan would set the infidels against the infidels, or as Ham­ mer interpreted the expression of the Ottoman historians, the sultan "set the dogs against the pigs, and the pigs against the dogs" (Hammer-Purgstall 1835, 3:247). When France entered the war against the Turks, the revolt in Albania broke out once more. But after one year France withdrew from the war and the Turks were free to concentrate their forces against the Alba­ nians and subdue them.

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Venice declared war against the Turks in 1499, and another popular uprising took place in Albania. Gjergj Kastrioti, Gjon's son, was invited to come to Albania in March 1501 and lead the uprising. He was called the "New Skanderbeg." But Venice suffered several defeats and lost Durrës in 1501 so unilaterally made peace with Turkey in 1502. Thus the proud Republic of Venice, the "Mistress of the Adriatic," ended her 125-year rule over this coastal chain of Albanian strongholds. Her castles have crumbled. But still bearing witness to her past glories is the Lion of St. Mark roughly carved in the solid rock above the village of Vune near Himara (Scriven Na­ tional Geographic Aug. 1918, 92, 98). The withdrawal of Venice, however, once again left the Albanians alone to face the Turkish wrath. Kastrioti also withdrew from the country in 1503. Although scattered revolt continued for a few years, the last Albanian stronghold, Lezha, fell to the Turks in 1506. Abandoned by its old allies, Albania's liberation war was crushed at last. Sixty years of incessant warfare against the Turkish colossus had cost Albania immeasurable losses of human and material resources. But the yet more tragic loss of freedom would condemn Albanians for over four cen­ turies to the deepest political, economic, social and cultural deprivation.

18. Albania's Peculiar Handicaps in Facing Turkish Occupation MILITARY ISOLATIO N Albania faced Turkish occupation quite alone. For a quarter century Skanderbeg and his men had headed European resistance to the terrible Turk. Now Skanderbeg and his men were gone. Hungary and John Hunyades were gone. So were Greece, Venice and Naples. The patriarch at Constantinople was a virtual hostage and puppet. The Bulgarians, Thra­ cians and Slavs had largely faded into history. The old western empires had been split by the rising tide of nationalism and were incapable of united in­ tervention. The pope had no armies of his own. SOCIAL FRAGMENTATION Not only did Albania stand alone, it stood divided. Albania, the old "Illyricum Sacrum," was unique. Midway between Constantinople and Rome, it was a bone of contention throughout the centuries. Irreconcilable enmity developed between Orthodox and Latin Christians so that they could rarely cooperate against their common enemy, the Turks. Alone among the several Balkan nationalities Albania was characterized by serious religious disunity. Greece was solidly Orthodox, as were Walachia (Romania), Bulgaria and Serbia. Croatia and Dalmatia were solidly Latin. But northern Albanians were Latin, and central and southern Albanians were Orthodox. Here the Turks encountered no solid religious bloc as they did elsewhere. These major religious blocs were further subdivided by the prevailing feudalism. Its feudal princes had learned nothing from their own tragic history. They had no overall organization, no federation or alliance. Their territory was divided into feudal principalities, regional in scope, unrelated and often at war with one another. Northern Albania was divided among the families of Duke John (Dukagjini), Spani and Dushmani. Central and southern Albania were divided among the Zaccarias, the Gropas, the Muzakas and the Shpatas of Gjirokastra. An insatiable traveler of that period recorded his impressions: Albania had become such that in that place there were more counterfeit 193

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lords than villas or castles. Greece and Albania alike were in such turmoil, with Christian princes jealous of each other's power, that when the Turks came, they could not unite in a common resistance" (Cantacuscino 1551, 20-23). Albania was the only country in the Balkans where feudalism in its western form was ever established, being transplanted by the Normans. And just as in Europe, this feudalism defied centralization of power and united action against a common enemy. TH E E M I G R A T I O N OF ALBANIA' S L EA D ER S HI P G reece

The Gothic and Slavic invasions from the north had led to migrations of Albanians to Greece as early as the eighth century. But the Ottoman in­ vasions encouraged much more extensive migrations of the Christian population. John Bua Shpata had established Albanian colonies in Greece the latter half of the fourteenth century. Coming from "Arvania" they called themselves "Arvanites." The Byzantine historian Cantecus noted that the feuds between Byzantine nobles and Latin princes after the Fourth Crusade (1202-1204) had devastated the Greek countryside. But the "Arvanite [or Albanian] newcomers settled in barren regions, felled the forests and made the land suitable for tilling. Many Greek regions which previously were useful only to provide sanctuary for robbers, thanks to the work of the ex­ perienced farmers, were tilled and planted to different crops" (Liria 1 June 1984, 1). These Albanians did not come as invaders, but as refugees who would settle and develop Greece and give their lives to secure its in­ dependence from Turkey. In fact, it is reported that at that time one-half of the population of the lower peninsula, the Peloponnesus or Morea, were Albanians (Diturija January 1927, 1). Among the suburbs of Athens 35 villages had Albanian names (ibid., 83). The invading Turks seemed to single out these Albanian refugees for their special fury. In 1423 the son of Fazi Evrenosi entered the Peloponnesus and on 5 June "defeated the Albanians, erecting a pyramid with the heads of eight hundred prisoners" (ibid., 84). In 1454 Turhan cap­ tured and sold as slaves 10,000 Albanian women (ibid.). In May 1458 Sultan Mohammed II invaded the Peloponnesus, "fighting more against the Albanians than against the Greeks. His horsemen devastated the region taking Albanians slaves. .. . The brave commander of the city, the Alba­ nian Doksa, they sawed in the middle" (ibid.). S outhern I taly

The earliest emigrants to Italy are thought to have gone in 1443 when Alphonse V of Naples hired Albanian troops under the command of one Dimitri Reres. After the wars he became governor of Castra Reggio, found­ ing 13 Albanian villages near Catanzaro in southernmost Italy and a few in Sicily (Diturija 1909,1:6, 83). After the campaign of Skanderbeg in Italy

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he received grant territories in 1462 where he settled some of his battleweary veterans. On 25 April 1467 two Shkodra Catholics fearing the ad­ vancing Turks took the image of "Our Lady of Good Counsel," better known as "Our Lady of Shkodra," across the Adriatic Sea to Genazzano, Italy, about 15 miles east of Rome, where it became very prominent in the popular piety of the Arbëreshë. Until the present day, every 25 April at nine o'clock all the bells of the Genazzano churches are rung in memory of her migration and her protective presence. Many other groups of Albanians fled the country during the 11 years between the death of Skanderbeg (1468) and the fall of Shkodra (1479). Pope Paul II described their coming in a let­ ter to Philip, Duke of Borgogne: "It is pitiful to see these adventurers without a fatherland cross the Adriatic on fragile boats, and seek on the coast of Italy a refuge against the barbarism of the infidels" (Rodota 1760, 3:30). One such refugee family which settled in Rome at this time was the Albani family which would attain fame and fortune in the world of art (NAlb 1987, 5:23). Most of these exiles, however, sought refuge in southern Italy, in the Kingdom of Naples, where a grateful Ferdinand welcomed them to the ter­ ritory bestowed on Skanderbeg. Calabria in southern Italy still bears names of towns around Cosenza which they settled, such as Spezzano Albanese, S. Demetrio Corone, and Macchia Albanese. In 1487 Gjon Kastrioti and his followers, their revolution crushed, were refused refuge either in Palermo or Naples lest the Turks resent it and declare war. Only by begging the in­ tervention of the pope were the Albanian refugees finally permitted to settle in scattered villages of Calabria and Sicily. Because these refugees from southern Albania were Greek Orthodox by religion, they were erroneously thought of as Greeks, and their district near Palermo was called "Piana dei Greci" (Plain of the Greeks) until Mussolini years later corrected it to "Piana degli Albanesi" (Liria 1 March 1984, 4). This people then and to this day proudly called themselves "Arbëreshë" and their language "Arbërisht" from the ancient name for Albania, "Arbëria." Yet more refugees fled Albania after Turkish occupation was completed in 1502. As the Turks progres­ sively seized Greek territory, especially in 1535, the Arvaniti population also fled across the Adriatic to join their Albanian coreligionists. Migra­ tions ceased in 1774. Most of these refugees adhered to the Greek rather than to the Roman rite. They had two bishops, one situated at Hungra in Calabria, the other in Piana degli Albanesi, also called Hora of the Arbëreshë, in Sicily. They faced difficulties in a Latin environment because of their Albanian language and because of their Greek rite. Although they were never charged with doctrinal perversion, they were considered schismatics because they turned to the bishops of the Italo-Greek colonies for the ordination of their priests. To facilitate their transition to the Latin rite, Pope Gregory XIII in 1576 founded the Greek College in Rome. Other centers of Albanian culture and learning were the Illyrian College in Loreto (1580), the Basilian Monastery

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of Grottaferrata two miles south of Frascati near Rome, the College of St. Adrian in S. Demeter Corona of Cosenza and the Graeco-Arbëreshë Seminary of Palermo. The Vatican has repeatedly repudiated charges of "denationalizing" Albanians and of "imperialistic politics," citing these and other schools as centers of learning which preserved and developed their national consciousness, identity and culture and avoided their ethnic assimilation and disappearance as a people from the face of the earth. N o rth ern I taly

In 1387 the Durazzo family of traders emigrated to the Republic of Genoa. Within a century this family became one of the wealthiest in the region. The first doge or president of the Republic was James Durazzo, and six other presidents and two cardinals bore surnames which testified to their Albanian origin (Sinishta 1976, 224). On the fall of Shkodra (1479) the in­ habitants spared by the terms of capitulation went to Venice with the gar­ rison. Among these were three prominent brothers: Andrea, Gjon and Pal Gazuli of Shkodra who had been of great assistance to Skanderbeg in the diplomatic and political field. Gjon, who in 1430 had received a degree in mathematics and astronomy at the University of Padua, was later invited to teach astronomy there, where he became famous as "Joannis Gini Gazuli de Albania" (Dielli 25 April 1988, 6). The refugees were given a pension and employment, and many were settled in the land of Gradisca. Here the arable land was divided into 150 portions for that many families. Gradisca was undoubtedly preferable to Albania at the time. But it was situated in Friul, east of Venice, and the Turks had already penetrated that region in their foray of 1476. Knowing the Venetians, one might legitimately ques­ tion whether their settlement of an Albanian refugee colony there as a buffer was really as altruistic as it might appear. Several of the newcomers attained prominence there, however (Secretario 1560,140; Barbarich 1905, 195). An important Albanian community developed in the Lagoon area of Venice, where the members set up their own hospital, print shop and famous School of the Albanians. The façade of the school is still visible, including bas-reliefs of the Albanian wars (Liria 1 February 1989,1). Marin Barleti, another refugee, became famous throughout Europe for his two works in Latin on the Life and W ork o f Skanderbeg, and the Siege o f Shkodra which he had witnessed personally. Leonik Tomeu (1456-1531), born at Durrës and refugeed at Venice, was also invited in 1497 to teach philosophy at the University of Padua. For 30 years there he achieved fame as the first at Padua to teach the works of Aristotle in the original language; he even had Nicholas Copernicus among his pupils (NAlb 1989, 2:25). Yet another refugee reaching Venice in 1479 was Marin Beçikemi (1468-1526), who as an 11-year-old child had seen 26 out of 30 family members die de­ fending Shkodra. Later he wrote commentaries on Cicero, Pliny, and others; he also taught rhetoric at the University of Padua (FESH1985, 81).

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These sixteenth-century refugees also contributed the illustrious Albani family of Rome. The Albani family furnished the Catholic church with a great number of distinguished prelates, including Pope Clement XI (1700-1721), and numerous cardinals. Alexander Albani was curator of the Vatican Library who between 1758 and 1760 built a marvelous country house, Villa Albani, to house his extensive collection of contemporary art and antique masterpieces which now adorn the principal museums of Europe. Another contribution was the talented painter Francesco Albani (1578-1660). The "Albanian Altar" of marble in the Cathedral of Milan was largely the work of the Arbëresh refugee Andrea Aleksi (1425-1505) of Durrës, architect, painter and sculptor. The 13-foot-high altar dating from 1480 has three cupolas covering three statues, the central figure being that of Our Lady of the Illyrians (Liria 13 March 1981, 2). The altar bears the signature "Alexio de Albania." All of his numerous works in northern Italy and Dalmatia bear his name and the name of the homeland which he could never forget (FESH 1985, 17). Besides pastoral, scholarly and agricultural careers, many Albanians entered the military service of the Catholic princes, where many were distinguished for their courage. Many were found also among the armies of Spain, the Republic of Venice and the Kingdom of Naples (Rodota 1760, 3:38). To France these refugees con­ tributed Count Jules Tomeos, one of the greatest of French philanthropists and the translator of the books of Aristotle, Macedonian mentor of Alex­ ander the Great. For the most part, these emigrants represented the elite of the Albanian nation, her leadership. They made their contribution to the culture of their adopted homelands. But these migrations tragically impoverished Albania herself. True, the refugee Arbëreshë did retain their language, customs and national traditions. They remained free; they remained Christians; and they regained their lost prosperity. But Albania was deprived of much of her best leadership just as she entered the four dark centuries of Ottoman bondage. This loss of her leadership weakened Albania incalculably.



Part Three

Christian Albania Occupied by the Turks and Its Islamization ( 1 5 0 3 -1 9 1 2 )

19. The Turkish Government of Occupied Albania The last flickering lights of freedom in Albania were snuffed out in 1503. Shielded from the Asian barbarians for a generation by the incredible Skanderbeg and his Albanian warriors, Europe suddenly emerged from the 1,000 years called the Dark Ages. This was her Renaissance. Contributing to this intellectual and cultural awakening were the following: the westward migrations of the intelligentsia from fallen Constantinople, the translation and dissemination of the Greek classics, the substitution of popular languages for the formal Latin, the invention of paper and the printing press (making learning available to the masses) and the discovery and exploration of new worlds. But Albania would share in none of these. For four centuries it would be kept intellectually sterile, isolated from Europe and the West. Hardly anything is known about its internal life. Albanian histories devote hardly more than three or four pages to those centuries. Visitors were extremely infrequent. About our only source of knowledge is the occasional chronicle of a rare traveler, or the report of a cleric to his superior. Some of these maintained clandestine relations with Austria, Russia, France or Italy. From such sources we gain some information about the relations between the Muslim government and the Albanian Christian population. Then at the beginning of the nineteenth century English and French imperial expan­ sion began to affect Albania. The establishment of consular posts and an invasion by geographers and adventurers resulted in a small flood of publications which revealed to the world the material and cultural blight suffered by Albania during those centuries of isolation. From such limited sources, then, we shall attempt to understand the political, social and religious climate of that dark period. TH E A D M I N I S T R A T I O N OF T R I B A L AND FEUDAL C O M M U N I T I E S The Turks incorporated into their Ottoman Empire Arnaoutlek, their designation for Albania, and the Arnaout or Albanians. They created in 200

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Albania, as in all new territory, their own feudal system and their own pat­ tern of administration. They granted land and extended authority to key local leaders. As feudal lords these were required to provide troops for the service of the state if needed. They had to pay taxes and assist in the govern­ ment of their territory. Thus a spahi or cavalier received a timar of 300 to 500 acres of land. Larger grants of land called a ziamet and beylek were hereditary fiefs ad­ ministered by a bey. A certain number of fiefs grouped together in a district constituted a sanjak, administered by a sanjak bey or lieutenant colonel having command of about 5,000 horsemen. Benedetto Ramberti, an in­ veterate Italian adventurer, passed through northern Albania in 1534 and wrote that the sanjaks were committed to the care of officials "of great reputation and esteem, supremely in the things concerning war" (Ramberti 1539, 5). He enumerated 30 sanjaks, among which we find the following: Shkodra, Yanina, Vlora, Nicopolis, Ersek, Ochrida and Elbasan. He added that five others had been united to neighboring places, among which were Durrës and "Albania," a term sometimes used at the time for Pulati north­ east of Shkodra. Hecquard included also the sanjaks of Dukagjini and Tirana (Hecquard 1857, 196). The organization of these sanjaks into vilayets or provinces was not accomplished until 1861 by the "law of the vilayets." Each vilayet was then administered by a vali or governor-general under the direct control of the central government, the Porte. All aspects of local government were usually administered by a medjli or council, usually under the presidency of a pasha. Although appointed by that official, the members of the council were not passive instruments in his hands, for they knew local customs better than the oft-transferred pasha. Because this council included several ex officio religious officials: the mudir, the cadi and the mufti, it was often fanatical. Civil questions, such as tes­ taments and inheritances, were first decided by the cadi or religious judge on the basis of the sheriat or religious law. His decisions were carried to the council only if they were appealed. Even the decisions of the council could be appealed to the pasha, but Christians were not so naive as to appeal. In the relatively inaccessible mountain regions of Mirdita and Dukag­ jini in the north, and Himara in the south, the traditional Albanian form of feudal government was tolerated rather widely. The chief offices of the tribal organization were hereditary but required confirmation by a berat or decree of the vali or Turkish governor. These same mountaineers resisted Turkish authority so stubbornly and so successfully that they won the right to be governed by their own laws or customs. The Turkish government related itself to the mountaineers, however, by appointing the leader of each tribe to serve on a buluk-bashi or regional council. This council represented the pasha in the mountains, as well as the interests of the tribes before the pasha. Occasionally their sturdy independence won these tribals exemption from taxes, from government interference in their civil and criminal cases and even from military service.

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On the plains the classic feudal system prevailed. Essentially there were only two classes: the rulers who owned the land, and the ruled who farmed it. This was often a harsh system, for the rapacity of local officials was irresistible. The pasha and even the bey, though theoretically subject to a superior, was practically sovereign in his district. The land was known as either a free village or a chiflik or farm. The small proprietors in a free village lived in their compact village, each going out daily to work his own field and coming back to his village at night. They paid tithes of their pro­ duce to the sultan and surtaxes to the bey according to his cupidity, but they lived in constant fear of being dispossessed of their small holdings. The chiflik on the other hand was owned by the bey or landlord and worked by the peasants or serfs. The bey collected the sultan's tithe of the produce first, then usually kept two-thirds of the remainder for himself. Often one-half of the peasant's dwindling portion had to go for the or­ dinary or extraordinary surtaxes. Some beys, however, were sympathetic. One Ilo, the son of an influential priest at Panariti, had been taken by the Turks as a hostage, like Skanderbeg. At the assault on Constantinople he had been one of the first to force his way into the city. The sultan rewarded his bravery by naming him Ilias-Bey and appointing him governor of Yanina. Later he petitioned Sultan Bayazet II and was awarded his native Panariti, also neighboring Treska and Trebicka, and in 1484 the towns of Leshnja, Vithkuq and Korcha (N., N. D. 1901, 28-31). On the other hand, some beys were pitiless. About three miles north of Korcha, near Plasa, the walls of the castle of Sinan Bey bore grim witness to a traveler of the past century. She described over the gateway a beam inserted in the thick stone wall, from which the victims of his anger or caprice were hanged. Still visible were the iron hooks upon which they were pierced and suspended in agony (Walker 1864, 248-49). In justice, however, it must be stated that there were some beys who protected their peasants against abuse, judged their quarrels with impartiality, provided land and guaranteed their livelihood, even treating their peasants pater­ nally and enjoying their loyalty. But more of them were oppressive and deeply hated. In either case, however, this feudalistic system divided Albania into many small rather unrelated lordships or principalities, among which the Turkish government frequently sowed discord so as to strengthen its own control. O T TO M A N ATTITUDE TO W A RD CHRISTIA NITY The Ottoman Turks were predominantly Sunni Muslims. Their name derived from the Arabic word sunnah or tradition. They based their fun­ damental tenets on the sacred Koran and the traditional record of the deeds and sayings of their prophet Muhammad. Accordingly, the attitude of the Muslim Turkish government toward Christianity and Christians was based on these revealed authorities. Basic was the injunction, "Let there be no compulsion in religion" (Rodwell 1909, 2:257). But as Muhammad felt

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increasingly secure in his new movement he delivered several injunctions in the Koran to fight "in the way of God" against the infidels (ibid., 2:186-90; 4:86, 91-93; 8:40-41; 9:29, 124; 47:4, 5, 9). Such expressions as "strike off their heads" and "make a great slaughter" preclude the possibility of an allegorical interpretation. Yet a Muslim apologist declared that the primary purpose of the jihad or holy war was one's battle against his own soul, the "elevation of the soul from bestial vileness to angelic highness" (Tunisi 1916, 3). One Ali Cheragh has devoted a 350-page book to the thesis that Muhammad fought only wars of self-defense (Cheragh 1885, i, 116). Yet his interpretation of certain Koranic raiding expeditions is not very con­ vincing. Nor could self-defense account for the expansion of Islam under Omar from Cyrene to India within 12 years. The primary purpose of the Muslim jihad was not the extension of ter­ ritory or the increase of revenue, but the propagation of the faith. This was asserted by Cantemir, who, as a favored hostage became a master of the Turkish, Arabic and Persian languages, and who based his assertion on seventeenth-century sources (Cantemir 1734, 79-80). This is acknowledged also by Kuduri, the author of an Arabic work of jurisprudence having great authority among Muslims (Kuduri 1829, 13). Apparently the jihad was directed solely against the idolators at first. Muhammad regarded Chris­ tians and Jews as superior to idolators, being "people of the book" and following Jesus and Moses, both of whom Muhammad acknowledged as prophets of God. Muhammad therefore granted some Christians letters of freedom (Gieseler 1868, 1:536.7). Certainly both the existing documents: the Testamentum and the Pactum Muhammedis, assuring liberal privileges to all Christians, are spurious. However, the terms on which Omar at the capitulation of Jerusalem (637) allowed freedom of religion to the Chris­ tians there expresses the changing attitude of the caliphs toward Christians within those few years (Kuduri 1829, 38-40; Denton 1876, 115-16). Still more striking are the following quotations from Kuduri's jurisprudence written about 1020 (Kuduri 1829, 14-19). 3. When the Moslems shall set foot on territory belonging to the in­ fidels, and when they besiege a city or a strong castle, they shall invite the besieged to embrace Islam; if these latter consent to it, then combat must be abstained from; if they refuse, they must be invited to pay the tribute, and in case they pay it, they shall enjoy the same security which the Moslems themselves enjoy, and the obligation to keep peace will be reciprocal. 5. It is laudable to make a second invitation to become converted to Islam to those who, having received the first, shall not have acceded. If they persist in their refusal, the Moslems will then implore against them the help of God, will make war against them, shall set up against them the machines of war, they will carry to them the flame, inundate their fields, cut down their trees and devastate their crops. 8. It is becoming to a Moslem to never betray sworn faiths, to never employ fraud, to never mutilate prisoners, to kill neither the women nor

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decrepit old men nor children, nor the blind nor the lame, at least when one of these has not contributed to the war by commands, or the woman is not a queen. The Moslems shall keep themselves from killing the un­ conscious.

12. All infidels who embrace Islam will obtain by the fact of his conver­ sion, security for his person, for his minor children and for all his riches that may be in his possession or in possession of a Moslem or in possession of a tributary. 13. If victory makes us master of a country of infidels, then the ter­ ritory, the married women and the children whom they carry in their womb and the grown children shall be turned over to the public treasury. 16. When the Imam shall gain by force an enemy province, he will be free, either to divide it among the conquerors, or to confirm the ownership to its inhabitants in imposing on them the haratch [tribute]; and as for the captives, he can at his will kill them, or reduce them to servitude, or set them at liberty in making them tributaries of the Moslems. Knowing the Turks to be largely Sunni Muslims, rigid adherents to the sunnah, or body of authenticated traditions of early Muslim custom and precedent, one would expect them to follow standard Muslim practice in their treatment of subjugated Albanian Christians. Recalling also that after defeating the last Abbasid caliph at Cairo in 1517, the Ottoman Selim I fused the functions of caliph with those of sultan, one would expect him to conscientiously enforce the sheriat or religious law. This would be true especially at first, which was precisely the period when the Turkish sultan subjugated the Albanians. The attitude of the Ottoman government toward Christianity may be understood yet better by noting the position of Orthodoxy in Constantino­ ple subsequent to its fall. An early historian of that period described the violence shown to Christian institutions in that city: "I shall not tell of the little respect used by the Turks toward the sacred places, making of sanc­ tuaries and of churches places of infamy and stalls for horses. They entered the monasteries of the nuns consecrated to God, and lifting up the pictures of the saints, threw them to the ground, and on these did violence to the nuns, and blasphemed God saying, 'If your religion is good, why does it not show some miracle now?"' (Cantacuscino 1551, 36). The Muslim con­ querors of Constantinople, like the Latin conquerors two centuries earlier, were guilty of equally repugnant excesses. After three days of plunder, the city was restored to order. Many of the citizens, however, had been ex­ ecuted or led away into slavery, as provided for in the law relative to those who resist Islam. A D M I N I S T R A T I O N OF THE GREEK O R T H O D O X CHURCH The reigning sultan, Muhammad II, tolerantly established the basic system which persisted in Turkey with but few and late modifications. The official religion of the state was Islam. Under Selim I (1512-1520) the sultan

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became also the religious head or caliph of Islam. Nevertheless, provision was made for non-Muslim subjects. The Greek Orthodox Christians were united into a religious community, officially recognized by the govern­ ment, and directed by religious leaders under the supervision of the Porte, the Ottoman Turkish government. The patriarch, elected synodically as usual, represented his community at the Porte. The election, of course, had to be approved by the government and was usually confirmed by a berat or patent authorizing him to exercise his office. Accordingly, the Orthodox community enjoyed certain administrative and even judicial prerogatives. They had liberty of action in that which concerned their worship and the administration of property used for worship, teaching and philanthropy, such as churches, schools, monasteries, hospitals and cemeteries. A permit was indispensable for the founding or the repair of their buildings. They had a right to teach in their own language and in their own schools. Even a lower civil court was granted them, with competency to judge according to their own community statutes such questions as clerical discipline, mar­ riage and divorce, dowries and inheritances. Sentences rendered within the limits of competency would be executed by the government officials (Young 1905, 2:1-3). This amazingly liberal policy of the Ottoman government was de­ signed to ensure peace in the Orthodox Christian territories, but it con­ tained the seeds of its own destruction. Over the centuries these churches and schools fostered the nationalistic longing for independence until finally those populations threw off the Turkish yoke altogether. Like a doubleedged sword it cut both ways, for it harmed the church. Royal patronage had been the curse of the Eastern church since the days of Constantine. Now subsidized by the sultan, the hierarchy cringed in subservience to the Muslim overlords. Simony reigned. A patriarch who obtained his position by bribery was often deposed arbitrarily by the sultan in favor of a higher bidder. A historian writing on the Greek Church noted that during one 15-year period there were 14 patriarchs (Adeney 1908, 312). Archbishops and bishops followed the poor example of their superiors, and an already decadent church sank still lower. Often the hierarchy no longer enjoyed the confidence of its constituency. These Christians in most instances were suffering to maintain their identity and were not encouraged by the spec­ tacle of selfish compromise in high places. One other order of Greek Christian officials should be noted: the phanariot. These men derived their name from the Phanar section of Con­ stantinople, which was their base and the ecclesiastical center. The phanariots were hired for the odious task of collecting taxes. Like the Jewish publicans serving under the Romans, these Greek officials were despised as renegades by their coreligionists. In the outer fringes of the em­ pire, especially when the central government began to lose its virility, the unsupervised phanariots sometimes exceeded even the local pashas and beys in rapacity toward their fellow Christians.

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In Albania the Turkish government set up this same type of "govern­ ment within a government'' for the Eastern or Greek Orthodox minority community. The Albanian Orthodox religious capital under Constantino­ ple was Ochrida. The historian records that her ecclesiastical jurisdiction extended over the metropolitans of Kosturi, Monastir, Prelep, Vodena, Korcha, Berat, Canina and others (Lequien 1740). The archbishop of Ochrida was one of the two prelates in all the East who had the privilege of consecrating the patriarch of Constantinople (Pouq 1826, 3:52). Banduri catalogued 109 metropolitans who in 1711 served under the patriarch of Constantinople (Banduri 1711, 231-35). Among these were the archbishops of Durrës, Yanina, Kolonja and Korcha. Several other historians have fur­ nished lists of metropolitans and bishops serving under Constantinople in Albanian communities (Hale 1872, 4-7). Apparently the Orthodox hier­ archy in Albania did remain in possession of those ecclesiastical and civil prerogatives granted by Muhammad II to Constantinople. Early in the nineteenth century the French consul Pouqueville visited Kosturi, where the archbishop invited him to sit in on a session of the ecclesiastical court. Most of the hearings concerned debts or domestic quarrels. Pouqueville considered the decisions measured and wise and observed that the involved parties accepted them without resentment. The archbishop serving as judge assured the visitor that rarely would a Christian appeal his decision to the cadi or civil judge, always a Muslim. On the whole, the tolerant system seems to have functioned quite satisfactorily. Sevasti Kyrias Dako explains the implication of this rather unique "government within a government" as follows. Strange as it may seem, the immediate result of the Turkish conquest in 1453 was beneficial to the Greek Patriarchate. Muhammad II, the con­ queror of Constantinople, taking advantage of the hatred between the Pope and the Patriarch, was delighted to teach the Eastern Orthodox Church to regard him as their benefactor and protector. He gave to Patriarch Gennadius the rank of a pasha, and issued a decree recognizing him and his successors as the spiritual head and also the civil head of all Orthodox communities. Besides those who were Greeks by race, this jurisdiction embraced all Albanians, Bulgarians, Romanians and the Slavs. In other words, this imperial decree made the Eastern Orthodox Church a state within a state. It put the Eastern Church entirely under the control of the Greeks residing at Phanar. Thereafter the forces of the Church were used as political weapons for the benefit of the Greek "Great Idea," that is, the hellenization of the other Balkan nations, and the restoration of the Byzantine Empire. To achieve their aim, the Phanariotes made the Greek language su­ preme. The Greek alphabet, Greek books, Greek schools, Greek churches were the dominant feature of the intellectual life of the Balkan Christian people until the beginning of the twentieth century. The spiritual despotism of the Patriarchate was worse than the political tyranny of the Turks. Those who dared to defy it were boycotted, anathematized, ex­ communicated and denounced to the Turkish authorities as seditious,

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rebels against the government, and were liable to imprisonment or exile. The Turkish authorities cooperated openly with the Greek bishops in repressing the national spirit of the Christian Albanians, and in keep­ ing them under the religious yoke of the Patriarchate [Dako, S., 1938, 6-7].

It was during this period also that an unfortunate linguistic factor tended to identify the two essentially different qualities of religion and na­ tionality. The word din in either the Arabic or the Turkish dictionary was defined as meaning milet. But actually din means religion or faith, while milet means nationality. Thus it is understandable that a person who became a Muslim was said to have "become a Turk" (Frashëri, M., 1938, 8). On the other hand, the Greek Orthodox Christians were commonly called "Greeks." When the Albanian borders were being defined following her declaration of independence in 1912, the Orthodox authorities insisted that people living in Albania who were adherents of the Greek Orthodox church were not Albanians, but Greeks. This confusion of religion with na­ tionality surfaced as recently as 1991 when a Greek enthusiast in Florida claimed that Albania has a Greek minority "which constitutes one-third of the total population" (Tampa Tribune 8 January 1991, 6). The actual Greek minority in Albania, as evidenced by census figures and recognized by the United States State Department, is about 2 percent (Tampa Tribune 26 Jan­ uary 1991, 15). This marriage of the state and church produced two unfortunate offspring. First was the political intrigue against the Ottoman government. The Eastern church was already at a low ebb spiritually, but it sank still lower when it assumed the responsibility as conservator of the nationalistic ideal. Russia, then the only free champion of Orthodoxy, eagerly cooperated in this political action. This identification of nationality with religion also led the Orthodox priests in Albania to seek her hellenization and union with Greece even above her independence from Turkey. This political propaganda was facilitated by the character of Orthodox ad­ ministration in Albania. The unity of the Church and identification with Greece were furthered by their insistence on the use of the Greek language in churches and schools, even for those who did not understand Greek. Only in a few quarters were they gradually compelled to concede the use of the national idiom. Even then, though, they insisted that the upper clergy should invariably be of the Greek race and tongue. Lower priests might be Albanian-speaking nationals, usually ignorant and all too often quite illiterate, but their memorized liturgy had to be in the Greek language. The influential and lucrative positions were reserved for the Greek clergy, often from that center of radically conservative hellenism, Mount Athos.

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A D M IN IS T R A T IO N OF THE RO M A N C A T H O L IC CHURCH The most important Roman Catholic colony in the old Greek empire was that at Constantinople, which, after the fall of the capital in 1453, centered in the suburb of Pera, a Genoese town. As a recompense for its neutrality during the siege, Muhammad granted the citizens municipal selfgovernment. The Ottoman government was always suspicious of the Roman Catholics, however, for their ecclesiastical head, the pope, was not only powerful politically, but he was also beyond Ottoman jurisdiction. Ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the Latins was usually exercised by the prior of the Franciscan monastery at Pera. In 1678 an altercation between him and the French ambassador led to the assumption by the French of the pro­ tection of the Latin Christians in the Ottoman Empire. Over a century elapsed, however, before this French patronage was felt in Albania. Meanwhile, the Latin archbishops of Shkodra and of Durrës, as well as the independent monastery of St. Alexander at Orosh among the Mirdites, depended directly on Rome. With no representative at the Porte, the Catholic community of Albania was adopted at various times by Venice, Austria, Italy and France. Under the pretense of protecting this oppressed and unchampioned Catholic minority, the several great powers have justified their meddlings in the internal affairs of Turkey. Separately we shall consider the successive intrigues which were carried on, ostensibly for the protection of the Christians, but resulting usually in their increased oppression. The election of the Roman Catholic hierarchy in Albania, like that of the Orthodox community, had to be validated by a berat of the Ottoman government. This was usually granted at the request of the Austrian em­ bassy. The Porte did not insist, as in the case of the Orthodox community, that these prelates should be Ottoman subjects. Quite obviously, this opened the door for an infiltration of foreign propagandists coming as bishops, priests and missionaries of the various orders, especially Jesuits and Franciscans. The Catholic bishops, however, could not exercise the same extensive civil jurisdiction as could the Orthodox. Their competency in marriage and testamentary cases was not contested by the government, and decisions were based on their own canonical code. But this limited juridical power was exercised only in the cities and on the plain. The moun­ taineers, who were so successful in remaining Catholic, conserved their tribal organization and governed themselves according to their unwritten canon of Lek Dukagjini. Although there must have been a temporary interruption of the Catholic organization in the northern cities immediately after the Chris­ tians abandoned to the Turks the cities of Kruja, Lezha and Shkodra, the bishoprics seem to have been reestablished later along the same lines. Hecquard, the French consul at Shkodra, mentioned the archbishops of

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Antivari and of Durrës, and named dependent bishops at Dagno, Drivasto, Shkodra, Lezha, Apollonia, Vlora, Kruja and others (Hecquard 1857, 466). The bishops and lesser ecclesiastics were to a surprising extent Austrian by nationality. In his detailed description of Catholic Albania in the middle of the nineteenth century, Hecquard named either as Austrians or foreigners the bishop of Shkodra, the Franciscan missionaries, the bishop of Zadrima, the archbishop of Durrës and the bishop of Lezha (ibid., 473-79). The parish priests were usually natives. These Catholic interests in Albania were supported by grants from foreign missionary organizations or even from foreign governments. This very naturally augmented the suspicions of the Ottoman government. Officially rather tolerant of the rights of its Christian subjects, the Ottomans naturally resented the presumption of foreign powers interfering in Turkish internal affairs. Apparently only one bloc of Catholics were secure: the militant Mirdites in their mountain fastnesses. When Benedictine and Dominican monks were forced out of the diocese of Shkodra, the former were able to continue only by scattering among the mountains. There they took over an old work among the Mirdites which the Benedictines had previously en­ trusted to the secular clergy. An abbott having episcopal rank presided over the Mirdites from the monastery of St. Alexander at Orosh. For some time he exercised great authority because of his uncontested right to help direct temporal affairs as an advisor to the tribal chiefs. The office even­ tually lost its power, however, and Hecquard wrote, "The unfortunate ab­ bott, receiving none of the assistance sent to Albania by the Association for the Propagation of the Faith, of Lyons, and the small payment attached at one time to his title being no longer paid to him, the unfortunate abbott I say, lives without complaint in a state bordering on misery" (ibid., 226). The historian makes a rather curious observation about these Mirdites. Although Latins, they had until the time of his visits retained traces of their Byzantine past. In communion they took both the bread and the wine. In some churches he found Byzantine crosses and paintings. Also they re­ tained the old calendar (ibid.). A D M IN IS T R A T IO N OF CHURCH P R O P E R T Y Having noted the Turkish administration of the Greek Orthodox and the Roman Catholic hierarchies, we turn now to its handling of the tem­ poral affairs of those churches. Halil Ganem wrote that the king of Serbia put to John Hunyades the question, "What would you do to our Orthodox churches if you were master of our country?" The fervent Hungarian general replied at once, "I would establish Catholic churches everywhere." When an envoy of the king proposed the same question to Muhammad II, he replied without hesitation, "Beside each mosque will be raised a church where your people can pray" (Ganem 1901, 1.134). As we have seen, Muhammad II was comparatively tolerant in his treatment of submitted Christians. Would that all of his successors had been equally so! But on the

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very next pages Ganem records the shrewdness of Muhammad in playing Venice against Hungary to split up a potentially dangerous coalition. If this reply to the envoy is accurate, then we might impute not only tolerance but shrewdness to the conqueror of Albania. Having taken the country by conquest, Muhammad could hardly have felt obligated to build churches for the "tritheistic" worship of these perverted "people of the book." A Venetian historian, so familiar with Turkish customs, published in 1560 the following report: When the Turks take a province . . . they take away from the churches all the bells, organs and other musical instruments, and the churches are at once consecrated to Muhammad. Left for the submitted Christians are only certain poor little churches, where they celebrate divine offices not publicly, but softly with hushed voices. These churches, if they happen to fall in by an earthquake or should burn, or decay, could not be repaired unless large sums of money are paid. Preaching of the gospel is entirely forbidden them [Sansovino 1560, 1:72].

In Albania each of these statements can be substantiated. Yet there are oc­ casional exceptions which give the impression that no altogether consistent practice was followed. As for the conversion of churches into mosques, this was seen early in the Albanian experience with Turkish conquerors. Another historian records that after the battle of Varna (1444), Amurat or Murad II turns his arms against the rebellious Castriot Skenderbey, drives him out of his kingdom and lays waste all Greece and Arnaud [Albania]. Moreover, because Skenderbey had without reason deserted the Moham­ medan religion, and treacherously broken his faith, he converts all the churches of Arnaud into ja m i and mosques, orders all the Epirotes either to be circumcised, or expiate his treachery with death. By this means all Arnaud was in a short time initiated in the Mohammedan faith [Cantemir 1734, 92],

Cantemir acknowledged in his introduction that all his information was derived from Turkish sources, and the four unjustifiable uses of the word "all" betray the Turkish bias of his sources. Certainly all the churches were not converted into mosques, for just about 20 years after that date Skanderbeg still maintained the independence of his section of Albania where Catholic churches were numerous. Although all the churches were not turned into mosques, many were. With Turkish expansion, the famous church of St. Nicholas at Lezha where the bones of Skanderbeg were interred, also a sister church there, were at once transformed into mosques. In reporting this, Hugonnet presented ex­ tenuating circumstances for the act which he called "rare in the history of the Osmanlis" (Hugonnet 1886, 292-93). It seems that when Lezha was ceded to Turkey, the inhabitants emigrated en m a s s e , and these churches

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were not in service as such when the Turks took possession. Hecquard reported that after the church of St. Nicholas was transformed into a mosque, three muezzins in succession were said to have met death by fall­ ing from the balcony of the minaret while calling the faithful to prayer (Hecquard 1857, 57). This was considered such a bad omen that the churchmosque was abandoned. Admittedly it is difficult to distinguish history from pious mythology. The same author reported that in the diocese of Shkodra many churches had either been destroyed or converted into mosques (ibid., 474). In fact, we have many instances where Muslim authorities either closed churches, turned them into mosques or tore them down to build mosques on the old foundations. Thus at the famous old Rozafat fortress at Shkodra, "between the second and third walls there can still be seen the walls of a mosque which was built upon the ruins of a church" (Liria 19 De­ cember 1975, 2). At the oldest mosque of Shkodra, Xhamija e Plumbit (the lead mosque), Durham reported that she could still see the courtyard and cloistered walk of the former church of St. Mark (Durham 1909, 226). The author of an article on Byzantine art in Albania described the peculiar form of several fourteenth-century Byzantine churches in eastern Albania, and then observed, "Many mosques have the same form, for originally they were churches and later converted to the Moslem worship" (Tom ori 28 April 1940, 3). Regarding the erection or repair of Christian churches, the general rule would be that of Kuduri: "It is not permitted to build a new church or a new synagogue on Moslem territory; but when the old churches or synagogues shall fall down, they can be rebuilt" (Kuduri 1829, 33). Apparently there were conditions even for the rebuilding of old structures. Often large sums of money had to be paid (Sansovino 1560, 1:72). Part of this money may have been for a special tax; undoubtedly a good part of it was designed to purchase official favor. In Shkodra the Catholics could not secure permis­ sion for the construction of a church. In order that their closely guarded young girls might safely fulfill their religious duties, the pope shortly after the Turkish occupation granted permission for them to have chapels in their own homes where mass might be celebrated (Hecquard 1857, 339). Three centuries later, although there were more than 12,000 Catholics in Shkodra —the seat of a bishopric —they had been permitted no building. Hecquard reported seeing Catholics devoutly kneeling on the bare ground, reciting their rosaries before a rude plank altar slightly protected from the elements (ibid., 22, 337-38). An imperial firman or decree sent some time previously to the governor of Shkodra permitting the construction of a church there was not announced until 1858 by a more liberal governor, Abdi Pasha. The Orthodox already had a small church outside Shkodra, across the Bojana River. At Tirana the Catholics obtained permission to construct a small church in 1856. In Durrës the old Norman church dedicated to St. Roch was restored in 1809 by the alms of a French general.

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The Catholic tribes in the mountains were rarely molested in their religious practices; their summary mountain justice was too inescapable. When the church at Sappa was destroyed by an earthquake in 1853, it was recon­ structed at once with aid sent from France (ibid., 65). Contradictorily enough, certain new churches were built during the Ottoman occupation. In the city of Voskopoja (Moskopolis), near Korcha, many great churches were built in the days of its prosperity from 1650 to 1740 (N., N. D., 1901, 50). In the nearby village of Drenova a church of Byzantine style was erected in 1767. Inside this church, of which only the walls still stand since its destruction by fire, there could then (1901) be found this inscription: "This Church of the Sleep of Saint Mary was con­ structed by the contributions of the villagers, and by the contribution of the honorable Mr. Nanos, and in the time of the priest Ripko, in 1767 on the 13th of July; and the name of him who writes, O Mother of God, in­ clude in the books of life" (ibid., 45-46). Then in 1817 a monastery dedicated to St. Elijah was built at nearby Hochisht (ibid., 54). Church bells, introduced at Constantinople in 896 by a Venetian doge or duke, were not used widely in the Orthodox churches. The Turks as a rule would not tolerate them, believing that the souls of the faithful dead were disquieted by them. Only in a few places were they allowed as a special favor. Ali Pasha, for instance, anxious to conciliate his subjects at Yanina, permitted the use of bells (Hughes 1830, 2:21). The Catholic moun­ taineers on the other hand did not seek permission, they just continued to use them. In the bishopric of Zadrima, despite a minority of 2,000 Muslims, each of the 34 villages had a church and a priest, and the bells rang on Sun­ days and feast days, to the great displeasure of the Muslims (Hecquard 1857, 65). The Franciscan monastery of St. Anthony, said to have been built by order of St. Francis of Assisi himself while traveling through Albania, lay just opposite Lezha and rejoiced Catholic hearts as its bell was heard sounding the hour of prayer (ibid., 58). Oppressed because of their fanaticism, or possibly fanatical because of their oppression, the Catholics of Shkodra seem to have been singled out for grievous measures. They were forbidden to build a wall around their cemetery. Situated as it was outside the city, Muslim hoodlums delighted in enraging the Catholics by breaking or overturning the headstones, sometimes even exhuming dead bodies. The intimidated Christians did not dare to make complaints, and the govern­ ment took no punitive measures (ibid., 340). Noting then this lack of consistency in the attitude of the Turkish ad­ ministration toward church property, we conclude that the policy varied according to the fanaticism or liberalism of the local Muslim administrator, also according to the relative strength and fanaticism of the Christian and Muslim elements in the locality.

20. Reasons for the Adoption of Islam by Albanian Christians People who know little else about Albania have heard of it as the only predominantly Muslim country in Europe. How is this? After several hun­ dred years of hated Turkish oppression, Albania was freed in 1912. But as an Albanian proverb declares, Shkoi thundra, m beti gjurma (The hoof went, the footprint remained). When Turkey withdrew, approximately 70 percent of the Albanian population had been converted to the religion of Muhammad. Undoubtedly the preceding chapters will have alluded to several influential factors. But here we shall crystallize those general im­ pressions, examining both the objective and subjective factors, both the Turkish policies and the Albanian characteristics which interacted for their large-scale conversion to Islam. THE PR EA C H IN G AND TEA C H IN G OF ISLA M Muslims would like to believe that the preaching and teaching of Islam were persuasive enough to lead these many Albanians to conversion. The official organ of the former Medrese or theological seminary in Tirana, Albania's capital, claimed that Islam entered Albania in the thirteenth cen­ tury, that is about one century before the Turkish armies crossed the Hellespont into Europe (1341). At that time a wise man, a preacher of Islam named Sari Saltik, is said to have had great success in propagating Islam (Zan i Naltë August-September 1936, 251-52). It further claimed that no one was compelled to change religion, only he "who desired to become con­ verted of his own will" (ibid., August 1935, 256). But there is no historical basis to indicate that the preaching of Islam or personal religious convic­ tions had anything to do with the many conversions to Islam. Nor does history suggest that conversions to Islam began before the Turkish yataghan or scimitar reached Albania. In fact, the Bektashi dervish Ali Tyrabi acknowledged that the Turks brought their religion into Europe “me force dhe luft'ë" (with force and war) (Tyrabi 1929, 47).

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THE USE OF C O M P U L SIO N IN C O N V E R SIO N Although most missionary religions at one time or other and to a greater or lesser extent have used compulsion in the propagation of their faith, no religious guidebook has authorized it. The Koran expressly for­ bade the use of compulsion in turning others to Islam: "Let there be no com­ pulsion in religion" (Rodwell 1909, 2:257). Again, "Verily, they who believe, and the Jews, and the Sabeites, and the Christians, whoever of them believeth in God and in the last day, and doth what is right, on them shall come no fear, neither shall they be put to grief" (ibid., 5.73). And again, "The truth is from your Lord: let him then who will, believe; and let him who will, be an infidel" (ibid., 18.28). Such evidence can be amassed to prove that the Koran (like the Bible) does not countenance compulsory conversion. As for Islam, its ideal or goal is a universal theocratic monarchy. The Prophet Muhammad and his successors the caliphs united the political and religious authorities in one person. They divided the world into two categories: Daryl Islam (the field of Islam) and Daryl Harb (the field of bat­ tle). The sword was expressly commanded by the Koran as the means of subjugating the non-Muslim world to the sultan as a political authority. This political submission would then open the way to unhindered religious propaganda designed to convert the tributary infidels to Islam itself. But some zealots preferred quicker results by the sword rather than the less predictable results of religious propaganda. When an Albanian writer charged that the Turks by the most ignoble means had converted many Albanians to Islam, the official reply was quite evasive: "If Turkey had used such methods, it would have built a complete unity. However, the religion of Islam does not permit such measures" (Zan i Naltë April 1936, 106). Yet more outspoken was their statement, "For five centuries the Balkan nations lived under Turkey and were not compelled to change their religion and language, except whosoever desired to be con­ verted of his own will" (ibid., August 1935, 256). This more categorical statement is much more vulnerable. We have already noted the early-eighteenth-century history of Cantemir, who based on Turkish documents his account of the forcible conversions under Amurat II (Cantemir 1734, 92): "For Amurat orders all the Epirotes either to be circumcised, or expiate his [Skanderbeg's] treachery with death. By this means all Arnaud [Albania] was in a short time initiated in the Mohammedan faith." Muslim law gave to the infidel or non-Muslim three alternatives: conversion, payment of tribute or war. Should subject Christians agree to pay the tribute they were then theoretically immune to the demand for conversion. But fanatics are a law until themselves. In Shkodra the curate of the now non-existent village of Chisagnio, by his "ardent zeal for the salvation of the souls confided to his care," drew

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upon himself the hatred of the Turks. In 1624 they seized him, and "on his refusal to embrace Islam," put him to death. His parishioners redeemed the body with money, and interred it in the parish" (Hecquard 1857, 475). In 1668 two Franciscans refused to abandon their posts at Shkodra but urged the Christians to continue in the faith. The pasha had them seized, brought before him, and when they refused to deny their religion in the face of his offers and threats, they were killed (ibid., 475-76). Yet another Franciscan missionary was seized by the Turks in 1721 and offered the two alter­ natives: to be loaded with honors if he would abjure the Christian religion, or to be put to death if he persisted in his faith. He suffered a cruel and lingering death by strangulation (ibid., 477). Sansovino described the intolerant use of compulsion by the Turks toward tributary Christians: "If with the most shameful words you are abused, or Christ is abused, you must be silent and endure it quietly. And if you should say any indecent word against their religion, you will be cir­ cumcised against your will; and if you only open your mouth against Mohammed, you will be immediately burned" (Sansovino 1560, 1.72). A specific case of compulsion recorded by Poujade had occurred just before his arrival in Yanina. A wealthy Muslim gentleman had in his ser­ vice a domestic named George, who was required to carry the master's pipe and prayer rug to the mosque. Never entering the mosque itself, which was forbidden to Christians, he always waited in the courtyard until his master had finished prayers. His master, however, began calling him by the Muslim name Mustapha, and one time determined to make him enter the mosque. Upon George's refusal, the master pretended that George had become a Muslim, that he had previously entered the mosque and that he must now obey. The insistence of the efendi and the persistent refusal of the servant caused conflicting emotions. The Muslim population felt their religion insulted. George was thrown into jail and tortured. Refusing to become a Muslim, he died under torture. To save their children from for­ cibly being declared Muslim, his wife declared them illegitimate, preferring dishonor for herself to Islam for her children (Poujade 1867, 177-78). All Christians were not so resolute. Lt. Adolphe Cerfbeer of Strasburg, serving with Ali Pasha of Yanina as artillery officer and masking his iden­ tity with the pen name Manzour-Efendi, wrote in 1818 that Ali Pasha ordered the inhabitants of a Christian village of the Labëri district to become Muslims. No motive was given for this action so contrary to the Koran and to the human conscience. Yet not daring to refuse, all the men, headed by their priests, presented themselves for circumcision. A Muslim priest was sent to instruct them in their new religion, and boy hostages were required (Manzour 1828, xxi-xxii). Captives taken in the wars and runaway slaves of the Europeans were often severely abused by their Turkish masters until they changed their religion. Himself a prisoner, Sansovino reported that the Turks did every­ thing to make them deny their Christian religion and be circumcised. He

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wrote, "The others who do not wish to be circumcised are cruelly treated: which misery I have proved for thirteen years, and can express freely how many calamities there are in this sort of life" (Sansovino 1560, 1:69-70). That some did yield to conversion is evidenced by an article of the peace treaty between Turkey and Venice after the fall of Shkodra in 1478, as well as by several treaties thereafter: "Slaves who flee from the Venetians com­ ing into the hands of the Turks shall be restored; if converted to Islam, the proprietor shall be reimbursed with 1,000 aspri for each slave" (Deputazione 1876,16:126). Evidently in certain cases at least, compulsion was used not only to subjugate Christians to the Muslim state, but also to subject them to the Muslim religion. Most people would now agree that compul­ sion, whether by Muslims or Christians, must be recognized as an unwor­ thy factor in religious conversion. E C O N O M IC D IS C R IM IN A T IO N A G A IN S T N ON -M U SLIM S By discriminating against the non-Muslim population, the Turks brought economic pressure to bear on them to such a degree that many sought relief by converting to Islam. T a xa tio n of N on -M u slim s

The payment of annual tribute was one of the three alternatives offered to Christians by conquering Muslim armies. In his authoritative work on Islamic law, Kuduri outlined the several taxes which were levied (Kuduri 1829, 28-33). These included the haratch or tribute, the tithes and the poll tax. Although the stipulated amounts may now seem very moderate, the excessive poverty of Albanian peasants under Turkish feudalism made these taxes unbearable. While the above taxes were paid directly to agents of the Porte, further taxes were levied by the Porte on the pashas. These in turn and their tax collectors demanded from the people unnecessarily higher sums so as to leave themselves a comfortable balance. A French historian wrote that "these spoliations fell principally on the Christians" (Valon 1845, 1:98). Selim I deliberately loaded the Christians with excep­ tionally heavy taxes, but promised to exempt whole households where at least one male member accepted Islam (Tomitch 1913, 13). A Venetian adventurer in the early 1500s stopped with a family in northern Albania that had seven sons, but the eldest had "become a Turk" to escape heavy taxes (Ramberti 1539, 5). "This official policy," he ob­ served, "had induced a great number of people to free themselves from such a charge." At that time whole villages and even entire regions were Islamized, such as the Kosova plain and the regions of Prizren and Gjakova (Tomitch 1913,14). Gregory Messarechi, a Catholic missionary of Prizren, in his report of 1651 named village after village in which virtually every man had passed to Islam, only some of the women remaining Christian (ibid., 15, citing Vatican MS Starine, xxv.175). Although protesting that at heart they could never be other than Christian, these men stated that they

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had finally changed their religion because it was simply impossible to pay the heavy taxes. About 1671 a very similar report came from Etienne Gaspari (ibid., 16-17, citing Starine xxv.196 at Zagreb Library). Only in the northern mountains, where tax collectors did not dare ven­ ture, were Albanian Christians free from this economic pressure. In southern Albania, when their Venetian allies withdrew from Himara early in the seventeenth century, retribution fell so harshly upon the population that "many of these people, to escape the heavy charges, became Turks" (Bessarione July-December 1911, 448). Manzour also reported that in the region of Labëri in southern Albania, "It often happens that families, even entire villages, embrace Islam for the sole purpose of escaping the tax called haratch, which the non-Muslim subjects are obliged to pay" (Manzour 1828, xxi-xxii). C o n fisc a tio n of L ands

Although Muslim law allowed subjugated Christians to retain the title of their land on the payment of tribute, they nevertheless suffered fre­ quently from the injustice of unscrupulous pashas. Should the pasha desire to become the proprietor of a free village, he might force the landowners to sell at his own price. Failing that, he could by ruse, vexation and injustice dispossess the owners. Should he find it difficult to possess a land, he could and frequently did settle in the village strong detachments of undisciplined soldiers whose maintenance would impoverish the villagers. Then they would be willing to buy peace even at the price of their lands. This was a tactic of Ali Pasha. Sometimes without such preliminary niceties a covetous pasha could arbitrarily dispossess the owner. Comparative safety could be found only in turning Muslim. Thus Hecquard told of certain staunch Catholics abandoning their fields near the city to settle in the mountains at the time when "to conserve their lands, their coreligionists were embracing Islam" (Hecquard 1857, 150). I n d u stria l R est r ic t io n s

During the Turkish occupation, taxation and brigandage brought in­ dustry to a virtual standstill. Caravan routes through Albania were aban­ doned, and exports were negligible. Without exports or imports or even trade, each village, even each household was virtually sufficient unto itself. Even in this very elementary industrial organization the Turks severely restricted Christian participation. In Shkodra they forbade Christians to practice certain vocations on pain of death. Muslims enjoyed a monopoly on the lace factories and tanneries and the recovery and sale of salt. Mustapha Pasha had a Christian tailor, so this business was permitted to Chris­ tians as well as Muslims. But until 1857 the market day in Shkodra was on Sunday. To survive in business the Christian shopkeepers had to keep open shop on their holy day. Christian householders were compelled to go to market on Sunday to buy provisions for the week (ibid., 327-28, 337).

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Lively opposition from the Muslims made it impossible to change market day to Wednesday until 1857. In Elbasan, despite a 20 percent Orthodox population, Christian businessmen were forbidden to have shops in the city bazaar until 1860 (ibid., 265). And at least until the middle of the twentieth century the sale of pork products was rigidly excluded from the public bazaar; only in the yard of the Orthodox church did anyone dare sell the flesh of the animal so abhorred by the Muslim majority. There the carcass would be hung on a peg driven into the outside wall of the church building. Further south in Yanina, the pressure on all Christian businessmen was so great that it "led several rich Yanina merchants to leave this city to go to Petersburg, Vienna and Trieste" (Bellaire 1805, 25). P r efer m en ts

The religion of Muhammad was spread first in Albania among the leaders of the people. Some of these were converted without coercion by appeal to their selfish ambition. For at first the sultan had governed sub­ jugated Albania by naming Turks as pashas, beys and agas. These Ot­ toman officials, however, did not understand Albanian customs and caused unnecessary friction and resentment. So the sultan placed local government in the hands of local lords or chiefs who would become Muslims and pledge loyalty to him. Those chiefs then maintained their own soldiery, protected the sultan's interests, levied taxes and surtaxes, and paid the sultan as re­ quired. Albanian chiefs who proved dependable were promoted to higher offices, those of pashas, generals, deputies, ministers, prime ministers and ambassadors. Thus the Turks induced natural leaders to convert by prom­ ising them titles and endowing them with land, prestige and authority in government. Traces of this practice are found as early as the Balshas, about 1400 (Noli 1921, 276). The governor of Kruja, dispossessed by the sudden coup of Skanderbeg, was an Albanian converted to Islam at that early date. Even northern mountaineers, already exempted from taxation, the confiscation of their lands and industrial restrictions were not immune to the appeal of personal ambition. Hecquard noted that in Rapscia of Hoti there were 10 families who had embraced Islam in order to obtain favors from the pasha. He had conceded to them the privilege of choosing the boulouk-bachis or council members from their tribe, a position both influential and lucrative (Hecquard 1857, 161-62). Chiefs of the Shkreli tribe, although good Catholics, had embraced Islam in order to obtain employment and honors (ibid., 200). Finding both fidelity and intelligence among the Retchi and Loho tribes, the pashas, desiring their services, offered favors and gifts, converting many to Islam (ibid., 147-48). This defection of the leaders, swayed more by expediency or oppor­ tunism than by religious conviction, proved a fatal precedent for the rest of the population. In this feudally organized society the commoners were

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dependent on their overlords and tended to follow their example. Thus in studying the rise and progress of Islam, Stubbe made the following obser­ vation about the Turks: "By loading Christians with taxes and tributes, and keeping them out of offices and preferments, not only did they keep them in civil obedience, but they gained to their religion by hopes of preferment more than they could have done by persecution" (Stubbe 1911, 188). SO C IA L P R E SSU R E S ON THE N ON -M USLIM Although Albanians throughout the centuries had become accustomed to foreign overlords, they had never been subjected to a system designed to impress them so forcefully with a sense of their own inferiority. Islamic law stated simply, "The tributaries are required to distinguish themselves from Muslims by their clothing, their mounts, their saddles and their hats. They must no longer ride horses nor carry arms" (Kuduri 1829, 33). San­ sovino (1:72) was even more explicit. Christians were not allowed to bear arms or to wear the Turkish costume. If a Christian on horseback passed a Muslim, or one who had entered the Turkish religion, he would have to dismount from the horse, and bow his head. If he did not do this he could be thrown from his horse with a cane. Should the Muslim be afoot and tired, he could use the horse, the Christian going on foot. In his book entitled The Christians o f Turkey: Their Condition under Musulman Rule, Denton (1876, 115-16) quoted the Mutka or digest of Turkish canon law as follows: And the tributary (or Christian) is to be distinguished in the beast he rides, and in his saddle, and he is not to ride a horse, he is not to work at his work with arms on, he shall not ride on a saddle like a pillion, he shall not ride on that except as a matter of necessity, and even then he shall dis­ mount in places of public resort; he shall not wear clothes worn by men of learning, piety and nobility. His women shall be distinguished both in the street and baths, and he shall place in his house a sign and mark so that people may not pray for him or salute him. And the street shall be narrowed for him, and he shall pay his tribute standing, the receiver being seated, and he shall be seized by the collar, and shall be shaken, and it shall be said to him, "Pay the tribute, O tributary! O thou enemy of God!" A deliberate and systematic program to humiliate the non-Muslim is seen in the treaty between Caliph Omar and the people of Jerusalem in 638. This seems to have become a formula for later capitulations. Kuduri (1829, 11-12, 38-40) preserved the text with the assurance that most of the condi­ tions were still strictly obligatory for the non-Muslim people under the Turkish yoke. Here are the conditions written by Omar (May God be pleased with him!) in his constitution on the rights of tributaries, conditions which are so obligatory that, should these latter infringe them, their life and their goods may be surrendered at the discretion of any one. They must:

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1. Build neither new church nor synagogue on Mohammedan ter­ ritory. 2. Not rebuild those which shall fall down. 3. Leave the gates open to all Muslim travelers. 4. Never fail to exercise hospitality toward Muslims up to a period of three days. 5. Not inquire into the state of affairs of the Muslims, nor make report of it to the infidels. 6. Never be opposed to the desires of their kin who would embrace Islam. 7. Conduct themselves respectfully toward Muslims. 8. Give up their seats to the Muslims when these latter shall be pres­ ent, for these seats are the seats of the Muslims. 9. Never wear clothing or ornaments resembling those of Muslims. 10. Not take upon themselves Muslim names. 11. Not ride saddled and bridled horses. 12. Carry neither bows, arrows, swords nor other arms. 13. Never wear on the finger a ring ornamented with a cut stone. 14. Never sell wine, nor drink it publicly. 15. Never dress like the idolators. 16. Never affect the customs and habits of idolators. 17. Buy neither houses nor habitations in the neighborhood of those of the Muslims. 18. Never inter their dead near the cemeteries of Muslims. 19. Never utter cries when struck by some misfortune, nor shed tears in public at the death of their kin. 20. Never buy Muslim slaves.

At the conclusion of these capitulation terms, Omar stipulated that if the Christian should infringe any of the conditions, no sacrifice of silver could redeem his life, and any Muslim could kill him with impunity. It is not difficult to imagine the effect which such measures would have on the Albanian: proud, independent, perpetually armed and from time immemorial a horseman. The impenetrable mountains of the north safe­ guarded the social status of those Christian Albanians. Thus in 1804 when some Muslims of Shkodra maliciously hung a Capuchin monk, the Latin Mirdites learned of the atrocity. They seized five Turks, who were later found hanging from the city gates with a letter addressed to the pasha. It read, "Five for one, and if a similar crime recurs, thy head shall answer for it" (Pouq 1826, 3:229-30). The pasha appeased the vindictive Mirdites with presents and promises. But elsewhere in the more exposed plains and foothills the Christian minority suffered without recourse. Hecquard reported (434) that the pasha of Ipek kidnapped young girls and children of Christian families for use as servants or slaves. When Hasan Arslan of Shoshi with a band of Muslims assassinated their pasha, the Ot­ toman inspector sent to punish the criminals was deceived. He returned to Constantinople carrying the heads of certain Christians of Shkreli wrongly accused of the crime. There was no court of appeal. The testimony of Chris-

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tians was not accepted by the cadi or Muslim judge. Even the few rights re­ maining to them as subject people could not always be enjoyed. Writing as recently as 1919 the Romanian Jorga (1919, 53) reported that in Kruja "Christians were not permitted to stay overnight until recent times." The Turks in Albania seem to have relaxed somewhat their dress code for non-Muslims. Nevertheless, in Berat and elsewhere the Muslims for­ bade Orthodox women to walk in the streets publicly unless they wore the veil and long black cape of the Muslim women and walked with their hands crossed over their breast (Robert 1844, 2:169). Because Muslims considered unveiled women shameless and lewd, many Christian girls in Muslim cities began wearing the veil in public from about the age of 12. Poujade (1867, 194) noted that Christian women frequently used white veils. Long after in­ dependence from Turkey, elderly Orthodox women in Elbasan could be seen on the street wearing white veils, although usually their eyes were visi­ ble. Turkish influence upon the Christian community is seen also in the lat­ ticework partitions in the rear of Orthodox churches, the women being kept behind the screen during mass. Poujade (ibid., 191) reported having met in Yanina an Orthodox gentleman called Kir Alex who dressed as a Turkish efendi or gentleman, wearing a turban and walking slowly with a string of beads between his fingers. Albanians living in their own homeland could not bear to live as second-class citizens. The systematic humiliation of this people, so proud of their Albanian heritage, could not fail to tend toward their Islamization. R E L IG IO U S T R A IN IN G OF C H R IST IA N JU V EN ILES By several means the Turkish overlords took juveniles away from their Christian families and brought them up in surroundings conducive to their adoption of Muslim habits of thought and life. H ostages

During the Turkish invasions a Christian prince could sometimes re­ tain nominal autonomy by the payment of an annual tribute and assuring his obedience to the conditions of the treaty by surrendering one or more sons as hostages. These young Christian hostages were usually brought up in the Muslim religion. The classic example, of course, is George Kastrioti, or Skanderbeg. Another who has already come to our attention was Ilo, the son of an influential priest of Panariti, who became the famous Ilias Bey. He returned to Korcha in 1484 and built the great mosque there, mak­ ing that town the chief center of the region. After the capitulation of Albania the taking of hostages was not so common. Ali Pasha of Yanina, however, did require youthful hostages as a guarantee of the sincerity of the conversion he forced upon their parents. Manzour (1828, xxi-xxii) wrote, "I have seen in the house of Mehmet efendi, lieutenant of the pasha, where I was living, the son of the ex-curate and the two sons of the chief of the village, who had been taken to be raised

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in the Mohammedan religion, and to serve as hostages for the sincerity of the conversion of their fathers. The other children of the same village had been distributed with the same intention among the principal Moslems of Yanina." A bdu ctio ns

Abduction or kidnapping also provided Christian youth for training in the Muslim faith. A young lad watching the family cattle was carried off by the Turks, with other boys. He was raised a Muslim, entered the army, and returned to Albania as a general, Balaban Vadere (Duponcet 1709, 477). Another youth, snatched from his Christian parents, circumcised and raised as a Muslim also attained fame as a general, Jagub Arnauth, who led a Turkish army back into Albania {ibid., 511). Children were sometimes abducted even during the later period of Turkish occupation. In 1867 the French author Poujade (1867, 175-76) wrote of the visit to his Yanina home by an elderly Orthodox father. With tears he threw himself at the feet of the French gentleman, begging him to intervene for the return of his abducted eight-year-old son. The chief of the Turkish battalion, who had no children of his own, had had the boy kid­ napped in broad daylight. The child was circumcised, dressed as the Turks, and treated as the chief's son. When Poujade intervened in behalf of the father, the pasha replied that he could not return a child now made Muslim by circumcision. Also, the kidnapping had been effected during the sacred month of Ramadan, and during that month it was very necessary to concur with the religious sentiment of the Turks. T he "B lood T a x " fo r the J a n issa r ies

Christian juveniles taken into Turkish custody were often destined to become Janissaries. This elite body of troops had been created by the sec­ ond Ottoman sultan, Orhan, in 1328, but was much more thoroughly organized by his son Amurat. The Janissaries were the precise counterpart of Rome's Praetorian Guard, and, significantly enough, Albanian warriors were outstanding in both. Composed largely of new converts to Islam, the Janissaries would have no interest in partisan intrigues either at the Porte or in the provinces. Open only to the strongest, most intelligent and most courageous soldiers, the rigorously disciplined and highly trained Janissaries were the outstanding military institution in Turkey. They had a reputation for absolute loyalty to the imperial authority. Many Christian youths taken as hostages or abducted were trained for this body. In addi­ tion, a so-called blood tax was placed upon tributary Christians. A double tithe of the younger population, one boy in five, was demanded by the government. Every two or three years government officials went through the towns and villages, selecting the healthiest and strongest boys to be trained for service as Janissaries. First the youths were initiated into the Muslim faith, then they were given the best court and military training.

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The Venetian Pavlo Giovio (1541, 32) claimed that most of these Janissaries were Albanians, Slavs or Hungarians. One such was taken from his home in Butrint, became a Muslim, received an education in Arabic, and under the Ottoman sultan Suleiman I the Magnificent (1520-66) be­ came well known as Habraim Pasha (Giovio 1555, 2:337-38). Another of humble origin in the mountains of Arta rose step by step to become widely known as the general Sinan Pasha (Chalcondile 1662, 405-6). To avoid los­ ing their choicest sons to the Turks, parents could choose one of several hard alternatives: they could risk trying to bribe the officers, they could marry the boys at the age of 12 and pay the haratch for them also, they could mutilate the boy, or both father and son could convert to Islam (Tomitch 1913,12-13). In this latter case Islamization was effected either by serving with the Janissaries, or by evading that service. THE PEC U LIA R A PPEA L OF B E K T A S H IIS M The close identification of Albanian warriors with the Janissaries had significant religious implications for Albania. When Sultan Orhan founded the Janissaries in 1328 he wished to have a religious blessing on the new military order. For the purpose he invited a venerable 79-year-old sheikh, Hadji Bektash. Ever since that early beginning, the Janissary officers wore on back of their helmets a bit of felt reminiscent of the sleeve of the robe of Bektash. The Janissaries themselves were considered an elite troop, but the Bektashis among them were the aristocracy. They claimed as converts both Skanderbeg and his nephew Hamza (Tyrabi 1929, 55). Bektashi der­ vishes functioned as chaplains. An indestructible solidarity developed be­ tween the Janissaries and the Bektashi dervishes. When the Janissaries rode into the Balkans, Bektashiism rode with them. But Bektashiism was a unique form of Islam. Bektash himself was a descendant of Muhammad's daughter Fatima and her husband, Ali, who Shiites claim was designated by Muhammad as his legitimate successor. Bektash was born in Persia in 1249, moved to Turkey in 1284 and died in 1344 at 93. At 26, Bektash traveled to India, Tibet and China, where Bud­ dhism and Hinduism strongly influenced him toward pantheism. He and his followers rejected the harsh doctrine, stem rules and intolerant attitudes of the orthodox Sunni Muslims. A Bektashi spokesman declared, "We do not want religious divisions and fanaticism: our doctrine teaches love to all, brotherhood and unity" {ibid., v). Probably it was this conciliatory attitude which led him in writing of the miracles of Jesus Christ to apply to him the title "son of God" {ibid., 11). Emancipated from orthodox Muslim tradition, the liberal Bektashis sensed no particular reverence for the Arabic and Per­ sian languages, but produced their religious literature in their own Turkish language. Hadji Bektash and his followers thus formed a new and different order of dervishes: meditative, metaphysical, charitable, hospitable and tolerant. It is said that in the early 1300s Bektash sent a devout dervish named

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Sari Salltëk into Europe and Albania. He dressed in the robe of a Christian monk so as not to endanger his life and quietly planted the Bektashi faith in the Balkans. Specifically mentioned were the Albanian cities of Uskup, Ochrida, Kruja and Yanina. Reaching Corfu he "founded an institute in the form of an Orthodox church, but the idea which he sowed indirectly among the people dealt with freedom, love and Bektashi discipline. His motto was very wonderful. 'Let the people be trained in the principles of Hadji Bektash but only in the name of the prophet Christ, without mentioning Hadji Bektash and his ancestor Muhammad with Ali.' This motto he told only to his most faithful followers" (ibid., 48-50). He placed these faithful der­ vishes disguised as Orthodox monks in seven branches in the Balkans. Not until 1378 did the first missionaries dressed as Bektashi dervishes openly ap­ pear in Albania. That was at Kuch of Devoll, near Korcha (ibid., 54). It is understandable that the orthodox Sunni Muslims would attack the Bektashi faith as being "half Mohammedan, half Christian" (ibid., 56). A Bektashi historian admitted that in all places subdued by the conquering Turks, the Christian population was compelled to convert to the Moham­ medan faith, "even though unwillingly" (ibid., 62-66). This somewhat eclectic Bektashiism became something of a half-way house which held spe­ cial appeal to reluctant Albanian Christians. The historical record is scanty. But certainly Bektashi presence in Albania goes back to the early 1700s. For in Kruja tombstones featuring the characteristic "tac" or sym­ bolic cap of the Bektashis carved on the top date back to a . h . 1141 (a . d . 1728) and another to a . h . 1130 (a . d . 1717) (Birge 1935, 110-16). The hatred of Bektashiism by the Sunni Turks increased as the number of Janissaries expanded to over 47,000. With the progressive weakening of the centralized authority of the sultans, the Janissaries, like their earlier Roman counterparts, the Praetorian Guard, exercised their political power and became a turbulent force in making or breaking the rulers. Their grow­ ing influence became so intolerable that in 1826 Sultan Mahmoud II carried out the bloody abolition of the Janissaries, killing 18,000 outright (Tyrabi 1929, 67). This caused such a public outcry from the associated Bektashi dervishes that one month later, urged on by the Sunni clerics, the sultan publicly executed three prominent Bektashi leaders. Then he abolished the Bektashi order, destroyed their tekkes (monasteries), forbade their distinc­ tive costume and exiled the dervishes. Most of these dervishes fled to Albania, homeland of so many Janissaries, where the Bektashi order found its most congenial home. Even here, however, the Turks utterly destroyed the Bektashi monasteries at Shkodra, Kruja and Tirana (ibid., 75). But Ali Pasha of Yanina gave liberally to construct the picturesque tekke on the hilltop of Melchan near Korcha (ibid., 76). Unlike other dervish orders, such as the M evlevi or Whirling Der­ vishes and the Rufai or Howling Dervishes, the Bektashis had no public ser­ vices of worship. In fact, their entire ritual and their beliefs were guarded from the public with such secrecy that they aroused great curiosity among

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the uninitiated as to the "Bektashi Secret." As Shiah Muslims they recog­ nized 124,000 prophets, the four highest being Moses, David, Jesus and Muhammad. The Bektashi leader in Albania acknowledged that Jesus never sinned, but that according to the Koran Muhammad did sin. He found God resident in every good man. He believed in the transmigration of souls, the good person coming back after death in another good person, the evil person coming back as an animal or even as a stone. "Paradise and hell," he added, "are in this world" (News Bulletin December 1930, 11-13). Organizationally, they divided Albania into six dioceses, each of which elected two representatives to the managing council. They spread their roots deep and wide in Albania, especially among the more prominent Muslim intelligentsia. Bektashis were usually estimated to number about 200,000 of the 1 million Albanians, or 20 percent of the population. This represented a majority of the Muslims of southern Albania. Because of persecution in Turkey, they enthusiastically espoused the cause of Alba­ nian independence. For instance, "all the Bektashi fathers of Toskëri" are said to have gathered with other patriots at the tekke of Frashëri to plan the Congress of Prizren (Frashëri, M., 1938, 28, 34). M A R IT A L R EG U L A T IO N S Although the prophet Muhammad assumed the privilege of taking more wives, he limited his followers to "marry but two, or three, or four" (Rodwell 1909, 4:3). Besides the wives, however, a good Muslim was al­ lowed several concubines, the number being limited mainly by his financial ability to support them. The practice of polygamy, however, was the ex­ ception rather than the rule in Albanian Muslim circles, especially among the common people. Unilateral intermarriage with Christians was permit­ ted: that is, Muslim men could marry non-Muslim women, but under no circumstances could Muslim women marry non-Muslim men. Should Christian girls refuse the advances of Muslim men, decisive action was sometimes taken. Thus at the fall of Yanina in 1431, Amurat sent to the city 18 officers to prepare the city for occupation. Struck with the beauty of the Epirote girls, several officers requested the daughters of leading families in marriage. They were repulsed with disdain. One feast day as the young ladies were leaving the church of St. Pantocrator, the officers seized those whom they fancied, and the families had no alternative but to acquiesce to the conquerors (Hammer 1835, 2:283; LaMartine 1854, 3:60). Thus began the multiplication of mixed families: half Muslim, half Christian. Another such case is that of a young Catholic girl taken into con­ cubinage by a Turk in Shkodra. In 1701 the bishop tried to secure her release. This so enraged the Turk that he went to the mosque and accused the prelate of having spoken blasphemies against the religion of Muham­ mad. A mob seized him at his Jubani residence, stripped and maltreated him, then took him to Shkodra, where the pasha condemned him to death and he was hanged (Hecquard 1857, 476). The sheriat or Islamic law

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prescribed that in such mixed marriages the woman also must observe the religion of Islam. There were many infractions of this rule, beginning at the top with Ali Pasha himself. His Orthodox wife Vasilika was even allowed a chapel of her own in the palace itself. But male children inevitably fol­ lowed the religion of the father, as did many of the daughters. W ELC O M E OF C H R IST IA N M A L C O N T E N T S During these long years of Turkish occupation, the relationship be­ tween the oppressed Christians and their church often became strained. The Muslims did whatever they could to introduce friction and then to at­ tract discontented infidels to their religion. With no profound religious con­ victions, some of these Christians changed their religion for the most trifling reasons. For instance, about 1800 all the villages called Anamali on the slope of Mt. Tarabosh, near Shkodra, were Catholic. One Easter morn­ ing the priest delayed mass at the request of a number of distant villagers who were en route to participate. When he refused to celebrate mass at the usual hour, the indignant villagers of Anamali, their pride injured, took the road to Shkodra. There before the pasha they declared themselves ready to become Muslims. Their mass conversion was received with enthusiasm by the Turks, who loaded their chiefs and older men with presents. Later many were repentant, but they could never return to their former religion (ibid., 26). Others when reproved by their bishop for spending all they possessed to treat one another on their feast days, threatened their bishop with becoming Muslims (Hugonnet 1886, 119). In 1760 a group of 36 villages south of Kolonja and Përmet sought desperately for Heaven's relief from the pressure of fanatical Muslims all about them. They resolved to adopt rigorous fasts and mortifications, and if no relief resulted they would aban­ don their religion. The people kept their pre-Easter fast, and when Easter dawned with no relief from Muslim oppression, a mass abjuration was agreed upon. The Orthodox bishop and priests were sent away, and Muslim imams were invited in. The confession of faith was recited, and the men were circumcised. Only a few persons refused to apostatize, and these had to flee the region (Pouq 1826,1:259-61). Manzour (xxii) asked a family from Labëri why they had abandoned the Christian religion for Islam. The poor farmer told how he had prayed several years in succession to Jesus, to his Mother, to St. Nicholas and other saints, for relief from hail, distemper and sickness among the cattle, all to no avail. The next year he invoked the intercession of Muhammad and was spared the usual round of misfortune. So the family passed over to Islam. TH E SU FFIC IEN C Y OF A FO RM A L P R O F E S SIO N OF ISLA M The act of conversion was extremely simple. It consisted only in the repetition of the creed: "There is no God but Allah, and Muhammad is the

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apostle of God." The simple formality required for conversion is described by a Frenchman: "He is conducted to the center of the assembly and by the commandment of their priest, called a dervish, he raises the index finger, and raising the eyes to heaven, cries aloud, to be heard well, 'La ila la mehmet resulam,' that is to say, 'God is God the only God, and Mohammed is his prophet.' After that, by some expert man his foreskin being cut, he is presented to the people and his first name changed, he being given a new one" (Lavardin 1621, 4). The French artillery lieutenant who took the name Manzour described the simple procedure when he pretended to adopt Islam for personal safety during extensive travel. He found a cadi or religious judge in the same inn where he had stopped overnight. "I declared to him that I wanted to become a Moslem. He praised God, and at once threw my hat out the window. He took off the sash which served him as a belt to envelope my head in the form of a turban, then gave me letters of recommendation to the governor of Bosnia" (Manzour 1828, xxii). No preparatory catechizing was necessary. By a simple declaration of faith, and at most circumcision, a Christian could escape all the injustice poured out upon his kind by the Turks. Upon reflection, it seems surprising that only 70 percent of the Albanians were Islamized. Generally these conversions were quite nominal. After the southern Himariots had accepted Islam, the Uniat missionary Korolevskij wrote, "Nobody is molested there by the Turks." But of the purely superficial nature of the conversions he continued, "By their ignorance they became Turks, and now they are really neither Turks nor Christians" (Bessarione July-December 1911, 473). This was paralleled at Elbasan, where a group of pseudo-Muslims lived. They had two sets of names, Christian and Muslim, and followed the two corresponding religious rites. Inwardly they were Christians, but outwardly they professed Islam (Chekrezi 1919, 204). As late as 1905 a traveler reported that Muslims in the town of Lushnja still continued a tradition of their Christian ancestors. Every night villagers by turn climbed the nearby mountain peak to the church of St. Nicholas to light a candle there (Grameno 1925, 63). In the Catholic north there were quite a number of "occult Christians" who lived a double life religiously, and were called "crypto-Catholics" or "laramani." They remained Christians in secret, but through force of cir­ cumstances felt it necessary to behave in public like Muslims. These men did not compel their wives to be converted, and contrary to Islamic law the Christian mother would raise the children in the Christian religion. As the sons became of age, they too would have to profess Islam, but the women carried on the Christian tradition (Tomitch 1913,15). This phenomenon of divided households was reported in the south also by Poujade (1867, 103-4). He wrote, "I have known Albanian chiefs who still had Christian old mothers and aunts. In the villages of Chamëri and Labëri one can fre­ quently see husband and wife eating . . . food, part cooked without butter

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for the wife during Lent, and part for the husband filled with savory meat and cooked in butter." Documents were also commonly seen, where one Mehmet Abdullah was declared the son of Constantine or Demetrius. Some Albanian Muslims still had Orthodox family names. Faik Konitza, Albanian scholar and diplomatic envoy to the United States from 1926 to 1939, considered this double life an "ironical and non­ chalant way" of escaping religious controversy. With good humor he quoted the wife of a British ambassador to Constantinople, who wrote in 1717 about the Albanians as follows: These people, living between Christians and Mahometans, and not being skilled in controversy, declare that they are utterly unable to judge which religion is best. But, to be certain of not entirely rejecting the truth, they very prudently follow both. They go to the mosque on Fridays and the Church on Sundays, saying for their excuse, that at the day of judgment they are sure of the protection of the true prophet; but which that is, they are not able to determine in this world [Konitza 1957, 135].

Konitza then quoted Lord Byron. "The Greeks hardly regard them as Chris­ tians, or the Turks as Moslems; and in fact they are a mixture of both, and sometimes neither" {ibid., 136). And he quoted Byron's contemporary, the Anglican clergyman T. S. Hughes: "The Albanian Mahometan is not more observant of doctrines, rites and ceremonies under his new law than he was under his old one. . . . He frequently takes a Christian woman to his wife, carries his sons to mosque, and allows his daughters to attend their mother to church; nay he even goes himself alternately to both places of worship" (ibid., 136). This rather relaxed attitude toward the double life was not found in the northerly regions of Albania. There the secret Christians or laramani attended church only when they dared. They secretly asked the priests to hear their confession and grant them communion. The archbishops of Uskup, yielding to circumstances, allowed the priests to administer the sacraments to these occult Christians and to extend to them spiritual suc­ cor. This accommodation continued until 1703, when the Albanian (Arbëresh) Pope Clement XI, ruling from 1700 to 1721, took a different ap­ proach. He sent the archbishop of Antivari (later Tivar, now Bar) on a pastoral visit throughout the Albanian communities, then received his report of destroyed churches and desecrated shrines. To discourage further conversions to Islam, the pope called the Second Council of Albanian Bishops, presided over by the archbishop of Antivari. There it was decided that communion must be refused to those Chris­ tians who, while preserving in heart the religion of Christ, yet failed in its outward confession by following the customs of the Turks and receiving Muslim names. A later encyclical of Benedict XIV, dated 1 August 1754, confirmed this decision. It forbade archbishops, bishops, priests and Al­ banian missionaries to permit Catholics to take Moslem names, whether to

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escape the payment of taxes, or for any other reasons. The encyclical added that the clergy should persuade those who deny the impieties of Islam and return to Christianity, to withdraw from those regions if they doubt their constancy, and to settle in countries not under the Turks. From that time these occult Christians, though cut off from all spiritual aids, preserved the memory and some of the customs of their Christian heritage, although for survival or convenience they continued to feign the practice of the Muslim religion. Many of these converts to Islam, however, evidenced the superficiality of their conversion by embracing the liberal sect of the Bektashis. Muslim contentment with even a nominal profession of Islam was farsighted. In the first place, it was irrevocable: once a Muslim, always a Muslim. The punishment for Muslim apostates was death. Article 55 of Kuduri's In­ stitutes reads as follows: "When a Muslim shall abandon Islam, the dogmas shall be expounded to him; if he has any doubts they shall be removed, and he shall be imprisoned three days. If he is converted, nothing more shall be done. In the contrary case he shall be slain; and if he has been put to death before the doctrine of Islam has been expounded to him, the action of the one who killed him is detestable, but he will not incur any punish­ ment thereby" (Kuduri 1829, 34). This law of apostasy was applied without moderation in Albania. The former consul of France at the Yanina court of Ali Pasha told of one Flasan of Kosturi who witnessed the torture of a Basilian monk Demetrius and was so impressed that he became a Christian. After baptism he fled to the coastal region of Acarnania, where under the name George he cultivated a small farm. Becoming notable for his piety, he was later discovered and with white-hot irons tortured to death (Pouq 1825, 1:254-56; also Hecquard 1857, 484-87). Even this superficial profession of Islam proved progressive. It under­ went development with the passage of time. Turkish hopes lay in the next generation, and the next. In Albania they were not disappointed, for by such practices they effected the Islamization of 70 percent of its population. R E L IG IO U S D IS U N IT Y IN A LBA N IA When Albania eventually secured its independence from Turkey, this historically Christian land enjoyed the dubious distinction of possessing the most highly concentrated Muslim population of any state in Europe. Of the neighboring Balkan states, Romania had a Muslim population of 1.5 per­ cent, Greece 2.1 percent, Yugoslavia 13 percent and Bulgaria 15.8 percent (Nelson ca. 1930, 484-87). Yet the Muslim population of Albania totaled 70 percent. The reason for the disparity is not at first apparent. The Turkish occupation in these other Balkan regions lasted just about as long as it did in Albania, for although Albania was the last to be subjugated by the old Turkish empire, it was also the last to secure independence from it. As far as we know, the same religious policies were applied by the Ottomans to the inhabitants of those other Balkan states as were applied to the Alba­

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nians. It seems then, that the explanation must lie not in the external cir­ cumstances, such as the duration or the intensity of Islamic pressure, but rather in certain characteristics of religion and psychology peculiar to the Albanian. There would seem to be four such factors. First is the religious disunity found there. All the Balkan nationalities except the Albanians enjoyed a distinct religious homogeneity. Greece was solidly Orthodox, as were Wallachia or Romania, Serbia and to a lesser degree Bulgaria. On the other hand, Croatia and Dalmatia were solidly Roman Catholic. But the earlier strug­ gles over Illyricum Sacrum had split Albania into two hostile camps: Catholic and Orthodox. Historically, Albanians had found their loyalty divided between the Eastern Orthodox Church and the Western or Roman Catholic Church, between Constantinople and Rome. Most northern Al­ banians were oriented toward Rome, most southern Albanians toward Constantinople. We have already become aware of the friction between the two, amounting even to open hostility. According to reports of the Catholic Rodino, a Uniat missionary to southern Albania, this hostility originated with the Orthodox bishops, who were always of Greek nationality. They denounced him to priests and peo­ ple as an "heretical papist" (Bessarione July-December 1911, 448-49). Neither did the Catholic Rodino prove more tactful, for he went throughout the country, preaching and exhorting bishops, priests and people alike to return to the Catholic Church. Driven out of one diocese he went on to the next. When an Orthodox bishop was stationed at fanatically Catholic Shkodra, Pouqueville (1805, 3:263-64) wrote that the Catholic missionaries there had more to fear from the Greeks than from the Muslims. The Catholic Mantegazza (1906, 322) reported that "the schism was so profound that even now the Albanian Catholics have less repugnance for the Moslem than for the Orthodox." He told of Catholics and Muslims living together peaceably, sometimes even in the same house and family, "a thing which would be absolutely impossible among Catholics and Orthodox." An example of these unfortunate quarrels is given by Hecquard (153-54). The Catholics of Koplik used to hold an annual pilgrimage and mass at their little church of St. John in neighboring Vraka. In 1855 a small colony of Orthodox Slavs nearby took possession of the church, claiming it was Greek in form and therefore Orthodox. Soon the Koplik Catholics and allies numbering 300 descended with a priest, consecrated the old church according to the Latin rite and celebrated mass. Tragic repercus­ sions were averted only by the hasty intervention of the French ambassador at Constantinople. The Turks were not slow to play the one against the other for their own advantage. Ali Pasha found that the Catholic Mirdites would fight most en­ thusiastically for him against the Orthodox Albanians of the south. This mutual religious antipathy was exploited also by foreign propagandists who, through their churches, promoted suspicion and distrust so as to

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further theirn own anti-Albanian designs. But this religious dissension dissipated the energies which might have enabled both Catholic and Or­ thodox Albanians to support one another in resisting Islamization by the Turks. THE D EC A D EN T C H A R A C TER OF A LBA N IA N C H R IS T IA N IT Y It was Lord Byron who wrote about Albania, "The cross descends, thy minarets arise." Then he added, "But still the cross is here,/ though sadly scoffed at by the circumcised" (Byron 1891, 1:2.38). Apparently they had some reason. A few illustrations will suffice. Foreign priests were often ignorant of the Albanian language and customs. The English lady Edith Durham, whose love for Albanian moun­ taineers earned her their title "Queen of the Mountains," nevertheless de­ tailed how their bishops, usually foreigners, quarreled with one another so as to enlarge their bishoprics. As early as 1684 these quarrels had become so bitter that a commission was appointed to delimit the bishoprics of Durrës, Sappa and Lezha. The three bishops were solemnly warned to observe these boundaries, so as to avoid scandal among the faithful, and "inconveniences" from the Turks. But in 1702 it became necessary again to call the bishops to order. Pope Clement XI, of Albanian blood on his mother's side, sent the archbishop of Antivari, Vicentius Zmajevich, as his Apostolic Visitor. After traveling through the mountains and visiting all the tribes, he made a most lamentable report: "The vineyards of the Lord are corrupt, desolate, given over to pagan and Turkish practices. The bishops are quarreling with one another for various villages. The worst case is that of Postripa for which three bishops at once contend, and the people are left without leader or shepherd like a scattered flock subject to persecution and oppression" (Durham 1909, 7). Durham observed that as a result a large part of the region had become Muslim. The implacable blood feuds of these northern Catholics led Durham to this observation: The ensanguined figure of Christ on the cross calls up no image of redemp­ tion by suffering, but only the stern cry: "We are at blood with the Chifuts [Jews], for they slew our Christ. We are at blood with the Turks because they insult Him. We are at blood with the Shkyars [Orthodox] because they do not pray to Him properly." And strong in this faith, the mountain man is equally ready to shoot or be shot for Him. . . . The cross is a sort of charm, marked on bread, planted on every hill, scratched or painted on every door, set on the gable of roofs, worn around every neck, and tat­ tooed on the hand, arm or breast of the greater part of the Catholic population as a protective charm. But of the real teaching of Christianity they seem to have no idea [ibid., 81, 152],

Christ's gospel could have moderated the hatred, but it was seldom pro­ claimed in the language of the people. Instead, the church leaders, in

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Dante's words, "let the Gospel sleep, and pass their own inventions off in­ stead" (Dante, Canto 29). The malevolent power of the evil eye was commonly believed respon­ sible for accidents, sickness, death or any other type of misfortune. Instead of combating the superstition, many priests accredited it by selling to mothers a little triangular cloth brevet or patch with a written prayer, or mysterious symbols. The patch was pinned on the shoulder of the outer garment to ward off the evil eye. Hecquard illustrated how these super­ stitious beliefs were often exploited: Three years ago a house adjoining the French consulate enjoyed a wide reputation for being haunted by an evil spirit. It dropped stones on the roof, opened the spigots of barrels of oil and wine, and overturned fur­ nishings. People became fearful of staying there. Finally a priest was called, but his exorcism was in vain. Another priest was called, and he passed the nights in prayer, and even celebrated mass, but without favorable results. The unaccountable happenings continued. The consul visited the house. Stones fell again, and the trembling people made the sign of the cross. The priest Don Angelo recounted the prodigies he had seen. The consul, rather than argue, looked around. He observed in the dust near the barrels, traces that could not have been left by a spirit. He called together all the servants, and announced sternly to the assembly, "I have an infallible secret for finding demons of this type. If such things occur again, call me. I shall come with my kavass [armed guard] and policemen, and you will see me catch him!" The apparitions promptly ceased. Later it became known that a young servant girl who wished to return to her parents hoped to accomplish this by frightening her master [Hecquard 1857, 346-47],

Similar superstitious tales were common in the southland. An illiterate people who could not read, and who had no books anyway, spent their long evenings crouching at the fireside recounting tales, each more imag­ inative and fearful than the one preceding. After death the souls of the dead were said to wander through the house for 40 days, so pitchers of water had to be covered lest the spirits fall in and drown. The supernatural power of the religious icon was feared so much that a group of young men challenged a skeptical friend to dare touch it, for his arm would imme­ diately wither. He not only touched the icon, but rapped his knuckles on it. There was no supernatural punishment, so the disappointed group shouted to a policeman that the skeptic was going to steal the icon from the wayside shrine. He found himself embroiled in a court trial. Amulets were commonly used to protect children from the evil eye. Parents protected an only son by piercing his ear, certain that the earring would deceive the evil spirit into thinking the son a girl and leave him alone. Outside the monastery of Ardenice, near Lushnja, there are some beautifully sculptured figures, one of which was certainly Aphrodite. A visitor in the mid-twentieth century reported that "her breasts are quite destroyed by

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village women, who have chipped away and eaten small bits of marble to assure breast milk for their babies" (Tom ori 28 April 1940, 3). A recent visitor to Shkodra recalled that nursing mothers lacking breast milk often went to the Rozafat fortress nearby and rubbed the limestone stalactites and stalagmites hoping that this would increase their milk supply (Liria 26 September 1980, 3). The attachment of an Albanian Christian to his church was often very nominal. Although an atheist or a blasphemer, his attendance at mass a few times a year, probably on holy days, would suffice. Nor would he have to remain long when he did go. At any point in the long ritualistic service he could enter the church, buy a candle and light it before the icon screen or altar, bow a moment in the incense-laden air, cross himself, then chat with friends over topics of the day. He might neither heed nor understand the antiphonal chanting of the priest and his assistant. Religion to him was a very casual affair. Yet it could rightly be observed that all these religious conditions prevailed throughout the Balkans. Why then should the proportion of con­ versions to Islam be so much greater in Albania than elsewhere? Actually, Albania was an anomaly. Situated in the heart of Europe, it was for cen­ turies so near the life-giving currents of social progress, yet insulated from those civilizing streams by its mountain frontiers. As late as the nineteenth century Gibbon (I860, 1:25) called Albania "very obscure." Still later, Boppe (1914, 71-72) wrote, "In seeing the different people of Albania, I notice each day habits, usages and customs that seem to belong to another world. These provinces are more foreign to Europe than Africa and its nomads. A Gheg, a Dibran, is farther from us than the bedouin of the sands of Bactria." Overrun by one people after another, this unfortunate country was then deliberately kept in disunion, ignorance and poverty by the Turks. Throughout the period of Islamization, illiteracy was almost universal in Albania. Gibert (1914, 36) stated that as late as 1876, with over 17,000 Catholics in the diocese of Lezha, only 50 knew how to read. Manzour (1828, 37) wrote that throughout the south there were entire districts where only one or two Muslim priests, or as many Christians, knew how to write. Even in the cities very few people were literate, and even they had very few books to read. The priests, who should have been eyes for the unseeing, were of little help, for many of them were also illiterate. Most of them were quite indifferent to Christian preaching and instruction. Those few who were capable and willing to read the gospels at mass were required to read in Latin if Catholic, or in Greek if Orthodox, and most Albanians did not understand either language. It is little wonder that they were uniquely impoverished spiritually. The Bulgarians, on the other hand, had declared their church autocephalous as early as 917, thereafter electing their own patriarch and Slavicizing their church liturgy. The Greeks of course understood their Greek liturgy. Poujade (1867, 190), in fact, wrote that the Greeks were

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relatively well-instructed in their religion, read the Old Testament as well as the gospels, and generally speaking, were free from skepticism. An Al­ banian writer, Pika (1935, 21), has contrasted the Greeks' stubborn resistance to conversion with the readiness of the Albanians to change their religion. He ascribed the sharp contrast to the different levels of national and religious culture: the Greeks stood very high, the Albanians very low. He wrote, "Of all the peoples of the Balkans, which have been those who changed the Christian religion for the Muslim religion with the greatest of ease, and in the greatest number? The Albanians: those of all the peoples most lacking in religious and nationalistic consciousness." The peculiarly decadent character of Christianity in Albania was a significant factor facilitating their conversion to Islam. TH E M A T E R IA L IS T IC O U T L O O K OF THE A LBA N IA N Springing directly out of this decadence of Albanian Christianity, and linked causally with it, is the materialism which motivated Albanians more powerfully than did their religion. Caution is required here, however, in passing judgment. We who are far removed from the circumstances which contributed to the Islamization of Albania can hardly evaluate properly the factors involved. Neither must one overlook the 30 percent of the popula­ tion who remained loyal, enduring cruel oppression year after year that they might have escaped with the simple repetition of a formula. We must recognize too that many of these had identified nationality with religion, that for them to become a Muslim was to become a Turk, and their resistance to conversion could be considered primarily patriotic rather than religious. But even after excluding these, there must have remained many simple, devout persons, lofty and lowly, but mostly lowly, who refused regimentation into Islam. For these genuine praise is the least of tributes. But one is still faced with the 70 percent. Proportionally, four times as many Albanians as neighboring Bulgarians or Yugoslavs were converted to Islam, 35 times as many Albanians as Greeks and 45 times as many Alba­ nians as Romanians. Such figures have given travelers and writers the im­ pression that Albanians are "without religious character." Islamization proceeded more rapidly among the more accessible Tosk population of southern Albania. This probably led Poujade to the conclu­ sion that "the Tosk is the least religious of all the Albanians, or better, his religion is money" (113). Yet Lord Byron paid the highest tribute to the honesty of the Albanians associated with Ali Pasha. The integrity of the Dibran was proverbial. Following a revolt in 1903, the Balkan Committee of London sent H. N. Brailsford to Monastir to supervise the distribution of relief funds and materials. Apprehensive of entrusting relief funds and supplies to unknown native helpers, Brailsford asked non-Albanian mis­ sionaries, consuls and Catholic priests to recommend honest men for responsible service as his assistants. Following interviews and their employment, he found to his amazement that he had 15 Albanians and six

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non-Albanians, mostly Slavs. Eventually he evaluated the men, and found that of the six, three proved unworthy, or 50 percent, while of the 15 Alba­ nians, only one had received "the lightest reprimand." Brailsford could not speak too highly of the scrupulous honesty and integrity of his Albanian assistants (Skendo 1919, 6-7). On the whole, however, it may safely be asserted that Albanians never were devout Christians before conversion, nor were they devout Muslims afterwards. Religion sat lightly on their shoulders, so much so that the Turks considered the word "Albanian" synonymous with "infidel" (Pouq 1805, 3:157). It will be remembered that although he admired the Albanian people, Lord Byron wrote, "The Greeks hardly regard them as Christians, or the Turks as Muslims; in fact they are a mixture of both, and sometimes neither" (Byron 1891, 2:786). But although there was some uncertainty as to the decisive influence of religion in the lives of the Albanians, there was general agreement on the decisive influence of money. Money talked in a language very widely understood. Their love of money was proverbial. Midhat Frashëri, writing under the pseudonym Lumo Skendo, reported that in Turkey they had a proverb, "I thane Shqiptarit, ‘A vete në skëterë?' A y pyeti, ‘Sa është rroga?'" (They said to the Albanian, "Will you go to hell?" He asked, "How much is the salary?") (Diturija 1:3, 35). An Albanian scholar with the highest credentials, Faik Konitza, repeated the same story (Konitza 1957, 47). Through even this levity we see the consciousness of Albanians themselves that the determining factor for them was not usually religion, but materialism. Another Muslim Albanian commented on how this Albanian characteristic would make him peculiarly sensitive to economic pressure. He wrote, Albanians always, so now, before the two alternatives of material interest and religious affairs, always prefer the former. . . . Religion, Moham­ medanism as well as Christianity, has not rooted itself in the hearts of Albanians deeply enough so that for religious reasons he will spurn material interests. The religious conviction of the Albanians has been and is more a means than an end. The change of religion up until our day has not taken place because of inner convictions. The reasons must be sought elsewhere. Only the blind cannot see them. Archbishop Fan Noli has perfectly analyzed the psychology of our nation when he said that in Albania we have "four different religions which have not taken root in the heart of a pagan people" [Kortshës 1923, 11].

Incidentally, the citation of Archbishop Noli was taken from an address that he delivered to the Albanian parliament in Tirana on 27 November 1923, the day before the nation celebrated Flag Day. The good archbishop illustrated this theme in his biography of the national hero, Skanderbeg. He wrote that the hero's father, John Kastrioti,

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sent gifts to various monasteries and churches, Catholic and Orthodox, that they pray to God in Latin, Greek, Slavic, in the west and the east, to save him from the danger in which he found himself, with the hope that if the prayers of the shaved and groomed Catholic brothers proved useless, the endless litanies of the bearded, lion-headed Orthodox monks with their age-old hatred of scissors, razor, comb and cleanliness, might be more efficacious. Four centuries after John Kastrioti, Ali Pasha Tepelena, fighting desperately against the Turks, ordered Jewish rabbis, Mohammedan hodjas, Bektashi fathers and Orthodox priests to pray for his deliverance in temples, mosques, tekkes and churches, and to awaken the Most High with cries from the minaret and the clanging of bells. To this day Albanian villagers in trouble, regardless of their religion, will knock in turn on the door of the priest, the hodja and the father. Typically Albanian is the tale of the shepherd, who, disillusioned with the saints, lit a candle and asked help from the devil. When the danger is great and all hope is lost, deliverance is good wherever it comes from, and in the dark hour of misfortune the Albanian is simply a pagan who casts a hand­ ful of incense on any altar of any god he has ever heard of [Noli 1921, 65-66].

Undoubtedly this materialistic outlook of the Albanian people facilitated their Islamization during the Turkish occupation. THE A PPEA L OF ISLA M T O THE S O L D IE R L Y A LBA N IA N Our concluding factor in explaining the extensive Islamization of Albania was the natural appeal of Islam to the soldierly Albanian character. The male Albanians were traditionally warriors. Since their prehistoric migration into the Balkans, their subsequent wars with the Greeks, their empire-building Macedonian phalanxes, their wars with Rome, with the Goths, the Avars, the Serbians, the Bulgarians and the Nor­ mans, their internal quarrels and the long campaign against the Ottoman Turks, the prestige of the Albanians as rather undisciplined but hardy war­ riors has been unquestioned. Lord Byron expressed his admiration: "Fierce are Albania's children, yet they lack/ not virtues, were those virtues more mature./ Where is the foe that ever saw their back?/ Who can so well the toil of war endure?/ Their native fastnesses not more secure/ than they in doubtful time of troublous need;/ Their wrath how deadly! but their friendship sure./ When Gratitude or Valor bids them bleed,/ unshaken rushing on where'er their chief may lead" (Byron 1891, 2:65). This warlike heritage was a peculiar characteristic of the Albanians. When they foresaw the inevitable Turkish victory over their country, many Christians fled. Their light cavalry, however, fought victoriously in Calabria, Naples and Pisa, certain Albanian captains winning renown (Giovio 1555, 2 :101- 2, 209). Their fierce fighting ability so impressed the French in the time of Napoleon that they recruited men from the regions of Epirus and Shkodra to form their elite "Albanian Regiment" that was famous in guerrilla war­ fare (Boppe 1902, 3-30).

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Tribute-paying Christians were forced to give up their arms. Upon accepting Islam, however, they could once again enjoy the bold ad­ venture of armed conflict. Albanians, altogether out of proportion to their number, achieved distinction as warriors under the Ottoman ban­ ner. Bajazet Pasha, who saved the life of Muhammad II on several oc­ casions, was Albanian (Noli 1921,12). Habraim Pasha was born in Butrint, rising to the post of Beyler-Bey over the cavalry of all Turkey-in-Europe (Giovio 1555, 2:337-38). Balaban Pasha was of humble Albanian ori­ gin, but was rapidly promoted after Muhammad II saw him enter first into Constantinople as the city fell (Duponcet 1709, 477). Fighting with Balaban against the rebellious Skanderbeg was Jaqub Arnauth, his sur­ name meaning Albanian in Turkish, he being noted for his daring mili­ tary enterprises in Asia and Greece (ibid.; Lamartine 1854, 3:326). Ad­ miral Gjedik Pasha, who led the Ottoman troops from Vlora to the invasion of Otranto (1480) was Albanian by birth (Noli 1921, 279). So was Sinan Pasha, born in the mountains of Arta (Chalcondile 1662, 405-6). Many pashas and viziers in the Ottoman Empire were of Albanian origin. Their courage in war and their natural leadership fitted them to at­ tain high official positions just when the Ottoman race itself was beginning to decline. Later the Albanian regiments in the service of the sultan were numbered among his best troops. In the battle of Konia won by Ibrahim Pasha, all the honor of the day rested with the two Albanian regiments which evidenced exceptional discipline and courage (Poujade 1867, 105). Their unusual reputation made them sought out as mercenaries. Although remaining Catholic, the Mirdites often hired out as warriors. Albanian soldiers fought under the Turks at Rhodes (Fontano 1545, 3:31). It was a prominent Albanian who was one of the two hostages given by the Turks to guarantee the safety of two distinguished Italian ambassadors negotiating in their camp (ibid., 3:51). Albanian leadership was very prominent in the struggle for the libera­ tion of Greece from Turkish occupation and the struggle for the unification of Italy. In 1841 Jusuf Bey of Berat enrolled 6,000 Albanians to suppress the rebellion in the island of Crete; in 1842 Tafil Buzi raised 3,000 men to fight in Lebanon, some of those Albanian mercenaries shortly afterwards gain­ ing notoriety as being responsible for the widespread disorders in Beirut (Poujade 1867, 106). Besides the inborn love for warfare, another custom of the Turks made military life altogether attractive to the materialistic Albanian fighter. Cantemir (1734, 73) wrote that it was then the practice of the Turkish emperors to promise the soldiers all the goods of the enemy, unless the city was taken by surrender. He added, "It is not to be expressed what fire this gives to men naturally greedy of plunder and rapine" (ibid.). That this category included the Albanians may be inferred from Mariano Bolizza's report of 1614 describing the valuable silver harnesses, weapons and other

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objects in the homes of many northern Albanians, all the fruit of plunder (Hecquard 1857, 193). Although the besa, the Albanians' word of honor, was traditionally in­ violate, these hired soldiers were thoroughgoing mercenaries when their own country's welfare was not at stake. The Albanian companies serving the French in the Ionian Isles, at a crucial moment, passed over to the English enemy in a body. Yet later, of the 34 officers and 789 men compos­ ing an Albanian contingent, all deserted to English employ except 13 men, and these as a precaution had been put in prison prior to the engagement (Boppe 1902, 16-17). Unfortunately for the national honor, Chalcondile (405) identifies as Albanians the four whose treason overthrew the other­ wise unconquerable Thomam Bey in Egypt (1516), also the traitor who, during the siege of Rhodes (1522), left the city, divulged its weakened state and urged the Turks to persevere in the siege (ibid., 478). Probably because of his close association with Ali Pasha, Manzour had little sympathy for the Albanians. After paying tribute to their efficiency as light cavalry, especially in guerrilla warfare, he added (401), "However they are un­ disciplined to the last degree, robbers, assassins, liars. . .. With money one can always be certain to corrupt the Albanians: chiefs or subalterns, no one can resist the appeal of gold, which makes them abandon him for whom they are fighting, and even turn their arms against him." Scarcely more charitable was Pouqueville's analysis of Albanian character, he as French consul undoubtedly influenced by his familiarity with the Yanina of Ali Pasha. He asserted that the naturally savage customs of Albania had been tempered somewhat by Christianity, that the Alba­ nians who remained faithful to the religion of Christ had some vices, but those who had embraced Islam had neither virtue nor conscience (Pouq 1826, 3:239). The historical record available to us does not give the impres­ sion that virtue and conscience were very influential factors even in the behavior of Christian warriors during those harsh years. Lord Byron described how the gallant Christian Suliotes withstood Ali Pasha for 18 years: 5,000 men against 30,000, their castle finally falling not by assault but by bribery. He described "Albania's chief, whose dread command/ is lawless law; for with a bloody hand/ he sways a nation, turbulent and bold./ Yet here and there some daring band/ disdains his power, and from their rocky hold/ hurl their defiance far, nor yield, unless to gold" (Byron 1891, 1:47). The Mirdites, usually cited as the outstanding examples of Christian integrity, provided the servant who executed the cold-blooded murders which opened the way for Kara Mahmoud to become vizier of Shkodra (D., N. B., 1899, 5-8). When Ali Pasha ordered the death of the elderly Ibrahim Pasha of Berat, no Muslim would lift a hand against him because of his virtues and nobility. But as the guards were leading him to a monastery, supposedly for safety, Mirdites threw themselves on the old man and strangled him to death (Boppe 1914, 211). Neither Christian nor

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Muslim seems to have been greatly moved by conscience at the time. Men of such character were very valuable to the Porte. They filled some of the highest positions in the empire, and they filled some of the lowest. Lavardin (1621, 2:413) observed that Albanians were used for the execution of murders and for deeds of violence. It was a Bosno-Albanian, Veli Mehmet, who shot a military attache of the Russian Embassy in 1886, but escaped punishment because of his influential countrymen at the Porte (ibid., 2:412-13). Apparently there was an affinity between the warlike, proud, mer­ cenary, liberty-loving but not unimpeachable Albanian character and the Turkish or Muslim ideal. Sami Bey Frashëri, one of the most widely known and respected literary figures during Albania's national regeneration, prob­ ably knew his generation better and described them more accurately than foreign travelers and observers ever could. He wrote as follows. The change of religion increased a very great deal, and in all parts of Albania they began to accept the religion of the conqueror, saying, "Tek është kordha është besa" (Where the sword is, there is the religion). The Albanians have this characteristic, that they fall away quickly from one religion, and always want to change it; when they saw also that the Turks do not honor them that were not of their religion, they did not delay receiving that religion. . .. Because of their characteristics, they excelled in the things which were sought by the kingdom of Turkey. Ceaseless warfare, contests and races with horses, plunder, murder, stabbings and other such things which the Turks wished, these things were also beloved by the Albanians. The Turks found in the Albanians a powerful and loyal comrade in battle; and the Albanians found in the Turks a master who opened before them a broad and unrestricted field to do all those things which their hearts wanted to do. Albania in the Turkish times became richer and wealthier than ever; for the Albanians went out together with them into all parts of the world, and returned laden with gold and silver, with valuable arms and with beautiful horses from Arabia, Egypt, Kurdistan, Hungary, etc. Being more brave and capable than the Turks, they went up into the highest and most honorable positions, and had more honor than the Turks themselves. As grand viziers alone, there were appointed about twenty-five Albanians, and the best and most renowned of those who have occupied this position have been Albanians. . . . This is the reason for the ties between the Albanians and the Turks: the Albanians found in the Turks that which their heart desired: possessions, honor, arms, horses, plunder as much as they desired, and freedom as much as they needed; and the Turks found in the Albanians that which they desired: courage, loyalty and ungrudging bloodshed [Frashëri, S., 1924, 19-21].

We ask again, then, Why did Albanians adopt the religion of their Turkish oppressors? There were outright compulsion, several forms of economic discrimination, social pressure, the religious training of Christian juveniles,

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marital regulations, the welcome of Christian malcontents and the suffi­ ciency of a nominal profession of Islam. But why was Albania more thoroughly Islamized than any other Balkan state? Evidently this was not due to the centuries of Turkish oppression, for the duration was somewhat similar throughout the Balkans. Nor was it due to any peculiarly effective strategy of conversion, for the general Ottoman policies toward conquered minority religions were applied everywhere. But in Albania the unique in­ ternal religious disunity, and the peculiarly decadent character of Chris­ tianity greatly weakened their defenses. Probably of yet greater significance, the Albanians were notably materialistic, not moved by spiritual considerations when these conflicted with material interests. But supremely, the warlike, proud and liberty-loving Albanian nature found the irksome restrictions of tributary Christianity as repugnant as the life­ style of conquering Islam was attractive. Probably the greater mystery is why the percentage of Albanians converted to Islam during the 500 years of Turkish oppression was as low as 70 percent.

21. Revolutionary and Diplomatic Efforts for Albanian Independence Having considered the attitude of the Ottoman government toward conquered Albania, its church organizations and its Christians, we now note the attitude of Christian Albanians toward their Muslim overlords. For the first three centuries of her occupation by the Turks there is no con­ nected history of Albania. Even the disconnected bits of knowledge available to us are altogether infrequent. Yet the fragmentary glimpses we do have make it evident that Albanian Christianity sponsored a long suc­ cession of rebellions. As a rule the Orthodox south tended toward alliances with Orthodox powers, and the Catholic north with Catholic powers. But these Sons of the Eagle would never lose their passion for their own land, language and liberty. The measure of their desperation is shown by the ap­ peals from the Orthodox south to Catholic Italy and Spain for aid, and the Catholic northerners cooperating with the Orthodox Serbians and Russians in a common struggle against the Ottoman oppressor. THE H IM A RA A S S A S S IN A T IO N A T T E M P T A G A IN S T SU LTA N SU LEYM AN The Ottoman Empire reached the culmination of its power under Suleyman II, "the Magnificent" (1520-1566). He took Belgrade (1521) and Rhodes (1522) and in 1526 made Hungary a Turkish province. He reached the walls of Vienna itself in 1529, forcing Austria to pay tribute. Italy and all Europe were thrown into alarm when Suleyman then addressed himself to an invasion of Italy. Almost before the Christian powers had heard that the Turks had left Constantinople, wrote Chalcondile (544), Suleyman with 200,000 combatants arrived on the southern coast of Albania in 1530. Unfortunately for the region, a well-laid plot to assassinate Suleyman was discovered. Preparatory to slipping past the sentinels and killing the sleep­ ing sultan, one Damian climbed up a tree to spy out the location of the royal tent. Unfortunately, a branch broke under his weight and Damian 241

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fell, becoming wedged tightly in a fork of the tree. Janissaries seized him, tortured him to confession, then tore him to pieces. After wreaking pitiless vengeance on neighboring Himara (ibid., 547), the army encamped before Vlora while the cavalry swept out to desolate the countryside. The Barbary pirate Barbarossa with a great fleet met them at Vlora and transported them across the strait to Otranto. There they laid waste the coast of Puglia. Returning, they attacked Corfu, held since 1386 by the Venetians as a base from which to protect the coast of Italy. Heavy rains hindered them, and when trouble arose in Persia that September, they departed (Coronelli 1686, 142-43). THE N O RTH ERN A LLIA N C E W ITH VEN ICE IN TH EIR W A R OF 1570-1571 When Venice declared war against Turkey in 1570, it seemed like a golden opportunity for freedom-loving Albanians. Sultan Selim sent ar­ mies by land and sea. Pending their arrival, neighboring sanjak-beys besieged Dulcigno. Albanian soldiers joined the defenders. When the Ot­ toman armies arrived, however, the city was forced to capitulate on condi­ tion of safe conduct of persons and goods to Venetian-held Ragusa. In spite of the pledged word, on surrender many of the Albanian soldiers were ex­ ecuted, and the civilian population were made slaves. Catholic Albania at this time was subject to the metropolitan of Antivari, which was next at­ tacked by the Turkish army and forced to surrender in 1571. Hecquard (469) records that at its capture, the archbishop John VIII was taken prisoner. The commander of Roumeli, or Turkey-in-Europe, demanded that he be burned alive. But Ali Pasha, commander of the Ottoman fleet, claimed the prelate as his prize of war and tried to get 20,000 ducats ransom for him. Unable to find this sum, the pasha took the archbishop on board ship for Constantinople. The ship was attacked by the Venetians, however, and the Turks put the unfortunate prelate to death. The archbishopric re­ mained vacant until 1579. During this war between Venice and Turkey, about one hundred towns, mostly along the Drin River, swore allegiance to the Venetian government. They proposed the formation of a league and invited the pope to cooperate. But nothing further is on the record. After the fall of Antivari, eight years passed before Catholic Albanians had a new archbishop in 1579. He found his palace occupied, however, by the Turkish cadi or judge. The new archbishop was impatient to assume the full dignity of his position. He appealed to the senate of Venice to recom­ mend to the Turkish sultan that he order the governor of Antivari to respect the person and goods of the archbishop. The Venetian ambassador at Con­ stantinople neglected the matter, considering it useless to request that which he was sure he could not obtain. But in some circuitous manner the Turks at Antivari learned of the request and conceived a violent hatred for the prelate. One day when the archbishop left his residence at nearby Budua to visit his flock at Antivari, the Turks seized him. They threw him

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in a dark prison and beat him with rods until he died. This and other peti­ tions proved embarrassing to Venice. At the close of the century, the crown of Albania was offered to Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy, the Hapsburg Rudolph II, and Ranuccio I, Duke of Parma, but each in turn declined the dubious honor. Despairing of help to free their country, inhabitants of Dalmatia and Albania sought permission of Venice to abandon their lands and settle in Venetian territory so as to escape the Turkish yoke. Unwilling to risk a rupture with Turkey, the Venetian senate exhorted them to pa­ tience and resignation (Romanin 1853, 7:10). SO M E A B O R T IV E C O N S P IR A C IE S We turn once again to the weary succession of bloody revolutions in­ tended to secure independence for Albania. P lans of C harles II, D uke of N evers (1614)

Another well-planned insurrection raised the hopes of Albanians both in the north and in the south. Charles II, Duke of Nevers, in central France, crystallized the plans (Boppe 1914, 2). In 1614 an assembly was held at Kuch in upper Albania, where the patriarch of Serbia and the principal men of all the subjugated kingdoms of Turkey-in-Europe participated. They sent Captain Gioanni Reness to the pope to present the plan which was expected to effect their release from Turkey. Lenormant (331-34) recorded the plan. Arms would be introduced to the mountaineers of Montenegro, Dukagjin and Himara, providing 30,000 good soldiers. From Himara 8,300 men would seize the castle and city of Vlora "which will be easy because there are Christians as castle guards, and all the chiefs are in accord with the Himariots." Those of Dukagjin would take Kruja easily, the Turks having failed to rebuild a section of the fallen wall. Others would go to Shkodra and to Castelnovo where arrangements had been made with Christian night guards. The victorious armies would then destroy all the Turks in the coun­ try, marching on city after city, gaining new recruits, devoting the spoils taken from Turk or Jew in the captured cities to the maintenance of the army, and even driving the Turks out of Constantinople. The archbishop of Arta sent a letter to Pope Paul V in 1618 referring to these "innumerable riches" of the Turks and Hebrews. In it he declared that "the multitude of the people is desirous of attempting their liberty" and that the archbishops and people would thereafter be servants of the pope. The letter was signed by Gabriel, archbishop of Anapacto-Arta with his five bishops, also by the archbishop of Yanina with his five bishops (ibid., 334-35). There is no record of any actual campaign. Korolevskij (Bessarione July-December 1911, 446-48), however, told of arms and am­ munition sent to the Himariots by the Austrians. He also recorded a few temporary gains in the region of Himara with the aid of Austrian and later Venetian detachments, also their final retirement, leaving the Albanian

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collaborators exposed to the Turkish retribution. This was so bitter that "many of these people, to escape the charges, became Turks." Bishop Pjetër Budi of the Mat region was distracted from his literary efforts by the suffering of his people. In 1621 he reported that as many as 30,000 Albanians were ready to take up arms against the Turks as soon as a European military expedition landed in Albania. He tirelessly sought men and munitions from Spain, Italy and France, but this military aid never materialized (ACB 1984, 17). T he C atholic B ishops and V enice (1645)

The firman issued to archbishop Marinus Bisius of Antivari secured a peace that was not broken until 1645. At that time the bishops of Durrës, Shkodra and Lezha, counseled by their archbishop, placed themselves at the head of a plot intended to place Albania under the jurisdiction of Venice (Hecquard 1857, 472-73). A traitor revealed the plot to the pasha of Shkodra, who once again began to oppress the Catholics, chiefly by unjust tributes. It is at this time that many of the abjurations commenced, when almost all members of the nobility changed their Christian religion for that of Muhammad. Also 3000 Catholics of the region fled to the states of Venice to escape the persecution and conversion. O rthodox B ishop P aysiye and R ome (1651)

Tomitch (1913, 21-27) reported another desperate bid for freedom a few years later. In 1626 a well-known adventurer, Fran Brtontchevitch, had addressed a note to King Philip IV of Spain showing the possibility of a crusade against the Turks. Negotiations finally culminated in the con­ ference of Boudimlje in 1651. Paysiye, the Orthodox bishop of Boudimlje and Albania, was chosen as its delegate to go to Rome and effect the healing of the schism and papal cooperation. This posed real danger for the Turks, inasmuch as the approach of the Venetian army then at war with Turkey would lead both Catholic and Orthodox Albanians into the conflict. Once more, however, the Turks learned of the plot, caught Paysiye and burned him alive. The patriarch and papal envoy fled to Montenegro, and dark days ensued for the Orthodox Albanians in particular. Besides heavy taxes, acts of violence were directed against the clergy and the monasteries, resulting in further martyrdoms, conversions or flight. A lliances with V enice and with A ustria (1669, 1684)

Once again during Turkish preoccupation with Crete in 1669, the Catholics of Shkodra called the Venetians to their assistance, promising to open the gates as soon as their army appeared before the city. Becoming aware of the project, the pasha increased the garrison and redoubled vigilance, and in the resulting punitive measures the bishops of Shkodra and of Sappa had to flee to Venice to escape death. Another effort which gave promise of success was that of 1684. The

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Turks met with serious defeat at Vienna in 1683, and the overthrow of Turkish rule in Hungary followed. This was the turning point in Turkish imperial fortunes. The Venetians saw their opportunity. They declared war in 1684, capturing Albanian Preveza and undertaking the conquest of Greece. Orthodox and Catholic Albanians alike followed sympathetically the advance of the Venetian armies down the Balkan Peninsula under General Piccolomini. When the army reached the region of Kosova the Christians at once took up arms against the Turks. On the death of Pic­ colomini, however, his successor, the Duke of Holstein, acted altogether differently toward his allies. When he tried to disarm the Albanian coun­ tryside the people turned against him. He retaliated by burning their villages, and the alienation was complete. When the Austrians later made peace with Turkey they failed to include any favorable stipulations for their Albanian allies, who once again were exposed to the merciless revenge of the Turks. Albanian hopes rose once again when a member of the famous Albani family, Albanian by blood, became Pope Clement XI. This Albanian pope was naturally very concerned about the religious and political rebirth of his ancient homeland. Thus, three years after his election as pope, he ordered that a First Council of Albanian Bishops be held in 1703. Meeting near Lezha, the Croatian Apostolic Delegate, Archbishop of Tivar, presided, with four Albanian bishops taking part. The council was primarily con­ cerned with the many Catholic conversions to Islam. It was conceded that the cause of this apostasy was the heavy burden of taxes and other civil obligations which the Turks required of Christians. Nevertheless, the coun­ cil ruled that the sacraments should be given only to those who openly con­ fessed the Christian faith. This excluded the crypto-Catholics or laramani. Further, the council ruled that Christians who had embraced Islam out of desperation could receive the sacraments only after they had again con­ fessed the Christian faith openly. This meant acknowledgment not only to the Catholic church, but also to the Ottoman rulers. This latter was very problematical, however, for according to the Muslim law everyone who deserted Islam for another religion was subject to the death penalty. The council further ruled that Catholic clerics could not give the sacraments to Catholic women who were married to Turks, or to women whose husbands had become Muslims after their marriage. Even these severe measures of the council, however, did not succeed in halting or even slowing down the conversion of Catholics to Islam. Shortly afterwards, in 1711, Pope Cle­ ment interceded with the Venetians for military aid for Albania, but with no tangible response. Hope blossomed again in 1737 when the Austrians and Russians in­ vaded Turkey. Anticipating their help, the northern Albanians, led by their archbishop, Mihili Suma, rose up once more against their Turkish overlords. The foreign troops eventually retreated toward Novi Bazar, however, leaving the Albanians to resist alone for three years, then suffer

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the usual harsh retaliatory measures. The ensuing persecutions became so severe that most of the Christians were compelled to take refuge in the mountains. Forced to descend to the cities for provisions, they adopted Muslim names and feigned to profess Islam, but without abandoning their own religion. For this they were termed "occult Christians," or "laramani," meaning two-faced. Anti-Christian persecution forced the higher clergy to flee for their lives. In 1726, led by their bishop, 16 peasant families fled their homes and lands in the Shkodra district and settled at Zara. This small town in north­ ern Dalmatia under the Republic of Venice gave the 147 refugees fields, gardens and houses outside the walls. One year later 71 others followed. Six years later 150 compatriots joined them. Calling themselves Arbëreshë, these hard-working colonists prospered by agriculture and livestock, rap­ idly increasing to 2,000 people (Liria 26 December 1980, 1). The parish priests remaining behind despaired of combating the evils and contented themselves with preaching patience and submission simply to survive. Stagnation and decay were inevitable, and seemingly complete. That the Christian faith survived at all is a source of wonder, especially when one reflects on the riches and honor which would have resulted from conversion to Islam. R E C O G N IT IO N OF FO REIG N PO W ER S AS "P R O T E C T O R S " OF C H R IST IA N M IN O R IT IE S In the eighteenth century two phenomena appeared which were des­ tined to play a large part in the religious history of Albania. First were the numerous religious concessions wrested by Christian powers from a pro­ gressively weakening Turkey. On the basis of these "protectorates" of Christian minorities in Turkey, European powers could and did presume to meddle in Ottoman internal affairs. Admittedly this was less because of love for the Nazarene than for their own imperial aggrandizement. France

The roots of this religious interventionism lay back in the seventeenth century when France established her consuls at Durrës, Yanina and Arta to regulate commercial affairs. The king sometimes interceded in behalf of Catholics whose rights were frequently violated. Louis XIV based on article 42 of the Capitulation of 1673 the French right to protect non-Muslim Turkish subjects, even deducing the right of intervention. Several French ambassadors at Constantinople protested, however, that whereas France did have the right to exercise jurisdiction over her own ecclesiastics living or traveling in Turkey, she as a foreign power could not threaten Turkish sovereignty over its subjects by presuming to "protect" Ottoman subjects (Jehay 1906, 328-30). Nevertheless, at the Spanish War of Succession (1701), France did protect the Catholic tribes of Albania against Muslim persecution, earning the gratitude of the Mirdites. Unfortunately for

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Turkey, the ambiguous article 42 in the earlier capitulation was phrased no more specifically in the Capitulation of 1740. Its article 32, number 2 simply reaffirmed the older stipulation: "The bishops of French nationality and other religious who profess the Frankish [Latin] religion, of whatever na­ tion or kind they may be . . . shall not be troubled in the exercise of their functions in the confines of our empire where they have been for a long time" (Young 1905, 2:129). On this basis the French continued to claim the right of intervention to "protect" Albanian Catholics. A ustria

The Austrian empire by her numerous treaties had gained a more substantial arrangement: that of a religious protectorate. The article con­ cerning religious liberty included in the treaties of 1616 and 1642 was ex­ panded in the Treaty of Karlowitz (1699), article 13, reading as follows: As to the priests and the exercise of the Christian religion according to the rite of the Roman Catholic Church . . . they may repair and restore their churches and exercise the ordinary functions of their ministry conforming to the ancient usages. No one will be permitted to transgress the sacred capitulations and the divine laws by molesting these priests, of whatever order or condition they may be, neither to extort money from them, and the said priests shall enjoy, as in the past, the imperial favor [Jehay 1906,

339]. The qualifying words "as in the past" might sound dubious in the light of the oppressive measures which we have reviewed. Yet it must be remem­ bered that such action was usually taken against them as rebels, not primarily as Catholic Christians. This article 13 with its guarantees was repeated textually in Austria's later treaties at Passerowitz (1718) and at Belgrade (1739). Still greater guarantees were assured by the Peace of Sistovo (1791), article 12 of which reads as follows: And concerning the exercise of the Catholic Christian religion in the Ot­ toman empire, concerning her priests, her adherents, the erection or repair of her churches, the freedom of worship and of persons, the frequentation and the protection of the Holy Places of Jerusalem and other countries, the Sublime Ottoman Porte renews and confirms . . . not only the privi­ leges assured to this religion by the article of the treaty of Belgrade, but also those which have been theretofore conceded by its firmans. .. [ibid., 343]. On the authorization of these diplomatic acts, then, Austria proceeded to interest herself in the welfare of the Catholic subjects of the sultan. Italy

To remedy the stagnation of Catholicism in Albania, Rome, at the in­ stigation of Austria, sent foreign prelates there. The archbishops of Durrës

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and Shkodra, the bishops of Sappa, Lezha and Pulat, as well as the arch­ abbot of Orosh were all furnished with berats on Austrian request (ibid.). Being represented by the Austrian consul, then the only one in Shkodra, the Catholic officials could gain the ear of the authorities. Some alleviation of their harsh conditions was secured. But some of the younger, ambitious priests, who had just been trained in Rome, resented this intrusion. They attributed the nomination of Austrian prelates to the politics of a nearby power attempting to strengthen its influence over the Albanian population (Hecquard 1859, 276). Mantegazza (1906, 322) deplored the fact that the Roman Catholic Church in Albania was becoming popularly synonymous with the "Austrian Church." He charged that Austrian priests could be con­ sidered as consular agents maintained by Austria even in the most remote and inaccessible places and her most active and most effective instrument for her propaganda and politics. Russia

Meanwhile Orthodox Russia was raised to her important position in European affairs by Peter the Great, whose maritime policy demanded a port in the ice-free Mediterranean. He also cherished a dream of PanSlavism, which would embrace all the Orthodox peoples of the Balkans, including even Constantinople itself. This seemed to require the destruction of Turkey. Accordingly, in 1711 the czar invited other Slavic states —Ser­ bia, Slavonia, Macedonia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Croatia and Monte­ negro —to join Russia in a crusade to free Orthodox Christendom from the Ottoman yoke. That action initiated perpetual conflict between Russia and Turkey. On the other hand, the blocking of a possible Pan-Slavic empire with access to the Mediterranean has always been a guiding principle in the politics of the western powers. In 1764 Russia began extensive intrigues aimed at securing the allegiance of the Orthodox and establishing herself at Constantinople. Humbled in war, Turkey in the treaty of 1774 did make certain concessions, although refusing to grant the Russian demand for a "protectorate" over all Orthodox Christians in Turkey. These concessions included, however, un­ taxed and unhindered pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the erection of new chapels in Constantinople (Schopoff 1904, 8-14). Yet Russia had declared herself patron of the Christian population in Turkey and used this as a pretext for repeated interference designed to extend her influence in the Balkans. Determined to block this expanding Russian influence, England and France joined Turkey in the Crimean War (1854-1856), the Treaty of Paris guaranteeing Turkish independence. The continuing strategy of the western powers to strengthen the Balkan states as a bulwark against Rus­ sian expansionism would have serious implications for Albanian indepen­ dence.

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R E C O G N IT IO N OF R EG IO N A L P R IN C IP A L IT IE S W ITH L IM IT E D A U T O N O M Y The second hopeful phenomenon of eighteenth-century Albania was the modified political policy of the ever-weakening Porte. Rather than at­ tempting to subdue the endless insurrections of this liberty-loving people, the Porte adopted a policy of divide and rule. Tribal chiefs and the landed aristocracy who were Muslims and pledged cooperation with the Turks were granted feudal titles such as pasha, bey and aga and were permitted limited administrative authority within their regions. Thus many small principalities came into existence, each exercising practical autonomy, although not actual independence. In order to check any concerted move toward complete emancipation, the Porte proved very adept in sowing the seeds of jealousy and rivalry among the various tribes and feudal lords. In­ stead of using their collective energy against their commonly resented sovereign, they wasted it on internal friction. Yet this diminishing of central control in the empire did encourage the intervention of the increasingly em­ boldened European powers. Also, the heady experience of limited local autonomy whetted the appetite of the Albanians for complete indepen­ dence from Turkey. One such principality in the north and one in the south succeeded in achieving considerable distinction. A l i P asha of Y anina ( 1 7 8 8 - 1 8 2 2 )

Ali was a native of Tepelena whose personal acquaintance with brigandage may have been his chief qualification for appointment as in­ spector general of the highways. His considerable success in suppressing the brigands who terrorized Thessaly and southern Albania led to his appoint­ ment in 1788 as pasha of Yanina, capital city of southern Albania. The French revolution broke out the very next year and ignited his ruling pas­ sion to become entirely independent of the sultan and to set up an Albanian kingdom. This he proceeded to accomplish in the most deliberate and cold­ blooded manner. Not troubled by conscientious scruples, he first bribed Porte officials into indifference. Then he found support from France. For when Napoleon crushed the Republic of Venice and annexed it to Austria in 1797, the Venetian holdings in the Levant, including the Ionian isles, went to France. Fearful of Russian expansion, France sent Pouqueville to Yanina as consul general. His primary mission was to arouse the suspicions of Ali Pasha against Russian propaganda and help him resist it (Boppe 1914, 39-42). Through French instrumentality Ali secured positions as pashas for his sons, besides arms and ammunition, even cannon, and army instructors for his troops. Napoleon wrote to his General Gentili, "It is in the interests of the Republic that this pasha (Ali) . . . beat all his rivals, so that he can become a prince consequential enough to render services to the Republic" (ibid., 6). But such subtlety was Ali's own game. He did not plan to render service

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to the French Republic, but that the French Republic would render service to him. Ali's career was characterized by intricate intrigues with the Porte at Istanbul, with France, England, Russia, Austria, the Albanian beys and the Christian chiefs. He artfully played one against the other, ever seeking to augment his own power. Even a cursory review of those intrigues is quite beyond our scope. But by his unprincipled political sagacity he gained supremacy over central and southern Albania, Macedonia, northern Greece and the Ionian isles. Two stumbling blocks appeared in the way of his expanding power: the tiny but intrepid Orthodox Christian republic of Suli just below Yanina, and the powerful native Muslim beys among whom southern Albania was divided. Alternately allying himself with one against the other, he grad­ ually weakened them both until, after destroying the beys, he with match­ less ferocity annihilated the gallant Suliotes. Their captain, Marko Bochari, and other survivors escaped to Greece where they led her war of in­ dependence. But to Ali, religion was only a potent psychological factor to be used in his intrigues. With the Turks he was a fanatical Muslim; with the Bektashis he was a pantheist; with Greeks he drank to the health of the good Virgin. If the occasion seemed to demand it, he showed little com­ punction in burning down churches crowded with worshippers. Then when some unfriendly chiefs observed the feast of Ramadan in the mosque of Yanina, Ali secretly trained 20 cannons on the mosque, and 60 chiefs and 200 soldiers perished when the mosque tumbled down under the eruption of cannon balls and flaming grenades (Pouq 1825, 3:63-64). Although the Bektashis claimed Ali as an adherent (Tyrabi 1929, 72-73), his cruelty was proverbial. In an early character sketch of Ali, the newcomer Pouqueville (1805, 3:24-26) presented him favorably, his worst trait being a violent temper. Later, on better acquaintance, he wrote, "I deplored the destiny which condemned me to reside with such a man, without foreseeing, alas, the sum of chagrins which he would cause me" (Pouq 1826, 3:116). Military officers, doctors, carpenters and tradesmen who entered Yanina were prized so highly by Ali that he interned them there, compelled them to marry and naturalized them as citizens. Escape was extremely difficult, and if discovered, a horrible death served to quiet the rage of Ali and to deter others (Manzour 1828,112-13,116). A European artillery officer, after several years of forced residence at Yanina, requested permission to return home. Ali replied, "I permit you to leave, but your head must remain here" (ibid., 218). The officer remained but described Ali as "a tyrant in comparison with whom Nero would have seemed a 'philan­ thrope'" (ibid., 206). Despite the risk, one man, an instructor of infantry, did make good his escape. He reportedly saw so much horror that he could endure no more and fled (Bacheville 1822, 298-99, 303, 322). The Albanian historian Chekrezi (1919, 44), overcoming the natural tendency to idealize a national hero, wrote of Ali: "His main characteristics were: hypocrisy, unscrupulousness, cruelty and unprincipled as well as

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unlimited ambition." Hoping to unite northern and southern Albania, Ali gave his niece in marriage to Mustapha Pasha of Shkodra. But with good reason Mustapha distrusted Ali. He refused to cooperate in a nationwide war of independence from Turkey, so they were crushed separately. For the sultan, alarmed at Ali Pasha's expanding power and independence, and at his relations with France and England, resolved to suppress him. In 1820 the sultan outlawed Ali with an imperial firman and sent two armies to besiege him at Yanina. During this siege the Greek war of liberation broke out. After two years of siege, assured that life and property would be spared, the "Lion of Yanina" surrendered on 1 February 1822. As perfidious as Ali himself, the Turks immediately beheaded him and sent the head as a trophy to Istanbul. The very success of Ali in subjugating his rivals had left southern Albania with several quarreling beys, but no recognized leader. When these agreed with Mustapha Pasha of Shkodra to make common cause against the Turks in 1830, the Grand Vizier Reshid Pasha to their great surprise declared a general amnesty. He invited all the beys and chiefs to a great banquet near Monastir to declare their reconciliation with the government. About 500 leaders appeared in gala costumes, the elite of the Muslim population of southern Albania. It was a splendid feast. A military band played European airs strange to Albanian ears, and as a special token of honor, a regiment of troops under European discipline was drawn up. Soon, however, the drums beat the charge and a fusillade cut down the honored guests, who were completely exterminated with bayonets. The heads of the nobles were cut off, salted and sent to Constantinople (Robert 1844, 2 :201- 2). Great was the rejoicing of the Orthodox Greeks, for the Turks had used these very Muslim leaders for several years to retard the struggle for Greek independence. The Porte had avenged Greece's enemies. But now, the southern tribes being crushed, Reshid turned his attention to the north, where another Albanian family ruled increasingly independent of Turkey. T he M ahmud Pasha Family of S hkodra (1756-1832)

Living in the village of Bushat near Shkodra, an influential Albanian named Mehmet in 1756 secured by deception the title of pasha of Shkodra. At once he destroyed or neutralized the Ottoman officials and potential rivals by fomenting quarrels among them. Soon he established himself as supreme in a somewhat free principality of northern Albania. With the help of Catholic mountaineers he extended his rule to Lezha, Tirana, Elbasan and Dukagjin. He was finally assassinated by order of the Porte in 1770, allegedly because he had not sent an army to help the Turks in their war with Russia. Succeeding his father was Kara Mahmud (Black Mahmud) who proved yet more enterprising and daring. His government from 1775 to 1796 was one long succession of wars. Possessing Montenegro in 1775, he

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10 years later disregarded the treaty between Venice and Turkey and pil­ laged Venetian holdings along the Adriatic coast. Then he succeeded in routing a Turkish punitive expedition on the plain of Kosova and annexed that region. Soon the economy began to develop as trade and social life flourished. In order to gain the favor of the Mirdites, Mahmud feigned sym­ pathy for the Christians. He made the celebrated Canon of Lek Dukagjini the law of the land. Noting this, Emperor Joseph II of Austria envisioned his conversion and Austrian expansion. Accordingly, he proposed that when Mahmud accepted Catholicism, Austria would recognize him as sole sovereign of all Albania. All the Albanian princes both Christian and Muslim assembled at Podgoritsa, and he swore with them on the Gospel and the Koran to fight to the death against the enemies of liberty. This was a significant step: that both Muslim and Christian Albanians would join forces against the Turks. Their longing for liberty transcended religious distinctions. At the memorable assembly a senator from Ragusa came to felicitate Mahmud, and Joseph II solemnly sent him an enormous cross of solid silver (Robert 1844, 2:194). The grand mufti at Constantinople, however, hurled anathemas at him. A punitive expedition against him at Shkodra proved futile. Later Mahmud suspected Austrian intrigues against himself. To in­ gratiate himself with the Porte, he traitorously killed certain Austrian agents and sent their heads to the Porte as tokens of repentance, and was pardoned (ibid., 2:195; Hecquard 1859, 444). But in 1795 while ravaging Montenegro, he was captured and beheaded. Pouqueville (1825, 1:95) noted that the Montenegrin troops were commanded by Bishop Petrovich, and that afterwards the good bishop kept the head of Mahmud in his chamber at the Cetinje monastery. Ibrahim, the brother of Mahmud, succeeded him, and was in turn suc­ ceeded by his nephew Mustapha. There was at this time a great deal of dis­ satisfaction with the sultan because of his attempted reforms and the lack of success in his war with Russia. So at popular request Mustapha Pasha gave the signal for revolt against Turkey. The Muslim beys of Macedonia be­ came convinced that a disintegrated empire would subject them to the Or­ thodox Russians, so these natural allies helped defeat Mustapha's army at Prelep. Mustapha capitulated in 1832. By Austrian intervention he was par­ doned and retired in Constantinople with a pension. By imperial decree, however, the feudal ramparts of Shkodra, Durrës, Yanina and Arta were leveled. Reforms were promised to the Christians, including lower taxes and the self-administration of their villages without Muslim intervention. But the two promising independence movements had been crushed. TU R K EY G R A N T S "TH E T A N Z IM A T " REFO RM M EA SU R ES (1839) During these years, however, oppressed peoples elsewhere were de­ manding and securing their independence, democracy and constitutional

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government. The successful American Revolution of 1776, the French Revolution of 1789 and the recent achievement of independence by Romania and Greece all stimulated the incessant demands for an indepen­ dent Albania. At this juncture new and powerful friends appeared. Sultan Abdul Medjid in 1839 succeeded in convincing the European powers of the strategic importance of Turkey in blocking Russian expansion southward. To reassure the Christian powers, Turkey that November announced inter­ nal reforms. In his Hati i Sherif of 1839 the sultan guaranteed all his sub­ jects, regardless of rank or religion, the following: security of person and property, a regular and impartial system of taxation, public administration of justice, regulations of property, conscription, etc. (Schopoff 1904, 17-25; Jehay 1906, 92-94). Then when Russia made unacceptable demands of the sultan, including the protectorate over all Orthodox Christians in Turkey, and threatened war, the "sick man of Europe" was supported by England in the Crimean War (1853-1856). By the treaty of Paris (1856) Turkey was recognized as a European power. The treaty also affirmed that the proper protector of Christians in Turkey was the sultan alone. As if to earn this recognition, just one month earlier the sultan had announced religious reforms. These regulated the local self-government of Christian communities, granted the Christians equal rights with Muslims concerning freedom of worship and litigation in the Ottoman courts (Young 1905, 2:1-9; Schopoff 1904, 48-70; Jehay 1906, 94-95). In Albania it was not the nationals but the Austrian propagandists who seem to have been the first to take advantage of the reform measures of 1839. Jesuit missionaries entered Albania, settling at Shkodra, the center of Austrian influence. To win the confidence of the Albanian Catholics, they studied the language, opened schools and visited the sick regardless of religion, furnishing them free medicine. Jealousy and hatred arose. Doc­ tors deprived of their patients excited the fanatical Muslims. The Jesuit establishment of convents for girls was quite foreign to the custom of Al­ banians, who asserted that the avenging yataghan (sabre) of a father or brother was more effective than a convent wall in guarding the virtue of their girls. Even other Catholic priests were hostile to the Jesuit order. When it was rumored that the Jesuits under pretense of building a school were in reality building a church without the required permission, the aroused populace destroyed the structure and forced the Jesuits to leave the country (1842). In 1855 the pope by a concordat recognized Austria's right to exercise a protectorate over Albanian Catholic interests (Kersopoulos 1937, 41). The same year the emperor of Austria provided funds for the construction and maintenance of another school. Although the College of Propaganda at Rome assisted in the endowment of the school, and priests of other na­ tionalities were assigned to it, its director and character were Austrian Jesuit. The revived hostility to the returning Jesuits and the publication of the reform measures of 1856 aroused the fanatical Muslims during their

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feast of Bajram. They staged a violent demonstration and once again destroyed the new structure. Although the reforms were applied very cautiously in such sensitive localities, the first Catholic church was built in Shkodra two years later. Possibly to discourage further outbreaks, Abdi Pasha himself honored the inauguration of the church by his presence at the religious ceremonies. An indemnity was also granted for the destroyed building. Certainly this was a turning point for Catholicism in Albania. The new seminary building was completed. Other grants enabled the construction of elementary schools, placed under the care of the Austrian consulate and directed by professors of that nation. Founded in 1856, these schools neglected both the Albanian and the Turkish languages. The efficacy of foreign intervention for Christian minorities is evident in a firman delivered in 1859 to Bishop Cholcha of Shkodra. On the basis of various specified treaties with Austria, the imperial government con­ sented to the request of the Austrian ambassador, and ordered, "You, Governor, judges and others" to recognize the deposition of Bishop Topitch and the installation in his see of Bishop Cholcha (Jehay 1906, 345-46). Here we behold something new under the sun: the imperial arm of the Turkish sultan extended in the service of the Nazarene and of the Hapsburgs. The reforms did not bring immediate relief to Albanian Christians. Two years after they were theoretically granted equal rights with Muslims, Hecquard (1857, 357-58) noted, Only for two years have the Christians taken part in the m edjli [council], where, for that, they do not enjoy the least influence.. . . The government chose two incapable men. The Christian element exists in the m edjli only as a form, and whether from fear of being mistreated by the authorities, or from fear of being designated for the vengeance of the bandits who desolate the country, the Christian representatives have never dared raise their voices against the arbitrary measures so contrary to the interests of their communities. . . . As for mixed tribunals . .. where the statements of the witnesses should be received impartially . . . the m edjli or ca d i of Shkodra would never admit the witness of Christians, even when acting on cases between Christians, and though the cases originated in villages where no Muslims exist.

Nor can one forget the martyrs of Stublla. In 1846, seven years after the widely heralded reforms, 25 laramani or crypto-Catholic families from Stublla and neighboring villages of Kosova declared themselves openly as Christians. The Muslim governor, Maliq Bey, arrested all the families and deported them to exile in Anatolia, as Asia Minor was then called. He defended this action before his government on the ground that if they were free to practice their own religion publicly, the whole vilayet of Kosova would return to Catholicism. The great powers intervened, but only 79 of the original 167 persons survived for repatriation. Obviously those reforms

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guaranteed on paper by Istanbul would be implemented very gradually by fanatical officials out in the provinces. By now Albania and all the northern provinces of Turkey were filled with anarchy and terrorism. The Albanians bitterly opposed the taxes, military service and even the reforms themselves. A series of uprisings oc­ curred in Mirdita, Dibra, Shkodra and throughout the northern moun­ tains. Thus in 1862 the abbot of Mirdita, Gasper Krasniqi, led an uprising involving intellectuals like Bishop Pal Dodmasej and the patriotic writers Zef Jubani and Pashko Vasa. In 1877 Msgr. Pjetër Prenk (Prince) Dochi helped in the uprising which erupted in Mirdita, for which the Turks ar­ rested him and exiled him to Istanbul. Soon these limited and uncoor­ dinated protest movements would be national rather than local in character, and they would demand full independence rather than a more limited autonomy. TH E P R O T O C O L OF LO N DO N (1877) This passion for national unity and independence was contagious. Both Italy and Germany succeeded in their struggles for unification in 1870. The six great powers —England, France, Austria, Germany, Italy and Russia —now took it upon themselves to maintain stability and order in Europe. In 1875 and 1876 the Slavic populations in the Balkans —Bulgaria, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro —erupted in uncoordinated revolutions for independence. They were speedily crushed by Turkey. Russia moved to intervene. To avert a Russo-Turkish war, England called the great powers to London in March 1877. The resulting Protocol of Lon­ don required Turkey to extend a degree of autonomy to Bosnia, Herze­ govina and Bulgaria, they remaining within the empire. In just such an unfavorable climate as this Abdyl Hamid II began his rule as sultan of Turkey in 1876. To placate his restless populations, he ascended the throne with the promise of a constitution and a democratically elected parliament like those enjoyed by other European states. But the anarchy in the Balkans made him suspend his promise in 1878, and he reigned as an absolute monarch for over 30 years. To escape imprisonment or exile, many libertyloving Albanian patriots fled the country. Progressive Turks were concerned over the failure to realize the prom­ ised constitution and democracy and formed a party called the Committee of Union and Progress to secretly plan the overthrow of Abdyl Hamid. Albanians too were exasperated, for the London Protocol of 1877 placed certain Albanian populations under Bulgarian administration. So southern Albanians, led by Abdyl Frashëri, met at Yanina and adopted a memoran­ dum addressed to the Turkish government. It demanded that Albanian populations constitute a single vilayet or province. This vilayet should en­ joy a degree of local autonomy under Albanian officials, with schools and courts in the Albanian language and with military service performed only within the Albanian vilayet. The Protocol of London exasperated the

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Russians also, for it did not extend to the Slavs in Serbia and Montenegro the same limited autonomy promised to the others. So Russia, with Serbia and Montenegro, declared war on Turkey on 24 April 1877. THE T R E A T Y OF SAN STEFA N O (1878) Turkey was quickly and completely defeated and had to accept the severe terms dictated by the Slavs in the Treaty of San Stefano on 3 March 1878. To the shock and indignation of the Albanians, the treaty made no reference whatsoever to Albanian rights. She was to remain subject to Turkey. And the Turkish territory awarded to the victorious combatants was predominantly Albanian in character. Article 1 of the treaty gave to Montenegro the districts of Dulcigno, Tivari, Hot, Plava and Gucinja. Ar­ ticle 3 gave to Serbia the district of Prishtina. Article 6 gave to Bulgaria not only the coveted Macedonian port of Salonica, but also the districts of Korcha, Voskopoja, Pogradec, Dibra, Gostivar and Tetova. It seemed as though much of Albania would be under Slavic domination and the Or­ thodox Church. It seemed also that the age-old Russian dream of PanSlavism and a warm-water seaport were both to become reality. That prospect alarmed the western powers. The British fleet hastened to Istanbul. Otto Bismarck, the "Iron Chancellor" of Germany, hurriedly summoned the Congress of Berlin for 13 June 1878 to study and revise the terms of the Treaty of San Stefano. Interestingly enough, the Ottoman government welcomed the indignation of the Albanians and even en­ couraged them to organize "self-defense" committees. Hoping also to avert further dissolution of their crumbling empire, the Turks pleaded with Muslim Albanians to declare themselves loyal Turks. THE LEAGUE OF PRIZREN , OR "TH E A LBA N IA N LEA GU E" (1878) Albanian patriots could not accept either of the two alternatives facing them: subjection to the neighboring Slavs or continued subjection to the Turks. Their longing for full independence had been stimulated by the ex­ perience of local autonomy attained by the pashas of Yanina and Shkodra, and even more by the achievement of freedom for Greece. Accordingly Albanian patriots living in Constantinople organized a secret committee in April 1878, the Committee for the Defense of the Rights of the Albanian People. The committee was headed by Abdyl Frashëri and included his brother Sami Frashëri, Pashko Vasa, a Shkodra Catholic, Jani Vreto, Kostandin Kristoforidhi and others. Recognizing the urgency for action, they called a widely representative assembly to bring the world's attention to the rights of the Albanian people. They hastily called the convention to meet at Prizren just three days before the opening of the scheduled Con­ gress of Berlin. Three hundred delegates met at Prizren, now Serbia, on 10 June 1878 under the presidency of Abdyl Frashëri. Because of the short notice

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and difficulty of travel, many of the attendants came from northern and eastern Albania. The program was drawn up under the leadership of Pashko Vasa. A national league was formed, the Albanian League for the Defense of the Rights of the Albanian Nationality, or simply the League of Prizren or the Albanian League. Its headquarters were in Prizren, with branches in the major cities and towns of Albania. The league declared the inviolability of the four vilayets of Shkodra, Kosova, Monastir and Yanina that were recognized by the Ottoman government as ethnically Albanian. The delegates also agreed on the formation of a central council for autonomous self-government, the official use of the Albanian language, the establishment of Albanian-language schools and the formation of a na­ tional militia for self-defense. The league immediately dispatched to Berlin a copy of the resolutions signed by the delegates, requesting that Albanian nationhood be recognized. This declaration was issued at the precise moment when the British scholar Arthur John Evans published his Illyrian Letters in 1878. After visiting Durrës, northern Albania, Kosova and Prizren in 1877, he con­ cluded his impressions of the characteristics of the Albanians with these words: "Everything reminds me that I am not among either a Slavic or a Turkish people. These are truly fellow-patriots of Skanderbeg and of Ali of Yanina —Albanians, 'Shqiptarë/ heirs as strong as rock, a most warlike race and altogether undefeated! . . . The Albanian is by nature quick, energetic, skeptical, always in motion, impatient with supervision. For him, above everything else is freedom" (Liria September 1988, 8). This and his later work, Ancient Research in Illyria (1883), evidence his unusually perceptive impressions of the Illyrian people and culture. Unfortunately this insight was not shared by European diplomats in their ivory tower. TH E C O N G R E SS OF BERLIN (13 JUNE 1878) The European powers convened the Congress of Berlin on 13 June 1878. They concentrated on the issue which had precipitated the Congress —the reduction of Russian influence in the Balkans. The month­ long congress under the presidency of Bismarck forced Russia to withdraw her ambitious plan. It declared Serbia, Montenegro and Romania to be in­ dependent states. Austria took Slavic Bosnia and Herzegovina. Abdyl Bey Frashëri and a companion, Mehmet Ali Vrioni, pled for the recognition of Albania, but in vain. They heard the objection repeatedly, "There is no such thing as a nation without a written language" (Grameno 1925, 58). On the basis of Bismarck's cynical remark, "There is no Albanian nationality!" the congress approved the assignment of Albanian territories to Serbia, Montenegro and Greece. The decisions of Berlin deepened the dismay of Albanians even more than did those of San Stefano. Nine years later, on 2 October 1887, Francesco Crispi, the highly respected prime minister of Italy and himself of Albanian blood, spoke with Prince Bismarck about Balkan affairs. He who was much more knowledge­

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able on this tangled peninsula assured Bismarck, "If changes ever take place in the Turkish government, above all else Macedonia, Albania and Serbia must have their autonomy, just as Romania and Bulgaria now have" (Drita 28 November 1937, 8). But without Crispi's wise counsel at Berlin, a shrunken Albania was left subject to a shrunken Turkey. Abdyl Frashëri, however, returned from Berlin determined to develop the Albanian language and justify her claim to independent statehood. Strictly speaking, 1878 marked the dawn of Albania's national renaissance. The Albanian League was the first national patriotic organiza­ tion. It was the first concrete expression of a nationwide determination to achieve Albanian independence, after 2,000 years of foreign domination. Altogether too frequently their earlier movements toward freedom had been orchestrated by foreign powers exploiting Albanian dissatisfaction with Turkish rule. Or they had been inspired by individuals such as the pashas of Yanina or Shkodra eager for personal aggrandizement. At Prizren, for the first time, a representative group of Albanian leaders, Muslim and Christian from north and south, united to resist the cession of Albanian territory to greedy neighbor states. TH E A LBA N IA N LEAGUE'S F IR ST FA L TER IN G S T E P S T O W A R D IN D EPEN D EN CE As the continuing League of Prizren attempted to formulate a constitu­ tion, it became evident that there were two radically different schools of thought represented there. Reactionary Muslim officials and clergymen col­ laborating closely with the Ottoman government attempted to make the league a Balkan Muslim organization designed to strengthen loyalty to Turkey. Those patriots convening the sessions intended an organization in which all Albanians regardless of religion could cooperate to safeguard Albania's territorial integrity and achieve her full independence from Turkey. Strangely enough, the former predominated at first in defining the league's goal as limited autonomy and loyalty to Turkey. But when Turkey tried to persuade the league to surrender Albanian territory as required by the Berlin agreement, Albanians refused. They fought Turkey from 4 to 6 September 1878 at Jakova, and won. Three weeks later the Istanbul committee drafted a more specific program which was approved by the Albanian League on 10 November and delivered to the government in January 1879. It proposed that all Albanians in Turkey form a single prov­ ince, with its own general assembly, official use of the Albanian language, Albanian schools and use of part of the tax revenue for education and public works (Frashëri, M., 1938, 29-30). The reply was delayed. But the Albanians steadfastly refused to surrender territory. When the Turko-Greek Boundary Commission started discussions in Preveza in February 1879, hundreds of influential patriots of the league assembled there and announced that they would never surrender their territory. When Turkey, in accordance with the Berlin agreement, withdrew its troops from

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Plava and Gusinje, the league's army moved in to occupy them and defeat the Montenegrins when they attempted to take over. Montenegro pleaded for the intervention of the great powers. On 2 April 1880 the great powers proposed giving Montenegro two other districts: Hot and Gruda. This was accepted by the sultan but refused by the Albanians. A special assembly, including mountain tribal chiefs, gathered at Shkodra on 17 April. They adopted a memorandum addressed to the sultan demanding the creation of one autonomous province including all Albanian districts to be governed by a prince elected by the Albanians but serving under the sultan. Five days later, in accordance with the directive of the great powers, the Turkish armies withdrew from Hot and Gruda. The volunteer army of the league occupied them immediately, resisting the Montenegrin troops coming to take over. So the powers urged Turkey to turn over to Montenegro instead the port city Dulcigno and environs, its population again exclusively Albanian. As soon as the Turkish troops withdrew on 27 August, the league's volunteers took possession. Nor could they be dis­ lodged until an international battle fleet of 17 ships blockaded the city on 20 September and a Turkish army of 10,000 men blockaded the city by land. Two months later on 26 November the 3,000 Albanian volunteers had to turn Dulcigno over to the Montenegrins. By this time it was becoming apparent to the Albanians that limited autonomy under the sultan would never suffice. In October during the siege of Dulcigno another general assembly of the Albanian League was called at Dibra. Once again the reactionaries were numerous and vocal. Recogniz­ ing that Turkey was ready to surrender Dulcigno and would try to crush the freedom movement of the league, the reactionaries withdrew. The league then reorganized. On 8 May 1880 the league declared itself the autonomous provisional government of Albania, organized a small militia and began functioning within a limited area. A congress convened at Gjirokastra on 23 July 1880 and took similar measures. But a strong Turkish army arrived in April 1881, taking Uskup, then Prizren and Gjakova, reestablishing Turkish administration throughout Kosova. Determined to crush the defense committees and the freedom move­ ment, the government set up military courts which tried large numbers of patriotic Albanians, sentencing over 4,000 of them to imprisonment, exile or death. Bibdoda of Mirdita and Hodo Pasha Bushati were eternally exiled to Anatolia. Abdyl Frashëri was hunted incessantly, but successfully eluded his pursuers for weeks. But upon leaving the shelter of the Bektashi tekke at Kruja to reach home at Frashër, he was captured by a Turkish patrol on 16 May while crossing the Shkumbin River. The government commuted his death sentence to life imprisonment, but in a general am­ nesty he was released from prison in 1885 shattered in health. Only recently was one of Abdyl Frashëri's latest letters discovered in the Italian archives. He addressed it on 16 September 1890 to Francesco Crispi, then prime minister of Italy, and himself of Albanian descent. The

.

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letter expresses the singleness of purpose which drove those patriots of the league. The Albanians are all ready to die with arms in hand before permitting themselves to be divided among neighboring states, which would com­ pletely destroy their language and culture which they have conserved since prehistoric times. . . . Albanians want their country to be pro­ claimed an autonomous province or a little kingdom in the new reorgan­ ization of the peninsula. . . . Albanians must preserve their administrative autonomy and the national and ethnic boundaries of their homeland. .. . The Albanians will gladly welcome a European organization and laws. They give little importance to religion, and Muslims, Catholics and O r­ thodox all are unanimously agreed on anything related to their country. They would prefer a prince of their own blood worthy of this title, capable of directing them well in the way of progress, and who would know their traditions and customs [Liria 15 August 1984, 1].

Abdyl Frashëri died in 1892 before his longing was realized. Yet another memorable uprising was that precipitated by an Austrian named Delmotzi (or Lemass) in May 1883. At the time a commission was attempting to define the boundary between Albania and Montenegro. Delmotzi traveled throughout the mountain villages speaking of freedom. He convinced the mountaineers that the Slavs were stealing more Albanian territory and that the Austrian government would support an uprising to save it. Durham (1909, 58-59) reported her conversation with an old moun­ taineer who had guided the stranger. I believed him. O God, I believed him! I believed we were to win freedom from the Turks. He asked how long our ammunition would hold out, and we said, "Two weeks." "Help will come in four days," he told us. The Kastrati and Hoti tribes rose up and took the Turkish authorities unawares. But help never came! They fought the Turkish troops. When their ammunition was all but exhausted, they hurled themselves in a final frenzy on the soldiers. They dragged in dead bodies, and tore cartridges from the belts of the living and the dead.

The Austrian and French consuls intervened to prevent the final massacre. The survivors were promised an armistice and safe conduct to return home. But then the Turks fell on them separately, slaughtered many and burned their houses. Once again these freedom-loving mountaineers were disillu­ sioned with their foreign allies. Apparently, repeated Turkish military ac­ tion had crushed the League of Prizren. Yet it had served its purpose in crystallizing the determination of Albanians for complete independence. However, the traditional military confrontation began to wind down. A final appeal that must have sounded like an ultimatum to Sultan Ab­ dyl Hamid II came in June 1902 from a committee speaking for "all Alba­ nian leaders, Mohammedan, Catholic and Orthodox, and for all Societies,

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Leagues and Committees which are to be found within Albania and without." After summarizing the poverty, ignorance, political oppression and foreign aggression, they asserted their submission to the sultan and im­ plored his help for the Albanian vilayets: Shkodra, Kosova, Monastir, Salonica and Yanina. The petition closed, "But if the government of Your Majesty . . . now as before, will do nothing for the Albanians to renew our nation which is in danger, then with the help of God and with that of our sword, we shall see what things we shall do. 'God with us'" (Java 30 May 1938, 5). No reply has come to light. U N D ERG RO U N D FREEDO M FIG H TER S TA K E UP THE A RM ED STR U G G LE T he "K omitet" or "Ç eta" G uerrilla Bands

The armed struggle against the Turkish overlords continued, but no longer as a massive confrontation of armies. Now small bands of five or 15 men formed mobile units to conduct hit-and-run guerrilla-type sorties against the enemy. Their declared purpose was to strengthen the patriotic zeal of the Albanian population, to call official attention to their cause and to harass enemy forces. An anonymous document later announced the specifics of their cause. Certain excerpts follow: [The komitet] will seek to obtain a general pardon from the government for all Albanians, whether Muslim or Christian, punished for political reasons. [3] Will seek government recognition of Albanian nationality, and the Albanian language with our national letters. [4] Will request Par­ liament to recognize the Albanian society Përparim [Progress] as a moral and juridical person as was determined at the Congress of Elbasan. [6] Will request that in the first official schools to be established in Albania, the in­ struction be given in Albanian and Turkish equally. [7] Will seek that all officials who serve in Albania will know the language of the country. [8] Will seek that all police and gendarmes be Albanian citizens. [9] Will seek that young men of Albania taken for military service shall remain in the Balkans. [10] Will seek that a part of Albanian taxes be used to improve the local situation, as for roads, railroads, special buildings and schools. Finally, [11] In order to achieve these purposes, the Komitet will use whatever means may be necessary [ Komitet 1911].

Certainly these objectives, voiced again and again, do not seem unreason­ able or radical. The same document, with no author or publisher listed for obvious reasons, outlines certain regulations which underscored the deadly serious nature of the undertaking: Art. 4. Each comrade of this Komitet must be Albanian, over twenty years of age, with good personal habits, and must be honorable. Art. 6. His oath will be taken before his comrades, with a piece of bread, some salt, a

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pistol, a dagger and for Muslims the Koran and for Christians the Gospel. A rt. 7. A comrade who betrays the Komitet is to be punished with death. Art. 14. The Komitet will accomplish its purposes by using its braves among the mountains working according to the decision of its chief. Art. 17. Each comrade of the Komitet who may be punished by the government may depend on the Komitet to try to care for his household, for himself, and to try to set him free [ibid.].

Bajo T opulli of M onastir (1868-1930)

The determined effort of the Turkish government to suppress the Al­ banian language and every other patriotic expression aroused popular resentment. In November 1905, Bajo Topulli, former director of the Turkish secondary school in Monastir proposed a secret komitet to press for Albanian independence. Grameno (1925, 26) listed among the first col­ laborators then at Monastir the following: Gjergj Kyrias, who operated the patriotic press; Nuçi Naçi, who had suffered much for the Albanian boys' school at Korcha; and Grigor Tsilka, Protestant pastor at Korcha. Topulli himself headed this very first komitet, named "Për Çlirimin e Shqipërisë" (For the Liberation of Albania). To enlist support and other recruits, Topulli went to several centers of southern Albania, while Tsilka went to the Albanian communities of Sofia and Bucharest. Their lofty purpose was stated in their constitution, article 2: "The pur­ pose of this komitet is the resurrection of Albania, sowing brotherhood, love, unity, spreading the way of civilization by means of books which will be printed, sending men throughout the ends of Albania to sow these thoughts, sustaining men in the mountains to help in every way to reach the purpose of the komitet, and using every instrument for the progress of the nation and its deliverance from the yoke and darkness in which it now finds itself" (Liria 15 February 1982,1). These "instruments" incidentally in­ cluded the pistol and dagger. Following the Albanian League of Prizren in 1878, another secret society had drawn patriots together for united action. Their seal featured a crossed pistol and dagger. These underground patriots were the first to enroll in the guerrilla bands (Liria 15 June 1984, 2). Ç erçiz T opulli of G jirokastra (1880-1915)

Bajo Topulli enlisted a notable band of freedom fighters right in his home town of Gjirokastra. The komitet was headed by his own brother Çerçiz Topulli, soon to become a legend. Early in 1907 Çerçiz Topulli declared, "We go with rifle in hand, out into the mountains, to seek freedom, justice, civilization and progress for all . . . to expel the rotten Turkey from our dear Motherland" (ibid.). He subordinated religious differences and every other consideration to this goal of national liberation. "Each Mohammedan has a duty to die for a Christian because he is blood of his blood; in the same way each Christian should die for a Mohammedan who is likewise blood of his own blood" (ibid.). The patriots who formed

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this band in 1907 included in their number one Mihal Grameno, who later would lay aside his rifle for the editorial pen and found the first Albanianlanguage newspaper in Korcha. Grameno, the warrior patriot, poet and journalist, has conserved for us the most graphic accounts of the modus operandi of these guerrilla bands. This particular band of nine patriots continually visited trusted friends in village after village of southern Albania. Their primary activity was not military, but missionary. They were apostles of Albanianism. More threatening to Turkish officials than their gjashtore (six-shooter revolvers) was their patriotic propaganda, their revolutionary ideology. Their trusted friends invited other patriotic neighbors in to spend long hours discussing the Albanian predicament. Invariably they found that "some of them had patriotic feelings, so we gave them a number of books to read." And again, "We found some patriotic young men who could read Albanian very beautifully, so we gave them several books to read" (Grameno 1925, 35, 51). Incredible warriors were these! Besides their weapons, their heavy all­ purpose cloak and the yet heavier backpacks loaded with ammunition, food and equipment, they carried quantities of Albanian books. Their patriotic propaganda angered Turkish officials, who sent out military patrols to capture them. The hunted patriots had to hide by day and travel by night along "exhausting and terrifying mountain trails" where "even goats would tremble to pass" in daylight (ibid., 34). Eluding their pur­ suers, they traveled in rain, snow and cold, wading swollen streams and climbing over rocks, without food for days at a time. Once they found refuge for 45 consecutive rainy days in a dense forest. Sometimes they were more fortunate and found refuge for the day in a deserted barn or shepherd hut, an isolated old church or a mountain cave. Grameno praised the disciplined hospitality of the Bektashi monasteries, many of whose der­ vishes "went village to village spreading a patriotic spite" (ibid., 60). In spite of the risks involved, most villagers befriended the patriot band; very rarely were they betrayed. These lovers of Albania reveled in the beauties of their coastal riviera, the rugged mountains, the sheep in summer pasturage by a mountain stream or the frustrated search parties in the passes far below. They sang to the flute of a lonely shepherd, or Grameno taught some illiter­ ate companions how to read and write Albanian. They valued the sym­ pathy and confidence of the population, so never stole from them or exer­ cised violence, and seldom used their rifles. But the one battle Grameno recorded during their two-year operation made them a living legend. They had divided into two groups, traveling different routes so as to make hospitality less burdensome on their friends. Their little band of five men headed by Çerçiz was surrounded by a Turkish unit of 150 men at Mashkullore early on 5 March 1908. Grameno described the all-day battle: "Bullets came at us like hailstones. . . . We replied with bullets, and with patriotic songs" (ibid., 73-80; Drita 28 November 1937, 18). Çerçiz and his little band fought off the encircling troops all that long

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day from dawn to dark, when the four survivors escaped into the sheltering mountains. Other patriotic bands conducted similar operations elsewhere, but having no journalist in their company, they were to remain unsung heroes. THE P R O C L A M A T IO N OF THE C O N S T IT U T IO N (1908) T he Reval Programme Meanwhile, the condition of Turkey, the "sick man of Europe," was steadily growing worse. Control over its provinces was rapidly falling apart. The great powers realized increasingly that they must interfere in her affairs if they were to control the balance of power in the Balkans. In June 1908, King Edward of England and the Tsar of Russia met at Reval. They drew up a secret Anglo-Russian scheme known as the Reval Programme. It called for more effective European supervision of Turkish affairs and dealt especially with the administration of justice. T he Y oung T urks

and

T heir C onstitution

The Reval Programme greatly alarmed the secret Committee of Union and Progress, whose members also called themselves the "Young Turks." They knew that to save Turkey from foreign intervention, they would have to overthrow the despotic regime of the "Red Sultan" Abdyl Hamid. In order to succeed in this, they had to secure the cooperation of the Albanian chiefs of the Imperial Guard, who were trusted implicitly by the sultan, and who were utterly loyal to him. Only when the Young Turks assured them that Abdyl Hamid would remain on the throne would the Albanian guards tip the scales in their favor. In return for Albanian cooperation the Young Turks promised constitutional freedom of education and religion, new roads, and the erection of schools and hospitals throughout the country (Dako 1919, 76). The Albanians joined in their brief, bloodless revolt, 30,000 gathering at Ferizovik to demand a constitutional government. It will be remembered that the sultan's earlier proposed constitution had been suspended in 1878 because of the anarchy prevailing in the Balkans. Now at the demand of the Young Turks, supported by 30,000 revolting Albanians, Turkey pro­ claimed its constitution on 23 July 1908. It promised justice in place of ar­ bitrary rule and complete equality for the several nationalities within the empire. Now also for the first time the four Albanian vilayets or provinces could choose deputies to represent them in the Turkish parliament. Among the 21 men chosen as spokesmen we find the names of Ismail Kemal Bey representing Berat and Essad Pasha Toptani representing Durrës. Both men were destined to play significant roles in the forthcoming free Albania. Hopes for a new day ran high. When Ismail Kemal left Berat for his new post in Istanbul, hundreds of citizens gathered to see him off. The Greek

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bishop gave a brief address in the Greek language and then shouted in Greek, "Zito o Ismail Beis, zito i elefdheria!" But an Albanian barber then shouted in the Albanian language, "Rroftë lirija! Rroftë Shqipërija!" (Long live freedom! Long live Albania!) (Leka 28 November 1937, 350-51). T he C onsequent Explosion

of

A lbanianism

The proclamation of the constitution brought indescribable joy throughout Albania. Taking its assurances at face value, the people pressed foward enthusiastically to implement their new freedoms. Literary clubs were opened throughout Albania. Patriotic societies were formed to sup­ port education in the Albanian language. Schools were opened in cities and villages. Printing presses were established. Newspapers and periodicals began publication in Istanbul, Salonica, Monastir, Korcha, Yanina, Elbasan, Shkodra and elsewhere. The Monastir Club sponsored a congress in November 1908, which adopted an official alphabet and voted to open a normal school at Elbasan for the training of school teachers. T he Y oung T urks Have Second T houghts Very soon the Young Turks revealed that they were indeed the children of the old Turks. Rather than extend equality to their subject na­ tionalities, such as the Albanians, Bulgarians, Armenians, etc., they sought nothing less than their denationalization and their complete Ottomanization. Had the Albanians not been so deliriously happy with the new con­ stitution, they might have inferred this intention when a number of their leaders were honored by the Young Turks at a banquet in the famous White Tower of Salonica. Mustafa Kemal, who would later become Turkey's first president, stressed in his address "the importance of this freedom which will unite all our different nationalities in one common effort for the welfare of the Ottoman empire" (Grameno 1925,114). That was hardly the basic con­ cern of the Albanians. But soon it became obvious that absorption into the empire was to be the condition of their enjoyment of the privileges granted by the new constitution. So the Young Turks outlawed the patriotic societies, suppressed the Albanian schools and newspapers, and decreed that thereafter the Alba­ nian language should be written not with Latin letters, but only in the holy Arabic characters like the Koran and the Turkish language. Nor would the Young Turks allow the Albanians to choose their own representatives to the Turkish parliament; the Young Turks would appoint them. They withdrew the limited autonomy already extended by the old regime to the district of Himara and the northern mountaineers. They also ordered all Albanians to surrender their cherished weapons. The Albanian population very naturally resented this reversal of the freedoms promised them. When they resisted this unforeseen threat to their ethnic identity, the Turkish government once again sent their armies on the march. That November 1908, Xhavid Pasha mounted an expedition of

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7.000 men with 22 cannons to subdue Kosova. One Isa Bey Boletini of Mitrovice with only 14 hastily gathered friends resisted them in the moun­ tains. When the patriot band had to escape into their mountain wilderness, the army could only vent their frustration by burning Boletini's house and farm (Woods 1911, 98). Boletini then raised an army and led much of the fighting around Prizren, Prishtina and Kosova in 1909, the Turks leaving 2.000 of their men casualties (Leka 1937, 364). D ETERM IN ED A LBA N IA N R E SIST A N C E T O THE NEW T U R K ISH T H R EA T T he C ongress of D ibra (July 1909)

That July 1909, members of the Albanian committee convened a con­ gress in Dibra to debate the changing political situation. The wily Young Turks, determined to exploit the congress for their own ends, flooded it with their own delegates armed with a prepared list of resolutions. The assembly adopted these, with additional demands for justice in the courts, Albanian schools, tax reforms, greater autonomy, the construction of roads, the delineation of frontiers, permission to retain their weapons, and military service only within Albanian territory (Woods 1911, 100-1). In reply, Turkish armies that month moved across northern Albania to Shkodra, forcibly disarming the population, enforcing martial law, com­ mandeering cattle and horses, enforcing taxation and burning villages to enforce their rule. It is important to note that up to this point the Albanian patriots would have been content with a degree of administrative autonomy within the Turkish empire. Indeed, they had not as yet insisted on complete in­ dependence from Turkey, because this would have left a disunited Albania exposed to the greed of their unprincipled neighbors. Neither would a greatly weakened Turkey have been able to protect their interests. Therefore, up to this point, Albanian patriots had attempted to work with the Young Turks to strengthen the empire. They hoped to achieve a greater degree of autonomy within the empire as a step toward their unification and preparation for complete independence. But now it became apparent that Albanians could not achieve autonomy under the Ottomans. Not even freedom to adopt a Latin alphabet would suffice now. Albanians deter­ mined to become content with nothing less than their own land, language and liberty. Spiro Belkameni of Belkamen (1885-1912)

When the Young Turks turned the clock back, Albanian patriots reac­ tivated the underground çetas and went back into the mountains. On 29 May 1909, Çerçiz Topulli founded in Gjirokastra a secret society called Kandilja (The Candle). Patriots elsewhere did likewise. One of these guer­ rilla bands was headed by Spiro Belkameni, a dashing young folk hero. In

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August 1909, this band of patriots from Belkamen and Negovan left their homes to roam the villages and mountains of the entire region (1909-1912). They raided Turkish military depots, ambushed caravans of packhorses loaded with Turkish military and food supplies, defied the Turkish authorities and aroused nationalistic fervor. Surrounded again and again by the Turks, Belkameni was never captured. When these several bands entered liberated Korcha, Belkameni and his companions led the way, their white felt k'esula (berets) bearing the words: Liri a Vdekje! (Liberty or Death). Later, after these rebel bands had been granted amnesty by the government, Belkameni and some companions accepted an invitation to visit an acquaintance. They went unarmed and were all treacherously murdered (Drita 28 November 1937, 10). T hemistokli G ërmenji

of

K orcha (1871-I917)

Themistokli Gërmenji was also prominent in the independence move­ ment. Born in Korcha in 1871, he received his early education there then at 21 moved to Bucharest, where he was greatly influenced by the patriotic societies. Moving to Monastir, he and his brother opened the Liria (Freedom) hotel which soon became the center for patriotic Albanians. Here they planned the Congress of Monastir (1908), and here they planned the four annual uprisings of 1909,1910, 1911 and 1912 (Drita 12 September 1937, 10). To raise the considerable sums of money needed to equip and maintain the fighting men, Gërmenji gave liberally of his own funds then left his own business interests in Monastir to solicit aid from the Albanian communities of Romania, Egypt, Italy and elsewhere. The island of Corfu became a natural staging ground for these guerrilla bands, being Greek ter­ ritory, near the Albanian border, with a Turkish consul, Mehmet Konitza, of Albanian origin who was sympathetic to the cause. Pro-Albania activity had begun in Corfu in April 1909, when Dr. Leonidha Naçi and many other members of the Labëri Club of Vlora fled there, where Naçi at once began publication of his paper E Drejta (The Right) which continued from 1909 to 1912 (Drita 28 August 1937, 3). While Gërmenji was conferring in Corfu, the Greek authorities learned of the patriots' anti-Turkish activities and their need of funds. The Greek prime minister, Venizelos, summoned Gërmenji and two of his friends to Athens. He offered them arms, ammunition, free passage through Greece to the Turkish border and a "fat salary" to the guerrilla leaders on one con­ dition: that they not carry on any nationalistic propaganda south of Vlora, which region he coveted for Greece. After two hours of negotiation during which neither side yielded, Gërmenji and his companions refused the restriction and became personae non gratae in Greek territory (ibid., 21 August 1937). Operating between Saranda and Gjirokastra, planning the guerrilla capture of Turkish military supplies, Gërmenji was seized by the Turkish authorities and imprisoned at Yanina. To fill the vacuum, Spiro Belkameni and his brother Mihal were sent to that territory with arms and

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supplies purchased in Corfu (ibid., 24 August 1937). Early in 1912 Gërmenji was released and returned to Monastir where he began a strong propaganda campaign among Albanian officers in the Turkish army, and among stu­ dents. Individual officers and students joined various bands, but one officer, Tajar Tetova, was noteworthy because he defected with his whole company (ibid., 31 August 1937). Later that same year Gërmenji headed an armed band in the Korcha district. K ol R odhe and H is A lbanian -A mericans (1911)

Even the Besa-Besën society of Albanian-Americans in Boston sent a band of fighters to assist the cause. Kol Rodhe, head of the society, with 11 selected men sailed from New York 18 July 1911, proceeding to Naples, then to Brindisi and Corfu to join the freedom fighters. Just as they were to join the Albanian revolutionists, however, an armistice was agreed upon, and the government extended amnesty to the rebels. For this little band of fighting men the war was over before it began! Most of the men returned home, but Kol Rodhe with Qerim Panariti and Vasil Tromara determined to go secretly into Albania. Unfortunately, Rodhe and Tromara were captured in Delvina and sent to prisons in Yanina and Gjirokastra (Gaz 28 November 1937, 5). U prisings in N orthern A lbania

By March 1910, the Young Turk oppression had led to serious but un­ coordinated local uprisings which spread from Prishtina throughout the province of Kosova. Grameno was convinced that the sultan himself had fomented the rebellion, hoping to weaken or even overthrow his Young Turk rivals (Grameno 1925, 122). Mountaineers interrupted the railroad line between the strategic centers of Uskup and Ferizoviq and that April 1910 fought several engagements with Turkish troops who swarmed like bees out of both centers. The patriots insisted that they did not destroy the railway, nor did they touch the mail. But they did stop the trains, confiscate war materials, and disarm and turn back Turkish troops (Leka 1937, 366). A punitive Young Turk army smothered the insurgents then set up courts-martial which punished many of the offenders with imprison­ ment, exile or hanging. One division of Turks marched westward again through the mountains and despite stiff resistance reached Shkodra that 26 July. They set up military court, forcibly disarmed the people, regis­ tered them and their livestock for tax purposes and forced into the army most young men between 18 and 26 years of age (ibid., 366-67). Isa Boletini with 3,000 other refugees fled to Montenegro, their traditional enemy (ibid., 368). A second division of Turks marched southward to Elbasan where they proclaimed martial law. They closed the Normal School, and all persons associated with it were arrested and flogged mercilessly. They also closed other Albanian-language schools (Kalendari 1911,19). This succeeded only

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in sharpening the antipathies already existing between the Albanians and Young Turk government officials. Because of the widespread unrest, government authorities forbade the continued publication of Albanian newspapers in Monastir, Elbasan and Korcha, punishing their directors with fines and imprisonment or exile. The brave Albanian resistance seemed crushed. But confidence in the rightness of their cause led many of these determined mountaineers to share the optimism of Hil Mosi, who had fought among the rocks, who wrote poetry and would later serve in the Albanian cabinet. He eulogized the stubborn heroism which would never quit: And though this year was not propitious for us, Let no one believe Albania has died. Spring will come again, And again to the mountains we'll hie! [Liria 17, 24 November 1978, 2]

And so they did! The next April 1911, Dedë Gjo Luli of Hot in the Shkodra mountains led another regional uprising. Waylaying Turkish military units, the Albanians disarmed and freed the soldiers, once gaining "33 mausers and 4,000 cartridges." But in March these determined moun­ taineers had fought the Turks with "guns, knives, axes, picks, stones and clubs" (Leka 1937, 368). A Turkish paper reported that "among the moun­ taineer rebels are also women armed like men, who fight with greater bravery and hatred than the men, preferring death rather than retreat" (ibid., 369). That April Turgut Pasha as Turkish "commander of the army of Shkodra" called on the mountaineers to surrender their weapons, prom­ ising amnesty instead of severe punishment (ibid., 375-76). Meanwhile a Shkodra newspaper in May 1911 reported 13 battles fought up to that date, all of them won by the Albanians. Mountaineers ambushed Turkish units in the narrow mountain passes, women and children helping roll rocks down the precipitous mountain walls. They captured thousands of Turks, taking away their weapons and heavy guns and releasing the unarmed soldiers. Sizeable units of insurgents were now reported operating in northern Albania: about 3,000 serving under former deputy Basri Bey in the region of Dibra, 4,000 others near Prishtina, and 5,000 others in the region of Ipek and Kosova. Uprisings

in

Southern A lbania

In Istanbul that spring (1911) a secret meeting of patriots had designated two Albanian deputies of parliament to act in Kosova, Hil Mosi fomenting general revolution in the Shkodra mountains. They also as­ signed Grameno and two associates to encourage and coordinate the guer­ rilla bands in southern Albania, and another patriot for Sofia or Bucharest to channel news bulletins to European capitals (Grameno 1925, 125-26).

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Grameno returned to Korcha where he enlisted volunteers, raised money to buy sandals and cloaks, and smuggled in weapons from Corfu. On 16 June 1911, Dr. Haki Mborja led the first new rebel contingent out into the Korcha mountains. One week later another band followed, and yet others throughout the south. In July, however, Grameno and 25 others found themselves in the Korcha prison, "the heart and soul" of the na­ tionalist movement. Two guerrilla bands united to storm the prison and free their comrades, but they were thwarted by the army at the bloody bat­ tle of nearby Orman Çiflik on 28 July 1911. Late that year the authorities considered the rebellion crushed and released the prisoners. T he M emorandum

of

G recha (23 June 1911)

Ismail Kemal Bey, a native of Vlora, was following these develop­ ments with unusually great interest. For 35 years he had headed the liberal opposition in the Turkish parliament and was widely respected as a militantly progressive politician and able diplomat. With Luigj Gurakuqi (1879-1925) he called an assembly of national leaders to meet at Grecha (now in Serbia) on 23 June 1911, to consider Albanian affairs. The delegates framed a memorandum that was printed as a brochure entitled Libri i Kuq (The Red Book), which was sent to the Turkish government, with copies going also to the great powers of Europe. The memorandum pointed out that once before the Albanians had surrendered their arms and received assurances of constitutional liberties that were subsequently taken away. The memorandum listed a dozen demands once again, chiefly the follow­ ing: Albanian autonomy within the Turkish empire, free election of Alba­ nian deputies, free conduct of Albanian-language schools, administrative organization of the Albanian vilayets, but with decentralized administra­ tion of isolated mountain regions by the traditional law of Lek and use of the Albanian language in government offices and courts (Drita 28 November 1937, 18-19). Apparently these persistent Albanian demands did finally bring a response of a sort. Two days later, on 25 June 1911, Sultan Mehmet Reshati V went to Salonica to pay his respects at the tomb of Sultan Murat who had fallen at the battle of Kosova. Over 200 leaders from the Korcha and Vlora regions greeted him. Whether or not this record can be taken lit­ erally, it probably does indicate his attitude toward the recalcitrant Alba­ nian subjects: 'The king granted gifts to the clubs: to the Bulgarians, 50 lira (Turkish pounds); to the Greeks, 70; to the Jews, 70; and to the Albanians a rock with which to beat their heads" (L eka 1937, 389). Back in Istanbul Ismail Kemal and Hasan Prishtina led the Albanian deputies in the Turkish parliament in their insistent demands that the Young Turks recognize Albanian rights to a measure of administrative autonomy. To remove their platform of protest, and hoping to replace the dissenting deputies, the Young Turks on 18 January 1912 dissolved the parliament, established their own military dictatorship and called for a new

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election the following April. During the interval there were violent clashes between patriots and the Turkish occupation forces in northern Koplik and the Peja and Gjakova regions. The electoral campaign also provided the perfect opportunity for an Albanian propaganda campaign. Alleged voting irregularities that April triggered local uprisings. An Albanian student at the Military Academy of Istanbul, Sali Hidri, wrote a letter in early May to Ismail Kemal Bey. He described how the mountaineers of his district had surrounded the city of Gjakova. They sent letters to the civil and military authorities repeating the demands of Grecha. Instead of indicating com­ pliance, the authorities strengthened their fortifications. So the insurgents stormed the city by night from four directions and captured it. But the letter noted that only one-fourth of the men were properly armed. Hidri pled for "weaponi, cartridges and a little money. Most important are the weapons." He continued, "The morale of the men is excellent, so much so that fighters who are in front fight even with swords or axes" (Liria 17 November 1978, 5). The heroic Isa Boletini led an uprising which spread throughout Kosova and the northern mountains then by June to most of Albania. Sympathizing officers and soldiers began to desert from the Turkish army. Former deputies, including Hasan Bey Prishtina led guerrilla bands of up to 2,000 men (Leka 1937, 404-5). T he A ssembly of Junik (21-25 M ay 1912)

Another step forward was registered at the Assembly of Junik, which was convened from 21 to 25 May 1912 by Hasan Prishtina. Elected three times as a deputy to the Turkish parliament, he used that platform to de­ fend Albania's national rights. Besides leading the northern uprising, he collaborated closely with Ismail Kemal and became the head of the national uprising of 1912. The Assembly of Junik demanded Turkish recognition of Albanian ethnic borders, Albanian administrators elected by the Albanians themselves, use of the national flag, the opening of Albanian-language schools, and the use of Albanian as the official language (NAlb 1987, 4:14). These well-formulated demands were announced not only in Albanian newspapers, but also in Istanbul and in watching European capitals. A widely publicized letter of Hadji Adil Bey summarized once again these demands. He insisted on the following: The Porte must recognize as governor general the man whom Albanians elect; all government officials in the country must be Albanians; military service of Albanians will be per­ formed only within Albania; local office holders must also be Albanians; taxes received must be spent in the places where they are collected; taxes must build roads and open schools in which lessons are given in the Alba­ nian language using Latin letters; all Albanians doing military service in Yemen must be called back to Albania to complete military service. Responding, the Porte ordered the governors of the vilayets to quiet the Albanians with the promise of sending a commission to discuss these mat­ ters and urging them not to make war against the state at such a critical time

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for the empire (Drita 28 November 1937, 19). Symbolizing their increasing authority in negotiations with the Turkish government, however, revolu­ tionary mountaineers at Pejë on 8 June 1912 refused to admit government spokesmen wearing the characteristic Turkish red fez, but required them to wear the white Albanian beret or skullcap (Leka 1937, 406). That same June, Turkey's Itilaf party joined the revolt against the Young Turks. A lbanian Insurrections C ontribute to the Y oung T urks' C ollapse

By that July (1912) uprisings had spread throughout the country, and all of Albania clamored for full independence. Even children caught the fever. M. Hasib of Elbasan reported the following to the Albanian newspaper in Monastir: Every night after supper small boys from five to ten years old gather from all over the city to play soldier through the streets and market of Elbasan. One of the biggest, carrying a flag, acts as leader; another plays a flute like a band, and others —more than 500 —march behind the leader with a very pleasing military bearing, singing an Albanian national song. Lined up four-by-four, the leader gives the command "March!" and they go forward singing, "Go forward with bravery/ you will not lack victory!" All keep time with the tramp of feet, and at the end of the song, all shout in unison, "Long live Albania! Long live those who struggle for the Motherland!" [Drita 9 August 1912, 2]

Their elders, operating as armed bands, liberated many of the Albanian cities, under the leadership of patriots like Dedë Gjo Luli in Shkodra; Hasan Prishtina, Bajram Curri, Isa Boletini and others in the northland; Themistoli Gërmenji at Korcha; Sali Butka at Kolonja; Elmas Xhaferi at Vlora; Aqif Bichaku at Elbasan; Abdi Toptani at Tirana and many others (ibid., 1). On 17 July 1912 the Young Turk government was forced to resign. The new Turkish government at once sent a commission of three high officials, all Albanians, to Prishtina. They could not accede to the na­ tionalistic demands of Grecha, nor would the Albanian negotiators yield. So the struggle continued. T he T urning P oint : T he Fall of U skup (i i A ugust 1912)

Liberated that summer were Peshkopia, Fier, Përmet and other southern regions. It was the fall of Uskup, however, that marked the begin­ ning of the end of the long struggle. First Mitrovitsa, then Prishtina and then Kruma fell to the insurgents. The Gjakova garrison laid down their arms, many of them joining with the insurgents. When 15,000 insurgents headed to Prizren, the troops there fought sharply then laid down their arms. With gathering momentum the insurgents insisted on the fulfillment of their demands. From Ferizaj they presented a memorandum listing the 14 very familiar demands. They also declared that if they did not receive a favorable reply within two days they would attack Uskup, the capital city

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of the vilayet of Kosova. Since no reply came, a strong Albanian army ap­ proached the city. The Turkish garrison of 4,000 men did not resist, and that strategic city also fell to the insurgents. Ten days later from neighbor­ ing Monastir the newspaper detailed the fall of Uskup. The Albanians entered Uskup in this manner. Sunday 29 July [old calen­ dar, new calendar 11 August] afternoon 200 armed Albanians entered under the command of Mehmet Dokliani singing national songs. . . . Monday [30 July] a train of 26 cars came bringing 1200 armed Albanians, wjio also entered the city singing. . . . Tuesday 400 more entered. . . . ' Wednesday morning 60 Catholic mountaineers came, and 1000 other armed Albanians. . . . Finally Bajram Curi entered Uskup. At the head of this multitude was the band of the Albanian Catholic school, followed by the carriage of Bajram Curi, after which came 30 other carriages full of people, and after these more than 3000 armed Albanians. After them came a second multitude of about 2000 Albanians, and finally another body of 1000 persons. A h o d ja [Muslim priest] surrounded by deserting officers, soldiers and gendarmes carried a red-and-white flag. All of these entered the city armed and singing national songs, and went straight to the places prepared for them to stay. As soon as he entered the city Bajram Curi went to the prison and freed all the prisoners. All these Albanian insurgents went through the city streets, some armed, some unarmed, and no one dared to challenge them. Everything they took they paid for, and they harmed no one. But in spite of this the houses and market were closed for fear of harm. On the railroad some paid, and those who could not pay signed their names on vouchers. The leaders of upper Albania proclaimed to the people of Uskup that if any had suffered wrong by the soldiery, they had the right of complaint, and wrongdoers would be punished. We hope that the Albanians will conduct themselves wisely through to the end, and that they will not spoil the great honor which they have earned up to the present" [Drita 22 August 1912, 2],

This editorial tribute is witness to the fact that throughout their bloody struggle for freedom, the Albanian soldiers proved themselves as fierce fighters, yet remarkably free of the atrocities against civilians which unfor­ tunately characterized the troops of Serbia and Greece. The victorious Albanian troops now headed toward Monastir and Salonica. T he G ranting of A lbanian A utonomy (18 A ugust 1912)

The Monastir newspaper Drita (The Light) of 9 August carried the glad news in front page headlines that a royal decree announced the acceptance of the Albanian demands of Grecha. Included also was a general amnesty for all Albanian insurgents and for deserting officers and soldiers of the im­ perial army. By now the state administration was entirely paralyzed. On 18 August the new Turkish government spelled out the Accord of Uskup. It provided for the formation of an autonomous Albanian province com­ posed of the four predominantly Albanian vilayets of Shkodra, Kosova, Yanina and Monastir. By this action the Turkish government officially

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recognized this territory as ethnically Albanian. It also assured Albanian self-government within the empire and public education in the Albanian language. However, this was not to be. THE BA LKA N W A R EX PLO D ES (8 O C T O B E R 1912) The emergence of a new national entity in the Balkans soon to attain complete independence threatened the delicate power equilibrium in the peninsula. Further, the consolidation of these four vilayets into an Alba­ nian state would preclude the realization of the expansionist policy deter­ mined upon by Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgaria and Greece at the expense of Albania. Accordingly, it is significant that immediately after the Porte's recognition of Albanian administrative autonomy, those disgruntled states formed the Balkan Alliance. They agreed secretly on the partition of Albania among themselves, then they declared war on Turkey on 8 Oc­ tober 1912. Under the pretext of fighting against Turkey, they invaded Albania. The first shot of the Balkan War was fired on 9 October by Montenegrin troops crossing the northern border of Turkey to besiege the fortress of Shkodra (Dako 1919, 95). That October and November the Serbian army drove the Turks out of Uskup then entered Albania by two routes. The northern route led through Prizren, Gjakova and Mirdita to Lezha and Durrës. Hoping to avert Serbian occupation, the Durrës authorities an­ nounced Albanian self-government on 26 November and raised the Alba­ nian flag without any fanfare. On the approach of the Serbian army two days later, a delegation of notables went out to notify the commander that he was on Albanian not Turkish soil (ibid., 105). The commander knew nothing of a self-governing Albania, but he did have orders to take Durrës. On 28 November 1912 he lowered the Albanian flag at the government hall and raised that of Serbia. Then his soldiers waded into the sea and with bared swords struck the water shouting "Zhivio! Zhivio!" (Leka 1937, 416-18). Thus the Serbians found at Durrës their long-dreamed-of port on the Adriatic Sea. Meanwhile, other Serbian troops following the southern route occupied the city of Monastir that 22 November, then took Resna, Ochrida and Elbasan on 29 November, when virtually all of northern and central Albania was in Serbian hands. Simultaneously, the Greeks began their advance from the south, enter­ ing Preveza on 3 November and two weeks later besieging the fortress of Yanina. A garrison of 25,000 men resisted steadfastly in spite of a food shortage. Besides this strong point and the port of Vlora, most of southern Albania was soon occupied by the Greeks. Rather than join forces with either Turkey or the Balkan Alliance states, Albanians determined to re­ main neutral in the war and to proclaim their complete independence.

I

22. Albania's Nonviolent Revolution: Its Cultural Renaissance Paralleling this seemingly endless succession of bloody insurrections, a less violent but yet more dramatic cultural revolution was taking place. The culture of any people may be thought of as its total way of life and thought. Anthropologists point out that many factors distinguish one culture from another: language, including both vocabulary and gram­ matical structure; racial origin; historical background; social organization; technology for shelter, clothing, hunting, farming and warfare; religious beliefs and practices; artistic expression in music, dancing, games, paint­ ing, sculpture and folklore; and customs and traditions. Most social scien­ tists would agree with the early Albanian linguist Sami Frashëri that "Language is the protoplasm of nationhood" (Liria 15 September 1983, 2). Precisely here lay the Albanian tragedy. A N C IE N T T R A C E S OF THE A LBA N IA N LA N GU AGE The most ancient confirmation of the early existence of the Albanian language was written not on perishable paper or parchment, but on ageless stone. Professor Dhimitër Shuteriqi reported the finding of a single word inscribed in a mosaic of ancient Lychnidus (Ochrida), long the capital of the Illyrian tribe of the Dessareti. The one word "Gjon" for John has been written and pronounced this way by only the Albanians, even up to the present day. Other people express the name differently, as John or Jean or Jan or Johan. Shuteriqi pointed out that this ancient Albanian word is writ­ ten in accordance with all known orthographic norms (Liria 15 October 1988, 4; 15 January 1989, 1). Furthermore, in a document of a . d . 879 there appears the name of the historic town still called "Krujë," which name Skanderbeg's historian Marin Barleti later observed would surely have been applied to the castle city because of its many fountains or springs (ibid.). Scholars have found in the French castle of Chantilly a manuscript containing a handwritten text of 275

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eight lines, apparently part of a poem, in Albanian (ibid.). Then more recently Albanian inscriptions have been discovered in several carvings in the Roverson Museum of Grottaferrata near Rome. One carving is 3Vt by 1 foot in size and shows George Kastrioti Skanderbeg. On another is in­ scribed the word "Albëria," for Albania. A third carving contains the Al­ banian word "trim" for "brave man." The carvings came from the castle of Julian of the Poor, where Albanian soldiers were quartered after the death of Skanderbeg and the fall of Shkodra to the Turks in 1479. The abovementioned inscriptions, however, give evidence that these exiles could never forget their homeland or their mother tongue, which was written significantly enough with the Latin alphabet (ibid.). TH E O T T O M A N S U P P R E S SIO N OF TH E A LBA N IA N LA N GU AGE For centuries the Ottoman Turks had deliberately and systematically split the Albanian population into rival groups with their feudal govern­ ment, their religious antipathies and their substitution of other languages for the national idiom. Although a rich legacy of heroic ballads, poems, tales and proverbs had passed orally from generation to generation, the Turkish government had strictly prohibited publications in the Albanian language. Thus they hoped to denationalize the Albanian people and to effect a greater homogeneity in the diverse populations composing the em­ pire. Actually, the percentage of literates among Albanians was very low. "Why should a young lad go to school and learn to use a pen," they asked, "when he has never learned to use a gun?" But even literate Albanians hardly knew their own language. Virtually all schools in the country were maintained by priests of the various religious communities. If Muslim children went to school anywhere, it was to a mosque school where semiliterate instructors taught them in the Turkish language. Greek Or­ thodox children who got any education at all got it in the schools main­ tained by the Greek Orthodox Church, where textbooks and instruction were in the Greek language. Roman Catholic children in northern towns who went to any school attended Austrian or Italian schools and were taught in either the German or the Italian language. Other minority religious communities such as the Bulgarians, Serbians and Romanians en­ joyed the protection of their motherlands, so they established churches and schools using their own languages. Among the relatively few elementary schools in Albania, not one of them used the Albanian language. Scheming propagandists sought systematically to denationalize successive generations of Albanian youth. However, the Albanian language was commonly used for daily conversa­ tion and was thus transmitted from generation to generation. In fact, the widespread illiteracy may explain why the Albanian language continued as a spoken if not as a written language.



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C O N S E R V A T IO N OF THE N A TIO N A L LAN GUAGE BY THE R ELIG IO U S C O M M U N IT IE S T he Roman C atholic C hurch of the N orth

Earliest Known Albanian Documents I. In Albania, as throughout the civilized world, the Greek and later the Latin languages were used in all written materials until the Turkish occupation. Ethnic literature was for­ bidden by the Turkish government lest it awaken nationalistic sentiment. The earliest evidence of the existence of Albanian-language literature is a written statement by the French Dominican Father Brocardus, then arch­ bishop of Tivar. In a written report in Latin in 1332 he said, "Although the Arbërs [Albanians] have a language completely different from Latin, still they have Latin letters in daily use, as well as in all their books" (NAlb 1987, 6:25)', From this it becomes evident that the Albanian language was in com­ mon use and written with the Latin alphabet at least as early as the begin­ ning of the fourteenth century. Marin Barleti, the famous historian and biographer of Skanderbeg, wrote in his Latin work of 1504 entitled The Siege o f Shkodra, "I have recently gotten hold of certain annals —fragments rather than annals — which, based on the legend, speak about the reconstruction rather than the construction of this city. In them we read in the native language that a cer­ tain 'Roza and his sister were the founders of the city of Shkodra'" (ibid.; Liria 1 March 1988, 1). This famous legend of the Rozafat fortress written "in the native language" would have been written not in Latin, but in Alba­ nian. Unfortunately, "all their books" have been lost, either because of the contemporary Stephen Dushan's determination to eradicate heretical Roman Catholicism from his Orthodox realm, or because of the Ottoman determination to eradicate all evidences of Albanian culture from their empire. While most written documents in the Albanian language were lost forever, a few did survive outside the country in various archives and libraries. Thus in 1915 the Romanian scholar Nicola Jorga discovered in the Laurentian Library of Florence a circular letter written in 1462 by Pal Engjëll (1416-1470), the Catholic archbishop of Durrës. Ëngjëll enjoyed the trust and respect of all Albanians, was a close collaborator of Skanderbeg and frequently traveled abroad as Skanderbeg's envoy to secure the aid of allies against the Ottomans. While his text was in Latin, it contained a onesentence formula in the Albanian language, which Albanian parents in the absence of a priest could pronounce in baptizing their dying children (Qafëzezi 1936, 85). The early Albanian text reads, "Un te paghesont pr' emenit Atit e t'birit e t'spertit senit." This is quite similar to the present official Albanian, which would be written, "Unë të pagëzoj për emrin e Atit e të Birit e të Shpirtit të Shenjtë" (I baptize you in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit) (Diturija 1 April 1927, 201-4). This brief sentence is the earliest text written in Albanian which has yet come

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to light. It was written in Mat, northern Albania, during the heroic resistance of the Albanian people against the onslaughts of the Ottoman armies. Early Albanian Books. The earliest existing book in the Albanian language is a liturgical work entitled Meshari (The Missal), written by Gjon Buzuku, a parish priest of northern Albania, the book being completed and printed in 1555 (Diturija April 1927, 203-4; Liria 5 January 1979, 3). The only existing copy of this book was discovered in 1740 by the Albanian archbishop Gjon Kazazi of Uskup. It found its way eventually into the Vatican Library, where it was rediscovered in 1909 by the Arbëresh Pal Skiroi (Tom ori 20 April 1940, 3; Liria 1 March 1988, 1). The first 32 pages of the original 220 pages are missing (NAlb 1985, 1:17). The Albanian language was written with the Latin alphabet, sup­ plemented with five special letters, an orthography which was adopted rather closely by other authors of the early seventeenth century (NAlb 1990, 1:28). Buzuku's language was quite refined for that early age, and his use of it to supplement Latin in a missal may reflect the Reformation em­ phasis on getting the Word to the people in their own tongue. It is thought that Buzuku served a parish along the coast between Shkodra and Dulcigno. Numerous works followed, of course, produced by literary pioneers like the following. Pjetër Budi (1566-1622) was born in Mat, bordering the mountainous regions of Tirana and Elbasan, where he served as a priest, then as bishop. He published three works in Rome in the Albanian language: a catechism, Christian Doctrine (1618); The Mirror o f Confession (1621); and Roman Rituals (also in 1621). One of the earliest Albanian poets, his book on doc­ trine included 10 poems of his own. In the closing 70 pages of his work on confession he complained about the lack of schools and the lethargy of the clergy who were not attempting to alleviate the misery and ignorance of their fellow citizens. He tirelessly promoted the growing movement for na­ tional liberation. Frang Bardhi (1606-1643) was born and raised in the village of Kallmet (Zadrime) below Shkodra. Trained in Loreto, Italy, he later became bishop of Sapa. He is remembered especially for compiling the first dictionary in the Albanian language. This was his 188-page La tin-Albanian Dictionarium Latino-Epiroticum listing 2,544 Albanian words (Geg) and 5,000 Latin words. Bardhi also appended notes on Albanian grammar and a list of 113 proverbs, phrases and idioms revealing contemporary culture. This dictionary was published in Rome by the Propaganda Fide in 1635. Bardhi also wrote a polemic Apollogji refuting a Slavic claim to the legendary Skanderbeg as of non-Albanian origin; this historical document was published in Venice in 1636 (Legrand 1912, 26-27; Liria 1 November 1983, 2). Bardhi is recognized as Albania's first lexicographer, folklorist and ethnographer. Pjetër Bogdani (1625-1689) was born near Prizren, studied theology

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and philosophy at Rome, and was named bishop of Shkodra (1656) and then archbishop of Uskup (1667). His work, The Infallible Truth o f the Catholic Faith, was published several times in Padua and Venice. His style is unique in that he traced down and popularized long-forgotten expres­ sions, also for the first time created new words for abstract notions and for scientific terminology. His "clear, refined Albanian" is said to have in­ fluenced Kristoforidhi and other renaissance scholars (Zëri 7 December 1984, 3). His principal work, The Band o f Prophets, the earliest original work of Albanian prose, was published in Padua in 1685. Bogdani com­ bined in his person the cleric, the scholar and the patriot. He participated personally in popular uprisings against the Turkish occupiers. During the Austro-Turkish War (1683-1689) he organized the resistance, placing himself at the head of 6,000 Albanians taking part in the fighting. In fact, the cave in the village of Rrjoll, where he used to hide when pursued, still bears his name: the Cave of Bogdan. During these trying years he became ill and died at Prizren. But his Albanian books fulfilled the longing he once expressed: "O for a lighted candle in my hand to enlighten that poor land of Albania, and Serbia, the large part of which speak Albanian" (NAlb 1989, 3:16; Dielli 10 September 1989, 3). A growing interest in the Albanian language is indicated by the publication of the earliest Albanian grammar on record, written in Latin by Andrea Bogdani (1600-1683), the uncle of Pjetër Bogdani. The book was used as a text in teaching the language in certain schools of that period. Un­ fortunately, not one copy of the book has survived (Liria 1 May 1984, 1, 3). In 1702 Father Francesco Maria da Lecce compiled an Italian-Albanian dictionary in Mat. Later in 1716 his Osservazioni grammaticali nella lingua Albanese (Grammatical observations on the Albanian language) was published at Rome (ibid., 15 October 1984, 2). Another Italian-Albanian dictionary of Buonaventura Pruker saw the light of day in 1752 (ibid.). It will be noted that virtually all of these early works were written for and preserved by the Roman Catholic Church. One wonders whether Midhat Bey Frashëri was correct in his observation that although there was a sharp increase in the number of Catholic books published in the Albanian language in the mid-1800s, it was accomplished "without producing any results of a practical character" (Skendo 1912, 219-20). Early Catholic Schools. The first recorded Albanian-language school was opened at Velje of Mirdita in 1632. Others were reported at Pllane, a village near the Mat River, in 1638, at Troshan in 1639 and in the city of Shkodra itself in 1698, with teachers such as Gjon Shqiptari, Filip Shkodrani and Dhimitër Dhërmiu (Liria 11 April 1980, 1). Another very early school was founded at Kurbin of Kruja in 1632. Besides reading and writing, Albanian grammar was taught, and books by Bardhi, Budi and Bogdani were used (FESH 1985, 1021). A real surge in Catholic education began in Shkodra in 1855, when the Franciscan fathers opened the "Franciscan School," later called Illyricum,

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and yet later becoming a college emphasizing the humanities. Upon their invitation the Jesuit order in 1856 sent Father Claudio Neri, who established a mission in Durrës then went to Shkodra to set up a seminary. Turkish authorities and Turkish fanatics tore down the structure and forced Neri to flee for his life. The sympathetic Austrians, who had assumed the protec­ tion of all Catholic people in Turkey since their treaty of 1699, sent a fleet of battleships to the Buni River approach to Shkodra. The Turkish govern­ ment got the message, apologized, paid for damages and authorized the completion of the building. The seminary known as the Kolegja Papnore Shqiptare (Albanian Papal College), later the Albanian Pontifical Seminary, began its distinguished career in 1859. In 1861 the Franciscans established their seminary there also, giving instruction in the Albanian language. Then in 1877 the Jesuits founded another influential center of higher learning in Shkodra: the Kolegja e Shën Francesk Saverit (St. Francis Xavier College) to provide technical and commercial training for about 400 students. A pioneering scientific innovation at Xavier College was the meteorological observatory established here in 1888, the first astronomical observatory in the Balkans. It continued its valuable service until 1946 when it was confiscated by the Communist regime (ACB 1988, 64). The following year (1878) the Stigmatine sisters opened their Shkolla Femnore Franceskane for 200 girls. By that time it was reported that there were 21 other Albanian-language elementary schools operating in Durrës and northern towns. Each had about 30 students, except the Prizren school which reported 80 (Leka 1937, 465-66). The Franciscans are said to have set up the first printing press in Shkodra as early as 1593. The Jesuit "Press of Our Immaculate Lady" established in 1870 quickly became famous for its books on Christian doctrine, Father Jungg's Albanian grammar, and later, periodicals such as Leka, a very meritorious literary and cultural magazine which began publication in 1929. Schools were seen increasingly as the vehicle for the realization of a deeper Albanian Catholic consciousness. Growing concern led to the con­ vening of a Second and soon a Third Council of Albanian Bishops. The Third Council held in 1871 made little or no reference to the perennial prob­ lem of Islamization, but focused on Catholic faith and ritual and the duties of priests and bishops. The Fourth Council of Albanian Bishops was held at Shkodra in 1895 and grappled with the problem of Catholic conversions to Islam. It forbade the giving of non-Christian names to infants at baptism and the feigning of conversion to Islam while secretly remaining Catholic. But the council did relax the earlier requirement that renegades returning to the Catholic Church announce their reconversion to the Turkish govern­ ment officials. It was this council which proclaimed the Madonna of Shkodra as the "Mother of Good Counsel" and the "Protectress of Albania." Most significant, however, was the particular emphasis the council gave to opening Albanian-language religious schools. These Catholic schools in northern Albania were maintained for the

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most part by Austrian funds. The Italian Bennici (1901, 19) wrote that by 1901 the Austrians were spending 1 million florin annually for religious pur­ poses, including numerous schools in the principal cities of Albania. Besides the villages around Shkodra, he enumerated schools at Durrës, Vlora, Tirana, Prizren, Uskup, Ipek, Gjakova and many smaller places. All schools were in the care of priests, monks and friars. Bennici acknowledged that by 1895 Italian schools had been established to offset Austrian prop­ aganda (ibid., 25-26). But the Italians had their own brand of propaganda. In fact, Hugonnet (1886, 201) reported one Franciscan monk, Leonardi, an Albanian from Italy, who declared, "We are missionaries of civilization more than of religion." Yet it must be noted that in many of these schools the Albanian language was taught more and more frequently. Austria openly combatted these Italian schools. With the sanction of the pope and the Austrian consul, the suppression of these Albanian-language schools was considered. But the Shkodra patriots prevailed. Occasionally, at least, they used the Albanian language in their churches also, for a French visitor to Shkodra in the 1880s wrote about sitting with others cross-legged on the floor in church where he heard "an interminable sermon in Albanian" (Hugonnet 1886, 220). T he G reek O rthodox C hurch of the South

The Greek Orthodox Church also proved helpful as a conservator of Christian culture and civilization during the centuries of Asiatic domina­ tion. Cultural Center o f M oskopolis (Voskopoja). When Constantinople fell to the Turks in 1453, many of its learned men fled to the West. Many of these settled in Moskopolis, later called Voskopoja, about 13 miles west of Korcha. For 350 years the city was famous for its printing press, founded in 1720, the first press in the Balkans after that of Constantinople (NAlb 1984, 5:30-31). Voskopoja became a center of education and culture because of its famous "New Academy" founded in 1744, which emphasized philosophy, logic, mathematics, physics, economics and practical account­ ing. A famous public library was located at the Academy, and included not only the ancient classics, but a wide collection of scholarly works from western Europe. Its graduates readily gained entrance to the universities of European capitals and trained as teachers, doctors, economists, philoso­ phers and lawyers. Here too a vigorous Albanian movement developed. It involved a comparison of various alphabets used to express the Albanian language, the compilation of vocabularies and dictionaries and the translation of foreign works into Albanian. The New Academy proved very influential in the development of a literary Albanian language and of a national Al­ banian consciousness (Liria 15 October 1983, 1). The skilled craftsmen of Voskopoja were known through all the Balkans for their work with jewelry and the ornamentation of weapons. Their merchants enjoyed commercial

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ties with all of the Balkan Peninsula, as well as much of central and eastern Europe. This flourishing city of 30,000 inhabitants was destroyed by avaricious feudal lords during the period from 1769 to 1789, and by suc­ cessive wars. The ruins of 24 remarkable Byzantine churches still bear mute witness to the past greatness of Voskopoja as a cultural center (Dako 1919, 81-82). T heodor Kavalioti o f V oskopoja (1718-1797). In 1770 one Theodor Kavalioti, director of the New Academy, published a scholarly study of Albanian in his Lexicon Tetraglossan. Appended to a section on Albanian history and lexicography was a small dictionary of about 1,200 Albanian words, with their Latin, Greek and Romanian equivalents. He used a rather bizarre alphabet of his own. The German philologist Von Hahn recovered it and identified some of its characters as "analogous to those of the Illyrian Glagolitic" (Taylor 1883, 2:208-9). Hoping to set up a press in Elbasan, Kavalioti worked and saved then ordered a supply of Albanian type from Voskopoja. To assure the safe arrival of his precious type, he went in per­ son to escort the heavy boxes to Elbasan. Confident that the heavy boxes guarded so carefully by the owner must contain gold, the mule drivers murdered Kavalioti along the trail (Dako 1919, 81). Great must have been their chagrin to find lead type instead of gold bullion. Another fourlanguage vocabulary (Greek, Romanian, Bulgarian and Albanian) by Dhanil Mihal Adam Haxhi appeared in 1794. This also included 235 sentences in Albanian regarding daily life situations (Liria 15 October 1984, 2). L iterary Treasures D iscovered in Berat. The earliest written documents found in Albania are the three Codices o f Berat, found in that city's Church of St. George in 1868. The first book, the famous C odex Purpureus Beratinus, contains the gospels of Matthew and Mark, purportedly handwritten by John Chrysostom (347-407) himself in Byzantine Greek (Gaz 11-12 May 1938; Drita 15 August 1938, 3; Batiffel 1886, 437-40). Writ­ ten with exquisite calligraphy and silver lettering, its cover and the margins of its 190 pages of dark red parchment were ornamented in the Byzantine style, with colorful vignettes and decorative letters, and even minutely delicate illustrations. The text itself has been very helpful to biblical scholars in reconstructing the original New Testament text. In 1938 the historian Qafëzezi indexed 47 valuable manuscripts and books discovered there. Among them was the oldest existing Tosk manuscript, that of Kosta Ieromonaku Berat, written 1764 to 1763, which is now preserved in the National Library of Tirana. The 154 pages, written in Albanian using the Greek alphabet, consist mostly of prayers and religious verses or poems. One unique feature is that Kosta Berat changes the commonly used feminine form of the word for God, "Perëndia," into the masculine form of the same word, "Perëndiu" (Drita 3 October 1937, 3). He also issued during the 1790s his Greek-Albanian dictionary listing 1,710 words spoken at the time in the region of Berat (Liria 15 October 1984, 2).

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Naum Veqilharxhi (1767-1846). A few years later, in 1846, one Naum Panajot Bredhi, called Naum Veqilharxhi of Vithkuq near Korcha, quietly published a pamphlet at Constantinople entitled An Albanian Encyclical. Curiously enough, it was written in the Greek language but called on Al­ banians to awaken and bring to light their own mother tongue so as to enter the mainstream of civilized nations (Gaz 28 November 1937, 3). This is con­ sidered by Qafëzezi to be one of the very first documents seeking to awaken the patriotic sentiment of Albanians. Veqilharxhi developed his own 33-character alphabet, using some Greek characters (Liria 17 February 1978, 4). The Albanolog Von Hahn recovered this alphabet and tabulated it (Taylor 1883, 2:208-9). Veqilharxhi also published the first Albanian primer, Evetari, an eight-page booklet, in Bucharest in 1844, an enlarged edition following in 1845. A packet of these primers was sent to a friend, Thanas Paskali in Kor­ cha, for distribution. A few excerpts from Paskali's long letter of 22 April 1845 will evidence the enthusiastic reception given this first primer. As you directed, we have distributed them all around Korcha, also Përmet, Gjirokastra and Berat. Everybody received them with great joy and with pleasure, praising and singing to God almighty who has enlightened you to produce in our language characters which our country has lacked for so many hundreds of years. . . . From patriots who come from there [Romania] we have understood with joy that you have already prepared other manuscripts. Other lovers of light, especially the Most Holy Bishop of our city, Neofit Gjirokastriti, embrace with great en­ thusiasm this beginning. . . . Please send more primers [Drita 21 February

1940, 3], Incidentally, it was in this very year 1845 that Bishop Neofit Gjirokastriti began his 29-year bishopric in Korcha. According to the Korcha historian Qafëzezi, this was "the first and the only" bishop of Korcha who ever helped in the spread of the Albanian language (Fashizmi 31 January 1940, 3). The primers, however, and other Veqilharxhi booklets, including readers and a grammar, were disseminated throughout southern Albania. The Albanian Language in G reek O rthodox Schools. As early as 1629 instruction in Albanian was given by the Arbëreshë Zef Sqiroi, who served along the Himara coast for 25 years. He taught the children "Christian Doc­ trine" in the Albanian language. In 1660 another Arbëreshë, Onufer Kostandini, opened a school in Himara which was in operation for three years (Liria 12 December 1980). Although Albanian-language schools were officially prohibited, patriotic teachers in the Church-sponsored Greeklanguage schools sometimes dared to give instruction secretly in their Al­ banian mother-tongue. In 1852, for instance, the schoolteacher in the village of Lavdar of Opari, near Korcha, used Veqilharxhi's primer to in­ culcate love of country and love of their own language (Liria 16 October 1981, 1). In 1854 another teacher, Than Xheka, used Veqilharxhi's primer

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to teach the Albanian language to his students in Trebicka. Among these was Spiro Dine, who 12 years later found work in Egypt. There he asso­ ciated with the patriot Thimi Mitko in collecting and publishing Albanian songs, poems, proverbs and customs, which were collected in his volumi­ nous Valët e Detit (Waves of the Sea) (Liria 15 August 1982, 2). In fact, Veqilharxhi's books aroused such apprehension among Greek Orthodox clergy that when he was ill in the Greek hospital at Constantinople, he was reportedly poisoned by order of the patriarch (Dako 1919, 81). The three Frashëri brothers considered Veqilharxhi the forerunner of the many emerging cultural revolutionaries. The A rbëreshë o f Southern Italy. The Arbëreshë of southern Italy are credited with finding (and losing) the most ancient document to have sur­ vived the centuries. It was discovered in 1912 in the thousand-year-old Monastery of St. Mary of Grottaferrata, with Arbëreshë connections, near Rome. The pergamena manuscript was written in the first half of the four­ teenth century in the Greek language; but IV 2 pages of the Gospel were written in the Albanian language. The Italo-Albanian monk Don Sofronio Gassisi who announced the find showed the document to a visitor, the Romanian historian Nicolae Jorga. Jorga visited the abbey in 1919 and reported that Gassisi showed him the document which he "took out of the cupboard to the right as one enters by the door into the room of manuscripts" (Diturija 1 April 1927, 203-4). Unfortunately, Gassisi died in 1922 before he produced the promised study on the document. And most unfortunately, this priceless document disappeared without a trace. Luke Matranga (1560-1619) originated in Piana degli Albanesi, near Palermo, and was one of the first graduates of the Greek College in Rome. On the completion of his studies he returned to his village to serve as a priest. He translated Father Ledesma's catechism Dottrina Cristiana into the Arbëreshë dialect of Albanian with the title E M besuam ë Krishterë (Christian Doctrine) and had it published in Rome in 1592 (Tom ori 10 May 1940; Liria 30 December 1977,1; 7 April 1978, 3). This is the second oldest Albanian book to survive, and the sole surviving copy is in the Vatican Library. It is of very great importance, not only for its record of the early speech of the Arbëreshë people, but because of the short verse incorporated in it, which is thought to be the earliest trace of poetry in the Albanian language. Nilo Katalano (1637-1694) was an Italian monk of the Orthodox monastery of Mezduso. He was born in Sicily and served as a missionary along the Himara coast of Albania, where he died. He drew up an Albanian grammar text, and is noted especially for his compilation of an AlbanianItalian and an Italian-Albanian dictionary. He based them on the Geg works of Budi, Bardhi and Bogdani rather than on his own Arbëreshë dialect, showing that Albanian publications were rather widely dis­ seminated even at that early date (Liria 1 May 1984, 1). The original manuscripts are kept in the Royal Library of Copenhagen.

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Jul Variboba was an Arbëresh poet of the latter half of the 1700s, born in an Arbëresh town, San Giorgio Albanese, of Cosenza. He trained in Italo-Arbëresh College, served as a priest in his hometown, then went to Rome where he spent his last years. In 1762 he published there in poetic form his Gjella e Shëri Mëris Virgjër (Life of the Virgin Saint Mary) (Liria 30 December 1977, 1). He is unique for his presentation of traditional biblical figures in a nontraditional way as ordinary people. His poetic description of the joys and sorrows of the Arbëreshë people ranks this work toward the top of Albanian poetry. While it must be obvious that most of these early Albanian works, whether Roman Catholic or Greek Orthodox, were consistently religious in character, the field broadened greatly with the cultural awakening which began toward the close of the eighteenth century. Primers were produced to help the illiterate learn to read. Grammars and dictionaries appeared to help Albanians speak and write their language correctly and uniformly. There also appeared a small flood of folklore, poetry, romances, history and patriotic literature designed to awaken the cultural consciousness of the Albanian readers. T he M uslim C ommunity

Because the Ottoman government took such a hostile attitude toward the dissemination of Albanian-language literature, it is altogether understandable that we have very little involvement here by members of the Muslim community. Nevertheless, we do have an early AlbanianTurkish vocabulary, compiled in 1728 by the poet Nezim Frakulla (1685-1760) of Berat. This work has proved of special significance in discovering the chronology of Albanian word-borrowing from the Turkish language (Liria 15 October 1984, 2). In 1927 the historian Qafëzezi found in Lezha, below Shkodra, another document written in Albanian using the Turkish alphabet, authored by one Hafëz Ali Ulqini. He noted that the poem of 15 stanzas and only 191 words was printed by special permission of the Turkish minister of education in 1884, inasmuch as "many Albanians are in darkness because they do not understand Turkish or Arabic" (Qafëzezi 1936, 89). As a general rule, however, the Ottoman government forbade the publication and use of literature in the Albanian language. The Albanian Bektashi leaders were much more open on this matter, due to their bloody clash with the Sunni Turks. Baba Ali Tomori, head of the Bektashi dervish order in Albania, once observed that it had always been their practice to record their religious literature in the language of the people (Fashizmi 2 February 1940, 3). He then listed several Bektashi poets, mostly dervishes, who had written religious hymns in the Albanian language, but using Turkish characters, for at the time they had no alter­ native. These hymns, by the way, were never printed as books, but were handwritten in personal notebooks for singing in Bektashi prayer rooms. Among these Bektashi poets was also one Dalip Bey of Frashër, who about

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1826 made a free translation in poetic form of the 1,200-page Hadikan'e Fuzuliut. His brother Shahin Bey Frasheri translated similarly the classic M uhtamamenë. But again it must be remembered that although these classics were written in the Albanian language, they were expressed with Turkish characters inasmuch as no Albanian alphabet had yet been agreed upon (Tyrabi 1929, 79). It must be remembered also that having been expelled from Turkey, the Bektashi dervishes must have sensed that the very survival of their order in Albania could depend upon her achieving independence from the Ottoman empire. Accordingly, the Bektashis volunteered leadership in the various patriotic congresses. A number of them "traveled through Albania village to village from north to south, distributing books about the rebirth of Albania. All their monasteries became national schools preaching 'Qerbela' translated as living poetry by their immortal poet Naim Bey Frashëri" (ibid., 84-85). T he P rotestant C ommunity

In such an unpromising milieu as Turkish-occupied Albania then was, its spiritual awakening was undertaken by sturdy characters both Albanian and expatriate, who played the sometimes complementary, sometimes conflicting roles of patriot and teacher, preacher or book peddler. They were captivated by two magnificent obsessions: Albanianism and the Evangel. The British Bible Society Produces Albanian Scriptures. Albanianlanguage literature was virtually nonexistent as late as 1824, that language having been proscribed by both the Ottoman and Greek Orthodox authori­ ties. Yet in that year the earliest translation of the Gospel of St. Matthew into the Tosk dialect of Albanian was printed in Corfu by the British and Foreign Bible Society of London. In 1827 the entire New Testament was published by the Bible Society, using Greek characters. Virtually no other printed literature in the Albanian language existed at that time. Kostandin Kristoforidhi (1827-1895) originated in Elbasan where the Geg and Tosk dialects meet. He maintained a prolific partnership with the Bible Society from 1857 to 1874, using the Latin characters for his translation of the New Testament and selected books of the Old Testament. This biblical literature was disseminated by several Bible Society "colporters" or peripatetic book peddlers. The Kyrias Girls' School at Korcha (1891-1914). Gerasim Kyrias left his Bible Society post and evangelical ministry at Monastir to open the first Albanian-language school for girls and to preach the gospel at Korcha in 1891. Upon his premature death, his two sisters, Sevasti and Parashqevi, became responsible. Rev. and Mrs. Grigor Tsilka joined the Korcha work in 1900. The bitter opposition of Turkish and Greek authorities continued, so the Congregational Mission Board of Boston sent Rev. and Mrs. Phineas Kennedy to collaborate at the school. This move led to greater stability, for

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now they could secure the intervention of the American Embassy at Con­ stantinople. The Kyrias School was also renamed the American School. One common thread in this cultural revolution must be obvious. All Albanians of north or south, whether Roman Catholic, Greek Orthodox, Muslim or Protestant, were determined to mold themselves into one people by popularizing their common mother tongue: Albanian. P R O M O T IO N OF A LBA N IA N N A T IO N A L ISM BY P A T R IO T IC S O C IE T IE S O V E R SE A S Patriots undertook a cultural revolution by founding national societies and by sponsoring cultural and political programs of education and promo­ tion. A few of these societies were attempted secretly in Albania. More were centered among Albanian expatriates who for political, religious or economic reasons had migrated to Constantinople, Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt, Greece and the United States. Their aim was to promote the use of the Albanian language and thus stimulate the national consciousness and strengthen the bonds of unity among all Albanians. T he G radual Emergence of a Strategy

By this time two facts had become apparent. First, early literature in the officially proscribed Albanian language had been produced almost exclu­ sively by ecclesiastical personnel and for religious purposes. Undoubtedly any other type of literature produced in the Albanian language at that time would have been immediately and arbitrarily suppressed. Then again, what little Albanian literature did emerge resulted from the initiative of pioneering individuals rather than from any group effort. Undoubtedly this posed less of a threat to Turkish authorities than would ethnic literature produced and disseminated by an organized group. But this individualistic approach would never suffice. First, the Albanian-language literature would have to reach more than the religious elite; it must reach beyond the literate few to the illiterate many. This would require primers, grammars and dictionaries, which in turn would create a larger body of literates. Then the Albanian lit­ erature would have to be broadened yet more so as to cover all aspects of life, and so create an Albanian population more culturally homogeneous than in the past. That of course ran counter to Ottoman intentions. Finally, any adequate effort in this direction would have to involve group action so as to create a popular movement. There seems to have been no clearly defined strategy to this end, but gradually a strategy or pattern developed. Economic pressures seem to have moved many Albanians along in the right direction quite unconsciously. Widespread poverty and unemploy­ ment in Albania forced many workers to migrate and seek employment in Bucharest, Sofia, Constantinople or Alexandria. Others migrated for better educational opportunities or for greater freedom. Only the men migrated. Relatives and friends from the same locality lived and ate together economically in a sort of dormitory arrangement called a konak, so they

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could save money to send back to their families. The prospect of a better livelihood abroad led additional relatives and friends to leave the villages and gravitate to the dormitory family. This voluntary economic exile called kurbet wreaked havoc on family ties, but it did expose thousands of men to the greater freedom available to them outside of Turkish-occupied Albania. There was then no radio, television or cinema to while away the long evenings. Instead the men played cards or dominoes together and talked in­ terminably about the old country. Then there were the ubiquitous coffeehouses, the inns and the ethnic stores, shops and restaurants. These were usually named nostalgically after the city or region from which the proprietor came. Men from the same locality gravitated together to spend their free time. Like-minded individuals discovered one another, aired their common grievances and concerns and shared their dreams and eventually their tangible proposals for action. These ethnic islands in alien cities became the seedbed for the cultural revolution. Patriotic societies sprang up. These cultural çetas wielding the pen became just as effective as the military çetas wielding the sword. The names chosen for those patriotic societies may seem innocuous in our more sophisticated day, but they did give assurance that the activists were heading in the right direction. Istanbul, T urkey

The Three Frashëri Brothers. Born into a large family in the southern village of Frashër (Përmet), these three brothers received higher training in Yanina then gravitated to Constantinople, also called Stamboll, the seat of the Ottoman empire. All three distinguished themselves as patriots. Abdyl (1839-1892), the oldest, was outstanding as an astute leader, diplomat, organizer and activist, carefully discerning the most effective plan of ac­ tion. Elected as a deputy from Yanina in the Turkish parliament, he was chosen as leader of the "Central Committee for the Protection of the Rights of Albanian Nationhood." In 1878 he became leader of the League of Prizren then headed the delegation from the league which visited the capitals of the European powers to defend the territorial integrity and the autonomy of Albania. In fact he prosecuted the struggle for independence so vigorously that the Ottoman government later condemned him to death, commuting this to life imprisonment. After four years his health was so broken that they released him, to die soon afterwards. Naim (1846-1900) was the outstanding poet of the Albanian renaissance, his patriotic poem "Albania" (1880) being only the first of many which would arouse the patriotic fervor of Albanians and enlist them for participation in both the cultural and the armed revolutions. He ex­ tolled the beauty of his homeland in his famous Bagëti e Bujqësia (Cattle and Farming), the courage of the national hero in his epic poem the History o f Skanderbeg, the beauty of the Albanian language, the moral qualities and ideals embodied in readings for the classroom, and religious poetry, especially his masterpiece, Qerbela in the Bektashi tradition.

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Then there was Sami (1850-1904), the linguist, fluent in Albanian, Turkish, ancient and modern Greek, Latin, Italian, French, Arabic and Per­ sian. He was also a grammarian and publicist, taking leadership in cultural and literary activities. He was the author of several bilingual dictionaries and a prolific writer of political, social, educational, cultural and scientific articles for learned journals in several languages. But Sami was finally isolated by the Turkish government for his views on Albanian in­ dependence. He was placed under house arrest for years until his death at Stamboll. These three Frashëri brothers, each with his own rare gifts, and complementing one another so remarkably, proved to be the precise com­ bination needed to stimulate and coordinate the long frustrated yearnings for Albanian independence. The Bashkimi (Union) Society. Albanian patriots living in Stamboll for various reasons united in December 1877 to form an organization with the rather unwieldy name "The Central Committee for the Defense of the Rights of Albanian Nationhood," with Abdyl Frasheri as president. This organization was sometimes referred to simply as the Stamboll Committee, or the Bashkimi Society. They envisioned their immediate goal to be the Ottoman recognition of the Albanian regions as an autonomous Albanian province within the empire, later to be given full independence. This patriotic society took the initiative in resisting the partition of Albanian ter­ ritory outlined in the treaty of San Stefano, in creating the Albanian League of Prizren (1878) to protect their rights, and in visiting the foreign offices of the great powers to demand the recognition of their rights as a people. Their basic need was a uniform alphabet for the Albanian language. On Sami Frashëri's principle of "one sound for a character and one charac­ ter for a sound," they drew up a phonetic alphabet of 36 characters, mostly Latin letters, but using 10 specially improvised symbols. This was adopted early in 1879 and was called the Stamboll alphabet. Their first publication was a primer entitled The Primer o f the Albanian Language, produced in 1879. Collaborating on it were Sami and Naum Frashëri, Pashko Vasa, Jani Vreto and Koto Hoxhi. That same October (1879) the committee formed a literary society called the Society for Printing Albanian Characters, with Sami Frashëri its president. Its primary purpose was to spread the knowledge of reading and writing the Albanian language and to awaken the patriotic fervor which had been suppressed over so many centuries. In­ tense literary activity followed, designed particularly to meet the need for textbooks for the projected Albanian schools. Pashko Vasa (1825-1892), born in Shkodra, but an Ottoman official at Constantinople, was fired with patriotic enthusiasm to produce his Albanian Gram m ar fo r the Use o f Those Who Wish to Learn This Language without the Help o f a Teacher. He also authored an ardent poem, "Mother Albania," an illegal flyer pro­ testing the foreign occupation of Albania. Also of great importance for the proposed schools was Sami Frashëri's Primer and his Grammar o f the Albanian Language, published in 1886, and

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his G eography published in 1888. These and several other titles were re­ ceived enthusiastically by Albanians everywhere. Naim Frashëri was the first to specialize in writing verses or poetry in Albanian. His tender pastoral poem Bagëti e Bujqësi (Cattle and Farming), published in Bucharest in 1886, endeared him to a predominantly rural people. The same year he published his Dëshira e Vërtetë e Shqiptarëve (The True Desire of Albanians). His several school texts had to be published outside of Turkey. His epic poem Istori e Skënderbeu (History of Skanderbeg) in 1899 eulo­ gized the mediaeval national hero who for a quarter century success­ fully withstood the Ottoman armies. Recalling thus their ethnic roots, Albanian patriots might realize that if they did it once, they could do it again. Frashëri also authored several Bektashi classics: Qerbela, Fletorja e Bektashinjvet, Lulet e Verës and Thelb' i Kuranit. The chief themes of his popular poems were patriotism, nature, honesty, knowl­ edge, loyalty, historical events, exhortations and God (as in his "Perëndia," 1890). The first scholarly review of Albanian studies appeared in 1884, a monthly periodical called Drita (Light) with Sami Frashëri as director. For fear of Turkish government reprisal, Naim Frashëri signed his articles sim­ ply with the letter "D." Unfortunately, this publication survived only three issues before the government suppressed it. So the society moved its base of operations from Istanbul to Bucharest and renamed the publication Dëshirë (Desire). In 1889 this predominantly Muslim committee published the biblical books of Genesis and the Gospel of Matthew at Bucharest. The books were prepared under the direction of Gjergj Kyrias of Monastir, us­ ing the modified Latin characters adopted by the Stamboll Committee in 1879. However, the Ottoman government opposed the national alphabet so strongly that further projected publications were prohibited (Woods 1911, 112-13). Sponsorship o f K oto Hoxhi's Albanian School in Gjirokastra. It was during those very years that Koto Hoxhi (1824-1895) of Gjirokastra became a symbol of many other cultural heroes and martyrs. Having worked side by side with Sami Frashëri, Jani Vreto and Pashko Vasa in 1879, devising an alphabet for expressing the Albanian language and pre­ paring the first Albanian Primer, he secretly introduced Albanian language instruction into the Greek-language middle school in Qestorati of Gjiro­ kastra where he taught. He may have foreseen the consequences, for this enthusiast had written, "Not for church and mosque, / but for instruction, civilization,/ we are killed for Albania" (Liria 1 June 1984, 4). He suffered first in the prison of Gjirokastra then was "entombed alive" in the infamous Jedikule in the Turkish capital. Lamed and dehumanized by his sufferings, he died there in 1895. Sevasti Kyrias, while studying at Constantinople, induced the prison superintendent, an Albanian from Kosova, to permit her, disguised as a boy, to visit Hoxhi there in the dungeon. She wrote of descending a

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labyrinth of dark corridors and tunnels, then opening the small door into his cell: A filthy hole! A streak of light from a loophole above helped me discern a miserable figure. I could not make out whether it was human. On a slab of stone that served for a bed it lay huddled in a heap of rags. It was Koto! All his intellectual faculties appeared extinct. I asked myself, "Is it possible that in this miserable and frightful body lives the soul of Koto, the great Albanian leader?'' "Tungjatjeta, Koto!" I finally dared to murmur. In a fee­ ble, hardly audible voice, he asked, "Who is it that is talking to me? It must be some heavenly voice sent by God to speak a soothing word to my wounded heart." He was a picture of such misery that I felt hot tears roll­ ing down my cheeks. His hair was long, his matted beard reached down to his waist, his garments were the merest rags. I spoke almost choking. "I have come, dear father, to bring you a word of encouragement, and to tell you that though they have thrown you into this dungeon to suffer cruel torment, still the seed you have sown is bear­ ing good fruit. Your spirit lives in the heart of your people." The ragged figure responded, "Yes. They have chained my body, but my soul is free. It is free, and no torture can prevent me from crying, 'No! Albania will not perish. She will soon be united, independent and happy'" [Dako, S.,

1938, 59-60], Koto Hoxhi then told her how the sultan had offered to pardon him, on condition that he give the names of the leaders who had organized the Al­ banian League. But he simply would not betray those leaders of the na­ tionalist movement of Prizren. Incidentally, among his normal school students were Pandeli Sotir and Petro Nini Luarasi, both of whom would soon carry the torch for Koto Hoxhi. Sponsorship o f the Albanian Boys' School in K orcha (1887). Expand­ ing its concern for the use of the Albanian language, the patriotic society Bashkimi in Istanbul recommended that patriots in certain towns request permission to open schools in the Albanian language. Then in 1885, through the considerable influence of Naim Frashëri, Bashkimi received from the Turkish minister of education a permit in the name of Pandeli Sotir of Bucharest to open a private Albanian school in Korcha, where a patriotic society had just begun. To soften if possible the anticipated clerical opposition, Bashkimi consulted with the Albanian society Drita (Light) of Bucharest, who sent their Thimi Mitko to Korcha that summer of 1885. Very tactfully he presented to the assembly of the Mitropoli (Cathedral) the request of many that the Albanian language be included in the curriculum of the schools maintained by the Greek Orthodox Church in Korcha. At first the assembly and Bishop Fillotheos agreed to the pro­ posal, but later he decided that they should have a permit from the patriarch. He refused the petition on the ground that "it did not flow from the desire of the people, but from certain persons sold out to Austrian

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propaganda, and from certain protestants" (Dituria 1926, 167). Hot debate broke out in the assembly, and one member, Jovan Kosturi, walked out. When the patriots were convinced that they could accomplish nothing through the Orthodox schools, they invited Pandeli Sotir to come to Korcha at the close of 1885 to open their first school in the Albanian language. Ironically, the building made freely available for that purpose by the Terpo brothers had been sold to them just a few years earlier by the Greek Orthodox community, and it was situated on the very square dominated by the Cathedral of St. George. This first school opened on 7 March 1887, the day to be celebrated later each year throughout Albania as "Teacher's Day." Both boys and girls were enrolled at first, with about 200 students the first two years. They studied both Turkish and Albanian and in 1888 Greek also. The needed textbooks came from Istanbul and included Sami Frashëri's primer, grammar and geography. Later the girls were transferred to the Kyrias Girls' School which opened in 1891. The bitter intrigues of the bishop and patriarch, combined with financial problems, compelled Pandeli Sotir to withdraw to Istanbul two years later. He died in 1892, allegedly "having been thrown from a third floor window by Greek Or­ thodox fanatics" (ibid., 167). The original school permit having been issued personally to Pandeli Sotir, the assistant director Thanas Sina of Postenani (Leskovik) found himself in the embarrassing position of operating the school without a per­ mit. He was assisted by Pandeli's brother Koço Sotir, and together they car­ ried on the work for another year, despite bitter opposition. Muslim students as well as Christians attended, a Muslim lawyer, Ibrahim Effendi, teaching the Turkish language. Official anathemas by the Greek clergy frightened some parents so that the enrollment dropped from 200 to 80. Having no license, Sina withdrew at the year's end to serve in Bible distribu­ tion with the British and Foreign Bible Society. Petro Nini Luarasi (1865-1911) then came from Kolonja to direct the Korcha Boys' School. In 1884 as a teen-age patriot he had begun giving secret instruction in the Albanian language in the village of Bezhan near Kolonja where he served as a teacher. Often he had begun the lessons with the lines of the poet Naim Frashëri, "Gjuha jonë, sa e mirë. . ." (Our language, how good. . .), he reciting the verses, the children repeating the chorus. He had also prepared a group of young men as teachers. Despite threats he had multiplied the classes, spending mornings, afternoons and evenings in different villages. Two faithful armed villagers accompanied him in appreciation of his work with their children. Fanatics, however, lay in ambush, shot the guards and warned Petro that if he ever returned they would do away with him also. He replied, "Kill me, then, but collect my blood, for your children will need it to write their mother tongue" (Liria 15 March 1983, 4). He had also conducted an Albanian school in the village of Katund for two years before it was suppressed by the Ottoman govern­ ment (1886-1888).

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Then he came to Korcha to conduct that school in its fourth year (1888-1889). He was assisted by Koço Sotir, Thoma Avram and Nikolla Zografi. Continued persecution and harassment dropped the enrollment to 40. Fifty years later Thoma Avram was the only survivor among the original teachers of this school. When a friend recalled that he had begun teaching in 1888, he exclaimed, "Oh, what a timel How intoxicated we were with enthusiasm!" Visiting once again the historic building where the school had been held, he was asked, "Did you have enough books, Mr. Thoma?" The veteran educator exclaimed, "Very few, and those were pedagogically inappropriate. We only had a patriotic spirit that made us furious!" (Drita 4 July 1937, 4). During that summer (1889) another young patriot, Nuçi Naçi, at­ tempted to teach the villagers of Opari, west of Korcha, to read and write Albanian. He also distributed Albanian primers and books, especially Naim Frashëri's pastoral poem, "Bagëti e Bujqësi" (Livestock and Farming), so dear to country people. He reported that children of the Greek school could learn to read the Albanian alphabet within two or three days, while villagers and shepherds learned much more slowly. Among the 36 villages of that zone there were then only four small schools, three taught in Greek and one in Turkish. When Naçi left, however, the Greek Orthodox priest Papa Vasil gathered all the Albanian primers he could find and forbade fur­ ther reading in their own native language (Liria 16 October 1981, 4). Naçi learned that reading Albanian did continue secretly. He, however, was be­ ing prepared for subsequent service at the Korcha school. The following year, 1889-1890, Petro Nini was assisted by patriots of Monastir in securing a permit of sorts. He was also greatly encouraged by Jovan and Spiro Kosturi and others of the Korcha society. But financial problems persisted. So his Korcha friends encouraged him the summer of 1890 to visit the Albanian communities of Istanbul, Sofia and Bucharest to solicit support. Thus the operational needs of the Korcha school were assured, and a concerned Albanian in Bucharest contributed sufficient funds for opening schools in five villages around his native town of Kolonja: namely Luarasi, Treska, Selenica, Vodica and Goshtivishti. Return­ ing from Bucharest, Petro Nini succeeded in bringing into the country several trunks filled with Albanian books. That fall he oversaw the opera­ tion of the five village schools, which were bitterly persecuted by the Turks until they were closed down two years later in 1892. Persecution came also from another direction. On 20 September 1892, Bishop Kosturi Filaret of Korcha published the following text entitled "Cursing of the Albanian Writings by Bishop Kosturi Filaret." With great sadness we have seen with our own eyes and heard . . . that the accursed of God Petro Luarasi, in cooperation with Protestant and Masonic propaganda, has circulated among different villages of Kolonja attempting to teach the Albanian language. This is not the case, however,

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for in truth he is twisting the consciences of the Orthodox to make them converts to the Masons and the Protestants. His only purpose is to shake the foundations of our Orthodox faith which our holy martyrs and fathers and teachers strengthened with so much effort and with their own blood. And we saw that this only is their purpose: to dishonor our holy faith, because these Masons and Protestants are beginning to speak against our sacred icons, to dishonor the saints and the cross and fasting, and to spread Gospels and other books which are against our holy faith [Luarasi, P „ 1911, 14-16],

By another document of the same date the bishop notified the priests in those villages that Luarasi had allied himself with the Society of Masons and Protestants, and that because he had distributed anti-Christian ser­ mons and books, both he and his family were "unchurched" or excom­ municated (ibid.). Responsibility for the Korcha Boys' School now fell on Nuçi Naçi, with enrollment thereafter fluctuating between 50 and 80. In 1895 Naçi went to Egypt, Kristaq Vaja serving as director until 1897, when Naçi was per­ suaded to return to the post. With the appointment of a new government officer in 1898, harassment of the school increased. Soon after his arrival in Korcha the officer summoned Naçi to his office and required of him a diploma as director and a new permit for the school. Inasmuch as he had neither, the court fixed 20 July as the date for trial. As soon as school exams were over in June, Naçi went to Monastir where Albanian friends com­ mended him to other friends. A special educational commission examined him and issued the necessary diploma. They also secured a permit from the governor. An Albanian proverb states it this way: "Kush ka miq ka fiq" (He who has friends has figs), or in this case, a diploma and a permit. On 20 July the court found his documents in order and freed him. Two peaceful school years followed. Persecution by the Turkish official then became more severe. Equally severe economic pressures were relieved in good measure by the sacrificial giving of three men of the Korcha patriotic society. Even more serious was the shortage of Albanian books, relieved greatly by George Kyrias of Monastir and Midhat Frashëri of Istanbul. Both Naçi's home and school were raided periodically by the police without finding grounds for closing the school. The incriminating books, newspapers and correspondence from Albanian patriots were well hidden under the office floor! At least once every week Naçi was called before the police and his friends were threat­ ened. In June 1902 just after final exams another police raid produced three sacks of his Albanian books seized at the school and another sack at his home (Dituria 1926, 174). Naçi was arrested and imprisoned at Monastir. No one dared reopen the school that fall. The following February 1903 Naçi was released from prison. Finding the supply depot under his office floor intact, Naçi spread the word that the Boys' School would reopen in the fall. This angered the

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Orthodox clergy most deeply. Having failed to close the Albanianlanguage school by the more spiritual weapons of anathema and excom­ munication, they now denounced the Albanian school teachers as traitors conspiring against the sultan. Naçi's brother, Dr. Leonidha Naçi of Corfu, had been accused of planning a revolution with Prince Aladro Kastrioti, and he had recently visited his brother Nuçi at Korcha. So the authorities took the occasion to round up several troublemakers. Nuçi Naçi was among them and was condemned to two years in the infamous six­ teenth-century prison the White Tower of Salonica (ibid., 176). This marked the end of the Albanian Boys' School at Korcha. Every one of the few Albanian schools in the country was now closed, with the sole excep­ tion of the Kyrias Girls' School, which because of its American Protestant connection enjoyed a degree of immunity (Dako 1919, 84). It appears that the Greek Orthodox clergy were in complete agreement with the Turkish officials on one subject at least: the suppression of Albanian-language literature in Albania. The Korcha building where the first Albanianlanguage school originally held classes has now become a local museum of education, a memorial of those difficult but heroic years. Because Korcha so determinedly pioneered in opening these two Albanian-language schools for boys and for girls, the poet laureate Naim Frashëri dedicated his 13-verse poem "Korcha" to that early intellectual center. One verse reads, Blessed art thou, O Korcha, flower Who surpassed all your companions. You raced like a hero to the front, W ell always be indebted to you.

And another, How How How How

good our language, sweet, how broad, light, how free, beautiful, how precious!

And another, We are neither Greeks nor Bulgarians, Nor anything else, We are only Albanians, We bear this name as an honor.

Bucharest, Romania and Elena G jika

Elena Gjika (1829-1888), a Romanian princess, was a patriotic forerunner of the famous society in Bucharest and proud of her Albanian parentage from Përmet. She was a prolific writer on political, religious,

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cultural and social themes, always using the pen name Dora d'Istria. In 1866 she published in four languages —Albanian, French, Italian and Greek —a famous work of folklore entitled K om bësia Shqiptare sipas këngëve popu llore (The Albanian Nationhood according to popular songs). Through this and other collections of popular songs and biographies she ex­ posed the centuries-long struggle of her people against the Turkish oc­ cupation. That same year she wrote to the Arbëreshë poet De Rada encouraging a "general revolution." She added, "If the general uprising breaks out in Albania in March, as the Augsburg paper warns, I have reason to believe that he [probably Garibaldi] would not fail to support it morally and with manpower. We have 15,000 to 20,000 fine 15-franc rifles which I can send you as soon as you let me know." She was altogether confident that "a peo­ ple like ours will not be destroyed. I want to believe that we shall not die without seeing our homeland free from the yoke of the barbarians" (Liria 15 December 1983,1). In 1881300 student admirers in Shkodra sent her an exquisitely filigreed silver pen. She wrote appreciatively, "More powerful than a scepter. I trust that until the close of my life this pen will be used for the defense of the honor and the rights of Albania, my honored fatherland" (ibid.). Also in 1881 Albanians in and around Bucharest began patriotic meetings for fellowship. Then in 1884 they organized the society Drita (Light), and also began the publication of a monthly periodical also called Drita. This was the first periodical to be published in Albanian and carried very valuable cultural, literary and educational articles. After only three issues its publication was interrupted, so they changed the name to Dituria (Knowledge) and placed it under the direction of Pandeli Sotir (1843-1891). They used the Stamboll alphabet and carried articles which served as classroom study material. Sotir, who had studied and practiced medicine in Vienna, devoted himself at that time to Albanian education and became the first director of the Boys' School in Korcha. In 1888 Albanians set up the publishing house Dituria to print Albanian books. That same year they began publication of a weekly newspaper, Shqiptari (The Albanian), which continued with a few interruptions until 1905. It kept Albanians everywhere informed on the program for autonomy, the progress of the uprisings in Albania, and the development of Albanian schools. It was Dituria which published Sami Frashëri's famous Albania: What it has been, what it is, and what it will becom e, translated into several languages. Dituria also published his Albanian grammar and Naim Frashëri's epic poem on Skanderbeg. These publications had a wide influence. Eventually these earlier societies, Drita, Dituria and Shpresa (Hope), merged to operate as Bashkimi (Union). An Albanian student enrolled at a school in Greece wrote of receiving "as from the Lord" a book from a friend in Romania:

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It was written in Albanian with different letters. I began slowly to read, and felt a great sweetness as I understood everything that was written. With great joy I took the book to show to my fellow students, who were amazed when they saw that there were books in the Albanian language. We wanted to share our joy with our director and teacher, Mr. Dhjamanti, a Greek. But he rebuked us harshly, declaring it a sin to even touch such books with our hand. Fortunately the patriotic sentiment took root in several other fellow students as well as myself. In 1885 I went to Romania and found the field wide open [Grameno 1925, 8-9].

This student, Mihal Grameno, would later return to Albania as a free­ dom fighter, and still later would edit the first Albanian newspaper at Korcha. A thens, G reece

On 1 January 1860, patriotic Albanians in Lamia began publication of a weekly newspaper they called Pellazgu, partly in the Greek language, partly in Albanian. The following year, 1861, they changed the name to Pellazgjotis with a subtitle in Albanian, The Albanian and the Greek. The paper was concerned exclusively with the Albanian national language and culture. Its director was Anastas Byku, who was active from 1848 to 1878. Born in Lekël of Tepelena, he worked as a teacher and journalist. In 1878 he published another paper, Pellazgu Promete, in Greek with the same na­ tional purpose. A loyal disciple of Veqilharxhi, Byku insisted that despite religious and regional differences, Albanians constituted a single people, descended from the Pelasgians and Illyrians, whose progress depended upon the cultivation of the Albanian language by Albanian books and schools. In 1879 another scholar of Albanian parentage, Anastas Kullurioti (1820-1887), undertook the publication of a patriotic weekly newspaper, I fon i tis Alvanias (The voice of Albania), published in Athens in both Greek and Albanian and using Greek characters for both languages. The newspaper championed Albanian rights, her national consciousness, com­ plete independence, territorial integrity, her language, schools and culture. It continued for only 40 issues. In 1882 Kullurioti published in Athens a primer called A bavetar arbëror (Arbëreshë primer) with appended readings in the Albanian dialect used in Greece, printed in Greek characters. He authored also an Albanian-Greek dictionary. Persecuted by the Greek government, he fled to Gjirokastra in 1883, hoping to spread Albanianism. There the Turkish government, alerted by the Greek consul, imprisoned him, then expelled him. He returned to Athens to resume publication of his newspaper. But he supported so forthrightly the Albanian League of Prizren and the creation of a free Albanian nation to include all ethnic Albanian territory that he was put in prison once again, dying there allegedly by poison.

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A lexandria , Egypt

Efthim or Thimi Mitko (1820-1890) of Korcha migrated to Egypt in 1859, where he soon became the leading figure in the Albanian colony. He conducted wide correspondence with patriots both within and outside Albania and supported the Albanian cause in articles published in numerous journals. He achieved special distinction as a folklorist, seeking and recording popular songs, proverbs, habits and customs. In 1878 he published in Alexandria the first comprehensive collection of Albanian folk stories under the title The Albanian Bee. The patriotic motive of this cultural manifesto appears in that he wrote "to stimulate his fellow coun­ trymen to study their mother tongue so that they might move ahead like other nations" (FESH 1985, 714; NAlb 1990, 2:20). Mitko introduced his folk stories with an appeal to the Greeks to recognize the Slavic threat and encourage the Albanians in the development and use of their own language. His appeal fell on deaf ears. Persevering, however, he published for a time in Athens the Albanian newspaper called The Voice o f Albania. In 1894 Albanian patriots in Alexandria formed the patriotic society which they named Vëllazëria Shqiptare (Albanian Brotherhood). A disciple of Mitko named Spiro Dine (1844-1922), originating in Vithkuq of Korcha, joined Mitko in Egypt in 1866. Much of his collection of folklore went into The Bee, the remainder appearing in a 1908 publication in Sofia entitled The Waves o f the Sea. About the same time, March 1907, Athanas Tashko (1863-1915) of Cairo began publishing his militant and satirical newspaper S hkopi (The Rod) championing the rights of the Albanian nation. During this same period Albanian patriots in Cairo publicized their cause in the weekly newspaper Shkreptim a (Lightning), predominantly in Albanian, but partly also in French, Greek and Turkish. First appearing in 1910, it sharply criticized the policies of the Young Turks and others, but it sur­ vived only 21 issues. Sofia , Bulgaria

The patriotic society Dëshirë (Desire) was founded in Sofia in 1893 by patriots of the Albanian colony. Their declared purpose was "to spread knowledge and Albanian language instruction, also to spread Albanianlanguage schools in Albania." In 1896 they managed to set up the printing press Mbrothësia (Progress) to serve the national cause. Its manager was Kristo Luarasi (1876-1934), who had taught in an Albanian school for two years (1892-1894) until persecution by Turkish and Greek Orthodox officials made him flee to Sofia. There he proved valuable in the field of publications. In 1897 Dëshirë began publishing the annual Kalendari K om bëtar (Na­ tional Calendar), a cultural review which also summarized the outstanding Albanian news events of the preceding year. With but few interruptions this annual publication continued until 1926. A happy footnote is the

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collaboration of Polikseni, wife of Kristo Luarasi, in every phase of the work. Having studied at the first girls' school in Korcha, and having served as a schoolteacher, she was uniquely valuable in correcting proofs. But when the need was urgent, she also helped at the printing press, even packaging and shipping the printed material. By 1911 they had printed and carefully shipped out about 150 titles in the Albanian language. Among these were the many works of the national poet Naim Frashëri. From 1901 to 1908 Shahin Kolonja published with Mbrothësia the militant newspaper Drita (The Light), also a biography of the patriot Naim Frashëri, and other stirring material. There is little doubt that this press became most promi­ nent in producing Albanian Renaissance publications. In 1902 the society also opened an evening school for instruction in the Albanian language. The society also put on patriotic dramas and sought to counteract the antiAlbanian propaganda of the Greek Orthodox patriarch. Brussels, B elgium

In 1896 Faik Konitza (1876-1942) began the publication of one of the most important political and cultural periodicals of the Renaissance period. Called simply Albania, it was published in Brussels in both Albanian and French and continued until 1909. A bey himself from an aristocratic family, Konitza was charged with trying to protect the interests of the wealthy by opposing a military uprising and confining the patriotic revolution to a cultural revival. His magazine featured scholarly articles and studies of his own, and espoused a united literary style for the Albanian language. Southern Italy

The Italo-Albanian Jeronim De Rada (1814-1903) from Macchia of Cosenza is generally acknowledged to be the outstanding figure in Alba­ nian literature. He was a teacher, publicist, folklorist and the Albanian poet laureate. His romantic and patriotic writings in Albanian beginning in 1836 remain unsurpassed. His Poesie Albanesi, the Albanian text translated into Italian, was published in 1847. This included a greeting from his French poet friend Lamartine, who wished to be the first to express his "wishes for the liberty and resurrection of Albania" (Legrand 1912, 83). The following year (1848) De Rada began publishing in Naples the very first Albanian newspaper, L'Albanese d'ltalia (The Albanian of Italy), in both Italian and Arbëreshë Albanian. It dealt with political news, demanded social justice, included Arbëreshë poetry and pled for the Albanian language and schools. In 1876 De Rada began the shipment of arms to Albania. In 1880 he protested against the unjust decisions of the Congress of Berlin, declaring boldly, "And today the European Areopagus has been invited to decree whether the Albanians should continue to exist or should be eliminated" (Flaga 6 July 1934, 6-7; Liria 15 July 1983, 4; 1 January 1984, 1-2). Then in June 1883 he founded the very first Albanian periodical, Fiamuri iA rbërit (Flag of Albania), a monthly magazine in Arbëreshë Albanian and Italian.

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Besides educational, literary and cultural dtticles, he passionately cham­ pioned the national rights of the ancient Albanian people as voiced so recently in the League of Prizren. He exposed the expansionist ambitions of Albania's neighbors: Montenegro, Serbia, Bulgaria, Greece, Austria, and even his native Italy. He reported also the militant movements then erupting in Albania. After 31 issues the Italian authorities in 1887 sup­ pressed the magazine. But his demands for Albanian freedom had cap­ tured the imagination of his Albanian readers and had made Europe realize that the sons of Skanderbeg still lived. De Rada never set eyes on Albania, but he repeatedly and proudly announced his Albanian an­ cestry. The 400th anniversary of Christopher Columbus' discoveries was celebrated in Milan on 12 October 1892. On the page of commemora­ tion De Rada proudly identified his nationality as "an Albanian" (NAlb 1988, 2:16). Then in 1895 these Arbëreshë formed a National Albanian Society in Italy to call the plight of Albania to the attention of Europe. Their proc­ lamation began, "In Italy we are 200,000 Albanians . . . We speak the same language of our brothers beyond the Adriatic: the same language spoken by the Pelasgians, dwellers of Greece even before it was subdued by the Hellenes coming from Asia" (Leka 28 November 1937, 447-48). Then they petitioned the European powers to recognize the national rights of the Albanians. From 1897 to 1924 they pled the cause in the columns of their periodical La Nazione A lbanese published in Catanzaro. Similar patriotic societies were formed in Palermo (1893) with many branches, also in Naples (1897) and Rome (1900). In 1900 they induced the Italian government to establish a chair of Albanian language and literature at the University of Naples. Then in June 1903 the Italo-Albanians held their Fourth Annual Congress in Naples, discussing the formation of a federation to unite all their societies, also the encouragement of further publications as a means of publicizing Albania's identity. Very soon there were 13 patriotic and cultural magazines published by the Arbëreshë, mostly in both the Albanian and the Italian languages. Some continued only a few issues, others a few years, and the biweekly La Nazione A lbanese for 27 years. When the Balkan War broke out in 1912 and foreign troops threatened the partition of Albania, the Italo-Albanians "in the name of its 80 colonies" addressed a strong appeal to the great powers of Europe. In both Italian and Albanian they deplored the greediness and injustice of neighbor nations, announced their watchword "Albania for the Albanians," and pledged their lives and belongings to support their "ancient homeland" {ibid., 448-51). Admittedly their appeal of November 1912 was an exercise in brinkman­ ship, for Italy also had designs on Albanian territory. Then during the Lon­ don Conference of Ambassadors and the Paris Peace Conference, the Arbëreshë of Italy joined the other expatriate communities in supporting Albanian independence by a ceaseless flow of protests, memorandums,

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documents and articles. To this effort as much as to her own heroic sacrifices a free Albania owes her very existence. T he U nited States

The seeds of Albanian nationalism originated and grew within Albania despite Ottoman oppression. But they really flowered across the Atlantic among Albanian immigrants in an American climate more con­ ducive to growth. Because so many from the Korcha district were the first to reach America for work, these were the first to return, determined to transplant the same freedom and progress in their homeland. These men ac­ cordingly earned for Korcha the name "Cradle of Albanianism." Koli K ristofor Encourages Migration to America. Actually the first Albanian to arrive in the New World was an unnamed man from Korcha who arrived in the United States in 1876, but soon departed for Argentina. The first Albanian to establish residence in the New World was Prenk Dochi, who served as a Roman Catholic missionary on the rugged west coast of Newfoundland from 1877 to 1881. Subsequently he served two years as priest at St. John, New Brunswick, withdrawing to Rome in 1883. A few years later he was reassigned to his native region as abbott of Oroshi, Mirdita, where he served until his death in 1917 (ACB 1986-1987, 59-64). The first Albanian to settle in the United States was Koli Kristofor (1859-1940), from the village of Katund, near Korcha. He reached Boston on a Greek ship in 1886, the same year the Statue of Liberty was dedicated in New York Harbor. Some say that having no friends in Boston, and not knowing where else to go, he slept that first night in the railroad yard of Boston's South Station. Others say the police gave him a bed in jail. But he found work, learned English, lived frugally and saved his money. Six years later he returned to his birthplace, dressed in American clothes, in­ cluding a celluloid collar, a black derby hat and plenty of dollars in his pockets. His incredible tales of earning 10 dollars a day selling fruits, vegetables or flowers by pushcart in the city streets astounded the whole region, for few villagers saw that much money in an entire year. In 1892 he returned to Boston, accompanied by several other young men from Katund. But theirs was a difficult life in a strange land. As many as a dozen men would live together dormitory style in a slum tenement they called a kon ak or lodging house. They shared domestic duties so as to cut expenses and send hard-earned money home to their families. They had to struggle with a strange language and culture, but the freedom and economic oppor­ tunity in the United States made them determined to succeed. The first 17 Albanian pioneers in America were from Katund. By 1900 others in large numbers had heard Lady Liberty's invitation: "Give me your tired, your poor, your huddled masses yearning to breathe free. ..." Entering the "golden door," hundreds of Albanian immigrants found work. Some of them peddled through the streets with pushcarts, others worked in neigh-

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borhood stores and restaurants, or in mills and factories throughout the eastern states. While the years of family separation did bring economic benefits and stimulate their longing for freedoms in Albania like those in the New World, the emotional price was very high. For generations the field at the north edge of the city of Korcha, where accompanying families last embraced sons and husbands and fathers departing for America, was called lëndina e lotëve (meadow of tears). Eventually some of the men brought their wives and children to America and established homes there. But as late as 1913 there were only 13 Albanian women to be found in the whole Boston area: two in Marlboro, three in Hudson, two in Natick, three in Worcester and three in Boston itself (Lina 5 December 1975, 3). The great influx of Alba­ nian women and the founding of families would not take place until 1930 to 1940, when sons and daughters began to climb the educational ladder and excel in business and the professions. Incidentally, the pioneer Koli Kristofor at 57 was ordained a priest of the Orthodox Church in 1917. Petro Nini Luarasi Encourages Patriotic Societies. Another newcomer to the United States was Petro Nini Luarasi (1865-1911), who had struggled to introduce the Albanian language into several schools in and around Kolonja and Korcha. On the suppression of these schools he came to America in 1904 where he found undreamed of freedom to circulate among Albanian communities, encouraging old friends and former pupils to seek for their enslaved homeland the same liberties which they enjoyed in America. Under his leadership the first Albanian patriotic and mutual aid society in America was founded among Korcha immigrants in Jamestown, New York, in 1906. It was named Malli i Mëmëdheut (Nostalgia for the Motherland). Early that year he notified a patriot friend in Romania about the new society, "the purpose of which is to spread Albanian writing," and he encouraged patriots to "work incessantly for the precious national pur­ pose" (Liria 15 February 1982, 1). Founded just three months after Bajo Topulli's guerrilla band in Monastir, this new society shared the same "precious national purpose": the resurrection of Albania. Moving to Natick, Massachusetts, Luarasi carried on a nationalistic effort among the many nearby Albanian communities. "He was like a traveling library, his pockets always filled with Albanian pamphlets, magazines and newspapers" (Liria 15 December 1982, 2). Paralleling his efforts, patriotic Albanians in the Boston area were distributing postcards which had been published by Prince Aladro Kastrioti, with the black double-headed eagle of Skanderbeg and the prince's picture. For his en­ thusiastic encouragement of patriotic societies among his countrymen, Petro Nini Luarasi has been called the "Paul Revere of Albanianism." At­ tending the "Alphabet Congress" of Monastir (1908) as a delegate, he re­ mained to teach in the Albanian school at Negovani. His aggressive patriotic and educational articles were carried in Albanian periodicals everywhere, but he died in July 1911, allegedly by poisoning.

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Sotir Peci and the Establishment o f Albanian Newspapers. Another forward movement in the United States was led by Sotir Peci (1873-1932), who founded the first patriotic Albanian-language newspaper in Boston. Born in an Orthodox family in mountainous Dardha near Korcha, Peci finished middle school in Korcha then graduated in mathematics from the University of Athens. Chekrezi wrote of him, In a dark basement of dingy Hudson Street, Boston, Mr. Petsi [Peci] started that year [1906] the weekly publication of a newspaper K o m b i [The Nation], with the proceeds of his own manual labor —he was a fac­ tory worker at that time because of his ignorance of the English lan­ guage—and with some voluntary contributions made by a handful of Albanians. The people to whom he sent the newspaper, gratis at the begin­ ning, wondered what it was for; they not only had never seen an Albanian newspaper, but also they were entirely illiterate. Consequently Mr. Petsi, who was at the same time editor, publisher, manager and printer, was obliged to go and explain in person what that shabby sheet of paper was meant to be. Out of 5000 Albanians estimated to have been in the United States at the time, not twenty persons could read or write" [Chekrezi 1919, 227-28],

Twelve years later it was estimated that 85 percent of the much greater number of Albanians in the United States were literate (Dako 1919, 205). Many years later this writer was deeply moved during research at the Boston Public Library to find between the pages of a book, a letter dated 1908, written from Sofia, addressed to Sotir Peci in Boston. Inadvertently he had forgotten this letter left as a bookmark between the pages of an ex­ tremely significant volume. It was Jehay's De la Situation Legale des Sujets Ottomans non-Mussulmans (Of the Legal Situation of non-Muslim Sub­ jects of Turkey). How stirring to let one's imagination picture this zealous expatriate in Boston struggling day and night to realize the human rights then denied to his oppressed countrymen! Eventually, however, he became convinced that military action would be needed to effect Albania's in­ dependence from Turkey. Stirring poems like the following appeared in his paper (Liria 9 October 1981, 1). Zër' i trumbetës buçet, buçet, Për luftë djemtë ajo thërret; Se erdhi ditë Shqipërisë Të shkundë zgjedhën e robërisë.

The voice of the trumpet re­ sounds, resounds, It calls young men to war; For a day has come for Albania To shake off the yoke of slavery.

In November 1908 Peci participated in the "Alphabet Congress" of Monastir as a representative of the Albanian communities in the United States, for whom he was granted three votes. There he came to realize that he was needed in the homeland more than in the United States. For several

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years thereafter he dedicated himself to the Elbasan Normal School and the cause of higher education in the emerging free Albania. Fan S. Noli Heads a N ationalized Albanian O rthodox Church. On 10 May 1906, Fan S. Noli (1882-1965), a 24-year-old Albanian born near Adrianople, Turkey, abandoned schoolteaching in the Albanian colony of Alexandria, Egypt, to settle in the Albanian colony of Jamestown, New York. Albanian-Americans everywhere were in ferment because a promi­ nent businessman and patriot in Korcha named Spiro Kosturi had been secretly targeted and murdered in Salonica because he had asked that the wedding service of his brother be conducted in the Albanian instead of the Greek language (Dako 1919, 53-54). A great memorial service and protest meeting was planned in Boston, and the newcomer schoolteacher from Egypt was invited as the principal speaker. Constantine Demo recalled the event. The people flocked from all around. The Natick delegation, 82 strong, came by special car. As they alighted at Park Square snow began to fall. They marched two-by-two to the meeting place, with Sotir Noke in front, carrying the American flag. Attached to the side of the American flag was a pocket-size Albanian flag, hand-painted from the picture postal card of Prince Aladro Kastrioti, by Miss Anna Howe. She was a Sunday School teacher in the Natick Congregational Church, where many Albanian boys learned to read and write English. . . . The tiny flag, like a child taking its first steps, seemed to be holding tight for guidance and protection under the Stars and Stripes, as it paraded proudly through the streets of Boston for the first time, carrying our hopes high for a better future. The meeting place on Washington Street was jammed. Every colony was represented. The principal speaker was to be that new Albanian from Misiri [Egypt], Fan Noli. After hearing his ovation on Spiro Kosturi, the crowd gave him an ova­ tion which literally rocked the building. Never before or since have I heard anything to equal it. Immediately the people chose him unanimously and overwhelmingly as their leader. . . . The second important thing happen­ ing that day was the sending of telegrams and cablegrams to the great na­ tions, protesting the cruelties that were taking place in Albania. From that day on, the Albanians in America were acting as a group, under a vigorous leadership [Liria 25 November 1977, 4].

Noli moved to Boston in 1907 to work with Peci on his weekly news­ paper Kom bi. Those were difficult days. There were few paying subscrib­ ers. By the end of the year the editors owed $485, a huge sum in those days. Peci and Noli appealed to the Natick colony, those zealous patriots raising the money to pay the debt. It has been reported that in those days of hum­ ble beginnings, Noli and Peci had to share a single overcoat between them, taking turns wearing it. Demo described that pioneer operation. It took three people to print K o m b i: Peci, Noli and an important cog in the wheel, Efthim Natsi. He was the typesetter, the "printer's devil" and

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the press pumper combined. You see, it was a unique press: it was operated by foot power. Picture if you can Noli on the right feeding the press, Efthim in the middle pumping it and bobbing up and down to print the pages, and Peci on the left taking out the finished product. Ah, those were the happy days! [Liria 15 December 1982, 2].

That same year, 1907, Noli founded the patriotic society Besa-Besën (Oath of Loyalty) in Boston. In 1909 K om bi was discontinued and the Albanian-language newspaper Dielli (The Sun) began publication as the news organ of the Besa-Besën society. Fan Noli served as its editor, using Kombi's press and type. In 1912 a Committee of Federation was formed in America to unite all the scattered Albanian societies into one federation. That 28 April the Vatra (Hearth) society was proclaimed as the umbrella organization, also called the Pan-Albanian Federation, with Fan Noli as its secretary and Dielli as its news organ. Its announced purpose originally was that the four Albanian vilayets be given administrative autonomy within the Turkish empire, but this was soon changed to full independence. Vatra made an incalculably great contribution to scattered Albanian immigrants, informing them of the troubled situation in Albania, conserving their ethnic heritage, and coordinating their supportive action on behalf of the motherland. Soon the organization had over 50 branches throughout the United States and Canada. On 20 July 1913, Kristo Dako was elected its president. But a cruel situation was then coming to a head. Our historian Demo described how the strong arm of the Greek Orthodox Church functioned even in the New World to crush the emerging Albanian identity. Four deaths had occurred in our midst in the years 1901-1907: one from Treska, two from Stratoberdha and the fourth from Katund, and the Greek Church had refused to bury our dead. We were forced to take them to Lowell, Massachusetts for burial, and Lowell in those days seemed very far away. There a Syrian priest said their last rites in a Syrian church. . . . When another death occurred in the Marlboro-Hudson colony, the Greek Church this time not only refused to bury the man, but went so far as to persuade Orthodox churches of other nationalities to do likewise. And the young patriotic Albanian, Kristaq Dishnica, was laid to rest in a Worcester, Massachusetts cemetery without benefit of clergy from the Church of his belief. When this became known through the Albanian press, the Albanians from all sections of the country rose as one, and in righteous anger demanded a clean and absolute break from the Greek O r­ thodox Church [Liria 25 November 1977, 4).

Incidentally, the Greek priest in 1907 refused the 20-year-old Greek Or­ thodox Albanian a Christian funeral on the ground that he and his Alba­ nian friends were Turks and not Orthodox Christians (Liria 5 December 1975, 3). Providentially, the schoolteacher Fan Noli had been a church cantor

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since boyhood and was familiar with church history and Orthodox canon law. Asked to lead the movement for an Albanian Orthodox Church, he translated the Greek liturgy into beautiful Albanian and placed himself under the episcopal supervision of the Russian Orthodox Archbishop Plato. On 8 March 1908 that prelate ordained Noli to the priesthood at Saint Nicholas Cathedral in New York City. The very first divine liturgy in the Albanian language in the very long history of the Orthodox Church was celebrated 22 March at the rented Knights of Honor hall on Tremont Street, Boston. Present at that service, the historian Demo wrote, "Our eyes were filled with tears" (Liria 15 November 1983, 1). Thus it was that in this land of religious freedom there began the phenomenal career of Fan Noli, who helped so much in shaping a new nation. That same "Sunday of Orthodoxy," Albanian Orthodox worshippers of the Boston region organized their Saint George Cathedral. For some time this community worshipped in various rented halls but in 1922 purchased a Swedish church building on Emerald Street. Then in 1951 the community of Saint George bought and adapted the congregational church building on Hudson Street. This building had been partially constructed in 1872 by pro­ ceeds from Julia Ward Howe's anti-slavery composition, "The Battle Hymn of the Republic." Interestingly enough, her husband, Samuel Gridley Howe, as a young man had fought against the Turks in the Greek War of Independence. Another happy coincidence: it was that same year, 1872, that in distant Constantinople Kristoforidhi published his Albanian translation of the New Testament —the very book which later captured the heart and mind of young Fan Noli and moved him toward his brilliant ec­ clesiastical career (Liria 15 November 1983, 1). Other Albanian communities formed their own Albanian Orthodox churches, meeting in rented halls or in Russian churches while having no church buildings of their own. The first church building in the New World built by Albanian Christians was at Southbridge, Massachusetts, in 1912. Other churches followed this lead in due time. Chekrezi noted that religious differences between Christian and Muslim Albanians were quite subor­ dinated to their common love of country. Many Muslim Albanians made liberal contributions to the national Albanian Orthodox churches, hun­ dreds of them even belonging to it (Chekrezi 1919, 229). So it was that in the United States thousands of Albanians found what they had so desperately lacked and had sought in their own country. They found freedom to live wherever they would, work where they wished, associate freely in Albanian patriotic societies, establish their own Albanian-language newspapers, teach their children the Albanian language, and even worship in their own Albanian churches using their Albanian language. It was natural that these sturdy pioneers enthusiastic­ ally determined to prosecute the struggle for similar freedoms in their homeland. In fact, Chekrezi asserted that of all the overseas communities of Albanians, "it is the Albanians of America who have made the largest

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contributions to the growth of nationalism, and to the intellectual develop­ ment of their native country" (ibid., 227-28). Their newspapers, letters and visits fired a longing for the same freedoms in Albania. A lbanian L iterature Smuggled to the P eople as C ontraband

An accurate indicator of the increasing public interest in the Albanian language is the publication within a few years of four excellent Albanian grammar books. One was published in Florence in Italian (1870) by Girolamo De Rada of the Albanian community in Italy. Next was the Gram atika e Gjuhës Shqipe in Greek published in 1882 by Kostandin Kristoforidhi. Then there was the grammar of Sami Frashëri (1886) in Al­ banian, published in Bucharest. And in 1887 Pashko Vasa of Shkodra published in London an Albanian grammar in the French language. The swelling stream of ethnic literature coming into the country very naturally enraged the officials of both the Turkish government and the Greek Or­ thodox Church. A fascinating but futile effort to disarm the opposition was detailed by a colleague in his biography of the patriot Naim Frashëri, published just one year after his death. Hoping to win official favor for their Albanian project, the society in Istanbul prepared a beautifully bound and gilded copy of the Albanian primer, using its special alphabet. A courageous Albanian soldier presented the beautiful book to the sultan. The sultan asked the musketeer if he knew how to read those characters. Upon hearing his affirmative, the sultan replied, "After one week let us see who can read the better, you or I!" The waiting Albanian patriots rejoiced exceedingly when they heard the soldier's report. But before many days passed, they learned that the same sultan who had spoken such honeyed words had also given an order to the post offices and customs houses not to pass a single Albanian book. Instead they must be confiscated and destroyed. The Greek Orthodox patriarch also pronounced a curse upon Alba­ nian literature and threatened with excommunication any of the faithful who would dare to read it. These two historic enemies now collaborated in prosecuting and imprisoning any person caught with the Albanian-language material. Sami Bey Frashëri, leader of the Bashkimi Society in Istan­ bul, and his brother Naim Bey Frashëri, foremost patriotic poet, were punished by exile. Abdyl, their elder brother, continued service with Bashkimi, although they had to remove its headquarters to Bucharest. How then could this Albanian literature produced abroad reach Al­ banians within the hostile empire? Handled like contraband, the forbidden material reached Albanians through peaceful but determined men like the storekeeper, Musa Chakerri (Berberi). He was born in Vlora in 1862. The League of Prizren awakened his concern for the furtherance of the language and national identity of Albania. In his little store he collected all the Al­ banian books, periodicals and newspapers which came to him secretly from patriots in Sofia, Bucharest, Istanbul and Egypt. His store became an

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undercover propaganda center and meeting place for patriots of the area. When three or four patriots gathered there, they would read aloud the ar­ ticles, editorials or poems in Albanian, but quietly lest they be overheard from outside. His store and home were frequently raided, and he was im­ prisoned repeatedly. Finally, at 43 the incorrigible patriot was murdered in the streets of Vlora by agents of the Turkish government (1905). The Albanian newspaper Drita of Sofia mourned the death of Musa Berberi of Vlora. It called him one of the foremost disseminators of Albanian-language literature. Another has estimated that through these smuggled materials Musa had enabled more than a thousand boys and girls to read their mother tongue (Liria 16 June 1978, 1). Surely the overseas patriotic societies helped secure Albanian independence by producing this wealth of literature, then smuggling it past hostile Ottoman border guards to increasingly eager Albanian readers. THE E X P L O SIO N OF A LBA N IA N ISM T he C ongress of M onastir , called the "A lphabet C ongress" (1908)

The Young Turks' constitutional promises of greater freedom meant much to all the ethnic groups of their Balkan empire, but especially to the Albanians who had been the most severely oppressed. Enthusiastically they implemented those promises of religious liberty, free use of the Albanian language, the opening of Albanian schools, and freedom of the press. But patriots who were attempting to unify their people found them hopelessly fragmented. There were several unavoidable factors. First, this was the deliberate "divide and conquer" strategy of the Ottoman government. It was the inevitable result of the feudal and tribal societal structure prevail­ ing in Albania. It was also the consequence of the foreign orientation of Albania's various religious blocs, promoting the Turkish, Greek, Italian and German languages instead of the Albanian. Then there were the two regional dialects: Geg and Tosk. Finally, patriots attempting to unify their people by promoting literacy in their mother tongue found their problem compounded by the use of several different alphabets for expressing the Albanian language. For instance, Muslim schools —if they taught the Albanian language at all —would use Arabic characters as they did in Turkish. Greek Or­ thodox schools would naturally use Greek characters, and writers trained there would express their Albanian words with Greek letters. Durham has described how patriotic Catholic priests wished for a simple system using only Latin letters, but Austrian Catholic schools were deliberately saddled with a "brand-new system swarming with accents, with several fancy let­ ters, and with innumerable mute ee's printed upside down, producing a startling effect, as of pages and pages of uncorrected proofs!" (Durham 1909, 10-11). She was sure that this system was introduced to split the

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native clergy into pro-Italian and pro-Austrian parties so as to avoid a unified language and people. During the development of Albanian-language literature, many differ­ ent alphabets had been devised. One of the most recent was that developed at Istanbul. It was generally conceded, however, that because of its several non-Latin symbols it did not prove altogether acceptable for the produc­ tion of Albanian literature or for use in a nationwide school system. So the active and idealistic Bashkimi society of Monastir, encouraged by the freedoms assured by the recently proclaimed constitution, called the first widely representative congress to discuss and adopt a uniform alphabet. Bashkimi invited the delegates to work for the progress and happiness of Albania "not with powder and with weapons, but with paper and pen" (Leka 1937, 350-51). A standardized alphabet would be but the beginning. So they convened the one-week Congress of Monastir, or the "Alphabet Congress," on 14 November 1908. There were 150 delegates present, coming from various parts of Albania, as well as from Albanian communities in Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey, Egypt, Italy, America and elsewhere. They elected as their presi­ dent Midhat Bey Frashëri, son of the distinguished Abdyl who had presided at Prizren. Midhat Frashëri served at the time as the editor of two reviews published then at Salonica: Liria (Freedom) and Dituria (Knowledge). The Bible Society representative Gjergj Kyrias as vice president and the Protes­ tant pastor of Korcha, Rev. Grigor Tsilka, both served on the 11-man Alphabet Commission (ibid., 355-59). Parashqevi Kyrias of the Korcha Girls' School served as its secretary. She was the only female delegate to be seated at Monastir, and the first woman in history to take part in a pan-Albanian forum (Liria 15 April 1986, 3). Kristo Dako attending the Congress reported, "Learned Albanians representing all classes of people: Muslims, Catholics, Orthodox and Prot­ estants, came together like brothers. Patriotic speeches and literary ad­ dresses were delivered. . . . Academic discussions were carried on as though they were life-members of some European academy" (Dako 1919, 89). Mrs. Phineas Kennedy, an American missionary from Korcha present as an observer, reported on the Franciscan poet Gjergj Fishta (1871-1940) as follows: "The best address was delivered by a Roman Catholic priest from Shkodra, his words drawing tears from the eyes of all his hearers. A Moslem hodja [priest] was so affected that he rushed forward to embrace him before the whole audience" (PBK 3 December 1908, 1). The congress resolved by unanimous vote to recommend to all Alba­ nians that they discontinue use of the Istanbul alphabet with its ten unique symbols and write their language thereafter only with the Latin alphabet. The alphabet worked out at Monastir consisted of 36 Latin letters and letter combinations and remains in use virtually unchanged to the present day. It was agreed also to hold a second congress at Yanina in two years to con­ sider orthographic and literary problems, also to attempt to unite the Geg

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and Tosk dialects into a uniform Albanian language. Inasmuch as the Al­ banian language before this had usually been expressed in the Turkish (Arabic), Greek or even Slavic characters, or modifications of these, the determination of these delegates to face westward was clearly a cultural declaration of independence not lost on either the Ottoman government or the Greek Orthodox Church. Nor could anyone have dreamed that in 1928 Mustafa Kemal would require Turkey to write its own language in Latin letters, following the precedent set by its vassal state Albania. The nine-day congress also agreed on the development of the Albanian printing press at Monastir under the direction of Gjergj Kyrias for the production and diffu­ sion of Albanian literature. N dre M jeda (1866-1937), P oet and Patriot

Another prominent participant at the "Alphabet Congress" was the Jesuit scholar, poet and patriot originating in Shkodra, Ndre Mjeda. Dur­ ing higher studies abroad he became acquainted with several celebrated Albanologists. Their scientific study of the Albanian language became the central theme of much of his scholarly research and poetry. In 1892 he dedicated his famous poem "The Albanian Language" to the outstanding Austrian scholar Gustav Meyer. He sang its praises with these words: "Sweeter than the song of the nightingale/ the Albanian language sounds./ More than the scent of hyacinths/ it fills my heart with joy" (NAlb 1989, 4:16). Living in several foreign countries and learning to speak in 13 foreign languages, he yet preferred his own mother tongue: "Among other nations, in other lands/ where I have lived so long,/ only for you my sad heart throbs/ and tears of nostalgia fall./ All these languages I have heard/ are beautiful in themselves. / But still for me, like the glowing sun/ you emerge above them all" (ibid., 17). He analyzed existing alphabets and devised a new one, eight of his 13 proposals being adopted by the Congress of Monastir. He also collected vocabularies, legends and proverbs. He wrote exten­ sively on linguistic problems. He sought to unify the Geg and Tosk dialects, basing his compromise on the speech of Elbasan. He opened Albanian schools in the northern mountain regions, published textbooks and dic­ tionaries and envisioned a uniform language as the vehicle for unifying northerners and southerners. "Rally, brothers, unite/ under Albania's flag. / Of one blood, one race are we, / Of one homeland, one history. / Geg or Tosk, mountains or plains/ one nation undivided. / From end to end of Albania/ one language unites us all" (ibid., 16). T he A lbanian P ress at M onastir

This Albanian press of Monastir was actually financed by a group of Muslim beys, influential businessmen and patriots. They were fearful of the Young Turks, however, and discussed ordinary press business "as though they were conspirators engaged in some secret intrigue against the govern-

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ment of the land" (Hodgson 1911, 269). The director of operations was Gjergj Kyrias, whose brother Gerasim had founded the Kyrias School for Girls at Korcha. Their determination to proceed immediately with the im­ plementation of the Monastir Congress decisions is evident from cor­ respondence with Gjergj Kyrias dated that September 1908. Kyrias' correspondent was one Shaban Blloshmi, a 26-year-old patriot whose guerrilla exploits throughout the Shkumbin River basin combined with his promotion of the Albanian-language primer to earn him the popular title of "outlaw teacher." The salutation of his letter to Kyrias in­ cluded the following unique greeting: "I kiss the eyes of your son for the freedom of the Albanian language." He continued, 'Today as freedom has been given to our land, our language is progressing. Everybody has begun to learn, but we are bad off because we have no primers. I beg you ear­ nestly, either by a special man or by the post which comes to Qukës to send me some primers and books, and weekly the newspapers which are now printed" (Liria 1 August 1989, 4). The Monastir press quickly became known throughout the country as a distributor of Albanian-language books and newspapers. The plant itself employed 17 men and boys. They depended on one new hand-fed electricpowered press to print a weekly newspaper, Bashkim' i K om bit (National Unity), also government documents, Albanian primers and school text­ books. The Muslim sponsors were sympathetic to the ethnic language pro­ gram of the Bible Society and cooperated by publishing the Christian Scriptures in Albanian. An earlier product of 1902 was the important 320-page Hristomathi edited by Gjergj Kyrias, but actually printed in Sofia. Designed for Alba­ nian schools and homes, it contained poems, songs, dialogs and readings acclaiming the school, wisdom, home, family, nature, homeland, temper­ ance, honesty and kindness. Like the famous McGuffey Readers, virtually every selection in part one referred to God, and this section concluded, "God grant that each son and daughter of Albania/ become wholeheartedly a slave of wisdom" (Kyrias, Gj. 1902, 60). The section of "Dialogs" included a discussion of the Ten Commandments (ibid., 165-66) and a debate: "Can Education without the Gospel Improve the World?" (ibid., 177-82). Ten of the songs in that section were standard hymns translated by Kyrias from his Bulgarian hymn book. Soon thereafter in 1906 Kyrias printed at his Monastir press a collection of hymns and sacred songs, 61 of them translated or written by him, 45 by his brother Gerasim. After the proclamation of the Constitution (1908), the Bashkimi so­ ciety of Monastir began publication of the four Gospels in the national characters. In 1909 they published an excellent 16-page booklet entitled "Ini­ tial Truths for the Salvation of the Spirit." But that same year the Turkish government reversed itself and closed down all Albanian printing presses. Earlier apprehension about the continued operation of the Monastir press was well justified. For when Hodgson of the Bible Society office at Constan-

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tinople inspected the plant in mid-1911 he reported, "All Albanian schools have been ruthlessly closed, persistent attempts have never ceased to pro­ scribe the Albanian language and to suppress all Albanian literature. . . . The unhappy political situation . . . may at any moment burst into flame" (Hodgson 1911, 269). C ooperation of A thanas S ina in T ranslation and C olportage

When the Albanian press was established, God had already providen­ tially prepared the needed translator. Athanas Sina, a native of Postenani of Leskovik, had already served as teacher at the Korcha Boys' School, also as a Bible Society colporter since 1888. In addition, he was considered a very proficient Albanian scholar (PBK, letter to Barton, 20 June 1908). Col­ laborating with members of the distinguished Frashëri family and with the Bible Society at Constantinople, he had already prepared several biblical books for the press. Government censorship banned the books as a danger to the state. But now Sina proceeded to Monastir where he worked closely with Gjergj Kyrias, the Bible Society depositary there and a small company of assistants. They undertook the preparation in Albanian of the entire Old and New testaments (Hodgson 1913, 358-59). Under the care of Sina, the Albanian revision made excellent progress. The New Testament was com­ pleted and issued from the Monastir press in 1912. Translations were made of many of the books of the Old Testament not yet in print and prepared for the press. The entire Bible was within sight of completion. Then came the Balkan War and the occupation of Monastir by the Serbs. The unhappy population, predominantly Albanian, was at the mercy of the Serbs and Croats. They shut down the press and closed the book depot. Colportage activity came to a standstill, and the colporters scattered. Sina went back to Postenani and quietly continued his work on the biblical texts. The Serbs caught Elias with his books, which showed a British connection, so threw him into prison as a dangerous character, eventually forcing him to do hard labor. He eventually recuperated from his terrible ordeal by sheltering at the Orthodox convent of St. John near Elbasan. The other colporters simply disappeared for the duration. Upon Sina's eventual retirement from active colportage work, his son Pandeli Sina continued that work for several years. T he Y ll ' i M ëngjezit (M orning Star ) S ociety for W omen (1909)

This Yll' i Mëngjezit Society was the first known society organized for Albanian women. It was founded at Korcha in January 1909 by Parashqevi Kyrias, graduate of the American College for Women at Constantinople, who was teaching at the Korcha Girls' School directed by her sister Sevasti. The stated purpose of the society was to spread education among Albanian women and to assist poor girls to get an education. Accordingly, the so­ ciety held weekly meetings and lectures at the Kyrias School, as well as con­ ducting literacy classes for women twice a week. Almost immediately it

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enrolled 100 women, including many prominent families of Korcha. Enroll­ ment eventually reached over 500. The direction of their programming must have been as obvious to the civil authorities as it was to the members. In early February 1910, for in­ stance, the Kyrias School girls presented a drama, William Tell, for the people of Korcha. To help interpret the play, the Austrian villains were dressed like Turks, the Swiss heroes like Albanians. National songs were sung, some of them composed by Parashqevi Kyrias herself, and short speeches were given. The next day the Protestant pastor, Rev. Grigor Tsilka, was summoned by the police for questioning, but he was later released. Then the president of the society, Miss Parashqevi, was sum­ moned to appear before the court. It was reported as follows: On the assigned date Miss Kyrias accompanied by Rev. Tsilka and by the kav ass [bodyguard] went to the court, where she was put in the criminal dock to be questioned. Finally she was sentenced to a fine. The purpose of the suit evidently was to intimidate her, and so force her to resign rather than to be summoned to appear before the court. For a woman this was considered to be a disgrace. But the daring President is an exceptionally brave little thing [Dako 1919, 93-94],

She appealed the case to Monastir and even to Constantinople, where she was acquitted on 2 May 1910. Soon branches of the society appeared in all the important towns of Albania. They did much for the secret distribution of Albanian-language papers and books and in arousing patriotic sen­ timent. The continuing existence of the society was precarious, however. Following its suppression by the government, a front-page article in the Korcha newspaper heralded the good news: "With great joy we announce that the Literary Society for Albanian Women Y//' i Mëngjezit, which was officially recognized by the Government, began once again on 27 February, 1912, where over one hundred women attended" (K oha 7 June 1912, 1-2). A program committee was elected and announced "the weekly meeting usually featuring a speaker, followed by useful discussions." It was also an­ nounced that two other meetings were held each week when members who do not know how to read and write Albanian could receive instruction from members who were teachers. Mrs. Sevasti Kyrias Dako now served as president. The article closed with an exhortation to women not to think that they were powerless to accomplish things. "The hand that rocks the cradle rules the world!" Meetings were held in the American School regu­ larly until the outbreak of World War I in 1914. T he O rthodox League (1909)

The Orthodox League or Lidhja Ortodokse was founded in Korcha on 1 February 1909, under the leadership of the former guerrilla chieftain Mihal Grameno, now the distinguished editor of the patriotic newspaper

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K oha (Time). This movement was inspired by the nationalized Albanian Orthodox Church organized just one year earlier in the United States. The league's main purpose was to oblige the patriarch to abandon his deter­ mined policy of Hellenizing the Albanian Orthodox population and to secure the use of the Albanian instead of the Greek language in at least part of the Orthodox Church liturgy and in all the Orthodox schools in the country. If these concessions were not to be realized, the league proposed the formation of an independent or autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church. Such had been accomplished long before by the Bulgarians and very recently by their compatriots in the United States. Branches of the league were soon established in Berat, Elbasan, Durrës, Yanina and elsewhere. Enthusiasm built rapidly. On 6 April "large printed notices were posted upon the doors of the Greek Orthodox Church and elsewhere in Korcha announcing that a national Albanian Orthodox Church had been started" (PBK, letter to Erickson, 6 April 1909). Certainly the announce­ ment was a bit premature. The demand for the use of the Albanian language in the Greek Or­ thodox services grew rapidly, even out in the villages. The weekly newspaper Dielli (Sun) in Boston reported (18 June 1909, 3) that residents of Treni and Progri, a few miles distant from Korcha, decided that they would not receive the Bishop in their churches until he gave permission to have the mass said in Albanian. In the two villages therefore they said as much of the reading as they could in Albanian, such as the Gospel, the Creed, etc. But the priest of Treni thought otherwise, and cursed his sheep who wanted to leave the Hellenist fold. Then the village drove out the priest. The Bishop tried to bring his wandering sheep back to their senses with a big notebook, where the elders of the village would sign that they were Hellenists. Progri was deceived and did not keep its word, and was rewarded. But little Treni with 50 houses did not receive the Bishop, and would not sign the notebook. Thus Treni re­ mained without a priest! A man died. They sought a priest from the Bishop to bury the dead. But the Bishop refused, and the man was buried without a priest. The Treni families in America, however, held a funeral mass in Natick, Massachusetts for the deceased patriot, whom the Greek fanatics had left to be buried without the last rites of his religion.

Fanatical violence frequently erupted over the language question. Bab Dudë Karbunara (1842-1917) was born and brought up Orthodox in Berat, completing his studies in Trieste. He worked rather closely with Kostandin Kristoforidhi. Despite the threats of his ecclesiastical superiors, he fre­ quently read the Gospel in Albanian during his celebration of the mass, even chanting the Psalms in his mother tongue. Fanatics sprinkled his home with kerosene and burned him out in 1895. Neighbors helped rescue the family, but he lost virtually everything else. A patriot, he was one of the founders of the Bashkimi Society there and a delegate to the historic Con­ gress of Vlora in 1912.

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Equally dramatic violence broke out elsewhere. Papa Kristo Harallambi Negovani was another Albanian patriot priest of the Greek Or­ thodox Church. He was born in 1875 in Negovan, a village near Fiorina. While teaching school for a few years, he secretly included instruction in the Albanian language. Working in Romania three years, he was inspired by the patriotic society there entitled Djalëria (Youth). Becoming a priest back in his native Negovan, he taught Albanian in an evening school, translated liturgical books and encouraged the use of the mother tongue. Threatened and even imprisoned at Monastir, he would not keep silent. One dark night, 12 February 1905, the 30-year-old Papa Kristo was cut to pieces in the street with knives and hatchets, the assassins allegedly sent by his own bishop. A poet of the time, Loni Logori, left this lament (Liria 25 April 1980, 4): Papa Kriston e vranë, Dhe s'ra për të një këmbanë. Por malet e Shqipërisë Dhe shpellat e malësisë Thërrisnin an'e mb'anë: Papa Kriston e vranë!

They killed Father Kristo, And not a church bell tolled for him. But the mountains of Albania And the caves of the highlands Were crying from every direction: They killed Father Kristo!

That same night his brother, Rev. Theodos Harallambi Negovani, was also killed. Five years later his 30-year-old nephew, Rev. Vasil Gjorgji Negovani, became tragically involved in the controversy. He had translated two or three books of liturgy into Albanian, but did not live long enough to see them in print. For the village of Negovan decided that they would have a compromise: hearing the mass in turn, one Sunday in Alba­ nian, the next in Greek. The Greek priest would not hear of this, however, and caused a violent quarrel among parishioners inside the church. During the tumult the Greek priest was killed and Papa Vasil severely injured. He was taken to the infirmary of the prison at Monastir, where he died on 16 January 1910. Bashkim i i Kom bit, the weekly patriotic newspaper of Monastir, detailed the tragic story (21 January 1910, 1). A large patriotic funeral was accorded him. Greek sentiment remained so strong in the Orthodox Church that when Rev. Stathi Melani, pastor of the Albanian Orthodox Church at Southbridge, Massachusetts, visited Albania on 24 December 1918, and celebrated mass in the Albanian language, he lost his life. The Liria newspaper of Boston (1 March 1983, 2) carried the story of one Apostol Kotani. His murderers cut off his head so that they might collect their reward. It was not until 1921 that Rev. Vasil Marko of the Al­ banian community in St. Louis, Missouri, succeeded in celebrating the mass in Albanian for the first time at the Cathedral of St. George in Korcha.

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T he Educational C ongress of Elbasan (1909)

It became increasingly apparent to all patriotic Albanians that they could never realize their lofty purposes unless and until they established Albanian schools for the formation of their youth. Until that hour their youth had been exposed to foreign propaganda in schools maintained by the Turkish government or the Greek Orthodox Church, both of which were fanatically opposed to the Albanian language and to any patriotic sen­ timent. Yet patriots considering the establishment of their own school system faced three great problems: hindrances from Greek and Turkish authorities, their lack of money and the lack of trained teachers. The new constitution of the Young Turks reduced the opposition of the authorities. Helpful although inadequate sums of money had been gathered here and there within the country and larger amounts from Albanian societies and clubs in other countries. But very few adequately trained teachers were available who could teach in the Albanian language. To face this educational challenge, the Albanian Club of Salonica called another congress for 20 to 27 August 1909 to meet this time in Elbasan, the heartland of Albania. Sevasti Kyrias was invited to represent the pioneer girls' school at Korcha. Twenty-eight Albanian societies and clubs sent delegates to this eight-day conference designed to foster an educational movement throughout the country. There it was agreed to found a normal school at Elbasan, with a six-year course to train young men as teachers. Men educated in European universities were located to form the faculty. Needed funds were subscribed by the various clubs. The Monastir Club was designated as the center for the encouragement of a federation of Albanian clubs throughout Albania and elsewhere. Their stated purpose was declared to be the spread of the Albanian language and education without interfering in politics. The Korcha club Përparimi (Pro­ gress) was named the financial center to handle contributions and oversee the multiplication of day and evening schools. The support of the Normal School at Elbasan was its primary responsibility and its major concern. The congress urged all Albanians to put the Albanian language into the foreign schools found throughout the country. On 18 November 1909 the directors of Përparimi addressed a call for material help to all Albanian patriots everywhere. The call was not very subtle. It announced boldly, "To sup­ port the Normal School three things are necessary: money, money and yet more money" (Drita 28 November 1937, 15). The Normal School at Elbasan did open that very December with an enrollment of 143 students (ibid., 5; Dako 1919, 156). Members of the Al­ banian Club of Uskup, for instance, sent eight of their young men. Other clubs did likewise. Instruction in Albanian, Turkish and French was obligatory, Greek and English being optional. Three months later the periodical Tomori, edited by the Elbasan patriot and merchant Lef Nosi (10 March 1910), carried an article on the enthusiasm of nationalists for the

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school and the sacrifices of professors who give up "relaxation and rest in the daytime, and quietness and sleep in the nighttime." The following June another article raised the question, "How can we assure the life of the Nor­ mal School?" It proposed the sale of "patriotic cigarette papers" to benefit the school and a penny a month from every Albanian. One can only imag­ ine the meager level of living of the many to whom this support program was proposed. But with or without adequate funding, the Normal School at Elbasan continued to prepare the educational pioneers for the emerging Albania. Later it would bear the name of its first director, Luigj Gurakuqi. T he C ultural Explosion

The Young Turks' promise of cultural autonomy for the Albanians brought a great surge forward. The first newspaper in Albania to use the Albanian language was K oha (Time), which began weekly publication in Korcha on 28 December 1908. The patriot Mihal Grameno served as editor, with the close collaboration of Hil Mosi. They proposed to cover political, cultural and commercial concerns. The paper was received enthusiastically throughout the whole country. The publication of other newspapers and periodicals in the Albanian language soon began in Monastir, Salonica, Elbasan, Shkodra, Yanina and elsewhere. It was as though a dam had broken and released a flood of long-pent-up water. Consider the following: "During the first ten months of the Constitutional Government, four na­ tional Congresses were held, sixty-six national clubs were formed, thirtyfour day schools and twenty-four night schools were opened, fifteen literary societies and three musical societies were formed, four printing presses were established, and eleven newspapers began publication" (Dako 1919, 78). Research indicates that including overseas Albanian colonies, there was at this time a total of 90 Albanian newspapers and magazines in production (Liria 15 November 1983, 3). THE Y OU NG T U R K S U P P R E S S I O N OF THE C UL T UR AL A W AK EN I NG This explosion of Albanianism far exceeded anything that the Young Turks had anticipated. It gave them second thoughts, and a harsh reaction set in. Turkish officials attempted to contain the rapidly expanding na­ tionalistic movement. First they forbade Albanian societies, schools and publications. Dismayed and disillusioned at this reversal, a patriot sent this gloomy report from Durrës in June 1909: In Tirana a club which opened is now half-closed, for no one dares come near it because of the Young Turks. In Kruja, the city of Skanderbeg, they want to open a society, but are waiting. In Shkodra they had one, and it was closed, but they are thinking of opening it again. As for Vlora it is getting worse and worse. Honored patriots are being seized and exiled. As many as can do so escape to Italy. Those who cannot go, hide themselves, or flee to the mountains. In the city now a man hardly dares call himself

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an Albanian. The school at Vlora was closed; the director M r. Leoni Naçi fled for his life. The club L abëria is dying out. It is believed that the time has come to rise up, for otherwise the Young Turks with their leader Ferid Pasha will strip the hide off all honorable Albanians with manly character [Dielli 18 June 1909, 1],

But things would get worse before they got better. The increasing prominence of the Albanian language expressed with Latin letters pro­ voked the more conservative and ignorant Muslims. They protested that Albanian like Turkish should be written only with the holy Arabic characters and that the patriotic preference for Western letters for writing constituted a disparagement of the Muslim religion. Some holding this point of view formed a society in Istanbul called Mahfeli to seek govern­ ment support for their cause. They denounced as traitors all who would use Latin letters for the Albanian language and petitioned that such persons should be expelled from Turkey (Leka 1937, 388). Toward the close of 1909 the Ottoman government forbade the use of the Albanian language with "national characters" in all the government schools of the country. It also decreed that the Albanian language should thereafter be written only in the Arabic script then used for the Turkish language. The reactionary Mahfeli society with government support then printed and distributed Albanian primers using the Arabic characters. Albanian patriots protested this threat to national progress. Thus in February 1910 a protest meeting was held in Elbasan with 7,000 persons protesting the use of foreign characters for their Albanian language. A larger protest rally was reported on 27 February from Korcha, involving 12,000 persons. Then a yet larger gathering of 15,000 persons was held at Berat. In protest against the Arabic characters they burned in the city square the Albanian-language primers with Arabic script which had been sent from Istanbul. Telegrams from the Albanian societies of Salonica, Uskup and Monastir defended the use of the Albanian rather than the Arabic alphabet. In Shkodra a Muslim group prepared to hold a rally supporting the use of Arabic characters. They reconsidered, however, when Catholics of the highlands promised to counter with a rally of 60,000 demanding the Latin characters. So yet another telegram interpreted the regional sentiment. In Kolonja 1,500 persons in national costume demanded the Albanian alphabet. Similar protests took place at Përmet, Frashëri, Tepelena and Konitza of Chamëria. The protests were in vain. So a second Congress of Monastir was called for March 1910. There it was determined to continue the use of the national alphabet and to continue to protest the unjust action of the government (Kalendari 1911, 18-19). The patriotic newspaper Shkreptima (Lightning) of Cairo published a memorandum composed by guerrillas who had taken to the Albanian mountains. They explained that their purpose was not to plunder or to kill,

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but to fight for the following: (1) a pardon for Albanian political prisoners; (2) freedom for education in the Albanian language and with the national alphabet; (3) freedom to open all Albanian schools closed by the govern­ ment and to operate the printing presses and publish the newspapers sup­ pressed by the government. The memorandum concluded, "Let the whole civilized world and especially the government of the Ottoman Empire know well and now that all Albanians, Tosk and Geg, will not stop fighting for these three demands until the government will agree to grant them to us with certainty" (Leka 1937, 473-74). Although this cultural revolution had been conceived as a nonviolent confrontation, it was rapidly becoming dangerously hot. The national poet Father Gjergj Fishta of Shkodra fanned the flame still hotter when he spoke at the fiftieth anniversary of the Shkolla Françeskane (1861-1911). Before the governor and other Turkish authorities he closed with these words: "Therefore, Albanians, of whatever religion,/ Geg and Tosk, in mountain and city. / Never leave your own language. / Don't leave it as long as you have life. / But always labor for it. / For as long as you keep your language, / your family, homeland and customs/ you can keep far dis­ tant the foot of the foreigner" (ibid., 480).

23. Declaration of Albanian Independence at Vlora (28 November 1912) ISM A IL KEM A L C R Y S T A L L IZ E S A LBA N IA N LO N G IN G S FO R IN D EPEN D EN CE With most of the Albanian countryside occupied by hostile troops, this seemed the worst of times. But at just such an hour the best of men assumed leadership. This was Ismail Kemal Bey of Vlora (1844-1919). Trained in law at Istanbul, serving as interpreter for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and appointed at 25 to the first of several governorships, his acute insights and innovative ideas led Sultan Abdyl Hamid to both respect and fear him. He was interned for seven years, yet he was repeatedly promoted. He was just 100 years ahead of the European Economic Community scheme when he proposed a similar commonwealth scheme to the sultan. To thwart the perennial Russian dream of acquiring Constantinople and a warm water seaport, Ismail Kemal proposed to the sultan the following in 1892: A useful policy for the present and for the future would be one that would tend to establish an entente between the Balkan states by the conclusion of a defensive alliance and an economic accord, the prelude to the con­ stitution of a great Oriental State. . . . The establishment of a free entente such as I suggest would give the peoples of each state the right to settle in any part of the great Empire, and to be considered as belonging to it, with freedom to undertake any enterprise they wished. Turkey would have the advantage of having reestablished her unity as a State with the old frontiers, but instead of having to devote all her resources to prevent­ ing the emancipation of the people . . . her strength would reside in the unity of the people for their mutual defense, and their resources would be devoted to the economic development of the Empire [D ielli 25 November 1988, 4].

Appointed governor of the Libyan province of Tripolitania in 1900, he learned of the conservative sultan's true intention to intern him again. He 320

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realized the futility of his hopes of achieving Albanian autonomy indirectly by such a federation scheme as he had proposed. So he fled to Europe where in Paris and London he urged the powers to accept the idea of an autonomous Albania. His program was simple and direct: (1) the integrity of Albanian territory (especially Kosova, for northern Epirus was then part of Albania); (2) the opening of Albanian schools, with Albanian books us­ ing the Latin alphabet rather than the Arabic, Greek or Cyrillic letters sometimes used; (3) the economic development of the country, involving roads and a railway, also introduction of foreign companies and capital for exploiting of natural resources; and (4) broader administrative autonomy. Following his civil rehabilitation he was elected parliamentary represen­ tative from Vlora and Berat. However, the recall of the constitution by the Young Turks, their military dictatorship, their uncompromising Islamic nationalism, their repudiation of any commonwealth scheme, the outbreak of war against Turkey and finally the invasion of Albanian territory itself all combined to convince the 68-year-old statesman that he must not press toward autonomy within the Ottoman empire, but rather toward full indepen­ dence. He hastened to neutral Romania to consult with prominent Alba­ nian patriots in Bucharest on 5 November, then to Budapest to confer with ambassadors of the great powers. Encouraged, he with Luigj Gurakuqi, the legendary Isa Boletini and others took a ship from Trieste to beleaguered Durrës. To evade advancing Serbian army patrols, the Greek naval blockade and Turkish search parties, they proceeded to Vlora by horse­ back. There regional delegates summoned by telegraph from Bucharest and representing all parts of Albania gathered at Ismail Kemal's family home and birthplace. On 28 November 1912 the 83 gathered delegates constituted them­ selves a national convention. They unanimously proclaimed the indepen­ dence of Albania and elected Ismail Kemal as its provisional head. One week later on 6 December the Italian consul at Vlora sent a report to Rome commenting on this declaration of independence (Dielli 25 November 1988, 4): Until yesterday they remained disunited, even enemies, which could have condemned forever the existence of an Albanian nation. But they got rid of all antagonism, and gathered around a man quite superior for in­ telligence, experience and smartness, and struggled to save themselves by declaring their independence. . . . I was pessimistic and incredulous as long as possible. Now I believe I can declare that the Albanians should be supported.

On that day —the very day in 1443 when Skanderbeg was formally pro­ claimed head of the federated Albanian princes —Ismail Kemal on the balcony of his home raised the historic banner of Skanderbeg: the double­ headed black eagle on a blood-red field. Expressing the joy of all Albanians

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at regaining their independence, the old veteran concluded his brief address with these words (Liria 15 November 1983, 1): Behold, then, this is our Flag, red and with the black two-headed eagle in the center. Now, all together, as one body united and indivisible, let us labor to honor it, to advance and to civilize our Free Fatherland as we should. In closing, nothing remains to me but to direct a prayer to the Great God that, together with His blessings which I beg to make us worthy of this day, He grant that from this day forward I may be the foremost patriot of the Fatherland, even as I had the honor and the destiny to be the first to kiss and to wave our Flag, free in our free Fatherland. Long live the Flag! Long live Albania!

Since then Albanians everywhere have celebrated 28 November as Flag Day, commemorating this double date of Albanian independence. Faik Konitza pointed out that "Albania was the last country in the Balkans to succumb to the Turks, and the last to regain her freedom" (Konitza 1957,

101 ) . T H A T F IR S T A LBA N IA N FLAG We may never know for sure who made that historic flag first raised at Vlora. A front-page obituary in a Tirana newspaper of long ago iden­ tified one Marigo Jovan Pozio as the "true Mother of Albanian freedom" who "embroidered with her own hands the first flag which was raised in 1912 in the free sky of Vlora" (Ora 26 August 1932,1). She was born in 1878 in the village of Hochisht near Korcha, "the most idealistic cradle of na­ tional sentiment," married a Vlora merchant and moved to that city in 1904. Soon their home became a rendezvous for Albanian freedom fighters of the region. The Albanian government decorated Marigo Pozio post­ humously in March 1960 while celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of Inter­ national Women's Day (Shqiptarja e Re April 1960, 20). But it is also claimed that the first flag was actually embroidered in Boston, Massachusetts. The former editor of Dielli, Qerim Panariti, declared that the flag was taken from Boston to Corfu in 1911 by Albanian members of the Besa-Besën Society who volunteered as freedom fighters. The flag was left there with Nuçi Naçi, former teacher in the Albanian schools in and around Korcha who was then serving as instructor in a Corfu trade school. Panariti claimed that Marigo Pozio visited Corfu with her merchant husband, received the flag from her compatriot, took it to Vlora and made it available to Ismail Kemal for this historic flag-raising (Panariti, Q„ 1939, 48-51). This latter version is embellished somewhat in a much more detailed account published in Tirana (Vatra 28 November 1934, 2). There it was asserted that Kol Rodhe, head of the Besa-Besën contingent, took with him to Corfu the Albanian flag of red silk with gold embroidered edges, mounted on a two-piece lance with a gilded double-headed eagle at the tip.

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Lest the authorities confiscate the flag, they entrusted it to a patriot tem­ porarily visiting there, Mrs. Marigo Pozio. Returning home to Vlora, she wrapped the flag about her body and got it through customs into the coun­ try. When the veteran Ismail Kemal arrived to discuss with others a declaration of independence from Turkey, Mrs. Pozio took the flag to him and told him its story. On 28 November 1912, it was this flag which was displayed on the Vlora balcony as Albania's independence was proclaimed. Copies of it were sent to all offices of the new government. The odyssey of this famous flag is further detailed: flying at the surrender and withdrawal of the Greeks from the Korcha region on 1 March 1914, presented by Kol Rodhe to the Arësimi (Education) society in Natick, Massachusetts, and finally by them presented to the National Museum in Tirana where it ap­ propriately came to rest. V LO R A P R E C IP IT A T E S TH E LO N D O N C O N FEREN CE OF A M B A S S A D O R S , 1912 Besides their formal proclamation of independence from Turkey, the Albanian delegates at Vlora declared their neutrality in the Balkan War. They also constituted a provisional government with the elderly statesman Ismail Kemal Bey as president. Selecting patriots from North and South, from East and West, they elected various ministers to form the cabinet and a senate of 18 members. They also notified the Porte and the great powers of the formation of the new state and appealed to the great powers of Europe for recognition. Turkey and the Balkan Alliance states paid no at­ tention to this claim of independence, the latter considering her partition among them a foregone conclusion. The two rivals, Austria and Italy, agreed that neither the other nor any third state should dominate Albania and its Adriatic ports, so both sided with Albania. Russia sided with the other Slavic states. Germany opposed this Pan-Slavism of Russia. France sided with Russia, her natural ally against Germany. To avert an impend­ ing world war, England intervened, convening the so-called Conference of Ambassadors in London on 17 December 1912. Represented there were the six great powers of Europe: Austria, Britain, France, Germany, Italy and Russia. Determined to block Slavic expansionism, the conference three days later on 20 December officially recognized the principles of Albanian independence and neutrality. Although subsequent sessions would slowly and painfully define the details of her boundaries and government, this prompt decision served notice on the Balkan states that they must abandon their announced plans to divide Albanian territory among themselves. So it was that after five centuries of Turkish oppression and 2,000 years of foreign domination, these incredible Sons of the Eagle had regained their freedom. Through countless generations they had persistently resented foreign domination, resisted extermination and refused assimila­ tion. At long last they had regained their land, their language and their liberty. Just 20 years later the children in a Korcha elementary school

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dedicated to the Albanian-American patriot Sotir Peci, could be heard reciting in unison their patriotic catechism. It included the following ques­ tion and emphatic response: "Ku është balta më e ëmbël se mjaltë? —Në Shqipëri!" (Where is the mud sweeter than honey? —In Albania!). To the uninitiated, a school exercise like this must seem to be the ultimate in crass jingoism. To others whose historical perspective enables them to discern Albania's soil drenched with the patriot blood of thousands of years, this would seem like the understatement of the ages.

24. Grounds for Confidence in Albania's Eventual Nationhood With what trepidation these Albanian patriots must have faced the future! For over 2,000 years their people had been under foreign domina­ tion. They were surrounded by well-established nations agreed on Albania's partition. At that very moment most of northern Albania was oc­ cupied by the Montenegrins and Serbs. Its foremost bastion, Shkodra, was under siege and would fall the next April. All of southern Albania was oc­ cupied by the Greeks who had also blockaded the southern coast. These in­ vaders claimed to be fighting the Turks, who still occupied much of eastern Albania, and they refused to recognize the new state of Albania or her neutrality. With no neighboring allies, the Albanians were completely isolated. Internally, they were politically fragmented. Feudal families imag­ ined that independence would increase the privileges they already enjoyed. On the contrary, Ismail Kemal's democratic policies brought disillusion­ ment, and they listened to Essad Pasha Toptani's siren song of a countergovernment based at Durrës. Then, thanks to the deliberate policy of the Ottoman government, the Albanian masses were socially splintered, il­ literate and poverty-stricken. Yet those Vlora patriots could look beyond the immediate and discern tangible grounds for optimism and even con­ fidence in Albania's eventual nationhood. For Albanian leadership had proved effective elsewhere when given the opportunity. A LBA N IA N LEA D ER SH IP IN THE O T T O M A N EM PIRE Even a casual review of Turkish history will amaze the reader with the number of Albanians who reached the pinnacle of administrative power — that of prime minister of the Ottoman Empire. The record is impressive, even incredible. Midhat Bey Frashëri, writing under the pen name Lumo Skendo (1919, 24-25), cited a Turkish author, Osman Zadë Naib, who referred to Albania as the "Garden of the Viziers" in his book of that title published in Constantinople In 1853. The Turkish author expressed amaze­ ment at the disproportionally large number of cabinet ministers con­ tributed by that subjugated people. He listed 26 grand viziers or prime 325

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ministers of Albanian blood who had "directed the affairs of the Ottoman Empire" since the 1500s, These grand viziers originated in such places as Ochrida, Arta, Monastir, Pojani of Korcha, Vlora and Berat. Among them were three who carried Turkey to the peak of her military renown: Sinan Pasha, Ferhad Pasha and Kuprili Pasha. The author attempted no listing of the "rich catalog of a very great number of secondary pashas, army com­ manders, governors general and others" who, with patriots like the three Frashëri brothers and Ismail Kemal Pasha, distinguished themselves in government service. As economists, the "only great names in Turkey" were two, both Al­ banians, including Kotchi Bey of Korcha (ibid.). Turkey's outstanding astronomer, Hasan Tahsini (1811-1881), originated in Albania's southern village of Ninati, near Saranda. He became famous for his works in mathematics, physics and psychology, but especially in astronomy and for his invention of astronomical instruments. When the Ottoman empire had only translations of works by foreign authors, his book on astronomy was unique (NAlb 1987, 6:25). Tahsini was named the first rector of the Univer­ sity of Constantinople (NAlb 1984, 5:27). He also collaborated with other Albanian patriots at Constantinople in the development of the famous "Stambul Alphabet," even suffering persecution for his patriotism (FESH 1985,1073). The Englishman John Cam Hobhouse, traveling companion of Lord Byron and later known as Lord Broughton, compiled a list of famous Albanians who rendered brilliant service to the Ottoman empire (1809, 298). Among these was Namik Kemal Bey, the poet and founder of modern Turkish literature, and the equally distinguished poet and patriot Sami Bey Frashëri (NAlb 1987, 5:27). In the field of the arts, Midhat Frashëri or Skendo listed three Albanian architects who designed several of the most superb mosques and fountains in Turkey (1919, 24, 25). The town of Opari just west of Korcha produced many builders famous for their craftsmanship in stone. Among these were Petro Korchari, chief architect for Ali Pasha of Yanina; the Katro brothers, identified with the exquisitely beautiful Byzantine churches of Voskopoja; and especially Mehmet Isa, chief builder of the incomparable Taj Mahal for Shah Jahan at Agra, India (Liria 16 October 1981,1). Then there was Sadefqar Mehmeti of Elbasan, the architect credited with the famous Blue Mosque (1562) in Istanbul (Nëndori May 1972, 75-84). More utilitarian and mundane were the picturesque stone bridges built during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries over Albanian mountain streams, such as the Berat bridge resting on seven legs or piers and linked by elegant arches, built in 1780 (Liria 15 June 1984, 4). There was also the long 345-foot bridge with 13 arches at Mesi, near Shkodra, and the unusually high stone-arched bridge of Limar in Përmet, which though only 115 feet long, was 62 feet high (Liria 26 January 1979). Engineer Sina of Voskopoja was famous for his construction of the suspension bridge at Budapest (Liktori 8 November 1939, 3).

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The native instinct of these Albanian stoneworkers excited the admira­ tion of a long-term European resident at the Turkish court at Constantino­ ple. He wrote about the Arnauts or Albanians, They excel in building aqueducts. Their skill will not be questioned by any who have seen the aqueducts of Constantinople. And yet, without any mathematical learning, precepts or instruments they make these aque­ ducts, measure the height of mountains and distance of places more ex­ actly than a geometrician can, and judge very well the quality and quantity of water. When they are asked about the grounds of this art, they do not know what you mean, nor can they explain themselves [Cantemir 1734, 200-1],

Workmen of the Lunxhëria region near Gjirokastra became famous throughout the Balkans and especially in Constantinople for their stonework in constructing wells, fountains for drinking water, irrigation canals and water-powered mills. They built so precisely that "it seemed as though not one liter of water was wasted" (Ze'ri 13 December 1984, 3). Assuredly the remains of ancient Pelasgian, Illyrian and later Albanian stonework still excite the wonder and admiration of every observer. Albanian craftsmen are also credited with the finest gold embroidery in the Balkans, and with being the most skillful silversmiths. Such crafts­ men of Voskopoja were famed throughout the Balkans for their gold and silver ornamentation of weapons (NAlb 1984, 5:31). A LBA N IA N LEA D ER SH IP IN R O M A N IA The principalities of Moldavia and Walachia merged in 1861 to form Romania. Two remarkable princely families were known to have been of Albanian origin. The Lupu family consisted of Vasil, with his brother Mateo and his son Stefan. They were outstanding in Moldavia (1634-1654) for their spread of education and the introduction of a printing press (NAlb 1987, 5:23). Then the Gjika family originated in Përmet and provided a dynasty of princes ranging from George Gjika in 1656 to Gregory Alex­ ander Gjika ending in 1856 (ibid.). An altogether familiar member of this family was Elena Gjika (1829-1888), who wrote profusely under the pseudonym Dora d'Istria, and who played such a significant part in the Renaissance movement in Albania. A LBA N IA N LEA D ER SH IP IN THE GREEK W AR OF IN D EPEN D EN CE (1 8 2 0 -1 8 2 6 ) Pondering the decline and fall of Greece, Lord Byron observed, "A thousand years scarce serve to form a state. / An hour may lay it in the dust, and when/ can man its shattered splendor renovate?" (Byron 1891,1:2.84). Albanians seem largely instrumental in doing just that. While the sultan was preoccupied with Ali Pasha, the Greeks seized the opportunity for their own insurrection in 1820, finally achieving indepen­

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dence in 1826. In that war of independence, many of the outstanding leaders were descendants of the Albanians who had migrated there under John Bua Spata. The Greek islands of Spetzai, Hydra and Poros were in­ habited almost exclusively by people of Albanian blood. Many of these made their livelihood as fishermen. In the struggle for independence they contributed such national figures as Miaulis, Djavela, Marko Bochari and the female naval commander Laskarina Bubulina (Skendo 1919, 25). The French writer Honorë de Balzac published in Paris (1828) his Laments and Elegiac Songs, folk songs eulogizing Bubulina, Bochari and others, which he collected from an Albanian woman who emigrated to France [hiAlb 1984, 3:16). The British historian George Finlay, in his seven-volume History o f Greece (Finlay 1877, 4:254-57) stated that in the struggle of Greece to regain her independence from Turkey, the soldiers of Suli and the sailors of the islands of Hydra and Spetzai were the bravest warriors and the most skillful mariners, and "these were of the purest Albanian race." In fact it was another Briton who declared it not likely that the independence of Greece would have been achieved but for the invaluable services rendered to the revolution by the Albanians, both of Albania and Greece (Peacock 1914, 178). As confirmation, the first president of free Greece, Capodistrias (1828-1831), was born in Corfu of an Albanian family originating in Gjirokastra (Skendo 1919, 26). It is altogether remarkable that although separated from their motherland for centuries, many of their descendants even yet have not lost their language, customs and traditions. One of these who distinguished himself recently in the Greek navy was Admiral Kunduriot. During the naval battle of the Dardanelles in 1912 he shouted a command to the crew of his battleship in the Albanian language. When asked afterwards why he had used this unaccustomed idiom, the admiral replied, "From en­ thusiasm!" His reponse corresponds very closely to the reason given by Alexander the Great for frequently speaking to his Macedonian troops in their non-Hellenic language. On another occasion Admiral Kunduriot learned that his ship's officers had forbidden the seamen to speak Albanian among themselves. The ad­ miral summoned the seamen on deck and asked them, "A kuvëndoni Shqip, more?" (O you, do you talk together in Albanian?). The sailors looked at one another, hardly knowing what to reply. One of them took courage, and answered, "We do talk together just a little, Admiral." Kunduriot replied, "Go ahead and talk together in Albanian, for we are the ones who liberated Greece!" (Dituria January 1927, 86). Certainly these Greeks of Albanian origin did make a significant contribution to their adopted land. The tragic fact remained, however, that although Albanians helped free Greece from the Turkish yoke, their own land would remain under the op­ pressor for another 100 years.

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A LBA N IA N LEA D ER SH IP IN THE U N IFIC A T IO N OF IT A L Y (1 8 6 0 -1 8 7 1 ) As in Greece, so in Italy the descendants of the Arbëreshë refugees made significant contributions to the unification of their adopted land (1860-1871). Among the earliest and most active centers of the revolution was their village of Hora e Arbëreshëvet near Palermo, usually abbreviated to Hora; this was commonly known to Italians as Piana dei Greci, later Piana degli Albanesi. While Garibaldi, who came from Albanian stock, was pondering how and where to begin the struggle to free Italians from Bourbon oppression and unite them in a single state, an Arbëreshë çeta of 400 fighters from Hora attacked the Bourbon troops in April 1860. Francesco Crispi, also an Arbëreshë from Sicily, who signed himself an "Albanian by blood and by heart" (Fashizmi 13 February 1940; Drita 28 November 1937, 11), was Garibaldi's closest advisor and the political brain of his expedition. It was Crispi who persuaded Garibaldi to sail from Genoa for Sicily that 6 May with his famous "One Thousand" fighters. Of these the historian Xoxi names six men besides Crispi who were former students of the Arbëreshë college of San Demetrio Corone in Calabria, southern Italy (NAlb 1985, 3:23). One of these was Domenic Mauro, born of Albanian parentage in 1812, who became a celebrated poet and author. But when popular uprisings against social injustice began, he forsook the pen for the sword and fought bravely under Garibaldi. In fact, an Italian professor, Rosolino Petrotta, in his series "Shqiptarët në Itali" (Albanians in Italy) (Fashizmi 13 Feb. 1940), has listed 19 Italo-Albanian patriots from Hora alone who became prominent in the uprisings of 1860. Petrotta pointed out too that Garibaldi himself did not overlook this heroism, but on 2 October 1860 had declared publicly, "Gli albanesi sono eroi che si sono distinti in tutte le lotte contro la tirannide" (The Albanians are heroes who have distinguished themselves in all the wars against tyranny). Still cherishing their Albanian ethnicity, these Arbëreshë fighters of Hora were characterized in these words by Italian chronicler Aba with the Garibaldi expedition: "They are proud and honest people, they are proud of their origin. In their songs they keep alive the feeling of four centuries, and still dream that one day their kin will be able to return to their distant ancestral Homeland" (NAlb 1985, 3:23). The courageous support of the many Arbëreshë patriots helped Garibaldi to quickly subdue the island, and when he crossed over to southern Italy, the fighting Arbëreshë of that region welcomed him with indescribable joy. Italy as a united nation owes much to the descendants of those Albanian refugees. It must be remembered that one of them, Francesco Crispi, would serve twice as prime minister of Italy (1887-1891 and 1893-1896). Two distinguished literary figures must also be noted. Girolamo (or Jeronim) De Rada (1814-1903), one of the greatest Albanian poets, was born at Macchia near Cosenza in southern Italy. Equally outstanding was

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the poet Giuseppe Skiro (1865-1927), who came from Albanian stock at Hora of Palermo and who is considered De Rada's direct successor. Begin­ ning about 1861 thousands of these Sicilian Arbëreshi sought a new life in the New World, many going to New Orleans. Their story is told by Bret Clesi in his "The Arbëreshë and Contessa Entellina" (Liria 1 March 1984, 4). In 1901 the Arbëreshë of southern Italy were reported to have 80 towns, 27 of the Greek rite (Uniat churches related to Rome), and 53 of the Latin or Roman Catholic rite, with a total population of 208,410 persons (Barbarich 1905, 331-33). Arbëreshë towns were distributed as follows in the southern Italian provinces: Catanzaro 13, Cosenza 29, Campobasso 7, Lecce 10, Foggia 7, Potenza 5, Palermo 5 and Catania 3 (Dituria 1 June 1909, 83-85). Currently, Mahir Domi in his statistical study of "Albanian Set­ tlements in the World" (Liria 28 March 1980, 3) estimates that about 136,000 of these Arbëreshë people in 55 villages still speak Albanian, whereas about 182,000 Arbëreshë in other villages can no longer speak it. Eqrem Çabej, in his "The World of the Arbëreshi'' (NAlb 1987, 6:28), observed that those living in mountainous regions seem to have retained their language and culture better than those living in open country. Yet it seems remarkable that after 500 years in Italy, so many Arbëreshë living in their compact Albanian communities have not been altogether assimi­ lated. Customs, costumes, poems, songs and traditions have been passed down from mother to child for generations, using their Arbëreshë dialect of the Albanian language. Five hundred years after their departure from the homeland an Arbëreshë daughter now living in the United States quoted in quite understandable Albanian a nostalgic song they traditionally sang as they left their church in Italy. Turning to the East toward the homeland they would sing, "Motherland, place of beauty,/ I have left, never again to see you./ Over there I have left my father, / Over there I have left my mother, / Over there I have left my brother. . . / I have left, never to see you again" (ACB 1985, 18-19). Their language and traditions have also been perpetuated in their own newspapers and publications. One of their number, Prof. Francesco Solano, presently holds the chair of Albanian language and literature at the University of Cosenza, usually writing under the pen name Dushko Vetmo. Here it was reported recently that many of the town halls still bear the official emblem of the black two-headed eagle of Skanderbeg (Fashizmi 9 February 1940). Resisting denationalization, another reported that "even on the bottles of wine we produce in our villages, we have the figure of Skanderbeg on the labels" (Liria 16 May 1980, 4). In 1983 the Albanian government recognized this heritage and presented a bust of the national hero for the Skanderbeg Square of Spezzano Albanese (ibid.). Another such bust was erected in the Arbëreshë community of San Nicola del Alto of Catanzaro (Liria 1 May 1984, 1). In just such communities as these did the many Italo-Albanians preserve their love for the old homeland while yet making their distinct contribution to the new.

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A LBA N IA N LEA D ER SH IP IN THE C EN TU RY-LO N G D Y N A ST Y IN EG Y P T (1 8 0 5 -1 9 5 2 ) Yet another Albanian pasha proved more successful than either Ali Pasha of Yanina or Mahmoud Pasha of Shkodra, for while their states en­ dured but a generation, Mehmet (or Mohammed) Ali (1769-1849) estab­ lished a dynasty in Egypt which endured for over a century. Mehmet Ali was born of Albanian parentage and reared at Cavalla, a small Macedonian seaport. This Albanian soldier of fortune headed an Albanian contingent accompanying a Turkish expedition in 1798 to expel Napoleon Bonaparte's troops from Egypt, then a Turkish province. After the French withdrawal in 1801, prolonged factional struggle led Cairo to ask this Albanian adven­ turer to serve as governor of Egypt. Constantinople confirmed the appoint­ ment in 1804. Combining cunning, strategy and savagery, he subdued Egyptian rivals by 1811 then devoted himself to furthering the interests of the large landowners and business classes. He improved manufacturing and commerce. He built a canal between Alexandria and the Nile. For his military successes against the Greek rebellion of 1821, Mehmet Ali expected to acquire the Peloponnesus as a reward. But the combined navies of Great Britain, France and Russia destroyed his fleet at the battle of Navarino in 1827, virtually assuring the freedom of Greece. In 1839 he even rebelled against the Ottoman empire, and might have captured Con­ stantinople itself (1840) but for the intervention of Britain, France and Russia. Thereafter, Mehmet Ali occupied himself with the development of Egypt as a modern state. He built the first barrage or dam across the Nile for irrigation purposes. He introduced the cultivation of hemp and cotton for which Egypt soon became famous (Readers Digest November 1982, 183). He built textile mills and steel mills. He had a high regard for the civilization of Europe and invited European educators to teach in a network of institutes, sending his best students abroad for higher study. His military skills were equaled by his governing skills. The new constitution of Egypt was his creation, as were the new army and navy, the tax system, the systematization of imports and exports, health legislation, schools, colleges and publishing houses. Mehmet Ali was far ahead of his countrymen, while his moral character, enlightened mind and distinguished ability qualified him for the title Founder of Modern Egypt. Because of his Albanian origin, Albanians were regarded with special favor in Egypt and welcomed as im­ migrants. Mehmet Ali was surely among the great men of his epoch. An equally enlightened grandson, Ismail Pasha, improved the ad­ ministration, the courts, the post office system and public works, notably the railways, telegraph network, lighthouses, breakwaters and harbors, although these required heavy taxation. He also suppressed human slavery, and he completed the 92-mile Suez Canal joining the Mediterra­ nean with the Red Sea in 1869. All in all, the Mehmet Ali dynasty introduced

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a new era to Egypt lasting from 1805 to 1952. The last king of Egypt, Farouk I, was reportedly of Albanian blood, which might explain the cordial welcome he extended to the exiled Albanian King Zog in 1939. His reign extended from 1936 until his abdication in 1952. That year marked the close of this famous Albanian dynasty. Thus we see that Albanian leaders left a brilliant record of service in the Roman Praetorian Guard and the Turkish Janissaries, in the Roman, the Byzantine and the Ottoman empires, and in the epic struggle for the liberation of Greece and for the unification of Italy. Meanwhile, in their own land they lacked the bare essentials of nationhood: their own land, language and liberty. Now it seemed high time that they did something for themselves. Surely at last their time had come.

Part Four

Muslim Albania Governed by Feudalists and Its Nationalization ( 1 9 1 2 -1 9 3 9 )

25. The Fourteen Successive Ineffective Governments (1912-1925) TH E P R O V IS IO N A L G O V ER N M EN T OF ISM A IL KEM AL (28 N O V EM BER 1 9 1 2 -2 2 JA N U A RY 1914) Inadequate P reparation for Statehood

Probably few states have been born into the world family so poorly endowed for responsible statehood. True, many Albanians had served with distinction in high positions in the Ottoman government. Others had become famous leaders in Greece, Romania, Egypt and Italy. After enumerating many of these, Midhat Bey Frashëri, better known by his pen name Lumo Skendo, concluded, "Until now the Albanians have lived very little for themselves; their activity, their blood, their talents have profited their neighbors. They have consecrated their best for the good of others. Now they must live and work for themselves, for their Albania" (Skendo 1919, 27). But the cruel, corrupt and inefficient Turkish rule had not en­ couraged the development of either the local Albanian leadership or the in­ stitutions necessary for self-government. Fierce fighting men do not sit graciously at the desks of administrators. Although united by love of country and spoken language, Albanians were hopelessly divided in many ways. Socially, feudalism had created a sharp distinction between the landed families of princes or chiefs and the peasants. There was no middle class to relieve the sharp dichotomy. Religiously, Albanians were divided into Muslims, Greek Orthodox and Roman Catholics, each with its different alien orientation, its particular religious language, rites, festivals, traditions, customs, costumes and folklore. Even personal names emphasized their different religious identity. Then, too, Albania was a wilderness, the most primitive region of Europe. Its very few roads were unimproved and often impassable. Bridges were few. There was no vehicular traffic, only packhorses and foot trails. There was no postal or telephone service. Its economy was utterly unde­ 334

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veloped, with no manufacturing and no commerce. Most of the people sur­ vived by keeping flocks and herds, or by primitive farming. There was little to export, so there was little foreign exchange available for imports: foreign trade was at a standstill. Schools were few, and these only emphasized the religious disunity because of the different languages employed. Illiteracy was very high, estimated at over 95 percent of the population. Health facilities were rare and very elementary. Yet here were two million people, hardy, frugal, hospitable, brave, loyal, proud and independent. Again and again these Albanians, deter­ mined to have their own government, schools, language, newspapers and cultural societies, had been arbitrarily crushed. But at last they joined together to face the world and achieve their national destiny with little to unite them except their spoken language, the blood-red banner of Skanderbeg with its superimposed black double-headed eagle and pride in their an­ cient ethnic identity. Solidarity of O verseas A lbanian C ommunities: T he C ongress of T rieste

Just as the overseas communities of Albanians had stimulated the patriotic fervor which gradually led to the independence of their homeland, so at this critical juncture they once again demonstrated their solidarity. On 1 March 1913, they convened a Great Congress in Trieste, Austria. There were 150 representatives in all, coming from the United States, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey, Egypt, Italy, and of course from the new state itself. Bishop Fan Noli of Boston was one of the featured speakers. The congress recognized the provisional government of Ismail Kemal, pledged its faithful support, discussed the ethnic boundaries of the new state and sent strong resolutions to the European capitals and to the London Conference of Am­ bassadors then in session, appealing for their recognition of Albanian in­ dependence and for the lifting of the Greek blockade. Sponsorship by the G reat P owers of Europe

The question of Albanian independence that had prompted the Con­ ference of Ambassadors at London came up for discussion at their first ses­ sion. The six ambassadors decided that Albania would be recognized as an autonomous state under the sovereignty of the Ottoman sultan. After months of wrangling and compromise under the constant threat of a general war, the conference announced its formal decisions on 29 July 1913. They recognized Albania as an independent sovereign state with no ties to the Ottoman Empire. Quite inconsistently they provided that it be gov­ erned by a European prince to be elected by the powers. Albanian neutral­ ity would be jointly guaranteed by the six great powers. They also appointed an "International Commission of Control for Albania," to be composed of one representative from each of the six powers and one Alba­ nian. This commission would supervise the Albanian government's organ-

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ization, finances and administration for a 10-year period. Dutch officers would organize the gendarmerie. The American minister to Greece called this plan "a marvel of in­ competency," an "absolutely discordant scheme" and "a jumble of incon­ sistencies" (Williams 1915, 19-20). Although it did infringe on Albania's independence, such international sponsorship of the new state, surrounded as it was by greedy neighbors, probably became Albania's best assurance of survival. D efinition of A lbanian Boundaries by the G reat P owers

The most difficult decision facing the Conference of Ambassadors was the definition of the frontiers of the new Albanian state. Soon after the Treaty of San Stefano, which had awarded so much Albanian territory to its neighbors, an International Eastern Roumelian Commission had been appointed in 1880 to regulate the affairs of Turkey. Great Britain was ably represented by Lord Edmund Fitzmaurice, who became convinced that the Albanians had been treated with great injustice. Strongly supported by Lord Goschen, British ambassador at Constantinople, he proposed boun­ daries which would include all regions where the ethnic character of the population was predominantly Albanian. On 26 May 1880, Lord Fitz­ maurice reported to the Foreign Office as follows. The district covered by the geographical expression, Albania, falls mainly within the two vilayets of Scutari and Janina. But it extends also in an easterly direction beyond the watershed of the mountains dividing the streams which fall into the Adriatic from those which fall into the Aegean Sea, and includes portions of the vilayets of Monastir and Kosova. The extension of the Albanian population in a northeasterly direction towards Prishtina and Vrania is especially marked, and is fully acknowledged [A lban ia 1 April 1920, 3],

Turkey had also grappled with this question. When in 1912 they pro­ posed the formation of an autonomous Albanian province, they recognized the four vilayets of Scutari, Yanina, Kosova and Monastir as ethnically Albanian. Simple justice should have recognized these natural boundaries, and much bloodshed would have been avoided. But compromise is ever the accepted strategy of diplomats. So the Conference of Ambassadors sought by appeasement and expediency to satisfy the exaggerated territorial claims of Albania's greedy neighbors. Contiguous states based their ingenious and naive claims on historical, geographical, political, strategic, economic and even archeological considerations: anything to counterbalance the obvious ethnic Albanian character of the territory. After months of debate and compromise, the six ambassadors pro­ duced the following irrational settlement in March 1913. In the north the districts of the Hoti, the Gruda and much of the Clementi tribes were severed from their Shkreli and Kastrati allies in the "Five Banner Group,"

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and with Plava and Gusinje were given to Montenegro. In the northeast they gave to Serbia the whole vilayet of Kosova, including the cities of Uskup, Ipek, Gjakova and Prizren, cities so sacred in Albania's renaissance, populated by one million Albanians and very few Slavs. Ser­ bia would find Kosova a thorn in her side right down to the present day. The eastern Albanian districts of Dibra, Ochrida and Monastir also went to Serbia. On the south the Greeks insisted that the population of "North­ ern Epirus" which was Greek Orthodox by religion was therefore Greek by nationality. They based this claim on the official Turkish population statis­ tics of 1908 which classified citizens by religion as either Mohammedans, Jews or Greeks. The latter term referred to Greek Orthodox Christians, many of whom were not Greeks by race, nationality, language or senti­ ment. Many of these Greek Orthodox people were no more Greek than the Roman Catholic people were Romans. This should have been evident from the fact that in 1908 when southern Albania, which the Greeks called their "Northern Epirus," sent representatives to the first parliament of the Ot­ toman Empire, six of the deputies were Albanians, and only two were Greek-speakers (Dako 1915, 15). Despite appeals from southern Albanians and from relatives who had migrated to the United States, a compromise solution was reached on 11 August 1913. The ambassadors ceded to Greece much of southern Albania, including the region of Chamëria populated mostly by Albanian Muslims and including even Yanina, the traditional capital of southern Albania. Dako in fact has cited more than 20 historians, geographers and diplomats, Greeks as well as Turks and Europeans, who identified the Illyrians, Macedonians and Epirotes as far south as Yanina as being Albanians, not Greeks (ibid., 7-11). Furthermore, the scholar Sami Bey Frashëri, when proposing administrative divisions for an eventual Albanian nation (1899), had located their centers at Shkodra, Ipek, Prizren, Prishtina, Uskup, Monastir, Dibra, Elbasan, Tirana, Berat, Korcha, Kosturi, Yanina, Gjirokastra and Preveza, all these cities being in the four Albanian vilayets of Turkey (Frashëri, S., 1924,101-2). How ironic that of these 15 Albanian centers, eight were awarded to either Greece or Yugoslavia! The Conference of Ambassadors constituted an International Boun­ dary Commission in August 1913 to do an on-the-spot study of the popula­ tions and fix the exact boundaries. Their work was greatly complicated in the south by the obsession of the Greeks that persons identified with the Greek Orthodox religion were therefore Greeks. Sevasti Kyrias Dako reported that when the commissioners reached Monastir that October en route to Korcha, she contacted an acquaintance, Mr. Bilinski, the Austrian representative, to inform him of the Greek strategy to represent the Korcha population as Greek. After the colorful Greek-inspired demonstrations, "Mr. Bilinski suggested to his colleagues a stroll in the city. When they entered the Greek school yard where the children were playing, he threw in their midst a handful of small coins. The children rushed to pick them

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up, and in their excitement forgot to speak Greek, but spoke Albanian, their mother tongue. This was enough to convince the commission" (Dako, S., 1938, 128-29). A former schoolteacher, Elpinike Frasher, described the Hellenistic propaganda carried on through the Greek-language school operated by the Greek Orthodox Church, this being the only school in her village near Përmet. She wrote, While there was not a single Greek individual in the population of Përmet and its environs, we were made to feel we were Greeks. The opening exer­ cises of every school day consisted in responding individually to the ques­ tion, "What are you?" with the answer, "I am a Greek Orthodox Christian." I was so conditioned to think that everyone has a native tongue (Albanian in my case) and a school language (Greek) that when I came to the States as a child I couldn't get over the fact that people here spoke English both at home and in school [Liria 15 April 1984, 3].

She recalled the visit of the Greek crown prince to Përmet after the Balkan War. He appeared at the balcony to survey us, a sea of schoolchildren from Permet and the neighboring villages, singing Greek songs. Each child dressed in the Greek colors (blue and white), carried a small Greek flag (supplied by Greece of course), and each of us wore a blue and white sash across one shoulder on which was embroidered "Enosis i thanatos" which meant "Union or Death." It could have fooled anyone. But it was all pro­ paganda [ibid.].

Frasher told also of the visit of the International Commission to Erseka, as she recalls, to determine the Greek or Albanian character of the population. Once again the schoolchildren massed before their balcony to sing the Greek songs. The Austrian member of the commission threw a handful of coins to the children below. Suddenly the singing stopped, and the only sounds heard were what came naturally: Albanian words, as the children scuffled to pick up as many coins as they could. "This," the Austrian said, "proves the true ethnicity of the people." And the commis­ sion agreed. But Frasher continued, "When it seemed certain that our districts would be rightfully assigned to the newly formed Albanian state, my town of Frashër, a center of national awakening and home of the famous Frashëri brothers, as well as many other villages in southern Alba­ nian were burned to the ground by the retreating Greeks" {ibid.). The work of the Boundary Commission terminated in December 1913 and was reported from Florence, Italy. Unfortunately, the capricious boun­ dary lines had chopped up Albania, awarding to her neighbors to the north, east and south about one-half of her population and one-half of her territory. For years thereafter, maps on Albanian post office walls displayed those shaded areas of "Enslaved Albania" occupied by Yugoslavia to the north and east, and by Greece to the south. But the

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artificial and unjust boundaries determined by the Conference of Am­ bassadors continue unchanged to this day. The resulting country extends 210 miles from northern to southern extremities, and its maximum width is 90 miles. The area is 10,629 square miles, about the size of Belgium, or the size of New Hampshire or of Vermont. T he P rovisional A lbanian G overnment

The national convention at Vlora, upon declaring Albanian in­ dependence in 1912, had created its organization with the official title, the Provisional Albanian Government. But while the ambassadors at London quibbled, virtually all of Albania had been occupied by foreign troops. Even their capital city Vlora was surrounded by Serbian troops on the north, Turkish troops on the east, Greek troops on the south, and a Greek naval blockade on the west. The new government created a Ministry of Post and Telegraph that 5 December, but Vlora was besieged. To make matters worse, the Greeks had cut the undersea cable to Italy, leaving the new government completely isolated, "like a fish out of water," Grameno expressed it (Grameno 1925, 145). Even worse, Albania's territorial boun­ daries were being determined in London, with no official Albanian representative present. So on 23 December 1912, Mehmet Konitza, former Turkish consul at Corfu, was sent to London with two others as official representatives of the Provisional Government of Albania. The following 30 March Ismail Kemal with two other officials escaped by sea to appeal in London and other Euro­ pean capitals the integrity of Albanian territory and the lifting of the naval blockade. They could report no outstanding success. However, one member of this delegation was the legendary military commander Isa Boletini. Upon entering the British Foreign Office building to plead his na­ tion's cause, the security police asked him to remove the pistol from his belt and check it in the vestibule. He complied with no objection. Following the interview, the foreign secretary, Sir Edward Grey, accompanied Boletini to the vestibule where he put the pistol back in his belt. The foreign secretary remarked with a smile, "General, the newspapers might record tomorrow that Isa Boletini, whom even Mahmut Shefqet Pasha could not disarm, was just disarmed in London." Boletini replied with a broad smile, "No, no, not in London either," and he withdrew from his pocket a second pistol! Ob­ viously Boletini had become convinced in the troubled Balkans that pistols rather than diplomacy were the secret of survival (Liria 15 July 1982, 3). During the president's absence little progress could be made in organiz­ ing the government and defining its policies and operational procedures. Uncertainty as to the territorial extent of governmental jurisdiction would continue until the final decisions of the Boundary Commission. Although the Greek naval blockade of Vlora was lifted in April, the occupation of virtually all Albanian territory by Balkan Alliance or by Turkish troops made it impossible to encourage the population to elect local authorities

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and properly relate them to the central government. It must be obvious that for reasons quite beyond the control of the Provisional Government at Vlora, progress was extremely slow in this new nation. Nor could the government do anything to rectify conditions or to lessen the frustration sensed at Vlora and throughout the country. T he S iege of S hkodra

Following the course of the Balkan War from their ivory tower, the Conference of Ambassadors in London notified the belligerents in March 1913 that Shkodra had been assigned to Albania and that attacking troops should withdraw. The Serbian troops honored the announcement and reluctantly withdrew from the city. The Montenegrins, however, deter­ minedly continued their siege. So on 4 April the great powers sent a naval task force to blockade their coast, planning to land troops and occupy the city. To their consternation, Hasan Riza Pasha, commander of the Shkodra garrison, was murdered while a guest of Essad Pasha Toptani that April, who turned the fortress over to the Montenegrins and retired with his troops to Tirana. The stern objections of the powers, especially of Russia, led Montenegro to withdraw her troops from Shkodra on 13 May. The next day an international army representing the Conference of Ambassadors oc­ cupied the city, under the command of Vice Admiral Cecil Burney of the blockading fleet. He declared that the flags of the five powers (Austria, England, France, Germany and Italy) would fly over the citadel "until such time as an autonomous government has been established in Albania" (Dako 1919, 102 includes the text of the Burney proclamation). Interestingly enough, it was a team of Austrian soldiers stationed at that time temporarily in Shkodra who played the first official "football" or soccer match in Albanian history. They played against a pick-up Shkodra team which assumed the significant name "Independence." Later in 1919 under the name "Vlaznia" (Brotherhood), this sports association would take the lead in stimulating the love of Albania's youth for literature, music and sports. From this moment the love of "futboll" spread rapidly throughout the country (NAlb 1987, 4:34). S erbian O ccupation of N orthern A lbania (1913)

In May 1913 the powers required the Serbian and Montenegrin troops to withdraw from northern and central Albania. Landlocked Serbia, en­ raged at losing the seaports of both Shkodra and Durrës, left a trail of destruction as it marched its troops away from the coveted "open window on the world." A new outbreak occurred that September. The Carnegie En­ dowment for International Peace published a letter from a "very reliable source" in Elbasan (Carnegie 1914, 150): On 20 September the Serbian army carried off all the cattle of the moun­ tain regions of Dibra. The herdsmen were compelled to defend themselves,

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and to struggle, but they were all killed. The Serbians also killed the two chieftains of the Liouma clan, Mehmed Edem and Djafer Eleuz, and then began pillaging and burning all the villages on their way: [ten named]. In all these villages the Serbians committed acts of horrible massacre and outrage on women, children and old people. . . . Many Moslem families from these villages, including women and children, were pitilessly massacred. On entering the village of Portchassie, the regular Serbian army led all the husbands outside the village, and then brought the wives thither to exact money from them in the shape of ransom; the wretched men were shut up in the mosque, which was then blown up with four shells. In the village of Sulp, seventy-three Albanians suffered a horrible death, and fifty-seven others from the village of Ptchelopek were basely assassinated. Was it not the Prefect of Krouchevo, when the Serbian army returned from the Albanian frontier, who openly told them to burn all the villages situated between Krouchevo and Ochrida?

The same report (ibid., 149) quoted a letter from a Serbian soldier made public that 22 October. He wrote, I have no time to write to you at length, but I can tell you that appalling things are going on here. I am terrified by them, and constantly ask myself how man can be so barbarous as to commit such cruelties. It is horrible. I dare not tell you more, but I may say that Liouma [an Albanian region along the river of the same name], no longer exists. There is nothing but corpses, dust and ashes. There are villages of 100, 150 or 200 houses, where there is no longer a single man, literally not one. We collect them in bodies of forty to fifty, and then we pierce them with our bayonets to the last man. Pillage is going on everywhere. The officers told the soldiers to go to Prizren and sell the things they had stolen.

The paper which published this letter added, "Our friend tells us of things even more appalling than this [!], but they are so horrible and so heart­ rending that we prefer not to publish them" (ibid.). That same October a Serbian army of 60,000 men laid waste the districts of Dibra, Struga, Lake Ochrida and Goloborda in central Albania, and Gashi, Krasniki and Valbona toward the north. B. Peele Willett, an American relief agent, reported on his survey trip (The Christian W ork Fall 1914, 477-78): Serbian and Montenegrin troops destroyed one hundred villages in north­ ern Albania without warning, without provocation, without excuse. . . . 12,000 homes were burned and dynamited, 8,000 farm folk killed or burned to death, 125,000 made homeless. All livestock has been driven off. Corn fresh from the harvest has been carried away. Like hunted animals the farm folk fled to Elbasan, Tirana, Scutari and outlying villages. I have returned from a 400-mile journey, partly on foot, through these stricken regions. I saw the destroyed villages, the burned and dynamited houses. I saw the starving refugees. I saw women and children dying of hunger.

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The Carnegie Commission summarized its findings as follows (Chekrezi 1919, 130): The Serbian and Montenegrin regular troops undertook and did everything, from the first day on which they invaded Albanian territory, either to compel the inhabitants to lose their nationality, or brutally to suppress the Shkiptar race. Houses and whole villages reduced to ashes, unarmed and innocent populations massacred en masse, incredible acts of violence, pillage and brutality of every kind —such were the means which were employed and are still being employed by the Serbo-Monteriegrin soldiery, with a view to the entire transformation of the ethnic character of regions once inhabited exclusively by Albanians.

This Serbian war of extermination along the northern border of Albania was also reported by Miss Edith Durham, the British benefactress who spent many years among those mountain tribes (Dako 1919, 107). An Albanian passing through Podgoritza declared that in Kosova vilayet the ground in many places was simply strewn with the bodies of women and children, also that he had seen a living foot protruding from the ground and waving feebly. A Serbian officer boasted gleefully, "We have annihilated the Luma tribe." Then he described the wholesale slaughter of men, women and children, and the burning of their villages. The Serbian and Montenegrin officers were agreed that "when the land is once ours, there will be no more Moslem problem."

But on 7 November 1913 Austria and Italy demanded that the Serbs evacuate their recently acquired Albanian territory, and they reluctantly withdrew to the borders indicated by the Conference of Ambassadors (Koti 1914, 35). Some months later, on 28 June 1914, a Serbian nationalist vented his bitter frustration by assassinating the Austrian crown prince, Franz Joseph, at Sarajevo. It was thus, thanks to Europe's clumsy mishandling of Albanian affairs, that a world war exploded in the Balkan powder keg. G reek O ccupation of Southern A lbania (D ecember 1912 to M arch 1914)

Despite the Albanian declaration of neutrality in the Balkan War, the Greek fleet on 4 December 1912 shelled the unfortified city of Vlora and landed troops on Sasano, the strategic island controlling its harbor en­ trance. The president, Ismail Kemal, at once sent messages of protest to the Greek government and to the great powers. At the same time near the southeastern city of Korcha a Greek army repeatedly attacked Turkish troops who, because of Serbian pressure were withdrawing from Monastir toward Yanina. On 19 December the Greek troops entered Korcha. Mrs. Kennedy wrote that "with the retreat of Xhavit Pasha our home became a medical refuge to help wounded and sick soldiers" (Liria 28 November 1941; December 1987, 7). The Yanina fortress capitulated on 6 March 1913, and

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46 miles to its north Argjirokastra and Përmet succumbed one week later. Greek military operations ended quickly in southern Albania, and cultural aggression, the second phase, began immediately. The Greeks of course recognized Korcha as the early center of Albanian nationalism, fired by the many emigrants to Constantinople, Bucharest, Sofia and especially the United States. Only here was there an Albanian school for girls, the Kyrias School, tolerated by the Turkish government because of its American protestant mission sponsorship when every other Albanian school had been suppressed. But Korcha was also the seat of an archenemy of Albanian na­ tionalism, the bishop of the Greek Orthodox Church, who, through an otherwise excellent Gymnasium or Academy sought to Hellenize the population. Preparatory to the Korcha visit of the International Boundary Com­ mission, Greek occupation forces in the area did everything possible to in­ duce a show of loyalty to Greece and to drive out or exterminate the loyal Albanian population. At once the authorities brought pressure upon everyone to speak Greek. They required people, whether Greek Orthodox or Muslim, to sign petitions to be sent to the London ambassadors then in session, declaring their loyalty to Greece and their fear of the Albanians. The principal of the girls' school reported the violence in and around Kor­ cha: "Not a Moslem Albanian was left without being personally robbed and knocked senseless to the ground. Right after the army was quartered, orders were issued that all the people should speak Greek because 'Korcha was a pure Hellenic city,' and the effort was made to prove to Europe that it was so. . . . They started to persecute, imprison and exile all those Alba­ nians who refused to say they were Greeks" (Dako 1919, 112-13). A ttempted Reorganization of A lbania

Upon his return to Vlora from Europe in late June 1913, Ismail Kemal Bey and his provisional government redoubled their efforts to organize the country and maintain order. This seemed an exercise in futility. Much of the country was still occupied by hostile foreign troops. The frontiers were still undetermined. The administrative organization had not yet been prescribed by the ambassadors. Also, frantic propaganda of neighboring states was deliberately designed to promote anarchy and appear to justify their territorial claims. It is a tribute to the Albanian character that the newly born nation did not die in childbirth! As a temporary measure the Provisional Government appointed local authorities in those few areas not occupied by foreign troops and related them to the central government ac­ cording to the French pattern. Some reforms were successfully initiated, beginning with the separation of church and state. First and most sensi­ tive was the severing of official ties with the supreme Muslim sheikh at Constantinople and the appointment as supreme head of Albanian Muslims a patriotic and highly respected mufti, equivalent to an arch­ bishop. The jurisdiction of Muslim religious officials over civil cases was

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then transferred to civil courts. The jury system for criminal cases was in­ stituted. But criticism of the Provisional Government increased. On 1 Sep­ tember 1913 committee members presented to Ismail Kemal a document signed by 18 persons. It listed the shortcomings and faults of the Provi­ sional Government and attempted to outline measures for achieving the best interests of the motherland (Koti 1914, 34). Actually, restlessness and frustration increased in good measure because of criticism by certain Al­ banians with background in the United States, who wanted to see radical changes accomplished immediately. T he A lbanian N ational Bank C ontroversy

A further complication arose. Unable to secure political control of Albania, two disappointed neighbors, Italy and Austria, devised a plan to secure economic control. They sought concessions for their respective banks, the Banca Com m erciale d'ltalia and the Wiener Bank Verein, to establish a so-called Albanian National Bank, which would handle all banking and financial affairs in the land, as well as real estate. The patriot Themistokli Gërmenji and others sharply contested the proposal, lest the bank buy out the impoverished people, and the land so recently liberated from the Turks would pass into the hands of Italian and Austrian financiers (Drita 12 September 1937). These foreign interests allegedly brought heavy pressure to bear on the new government by implying that until the proposal was approved, the International Boundary Commission, idle in Monastir for one month following arrival in late September 1913, would not begin its work. The government's reluctant acceptance of the proposal led to widespread popular indignation. T he R ival G overnment of Essad P asha T optani

An unscrupulous opportunist chose this moment to propose himself as the vigorous leader the times demanded. Unfortunately Essad Pasha Top­ tani of the Tirana district had already earned an unsavory reputation as commander of the Turkish gendarmerie at Yanina. It was also alleged that his recent surrender of Shkodra to the Montenegrins had been arranged with the assurance of their support for his presidency over central Albania. From his Tirana base he loudly trumpeted his conflicting demands: a heavy financial indemnity from the government for personal losses suffered at Shkodra, recognition of himself as the Albanian prince lest he join cause with the Serbians, or that Turkey be asked to resume responsibility for the government of Albania. Achieving none of these alternatives, he gathered a band of frustrated nationalists and other malcontents, and on 16 October 1913 he set up a rival government at Durrës which he called the Central Albania Republic. Its limited territory was bounded by the Mat River to the north and the Shkumbin River on the south (Koti 1914, 35).

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Progressive D eterioration

Things were falling apart in Albania. The Provisional Government at­ tempted to function in and around Vlora in the south, the dissident Essad Pasha was consolidating his hold on central Albania and an "International Administration of Scutari" governed that northern city with British Ad­ miral Burney in charge. But the rest of northern, central and southern Albania was in turmoil. Anarchy prevailed, an "unimaginable Babylon." In restrained desperation Ismail Kemal reported to the powers (Dako 1919, 186-87) that his country was "harassed on all sides by enemies who have sworn its destruction," and that it had "reached the extreme limit of the peo­ ple's patience." He appealed to the guaranteeing powers to designate and enthrone the promised European prince. The names of several candidates were rumored. Finally the six powers chose the German Prince William of Wied. The Albanian people voted approval. But the prince did not arrive! Weeks passed in silence. Foreign and domestic intrigues brought further disorder. T he Bekir G rebene P lot

The Bekir Grebene plot proved to be the proverbial "straw that breaks the camel's back." On 7 January 1914 a Turkish army officer, Bekir Aga Grebene, of Albanian origin, with several followers, was apprehended in Vlora. General De Weer, the Dutch officer supervising the Albanian gen­ darmerie, conducted a court-martial. He determined that their purpose was to foment trouble between the Greeks and the Albanians, with the hope of winning back to Turkey the lost territory of the one or the other or both. The officer was condemned to death and executed, his followers suffering lesser penalties. But it was subsequently alleged that this plot was only a snare intended to entrap Ismail Kemal. Secret negotiations were said to pro­ vide that Kemal's government would permit the passage of Turkish troops and arms across its territory to attack Serbia and Greece, in exchange for the restoration to Albania of Kosova and Chamëria which the Conference of Ambassadors had awarded to Serbia and Greece respectively. Quite mysteriously, word of this secret plan reached General De Weer. It ap­ peared that Albania had violated its own declaration of neutrality. Ismail Kemal's critics had achieved their goal. He and his cabinet were thoroughly discredited (Dielli 25 November 1988, 4). The president then sent an urgent appeal to the powers either to send the new sovereign, or pending his arrival, either to appoint a temporary commissioner or to instruct the International Commission of Control itself to assume authority on their behalf. The latter was approved, and on 22 January 1914 the Provisional Government of Albania turned over its authority to the International Commission of Control, representing the great powers. Unfortunately, the powers thereafter appear to have placed more confidence in Essad Pasha Toptani. Ismail Kemal voluntarily went

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into exile, settling first in Italy, then in France. He agitated constantly, however, for his beloved Albania, and for the restoration of Kosova and Chamëria. He died in Perugia, Italy, of a stroke on 26 January 1919. THE IN T E R N A T IO N A L C O M M IS S IO N OF C O N T R O L (22 JA N U A RY T O 7 M A RC H 1914) On 1 February the representatives of England and Germany on the In­ ternational Commission went from Vlora to Durrës to meet with Essad Pasha and persuade him to step down from power as Ismail Kemal and Ad­ miral Burney had done. But Essad would not consent. Finally he agreed reluctantly only when the commission consented that he should head the delegation proceeding to Germany to present the Albanian crown to the Prince of Wied. Future events would show that even this concession did not satiate the man's personal ambition. The interregnum of the International Commission was to last only about six weeks until the arrival of the prince. Meanwhile, their report of the Greek threat to the stability of southern Albania led the London ambassadors to notify Greece that unless she withdrew from Albania they would not consider her claim to the coveted Dodecanese Islands in the Aegean, which had belonged to Turkey. So on 1 March the Greek troops evacuated Korcha and the region. In turning over the city to the Dutch officer Captain Doorman with his 50 Albanian gen­ darmes, however, they left a number of Greek soldiers in various hospitals on the pretense that they needed further medical care before returning to Greece. The next day the Albanian flag flew for the first time in Korcha (Koti 1921,1), the same flag which Ismail Kemal Bey had raised over Vlora 15 trouble-filled months earlier. And the very next day Kristo Dako re­ turned to Korcha to reopen the girls' school. At last, for the first time, and ever so tenuously, most of the newly constituted Albania was under one central government. But not for long. TH E P U P P E T G O V ER N M EN T OF KIN G W ILLIA M OF W IED (7 M A RCH T O 3 SE P T E M B E R 1914) T he European P rince : W illiam of W ied

Although Albanians had followed with justifiably deep concern the names of candidates under consideration for their throne, the Prussian Prince William of Wied was a compromise, and quite unknown even in Europe. His aunt, Queen Elizabeth of Romania, introduced him to the world in a laudatory pamphlet, translated into Albanian with the title, "Who Is He?" The prince was 35 years old, a captain in the Prussian army, with family estates in Neuwied and Rhenish Prussia. He had married five years previously to intelligent Princess Sophia of Saxony. Although he was desperately lacking in prestige and experience in government, he accepted the crown of Albania presented by a deputation headed by Essad Pasha at Neuwied on 21 February 1914.

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Initial Blunders in the R eign of K ing W illiam

An Austrian yacht landed Prince William and his official entourage at Durrës, the provisional capital, on 7 March 1914. Battleships of the great powers were on hand to thunder their salutes to the prince and the new na­ tion. The city was beautifully decorated. Delegations came from every cor­ ner of Albania and from all the overseas colonies. The prince assumed the title of Mbret (King) and was hailed as the successor of Skanderbeg and the savior of Albania. People were delirious with joy, and the festivities con­ tinued one entire week. But the euphoria soon burst like a bubble because of a series of blunders. When the International Commission of Control turned their governmental authority over to King William, he estranged them by summarily dismissing them to Vlora, rather than keeping them near his Durrës court for collaboration. He offended Albanian patriots by appointing the scheming Essad Pasha as both minister of war and minister of the interior. He also insulated himself from his Albanian people by an "inner council" of three agents from Austria, Italy and England. Within a month his failure to insist on the prior removal of all hostile foreign troops led to an outbreak by Greek soldiers in Korcha on 2 April. G reek D evastation of S outhern A lbania

Insurrection in Korcha, 2-6 April 1914. After the required withdrawal of Greek troops from the Korcha district the first of March, the Greek bishop conspired with the soldiers deliberately left behind in the hospitals, as well as with Albanian sympathizers and bands of Greek guerrillas roam­ ing the district. These Hellenists attacked the city on 2 April, seizing the public buildings. Savage street fighting broke out. One of the resistance leaders was H. Sherwood Spencer, an American adventurer trained at the United States Naval Academy at Annapolis, who had become so concerned about justice for Albania that he had volunteered his services on the military staff of King William. Kristo Dako, then at the girls' school, gave a most graphic account of the fighting, only a few excerpts being used here (Dako 1919, 194-95): All the Christian quarter was forced to put up the Greek flag. We took down the Albanian flag, and Mr. Spencer put up the American. Mr. Spencer, Zarif our kav a ss [armed watchman], Miss Kyrias and two of the teachers took rifles and guarded the school. Firing continued most of the day. The school was often threatened. All that Sunday the fighting was terrific. . .. Late that evening Rev. Tsilka, one of our teachers who had come from Elbasan, reached the school. Early the next morning, Monday 6 April, after a good breakfast, Mr. Tsilka with Zarif my k av ass and fifteen men started fighting from our gate. They slowly advanced. .. . Then 150 men were taken to attack the Metropolis and capture the Greek Bishop. These troops were divided into three companies. Captain Doorman of the Dutch Mission made the attack from the east, Captain Ghilardi from the south, and Mr. Spencer, who

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Four days later the Greek fighters were driven out of the city. G reek Atrocities. In revenge for their expulsion the Greek soldiery committed savage atrocities against the Albanian population of the region. Characteristic was the tragedy of Kodra, a village near Tepelena (ibid., 195-96). The Greeks invited all the villagers, men, women and children, to gather in the church. When all were assembled, 230 in number, the Greek officers ordered the soldiers to fire on them with machine guns. All were killed, their heads cut off and hung on the church walls. General De Weer of the Dutch Mission went himself to this village, saw this terrible Greek cruelty and took pictures of this horrible sight. His report to the International Commission of Control says, "South of the village of Kodra I found a little church which was undoubtedly used as a prison. In the interior the walls and the floor were washed in blood, everywhere caps and clothing soaked in blood. The doctor, member of the Commission of Investigation, saw himself human brains. At the altar we found a human heart which was still bleeding. A hundred and ninety-five bodies were dug out because the ditch they were thrown in was too shallow, so as to bury them in deeper graves; all the bodies were without heads."

It must be remembered that these were not Muslims, but Greek Orthodox Christians butchered for their identity as Albanians rather than Greeks. Specious G reek Territorial Claims. Greek expansionists called southern Albania "Northern Epirus." They were obsessed with the concept that all Greek Orthodox inhabitants there were Greeks rather than Alba­ nians. It seems incredible that this tired old claim of Greece could be taken seriously by intelligent people. Yet Mihal Grameno, patriot and editor of the Korcha newspaper, reported a 1908 conversation with the director of a Greek newspaper, who asked him, "How do you get along with the Greeks of Albania?" Grameno replied that there were no Greeks in Albania, except in the vicinity of Yanina. "How is that?" the newsman asked. "Are there no Christians in Korcha, Berat, Gjirokastra, Vlora and elsewhere?" Grameno replied, "Of course, there are many. But they are Albanians." "No! no!" the Greek interrupted. "Never say that, because they are Greeks!" On parting, he asked Grameno's name. When he heard the name Mihal

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(Michael) Grameno, he sprang from his chair in great agitation, and ex­ claimed, "Then you too are a Greek, my brother. Shame! shame! that the Turks have deceived you into thinking you are Albanian!" (Grameno 1925 113). N. J. Cassavetes, director of the patriotic Greek "Pan-Epirotic Union in America," shared this obsession. He argued that "religion is virtually na­ tionality," so "we should not consult history." Rather he asserted, "We should ask, 'Do the people want Greece or do they want Albania?'" Con­ cerning Korcha he wrote, "With the population so evenly divided between Orthodox and Mohammedans, it would be difficult to arrive at a just deci­ sion by counting heads" (International Conciliation August 1919, 5, 8, 14). Possibly that is precisely what their troops had been doing at Kodra: count­ ing heads! But one might well inquire of Cassavetes why anyone should assume that all Greek Orthodox Albanians would vote Korcha to Greece. He considered the final argument for his cause the so-called Revolution of 1914. The Greek interpretation of events was this: "On orders from London the Greek troops evacuated Northern Epirus. The inhabitants immediately rose, offered armed resistance to the Albanians, and declared Northern Epirus an autonomous state in sympathy with Greece" (ibid., 11). The "Autonomous Epirus" Movement. This so-called Autonomous Epirus movement was no spontaneous revolution, as claimed by the Greeks. It was engineered in Athens. There a "Provisional Government of Autonomous Epirus" was formed by Greek officials. It was headed by one Christaki Zographos, who had formerly served as minister of foreign affairs for Greece, and who resumed that post after the collapse of this scheme. They declared that Epirotes would never submit to Albanian rule under the new Prince of Wied. In mid-June the Essad forces joined the Autonomous Epirus movement, which established a provisional base at Gjirokastra. From there they carried on a two-fold campaign that summer of 1914: bombastic documents directed to the ambassadors at London, threats of death and destruction directed to Albanian patriots. Regular army troops were supplemented by irregular guerrillas and even savage Cretan criminals released for the occasion. That 6 July the Dakos and Parashqevi Kyrias once again fled for their lives to Monastir. Barbarism around Kolonja. The Sofia newspaper Liri e Shqipërisë published a letter from the Kolonja area just north of Gjirokastra (21 Jan­ uary 1915, 2). The article was titled "Greek Barbarities in Albania." When Greek troops entered in May, 1914 they plundered Borova com­ pletely, and mercilessly dishonored more than 13 women. In Gostivisht they shamed more than 18 women. In Rehova they looted the whole village, and mercilessly flogged many people. In Blush they dishonored five women and mercilessly beat the residents, including old men and old women. In Luarasi they killed 20 Moslem children and baptized four. They burned the houses of the Moslems to ashes from Shuqëria and Kolonja to the plain of Korcha, after plundering them first. In Panariti

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Muslim Albania, the Feudalists and Nationalization they slaughtered like sheep 300 people whom they deceived, saying, "Return to your homes and we shall not trouble you." But when they returned, they were fearfully killed with the sword.

Another letter to the same Sofia newspaper (21 January 1915, 2) carried the following report from another correspondent: On 20 April 1914 the Greeks went to Luarasi, called the elders together and said, "Your sons, or well burn you down." They selected 20 young men to go with them as soldiers. . . . Approaching Leskovik, two hours distant we could smell the charred ruins. They had burned every house but the Greek church and its residence. Heading toward Kolonja we saw that they had put fire to all those villages. The people had fled in panic.

Most of these unfortunate victims were Greek Orthodox by religion, but obviously not Greek by sentiment. Yet another letter to a biweekly Frenchlanguage Albanian newspaper in Sofia (L'lndependance Albanaise 15 March 1915, 19-21) reported the following: "When Greek officials invited refugee families to return to their homes, 80 families returned to Voskop, six miles west of Korcha. Soon thereafter a band of armed Greeks surrounded the village at dawn, set fire to it, and murdered every man, woman and child trying to escape. Worse still, the Greek authorities in nearby Korcha did nothing to intervene." Greek troops also destroyed and burned virtually all Bektashi monasteries in southern Albania, 80 in all, because of their wellknown support of Albanian nationhood (Tyrabi 1929, 90-92). Apparently these were not isolated instances, but rather evidences of a deliberate policy. Report o f American Newsman William W. Howard. The newsman William Howard had served on the personal staff of Joseph Pulitzer and had had many years of experience in half a dozen foreign countries. Follow­ ing the death of the newspaper owner and philanthropist in 1911, Howard had accepted the post of general secretary of the Albanian Relief Fund. On a survey trip through Albania at 50, he traveled over 400 miles by horse­ back and on foot to see conditions for himself. He met Sherwood Spencer, and reported the following (The Christian W ork and Evangelist Fall 1914, 473-74): Kinani, three miles from Ersek, was attacked by Greek soldiers on 2 May 1914. All the houses except one were destroyed by fire and dynamite. On the third day of May a small body of Albanian volunteers, led by Harold Sherwood Spencer, an American volunteer on the staff of the Prince of Wied, King of Albania, surrounded the village and gave bat­ tle to the Greek troops. At the close of the third day of battle, Spencer and his men forced their way into the village and drove the Greek troops out. In the only house in the village left standing, Spencer found the nude bodies of five young women who had been strangled to death and out­ raged by the Greek soldiers. A woman well over 60 years of age emerged

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from the house as Spencer entered it. She told Spencer that the Greek soldiers had outraged her 27 times! The young women had fought for their honor until they were dead of strangulation. Then their corpses were outraged by the Greek soldiers. .. . Harold Sherwood Spencer, American volunteer serving without pay, bearing his own expenses, and often feeding his men out of his fluctuating income, has done work in the defense of Albania and the protection of women and children that entitles him to the respect of all Americans. Nikolitsa, a village of 500 homes in the district of Korcha, was destroyed by Greek soldiers in December, 1913. The villagers took refuge in Starova. Last May forty of them returned to live in the ruins of their homes. The Greeks surrounded the ruins and opened fire upon the terrified refugees. All who were there, mostly women and children, were killed or wounded. In Botsk more than 200 men, women, children and babies were killed by Greek troops. Spencer saw the bodies. . . . Ormov, a village on the road to Tepelena, in southern Albania, was seized by Greek troops. All the men in it, 225 defenseless and inoffensive farmers, were slaughtered in cold blood.

Howard's report also summarized the tragedy. Since October 1913 more than 300 villages containing 35,000 homes were burned and dynamited, and 330,000 persons left homeless. He estimated that 20,000 men, women and children had been shot, bayonetted or burned to death. He concluded that the Greeks wanted southern Albania. The Muhammadans and pa­ triotic Greek Orthodox Albanians were an obstacle, so they were either murdered or driven out. It was as simple as that. One Ray o f Light. There was scarcely a ray of light in this savage war of extermination. But there was one. King Constantine of Greece volun­ teered the following to Mehmet Bey Konitza, the Albanian minister to his country under King William of Wied, who had never heard of the incident: "During the Balkan War the Greek navy disembarked marines on the coast of Epirus for the purpose of attacking the Albanians. But a large part of the Greek navy is recruited among the Albanians of Greece. Two whole bat­ talions of marines, as soon as they found themselves face-to-face with their brother Albanians, promptly deserted without firing a shot. National senti­ ment proved to be stronger than duty" (International Conciliation May 1919, 763-64). The "Disposition o f Corfu," M ay 1914. Bitter fighting continued that spring of 1914 between the Albanians and the Greek troops who euphemis­ tically called themselves troops of "Autonomous Epirus." Belatedly the European powers sent the International Commission of Control to meet with Greek representatives at Corfu in May 1914. There they worked out the so-called Disposition of Corfu. The treaty assured Albania's southern border as defined by the Conference of Ambassadors, with language, school and church privileges assured to the Greek sympathizers within the country. However, hundreds of villages along the border had been destroyed, and an estimated 300,000 refugees had been driven out to find

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shelter and starve under the olive trees of Vlora and Elbasan. Both the British House of Lords and the House of Commons discussed these Greek atrocities with indignation in July 1914. But that very day Britain entered World War I, and that primary preoccupation ruled out any decisive action on Albania. Serbian A trocities in N orthern A lbania

In the spring of 1914 the leaders of several communities in northern Albania, especially the vilayet of Kosova, sent to the foreign ministers of the great powers a protest against the deliberate atrocities committed by Serbian troops against women, children and old men (L'lndëpendance Albanaise 15 March 1915, 19-21). It was emphasized that these murders were committed in cold blood, not in the heat of battle. The communica­ tion included a list of 53 villages in the districts of Gjakova, Ipek, Prizren, Dibra and Ochrida, reporting for each village the number of homes burned, totaling 359, and the number of persons assassinated, totaling 1,827. The newsman William Howard, in an interview entitled "Let Albanians Starve: They're Mohammedans!" (New York G lobe 4 April 1914), described the Serbian modus operandi as follows: Serb regiments of 1100 men, under the command of General Carlos Popovitch, one of the Belgrade regicides, entered Albania armed with kerosene oil, force pumps and dynamite bombs. They captured such Albanian men as they could. Then they tied them together by the elbows and shot them down. The women were outraged. I believe that every woman who fell into the hands of the Serb troops fell a victim to them. Then they were locked up in the houses and bombs planted in the walls. Kerosene oil would be sprayed over all and a fire started. When the flames reached the dynamite the walls were shattered. Albania is filled with fireblackened heaps of stones that once were homes.

Following his survey trip Howard reached the conclusion that "Serbia wants a seaport on the Adriatic. Montenegro and Serbia want a slice of the Albanian territory. The obvious way to obtain their ends is to keep Albania drenched in blood. By and by the Powers still step in 'to restore order,' and they will get what they want. . . . Serbia is making a portion of Albania ready for occupancy by exterminating the Albanians" (ibid.). C ivilian A trocities C ontrary to the A lbanian C haracter

Amidst all this bloody narrative, however, one factor must be em­ phasized. The Albanians suffered as few peoples in human history have suffered. Yet they never stooped to perpetrate on others the atrocities that were dealt out to them. This nobility may well root back into their earliest history. Alexander the Great would not allow his soldiers to harm foreign women. One day he learned that two Macedonian soldiers, Damon and Thodhor in the army of Parmenion, had taken to themselves some Persian

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women by force. Immediately he wrote to his general that the two guilty soldiers should be executed at once. "They are wild beasts, those soldiers who lay hands on defenseless women, and they deserve death. This punish­ ment I order with a quiet heart, because I myself have set the example" ('Tomori 24 May 1940, 3). Similarly, the incomparable Skanderbeg, though raised in a corrupt Ottoman court, was proclaimed by his biographer to have been a "puritan" who permitted no women in his camps, and a "fanatic" against any kind of immorality. He insisted that even in the wildest of battles his troops must not harm enemy women, old men or children (Noli 1921, 283). Later the Canon of Lek, which regulated blood feuds among the men, preserved in­ violable the honor of their women. And centuries after that Lord Byron wrote to his mother on 12 November 1809 from Preveza, "His name is Vasil. Like all other Albanians he is brave, unquestionably loyal and honest. . . . They have many shortcomings, but they are void of wickedness. I have not lost a thing here, and I have always been invited to have meals with them." Miss M. Edith Durham, the English lady who did so much for the suffering Albanian mountaineers, wrote about her relief work in her book The Struggle fo r Scutari, cited by Sevasti Dako (1918, 16-17). While I was riding about the burnt districts I was always unarmed, was frequently with men I had never seen before, and everyone knew I had at least 200 Turkish Lira in gold in the bag at my belt. Men by the wayside would call out to me, "Where are you taking the money today? Come to our village next." But no attempt of any sort was ever made, either to take it from me, or to force me to change my route. I often wondered whether similar sums could be safely carried through England, supposing all police withdrawn, and the Government entirely done away with.

Baroness De Godin of Germany, who visited Albania 15 times since 1905, learned the language well and compiled a two-volume GermanAlbanian dictionary. She also served the homeless and hospitalized refugees of Durrës, Tirana, Kolonja, Gjirokastra, Dibra and the High Mountains. She declared, in writing an article for Tirana's daily newspaper Drita (10 February 1939, 3), "I have seen the sick and the wounded by the hundreds, women and children suffering and shamed by the enemies of Albanians, who were called civilized. But I have never seen such shameful things done by the hand of an Albanian." During this same period of extreme violence a Swiss traveler likened the Albanian mountaineer to the Scottish highlander. After referring to their physique, their clan organization, language, blood feuds and hospitality, her report to the Express de Neuchatel cited in L'Independance Alhanaise (1 June 1915, 64) continued: "Another common trait between the Albanian and the Scots is the respect, almost veneration, shown to the weak: old men, women and children. In Albania as in Scotland a woman

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can go anywhere without risking any offense or injury. An old man will never be bothered, nor a child mistreated." Midhat Bey Frashëri, who wrote under the pen name Lumo Skendo, has preserved for us a fascinating and convincing cluster of tributes to the unusually noble character of the Albanians. He quoted an English traveler, Noel Buxton, as stating in his book Europe and the Turks, "If the traveler praises the Turk because he finds his Turkish servant so delightful, you will generally find that this Turkish servant is an Albanian" (Skendo 1919, 5). Skendo also quoted Brailsford, the English agent of the Balkan Relief Com­ mittee of London, who was sent to administer relief in Macedonia in 1903. He supervised relief work in seven relief depots and employed only men recommended to him by trusted friends. Arriving in Monastir, he asked the Protestant missionary to recommend some honest persons to help in the purchase and distribution of food, blankets, clothing, etc. When the list was complete, every man was found to be an Albanian, although the mis­ sionary was working among Bulgarians! The one man named by the Catho­ lic priest also turned out to be an Albanian. Brailsford summarized it (ibid., 7): When I count over the natives who assisted us in one capacity or another in our seven relief depots, I find that there were fifteen Albanians and only six of other races, and of these six only two were in responsible positions, and one of these two proved unstable. Of the fifteen Albanians only one ever earned the lightest reprimand, and though they handled many thousands of English pounds among them, I would guarantee the scrupu­ lous honesty of every man of them.

It was especially gratifying to read of his complete confidence in "our Albanian kavass, a lad named Hassan, riding on horseback over the moun­ tains with his rifle on his shoulder and the money in his belt." Brailsford described that "face no one could fail to trust, kindly and gentle, yet spirited, with its blue eyes and blonde hair." That is precisely the way this writer remembers Hassan, who 30 years later served as the trusted guard and messenger at the American School in Korcha. When Brailsford learned that his trusted messenger had once been a member of a notorious band of brigands, he anxiously asked a friend whether Hassan should be trusted with sizable sums of money. The friend replied, "While he was a brigand, he was true to the band; while he is in your service he will be true to you." Then Brailsford asked the same question of a Bulgarian bishop, "Would you trust him?" The bishop replied, "He is an Albanian, is he not?" Ap­ parently that was considered assurance enough of his honesty (ibid., 6-7). Finally Skendo told of the Albanians battling the Turks to take Prishtina and Uskup, and the amazing aftermath. All Ottoman government authority had ceased to exist, and the Albanians remained absolute masters, obeying only their chiefs and their common

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sense. This condition lasted several weeks, and an eyewitness who saw these things with his own eyes at Uskup, told me with profound admira­ tion that during all the time when the city remained under the Albanians, there was not committed one crime, one offense, not even the least con­ travention. These armed mountaineers neither pillaged, nor killed, nor even stole a bite of bread. And when their chiefs gave them the order to return home, they all went with the same dignity and the same discipline with which they had come [ibid., 9],

Skendo admitted that brigandage was practiced in a couple of areas which he named, under temporary circumstances of Turkish oppression and pro­ vocation. But he added that "during at least one and a half years that the first Albanian government lasted, from 1912 to 1914, not one case of brigan­ dage or theft was reported in all Albania (ibid.). Apparently untouched by the violence and cruelty all around them, these Sons of the Eagle were truly incredible! T he A lbanian Relief Fund

A watching world gradually became aware of the unprovoked atrocities visited upon the northern and southern Albanians. Certain great­ hearted men determined to do something tangible for the thousands of suffering refugees. They formed the Albanian Relief Fund, headquartered in New York City, and secured the services of the concerned newsman William Howard as general secretary. His close collaborator was the Rev. Frederick Lynch, treasurer of the organization and editor of their periodical called the Christian W ork and Evangelist. They were assisted by an ex­ ecutive committee of prominent American philanthropists, scholars and editors. The very first of the nine men listed was the Hon. Charles R. Crane, who had already demonstrated his practical Christian concern during an earlier visit. Their appeal to the American people was based on the follow­ ing report (L'Independance Albanaise 1 June 1915, 62-63). Three hundred thousand men, women and children are homeless and without food or clothing, driven from their homes which were burned or destroyed. These refugees have assembled in the largest cities in the hope of finding relief, but have found only chaos, famine and desolation. Com­ merce is paralyzed, imports are stopped, the government is demoralized and anarchy prevails. The European W ar is not the cause of this calamity. Neither is there much blame to be given to the Balkan W ar. The inhuman calamity was wrought in time of peace by the fanatical religious prejudices of the Greek Orthodox Christians. Though the majority of the victims are Mohammedans, the Christians did not escape unmolested, for the Greeks did not spare the property of any Christian Albanian with patriotic feel­ ings of nationality. The Greek mission was to destroy whatever might be termed Albanian sentiment. Albania's troubles are from without, and not from within. If Greece, Serbia and Montenegro would let Albania alone she would be at peace with herself and with the world. The desire

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Muslim Albania, the Feudalists and Nationalization of Greece for more territory, and the desire of Serbia for a seaport, are the causes of Albania's troubles.

The men mentioned above gave sacrificially, and they solicited funds from others in public conferences held in many cities across the country. They procured a ship which they named Albania, loaded it with the simplest and cheapest of nourishing foodstuffs: chiefly cornmeal, flour and beans. Then they raised the American flag and crossed the embattled Atlantic again and again. Mr. Howard usually accompanied the food to oversee its distribu­ tion among the desperately needy. Because of devastation by Serbians in the north and by Greeks in the south, for two or three successive years Howard called Albania "that Horror Land." The American ambassador to Italy visited there and called it "Hell's own hole." While preparing to go with his fourth shipload of food, Howard described Albania as a land where skeleton fingers clutch at the skirts of one's coat; a land where men fall headlong from exhaustion while trying to ask for a crust of bread; a land where the despairing eyes of women follow as one passes by emptyhanded; a land where the cries of little children grow faint and fainter, and at last, end in the rasping, gurgling death rattle in the throat. Do you ask why I want to go back the fourth time to this land of dreadful things? It is because I have already been there three times! It is because —God help me! —I know what is there! [T he Christian W o rk an d Evangelist 1915, 667-68].

Our sophisticated age has become quite accustomed to worldwide atrocities and might even consider Howard's description as unnecessarily melodramatic. But Howard was haunted by what he had seen. Others joined the cause. The American minister to Greece wrote an impassioned appeal to Americans to aid Albania and so relieve desperate need, convert anarchy into stability and promote peace. Unable to persuade his govern­ ment to intervene, the ambassador resigned his post in protest. American missionaries and thousands of their church people joined thousands of Albanian-Americans in the common effort. Only eternity will reveal the practical results of this labor of love in relieving Albania's suffering during those darkest of months. T he A lienation of C entral A lbania

But we must move back to the vicissitudes of King William. Early in that brief reign the unscrupulous minister of war, Essad Pasha, came under suspicion of having diverted desperately needed military supplies to his own use. He wished apparently to unseat King William and establish his own rule in central Albania. So in May 1914 armed nationalists under a Dutch officer arrested him for conspiracy against the government and deported him by battleship to Italy on his word of honor never to return

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to Albania. But he did. The sudden dismissal of Essad Pasha triggered an uprising among his Toptani relatives in the Tirana region. They hoisted the Turkish flag and announced themselves in revolution against the govern­ ment. It was found that their "Essad Movement" was supplied with Serbian and Turkish money and officered by Serbian and Turkish officers. Strangely enough, they also worked in harmony with the Greek-sponsored "Autonomous Epirus" movement headed by Zographos. Probably nothing serious would have happened even then but for another unfortunate blunder on the part of a Dutch officer. Proceeding from Durrës to enforce order in Tirana, Captain Saar with about 80 gendarmes approached Shijak. Quite unaware of the militant character of this people, he gave orders to his men to shoot any armed men they might encounter. However, most Albanian men carried weapons in those troubled times. Meeting a group of three armed men, the gendarmes fired upon them. This aroused the neighboring Muslim peasants, who feared that they were going to be massacred by the European prince, or even deported to Turkey. They surrounded and disarmed the gendarmes. Even then the tragedy of errors might have been cleared up, but the govern­ ment in nearby Durrës ordered the heavy guns of the fortress turned inland to bombard the mistaken peasants in the hills. Government troops were also sent into action. Wild rumors of a rebel attack spread panic throughout Durrës, and King William with his family fled to an Italian bat­ tleship in the port. Although he returned to his palace soon afterwards, this undignified flight disillusioned the Albanian people, who could hardly con­ sider this behavior appropriate for the successor of their national hero Skanderbeg. The peasants, too, felt that the king in attacking Shijak had broken the besa (faith), so felt justified in their armed resistance. The agita­ tion in Tirana spread rapidly, and soon much of central Albania was fighting against the Durrës government. T he A bdication of K ing W illiam (3 September 1914)

On 15 June the insurgents attacked Durrës itself. Meanwhile the Greeks disregarded the "Disposition of Corfu" and ravaged southern Albania at will. It was at this time that every surviving teqe or monastery of the Bektashi dervish order was destroyed. Belatedly the European powers moved to expel the Greeks from the south. Austria required the Serbs to withdraw from northern Albania. This only intensified Slavic resentment of Austria, which exploded when two Serbian students assassinated Archduke Francis Ferdinand and his wife at Sarajevo on 28 June 1914. The Balkan "Powder Keg" blew up in August, and Albania was quite forgotten. Financial problems combined with the others to ter­ minate the brief and incredibly troubled rule of King William. On the ad­ vice of the commission and with no formal abdication, he left Albania on 2 September 1914 on an Italian yacht, turning sovereign authority back to the International Commission of Control from whom he had received it.

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Although his proclamation "To the Albanians" declared his absence to be only "temporary," and his return assured as soon as conditions should become more "propitious," that time never came. Three days later rebels entered Durrës and raised the Turkish flag. As for King William, he joined the German army with the nom de guerre Count of Kruja, which led Italian newspapers to announce that he had renounced the Albanian throne. This his secretary sharply denied on 24 November 1914 and concluded, "The King is at present on the battlefield, but his spirit lives constantly in Albania. And what the inhabitants of Shijak, Kavaja and Tirana demand today is the return of their lawful Sovereign" (The Orient 20 January 1915, 27). But he never returned. In retrospect the English woman Edith Durham expressed her bitter disap­ pointment with King William in her article "Albania, Past and Present" in the London Journal o f the Central Asian Society (1917, 4:1,13). She wrote, Albania's hopes were cruelly disappointed when, in response to her appeal for recognition, the Powers sent her a wholly incapable and incompetent German Prince, the Prince of Wied, who did not deign even to visit his land and subjects, but preferred to sit in his comfortable palace at Durrës and tried to form a little imitation of a German court. It is a disgrace to all who were concerned in the choice that such a man should have been appointed.

Very incidentally, the Albanian postal system can hardly be faulted for its inability to provide the appropriate stamps for the country. Upon the proclamation of independence in 1912 the Turkish postage stamps already on hand were overprinted with the double-headed black eagle and the word SHQIPERIA (Albania) under it. The next year the first true Al­ banian stamps were put in use featuring the head of Skanderbeg. But in 1914 when Prince Wied came to Durrës these stamps were overprinted with "1487 RROFTË MBRETI 1914" (Long live the King). Steps were taken at once to produce a new series with the features of Prince Wied. But by the time the stamps came out, the prince had fled. Those stamps were never used. So once again they overprinted what remained of the 1913 Skanderbeg stamps. It seems that the postal system never could quite keep up with the rapid succession of governments (Diana January 1938, 15). THE IN T E R IM G O V ER N M EN T OF E S S A D P A S H A ( S E P T E M B E R 1914) The International Commission of Control always did labor under hopeless handicaps, lacking adequate funding and any means of enforcing its decisions. But soon after the outbreak of World War I the international body disintegrated, representing both sides of the conflict as it did. Into the vacuum stepped once again the opportunistic Essad Pasha. After exile the previous May, he had lived temporarily in Italy, Corfu, Salonica and Ser­ bia. Now with Serbian financing and a following of 5,000 from Serbia and

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Dibra, Essad Pasha entered Durrës on 19 September 1914 and declared himself president of the "Government of Central Albania." The Albanian newspaper L'lndependance Albanaise of Sofia asserted (15 February 1915, 4) that the Italian government advanced five million francs to undergird his operation. But virtually all of central Albania regarded him as a traitor and loyally looked toward Shkodra for leadership. Officials of the Wied government, intellectuals as well as nationalists loyal to the king's government, retired to Shkodra where the flame of na­ tionalism was nourished by the more united northerners. In southern Albania, on the other hand, the Greeks with fire and sword ravaged the disorganized populations of the Korcha and Gjirokastra districts. Oddly enough, the regional insurgents who had so recently attacked the Durrës government of Prince Wied soon attacked the Durrës government of Essad Pasha. They distributed his Tirana estates among the peasant farmers. They even sent the Prince of Wied a telegram inviting him to return! He never did. But Essad Pasha, who pretended to speak for all of central Albania, was confined to the besieged city of Durrës. And now Albania, neutral Albania which had barely begun to organize as a state, would become the battleground of the great powers. E U R O P E A N P O W E R S IN A L B A N I A D U RIN G W O R L D W A R I (1914-1920)

As in the Balkan War, so in World War I it proved true that neutral Albania, like the proverbial innocent bystander, suffered more than did any of the actual belligerents. With neither an International Commission nor an Albanian central government exercising control over the whole country, the situation deteriorated rapidly. Northern Albania seemed the only island of tranquility in the country, the mountain tribes reverting eas­ ily to their ancient patterns of self-government, with Shkodra governed by its own city council. Elsewhere, however, greedy neighbors moved in like vultures to seize additional territory they had long coveted, but which had until now been denied them. G reece

The troops of Greece officially reentered southern Albania the latter part of October 1914, occupying the districts of Himara, Gjirokastra and Korcha. Very self-righteously, Greece declared its military occupation to be only temporary. Mihal Grameno followed closely the Greek occupation of the southern mountains he had helped so gallantly to defend. He declared that the Greeks in Toskëri "burned, killed and plundered" the Albanian population, many of whom fled to Vlora, Elbasan, Shkodra and even across the Adriatic to Brindisi and Bari (Grameno 1 9 2 5 , 16 9 ). The Greeks immediately replaced the fictitious "Autonomous Epirus" govern­ ment with military and civilian authorities but later under military pressure from Italy and France was forced to withdraw.

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Italy

For years Italy and its rival Austria had recognized that the harbor of Vlora with its fortified island, Sasano, was a splendid military base for the control of the Adriatic Sea. It was capable also of neutralizing Italy's bases at Taranto and Brindisi. Each nation wanted Vlora, each was determined the other would not have it, but both could agree that no third European power should have it. The only solution seemed that Vlora be left in the hands of an independent but deliberately weakened Albania. Both Italy and Austria could agree on that. Britain meanwhile insisted on Gladstone's altruistic principle: "The Balkans for the Balkan People." So until the war broke out, Italy had to be content with a policy of peaceful penetration. Catholic clergy for Albania were then being trained in Austria, so Italy founded other centers of influence and intrigue. Schools were opened in Shkodra, Vlora and Yanina, including trade schools for vocational train­ ing. But when Greek troops advanced from the south that October 1914, Italy without yet entering the war sent troops across the Adriatic to land on the uninhabited rocky Sasano on 30 October 1914. On Christmas Day they seized Vlora with its environs. At this juncture the Russian Count Sazonoff remarked to an Italian news correspondent what must have been the impression of many: "For us Albania no longer exists; Albania died before birth" (L'Independance Albanaise 15 March 1915, 22). But the American missionary to Albania, C. Telford Erickson, in a letter to the M anchester Guardian, called attention to the official assurance of Prime Minister Asquith that "place will be found and reserved for the free and independent existence of small nationalities." Then he added, "This race which has kept itself intact for four thousand years, keeping its language, its costumes, its traditions and its racial ideal, will not now commit hara-kiri for the pleasure of any belligerent in this European war" (ibid.). But of course Erickson knew nothing of the secret Treaty of London then under discussion. Five days after the Italian seizure of Vlora the Albanian Society of Sofia addressed to the six powers convening the Conference of Ambassadors at London a vigorous protest that one of the signatories, Italy, should have undertaken the military occupation of Vlora (Dako 1919, 143 for the text; Chekrezi 1919,161-62). Italy explained that this action would protect Vlora from the approaching Greeks, that it was only temporary and local, that it was necessary to protect the five or six Italians employed in the city and that this would safeguard the decision of the ambassadors for an independent Albania. That Italy's motives were not so altruistic appeared later in No­ vember 1917 following Russia's October Revolution, when Leon Trotzky, Russian minister of foreign affairs, published the text of a secret agreement between Italy and the Allies. This highly secret Treaty of London had been signed with Italy by the Allies —England, France and Russia —on 26 April 1915, just three weeks before Italy joined the Allies in the war.

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The text (Dako 1919, 146-50) clearly stipulated the price the Allies were willing to pay for Italy's assistance in the war. In detailing the various territories which Italy would receive "by the future treaty of peace," the Allies pledged what was not theirs to give: the independent state of Albania. Articles 6 and 7 of the Treaty provided the following: Art. 6. Italy shall obtain in full ownership, Vlora, the island of Sasano, and territory of sufficient extent to assure her against dangers of a military kind approximately between the river Vjosa to the north and east, and the district of Himara to the south. Art. 7. Italy undertakes in the event of a small, autonomous and neutralized state being formed in Albania, not to oppose the possible desire of France, Great Britain and Russia to partition the northern and southern districts of Albania between Montenegro, Serbia and Greece. . . . To Italy will be conceded the right of conducting the foreign relations of Albania.

Thus when Italy entered the war on 4 May 1915, she blockaded the entire Albanian seacoast, creating starvation for the isolated population. This led hundreds of Albanian-Americans of the Boston area assembled at historic Faneuil Hall on Sunday, 4 November 1915, to petition the United States government to designate relief food to assist the starving population. In those days, so crucial for the survival of Albania, it was Bishop Fan Noli who launched the poetic appeal "Give for Mother," each of the seven stan­ zas closing with those words of encouragement which would become im­ mortal: Mbahu, Nëno, mos ki frikë, (Bear up, Mother, have no fear,) Se ke djemtë n'Amerikë! (For you have sons in America!)

And these loyal sons in America reportedly contributed over $150,000 for Albanian relief, a very significant sum of money in those early days. From early summer of 1916 through that December, Italian troops gradually drove the Greeks out of southern Albania, occupying their erstwhile administrative centers of Gjirokastra and Saranda. Then, fearful lest the French might extend their occupation beyond Korcha, Italy deter­ mined to extend her own territory. On 3 June 1917 the Italian General Ferrero, anticipating the provisions of the yet secret Treaty of London, read a formal proclamation at Gjirokastra. He announced the "unity and in­ dependence of the whole of Albania, under the shield and protection of the Italian kingdom." He added, "By virtue of this proclamation, you, Alba­ nians, have a free government, an army, tribunals, all composed of Alba­ nians, and you are free to use as you wish your property and the products of your labor, for your own benefit, and for the enrichment of your coun­ try" (Dako 1919, 145). With the expulsion of the Austro-Bulgarian armies, almost all Albanian territory except French-occupied Korcha came under Italian military control.

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Benefits were immediate and significant. Local government was per­ mitted, Albanians forming councils to administer their areas under the supervision of Italian military authorities. They established schools using the Albanian and Italian languages. Improved housing was provided for the people. Several hundred miles of excellent crushed stone highway were constructed through the mountains to connect Vlora with Tepelena, Saranda and even Salonica. General George P. Scriven mentioned many such improvements in his National Geographic article "Recent Observations in Albania" (August 1918, 110-11), and he continued (ibid., 114), reporting that General Ferrero took "boyish delight" in setting up experimental farms in Vlora, Përmet, Leskovik and elsewhere, his soldier-farmers cultivating them and instructing local farmers in the use of modern machinery and methods of agriculture. Accustomed as they were to the "helpfulness" of professedly altrustic European nations, however, several thoughtful Al­ banians raised in print questions as to the exact implications of this Italian "shield and protection." But of course as yet they knew nothing of the secret Treaty of London. These conditions prevailed for two years until the close of the war on 11 November 1918. On Christmas Day 1918 the Italian authorities called a national meeting in Durrës. They formed a provisional government headed by a cabinet of 14 men under Turhan Pasha. This cabinet then signed an agree­ ment giving Vlora outright to Italy, the rest of the country remaining a pro­ tectorate under Italian supervision. When this secret agreement became known, many Albanian patriots protested vigorously. Despite strong Italian objections, these patriots called for the convening of the Congress of Lushnja for 21 January 1920. Serbia and M ontenegro, then A ustria

Encouraged by the successful occupation of Albanian territory by Greece and Italy, the Serbs and Montenegrins invaded northern Albania early in 1915. Even though this adventure might jeopardize their struggle with Austria-Hungary, the opportunity seemed altogether too good to miss. By that June they once again occupied most of northern and central Albania, extending to Tirana, Elbasan and Pogradec. The city of Shkodra, sharply contested by fanatical Turkish sympathizers, had come into the hands of patriots who raised the Albanian flag and governed it by a city council until Monenegrin troops forced their bloody way into the city on 14 June 1915. In June 1916 the war had dramatic consequences for Albania. The Austrians drove the Serbs and Montenegrins out of their new holdings. Essad Pasha as provisional president fled Durrës once again with his withdrawing Serbian friends. Austria then occupied all northern and cen­ tral Albania as far south as the Vjosa River, which served as the northern border of the Italian holdings. The Austrian military authorities, however, forbade the raising of the Albanian flag and any form of self-government,

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including their calling back the German Prince of Wied to his throne. Dur­ ing the occupation the Austrian forces are said to have constructed about 400 miles of military roads. When the war ended and Austria withdrew her army, Italian troops immediately occupied all her territory except Shkodra, which the French occupied until the end of the peace conference. France

Although declaring itself neutral in World War I, Greece seized and oc­ cupied much of southern Albania. Because of its pro-German orientation, however, French troops drove Greece out of the Korcha region on 27 Oc­ tober 1916. The French commander, Colonel Descoins, proposed that the region should be governed by Albanian authorities. So on 10 December he read a public proclamation acknowledging the independence of the "Autonomous Albanian Province of Koritsa" and raised the Albanian flag. He also named as prefect the soldier-patriot Themistokli Gërmenji, the local hero of what would become a tragic drama. Themistokli Gërmenji (1871-1917) had led the forces which drove the Greeks out of Korcha in 1914. So when the Greeks reoccupied southern Albania in 1915 he had fled to Sofia. But in October 1916 he had gone to Pogradec, the territory occupied by the Austrians and Bulgarians, hoping to secure their assistance in driving the Greeks out of Korcha once again. They, however, knowing that their ally Germany had agreed that this southern territory would go to Greece, had no desire to occupy Korcha. On the other hand, Gërmenji became increasingly certain that Austria and Ger­ many could not win the war anyway. So when the French took Korcha that October (1916), he felt that the interests of a free Albania could be furthered by cooperating with them. On 24 November Gërmenji went to Korcha to confer with the French. The French commander recognized his leadership skills and appointed him prefect of that autonomous republic on 10 December. He proved to be a good administrator, forming a governing council and setting up the police force and gendarmerie. He established a post office system and issued stamps and paper money. He set up Albanian schools throughout the villages of the region and discontinued the use of the Turkish and Greek languages in schools and government offices. The economy improved dramatically. Gërmenji's genial influence led to wide­ spread confidence in the future of Albania. But a progressive Albania was not in harmony with the direction being taken by the nations then meddling with Balkan affairs. The secret Treaty of London (1915) had made provision for the partitioning of Albania so that Gjirokastra and Korcha would go to Greece. Thus the arrangement be­ tween Colonel Descoins and Gërmenji for an autonomous Albanian prov­ ince was quite unacceptable to either France or Greece. Further, the high command of allied forces was then based at Salonica, where the Greek government under Prime Minister Venizelos also had its temporary base. At the same time the exiled troublemaker, Essad Pasha, who had fled before

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the Austrians, was maintained at Salonica by the French. It is easy to see how such a coalition could generate and substantiate the charge that Gërmenji was "an Austrian agent working against the best interests of the Allied cause" (Gaz 6 February 1930, 2; PBK, letter to Barton, 10 December 1917). He was tried, condemned and imprisoned at Salonica. From prison he addressed this letter of farewell to his wife on 9 November 1917 (ibid.). My dear Evdhoksi, I fell a victim of fabrications. Inasmuch as I cannot return to Korcha and can no more return home, you have the right to remarry. But be sure to discuss this with Pandeli Cale who as a patriot has a duty not to let you suffer. To Mother, I kiss her hand. I kiss Vasil and Efthali with much affection. Know that I die innocently. I seek forgiveness from all patriots if I have done them any harm unintentionally. Long live Albania under the protection of France 1 Your husband, Themistokli Gërmenji

That same day at 46 he was executed by firing squad in Salonica. How very ironic that this hero and patriot who had survived years of guerrilla warfare against Albania's foes should have been delivered over to death by the hands of its ally and friend! To avoid offending the French occupation forces, not even passing reference could be made to his death in Dhori Koti's annual Kalendari Korça of 1919 covering local events of the preceding year. But Gërmenji was very highly esteemed by everyone in Korcha, they naming the city park after him and erecting a heroic statue of him in appreciation. Now the last Albanian flag flying in Albania came down, and Korcha was administered by the French once more. Dhori Koti's Kalendari for 1919 did, however, acknowledge the numerous benefits of the French protection. All the fighting was distant. The Korcha region enjoyed peace and quiet right up to the close of the war on 11 November 1918. The city joyously celebrated the armistice with fireworks. Within two months that fall of 1918 there were 2,150 deaths from influenza reported for the area. But with surplus funds in the city treasury, an abundant grain and grape harvest, penal cases dropping from 508 in 1916 to 187 in 1918, with 3,449 students in the area enrolled in primary and middle schools, and the war successfully terminated, all were optimistic about the future of Albania. A supreme concern of Albanian patriots was expressed in a poem in­ cluded in the Kalendari for 1919 (p. 22), the first stanza reading as follows: O ç'e madhe lumëri (O what great happiness) Është sot në Shqipëri, (Is today in Albania,) Se çdo Shqipëtar mëson (For each Albanian learns) Gjuhën e ti po këndon. (And is reading his language.)

There were 11 other stanzas with the same sentiment! For 500 years Alba­ nians had struggled and suffered for just this! The following year the Kalen-

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dari (1920,17) reported, "At the beginning of the year we had a bitter disap­ pointment over the matter of our flag, but the good and moderate counsel of our Delegate Governor quieted our spirits." Then when the French withdrew from the region on 26 May 1920, the beloved flag went up again (.Kalendari 1926, 1). About this time, too, the oldest Albanian newspaper, K oha (Time), resumed publication in Korcha. The founder and proprietor, Mihal Grameno, warrior and journalist, had relocated his paper in Boston for four years during the war. His letter to Koli Karbunara of Vlora on 16 October 1914 reveals that he had to sell his cloaks and gun to get the money for passage (Liria 15 May 1981, 4), but he got there and continued his patriotic publication, returning to Korcha in March 1919. The status of Albania's boundaries was not clarified in 1919 as hoped. Greece was determined to get the districts of Korcha and Gjirokastra at the Paris Peace Conference. In fact, that August 1919, unofficial word came to Korcha that the Greeks would soon be taking over, only the date being yet uncertain. Wild rumors multiplied. History was to repeat itself. People sold their goods for little or nothing and fled in every direction. The city streets were empty, "without even a cat or dog!" By November fears were allayed, and many people returned. Schools reopened, with 4,414 children enrolled, an increase of 1,000 over the previous year. The middle school became a Lyceum with eight grades and instruction conducted in the French language so the graduate could enter any university. Soon French professors would come with their excellent curriculum, but with their left-wing socialism destined to breed communism. However, this highly influential school would prove to be one of the best legacies of the French occupation. During 1919 also the American Red Cross came to Korcha and set up both a hospital and an orphanage (Kalendari 1920, 17-18, 21). Intervention of A merican P resident W oodrow W ilson

Anticipating the close of the war, President Woodrow Wilson con­ vened a Congress of Oppressed Nations at Washington in July 1918. Bishop Fan Noli, who had been elected president of the Albanian-American society Vatra both in July 1915 and July 1917, represented Albania at the congress. On 4 July 1918 he and representatives of other oppressed nations accom­ panied Wilson on the presidential yacht M ayflower to the tomb of George Washington at Mount Vernon. Here President Wilson delivered his famous address on the "Fourteen Principles" relating to nationhood and selfdetermination. Later that day Noli met with President Wilson on the M ayflower to speak on behalf of Albanian independence. There he received the president's pledge to champion the rights of the Albanians. Wilson declared, "I shall have but one voice at the Peace Conference, and I will use that voice in behalf of Albania" (Liria 27 November 1976, 2). Wilson was literally deluged with telegrams and appeals in behalf of Albania. On 20 July 1918 Kristo Dako and Mihal Grameno sent the president a memorandum entitled "Albania's Rights and Claims to Independence

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and Territorial Integrity," outlining the natural ethnic boundaries. Shortly afterwards on 12 October Sevasti Dako, president of the Albanian National Party, addressed to President Wilson and the Foreign Office of each of the Allies another memorandum entitled "Albania's Rights, Hopes and Aspira­ tions" (Dako, S., 1918), begging their intervention at the forthcoming Peace Conference. Then in 1919 Constantine Chekrezi published his book, Albania, Past and Present, and Kristo Dako his Albania: The Master Key to the N ear East, both books being strategically directed to the decision­ makers. T he K osova C ommittee

On 7 November 1918 patriots in northern Albania formed the Com­ mittee for the National Defense of Kosova, or simply the Kosova Commit­ tee based at Shkodra. It enjoyed the support of many leaders and intellectuals, published a news organ called Populli (The People) and declared that Albanians must rely on their own political and military forces to assure national liberation (Liria 9 March 1979, 4). T he P eace C onference at V ersailles (1919-1920)

World War I ended with the armistice on 11 November 1918. The Allies then called the Paris Peace Conference held at the suburban royal palace of Versailles (1919-1920) to stipulate the conditions of a peace treaty with Germany and her allies. One tangled issue was that of Albania. At the close of the war, France occupied the Korcha region and Italy the rest of the country. The London Conference of Ambassadors in 1913 had already deprived Albania of half her territory and half her population. Subse­ quently a secret Treaty of London (1915) between Italy and the Allies had promised much of Albania's already shrunken territory to Italy, Greece, Serbia and Montenegro. Another secret treaty, the Tittoni-Venizelos Agreement between Italy and Greece in 1919, would almost complete the dismemberment. Accordingly at Versailles Greece claimed additional ter­ ritory in southern Albania, Serbia and Montenegro more northern ter­ ritory, and Italy the port of Vlora and environs. Debate continued whether to recognize a tiny autonomous Albanian state or to partition it among her Balkan neighbors. Albanians now had to fight as never before for their very survival as a nation. Ismail Kemal Pasha, the veteran diplomat, once again came to his country's defense. Seven years earlier when he had turned the government over to the International Commission of Control, he had stated in a farewell telegram to all the prefectures, "I declare that from here on I shall consecrate the last days of my life to the service of the Fatherland . . . I leave the dear nation in the protection of God" (Drita 22 August 1937, 1). Ap­ pointed by the strong Albanian community in the United States to repre­ sent them and Albania at the Paris Peace Conference, the 75-year-old patriot was determined to "present to the Conference the demands and the

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rights of Albania" (Dielli 25 November 1988, 5). Unfortunately, he suffered a stroke at Perugia, Italy, while en route and died there on 26 January 1919. Several articulate spokesmen did represent Albania at Versailles, however. The provisional government established at Durrës with Italian aid sent six representatives to Paris in January 1919. One of these, Bishop Luigj Bumçi of Lesh, went with Midhat Frashëri to Rome in 1919 to secure the promise of Pope Benedict XV to meet immediately with the am­ bassadors of England and the United States on behalf of Albania (Leka 1937, 9:459). Grameno (1925, 171) listed another seven delegates from Albania, five from Romania, seven from Turkey and six from the United States. Among these latter were Mihal Grameno himself, editor of K oha in Boston, and Miss Parashqevi Kyrias, editor of Yll'i Mëngjezit, who sailed for Paris on 19 March 1919 (Përparimi March 1919,1). Grameno also noted that "protests, memorandums and petitions came in like hailstones from Romania, Egypt, America, Bulgaria, Turkey and all other colonies of Al­ banians" (Grameno 1925, 171). Loyal Sons of the Eagle everywhere focused their supportive efforts on the Peace Conference at Versailles as delegates wrestled with the Albanian question. Neutral writers also came to the defense. In August 1919 the French paper Petit Parisien carried an article which appeared also in a political weekly in Rome (Kuvëndi 29 August 1919, 1). The journalist wrote, Albania has always been downtrodden by conquerors, and has never bent under the yoke. For centuries the Albanian has fought with the utmost energy to defend his liberties and his homeland. Furthermore, that which must be notable particularly in the Balkans, the Albanian never has under­ taken a war of aggression. He has never attacked another, he has always defended himself.

These and numerous other appeals and presentations successfully counteracted the specious presentations of Albania's greedy neighbor nations. T he C ongress of Lushnja (21-26 January 1920)

In this precarious postwar reconstruction period a central government representing all Albanians was desperately needed. The French military oc­ cupied Shkodra, Korcha and Pogradec. The puppet provisional govern­ ment of Durrës had given to Italy not only the Vlora district but also a protectorate over most of the country. The Serbs held the headwaters of the Drin River. Also, a radical dismemberment of Albania was still under consideration at Versailles. Accordingly, on 21 January 1920 a Congress of Albanian leaders representing all Albanian regions convened at Lushnja, south of Durrës. During the next five days they agreed upon the following measures to confront the critical problems facing the country. First, the congress agreed that the provisional government based at Durrës had

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exceeded the limits outlined by the Congress of Durrës, had obstructed the convening of the senate provided for by that congress and was largely responsible for the anarchy then prevailing, so the Lushnja Congress dissolved the provisional government. They addressed to the Peace Con­ ference at Paris a resolution protesting the proposed partitioning of Alba­ nian territory and appointed another three-man delegation to represent Albanian concerns at Paris. They addressed to the United States Senate a plea for American intervention at Paris to avert the further violation of ethnic boundaries as agreed upon by France, England, Russia and Italy in the 1915 secret Treaty of London. The congress also appointed a four-man High Council, with a representative of the Sunni, the Bektashi, the Roman Catholic and the Eastern Orthodox communities. This council would exer­ cise the powers usually entrusted to a king or a president and would func­ tion "until the coming of the King." They elected seven cabinet officers, including Sulejman Bey Delvina as prime minister, Ahmet Zogu as minister of the interior, and Sotir Peci as minister of education. The name of Sotir Peci appears again and again in the historical documents: first as a delegate to the Alphabet Congress of Monastir (1908), remaining in Albania to teach at Elbasan Normal School until its suppres­ sion, then teaching at the Albanian Boys' School at Korcha. He developed a series of textbooks in mathematics, physics and Albanian grammar then served as director of education for the Korcha district until chosen as minister of education. The Congress of Lushnja also elected a senate or parliament of 37 men representing all ten prefectures and officially installed them in office. They proclaimed their capital city to be Tirana, named after Teheran, the capital of Persia when the city was founded 300 years earlier. Thus they announced to the world the determination of the Albanian peo­ ple for independence (Drita 28 November 1937, 12-13; Grameno 1925, 172). T he P eace T reaty of V ersailles

The final World War I peace treaty, signed in the historic palace at Ver­ sailles on 28 June 1919, changed the map of Europe. It took away territory from Germany and Austria and their allies Bulgaria and Turkey and created new states: Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. It also created the League of Nations to promote international cooperation and assure peace. The peace conference recognized Albania as a legitimate selfgoverning nation within the boundaries stipulated in 1913, and it ordered neighbor nations to withdraw to those boundaries. Bishop Fan Noli, who was in the very center of the storm raging at Versailles, assured his coun­ trymen that "President Wilson did more than any other man for the in­ dependence of Albania" (Liria December 1987, 2). Wilson categorically refused to sign the peace treaty until it guaranteed the right of Albania to self-government. How cynical, then, was the atheistic regime which would declare 65 years later that "the Soviet government led by Lenin was the only

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government which truly supported and defended the oppressed nations . . . the reliable ally of the Albanian people for the defense of their national rights" (NAlb 1984, 3:25). But Albanians know better. THE G O V ERN M EN T OF SU LEJM AN BEY D ELVIN A (11 FEBRU A RY TO 14 N O V EM BER 1920) O rganization

On 11 February 1920 the new Albanian government created by the Congress of Lushnja and headed by Sulejman Bey Delvina organized itself at Tirana. There are great joy and enthusiasm throughout Albania and in sympathetic diplomatic circles abroad, especially at the continuing Paris Peace Conference. The first significant response came from France, when it voluntarily withdrew its army from Shkodra and on 11 March formally turned the city over to the control of the Tirana government. The senate which had been called for both at Vlora (28 November 1912) and at Durrës (25 December 1918) never did materialize. But the National Assembly called for by the Congress of Lushnja in January 1920, convened at Tirana on 27 March 1920. It adopted a statement introduced by the High Council which declared the national purpose to be full independence rather than a protectorate, also the defense of the nation. They also expressed the hope of living in "friendly harmony" with neighboring Greece, Yugoslavia and Italy, also the hope that they as well as President Wilson then at Paris would recognize the ethnic rights of the Albanian people. Here also laws and a budget were adopted. W ithdrawal of the French from K orcha

One prefecture after another declared its solidarity with Tirana. Kor­ cha citizens at a mass meeting requested union with Tirana and for the third time raised the national flag on 26 May 1920. Because eyewitness accounts from Korcha have conserved for us the euphoria characteristic of the whole country, we include excerpts here. With the withdrawal of the French troops occupying Korcha, and the reports of an impending advance by Greek troops at nearby Fiorina, a historic meeting was called for 26 May, 1920. Residents of Korcha and nearby villages packed the streets like sardines. During a patriotic address from the balcony of the city hall, the Albanian flag was raised, and the crowd went wild. The Council read a Proclamation recognizing the solidarity of the Korcha government with the Tirana central government. They placed the local government temporarily in the hands of Tirana's Minister of Public Works, a local man Eshref Frashëri, who happened to be home at the time. Frashëri then issued a Proclamation acknowledging the subjection of the Korcha government to the central government of Tirana, the continuation in service of all officials appointed by the military authorities of France, commanding civil order and obedience, assuring the security of life, property and honor to all regardless of religion, command­

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ing that the national flag of Skanderbeg be raised on all government buildings, and announcing the government principles of unity and brotherhood. The sale of liquor was suspended. There was perfect public order. Many men signed up for arms and went toward the Greek frontier. The next day Bishop Jakovi, who is also an agent of Greece, proposed to the Council that he send two men to Fiorina to see how things stood. The Council, however, decided to send its own representatives: one Christian and one Moslem, to show that the two are indivisible. Then word came that the Vatra band would arrive from Përmet. This famous band of Albanian-Americans was under the direction of Mr. Thomas Nasi, a public school bandmaster in the Boston area, and was touring Albania stirring up patriotic enthusiasm everywhere. Many peo­ ple went out by horse, bicycle and afoot to meet the band. At one o'clock two horsemen came like crazy men shouting that the band was coming. Everybody poured out to meet them. Stores closed. School children twoby-two went as far as the tower at the edge of Korcha on the road to Ersek. The autobus came in sight, dust rising high, and stopped near the tower. They got out, lined up, and started to play. Then the people gave them bouquets of flowers, so many bunches that their arms were filled with flowers, so many that they were loaded down, they couldn't accept any more. And because some people could not approach the players because of the crowd, they threw their flowers upon the players. Flowers fell like rain upon the band and everyone near them. Nothing like this was ever seen before in Korcha, or for that matter in all the world. Everybody was crying with joy. Not a person remained without shedding tears of joy at their coming. Enthusiasm reached the heavens. The band played before the city hall. There were speeches of welcome and on the concerns of the day. Professor Thomas Nasi expressed apprecia­ tion for the welcome, for their arrival in Albania, and even more for their arrival in Korcha, the birthplace of most of the men who had left for Amer­ ica fifteen or more years previously to find work. A reception followed. The next morning at eight o'clock the delegation arrived from Fiorina. The Greeks had invited an official party headed by Frashëri to draw up an Agreement. Awaiting their return, the band played at the home of a French official, at the quarters of the American Red Cross, at the Italian Consulate and the Yugoslavian Consulate. From here the band went to the Girls School, which the American missionaries had opened at Mr. Phineas Kennedy's home. Here they were received better than anywhere else. Good speeches were made by the people and by the musicians. The band played for the pleasure of all. When the band began to play the Albanian Hymn they raised the Albanian flag slowly until the hymn was finished, and the flag reached the top. The enthusiasm cannot be described. At about nine that evening the delegation returned from the frontier. The Albano-Greek Agreement recognized the present borders until the Peace Conference conclusions were announced. The two states would be at peace, telegraph and postal service and trade would be permitted, also Greek schools and churches would remain in operation for the present. In this manner peace came to the Korcha district [K alen dari 1921, 18-26].

The Korcha newspaper took up the story ( K o h a 9 July 1920,1). Visits and family reunions followed, interspersed with special patriotic and

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cultural concerts. The Vatra band with Professor Nasi remained some time in Korcha, where they undertook the training of a City Hall band. The complete ensemble gave its first concert Sunday evening 3 July in the Themistokli Gërmenji Park, with half the Korcha population in en­ thusiastic attendance. Outstanding was their patriotic drama Fe e K om bësi (Religion and Patriotism) written by the patriot Kristo Floqi and played in Korcha four days, 23 through 26 July. It illustrated what was to become a common theme during those formative years of the new nation: that differences in religion could cause division, but that such should have nothing whatever to do with patriotism and love of country. Besides the drama there was a concert of classical music and Albanian songs composed by the director, Thomas Nasi. Expulsion of the Italians from V lora

On 3 June 1920 the Committee of National Defense demanded the Italian evacuation of Vlora and environs. The Italian troops of occupation refused. So on 20 June Albanian patriots staged a massive uprising, seizing virtually all the region except the city of Vlora itself, which was defended by heavily reinforced Italian troops. Then patriots poured in from all parts of the country. Volunteers from Elbasan were aroused to action by the three-year-old Afërdita (Dawn) band. Most of the players were Normal School students. Usually on patriotic holidays the band played patriotic songs and marches through the streets of Elbasan, even providing a weekly band concert in the town square. But when the battle of Vlora began, the band marched from door to door, playing patriotic songs and appealing for funds. There was a tremen­ dous outpouring of sacrificial giving, including rings and jewelry, amount­ ing to 2,000 gold napoleons, a significant sum in those days. Three hundred men also took up arms and began a forced march to Vlora. The band ac­ companied them as far as the bridge over the Shkumbin River (Liria 2 December 1977, 4). The one-month struggle that summer was successful. Professor Nasi wrote of seeing "Albanian fighters with tattered sandals throwing their heavy cloaks on the barbed wire entanglements . . . and then attacking like lions." This scene inspired his most famous of many composi­ tions, "Vlora, Vlora!" which became a most popular battle hymn (Drita 31 October 1982; Liria 15 January 1983, 1). The Italians requested an ar­ mistice. On 17 August they signed an agreement at Tirana and turned Vlora over to the Albanians, and the last foreign troops withdrew from Albanian soil. Military and civic officials planned a great triumphal celebration for 3 September. They invited both the Vatra band and the Afërdita band to participate. There were 23 Elbasan bandsmen who headed by horse to Vlora. They stopped overnight in three different towns where they en­ thused the people with concerts. But the triumphal entry of Vlora on 3 September awoke unparalleled emotions of patriotism and joy. Following

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the War Committee was the Afërdita band, the officers and armed forces who had liberated the city, also the Albanian-American Vatra band of Boston. For several days the bands marched through the streets of the city, playing marches and patriotic and popular songs, often to the enthusiastic singing of soldiers and citizens. This raised the patriotic enthusiasm of the city to fever pitch and created a spirit of unity and optimism. For Nasi this was a triumphant homecoming. For only 16 years earlier, as a boy of 12, he had left his family and hometown of Dardha near Korcha to find work in the New World. He washed dishes and scrubbed floors. But he also finished the New England Conservatory of Music (1918) and played in the Boston Symphony Orchestra. In 1916 he founded and directed the Vatra band of Albanian-American musicians. In the spring of 1920 the patriotic Vatra society sent the 24-member band and 120 patriotic volunteers to help their countrymen in the struggle for independence. Thomas Nasi and his family remained in Albania until 1926 developing choral and instrumental groups and programs, recording and collecting old folk songs and writing many new ones. On his death in 1964 his musical treasury went to the Conservatory of Tirana and the Palace of Culture in Korcha (ibid.). O ther A ccomplishments

During this period of national rejoicing, supporters of Essad Pasha Toptani attempted to overthrow the Tirana government and place their man in power. Authorities frustrated the power play without bloodshed. That 13 June one Avni Rustemi assassinated Essad Pasha in Paris, and that particular series of intrigues was brought to an end. But there were plenty of others waiting in the wings. On 10 July 1920 the National Library was born, when the Albanological nucleus of the Library of Shkodra, founded in April 1917, was relocated in Tirana. Additional books were gathered, and the Official Gazette on 10 December 1922 announced its inauguration as the National Library. For the first time in many, many years Albania was free of all foreign troops. They only awaited now the coming of a commis­ sion chosen by the League of Nations to care for certain details of the borders with Serbia and Greece. On 14 November the cabinet of Sulejman Delvina resigned. The High Council named Ilias Vrioni as prime minister to head a new government. THE G O V ER N M EN T OF IL IA S V R IO N I (16 N O V EM BER 1920 T O 16 O C T O B E R 1921) Shortly after the formation of the new cabinet, the High Council decreed the termination of the senate chosen at Lushnja, and the election of a parliament in February 1921. Following those elections, the first popularly elected parliament of 97 deputies convened on 21 April, organiz­ ing itself with Pandeli Evangjel as its president.

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Fan N oli

During this same period a new luminary was rising. That July 1920 Bishop Fan Noli of Boston together with 500 other Albano-Americans had left the United States for a visit to their homeland. Noli had already earned a reputation with some in his Albanian colony of Boston as a controversial figure, and further controversy would swirl around this charismatic leader in days to come. That November he headed a four-man mission to repre­ sent Albania at the new League of Nations in Geneva. He proved to be an articulate spokesman for the Albanian cause and an able statesman. The prestigious British newspaper the M anchester Guardian paid this tribute (Lina 27 November 1976, 2): "Fan Noli is a man who would have been remarkable in any country. An accomplished diplomat, an expert in inter­ national politics, a skillful debater, from the outset he made a deep impres­ sion in Geneva. He knocked down his Balkan opponents in a masterly fashion, but always with a smile. He is a man of vast culture." Largely due to his efforts, Albania was unanimously admitted to full membership dur­ ing the first assembly of the League of Nations on 19 December 1920. Early in 1921 Noli was appointed a member of the Albanian Parliament. Sotir P eci and the P ublic School System

Another Albano-American, Sotir Peci, as minister of education laid the foundation for a national system of public schools. During 1920 the government opened 504 elementary schools and furnished them with 1,400 teachers. True, many of the teachers had received minimal training and needed much help in curriculum planning and teaching methods. Most of the schools were only five-year village schools where the children sat on the floor around their teacher and there was little equipment. But the children crowded the schools as fast as they were opened. The only limitations on the program were space and teachers. The government also strengthened the schools opened by the French and Italians during their wartime occupa­ tion of the country. How appropriate, then, that a few years later the government recognized the efforts of this patriot and pioneer educator by naming for him the Sotir Peci School for Boys, the public school for boys in Korcha, situated directly across the cobblestone street from the old American School and the Evangelical Mission (Liria 15 May 1982, 4). T he B ektashis

From 17 to 21 January 1921 a historic Pan-Bektashian Congress was held in the tekke of the monastery of Prishta near Berat. Under the leader­ ship of Gjysh Ahmet of Turan, the Bektashis became the first religious body in Albania to declare itself free of all foreign control. Besides reorganizing the Albanian Bektashi community, they voted to establish a philosophical college to provide a higher religious culture to their followers and to im­ prove the preparation of future dervishes (Tyrabi 1929, 94-95). Several

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years would pass, however, before any tangible steps in this direction would be taken by the community. Restlessness and C onfusion

This was a period of ferment. On the one hand, the women of Vlora took a giant step forward on 6 February 1921 with the introduction of a newspaper, Shpresa K om bëtare (National Hope), by the women's society of the same name. The president of the society and the director of the paper was Marigo Pozio, the patriot who will forever be associated with the na­ tional flag raised by Ismail Kemal that first Independence Day. Admittedly, the society was really riding the wave generated by the expulsion of the Italians from Vlora six months earlier. But its purpose was broader: "The progress, education and awakening of Albanian women to better serve the fatherland, also financial assistance for poor girls to continue their educa­ tion in the higher schools" (Liria July 1984, 3). Unfortunately, the newspaper closed down three months later due to Pozio’s illness. But there were widespread restlessness and criticism. On 5 March 1921 the neophyte Albanian government determined to stop all criticism and anti-Albanian propaganda within the country. It issued a proclamation strictly prohibiting any citizen or foreigner in Albania from engaging in political or religious propaganda harmful to the state. The proclamation spelled out the specific activities which were forbidden and prescribed the specific punishment in terms of imprisonment and even death which would be applied "without mercy." The proclamation was signed by the minister of the interior, Ahmet Zogu (Dielli 13 April 1921,1). In late June Vrioni sub­ mitted the resignation of all the cabinet members, but the High Council prevailed on him to continue as prime minister. His basic problem was the difficulty of finding leaders who enjoyed the confidence of all the Parlia­ ment, for in this nation just emerging from centuries of feudalism, the leaders were still known only locally. On 11 July Vrioni formed a second cabinet of more experienced men. But political machinations broke out behind the scenes. Grameno wrote that the egotism and personal feuding of petty politicians created such a confused political situation that a spark alone would have created an explo­ sion. Political parties with such euphemistic names as "Popular" or "Pro­ gressive" or even "Holy League" with no program of their own yet quarreled among themselves for power (Grameno 1925,174-75). A newspaper of the day detailed the problem. There were personal animosities. Operational procedures of the new government were not at all clear. Deputies distrusted cabinet officers. Decisions and agreements were reversed. Rumors many and wild seemed to multiply. Irregularities led to charges and counter­ charges. There were too many government officials for such a small coun­ try to maintain. The cost of living grew unbearably high. In July general restlessness in the Mirdita mountains almost resulted in a full-scale rebellion. The government took critical newspaper editors to

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court. Harsh laws were enacted. Officials rooted out dissenters, who fled to distant friends or to the mountains to hide. Rightly or wrongly, people even accused the government of burning houses and interning dissenters as brutally as the Turks before them. There was general anarchy or chaos, a "living Babylon," Grameno called it (ibid., 180). Hoping to clear the at­ mosphere, friends prevailed on Vrioni's government to resign on 16 Oc­ tober and named Pandeli Evangjeli to head a neutral cabinet. TH E G O V ER N M EN T OF PA N D ELI EV A N G JELI (16 O C T O B E R T O 6 D EC EM BER 1921) The crisis worsened under the new government as each party tried to seize control. To avert still worse developments, the High Council felt it necessary to interrupt sessions of Parliament. This was highly embarrassing to many, for it occurred on those very days that the Peace Conference at Paris recognized the self-government of Albania within the boundaries determined by the Ambassadors at London in 1913. They were further em­ barrassed when the commission charged by the League of Nations to oversee Albanian boundary concerns arrived in Tirana 21 November, while self-seeking politicians were continuing their quarrels. That 6 December at two-thirty in the morning a crowd of armed men, mostly from Dibra and Kosova, surrounded the Hotel International where the prime minister was sleeping. Hasan Prishtina and two others went to his room, discussed the critical situation and urged it to be his patriotic duty to avoid threatened bloodshed by resigning. After conversing at great length, Evangjeli wrote out his resignation. "The three men thanked Pandeli Evang­ jeli for his patriotic example, then went to present the resignation of the Cabinet to the High Council" (ibid., 175-76). Just so smoothly did the government change! The High Council charged Hasan Prishtina (of all peo­ ple!) with forming a new cabinet. THE G O V ER N M EN T OF H A SAN P R ISH T IN A (6 D EC EM BER T O 11 D EC EM BER 1921) Things did not go at all smoothly for the Prishtina regime. Many were angry over the circumstances of his rise to power. He resigned only five days later on 11 December. Another temporarily carried his responsibilities until Parliament could hurriedly convene, and on 24 December Xhafer Ypi headed a new cabinet. THE G O V ER N M EN T OF XH A FER YPI (24 D EC EM BER 1921 TO 2 D EC EM BER 1922) M ore B irth P angs of the N ew N ation

The new government seemed to enjoy general support in accomplish­ ing its internal and external responsibilities, and the crisis seemed to sub­ side. Then once again egotistical plotters and schemers seemed willing to

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jeopardize Albanian freedom rather than fail to realize their personal ambi­ tions. On 8 March 1922 a great uprising occurred in Mirdita and Dibra, supposedly stimulated by the neighboring Serbs. Ahmet Zogu, then minister of the interior, led the troops who suppressed the revolution. Hasan Prishtina escaped the country, but other captured leaders were hanged or imprisoned. Four sympathizers on the High Council or in the Parliament chose to resign. The Tirana government was highly embar­ rassed that the International Boundary Commission was still present to observe these further birth pangs of the new nation. T he A lbanian V ocational S chool at T irana

The Vocational School at Tirana was the brainchild of Captain Crowley, director of the American Junior Red Cross program in Albania. It was established in 1921, with primary funding by the American Junior Red Cross. The government also provided funds toward the buildings, operating expenses and quite adequate equipment. Much of the actual con­ struction work was done by the students themselves. The school provided boys with a practical five-year course of training at the level of a technical high school. Vocational training included masonry, carpentry, metal work, plumbing, machine shop, mechanical drawing, electrical work, printing, heat engines, ice making and agriculture. Its American director for many years was the greatly loved Harry T. Fultz. In a culture where the educated person would scarcely dream of doing manual work, the "Tech­ nical School" boys were delighted that their principal would bicycle to downtown shops or even government offices in his working clothes. It was a radically new concept! But it was quite in keeping with the school motto, the words of the immortal Naim Frashëri: "Work, work, day and night, that we may see a little light!" Helen Trayan, an American Red Cross nurse at the school, was helpful also in training students for self-government. Incidentally, during the height of the revolution that spring, several Tirana cabinet members owed their lives to Mr. Fultz, who secreted them in the basement of the Vocational School building. The entire Albanian treasury amounting to over $7.7 million was hastily transferred to the American School, where the floor was torn up in order to hide it (New York Times 5 May 1922). A student bank and the Cooperative Society encour­ aged thrift, and the Student Congress provided valuable training in selfgovernment. T he A utocephalous A lbanian O rthodox C hurch

The Orthodox Church held its Congress of Berat on 12 September 1922. It was undoubtedly influenced by Bishop Fan Noli of the Albanian Orthodox Church in America who attended, when it proclaimed itself autocephalous or self-governing. In breaking its ties with the Greek Or­ thodox patriarchate of Constantinople, the Albanians would hereafter be governed by Albanian clergy and would use the Albanian rather than the

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Greek language in their services. The Greek press both within and without Albania loudly protested an Albanian national church no longer headed by Greek prelates. And not until 1937 would the patriarch of Constantinople recognize an independent Albanian Orthodox Church. But Noli, whose contested ordination in America by a Russian Orthodox archbishop seemed irregular to some, submitted to ordination by Bishop Kristofor Kissi at the Saint George Cathedral in Korcha on 4 December. This laid a firm foundation of three bishops on which to establish a strong Albanian Orthodox Church. Later when ordained archbishop, Noli would receive the title "Metropolitan of Durazzo, Gora and Shpata, Primate of all Illyria, the Western Sea and all Albania," one of the most ancient and distinguished episcopal thrones in the Balkans {Liria 27 November 1976, 2). Fan N oli (1 8 8 2 -1 9 6 5 ) Enters the P olitical A rena

Fan Noli was rising concurrently, both as a churchman and as a statesman. Apparently many of his friends as well as his adversaries hoped that Noli would give up politics and devote himself to strengthening the structure and character of his church. In fact, Grameno, who had known Noli well in America and in Korcha, wrote that he had urged Noli not to become entangled in the politics of the new nation, but to devote himself to the development of the autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church which he had helped to found (Grameno 1925, 188). However, the people of Korcha elected Noli their representative in the new assembly, and there he became deeply involved in the continuing disputes. As a cum laude graduate of Harvard University in 1912, Noli had espoused the liberal or "progressive" viewpoint, including the sensitive issue of agrarian reform. He surrounded himself with an articulate group of Albanian-Americans like Peci, some of the more enlightened beys of the south and a gradually emerging middle class of Tosk progressives. These liberal reformers advocated the immediate creation of an American-style democracy. But many of the leaders also attempting to create a modern state were conservative landowners with broad experience in government under the Turkish regime. Led by Ahmet Zogu, these men could not agree to change their social and economic patterns, but insisted on the familiar feudalism of the past. Collision was inevitable, and it led to unimaginable political strife. T he R ising Fortune of A hmet Z ogu

Ahmet Zogu was becoming increasingly prominent. His courage and decisive leadership in pacifying the northern rebellion led the Parliament to switch Xhafer Ypi to the High Council on 2 December 1922 and name Zogu as prime minister. His star had risen rapidly. Born in Burgajet of a powerful tribal chieftain of Mat, young Zogu received training at the Military Academy of Constantinople. He loyally supported the unfor­ tunate King William of Wied. During World War I he cooperated with

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Austro-Hungarian troops then occupying the country. On the death of Franz Joseph in 1916, the Austrians sent him to Vienna to attend the corona­ tion of the new emperor, Charles I. Faik Konitza speculated that the pageantry of that coronation may have been responsible for firing the imag­ ination of the young mountaineer chieftain to think of a coronation of his own some day (Konitza 1957,152). Returning to Albania he started toward that goal, distinguishing himself during the Battle of Vlora. In 1920 the Congress of Lushnja elected him minister of the interior and commander of the army. He became prime minister two years later. TH E G O V ER N M EN T OF A H M ET ZO GU (2 D EC EM BER 1922 T O 1 FEBRU A RY 1924) C ontinuing U nrest

Several other changes were made in the High Council and the cabinet, but discontent continued. Critics focused on personalities, on legislation, on the military and on the economic crisis, anything, it was alleged, so they could lengthen debate and obstruct progress. Further complications arose over the murder of some Americans who had come to discuss business con­ cessions. Then on 27 August 1923 the Italian General Tellini, loved by Albanians for his service on the International Boundary Commission, was murdered with his Albanian assistant while returning from Yanina. Presumably he was murdered by those wishing to compromise the new na­ tion. Dhori Koti's Kalendari for 1923 deplored the murder of Tellini and his Albanian helper, charging that they were murdered in Greek territory by Greeks who then accused Albanians of this treachery. The High Council by its decree of 30 September 1923 dissolved the Parliament, and called the nation to elect a new National Constituent Assembly on 17 December to lay the foundations of a new state. Resented because of his expanding in­ fluence, Ahmet Zogu voluntarily resigned his post as minister of the in­ terior, chosing to continue only as prime minister. T he N oli-Z ogu Stalemate

As might be expected, unresolved tension led to a stalemate. Dhori Koti's overview of the year 1923 reported just that (Kalendari 1924, 17): This year brought no progress, but rather retrogression. Poverty over­ came both the Albanian people and government. Business was at a stand­ still, diminishing so much that it might be called altogether dead. The government could not pay even the salaries of its officials. To effect economies in its budget, the government formed a Commission which recommended the closing of over 300 schools throughout the country. Even the closing of the schools did not improve the situation. The economic crisis worsened, and at the end of the year government officials were four months behind in their pay.

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Although Albania in 1922 had become a member of the International Postal Union and of the International Telecommunications Union, regret­ table irregularities occurred. Some people complained that the Ministry of the Press sent its news communications by telegram only to certain favored newspapers, that the promised airplane network of cities had not materialized and that contrary to its own statutes post office officials opened letters for examination. However, one good forward step material­ ized. The Muslim religious community (Sunni) assembled in Tirana on 15 March 1923 and proclaimed its complete independence of the caliph in Constantinople. The delegates organized the Muslim High Council which was recognized by the government. The first act of this High Council was in the nature of social reform; they gave Muslim women permission to go about in public unveiled. T he C onstituent A ssembly

In the scheduled electoral campaign it was alleged for the first time that candidates resorted to quiet bribery, banquets and cunning oratory to win sympathy and votes from their constituency. The election itself was or­ derly, however, and terminated on 27 December. The new assembly con­ vened on 21 January 1924, and chose as its president the veteran Petro Poga. The watching nation, however, found none of the promised pro­ grams and reforms emerging. Instead there were only whispering cam­ paigns, partisan cliques and self-serving criticism by persons wishing to overthrow the government and seize power for themselves. This criticism often focused on Prime Minister Zogu. Seeing a gathering fratricidal storm building up, Zogu and his cabinet resigned. The High Council asked Shefqet Verlaci to form a new cabinet. THE G O V ER N M EN T OF SH EFQ ET V ER LA C I (1-15 FEBRU A RY 1924) Verlaci formed his new cabinet, but the obstructionists were not con­ tented with the change. So the government made Ahmet Zogu the com­ mander of the armed forces to assure peace and order. By now, however, the obstructionists had won the sympathy of so many officers that dis­ obedience to their commander became common. A bloodless revolution centered in historic Vlora, of all places! There a group of veterans formed a committee which advised other prefectures to ignore the Tirana govern­ ment and obey the Committee of Vlora. To avoid the threatened bloodshed and fratricide, Verlaci and his cabinet resigned. TH E G O V ER N M EN T OF IL IA S V R IO N I (15 FEBRU A RY TO 15 JUNE 1924) The High Council turned once again to Illias Vrioni as prime minister. They made him responsible for forming a new cabinet of neutral persons.

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At once he sent a commission to Vlora proposing that they disband their divisive committee and together form a government chosen by and representing both sides. The Vlora talks proved futile. That June a so-called democratic revolution broke out with fighting in Berat and elsewhere be­ tween rebel and loyalist troops. Vrioni, Verlaci and Ypi stood with Zogu. Whether voluntarily to avert further bloodshed as they claimed, or in­ voluntarily to escape capture, the government of Vrioni with many sup­ porters withdrew to Italy and Greece on 15 June 1924. Ahmet Zogu and his followers withdrew to the mountains of Mat and then to Belgrade. Sotir Peci was the only member of the High Council to remain in Tirana. THE G O V ER N M EN T OF B ISH O P FAN NOLI (17 JUNE T O 24 D EC EM BER 1924) N oli's Socialist D ream

The rebels took power on 17 June 1924, forming a new left-of-center "progressive" government. On 24 June they made Bishop Fan Noli their prime minister. It is said that first the new government set up military tribunals to try then sentence the supporters of their former commander, Ahmet Zogu. Government officials sympathetic with Zogu were dismissed. Opponents of the new regime were interned. Noli dreamed of making Albania into a Balkan Switzerland and worked with Professor Thomas Nasi on establishing a conservatory of music and a symphony orchestra (Lina 1 March 1983, 3). But his program proved too radical for many. He proposed radical agrarian reform, the eradication of the feudal system, a sharp reduction of the bureaucracy, and the establishment of a progressive democracy. In foreign relations, he recognized the Soviet Union, fruit of the recent Russian revolution, which aroused anxiety among members of his government as well as among neighboring states. On 30 October a cluster of 15 villages in the Korcha district still occupied by the Greeks were relinquished and turned over to Albania. Then on 10 November an out­ standing commercial school was established at Vlora which, after 60 years of outstanding service to the national economy, could report an enrollment of 630 students (Zen 11 November 1984, 1). His O verthrow

by

Z ogu

Taking advantage of the prevailing uneasiness and uncertainty of the Noli administration, Ahmet Zogu led an army from Yugoslavia into Albania on 14 December 1924. Military clashes broke out along the border. This diversionary action pulled most of the government troops toward the Yugoslav border. Zogu with an army of 12,000 men swept out of the moun­ tains toward Tirana. On 19 December Noli announced a state of siege. But on 23 December Noli with his government and friends left Tirana for Vlora. The next day Zogu's army marched into Tirana. Resistance was obviously futile, so on 26 December Noli fled to Italy, with Sotir Peci, Hil Mosi and

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other leaders loyal to Noli. Following negotiations by telegraph, all the cities of Albania expressed solidarity with Tirana, so Zogu ordered the prefectures and citizens to carry on their usual responsibilities. Ilias Vrioni, who as prime minister had fled at the Noli uprising, returned immediately to take charge of an interim cabinet and carry on the legally constituted government. Xhafer Ypi, the only remaining member of the High Council, named Ahmet Zogu the new prime minister on 5 January 1925. T he Fan N oli Postlude

Bishop Fan Noli withdrew from Albania, never again to return. From 1924 to 1932 Noli resided mostly in Germany, promoting the Albanian literary renaissance by his writings and his translations of the classics into the Albanian language. Most of his closest supporters were also in exile, some in Moscow, others in Western capitals where several were said to have come under Communist influence. Finally obtaining his American visa, Noli returned to the United States once again on 22 October 1932 to resume his duties as primate of the Albanian Orthodox Church in America, with his episcopal see in Boston. There he began publication of a newspa­ per, Republica. He also become noted as a master of Byzantine music. As a musicologist one of his most important works was his Beethoven and the French Revolution, published in 1947. Its most important chapter 4 was en­ titled "Beethoven, the Rebel." A friendly critic reviewing this work noted that Noli to the last remained a "consistent adherent to the ideals of democracy and the revolution" (Liria 1-15 1983, 1, 6). This may partly ex­ plain the problems Noli faced in Tirana. He died in Boston full of honors on 13 March 1965. Peter Prifti, himself a distinguished Albanian historian, has called Noli an "Apostle of the Albanian Renaissance; he was a clergyman, writer, historian, poet, translator, journalist, orator, states­ man, diplomat, musician, and outstanding in each of these roles" (Liria 26 November 1976, 9).

26. The Fourteen-Year National Government of Ahmet Zogu (1925-1939) Z O G U 'S A C H IEV EM EN TS AS P R E SID E N T (1 9 2 5 -1 9 2 8 ) Foundations Laid H is First Y ear (1925)

With the appointment of Ahmet Zogu as prime minister, the interim cabinet of Ilias Vrioni resigned on 5 January 1925. The next day Zogu an­ nounced his cabinet and called a Constitutional Convention. Sessions opened on 17 January. On 21 January it was proclaimed that the Albanian state would function as a republic, and work began on a new constitution. Notice to foreign states and to the League of Nations brought immediate congratulations from Greece, Yugoslavia, Italy and France. In his Kalendari (1926, 13-16) Dhori Koti summarized the prevailing enthusiasm: "All Albania celebrated wildly for three days." Ten days later, on 31 January, the convention unanimously elected Ahmet Zogu as president. They also confirmed their independence, their double-headed-eagle flag, Albanian as their national language, their capital at Tirana, and their establishment of no official religion. On 2 March they adopted the constitution, drew up a budget, and agreed that a Senate would be composed of 12 senators chosen by the convention (later by Parliament) and six chosen by the president and they provided for the election of 57 deputies. This was accomplished in May, and on 1 June the president convened and addressed a joint meeting of the Chamber of Senators and the Chamber of Deputies. March 1925 was marked not only by gratifying steps toward demo­ cratic reorganization, but also by two alleged Zogist assassinations which would earn it the title "Tragic March." Luigj Gurakuqi (1879-1925) was a patriotic Shkodran, a poet educated by De Rada in Naples, vice-president of the Congress of Monastir, director of the Elbasan Normal School, col­ laborator with Bajo Topulli and Ismail Kemal in the struggle for in­ dependence, and under various administrations either minister of education or of finance. As Fan Noli's right-hand man in the June revolu­ 382

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tion, he fled with him to Bari, Italy, where on 2 March 1925 he was assas­ sinated, allegedly by a Zogist agent. Later that same "Tragic March" an­ other prominent patriot was assassinated. Bajram Curri (1862-1925) of Gjakova, northern Albania, was prominently associated with many of the leagues, congresses, patriotic clubs and guerrilla bands which furthered the Albanian renaissance and resisted Turkish rule. Several administrations during those turbulent years named him as commander of the armed forces. His opposition to the Serbs and to the Zogu regime, and his friendship with Noli and the Soviets, provoked his assassination that 29 March 1925. Altogether significant for the new Zogu regime was the convention of 25 June 1925 near Tirana, where the tribal chiefs of the Shkodra, Kosova and Dibra mountains pledged their loyalty to the new president. To weld these rugged individualists into a nation must have seemed a monumental task. The enormity of it was implied by Midhat Bey Frashëri when he wrote (The Bible in the W orld October 1911, 298), "The Albanian has always been satisfied with his loyalty to his tribe, with his local patriotism, in a word, with his little fatherland, represented by his village and his neighboring rocks." Zogu very shrewdly acknowledged the established leadership of these northern tribal chiefs by appointing them as salaried government officials to carry on their usual tribal supervisory responsibilities, but now as representatives of the state. The center of gravity of the little nation now moved northward. While Zogu's developing pattern of administration was influenced by that of the French and the Italians, he modified it to make it more culturally acceptable. The administrative districts in the north followed the tribal divisions already recognized, while the districts from Tirana southward followed the large feudal landholdings which the semiautonomous governors had enjoyed under Ottoman rule. This assured the cooperation of both the tribal chiefs and the feudal landowners. But while Zogu ingratiated himself with the aristocracy, the old establishment of con­ servative traditionalists, he alienated the new breed of democratic pro­ gressives. This administrative strategy, however, resulted in the establishment of about 40 subprefectures, which in turn were clustered together into 10 prefectures. Other basic steps were taken that first year, 1925. An initial small army of loyal men from Zogu's tribal district was replaced by a drafted army, equipped, trained and effectively controlled by Italian officers. Zogu also established a gendarmerie for police duty, trained and supervised by British inspectors under Major General Sir Jocelyn Percy as inspector general. The inspectors maintained a headquarters in each prefecture and a post in about 150 communities, with a force of about 3,000 men. Overriding the objec­ tions of his Italian military advisors, Zogu kept the gendarmerie and its British advisors under his personal control. That first year Zogu also an­ nounced a general amnesty for all political fugitives without exception and without condition, provided they returned to the country within one month. The precise boundaries with Greece and Yugoslavia were agreed

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upon. A national bank was established in cooperation with an Italian finan­ cial group which extended an initial loan of one million gold francs (Libri i Vitit 1926, 4-9). That May a new radio station was tested and proved satisfactory. The following August a bicycle tour of the country was orga­ nized by the Vllaznia (Brotherhood) Sports Club of Shkodra, the first such tour in the Balkans (NAlb 1986, 4:29). The Zogu government was further strengthened when it negotiated its diplomatic recognition by several Euro­ pean states, also by the United States which had never recognized the Noli government (Zën' i Korçës 3 November 1925, 2). Then on 24 December 1925 the government celebrated the first anniversary of the new regime, called Legaliteti (Legality) (Kalendari 1926, 13-16). C onstructive M easures and M ounting C riticism (1 9 2 6 -1 9 2 8 )

It was inevitable that change, however constructive, should provoke discussion and even dissent. Dhori Koti listed 12 Albanian-language newspapers and periodicals which began publication in 1925 (Libri i Vitit 1926,18). The political ferment can scarcely be imagined. Cabinet members and deputies found themselves bitterly accused of irregularities. Precious time and effort were consumed by investigations, votes of confidence and replacing officials lost by resignation or dismissal. The continuing tur­ bulence almost equaled that which had characterized the preceding 14 years of Albanian independence under as many brief and unstable regimes. It is a truism that soldiers who distinguish themselves on the battlefield may not function as brilliantly behind a desk. Mistakes were inevitable. Yet surpris­ ing and gratifying progress was realized those early years. With its basic institutions and procedures in order, Albania began to face the normal decisions of a civilized state. Its system of paper and metal money was agreed upon. Commercial, consular and extradition treaties were signed with Greece, Yugoslavia, Italy and Great Britain. The first elec­ tric power plant was set up in Korcha. Anglo-Persian concessionaires struck oil for the first time in Albania, establishing a new industry which would boost the economy of the country. The old caravan trail from Durrës to Korcha was upgraded to a road for carts and automobiles. Bridges were built across the many streams. Other new roads were in­ augurated by high officials. A radio-telegraph system was installed between Tirana and major cities for more prompt communication. Modern penal and civil codes were introduced, and justice became as well administered in Albania as anywhere else in the Balkans. With one exception peace prevailed throughout the country. In November 1926 a serious uprising broke out in the northern moun­ tains of Dukagjin. It was led by several former military officers who had fled the country, then returned secretly to arouse opposition to the Zogu government. Prompt action scattered the insurgents. The following De­ cember and January those captured were tried in the Shkodra court. Ten in all were condemned to death and executed, 28 were given sentences of

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about five years of imprisonment, and 12 were released as innocent. There was no bloodbath. On 4 September 1927 President Zogu, while visiting Shkodra, extended amnesty to 70 persons imprisoned for polit­ ical offenses, and on 20 September signed a decree pardoning 374 others who had fled the country because of political differences (Kalendari 1928, 11-14). The first serious international incident of the new state occurred in May 1927. The authorities of Durrës discovered letters threatening Alba­ nian security in the home of a citizen, Vuko Gjyraskoviçi, an employee at the Yugoslavian consulate. They promptly arrested and imprisoned him. The Yugoslav consul in Tirana sent a very harsh letter to the Foreign Ministry demanding the release of their employee. The Tirana government requested the withdrawal of the harsh language, upon which they promised to release Gjyraskoviçi. But the Yugoslav consular personnel haughtily withdrew from Albania, and despite efforts to moderate the problem, ill feeling increased until Yugoslavia severed diplomatic relations. On 23 June the ministers in Tirana representing Britain, France, Germany and Italy sent identical notes to the Tirana government and the Belgrade government proposing that the Yugoslav consul replace the harsh letter with one omit­ ting the offensive expressions and requesting the release of Gjyraskoviçi. On 2 July a more courteous letter was submitted, the prisoner was released, and diplomatic relations resumed. To the more sophisticated observer this must have seemed like a "tempest in a teapot." But to a new government composed of sensitive, proud warriors accustomed to settling offenses to their "honor" with blood, this was an altogether new approach to the settle­ ment of disputes. Twice during 1927 the cabinet resigned. Several familiar names re­ curred, however, in the reshuffled cabinet, whose proposed programs sub­ mitted to the Chamber of Deputies received their vote of confidence. Treaty relations with Italy became increasingly close and binding. In addition to the commercial, consular and extradition treaties of 1926, Albania and Italy that December signed a treaty of "peace and security." The following January 1927 Prime Minister Benito Mussolini and his Al­ banian counterpart ratified a pact of friendship between the two states, registering it with the League of Nations. Then the following November it seemed necessary to draw up a yet closer treaty with Italy, called the "Treaty of Defensive Alliance," which was promptly approved by both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. While these trade and mutual defense treaties were intended to assure territorial security, it should have been ob­ vious that they also invited Italian military and economic penetration. In fact, it was this excessive dependence upon Italian aid which gradually compromised Albania's sovereignty and led to her downfall. One might question, then, the propriety of the Senate action only three weeks later conferring upon President Ahmet Zogu the title "Shpëtimtar i Kombit" (Savior of the Nation) (Idem.).

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Basic P roblems Facing the Z ogu G overnment

The new Albania was a tiny country of only 11,600 square miles, about the size of New Hampshire or Vermont, and had a population of only 1,003,000, according to the census of 1930. Yet it faced disproportionately gigantic problems. It was becoming increasingly obvious that the Zogu government would have to accomplish the following or this new nation could never survive: 1. Unify the country by establishing a centralized administrative machinery which could replace the traditional local rule of tribal chiefs and feudal lords. 2. Modernize the hopelessly primitive agriculture so as to make Albania self-sufficient in producing its own foodstuffs. 3. Create modern industries on the basis of the fairly adequate natural resources so as to eliminate costly imports, and allow an excess of exports so as to gain foreign exchange. 4. Develop the economy, especially by building roads and bridges, also by modernizing the postal, telephone and telegraph systems. 5. Establish a strong, modern and national educational system to replace the divisive propaganda of foreign schools. 6. Develop the cultural institutions which would perpetuate the tradi­ tions, music, language, literature and values which were historical distinctives of the Albanian culture. 7. Eliminate religious intolerance and enlist the cooperation of all religious bodies in the patriotic promotion of Albanianism.

T he T ransition from a D emocracy to a M onarchy

Albania's brief turbulent experiment with democracy seemed to offer little promise of a solution to her problems. It appeared to some that only the strongly centralized government of a monarchy could bring things under control. Although other nations of Europe were finding royalty quite unfashionable after World War I, Zogu's government determined to move back in that direction. In June 1928 their revision of the constitution re­ quired the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, also the convening of a Constituent Assembly. It was this Constituent Assembly which in September 1928 proclaimed Albania a "democratic, parliamentary and hereditary kingdom" and proclaimed Ahmet Zogu king with the royal title "Zogu the First, King of the Albanians." The title seemed happily ap­ propriate, for the name "Zogu," literally "The Bird," corresponded with the black double-headed eagle featured on the Albanian flag. Also, Zogu was declared to be "King of the Albanians," not King of Albania: king of the people, not king of the country. The distinction must have been obvious to neighboring Yugoslavia and Greece, whose unjust borders had em­ braced so many ethnic Albanians. The national problems demanding im­ mediate solution, however, seemed insuperable either for a president or for a king.

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ZO G U 'S A C C O M P L I S H M E N T S AS KING (1 9 2 8 -1 9 3 9 ) Europe's N ewest K ingdom

With Zogu's assumption of royalty, certain cosmetic changes were made at once. His mother was given the title "Queen Mother," and his three sisters-Myzejen, 20, Ruhije, 17 and Maxhide, 15-becam e "princesses." The formal costuming of the only new royalty in Europe since the war seemed unnecessarily extravagant, less appropriate for modern Europe than for the Turkish court of Emperor Muhammad II. The royal "palace" at Tirana was walled and well guarded as royal palaces everywhere have always been. Entertainment was furnished in keeping with the new status. One foreign guest at a lavish New Year's party wrote of his astonishment at seeing the guests dine on champagne, foie gras, salads and ice cream . . . beneath chandeliers of glittering lighted candles, and all in a famished land" (Sulzberger 1969, 58). A modern Parliament building and government office buildings were constructed, but these were in sharp contrast to the shabby small-town shops and houses then predominating there. A new broad "Boulevard Zogu the First" in Tirana became the only beautifully paved avenue in the coun­ try, but it carried little traffic except bicycles, heavily laden donkeys or carts, and a few ancient taxis. Although the boulevard struck out bravely from Piazza Skanderbeg toward the port city of Durrës, it ended very abruptly at an unbridged ravine that soon became a city dump. Detractors of the new royalty sardonically interpreted this as a parable. But those who would disparage King Zogu most mercilessly should first recognize what he inherited, and what he actually accomplished. A dministration

King Zogu did succeed in establishing law and order in a country where they had been quite unknown. Within seven years his gendarmerie cleared the country of brigandage. Despite his strong support base in the north, he outlawed the traditional blood feuds of the mountaineers. He suc­ ceeded where the Turks had failed in disarming a people who had tradi­ tionally carried their rifles everywhere. Although he strictly prohibited dissident political movements, he was comparatively moderate in crushing the local revolts which broke out periodically during the 1930s, executing only a few of the leaders. His administration has been characterized as that of a moderate dictator. A new penal code was formulated in 1928, based largely on that of Italy. The following year, 1929, a new civil code was adopted, based on that of Italy, France and Switzerland. The maintenance of a royal court and administration was top-heavy for such a small and im­ poverished population. In 1931 Italy agreed to an interest-free loan of $2 million a year for 10 years to stabilize and develop the economy; additional loans followed (Boston G lobe 9 April 1939, 5). A rather comprehensive Treaty of 1934 with Italy secured further loans, but stipulated Italian

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instructors and a chief of staff for the Albanian army, Italian fortifications on the Vlora island of Sasano, Italian specialists and trainers for govern­ ment departments, Italian control of the port of Durrës and other special privileges. Probably Zogu's greatest administrative weakness was his determina­ tion not to tamper with the social structure. Under this age-old system, whether tribal in the north or feudal in the south, there were only two classes of people. The upper class, less than 10 percent of the population, consisted of tribal chiefs, landowners, a few rich farmers, merchants and businessmen, the intellectuals, professionals and higher clergy. Over 90 percent of the population was lower class, mostly peasant farmers, with a few craftsmen and artisans quite subservient to the upper class. There was no middle ground. Fan Noli's brief liberal administration had pointed restless progressives toward the "liberty, equality and fraternity" popu­ larized by the French revolution. But Zogu seemed quite willing to base his regime on the rather mediaeval social pattern he had inherited from the Ot­ tomans. There were good historical reasons, however, for the increasing unrest among the population and the reactionary swing to far left which was to follow. Heavy-handed legislation was no solution. A griculture

Zogu inherited an agrarian society. Most Albanians made their livelihood by agriculture and the keeping of flocks and herds. The Turkish occupation had isolated the country to such an extent, however, that agricultural methods were quite mediaeval. Compounding the problem, the unfortunate compromises of the great powers in negotiating boundaries in 1913 had left one-half of the ethnic Albanians on the more fertile lands awarded to neighbor states. The remaining half of the Albanian people who were to constitute the new nation lived in the most rugged, mountainous region of the Balkans. About 70 percent of their territory was mountainous, some arid rock, some forested. In Zogu's Albania, about 30 percent of the land was acceptable for grazing, 10 percent was arable, but only a small part of this was actually good for cultivation. There were a few fertile valleys and a narrow coastal plain toward the south with a Mediterranean climate good for the cultivation of olives and citrus fruits. Virtually all the land belonged to feudal families or tribal chiefs, the peasants working the soil as tenant farmers at a bare subsistence level. Their leading agricultural products were fruits, olives, grains, eggs, cheese, skins, wool, tobacco and livestock such as horses, donkeys, cows, sheep and goats. These proved sufficient for domestic needs, with a small surplus available for export. To increase the production of grain, especially corn, Zogu introduced at the beginning of his rule the drainage of malarial lowlands such as Lake Maliq near Korcha. This also improved the health of local farmers. His government encouraged attendance at the Agricultural School of Kavaja, established and maintained by the American philanthropic agency, the

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Near East Foundation. Here for the first time scientific principles of modern agriculture were taught. Kavaja introduced Albanian youth to seed im­ provement, crop rotation, fertilizers, irrigation, stock breeding, spraying orchards and other scientific farming methods. Never before in Albania had anyone attempted to combine farming with an education. The Ameri­ can principal complained, however, that most village boys studying at his school refused to go back to the farm and apply their training. They pre­ ferred to get a post as English translator, clerk or a time-keeper or foreman on the road construction crew. This may help us understand why Zogu's government had to import about 30,000 tons of grain annually, just about one-half the young nation's requirements. Industry

From an industrial viewpoint, Zogu inherited one of the least developed lands in all the world. Natural resources were present but quite unexplored and unexploited. Factories were few and pitifully small, only about 12 percent of them employing more than 15 workers. Most of these industries engaged in spinning or weaving wool and cotton, cheese making, olive pressing, flour milling and the making of cigarettes and pottery. Basic consumer products were crafted rather crudely by hand, each artisan hav­ ing his little workshop in the bazaar or even at home. There he was assisted by a few relatives or youthful apprentices. The more sophisticated con­ sumer goods, such as fine fabrics, electrical products and even canned foods, had to be imported. Fortunately, for most people life was exceed­ ingly simple and needs were few. Imports came principally from Italy (48 percent) and the United States (8 percent) and yet lesser amounts from European countries. To secure needed foreign exchange, Albania's few ex­ ported products went to Italy (61 percent), Greece (20 percent) and the United States (16 percent) (The Near East and India 25 September 1930, 362). No concentrated effort went into Albania's industrial development. A fairly abundant supply of oil and natural gas was discovered in the Fier district, and its extraction began. During the mid-thirties the Italian stateowned AGIP petroleum company built an eight-inch pipeline with a capacity of 5,000 barrels a day to take the oil from Kuchova to the seaport at Vlora where it was shipped to Italy for refinement. Albania was found to have the largest deposits of chrome ore in eastern Europe, also rather plentiful supplies of soft coal, bauxite, salt and limestone, as well as highgrade copper ore and low-grade iron ore, asbestos and asphalt. Mining was never developed, however. In 1929 a cement factory was built at Shkodra and a modern beer factory in Korcha. Zogu's government established electric plants in a number of the larger towns and encouraged them in others. The writer will never forget the screams of delight rising and falling all over the city of Elbasan as the elec­ tric street lights were turned on and off while being tested for the first time

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one evening in 1934. The first hydropower station in Albania with a capac­ ity of only 500 kilowatt-hours was built in 1936 in Vithkuq near Korcha (NAlb 1988, 2). Nevertheless, at the close of Zogu's reign only 4.5 percent of the country's national income came from her primitive industry, the rest coming from her equally primitive agriculture. Economy

Albania held the dubious distinction of having the lowest standard of living of any country in Europe. Although slight improvement was realized under King Zogu, Albania remained at the bottom of the economic ladder. The homes, usually constructed of stone and plaster or mud, often col­ lapsed during the occasionally severe earthquakes. In 1931, for instance, an earthquake with its epicenter at Korcha destroyed 500 homes, damaged 2,400 others, killed 20 persons, and forced the panic-stricken popula­ tion into the January cold, leaving 10,000 persons homeless (Ora 29 Jan­ uary 1931, 1). Serious public health problems were caused by malaria, tuberculosis and syphilis. Unbelievably primitive medical practice was replaced during and after World War I when military field hospitals were established here and there throughout the country. Immediately after that war the American Red Cross gave valuable help with its hos­ pitals and health missions. In the early 1920s an elemental hospital was found in most cities, thanks in part to the work begun by these "mis­ sionaries of the world war," as one Albanian doctor, Dr. Ali Mihali, called them. Later Italian loans helped the government upgrade its hospitals in each prefectural center and establish clinics in other large towns. In fact, in 1932 the New York Herald Tribune (26 November 1932, 2) reported that "Tirana's new 250-bed hospital has operating rooms and an X-ray depart­ ment which is the last word from Berlin." But due to malnutrition and un­ sanitary living conditions, sickness and disease were common. The Rockefeller Foundation began work in Albania in 1927, making con­ siderable progress in mosquito control and the containment of malaria. Yet on the whole, the Tirana correspondent of the weekly London N ear East and India (18 September 1930, 323), in his otherwise favorable article, called the health, sanitary and medical services in Albania "shocking, and the less said of them, the better." Certainly the high rate of infant mortality —as much as 400 per thousand in the north —led the minister of health to seek English help in establishing a children's clinic at Shkodra. The British "Save the Children Fund" cooperated very successfully with the government, and an average of 50 women and children attended the clinic daily (W orld Dominion October 1934, 371). Transportation was very inadequate, there being not one single mile of railroad in the country, and the rivers not being navigable. The govern­ ment did establish unpaved runways near a few major cities to enable airplane service for mail and passengers. It placed considerable emphasis

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on developing the main roads connecting the large towns, none of which was surfaced with other than gravel and stone. Because rainy-season floods sometimes interrupted highway travel for months at a time, priority was given to the construction of trunk roads and adequate bridges. Thus the 360 bridges reported in 1921 increased to 2,674 by 1933, enabling uninterrupted travel of buses and trucks. Yet many rural homes and even some rural villages had no access but foot-trails used alike by pedestrians and pack­ laden donkeys or wiry horses. Even in the cities only an occasional doctor, a high official or a taxi company could dream of owning and operating an automobile. An imported bicycle was a status symbol for most people. The government maintained a fairly good communication system by postal and telegraph services, but the only acceptable telephone service was that main­ tained by the gendarmerie. Economic ties with Italy in the operation of the customs houses made the importation of luxury goods somewhat more reasonable for the few, but quite beyond the reach of most people. The widespread unemployment and prevailing economic stagnation forced many men to leave their families and seek work abroad. In 1928 there were 1,600 men of Korcha's 25,000 inhabitants who had to make this difficult choice of kurbet or emigration. At the foot of the boulevard where the daily bus left for the Durrës seaport was a grassy area called lëndina e lotëvet (meadow of tears). Here, as families were torn apart for years, wives wept for their departing husbands, mothers for their sons, and children for their fathers. Checks and packages from family members working overseas contributed greatly to the economic welfare of many families of southern Albania. L'Albanie Libre of Rome (October 1948, 1) reported that in the 1930s the Albanians in the United States sent back to their families more than $800,000 each month, "assuring them of bread, honor and human dignity." But the dissolution of family ties was a terrible price to pay for bread. Albanian youth often quoted their cynical proverb, "Më mirë një qen n'Amerikë se një njeri në Shqipëri!" (Better a dog in America than a man in Albania). Inevitably the bitter family grief only multiplied the number of malcontents and increased the social unrest of Zogu's kingdom. Education

Because all members of most families were forced to work long hours with fields, flocks or little shops, an education for their children and youth had seemed an unnecessary luxury. Before Zogu, the towns had enjoyed elementary education, with secondary schools appearing only in the cities. But now, within the limitations of available finances, teachers and schoolhouses, the government opened elementary schools in the larger villages. Then in early 1933 the constitution was amended, reserving to the state the exclusive right to educate its citizens. Ostensibly the nationaliza­ tion of the educational system was designed to halt the spread of schools sponsored directly by the Italian government for Roman Catholics in the

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north. But it also closed down Greek, Romanian and Turkish schools, and even the battle-scarred American School of Korcha. Thus the government attempted to eliminate the denationalizing propaganda inevitable in schools sponsored by foreign divisive religious agencies. In 1934 the entire school system was reorganized. Elementary educa­ tion was made obligatory for children from four to 14, although admittedly this was never strictly enforced for village farm families. By 1938 the number of school buildings completed had reached 622 (Gaz 27 October 1938). That school year there were 1,349 teachers serving in 649 primary schools with an enrollment of about 60,000 children. Although the numbers may seem low for a nation, they were infinitely better than those of 15 years earlier. Further increase was hampered by lack of school buildings, teachers and money. To combat the prevailing illiteracy, about 500 special classes were conducted, these being largely responsible for in­ creasing the literacy rate from 5 percent to about 15 percent (Shtypi 1 September 1938, 16). Secondary education was also made more widely available. The Lyceum of Korcha, sponsored by France, the Gymnasium of Tirana and the Normal School of Elbasan were upgraded. The Agricultural School in Kavaja and the Vocational or Technical School in Tirana developed their training programs so crucial for the youth and for the country. In 1930, for instance, the Technical School enrolled 285 young men (News Bulletin December 1930, 11-13). University-level education was not available within the country, but the government made 60 or more scholarships available annually for study abroad. The Italian government increased its peaceful penetration by granting additional scholarships to its universities. A few hundred other students went abroad for higher studies, financed by private funds. A number of these in France became indoctrinated with com­ munism, others in Italy with fascism. Returning to the homeland, they displaced foreign professors in Gymnasium, Lyceum, and the Normal, Technical and Agricultural schools. Atheistic naturalism was introduced by many of these intellectuals as a relief from the absurdities of the prevail­ ing religions. Their relatively underdeveloped homeland, however, could not absorb all these highly trained professionals, who became frustrated, impatient and utterly disillusioned with King Zogu and all that he stood for. C ulture and the O rigin of C ommunism

In spite of 2,000 years of foreign domination, there was still a remarkable degree of ethnic homogeneity among Albanians, who con­ stituted 97 percent of the country's population. A remaining 2 percent were of ethnic Greek background, the other 1 percent being Vlachs, Bulgarians, Serbs and Gypsies. Yet customs and even costumes of the northern Gegs differed considerably from those of the southern Tosks. The Latin-based alphabet of 36 letters, adopted by the Congress of Monastir

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(1908) and recognized as official by the government in 1924, continued in use throughout the country. But the two dialects, Geg in the north and Tosk in the south, although mutually intelligible, continued to differentiate northern Albanians from their southern countrymen. To standardize the language and help unify the population, the government encouraged all to use the dialect of Elbasan. Here Geg and Tosk met and merged, and here the Normal School for teacher training was situated. But teachers, writers and even officials tended to continue the use of their own local dialects. Two new and excellent cultural periodicals appeared in the 1930s: Il­ lyria and Përpekja Shqiptare (Albanian Endeavor). Both reflected in their contents the cultural ferment of the period. This was especially true of the articles written by students returning from universities in Italy, France and Austria. Like all publications, these magazines too were continually subject to government censorship. Their editors seemed to vie with one another in their practice of editorial brinkmanship: mentioning the unmentionable clearly enough to convey the message, yet vaguely enough to escape sup­ pression. Underground publications sharply condemned the social in­ justices of the Zogu government from the socialist or communist viewpoint. This treasured contraband was very carefully circulated from person to trusted person then discussed in hushed voices at dim tavern tables, with tiny cups of whiskey or sweet black Turkish coffee. The government in a game of cat-and-mouse tried to keep abreast by using paid informants. Like his Turkish predecessors, rather than remove the causes of dis­ sent, Zogu attempted to forcibly suppress the expression of it. Thus on 3 March 1930 the ministry of education sent its directive (Nr. Prot. 1182) to the directors of all schools: "We are informed that some students are becoming involved in politics and corresponding with newspapers, which is altogether forbidden. All professors and teachers are warned that it is strictly forbidden to comment in class on political happenings either inter­ nal or external, or on newspaper reports on persons, or anything else not related to their lessons." Schoolteachers remained suspect. On 17 March 1931, A. Shala of the Ministry of Education sent his notable Q arkore or Circular Bulletin No. 666 exhorting teachers to live exemplary lives for the sake of their student followers. After warning against gambling and alcoholism, the bulletin zeroed in on the major concern: The teacher must not concern himself with propaganda of principles differing from those instituted by the State, neither should he tolerate such by the student. It is his duty to seek to fire the students with feelings of love toward the organizations of the State, toward His Royal Highness the King, toward the flag, the nation and the fatherland. Those who do not carry out these duties should not stand in the ranks of those responsible for the education of our youth. Therefore this Ministry considers it a duty to advise all teachers for the last time, to occupy themselves only with

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their teaching duty, remaining far from any activity related to politics, or the Ministry will be compelled to take severe measures against them.

Apparently the warning was not heeded. Less than three weeks later Musa Juka, of the Ministry of the Interior's dreaded "Secret Office," sent a bulletin (3 April 1931, No. 572) to the Ministry of Education warning that "many employees are becoming involved in political discussions in taverns and other places . . . which is strictly forbidden." The bulletin concluded with a threat: "All employees are ordered not to dare discuss political matters anywhere, for if this Ministry is informed by its agents that any employee continues to discuss political matters, the necessary measures will be taken immediately." This further warning was sent by Hil Mosi, the minister of education, to the directors of all secondary schools. Needless to say, the bulletin did not terminate the political concern of schoolteachers; it only made them more circumspect in expressing it. An increasing number of publications voiced condemnation of the real or imagined social injustices of the Zogu regime. Foremost among these revolutionary authors was Millash Gjergj Nikolla (1911-1938) of Shkodra, under whose acronym Migjeni appeared such works as Luli i Voçërr (Little Luli) and Kanga Lirije (Songs of Freedom). In 1937 the regime enacted strict laws against "harmful publications which attack national sentiment, hinder the development and consolidation of national unity, or is judged to be contrary to morality and good customs, or against the State regime of Albania. Persons found with such publications could be imprisoned up to one year and fined up to 2,000 francs." It is easy to understand how these real or imagined social and economic injustices could generate the underground Communist move­ ment. The first Communist cell in Albania originated in Korcha in 1928, the revolutionary activists being led by two local young men: Miha Lako, a 27-year-old shoemaker from nearby Hochisht, and Pilo Peristeri, a 19year-old worker. These underground malcontents quietly organized as the first Communist group in June 1929, with Lako as their elected leader. Much more sophisticated leadership was provided by Ali Kelmendi. Upon Zogu's overthrow of the Socialist government of Fan Noli, Kelmendi had fled to Moscow (1925-1930) for intensive training as a revolutionary. Re­ turning to Albania in 1930, he became the leading figure in developing the Communist group of Korcha, also in creating Communist cells in Kruja, Vlora, Elbasan and other cities. He also trained them in the art of penetrat­ ing the working classes and of coordinating the scattered groups for the economic and political struggle against the Zogu regime. In 1933 the Korcha activists organized the Puna (Labor) society for workers of various occupations. On 21 February 1936 they organized a powerful demonstration before the city's National Warrior monument to protest the widespread unemployment and the high cost of food. Their pro­ test became known as the "Demonstration for Bread." The gendarmes

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forcefully dispersed the demonstrators with numerous injuries, arrests, court trials and the desired publicity for the Communist cause. That same April, intellectuals of the group began the publication of a social, cultural, literary and economic biweekly magazine called Bota e Re (New World) to publicize their grievances against the regime. It was suppressed the follow­ ing February. But into this ferment centering in the Korcha lycëe there stepped a young man of destiny, Enver Hoxha, who studied there from 1927 to 1930. After university studies in France with considerable Com­ munist indoctrination and activity, he returned to the Korcha lycëe in 1937 as a professor and underground activist. The increasingly determined Zogist repression forced other Communist agitators to flee to Spain to join other anti-fascist volunteers in the Spanish Civil War. During this period of ferment two clergymen enriched the treasury of legitimate Albanian literature. Father Gjergj Fishta (1871-1940), a Fran­ ciscan friar, departed from the tradition of his Catholic literary predecessors in writing (1937) his Lahuta e Malcis (The Stringed Lute of the Highlands). This epic poem in 30 cantos praises the courageous struggle of the mountaineers against the invading Montenegrins and Serbs. This is considered by many to be the foremost of modern Albanian poems. His poetry, however, covers many themes: nature, home life, patriotism, politics, history, drama and morals. Fishta is considered by many to be the Albanian poet laureate. Another clergyman who enriched Albanian literature during this period was the Orthodox Bishop Theofan or Fan S. Noli (1882-1965), living in exile in Boston. He accompanied his translations of classic authors, such as Shakespeare, Ibsen and Cervantes, with critical essays which have been widely acclaimed. He is remembered especially for his book of poems titled Albumi, punished in 1948. Then Aleks Sotir Drenova, known as Asdreni, published several volumes of highly ac­ claimed poems, as did Ndre Mjeda and Vinçenc Prenushi. Several creative steps were taken by the Zog government. In 1936 the Enti Kombëtar i Turizmit was created at the national level to encourage tourism. This agency facilitated the issue of passports and visas, agitated for the improvement of roads and transportation and the modernizing of hotels and restaurants, the inventorying of historical and scenic sites and the preparation of maps and documentary films. As a direct result, the ar­ rival of 3,742 tourists in 1936 increased to 5,936 during 1937, and the touristic receipts of 125,708 gold francs increased to 339,241 (Shtypi 1 Sep­ tember 1938, 8). A giant step toward the liberation of women was taken by the king in March 1937. His Reform Parliament prohibited polygamy and the traditional veil for Muslim women, although the shy lady could still manage to conceal her face with a tilted umbrella when out in the street. He also ordered heads of families to take last names or family names. And the government undertook a program to eliminate adult illiteracy and to provide courses of instruction for women, emphasizing household hygiene, domestic science and the raising of children (Drita 28 November 1937, 17).

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R eligion Suffers Eclipse by A lbanianism

While every other Balkan nation was religiously homogeneous and united, Albania for very adequate historical reasons was hopelessly fragmented. In its census of 1930 Zogu's government included questions about religious adherence. It was reported in round numbers that Muslims of all sects numbered 696,000, Orthodox Christians numbered 200,000 and Roman Catholics numbered 105,000. Traditionally, then, the ratio of these three major religious bodies was considered to be 70 to 20 to 10. In addition to these major divisions, the following number registered in other categories: Jews 204, Protestants 72, "others" 85, of whom 24 declared themselves atheists (Besa 19 September 1934, 3). But there was a further breakdown. Muslims were themselves divided into two large groups, the Sunni or orthodox Muslims and the approximately 200,000 Bektashi Muslims, forming two legally recognized religious communities, also several smaller sects and dervish orders. The Albanian Orthodox Church and the Roman Catholic Church also enjoyed legal recognition. Whereas the Orthodox constituency was mostly south of the Shkumbin River, and the Roman Catholics mostly in the north, the Muslims were quite evenly distributed throughout the country. At the beginning of Zogu's reign there were said to have been 1,127 mosques, 260 teqe (tekkes or Bektashi monasteries) and mosques of the Bektashi and other sects, 844 churches and 70 monasteries of the Orthodox and 147 Catholic churches, of which 124 were in the one prefecture of Shkodra (Rey 1930, 34-36). Religious factionalism was proverbial. The Albanian population was not religiously cohesive. The Christians resented the Muslims as a hangover of the hated Ottoman oppressor and as former Christians who had betrayed their religion to "become Turks." Mountain Catholics were convinced that "all Muslims stink." On their part the Muslims despised the Christians as idol-worshippers and pig-eaters and contemptuously called them kaur or infidels. Yet the Muslims also were divided, the more tradi­ tional and orthodox Sunnis considering the pantheistic meditative Bektashis almost as far from the true faith of Islam as were the kaur. There was good historical as well as theological ground for antipathy between the two bodies, for these Bektashis had fled Turkey to establish their world headquarters in Albania when the conservative Sunni Turks cruelly sup­ pressed their order. This will also explain in part the proliferation of patriotic literature by Bektashis, their use of the Albanian language and their unanimous espousal of the movement for independence from Turkey. The Christians were also divided, the Orthodox traditionally oriented toward Greece, the Roman Catholics toward Italy and Austria. Each look­ ed askance at the other because of doctrinal technicalities and even more because of its manipulation through the ages by greedy foreign powers. It was about this time that the mild-mannered newspaper editor Dhori Koti (Zëri i Korçës 3 November 1925, 2) stated boldly, "The Churches have

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been the strongest agency for the spread of quarrels, especially in the Balkans." The nationalization of these religious bodies lessened their divisive in­ fluence considerably, largely because it eliminated foreign control. This trend began in 1922 when the controversial Bishop Fan Noli led the Or­ thodox Church in Albania to follow the American precedent and sever its organic relation to the Greek patriarchate in Constantinople. It now became the autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church. Later in 1937 the patriarch formally created the Holy Synod of five bishops in order to assure its episcopal legitimacy. At its first session on 12 April 1937 the Holy Synod elected Kristofor Kissi, Archbishop of Tirana, as president of the Holy Synod and primate of Albania (Liria 27 November 1976, 2, 5). The Or­ thodox Church had severed its divisive Greek connection. The Muslim community declared its independence of the Turkish caliphate the fol­ lowing year, 1923, during the Muslim Congress (Zan August-September 1936, 253). Turkey itself, of course, disclaimed Islam as an official religion in 1928 when it became a secular state. The present pattern of Islam in Albania was determined by the Great Assembly held in Tirana in 1929, which declared both Sunni and Bektashi Muslims sovereign and indepen­ dent of the Turkish caliphate. Only the Roman Catholic Church resisted nationalization, and this because of her strong hierarchical ties with the Vatican. Some time later this would engender grave suspicion and even bit­ ter persecution. The divisive character of religion threatened the united action of the Albanian people in their bid for freedom. Early patriots began to urge Albanianism above the claims of their religion. During their struggle for independence from Turkey, Pashko Vasa, Roman Catholic patriot and poet of Shkodra, wrote, "Wake up, ye Albanians, wake up,/ And get united in a single faith./ Priests and Hodjas are trying to fool you/ So as to keep you divided and enslaved./ Let not Mosques and Churches keep you apart./ The true religion of the Albanian is Albanianism!" (Chekrezi 1919, 222). One of the early distinguished leaders in the Albanian renaissance, Sami Bey Frashëri, had written in 1899, "The Albanian is an Albanian before being Muslim or Christian. What he was when he had his own faith, the faith of the Pelasgians, he was when he became a Christian, he is also when he accepted the faith of Mohammed. His religion has never changed him at all, and never will, because he always places patriotism above re­ ligion" (Frashëri, S., 1924, 40-41). Still later a guerrilla poet, looking down from the mountains on the town of Frashër which gave birth to Albania's three distinguished patriot brothers Naim, Abdyl and Sami Frashëri, wrote, Si ty O Vithlehem e Mek' e Arabisë (Like you O Bethlehem and Mecca of Arabia)

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Ku janë lindur Muhamet e Krisht' i Krishtërisë, (Where were born Mohammed and the Christ of Christianity,) Per mua është Frashëri, vënt i Perëndisë (Frashëri is for me the place of God) Tek është lindur Naim Bey, Zemr' e Shqipërisë! (Where Naim Bey was born, the heart of Albania!)

In the same vein a popular versifier pointed out that while Albanianism need not eliminate religion altogether, it should surely have top priority. He wrote, "Do not play like children/ with churches and with mosques;/ that is a shame of mankind,/ when your own language is not free." Later he concluded, "Therefore your religion today/ is neither church nor mosque,/ leaving you slaves;/ it is Mother Albania!/ When we win our freedom/ you can care for the church and the mosque. / If the church has one bell, / hang a hundred here and there. / if you have one mosque in the village,/ erect another twenty-three./ But our religion now/ is Mother Albania" (Petro Fotografi, submitted 18 May 1932, unpublished). Even after Albanian independence had been secured, patriots re­ mained convinced that the only solution to the divisive dichotomy between Islam and Christianity was the substitution of Albanianism. Thus Andon Chako, using the pen name Chajupi for his book M ëmëdheu (Motherland), included a poem about Mount Tomor. On its peak stood a shrine where ancient Albanians resorted to consult the oracle about their future. The poet wrote, that religion had divided the Albanian people and stifled progress. In line with this prevailing sentiment, King Zogu, although a good Muslim, stipulated that the state should be neutral, with no official religion and that the free exercise of religion should be extended to all faiths. Neither in government nor in the school system should favor be shown to any one faith over another. Albanianism was substituted for religion, and officials and schoolteachers were called "apostles" and "missionaries." Albania's sacred symbols were no longer the cross and the crescent, but the flag and the king. Hymns idealizing the nation, Skanderbeg, war heroes, the king and the flag predominated in public-school music classes to the exclusion of virtually every other theme. The first reading lesson in elementary schools introduced a patriotic catechism beginning with this sentence, "I am an Albanian. My country is Albania." Then there follows in poetic form, "But man himself, what does he love in life?" "He loves his country." "Where does he live with hope? Where does he want to die?" "In his country." "Where may he be happy, and live with honor?" "In Albania." "Where does the mud seem sweeter than honey?" "In Albania." On patriotic occasions schoolchildren wore a uniform with the national colors: a red blouse with black pants or skirts. They marched, drilled, cheered and sang patriotic songs. This fierce Albanianism was designed to eclipse religious distinctions and unify the population.

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Nevertheless, religious agitation continued, for these divisions had deep roots. In 1936, for instance, the Orthodox editor of the periodical Rilindja (Rebirth or Renaissance) charged that the Muslim religion was a "gift of the enemy," and added that "the gifts of enemies have poison in­ side." The further accusation was made that "the Turk by the most ignoble means converted the majority of the Albanian people to the Mohammedan religion." The official Muslim publication Zan i Naltë (The High or Majestic Voice) replied indignantly (April 1936, 106), "If Turkey had used such measures, it would have accomplished complete unity. However, the religion of Islam does not permit such measures." Shortly thereafter King Zogu's government suppressed Rilindja because "it did not serve the national interests." Another Orthodox writer, a public-school teacher and a student of history, expressed himself on the adoption of Islam by the Albanian people. He drew the following fire from the same Muslim peri­ odical (August 1935, 256): "This man seems to us a troublemaker who thinks to introduce quarrels among the different religious elements. And such a man is continued in the service of the Ministry of Education, which expects him to provide tender youth with the education of national unity!" But the Muslims themselves were hardly blameless. It was their Medrese (Seminary) at Tirana which published the aggressively polemical Zan i Naltë periodical. It contended loudly that unity was a sacred duty, and it objected vociferously to "proselyting propaganda" by others. Yet its 1935 issues devoted 13 pages to feature testimonials of former Chris­ tians on "Why I Embraced Islam." There were also numerous articles on their phenomenal missionary successes in Spain, Holland, the United States, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece, also articles comparing Christianity unfavorably with Islam. Undoubtedly, it was their own articles such as these which had provoked the very responses which they found so objec­ tionable. There was religious friction within the Muslim community also. The liberal Islamic movement centering in Lahore, India, Ahmediyya, became a source of contention. Several graduates of the Tirana Medrese completed their higher training in Muslim theology and law at the famous ultraconser­ vative El Azhar University at Cairo, while others were sent to the ultraliberal Ahmediyya Seminary at Lahore. These latter attempted to enlighten the home constituency with their publications denying Christ's virgin birth and sinlessness and quoting European critics to prove that the Christian Bible is full of myths, so not to be trusted. One of their articles on "Jesus, the Son of Joseph" declared, "This must be recognized by all Muslims." It drew the following fire from Tirana (Zan October-November 1936, 351). "This is not a duty for all Muslims, but contrarily, is a belief against the Kuran which says that Jesus was created directly by a breath of the Eternal Spirit. This dogma invented by the Islamic movement of

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\ Lahore has been contradicted by all competent wise men of Islam. We want our students to bring us culture, and not dogmas invented against the Kuran." Sunni grievances with their Bektashi brothers were equally repugnant, since the times demanded national unity. The Sunnis objected to "certain unpleasant conversations" occurring at a meeting of the Bektashi Council on the birthday of Hazret Ali on 22 March 1935. They declared that these "harm the national unity, which is a sacred patriotic duty" (Zan April 1935, 113). That the message was getting through to the younger generation seems apparent from the address of a Medrese graduate leaving for higher studies in Cairo. He urged all religious believers to unite against the com­ mon foes of atheism, materialism and bolshevism (Zan October-November 1936, 335). He concluded, "We are divided from other religions. We ourselves are divided into many sects. . . . We Muslims must unite ourselves, and even with Christianity which believes in Deity. . . . We must not kindle enmities. We must get along well and in harmony with them, and unite politically. Suffice it that we are all religious in order that we may break the nose of atheism." In conclusion, then, King Zogu was determined that religion should no longer be a foreign-oriented master dividing the Albanians, but a na­ tionalized servant uniting them. Accordingly, his Reform Parliament of 1937 even provided for optional classes in religion for the elementary grades. This was designed both to conciliate the religious element of the population, and also to counterbalance if possible the growing influence of atheistic communism. The teachers of religion, however, were to em­ phasize the historical and liturgical, showing no partisan spirit. They were to be apostles of tolerance, goodwill and Albanianism. It was at this time that newspaper editorials began to disparage the almost universal adoption of Muslim and Christian names, suggesting instead that children be given neutral Albanian names. Official slogans began to appear everywhere. "Religion separates, patriotism unites." "We are no longer Muslim, Or­ thodox, Catholic, we are all Albanians." "Our religion is Albanianism." The national hymn characterized neither Muhammad nor Jesus Christ, but King Zogu as Shpëtimtari i Atdheut (The Savior of the Fatherland). The hymn to the flag honored the soldier dying for his country as a "Saint." In­ creasingly the mosque and the church were expected to function as servants of the state, the patriotic clergy of all faiths preaching the gospel of Alba­ nianism. Z

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P

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Most kings, like all mountains, can be appreciated better if seen from a distance. Both his friends and his adversaries can evaluate King Zogu more objectively after the intervening half century. Certainly the govern­ ment of King Zogu had its weaknesses, but it also had its strengths. He did much to break down the sectionalism which had always prevailed and

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consolidate the fragmented population. He developed a national con­ sciousness, an Albanian identity. His reign was altogether unique in that one elected leader ruled over the entire Albanian territory for 14 con­ secutive years. This was as long as all the preceding 14 regimes since in­ dependence. Admittedly, he was autocratic, as kings traditionally were, but mildly so, not ruthless. He suppressed political rivals and challengers, but usually by internment rather than execution. Despite bitter criticism and even open opposition, there was never a bloodbath. Such would come altogether too soon, but not from Zogu. Over the years Zogu brought unprecedented progress on many fronts. He set up the essential governmental machinery. He organized a national police force. He sent the best students to foreign universities and appointed graduates to administrative posts. He fostered public education, built a net­ work of all-weather roads, and upgraded the Durrës harbor. Progress in Albania may have been more apparent to foreigners observing the country infrequently than it was to critics who lived continually with its problems. An Associated Press correspondent revisiting the country in 1932 was greatly impressed by his observations (New York Herald Tribune 26 No­ vember 1932, 2). He wrote as follows about Zogu's Albania: "New schools, new hospitals, new barracks, new government buildings, new business blocks, new factories, new harbor facilities, new highways, new homes, new bridges, new pavements, new foreign legations, new residential sub­ divisions, new everything." Lord Donegall of Britain drove throughout Albania in 1938. His report to the London Sunday Dispatch (28 August 1938) was carried by the Gazeta e Korçës (14 October 1938). He expressed amazement that living conditions were so much better than had been reported to him by earlier tourists. He reported that roads were wider than those in Yugoslavia, and he could drive comfortably at 30 or 40 miles an hour, sometimes up to 65. People in the cities appeared well dressed, and those who spoke English were polite. Tirana was becoming a modern city, with modern Ministry and Parliament buildings on a beautiful plaza. There were a first-class hotel, good food and shops with perfumes, film for his Leica camera and repair for his Swiss watch. He commented favorably on the Tirana airport and air service, the liberated unveiled women, an apparently healthful Durrës port city with its three-mile beach, attractive homes and imposing buildings four blocks back from the waterfront. He was thoroughly impressed with the courteous people and the developing country. Widespread ferment and unrest prevailed in Albania and almost everywhere else during the 1930s, probably a consequence of the recent depression. Anti-Zogu critics, always articulate, now became increasingly numerous and vocal. They objected to his anachronistic royalism, his mediaeval orientation toward tribal chieftains and wealthy landowners or businessmen and his traditionalist and unrealistic approach to the country's social and economic problems. These dissidents were not only the masses

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of resentful poor and dispossessed, but a growing number of alienated in­ tellectuals who had been exposed to fascism, socialism and communism during their years of study at government expense in European universities. Periodically the schemes and strategies whispered around shaded tavern tables were relayed on to the authorities, who promptly arrested the ringleaders. Implicated in a republican plot against the king, and reported in prison in late 1933 was the Harvard graduate and distinguished scholar Constantine Chekrezi. An actual outbreak in Fier on 14 August 1935 is said to have been caused by personal as well as ideological grievances. Alleg­ edly, Zogu, while a deputy in the early 1920s, became formally engaged to marry Fatima, the daughter of Shefqet Verlaci, an influential and highranking southern landowner and colleague. But on his rapid rise to power and prominence, Zogu did not consider an alliance with the Shefqet Bey family very essential, so he never followed through with marriage. This snub deeply insulted the honor of Shefqet Verlaci, who, it is claimed, backed the 1935 military and Communist insurgents with money and in­ fluence. But that uprising too was crushed. The stern-visaged bachelor king was rumored to have been an unin­ hibited playboy during his vacation excursions to Vienna. Leaving the opera house there, he narrowly escaped assassination when an aide leaped in front of the king and took the fatal bullet. The grateful king designated that day, 3 May, to be commemorated thereafter as Jetëdhënësi (Lifegiver) Day in memory of his faithful attendant, Major Topoli. While visiting the Hungarian National Museum of Budapest he reportedly discovered a beautiful staff member who would one day become the queen of Albania. The three Zogu sisters were helpful in resolving some of their brother's problems. Outbreaks occurred periodically in the more liberal southern population where the influence of the exiled "progressive" Bishop Fan Noli was still strongly felt. Following the May 1937 rebellion the three princesses visited southern Albania in October and received an enthusiastic reception. This may have suggested their visit to the United States the following March 1938. The American press facetiously conjectured that the primary purpose of their visit was to discover a trio of American millionaires for husbands so as to help balance their country's ailing budget. When the princesses met Bishop Fan Noli at Boston the press jumped to the conclu­ sion, rightly or wrongly, that they had come to effect a reconciliation be­ tween their brother, King Zogu, and the former prime minister whom he had ousted and exiled. This was interpreted as a means of placating rebellious pro-Noli factions in the south. Be that as it may, Bishop Noli visited the three princesses at their Boston hotel suite. The following Sun­ day morning the three Muslim sisters were escorted by police through a crowd of 3,500 cheering Albanians jamming Boston's Emerald Street to enter the dim incense-laden sanctuary of the Albanian Orthodox Church of St. George. There for the first time since his exile Noli included in the chanted ritual a prayer for King Zogu, for their native Albania and for

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Albanians everywhere around the world. This seems to have been the end of the 14-year alienation. With an air of "mission accomplished/' the three princesses sailed from New York, appropriately enough, on the Queen Mary. Following a most gratifying reception in England, they returned home in time to participate in a royal wedding. T

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(27

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1938)

For months the expectant nation had awaited the wedding of King Zogu and the beautiful Countess Geraldine de Nagy-Apponyi (born 1915), daughter of the Stewart family of Manhattan, New York, and Count Julius Nagy-Apponyi of Budapest. The date set for the wedding, 27 April 1938, seemed an altogether propitious day, for it was the 484th anniversary of the wedding of Skanderbeg and his bride Marina Andronika. The age differential between the 42-year-old king and his 22-year-old bride was scarcely noted in this country whose men traditionally married off their sisters before themselves contracting marriage to a relatively younger woman. Also, it was quite in keeping with the marriage of the 29-year-old warrior Skanderbeg and his 23-year-old bride of half a millennium earlier. Theirs was a highly publicized gala affair at Tirana's royal palace. The mar­ riage service itself was a civil rather than a religious ceremony. Because of the king's Muslim faith, the countess could not secure the blessing of her Catholic church. In fact she was not generally known to be a Roman Catholic. Entire pages of the press were devoted to official biographical sketches, but not even casual reference was made to her Roman Catholic connections. The religious factor was studiously avoided. Much was made of the fact that her ancestors on her father's side had fought beside the Hungarian defender John Hunyadin when he made common cause with Skanderbeg against the Turks. But the historical and patriotic considera­ tions totally eclipsed all else. The vice-president of the Chamber of Deputies officiated at the ceremony. The king's attendant was none other than Count Galeazzo Ciano, Italy's foreign minister and son-in-law to her premier, Benito Mussolini. The three sisters of the king served as the bride's attendants. On the table before the royal couple was the civil code. As in every other civil marriage, pertinent articles of the law were read, declaring the duties and rights of each partner. On their acquiescence, King Zogu was declared mar­ ried to Queen Geraldine. Immediately, the band played the hymn to the king. The happy conclusion was announced outside the palace by cannons, church bells and the muezzins' cry from the minarets. To share the festive occasion that morning, 150 other weddings were commemorated at various city halls throughout Albania. One hundred of the couples were married at the expense of the respective city halls, the other 50 couples at the per­ sonal expense of the king. All Albania rejoiced, but the priest and hodja were forgotten. In typical Oriental manner the newspapers reported the eager impa­

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tience of the population for the early arrival of the expected heir. One year later, on 5 April 1939, the crown prince was born. He was named Leka I after Alexander the Great, and the announcement was accompanied by a 101-gun salute. T

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(7

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1939)

Although King Zogu's Albania was politically independent, it had become increasingly dependent economically upon Italy because of the many sizable loans. It is estimated that Italy poured a total of $60 million into the Albanian treasury for roads, public buildings, schools, medical facilities and the armed forces (Time 17 April 1939, 20). Zogu was reported to have built up a personal fortune of about $4 million, most of which was deposited in French and Swiss banks (Boston G lobe 9 April 1939, 5). Mussolini in return demanded a monetary and customs union with Italy and the installation of Italian troops on Albanian territory. Zogu rejected the ultimatum. Rome determined on a military foreclosure. The timing did not seem either gallant or reverent. Just two days after the birth of little Prince Leka, on Good Friday, 7 April 1939, Mussolini ordered the Fascist armies of Italy to invade the little nation still caught up in celebration. Two hundred warships with 20,000 Italian troops crossed the Adriatic to land at four points along the Albanian coast under cover of naval and aerial bombardment. Four hundred warplanes roamed the empty skies in­ timidating the wondering population. They dropped hundreds of thou­ sands of brightly colored leaflets reading, ALBANIANS: The Italian soldiers who land today on your soil are soldiers of a people which has been your friend through the centuries, and has given you proofs of this friendship. Do not make a stand or useless resistance which would smash you immediately. Do not listen to men of the government who have impoverished you and who would like to lead you into useless bloodshed. The troops of His Majesty, the King-Emperor of Italy, are coming and will remain the necessary time to establish order, justice and peace.

With the Albanian military forces under Italian supervision, resistance was disorganized and ineffective. Disgruntled soldiers complained afterwards that troops had been sent to one place, ammunition to another and food to yet another. The modern, mechanized, heavily armed and numerically superior Italian troops broke through the valiant but altogether unprepared and out-gunned Albanian defenders. Queen Geraldine, who was in a coma, and her two-day-old son were evacuated to Greece by ambulance. King Zogu's reign of 10 years, 10 months and 10 days came to an abrupt close. He and many of his officials joined the queen in exile shortly afterwards, never to return to their native land. To cover living expenses as a civilian, it is alleged that Zogu took with him the crown jewels and the royal

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treasury. Italian troops entered Tirana the second day and occupied the en­ tire country within one week. Wild rumors multiplied throughout the countryside. Muslims were sure that Catholic Italy's invasion launched on her Holy Friday was yet another crusade to cause their conversion. So on 10 April Italian warplanes once again roared low over Albanian towns and villages, dropping white leaflets this time. They guaranteed to all the free exercise of religious wor­ ship. As for the Fascist invaders, they justified their seizure of Albania on the basis of their extensive loans and on the claim that Albanian patriots had begged Italy to come in and end the misrule of King Zogu. One-half a century later an Albanian professor charged indignantly that the League of Nations had "once again displayed its impotence and falsity by maintain­ ing complete silence in regard to the attack of fascist Italy on Albania, which was a member of that organiation'' (NAlb 1986, 1:24). And Zogu in Greece expressed his disappointment at the refusal of England and France to intervene. He declared, "Europe is ruled by two madmen: Hitler and Mussolini, and by two fools: Chamberlain and Daladier" (Dielli 8 April 1944, 3). As Italy consolidated her occupation of Albania and Europe heated up for the outbreak of World War II, students surreptitiously circulated an in­ triguing acrostic. It listed the prime ministers of the Axis powers and the Allies, then asked in Italian, Chi Vincera? (Who will win?). The reply was indicated in the third space of each line, read vertically. Time would soon demonstrate that in Albania at least, it really was Stalin who had won the decisive victory.

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T he royal couple with the infant cro w n prince, Leka, fled before the

invading Italians, finding refuge first in Greece then in Turkey. Zogu was a restless exile. They went to France and stayed until the German occupa­ tion. Then they went to England "for the duration," where they lived in a country house in Buckinghamshire. Like other deposed monarchs, Zogu established a government-in-exile, which exhorted loyalists within and out­ side Albania to strike back at the invaders. Efforts to set up a nationalist underground proved futile. When the defeated Italians withdrew in 1944, the well-organized Communists already in position seized control. The failure of Zogu to return to Albania personally to lead military resistance is considered by many to be responsible for the eventual Communist takeover. At the end of the war, the Zogu family and court gravitated to Egypt, where they were welcomed by King Farouk, the last of the century-long

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Albanian dynasty. Not long after Farouk's abdication in 1952, the royal family established a brief home-away-from-home in the United States. On the exclusive North Shore of Long Island, New York, Zogu bought "Knollwood," a decaying 60-room granite mansion in an aristocratic Nassau County farming community called Muttontown. He bought the place for $102,800, not as local gossip rumored "for a bucket of diamonds and rubies" (New Y orker 11 September 1989, 33-34). But immigration authorities allowed visas for only 20 persons instead of his entire court of 115. Then taxes and investment reverses haunted Zogu, who sold the estate in 1955 (The Conservationist March-April 1984, 47). He moved back to the French Riviera, where he died on 19 April 1961 and was buried in the Thias cemetery of Paris. A hastily convened temporary National Assembly, required by the Albanian constitution, brought delegates and exiled court dignitaries to the Hotel Bristol in Paris. This assembly proclaimed Leka the king of the Al­ banians. This 22-year-old six-foot-nine-inch Sandhurst-trained monarch took the oath of kingship on the banner of Skanderbeg: the historic double­ headed black eagle on a blood-red field. Leka and his mother, Geraldine, established their home at Pozuelo on the outskirts of Madrid, where they lived 17 years. In 1975 he married Susan Cullen-Ward (b. 1944), of an upper-class landed-gentry family of Australia, and she was titled Queen Susan. On more than one occasion Leka is quoted as saying whimsically, "My mother is Catholic, my young son Leka and I are Muslim, and my wife Susan is Anglican. But there is no religious problem in the family" (Atdheu July-August 1987, 3, 4). That same year (1975) Leka became the commander-in-chief of the Council for the Liberation of Ethnic Albania and began building up his own paramilitary organization. Only two overtly hostile acts not involving loss of life have been reported thus far. A rocket was fired at the Albanian Em­ bassy in Paris, and frogmen cut the telegraph and telex links between Albania and western Europe. Leka himself usually went about armed with two Colt .45 revolvers. Madrid police in 1979 discovered a large cache of arms at his home, and the Spanish government objected to his heavily guarded establishment. So that year the royal family relocated at Randberg, near Salisbury, the capital of Rhodesia. Here Geraldine, beautiful queen-for-a-day and now queen mother, could slip into the blessed peace and quietness of anonymity. Here Leka sought to enlist mercenaries to reestablish his throne in Albania. In 1979 Robert K. Brown, publisher of Soldier o f Fortune magazine, visited Salisbury to interview King Leka, whom he called the "pretender to the Albanian throne." Leka expressed op­ timism about the restlessness in Kosova province and in Albania and ex­ pressed confidence that at the head of a guerrilla contingent he could regain his father's throne. After only 14 months, the fall of Rhodesia to the Com­ munists forced Leka to relocate his base of operations to the neighborhood of Johannesburg, South Africa, in 1980. There he received guests in an

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office filled with flags and mementos of the Albanian monarchist period, dominated by a photograph of his royal father, Ahmet Zogu. King Leka has traveled widely to southeast Asia and the Middle East to observe the effectiveness of guerrilla operations there, also to the United States. Here two organizations keep his cause alive among royalist sym­ pathizers. They are the Central European Council composed of official representatives of European kingdoms and republics exiled from their homelands by Communist regimes and the Organizata Kombëtare "Lëvizja e Legalitetit" (National Organization "Legality Movement"). The latter organization is often called simply OKLL in their New York newspaper A tdheu (Fatherland). Leka is confident that the reform movement which swept eastern Europe in the late 1980s has created favorable conditions for the establishment of democracy in Albania. Rather than reestablish the monarchy in Albania, Leka in an interview of January 1990 declared his purpose to struggle for the creation of conditions in which the Albanian people can freely express their own will. He declared, "If the Albanian peo­ ple so wish, I am ready to renounce the Monarchy. My purpose is not to impose a new dictatorship on the Albanian people, but to overthrow the communist leadership" (Atdheu March-April 1990, 4).

Part Five

Nationalist Albania Seized by the Marxists and Its Communization (1939-1985)

27. The Fascist Occupation and the Rise of Marxism (1939-1944) THE R E A C T IO N OF W ESTERN N A T IO N S The Western powers which had first recognized Albania as an indepen­ dent state in 1912 should have unitedly opposed its invasion and annexation by Italy. At the moment, however, they were primarily concerned with Hitler's expansionistic program in central Europe. The Italian occupation of Ethiopia and now Albania seemed of secondary importance, even though Mussolini had openly declared these to be but the initial steps toward his restoration of the ancient Roman empire. London did lodge a protest. The Balkan Alliance states —Yugoslavia, Greece, Romania and Turkey —nervously consulted one another. The United States denounced the annexation, but tacitly acknowledged it the following year by closing its diplomatic and consular offices at Tirana and handling such affairs thereafter through the consulate in Naples, Italy. Several European nations deplored the invasion, but did not wish to become involved by actively op­ posing it. Neither of Albania's neighbors, Greece or Yugoslavia, appeared to feel immediately threatened. Even the League of Nations in Geneva supinely accepted the invasion and annexation of its member state Albania, as a mere detail in the global ferment which did not have to disturb Italy's good standing within the league. The general passivity must have been very encouraging to Mussolini's scheming big brother watching from Nazi Ger­ many, who declared his complete solidarity. It was the Albanian immigrants in the Boston area who most vigor­ ously expressed their outrage and alarm. Through the Albanian cultural radio program "Zëri i Shqipërisë" (Voice of Albania), its founder, the patriot Nuchi Cojo, called a meeting. The patriots formed a commission that brought more than a thousand Albanians to a rally in Boston. They sent telegrams to several heads of state protesting the Fascist Italian occupa­ tion of their homeland. Other Albanian colonies in America sent similar protests. To continue the struggle, they founded in 1940 the bilingual newspaper Liria Shqiptare (Albanian Freedom), soon shortened to Liria, with Dhimitri Nikolla Trebicka as editor. 410

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To broaden the movement, these same patriots called a meeting in Peabody House, Boston, to hear Constantine Chekrezi, recently arrived from France. They then called an Albanian Congress for 27-28 December 1941 in Boston's Ritz Plaza Hall with representatives from all the Albanian colonies of the United States. They decided to form an organization to be called Shqipëria e Lirë (Free Albania), with Chekrezi as president, and the weekly Liria as its news organ. Its purpose was to foster love and loyalty toward the United States and toward the language, ethnic heritage, pros­ perity and freedom of Albania. The Western world, however, seems to have accepted the plight of Albania as a fait accompli, a historical footnote on a dark page dominated by the much greater threat of Nazi Germany. TH E R E O R G A N IZ A T IO N OF ITA LIA N O C C U P IE D A LBA N IA (1 9 3 9 -1 9 4 3 ) The Fascist regime immediately began to remake captive Albania after its own image. The characteristic features of the fascism which had seized control of Italy in 1922 and the Nazi party controlling Germany since 1933 were quite similar. They advocated a rigid one-party dictatorship, forcible suppression of dissent, tight government control of the economy, ag­ gressive nationalism, racism and militarism. Mussolini's seizure of Albania was no isolated event. It was one more phase of the grand design he had announced again and again. He would rebuild the old Roman Empire and make the Mediterranean Sea a Roman lake once more. He portrayed his dream in a series of four great inlaid mar­ ble maps on a wall of the Basilica of Constantine near the Roman Col­ osseum. Contrasting black and white marble outlined the expansion of Rome from an original city-state to an empire embracing all the Mediter­ ranean world and most of Europe, including England herself! His last map illustrated the modern empire and was updated to include the colonies of Eritrea, Somaliland, Libya and Ethiopia. To insure undisputed control, he expelled all British and American businessmen and missionaries from the African colonies. To prepare Albania for eventual takeover, Mussolini had conducted a careful campaign of economic and cultural aggression. He had authorized national loans quite beyond their power to repay, allegedly totaling $65 million. He controlled the Albanian National Bank, the military program and the mineral and oil concessions. He extended scholarships to promising university students. He subsidized the Dante Alighieri society in many cities to open evening schools and provide free instruction in the Italian language and culture. He broadcast from Bari, Italy, the only Albanianlanguage radio program then heard in all the world, and it was exclusively a political commentary. He took many hundreds of boys to Italian camps to receive Fascist training in the Balilla and Avanguardista paramilitary organizations. He published and distributed free of charge many beautiful political booklets, pamphlets and a newspaper in the Albanian language.

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So the actual takeover of Albania was just one more step in Mussolini's im­ perialistic expansion. Understanding his goal, it is fascinating to see how he had woven the web which would entangle and capture a people, then the progressive steps he took to incorporate the unfortunate country into his expanding empire. The symbols of King Zogu were immediately removed. The large framed portraits of the king were torn down from the walls of government and business offices and schoolrooms, usually being thrown into the gutter and trampled under foot. They were replaced by large framed portraits of King Victor Emmanuel III. The letter "Z," erstwhile symbol on the cap of Zogu's gendarmes, was replaced by the symbolic fasces: a bundle of rods and among them an ax with projecting blade carried before ancient Roman magistrates as a badge of authority. Administrative changes were accomplished immediately and smoothly. The Italians set up an administrative council. This was com­ posed of Italian officials and Albanian collaborators, most of whom had adopted the Fascist ideology while studying at Italian universities. This council called for a constituent assembly to set up a new Fascist regime over the former domain of King Zogu. On 12 April, just five days after the inva­ sion, Italy's Foreign Minister Count Ciano arrived in Tirana by airplane to represent Premier Mussolini, his father-in-law. He reviewed Italian troops drawn up at the airport, then drove to the Italian Legation through streets draped with the Italian tricolor. There he received the submission of the heads of the Muslim, Orthodox and Roman Catholic religious communities in Albania. At 4:00 f . m . that same day the Albanian delegates to the Constituent Assembly had been summoned to gather for the formation of a permanent new government. And that same day they elected as prime minister King Zogu's archenemy, Shefqet Verlaci. They abrogated Zogu's constitution of 1928 and offered the crown of Skanderbeg to Italy's King Victor Emmanuel III. To lend the appearance of continuity with Albania's heroic past, the president of the Constituent Assembly, in proposing the union of Albania and Italy, pointed out, "Albania will keep its own Flag, which is that of Skanderbeg, who had prescribed the colors for the glory of his proud and united people" (Drita 21 April 1939, 3). Only later would it be noted that superimposed on the historical banner of Skanderbeg was the Italian sym­ bol, the fasces. It was indeed the banner of Skanderbeg, but with an alien philosophy added. The king of Italy appointed as his viceroy for Albania the Italian am­ bassador at Tirana, Francesco Jacomoni. By the end of that first month the Albanian National Fascist Party was established in Tirana, with Tefik Mborja as its head and a black-shirted gatekeeper at the office door to keep order. Four imposing framed portraits dominated his waiting room: the King-Emperor Victor Emmanuel III, the Fascist premier or duce (leader) Benito Mussolini, Italy's foreign minister Count Galeazzo Ciano, and his

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Fascist party head Starace. No Albanian official shared the position of honor. Although most offices of the puppet government were staffed by collaborating Albanian officials, the top administrators served under Italian advisors or supervisors. Significantly enough, no other country ever formally recognized this puppet government. The Albanian ministries of foreign affairs, of war and of finance were abolished, these functions being cared for by their Italian counterparts. The Albanian army was not considered dependable, so it was replaced by an Italian army of occupation numbering 40,000 men. Thus on 2 May General Edmondo Rossi and his "Wolves of Tuscany" division made a theatrical entry into Korcha, as other units did elsewhere. The local newspaper Gazeta e Korçës (3 May 1939) was unnecessarily effusive in reporting the event: "The streets looked like a festival day . . . The tricolor flags appeared on every balcony, window and street . . . The citizens and massed schoolchildren gave General Rossi and his troops their hearty and spontaneous welcome." The prefect engaged in a little double-talk: "Today, with the arrival of Your Excellency, the Glorious Army of Italy comes officially into our city. The hearts of the citizens of Korcha are full of joy, for with your coming we see the assurance of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Albania. . .. We are grateful to the Great Duce, the proven friend of the Albanians, who sent you to us. . . . Albanians remember the Italian soldiers as brothers." Understandably the citizens did not break out in the martial hymn Vlora! Vlora! It was altogether understandable also that this was the only rhetoric that could enable the survival of the new Albanian prefect. Incidentally, the presence of Arbëreshë or Italo-Albanian soldiers in Fascist uniforms helped to soften Albanian resentment. They seemed to illustrate the truthfulness of the Italian propaganda campaign in the newspapers emphasizing the many similarities between the Albanians and the Italians and urging that the two peoples could better achieve their separate destinies by working together. Italian uniforms, though, were seen everywhere. The soldiery as a whole proved well-disciplined, orderly and friendly, good humoredly attempting a few Albanian expressions with the populace and happy to show them pictures of the wife and bambini back home. A couple of these men confided that they only wanted to go home. Three years earlier they had been sent to Ethiopia "for three months, then you will go home." Instead, they were sent to Spain. Next to Albania. Now there were rumors of Greece. Other changes bombarded the eye and ear. The Albanian flag with the added Fascist symbol still flew, but always with the red, white and green Italian flag beside it. All political parties except the Fascist party were sup­ pressed. Colorful slogans were posted on walls everywhere. "II Duce sa cio che fa" (The duce knows what he is doing). "Mussolini ha sempre ragione" (Mussolini is always right). "Credere, ubbedire, combattere" (Believe, obey, fight). Colorful posters screamed wild charges at the two detested democracies, England and the United States. Signs on government and

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commercial buildings and on streets were bilingual. French teachers at the Korcha lycëe were sent home 1 May, Italian educators thereafter controll­ ing the educational system and the Italian language being required. They also organized evening schools to teach Italian to the populace. Publica­ tions which were not aggressively pro-Fascist were suppressed. Italian films, magazines and newspapers flooded the country. Intellectuals and upper-class students thought to be anti-Fascist were interned. Fascist holidays and celebrations featured martial band music and parades of black-shirted men and youth organizations. The usual semioriental lethargy quickly disappeared. Life was ex­ citing. Every day was new and different. There were speeding cars, trucks and motorcycles, as well as tanks and artillery and especially dust. There were planes and searchlights, military exercises, soldier troubadours and Latin love songs. Italian dignitaries made state visits. Military police tried in vain to regulate for the first time in recorded history the greatly increased traffic of vehicles, packhorses, bicycles and pedestrians. Immediate benefits were many. The Italians piped drinking water to Tirana, Elbasan and other cities and towns. They built bridges. They repaired old roads and engineered new roads, always it seemed to facilitate the movement of military personnel and supplies from the ports. They began the first railway roadbed. They flooded store shelves with duty-free Italian products never seen before. They rented buildings. They provided jobs. They brought prosperity which actually trickled down to the people. They took 10,000 children for a one-month free vacation at Italian Balilla seaside colonies, returning them to their families tanned, speaking Italian, and dressed in paramilitary uniforms. Despite all this, Fascist Italy found little popular support. There were of course a few collaborators: anti-Zogu opportunists, a few northern chieftains, both Muslim and Roman Cath­ olic, and intellectuals who had embraced Fascism in Italian universities. But a tailor sneered, "Do these Italians think they can win our hearts with canned tomato paste or asphalted roads?" He spoke cautiously, however, for a very efficient spy system detected and reported those who were nonsympathizers. Men then lost their livelihood, or even their free­ dom. Summoned to the police station for "a few little questions," they would be detained immediately for internment in some remote Albanian village, or more frequently somewhere in Italy. Secondary students not returning the Fascist salute were expelled forever from all Albanian schools. This would explain the news photos of Albanians waving Ital­ ian flags and cheering for the duce. The pictures were taken by the Fascist propaganda agency Luce (Light). Those Albanians were really cheering for their education, their jobs, their liberty and the livelihood of their family.

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Albania's puppet government exercised little real power. Except in the cities and large towns, anarchy prevailed. Tribal chiefs in the northern mountains resumed their traditional rule as in Turkish times. Resistance movements emerged. In most cases regional patriots followed locally acknowledged leaders who held quite different ideologies, but who were agreed in their determination to help expel the aliens. Balli K om bëtar (The National Front). Resistance to the Italian occupa­ tion of Albania was promptly organized in May 1939 by Midhat Frashëri. He had served during Fan Noli's brief rule as Albania's ambassador to Greece, but he refused to cooperate with the Zogu regime. He was never bothered about this, however, probably because he was the respected son of Abdyl Frashëri, a founding father of the Albanian nationalist move­ ment. This underground anti-Fascist organization was called Balli Kombëtar (The National Front), sometimes called simply "BK." It was headed by progressive, patriotic landowners and Orthodox intellectuals. The movement attracted many followers, especially the more well-to-do farmers, the merchants and businessmen. They advocated the forcible ex­ pulsion of the Italians from Albanian soil and the incorporation into Albania of all ethnic Albanians then in Kosova under Yugoslavia and in Chamëria under Greece, also agrarian reforms and other enlightened steps toward social reform, especially the creation of a modern Western-type democracy. For the first two years the BK organized anti-Fascist demonstrations and circulated patriotic literature, attempting to keep one step ahead of the Italian administration's watchdog carabinieri (state police). The leaders of this resistance movement were predominantly intellectuals, quite un­ familiar with the dirty but indispensable techniques of conducting guerrilla warfare. They were confident that they could expect Anglo-American in­ tervention. In 1941 the nationalists began organizing guerrilla units for hitand-run operations against Italian occupation forces. But they preferred to conserve their troops and especially their leaders to cooperate eventually with the Allies in expelling the Fascists and then participating in the reorganization of a free Albania. The National Liberation M ovement (NLM) and the Communist Party. The National Liberation Movement, or NLM, was destined to become the dominant resistance movement. It had its roots in the many unrelated dissi­ dent groups existing underground during the Zogu era. Its leaders were usually the lower level Tosk intellectuals who rebelled against Zogu's anachronistic royalism, his traditionalistic society controlled by hereditary chieftains or landowning beys and their frustrated longing shared by the masses for economic advancement. Adherents were primarily the poor craftsmen, workers and peasants who were discontented with Albania's

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mediaeval economy, and who were ripe for the clandestine leftist propa­ ganda. National Liberation Movement leaders and followers alike were very unhappy with the new Fascist regime. So when the Italians overran their homeland, these untrained but determined men and eventually women took to the rugged mountains and formed guerrilla bands. History repeated itself, for as in Turkish times, these bands harassed military con­ voys, seizing truckloads of military equipment and supplies to expand their struggle. Older students in the cities left their books and families to join these resistance bands in the mountains. Surely nothing in this world can be more stirring than the beat of men's hobnailed boots on cobblestoned streets leading to the mountains, their throaty song of defiance shattering the night: Se mjaft në robëri, (For enough of slavery,) E mjerë Shqipëri! (Unfortunate Albania!) O djem, rrëmbeni pushkëtë, (O fellows, seize your rifles,) Ja vdekje, ja liri! (Either death, or liberty!)

Enver Hoxha, the soldier-professor, expressed eloquently his admiration for these young men when he wrote, "Once again you drew the sword, which was now keener-edged, tempered in the fires of repeated battles, and forged on the anvil of history" (NAlb 1984, 6:1). The underground Communist movement began to flex its muscles in January 1940. It was then that the Korcha group decided to send its leader, Enver Hoxha, to Tirana to organize the anti-Fascist movement against the Italians and to establish and coordinate other groups throughout the coun­ try. To legitimize his base, he set up the "Flora" tobacco shop, where "by ceaseless cautious work" with craftsmen, workers, the many unemployed and their relatives and friends, he built up a broad circle of activists and sympathizers. He also undertook extensive travel to other population centers. Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union on 22 June 1941 proved to be the needed catalyst to bring about united action. These scattered groups and bands of anti-establishment idealists, freedom fighters and Communist sympathizers were quite uncoordinated. Their different philosophies, goals, organizational relationships and programs made their consolidation seem impossible. But leaders of the two strongest Communist groups of Korcha and Shkodra contacted the Yugoslav Communist party for counsel in June 1941. Little did they know that this was precisely the opening the Yugoslavs wished. For at Moscow's request, the Yugoslav Communist party at its Zagreb conference in September 1940 had decided to try to bring about the formation of a Communist party in Albania. While Moscow was interested in the worldwide spread of Communist ideology, Yugoslavia had more parochial concerns. These were the protection of her national

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interests among the Albanian population of Kosova, a stronger hand in neighboring Albania's internal affairs, an anti-Axis ally on her southern border and one more step toward realization of Tito's dream of a Communist federation of Balkan states. So the party gladly sent two Yugoslav emissaries to provide political and ideological guidance in organizing an Albanian Communist party. Very shrewdly the party chose both men from the pre­ dominantly Albanian province of Kosova: Miladin Popovic, secretary of the Provincial Committee, and another member, Dushan Mugosha. They set up a clandestine meeting in Tirana on 8 November 1941 to consult with representatives of the three active Communist groups: Korcha, Shkodra and Youth. The Korcha group, as the earliest and largest group then in the Communist movement, was given the honor of opening the founding meeting. They chose Enver Hoxha to make the introductory speech. The 33-year-old former Korcha schoolteacher acknowledged that the "lessons of our great teachers Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin" had been applied differently by the different groups, and this had to be corrected. But all Communists would have to unite in a single program "to attack the despots, to take their weapons by force, to arm the people, to organize them in guerrilla units or çetas, and to attack the enemy from all quarters" (AT 1986, 5:12). The primary concern, he insisted, must be the formation of the Albanian Communist party, leaving the particulars to be discussed thereafter. Following extended discussion, the group succeeded in sublimating local differences and unanimously approved the resolution to organize the Albanian Communist party. They elected Enver Hoxha as provisional secretary. Total membership at the time was about 200. The immediate objectives of the new Albanian Communist party were three: the expulsion of the Fascist Italians from Albanian soil, the destruc­ tion of all vestiges of the recent monarchist government and the establish­ ment of a standard Communist "people's republic." To achieve those ends they determined on the adoption of a hit-and-run guerrilla warfare, because the rugged mountainous terrain and the unorganized Albanian guerrillas were both ideally suited for this. Each guerrilla band had 50 or 60 men who, like the Yugoslav Communists, called themselves "partisans." Benefitting by Yugoslav experience, they undertook a campaign of harass­ ment, intimidation and terrorism. They staged no massive confrontation, but specialized in swift, sharp surprise attacks, only to melt back into the mountains leaving no trace. They harassed the communication and supply lines, sabotaged telephone lines, mined highways, dynamited bridges, waylaid Fascist soldiers in dark streets to seize their weapons and even raided, exploded or burned supply dumps. Aided by Yugoslav military in­ structors, equipment and supplies and radio and press propaganda, the Albanian partisans were soon considered the only effective anti-Fascist fighters. From the outset the Communist strategy was to conceal their Marxist identity behind a more neutral "front" and emphasize their nationalism and

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patriotism. So on the advice of the Yugoslav counselors, the Albanian Communist party leaders called a secret conference at Pezë on 16 Sep­ tember 1942, "right under the nose of the enemy." Their immediate purpose was to coordinate and expand the numerous guerrilla bands fighting the Italians. So they created a front organization which they called the Na­ tional Liberation Movement, or the NLM. All nationalist leaders in the country had been invited, and although the emerging NLM did include some non-Communist leaders to quiet popular apprehension, all key posi­ tions went to the Communists. Many of these Communist leaders would identify themselves only as patriots, denying vehemently and publicly all Communist connection. The announced purpose of the NLM was to coordinate the military ac­ tivities of all the anti-Fascist guerrilla bands in the country. To attract new recruits for the armed atruggle, Communist propagandists promised that victory would place in the hands of the people not only political power, but also the redistributed wealth of the rich and the large estates of landowners following the agrarian reforms they envisioned. Peasants and workers filled the partisan ranks, as well as idealists and as many as 6,000 women (Zëri 3 November 1984, 1). These latter served primarily to support the fighting men with food, clothing and medical care, although some became legendary heroines in combat. Close collaboration was sought with other Balkan partisans who had risen against Fascist invaders, especially with Yugoslavia. T

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Albania's rugged mountainous terrain was ideal for the partisans, but not for the army of occupation. The hit-and-run guerrilla tactic proved as effective against the Fascists as it had against the earlier Turks. The Italians mounted their invasion of Greece the latter part of 1940, soon occupying ethnically Albanian Chamëria, and then the predominantly Albanian province of Kosova in Yugoslavia. Civilian unrest with Fascist rule was ex­ pressed in underground publications. Strangely enough, it was a Roman Catholic publication, the Franciscan periodical Hylli i Dritës (The Morning Star) of Shkodra, which dared to openly denounce the Fascists for their oc­ cupation of Albania. The magazine of course was suppressed in 1941. Resentment of the Italian occupation expressed itself also in an attempt to assassinate King Victor Emmanuel III in Tirana on 17 May 1941. A young man named Vasil Lachi fired at the Italian king as he strolled the boulevard with the premier Shefqet Verlaci. Lachi was tried and hanged on 27 May in the prison yard in Tirana. Just prior to the execution he is reported to have shouted, "Down with fascism! Long live Albania!" (Liria 1 February 1984, 3). Patriotic youth resisted the Italianization of their schools. They refused to give the Fascist salute. They boycotted lectures on Fascist doc­ trine and lessons in the Italian language. They ignored pressures to join the Fascist organizations. Many dissenters were sent to internment camps.

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Patriots most vigorously opposing the new regime were executed. Literally thousands of them fled into the mountains to join the various guerrilla bands. The aggressive Fascist indoctrination in the secondary schools pro­ voked a reaction. In 1942 as Italian control weakened, these secondary schools became enlistment centers. Many teachers as well as students headed into the mountains. The agricultural school at Golem near Durrës still displays a register showing that 222 of its 277 secondary students left to join the partisans in the National Liberation War (NAlb 1985, 2:21). The heroic struggle of these guerrilla fighters attracted the admiration of the Allied leaders. On 10 December 1942, Secretary of State Cordell Hull of the United States made the following statement: The Government of the United States is npt unmindful of the continued resistance of the Albanian people to the Italian forces of occupation. The effort of the various guerrilla bands operating against the common enemy in Albania is admired and appreciated. The Government and the people of the United States look forward to the day when effective military assistance can be given these brave men to drive the invaders from their homes. Consistent with its well-established policy not to recognize ter­ ritorial conquest by force, the Government of the United States has never recognized the annexation of Albania by the Italian crown. The joint declaration of the President and the British Prime Minister, made on 14 August 1941, known as the Atlantic Charter, provides as follows. "Third, they respect the right of all peoples to choose the form of government under which they live, and they wish to see sovereign rights and self-government restored to those who have been forcibly deprived of them." The restoration of a free Albania is inherent in that statement of principles [Liria 1 February 1984, 3],

Similarly on 17 December 1942, in answer to a question in Britain's House of Commons, the secretary of state for foreign affairs, Anthony Eden, declared, "His Majesty's Government sympathizes with the fate of the Albanians, a people among the earliest victims of fascist aggression. They wish to see Albania free from the Italian yoke and restored to her in­ dependence" (ibid.). Then on 22 December 1942 the foreign commissar of the Soviet Union stated, "The Soviet Government is convinced that the struggle of the Alba­ nian people will merge with the common struggle for the liberation of the rest of the Balkan countries, and that they will succeed in driving the Italian invader from their soil" (ibid.). A further commemoration of Albania's lonely but determined anti-Fascist warfare was evidenced in the fall of 1944 when the United States government issued a five-cent postage stamp featur­ ing the red and black banner of Skanderbeg. It is altogether understand­ able that these commendations of the partisans by world leaders would not only raise their morale, but would also encourage their support by nonCommunist Albanians and even assure them of Allied military assis­ tance.

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Until mid-1943 there was a measure of cooperation between Midhat Frashëri's Balli Kombëtar (BK) and the Communist leadership of the Na­ tional Liberation Movement (NLM), but neither side had much confidence in the other. The BK accused the NLM Communist leaders of being Soviet agents and of cruelly exposing civilians to Fascist enemy reprisals and needless destruction of property, and they distrusted the alliance with the Yugoslav Communist party. The NLM leaders accused the BK leaders of collaborating with the Fascist enemy, of spreading lies about reckless Com­ munist battle tactics and postwar aims and of questioning the morals of female partisans. The first National Conference of the Albanian Communist party was held from 17 to 22 March 1943 in the village of Labinot near Elbasan, to organize the anti-Fascist uprising. The following 10 July resistance leaders dominated by Communists met there again to organize the National Liberation Army. They combined the guerrilla bands into battalions, and these were integrated into an Albanian National Liberation Army. They made Spiro Moisiu the commander in chief and Enver Hoxha, general secretary of the Albanian Communist party, was made the political com­ missar responsible for their morale and indoctrination. Strangely enough, the majority of the partisans and even some of the military commanders were non-Communists. This was preferable from the Communist point of view, because it projected the image of a broad-based national liberation movement rather than a more narrow exclusively Communist movement. Yet paralleling each military officer was a political counterpart responsible for the correct Communist indoctrination of all the troops. To lessen the mounting tension and agree on a formula for joint action against the common enemy, a British commando mission headed by Col. Neil McLean entered Albania from Greece in April 1943 (Atdheu JulyAugust 1987, 5). This English mission engineered a joint conference of 12 leaders from each of the two groups which convened at Mukaj near Tirana in July 1943. After long and heated debate they reached agreement on 1 or 2 August, just as they received word of Mussolini's fall from power. The Mukaj agreement stipulated an alliance against the Fascist occupation troops, an ethnic Albanian state to include the Albanian regions of Chamëria in Greece and probably "Kosmet" (Kosova and Metohija) then in Yugoslavia but occupied by the Italians since 1941, also free postwar elections to determine the future form of government. Members of the BK rejoiced, but the permanent Yugoslav advisors were angered by the Kosova issue. They accused the NLM negotiators of being traitors and oppor­ tunists. Enver Hoxha charged them with capitulating completely to the BK and absolutely repudiated their agreement with the nationalists. On 4 September 1943 the NLM called its Second National Liberation Conference at Labinot. Here they repudiated the Mukaj agreement and

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declared a war of extermination on all members of the BK, branding them "enemies of the people." Obviously they had reached the point of no return. That October Hoxha addressed a circular to all the district committees of the Communist party. In it he opposed this British interference in Albanian internal affairs. He said, "We know who the Anglo-Americans are, and never for a moment forget that they are capitalists, that they are against communism, against socialism. . . . Now we are in alliance with them against Italian fascism and German nazism . . . but we will not allow any interference in the internal affairs of Albania" (AT 1986, 4:33). Later he would rejoice in his twofold victory; he had "defeated the Italian fascists and the German nazis with the rifle, while defeating Anglo-American im­ perialism with diplomacy inspired by Marxism-Leninism" (ibid.). T

he

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1944)

Legaliteti Inherits the Communist Wrath. The negative action of NLM on the Kosova issue alienated a significant number of its adherents from that border region. The following November 1943, Major Abas Kupi, until Mukaj a member of the Central Council of the NLM, withdrew with others to form the Legaliteti or Legality movement. Kupi was a respected Geg chieftain who had commanded King Zogu's troops defending the port of Durrës during the Italian invasion. Returning from exile in Turkey, he organized his mountaineers into a resistance unit, and they joined the NLM in 1942. Although no Communist, he became a member of the Central Council and a delegate to the Mukaj conference. On Hoxha's denunciation of the Mukaj agreement, Kupi and his forces withdrew from NLM and at Zallte-Herrit near Tirana organized their Legality movement. Many of these men came from Zogu's region of Mat, and in addition to the expulsion of the Fascists, they proposed the restoration of the constitutional mon­ archy. These so-called monarchists like the BK now became the target of Communist wrath. Nazi Germans Replace the Italians. With the fall of Mussolini in late July 1943, Italy capitulated to the Allies on 3 September. Two days after the NLM declaration of civil war on 6 September 1943, about 15,000 Italian troops in Albania surrendered to the NLM partisans, together with their arms and equipment. To fill the vacuum, about 70,000 German occupation troops soon poured into the country, occupying Yugoslavia, Albania and Greece within three weeks. Hitler's goal was to establish a base in the Balkans from which to cut British communications with the eastern Mediterranean, also to assure the raw materials so essential to the war effort. Germany desperately needed oil from Romania, wheat from Bul­ garia and hogs, lead, copper and bauxite from Yugoslavia. Also they must prevent the British from using the Balkans as a staging ground for attacking Germany from the rear. Atrocities were reported. Germans executed hostages in retaliation for civilian shooting of soldiers and officers, 10 for one, or even 100 for one. Hounded by partisans that October 1943, the

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Nazis vented their frustration and wrath on the village of Borova near Kolonja. In the senseless massacre, almost every family was exterminated. Only a few terrified infants were later recovered from under the sheltering bodies of their dead mothers (Liria 15 October 1984, 2). Very naturally under such circumstances, business, agriculture and education came to a standstill. Now the NLM classified as "enemies of the people" both the Nazi Ger­ man troops and the Albanian patriots adhering to the Balli and Legaliteti movements. In fact it seemed to many that the NLM obsession was not so much the expulsion of the Nazi Germans as it was the extermination of the non-Communist Albanian nationalists. Both the BK and Legality patriots now had to fight for their lives, not against the German invaders but against their fellow Albanians. To make matters worse, they were effectively cut off from any source of military equipment and supplies. Albania itself was occupied by hostile Nazi troops, and Communist Yugoslavia was closed to them. To compound the BK predicament, when Hitler invaded Russia the Soviet Union became an ally of the Western nations. When the Soviet Union requested the Anglo-American command in Italy to assist the antiNazi struggle in the Balkans, virtually all the air-dropped arms, ammuni­ tion, medicines, clothing and food went to the Marxist National Liberation Movement. Ironically, they used this aid from the democracies to crush the non-Communist patriots who themselves were dedicated to a Westerntype democracy! One of the first English commandos to enter occupied Albania in April 1943 was Col. Neil McLean. His men of the so-called English Mission first established contact with Hoxha's Communist partisans and set up radio communications with the British military headquarters. Soon they became convinced that Hoxha's partisans were mainly interested in obtaining more military supplies from the British and in exterminating the other Albanian resistance groups. This conviction earned them Hoxha's wrath. When he heard that they had later been reassigned to a different group, he became infuriated and ordered his troops to capture the British commandos and even shoot them if they resisted. Unfortunately, McLean's frequent warn­ ings to his superiors were not taken seriously (ACB 1986-1987, 95). So it was that the British helped to train, support and supply the Communists, who in turn crushed the BK and other patriots. Abas Ermenji was deeply chagrined at the memory. Leaving family and professorship to head a Balli group in the mountains and fight the Italians and Germans, he reminisced in Chicago 40 years later: For a time the National Front (BK) fought alone. But when the Nazis in­ vaded Soviet Russia, our resistance movement suddenly acquired the allegiance of the small Albanian communist party, whose marching orders came from Tito of Yugoslavia and from the Moscow-led Comintern. Soon the Balli K o m b ë ta r was standing helplessly by as the British and American

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allies began supplying arms and support not to Balli K o m bëta r, the voice of Albanian democracy and nationalism, but incredibly enough, to the communists. Churchill even sent his own son to Tito's headquarters as an advisor. The British did these things because they had allied themselves with Stalin, and they succumbed to the Soviet desire to help all these Marxist liberation fronts in the Balkans. We, we got almost nothing. We got some antiaircraft guns which we could not use because we were not being attacked by any aircraft" [C hicago Tribune 12 December 1984, 5:3].

A further complication arose for the BK patriots. The German occupa­ tion authorities announced their intention to withdraw at the close of the war and give Kosova back to Albania. This was a primary goal of the BK, a goal officially rejected by the NLM. The BK anticommunism began to seem more important than their antifascism. Now defending themselves against extermination by the Communists, the abandoned BK patriots found themselves beside the Germans and the puppet Albanian gen­ darmerie battling against a common enemy, the Communists. This of course exposed them to the harsh judgment of the Communists and other Albanians as well, and the BK lost much popular sympathy. The last of several joint offiensives against the Communists took place in June 1944, but it failed to destroy them. Meanwhile, a spectacular drama unfolded in the Nazi-held mountains. On 8 November 1943 an American hospital plane from Sicily overshot the airport in Foggia, Italy, and without fuel it crash-landed in horrible weather on a dried-up lake bed in the German-held mountain country. There were 17 surgical technicians, all staff sergeants; 13 nurses, all second lieutenants; and four crewmen. For 62 days this band of 34 American men and women, dressed in light clothing for Sicily, fled through snow and icy mountain country to elude German search parties. Hospitable villagers frequently risked Nazi wrath by sharing their coarse cornbread, which was all they had. The English Mission, as it was called, arranged rescue attempts by plane, but they failed. Finally, led by a British parachutist and radio con­ tacts, the Americans rendezvoused at a cave on the Adriatic coast. Rubber rafts then took all 34 survivors out through midnight blackness to a waiting PT boat and then to the Italian port of Bari (Brockton Enterprise 10 July 1983, 1, A8). T

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Foreseeing the defeat of Germany by the Allies, the NLM which now renamed itself the National Liberation Front (NLF), convened its first con­ gress at the liberated town of Përmet on 24 May 1944. Its primary purpose was to formulate the governmental machinery needed to seize power when the moment presented itself. The NLF Congress organized the Albanian Anti-Fascist National Liberation Council as its supreme legislative and ex­ ecutive body and elected Enver Hoxha as its president. The congress also appointed Hoxha as commander in chief of the National Liberation army.

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The council banned the return of former King Zogu, forbade any other Albanian government inside or outside the country and determined to ex­ terminate the Nazi occupiers and the traitors and to set up a "people's democracy" all over Albania. Very astutely, the council assumed respon­ sibility for administering civil matters in regions being liberated from the Germans. That same June 1944, Hoxha launched an offensive against the Nazis and their collaborators. Because of military reverses in their homeland, German occupation troops began withdrawing from southern Albania via Elbasan and Tirana that September. The partisans liberated Korcha on 24 October and then rapidly freed all of south and central Albania. That 20 to 23 October the Anti-Fascist Council convened another congress in liberated Berat, and the Congress upgraded the Anti-Fascist Council into a "Provisional Democratic Government," based temporarily in Berat. They applied to the Allies for official recognition as the only legitimate govern­ ment for the Albanian people. On 29 November 1944 the last Albanian city, Shkodra, was liberated, partisans chasing the last retreating German troops out of the country. The Germans surrendered unconditionally in Europe the following 7 May 1945. The Balli and Legaliteti leaders, of course, had to flee the country. Thirty years later Balli Kombëtar adherents in Rome still publishing their newspaper Flamuri (The Flag) and Legaliteti adherents publishing their newspaper Atdheu (The Fatherland) were still fighting a wordy battle with the Communists and even with each other! (Flamuri 10 July 1973, 2). Moving their BK base to New York, Midhat Frashëri headed the Free Albania National Committee, with Abas Kupi as vice-president (Dielli 31 January 1987, 2). On 29 November 1944, just one day after Albania's traditional In­ dependence Day, Enver Hoxha with his troops marched triumphantly into Tirana, assuming control of the entire country. That evening Hoxha and his colleagues attended a religious service of thanksgiving to God for the final liberation. The previously organized provisional government moved at once from Berat to Tirana, the capital. Their Communist regime now controlled Albania. Several factors make this event noteworthy and make Albania unique among the nations. First, Albania became the only European state to adopt communism without the direct intervention of Soviet troops. Although it did receive massive aid from the Allies in arms, military equipment, food, clothing and medicine, Albania was the only European country to liberate itself without calling in foreign troops. Albania became the world's first Muslim country to adopt atheistic communism. Albania also claims the dubious distinction of being the world's last bastion of hard-line Stalinism. And finally, Albania became the first (and one might hope, the last) coun­ try where the Western democracies would assist in the triumph of com­ munism and the extermination of true democracy. This is the story we now consider.

28. The Stalinist Government of Enver Hoxha (1944-1985) THE D E SP E R A T E P L I G H T OF P O S T W A R A L BA N I A H

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The Nazi German army earned more bitter hatred in its one-year oc­ cupation of Albania than the Italian army did in its four years. Their military occupation of the Albanian homeland was offensive enough. But this was aggravated by their harsh, inflexible military discipline, their ar­ bitrary execution of blameless hostages, their plundering of livestock and dynamiting of homes, their occasional massacres of defenseless civilians, and their internment of dissenters, even consigning them to the infamous Nazi gas chambers. These losses touched and embittered virtually every Albanian household. A few of the prisoners sent to the Nazi death camp at Dachau survived as skeletons until their deliverance by the American army on 29 April 1945. Such was a Korcha acquaintance of the author, Dr. Ali Kuçi. Most were not so fortunate. At least three Albanians went to the ovens within days of the liberation of Dachau. Hoping to relieve the uncertainty of the families of these missing persons, the author wrote to G. M. Panarity, a Boston editor, as follows (EEJ, letter to Panarity, 6 May 1946): Recently an old friend visited me. Captain John Gaskill had served as a chaplain in the United States Army unit which liberated the infamous Nazi death camp at Dachau, Germany. He remained there eight weeks helping to save the lives of the half-dead prisoners recovered there. Among them he found a Korcha acquaintance of mine, Dr. Ali Kuçi. He was given a notebook listing 3,500 prisoners whose bodies were burned that April. Before fleeing, the Nazis had destroyed all their records. But Peter Opochevski, a Bohemian priest compelled to serve at the furnaces that April, had kept a register which he hid under the pile of dead bodies awaiting the furnace. The tragic pages contained the names of literally thousands of victims, mostly Russians, Poles and Jews. Included, however, were the following entries.

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Page 4 Page 11 Page 22

Spiro Gino Pep Nesif Sakadi Gjyski

N ation ality Alb. Alb. Alb.

Birth 1918 1913 17.3.1915

D ied 3.4.1945 12.4.1945 24.4.1945

Only God knows how many other Albanians died at this and other Nazi death camps and concentration camps.

What a residue of bitterness the Nazi Germans left behind! For six months approximately 25,000 battle-hardened Albanian veterans pursued the withdrawing Nazis through the wintry Yugoslavian Alps, about 350 of them losing their lives there. Their purpose was not only to assist the Yugoslavs, but also to avenge the wrongs done to their families and homeland. Wartime losses were estimated at 28,000 killed or missing. The state became responsible for an estimated 104,000 widows, orphans and destitute elderly (D ie lli 11 June 1947, 2). U

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Like much of Europe, Albania suffered staggering wartime devasta­ tion. The country was a heap of ruins. The International Center for Relief to Civilian Populations, with headquarters at Geneva, reported that "Albania is one of the most severely devastated countries of Europe" (ib id .) . From their survey we have the following facts. The housing losses were "catastrophic." More than 60,000 buildings had been destroyed, many villages wiped out. One-tenth of the population was literally homeless. Agricultural production was extremely low due to a drought, also the lack of seed, implements and manpower. Fruit trees and vines had been used for firewood. Two million sheep and goats and 100,000 cattle had been requisi­ tioned by the invaders, besides horses and mules. Milk for babies and children was seldom obtainable. Foodstuffs were principally those brought in by international relief organizations. With no textile industry function­ ing, clothing, bedding, blankets and bandages were lacking, as were shoes. Malaria affected about 80 percent of those in the more populous coastal plains, tuberculosis about 20 percent of the total population. Infant mor­ tality varied from 25 to 40 percent according to the region under study. Most children suffered from malnutrition. Hospitals were few and inade­ quate and Tacked everything." Operations had to be performed without anesthetic. Transport without railway or waterway was "particularly thorny," all bridges having been destroyed, roads greatly damaged, trucks and buses lacking. In brief, Albania was "reduced to terrifying distresses." "Reconstruction of the country must begin at zero." The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) mission in Albania reported that nothing of any value was left anywhere in the country. General Lowell Rooks, general director of UNRRA, had an audience with Enver Hoxha on 9 April 1947, and re­ ported,

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From personal observations which I made in different countries, the most terrible hunger situation is in Albania. In the discussions I had with Gen­ eral Hoxha, I told him frankly that there is no hope that UNRRA can bring food to Albania before the harvest. He begged me to lay the need of Albania before every organization that might help. He expressed gratitude toward America for the help received up to the present [D ielli 28 May 1947, 1-2].

One month later, on 21 May, after visiting Greece, Yugoslavia, Austria, Poland, Czechoslovakia and parts of Russia, Rooks declared again, "Of all the places in Europe I have visited, in Albania I saw with my own eyes worse hunger conditions than anywhere else" (ibid.). Em

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All the basic needs of the battered population seemed to demand top priority solutions. For housing, the authorities requisitioned rooms for the homeless in the remaining structures, reducing to a minimum the space allowed per person. At least this measure put everybody under a sheltering roof, although in rural areas some still remained in their brush arbors. Reconstruction of housing was hampered by lack of proper building materials. Transport of relief supplies demanded reconstruction of every one of the nation's 110 bridges which were down and rebuilding of the roads with little more than pick and shovel. A new army of about 70,000 men was organized to undertake the repair of roads and bridges, the women partisans and men over 35 years of age being demobilized for rehabilitation of their homes and farms. Another UNRRA report late in 1945 described how ingeniously young engineers trained at the American Technical School at Tirana had improvised bridge trusses and pilings out of destroyed airplane hangar frames and steel pipe the Italians had brought in for the oil fields (Dielli 5 December 1945, 3). Large volumes of emergency aid came into Albania by UNRRA. From its inception in mid-August 1945 through that December, the UNRRA Albania mission brought into the country for distribution 30,916 tons of food, 1,471 tons of clothing, 2,543 tons of agricultural items and equip­ ment, 280 tons of medical supplies, 250 tons of industrial supplies and 297 vehicles. The food, chiefly wheat and flour, undoubtedly averted starva­ tion that winter, and supplies of sugar and coffee, unknown for six years, enabled subsistence rations for the entire population. Most important were the 1,810 tons of U.S. seed wheat delivered in the fall to assure the following year's food, also alfalfa, fertilizer and 25 tractors. Although UNRRA could not provide a full-scale medical program, it did provide medicines, vac­ cines, ambulances, X-ray units and surgical instruments, as well as jeep transportation for the available Albanian doctors (UNRRA Report De­ cember 1945). Albanian organizations in the United States also promoted the relief effort. The original society Vatra (The Hearth) in Boston undertook a

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campaign to provide flour. The Albanian Relief Fund was organized in 1941 under the chairmanship of Dr. Nicholas Prifti. Individuals, families, societies and organizations contributed money for one 100-pound sack or several sacks. One benefactor sent 10 tons to his native region near Kolonja (Dielli 28 May 1947, 8). Space on Yugoslav and other ships was scarce, but by one means or another they got the relief across the ocean. That 27 to 28 December 1941 the Free Albania Organization with its weekly news­ paper Liria (Freedom) was founded in Boston under the direction of Con­ stantine Chekrezi, historian and author. Upon his death in 1945 he was replaced by Dr. John T. Nasse. The organization's purpose has been to pro­ mote fellowship among Albanian-Americans, to preserve their language and culture, and to further relief efforts and tourism. Also influential in promoting these Albanian relief efforts was the radio program begun by Nuçi Cojo in Boston in 1938, called "Voice of Albania." N

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The problems facing the new government were essentially the same as those that had faced the prewar government of King Zogu. The goal was the same as that held by generations of patriots who had gone before: a strong, free, united and progressive Albania. Her land, language and lib­ erty must be assured, a modem, progressive society must be achieved and her hitherto fatal dependence upon foreign aid must be reduced to the point of economic self-sufficiency. Both political and economic independence must be achieved. This would require the united effort of every Albanian, so divisive distinctions must go. National objectives demanded by this goal seemed obvious: 1. Keep out the greedy neighbor states which for two thousand years had attempted to assimilate the Albanians and annex their territory. 2. Abolish the tribal divisions of the northern mountaineers headed by their tribal chiefs. 3. Break up the vast land holdings of the feudal families and distribute their land among the impoverished peasants. 4. Remove from the few wealthy businessmen their means of creating wealth, placing these in the hands of the state which could then redistribute the wealth more equitably for the welfare of all the people. 5. Do away with the divisive Geg-Tosk dichotomy as expressed in customs, traditions, dialects and loyalties. 6. Suppress religious institutions which perpetuated divisive animosity among the people and created a social establishment, replacing this divisive religious loyalty with a common dedication to Albanianism. 7. Place absolute control of the management of Albanian affairs in the hands of the state instead of tribal chiefs, family or religious leaders, crushing any person or institution obstructing this centralized control. 8. Reinterpret the concept of an absolutistic government, so repugnant to Albanians recently liberated from royalism, fascism and nazism, ex­ pressing the similar philosophy and program with a more disarming vocabulary, despite the inherent problem in semantics.

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9. Request political guidance and even economic aid as needed at the outset, certainly not from Italy or Greece where they had already gotten their fingers burned, but from Yugoslavia which was already Communist, and which had proved so helpful in training and supplying the partisans. Any obligation thus incurred, of course, must never jeopardize the political or economic independence of the country, as had happened with King Zogu.

"Brinkmanship" was to be the name of the game. The new leader, Enver Hoxha, would successfully play this game, first with Yugoslavia, then with the Soviet Union, then with China. Before actually achieving political and economic independence, however, he would discover the road to be very long, very hard, and very bloody. THE M A R X I S T R E O R I E N T A T I O N OF A LB AN IA A

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From Zogu's predominantly northern Geg government the center of gravity now swung southward. The two top Communist leaders and a disproportionate number of others were southerners, Tosks, and almost exclusively Muslim in origin. One will understand the fruit of this new government better by examining its roots. Enver Hoxha. Hoxha was no swashbuckling mountain chieftain, but a former schoolteacher, the favored son of a devout upper-middle-class Muslim merchant and landowner from Gjirokastra. That southern border city, with its two-story stone houses built on a terraced slope rising toward a beautifully preserved citadel at the peak was called the city of 2,000 steps. It was situated and designed for defense. There Enver Hoxha was born on 16 October 1908. As an impressionable lad from five to 10 years of age he would have leaned out his second-floor window to watch the Turkish, Greek, Italian or French troops in turn tramping the cobblestone streets. In that military climate families would proudly recount the daring guerrilla exploits of their own legendary townsmen, the brothers Bajo and Çerçiz Topulli. Then as a student at the French lycëe in Korcha he discovered the cause to which he would dedicate his life. Young Hoxha received high scholastic grades in the humanities. Here he was exposed by his French pro­ fessors to their own revolution for "libertë, ëgalitë et fraternitë." Many years later he would acknowledge, "Korcha is my beloved city, because here my social concepts were crystallized, here as a young man I found the road I was seeking, the road which every noble young man of our people should follow" (Zeri 30 October 1984, 3). Hoxha sympathized openly and deeply with Bishop Noli, whose pro­ posed agrarian reforms and recognition of the Soviet Union had paved the way for Ahmet Zogu's seizure of government. He relished the literary pro­ ductions, some subtly Communist and others not so subtle, which were circulating among the intelligentsia, often to be confiscated by the heavy­

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handed police of King Zogu. Students were proud to be known as secret listeners to the forbidden programs of Radio Moscow, which inevitably closed with the urgent appeal, "Workmen of the world, unite; you have nothing to lose but your chains!" Graduating in 1930, Hoxha received a scholarship from the Albanian government which he execrated and in 1931 entered the French University of Montpellier. Quite understandably, he lost the scholarship because of his anti-Zogu articles in the French Com­ munist party newspaper L'Humanitë, but strangely enough, he succeeded in securing a post as secretary at the Albanian consulate of Brussels. Here he studied law on the side. Continuing anti-Zogu activities led again to his dismissal. Returning to Albania, he quite incredibly secured a teaching post at the Tirana Gymnasium, and four months later he was transferred back to the familiar lycëe of Korcha. Here once again he spread the gospel of the French revolution among students and workmen. Soon after the Italian in­ vasion of 1939 the Fascist officials charged him with Communist propa­ ganda among the students, and he was fired once again. So he moved back to Tirana where he opened a tobacco shop as a front for underground pro­ motion of the Communist cause. In November 1941 when the Albanian Communist party was formed in Tirana, Hoxha was elected head of the seven-member Central Commit­ tee. Prominent as a freedom fighter in guerrilla circles throughout the War of Liberation, he became supreme commander of the armed forces. On the collapse of the Fascist powers in November 1944, he headed the Provisional Democratic Government that he had helped bring into being. On 2 De­ cember 1945 popular elections were held, and he was elected prime minister. Ten years later he relinquished this post, but retained the yet more influential post of first secretary of the Albanian Workers Party, which he held throughout his career. Tall and handsome, Hoxha was frequently photographed with two or three adoring children. His portrait was posted in public almost everywhere. His name was found a dozen times on any page of the official newspaper. His profile was found on the basic coin, the lek. Some alleged that Enver Hoxha was a unique combination of the refined manners of a professor and the amoral ruthlessness of a pirate. Others said he combined the attributes of a salon charmer and a Balkan brigand. Peter Prifti, a distinguished Albanian scholar, has characterized him as "a nationalist, a doctrinaire communist and an intellectual. . . . He combines in his person ruthlessness toward enemies of Albania, socialism and the Party,' a certain fondness for conspiracy, messianic zeal for the propagation of the 'com­ munist faith' in the world, and great trust in the efficacy of radical measures for the modernization of Albania" (Prifti 1978, 33). M ehmet Shehu. Mehmet Shehu was born in the village of Çorrush in the Mallakastra region of southern Albania on 10 January 1913, the son of a Muslim priest. After completing elementary school in his village, he enrolled in the Albanian-American Technical School in Tirana. Soon he

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spoke English readily, and even wrote poetry for the school paper. He en­ joyed field trips to nearby villages, demonstrating the use of a threshing machine to a gathering of peasants. Upon graduating in 1932, he was disap­ pointed at not receiving the expected employment with the Ministry of Agriculture. He was, however, given a government scholarship to enroll in the Military Academy at Naples, Italy. Four months later they expelled him for his anti-Fascist and Communist activities. In November 1937 he went to Spain, joined the Communist party there, and served that cause in the Spanish Civil War, becoming a battalion commander in the Garibaldi International Brigade. In February 1939 his unit was forced to retreat into France, and he was interned for three years in a French concentration camp. Upon release in August 1942, Shehu returned to Albania, identified with the new Communist party and in February 1943 commanded a partisan guer­ rilla force in his Mallakastra Mountains to resume the anti-Fascist struggle once again. Previous military experience enabled Shehu to rise rapidly to the post of brigade commander in August 1943 and division commander in August 1944. That May the Congress of Përmet had included Shehu as a member of the Albanian Anti-Fascist Council, soon to become the Provisional Democratic Government. He was largely instrumental in liberating Tirana and putting down an anti-Communist rebellion in the Shkodra region. The Albanian scholar Prifti characterized him as follows: Shehu was the Man of the Hour for the partisan cause. Owing to his pro­ fessional military training, his battleground experience in Spain, his natural gifts as a commander, plus his fanatic zeal for communism and his ruthless disposition, he soon became the most renowned commander in the partisan army, and the scourge of the Balli K om bëtar, the partisans' leading rival for power during the war. Some Balli K o m b eta r leaders have said that without Shehu, the communists could not have won the war and come to power in Albania [Prifti 1978, 34].

In 1945 Shehu married Fiqrete Sanxhaktari, former schoolteacher and partisan under his command. He studied at the Voroshilov Military Academy in Moscow from September 1945 to August 1946 and probably there became disenchanted with Tito's brand of communism. He served as Hoxha's chief of staff until the Soviet Union broke with Marshal Tito, when he was appointed minister of the interior in October 1948. In that post from 1948 until 1954 he personally controlled the state security, the dreaded Sigurimi which he ran with the cold detachment of a professional execu­ tioner. He also controlled the People's Police and the Frontier Guards. He turned this broad responsibility over to his brother-in-law Kadri Hasbiu in July 1954, when Shehu became prime minister. He filled this post until the time of his death on 18 December 1981. Following a serious shake-up in the army in October 1974, he was asked to assume also the post of minister of defense. The national military academy or war college bore his name.

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Hoxha and Shehu, these two strong men, served together since 1942, outliving even Marshal Joseph Tito of Yugoslavia. They have been termed a "duumvirate," for they actually complemented one another admirably. Hoxha was a scholar, a philosopher and a statesman as well as a soldier. Shehu was trim and neat, with sandy blond hair, a friendly grin and an easy manner. But he was also a shrewd and tough fighter, an uncompromising authoritarian military commander. Of middle-class background, neither had had to work with his hands for a living. Both Hoxha with his legal training and Shehu with his training as an engineer and as a military strategist would be able to analyze the very complex Albanian predicament and outline a logical sequence of steps necessary to reach the national ob­ jectives which they had determined. Both Hoxha and Shehu had served as army commanders. They would reach those national goals not by re­ questing cooperation, but by demanding obedience. Following a dozen faltering experiments in democratic rule, Ahmet Zogu had concluded that the country needed a stronger hand, so he set up his moderate dictatorship as a king. Hoxha and Shehu became convinced that the nation needed a yet stronger hand, so they set up their Marxist government after the absolutistic pattern of Joseph Stalin. Every phase of their Marxist reorienta­ tion of Albania evidenced the iron fist of Stalin. T

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As warfare terminated in Albania, the great powers of Europe for once had no great plans of their own to impose on the country. They had troubles enough of their own. In Albania itself no rival government existed to challenge the Communists. Collaborators with the Fascist occupation forces either hid in the mountains or fled to Greece or Italy. Hoxha's preex­ isting "Provisional Democratic Government" moved into the vacuum quite undisputed on 29 November 1944. Most non-Communist patriot leaders now branded as traitors fled the country. A few like Abas Ermenji and Vasil Andoni of Balli Kombëtar lived to tell the story of how they survived in their mountain hideouts for two years before joining Midhat Frashëri and other exiles in Paris (Chicago Tribune 12 December 1984, 5:3). Ermenji would become the spokesman for the Albanians in exile and president of their National Democratic Committee for a Free Albania. During the spring and summer of 1945 there were mass arrests of "war criminals" and collaborators. The new government rounded up all known or suspected anti-Communists and citizens who had tried to remain neutral or attempted peaceful coexistence with the Fascists. These were accused as "war criminals" or "enemies of the people" and given public trials remi­ niscent of the French revolution. Many were executed, a few were ex­ onerated, others were imprisoned and most were sent to forced labor camps. Upper-class families and intellectuals were considered potential dissidents, so they were treated similarly, their property and businesses be­ ing confiscated by the state "for the welfare of the people." By such arbitrary

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and ruthless measures the new government exterminated influential leaders who might not enthuse over Communism. But a firing squad hardly seems the appropriate means of persuading dissenters and assuring national unity in a so-called democracy. The first congress of the communistic National Liberation Front was held in August 1945. Representing itself as something other than the com­ munistic NLF, and professing to embrace all parties and political opinions except the Fascists, the NLF changed its name to the Democratic Front. Ac­ tually its position and personnel remained unchanged. To allay apprehen­ sion about a Communist regime, and to enlist the cooperation of those opposed to the now discredited King Zogu, Hoxha invited the anti-Zogu Fan Noli to join in his government. His letter of 25 September 1945 ad­ dressed to "Mr. Noli" concluded: "My hëart longs that in the forthcoming elections your name might figure together with ours, and the Albanian peo­ ple freely and democratically might approve our joint efforts and actions. Thus, just as we have been heartily united in our warfare, so shall we now and ever be for the welfare of our dear people, and for the defense of the peace of mankind" (Liria 15 April 1986, 2). The name of Fan Noli, however, did not "figure" in Albania's first postwar national election held that 2 December 1945. Only Democratic Front candidates were eligible for office, which may explain the jubilantly announced 93 percent popular support for the Communist candidates. The following 11 January 1946 a Consti­ tuent Assembly was elected, which proclaimed itself to the world as the "People's Republic of Albania." Interestingly enough, the Constituent Assembly at first included a few nationalists who were not Communists, but who believed that they could cooperate with the new government. Within that first year they were purged from the Assembly, a number being executed as "enemies of the people." The Constituent Assembly adopted its first constitution on 14 March 1946, it being revised in 1950 and again in 1960. This constitution was based largely on the Yugoslav Communist constitution, but carefully identified itself with the "working class," not with the Communist party. That of course would come later. Nevertheless, by this time foreign political analysts had recognized the "pretense of respecting Western democratic concepts" and deplored Albania's left-wing dictatorship, secret police and ruthless extermination of dissenters. T

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Although George Orwell's predictive novel entitled 1984 did not prove accurate in every detail, it surely did in its portrayal of the use and misuse of language. In the novel, the dictator, Big Brother, and his party con­ trolled the people by reinventing a language. They called the language "Newspeak," based it on the philosophy of "Doublethink" and followed a procedure called "Blackwhite." The party identified dissenters as "un­ persons," who therefore had no constitutional rights. In brief, the party

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communications sparkled with euphemisms which bore little or no resemblance either to traditional dictionary definitions or to the facts themselves. In practice, this appears to the foreign observer like a serious problem of either semantics or of integrity. In the new Albanian regime there are several instances. "Front." The National Liberation Movement, the NLM, had changed its name to the National Liberation Front. Then at its first postwar congress in August 1945 it changed its name once again to one with more popular appeal: the Democratic Front. After all, everybody is in favor of democracy, although the definitions may differ widely. The word "Front" seemed to imply a broad coalition of all anti-Fascist groups agreed on achieving certain political and social goals. Its leaders, however, were ex­ clusively Communists. Probably the more accurate definition of the "Front" then would be "a group used to cover or obscure the activity or objectives of another controlling group." In this sense, Hoxha's tobacco shop in Tirana was a "front" for his Communist propaganda. Similarly, his "Democratic Front" was an initially anonymous instrument of the Communist party un­ til its first party congress in November 1948, when the "Front" strategy was dropped, and the Communists came out in the open. The first constitution, for instance, did not identify the regime as Com­ munist. In fact, the Albanian-American newspaper Liria (1 February 1984, 3) pronounced it "thoroughly democratic." It praised the constitution's basic guarantees of equality before the law without regard to national origin, race or religion, neither position, wealth nor cultural scale. The woman was declared equal to the man in all private, political and social matters. To allay any fears of a Communist takeover, the constitution specifically guaranteed the rights of private property, private economic ini­ tiative, and the inheritance of private wealth. All citizens were guaranteed freedom of conscience and religion. An Albanian editor in the United States triumphantly announced, "This article tramples upon the propaganda which is made against Albania as though it were a communist regime" (Dielli 8 May 1946, 2). That point, of course, would be clarified later, when the rights of private property, private enterprise, and religious freedom would be systematically crushed. The new regime's first flag was the time-honored banner of Skanderbeg and Ismail Kemal: the black double-headed eagle against a red field. But just as the Italian invaders had used the familiar flag with the addition of their Fascist symbol, so the Communists later added their distinctive red star symbol. Then there was the national organization for women, the Union of Albanian Women (UAW). They held their organizational con­ gress in Berat in November 1944 before hostilities had ceased. They elected as their first president Ollga Plumbi, a former teacher at the American Mis­ sion School of Korcha, identified as a non-Communist (Prifti 1978, 100). The secretary-general, however, was a Communist, Liri Gega, executed in 1956. The second congress in 1946 elected Nexhmije Hoxha as president, a

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post she held until replaced in 1955 by Vito Kapo. Until it was firmly in con­ trol, the new government allowed considerable religious freedom, subse­ quently crushing it out of existence. But to have openly identified itself and its goals as Communist at the outset would surely have been counterpro­ ductive. "People’s Democracy" and "Dictatorship o f the Proletariat. "Previously a small ruling class had exercised authority over the masses of common people. Marx and Lenin advocated the overthrow of the "establishment" and the seizure of power by the lower class of working people. This "Peo­ ple's Democracy" proclaimed that the liberated workers, both industrial and agricultural, would determine their own destiny. Ironically, neither Hoxha nor Shehu had come from worker families. Moreover, the party leadership recognized that until the working class had received Marxist enlightenment, they would never be able to make the correct decisions. So from the beginning the terms "people's democracy" and "dictatorship of the proletariat" had been quite euphemistic, a façade behind which the party elite operated its own dictatorship. Theoretically, the people did elect their own leaders. But there could be only one candidate for each vacant post, and he had to be a member of the Communist party. He also had to be nominated by the party leadership. Reporting election results, the official periodical New Albania (1974 5:4) announced happily, "Men and women showed once again how strong the unity of our people is, and how democratic our people's State Power. According to the final returns, 100 percent of the electors voted in the elections, and 100 percent cast their votes for the candidates of the Democratic Front." But of course voting was obligatory, there was only the one party and there were no other can­ didates! Even the People's Assembly is not the center of people's power as claimed, but another "front" or rubber-stamp organization. It meets twice annually to hear reports and approve bills and appointments without debate or new initiatives. The new constitution is more realistic in acknowledging (article 3) that the Communist Labor Party is the "sole leading political power of the state and of society." But altogether party membership grew from 45,382 in 1948 to 101,500 in 1976, this increase closely paralleled the population growth, and the Communist party has always included in its membership just about 4 percent of the population. Further, one-third of these party members were the Communist bureau­ crats, the new "establishment." Many observers find it difficult to accept this as the highly publicized "Dictatorship of the Proletariat," and the "People's Democracy." In like manner, the official newspaper called Zen i Popullit (Voice of the People) is edited and published not by the people but by the party bureaucracy. And they represented only 4 percent of the people. The "Egalitarian" or "Classless" Society. Upon assuming power, these disciples of Karl Marx recognized but two social classes: the propertyless proletariat" composed of workers in industry and peasants in agriculture,

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also its antithesis, an exploiting capitalistic class called the "bourgeoisie." This upper class consisted of self-employed shopkeepers and businessmen, landowners controlling agriculture, the professionals and the clergy. To abolish this class distinction, the Marxist planners proposed the na­ tionalization of industry, mines, banks, trade, transport and commerce. They would dispossess the landowners by agrarian reform which would bring the ownership and management of all land under the state, thus col­ lectivizing agriculture. Placing education, medicine, law, etc., under state control would remove power from the professionals. The authority of the clergy would be destroyed by seizing and secularizing all religious institu­ tions and property, the clergy being assigned to industrial plants, to collec­ tive farms, to work camps, prison or the firing squad. Theoretically the ancient plague of social inequalities would then be abolished. To that end the regime sought continually to narrow the very real differences existing between the northern Geg and the southern Tosk, be­ tween the industrial worker and the agricultural peasant, between residents of town and countryside, between men and women, between blue-collar workers and the intelligentsia, even between officers and men in military service! In practice, however, this social revolution only floated to the top a new upper class, the Communist party bureaucracy, especially the Cen­ tral Committee and its own small elite Politburo. The party establishment proved to be almost as dynastic as the family power structure which it replaced. Through more than three decades three of the founding families predominated, with occasional reshuffling of port­ folios. Enver Hoxha served as the party's first secretary, and his wife Nexhmije headed the Central Committee's Directorate of Education and Culture, including the prestigious Institute of Marxist-Leninist Studies. Mehmet Shehu served as prime minister. His wife, Fiqrete, became a vicepresident of the People's Assembly in 1950 and headed the highest party school, the V. I. Lenin Institute. Shehu's brother-in-law General Kadri Hasbiu was minister of the interior and head of the Sigurimi (Security) forces and the People's Police. The third ranking leader, Hysni Kapo, served as party secretary and headed the Directorate of Cadres and Organizations, while his wife, Vito, headed the very influential Union of Albanian Women. About one-half of the members of the Central Commit­ tee were interrelated. The rising number of civil servants (182,913 in 1960) became a continuous concern of top officials. It seems to many that these elite party leaders have simply usurped the places of the upper class they purged. Within this ruling class there are distinctions of prestige, also privileges which ordinary citizens can never enjoy. These would include choice housing, travel abroad, privileges such as a chauffeur-driven Mercedes from the state motor pool, and other lux­ uries and special favors. In this Socialist pyramid, the party elite are at the top. Below them come the other members of the Central Committee, then the party and government bureaucrats, professional people, intellectuals

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and managers of the state industrial and agricultural enterprises. Below these are the rank-and-file Communist party members whose leadership position was guaranteed in the constitution. And below these privileged 4 percent are the 96 percent of the population who do not hold membership in the Communist party. This has been the familiar hierarchical pattern under the Russian czars, under the King Zogu monarchy, under the fascist regimes of Mussolini and Hitler. The only difference is the changed per­ sonnel at the top. "Enemies o f the People." The Communist government knows better than the people themselves what is best for the people. Anyone opposing, or even failing to support the Communist program is frustrating the welfare of the people, and so becomes their enemy. The hard-line Stalinist in­ tolerance of any activity or attitude incompatible with the official party line prevailed into the 1990s. Persons known for political dissent, espousing free debate and a free press, daring to read controversial publications or follow certain overseas radio and TV programs, were considered subversives, and "enemies of the people." Landowners, businessmen, tribal chiefs, non-Communist political leaders, teachers, professionals, clergymen and intellectuals all were automatically considered a potential threat to the Marxist program. So the true welfare of the people required their removal from the scene, either by execution or by their condemnation to years of more useful service to the people in prison labor camps, where most of them perished of malnutrition, sickness or sheer brutality. The author recalls an Elbasan friend, Lef Nosi: The Albanian consul in Paris could not issue a tourist visa to one holding an American passport. But he was delighted when he heard that Dorothy and I had once lived in Elbasan during language study, for that was his native city. Seeking to identify mutual friends, he asked, "Whom did you know in Elbasan?" He did not know our next door neighbor, Siriu Simiçiu, a policeman at City Hall. But when I mentioned Lef Nosi, a genial 60-year-old friend, a merchant and storekeeper, his face fell. "O yes," he murmured, "he was an enemy of the people, and had to be executed." Poor Lef! He was an Albanian patriot of the first order, one of the Founding Fathers of the new republic. He was a delegate endorsing the decisions of the historic Congress of Monastir in 1908 in defiance of the Ottoman Em­ pire. He risked imprisonment or death in Turkish times by helping found the Albanian Club in 1908, by editing Elbasan's nationalistic newspaper T om ori, and by sponsoring the prohibited Albanian school system and the new Elbasan Normal School. For this he was condemned to lifelong exile by the Turkish government, but released in April 1911 [Drita 6 April 1911, 2], He returned to Albania and put his life on the line once again by attend­ ing the defiant Independence Day gathering with Ismail Kemal and others at Vlora on that historic 28 November 1912, signing the document as a delegate from Elbasan [L eka 28 November 1937, 421]. He risked charges of treason by accepting a cabinet office in the new Albanian government as Minister of Post and Telegraph [Gaz 28 November 1937, 12], and was

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elected vice-president of the senate of the Provisional Government [L eka 28 November 1937, 4261. He also pled the cause of a free Albania at the Peace Conference at Versailles in 1919 and 1920 [K u v ën d i 29 August 1919, 3], Lef Nosi! What a man! He was a cultured gentleman and an ardent patriot. But the communist regime labeled him an "enemy of the people," and executed him. Ironically enough, he and other patriots were shot to death not by the Turkish oppressors, but by the Albanian "liberators!"

The "Hammer and Sickle" Symbol. This traditional Communist sym­ bol combines the hammer of the industrial worker and the sickle of the agricultural peasant, united to bring about their common progress. Ac­ tually, it seems to be even more symbolic of the Communist modus operandi. The preamble to the new constitution adopted on 28 December 1976 opened with the frequently quoted words of Hoxha, "The Albanian people have hacked their way through history, sword in hand." Three thousand years of their known history were characterized by incessant warfare. Their very survival demanded it. Albanians have always excelled as war­ riors, whether in the elite Praetorian Guard of old Rome, or the elite Janissaries of the Ottoman Empire, or as indomitable anti-Fascist guerrillas in their mountain fastnesses. "Fierce are Albania's children," wrote Lord Byron. "Where is the foe that ever saw their back?" (Byron 1891, 2:65). For generations the Albanian considered the gun to be a man's best friend. Old soldiers like Enver Hoxha and Mehmet Shehu could hardly conceive of history in any other terms. They continued to think of themselves as freedom fighters, though on a different front. The new enemies were not the Fascist and Nazi invaders, but the capitalistic imperialists headed by the United States, and the traitorous revisionists headed by the Soviet Union. Enemies also were the non-Communist Albanian patriots and heroes, even former Communist colleagues who did not share every detail of the party line and program. The doubleedged sword could cut both ways and had to be used with ruthless deter­ mination in bringing about what they considered to be the best interests of the people. Altogether foreign were the patient persuasion, toleration, dialogue, debate, negotiation, and compromise of democracy and even of socialism. Altogether characteristic was the steel-like demand of obedience to the party line and ruthless compulsion to bring it about. "Every com­ munist must grasp this truth," declared Chairman Mao of China. "Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun" (Mao 1966, 61). The program of this rigidly authoritarian government likewise depended upon naked force. Even in commending a grammar to elementary school students, Hoxha declared, "Our people have never separated the rifle from the book, the sword from the pen, bravery from wisdom, warfare from work. The gun and the primer have always been two twins in the hands of the Albanian people, in the same trenches of their warfare for freedom, independence, land, rights and progress" (Radovicka 1975, 5). Whereas the earlier democratic governments and moderately mo­

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narchic regime had sought to solve Albania's many basic political, economic and social problems with patience, persuasion and education, the new regime systematically and determinedly sought a quicker solution us­ ing persecution and compulsion. Dissenters condemned to years of forced labor in mines or swamps were euphemistically "sentenced to reeducation through labor." Compulsion was seen as a continuation of the age-long struggle for the right of oppressed workers and peasants to live in a free and modernized Albania. The new Communist symbol called for the union of the industrial worker with his hammer and the agricultural peasant with his sickle. Significantly, both the hammer and the sickle are made of unyielding steel. "Enemies of the people," whether businessmen, landowners, intellec­ tuals, priests or even dissenting cabinet officers, must be beaten down as with a hammer, or cut off as with a sickle. This was the new modus operandi. And Albania's new road would prove to be even more bloody than her old road. T

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The Structure o f the People's Government. The Albanian constitution was based largely on the 1936 constitution of the Soviet Union. It named the People's Assembly as the legislative branch of government and the "highest organ of state power." It consisted of one representative for every 8,000 inhabitants and would meet twice annually. The assembly elected a Presidium or executive committee of 13 members which in practice exer­ cised the real power, conducting state business between assembly sessions. With rare exceptions the assembly listened to the reading of bills prepared by its Presidium and voted unanimous approval. The president of the Presidium was the titular chief of state. The tight interlocking of govern­ ment and Communist party was evidenced by the fact that the majority of the members of the Presidium also held high party offices. The highest executive branch of government was the Council of Ministers, composed of the prime minister as chairman, three deputy chairmen, and 13 cabinet ministers. It was responsible to the assembly for virtually all Albanian affairs, including economic, cultural and military matters. For many years the post of prime minister was held by the veteran army commander Mehmet Shehu. The executive branch of government was also tightly interlocked with the Communist party, half of its ministers being members of the party's Politburo, most of the rest being members of the Central Committee. For administrative purposes, the 40 subprefectures of Zogu's regime were gradually consolidated into 26 districts. Government down at the district and local levels was accomplished by people's councils. The highest judicial authority was vested in the Supreme Court, with people's courts at the district and local levels, all being subject of course to party policy. Constitutionally, the power base was said to be the workers and peasants organized in their people's councils at local and district levels.

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Here citizens "elected" their local and national officials. Only one candidate was nominated for each office, and he had to be a member of the Com­ munist party, approved by the party organization, then recommended to the people for election, or more accurately, confirmation. About 99 percent of the electorate do vote, and each preselected candidate received virtually a unanimous vote. Absolute control of government by the party was thus assured. The Structure o f the Communist Party. The Albanian Communist party organized in 1941, but it was renamed more euphemistically the Party of Labor of Albania (PLA) in 1948. From its very beginning it was under the leadership of Enver Hoxha. Membership in the party increased regu­ larly over the years, but because the increase closely paralleled population growth, the membership always represented just about 4 percent of the population. As to the composition of the party, in 1976 industrial workers composed 37.5 percent of the membership, collective farmers 29.0 percent and state and party officials and employees 32.0 percent. Party members were expected to check, guide and control the political, ideological and social attitudes of the masses. The Communist party organizations closely paralleled the government organizations and effectively controlled them at the local, district and national levels. So it is that party members are organized at the local and district levels into party conferences, and at the national level into the Party Congress, theoretically the highest party organ. The Party Congress met only every five years, so elected the Central Committee of just over 100 members, which met about three times annually to act for the congress between ses­ sions. The Central Committee in turn elected the Political Bureau or Polit­ buro of about 16 members to serve as an executive committee between sessions, also to elect the Secretariat. These together cared for the day-today conduct of party affairs. Politburo decisions approved by the Central Committee became the "line of the party" not to be questioned by anyone. Dissenters were purged. In practice, the Politburo was the center of power in the country and was under the firm control of the party's first secretary, Enver Hoxha. Three secretaries served under him, heading their respective directorates of ideological, organizational and state administration affairs. This party organization was tightly interlocked with the state government organization, most of the party's Central Committee members and Polit­ buro members serving as cabinet ministers or other government officers. The party's statute, adopted at the First Party Congress in 1948, was the fundamental law of the land, rather than the constitution of the parallel governmental structure. In practice, the Central Committee and the Party Congress did little more than hear the reports of the Politburo and give unanimous approval. Ultimate power rested with the Politburo. Candidates for all elective positions had to be Communist party members. First they were selected by the party organization, then they were approved and recommended by the Central Committee, then formally nominated by the

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particular party organization, and unanimously elected, or better con­ firmed or approved, by the electorate. Obviously this "People's Republic" was under the absolute control of the party, and the party was under the direct control of its first secretary, Enver Hoxha. Power no longer lay with tribal chiefs, landowners and industrialists as in the past, nor even with workers and peasants as claimed today. Power lay with the Communist party elite, and this was assured by the interlocking dual structure of government and party. T

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Following the years of disastrous warfare, the new regime inherited a treasury stripped bare by governments of occupation and by self-seeking collaborators. But Marx and Engel in their Communist M anifesto had outlined a solution to the dilemma facing Hoxha and Shehu, a solution which proved effective in Albania. The simple solution? "The proletariat uses its political domination to gradually remove from the hands of the bourgeoisie all his capital, in order to concentrate all the tools of produc­ tion in the hands of the State, that is, of the proletariat organized as a domi­ nant class" (Zen 7 October 1984, 3). The process was introduced very shrewdly. Soon after liberation the new government decreed a war profits tax. Merchants, bankers and industrialists were denounced for having enriched themselves "while workers and peasants, who had never once filled their bellies with bread, expelled from their borders the invader clothed in fire and steel. Then those men who had never soiled their hands with work waited for the workers and peasants who had won the wild war with guns, to raise their hands now from hunger and cold, and to fall on their knees before the wealthy" (ibid.). But this must never be! Within two weeks of the 29 November 1944 liberation, severe taxes were announced against profiteers who had taken advantage of wartime shortages to charge exorbitant prices and "suck the blood of the poor." Alarmed merchants hid their money and merchandise. A reporter recalled how a merchant had gone through the streets with three figs tied in a hand­ kerchief, declaring that unjust taxation had left him nothing else to eat. But two weeks later his hidden gold was discovered, and soon afterward his other merchandise which he had stored among relatives (ibid.). Truckloads of merchandise from Durrës were surreptitiously stored in Shkodra, and that from Shkodra was secreted among relatives or friends in Tirana, Durrës or Korcha. Another divided his goods among his six sisters, declar­ ing it their inheritance. A tax collector unearthed barrels filled with bolts of costly fabrics buried in damp yards and utterly spoiled. The publicizing of such stories inflamed the class struggle between the poor masses and the wealthier families. Often the embittered authorities deliberately set a family's war-profits tax higher than its combined cash and property assets. Obviously they had no basis for a precise estimate of un­ just wealth. Many upper-class families were stripped of all their belongings.

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Dispossessed and unhappy businessmen and landlords were labeled "capitalists," "enemies of the people," "saboteurs," "subversives," or "agents of foreign imperialism." Many of these were harassed, impoverished, im­ prisoned, condemned to forced labor camps or executed. Several shops of two Shkodra merchants were dismantled by the people, the building stones being used in the reconstruction of eight bridges dynamited by the withdrawing Germans (ibid.). Many of the shops were simply confiscated without compensation to be operated thereafter by the state. This process was described repeatedly by one official reporter as "another harsh warfare" (ibid.). Only this time it was not against the Turks or the Greeks or the Serbs or the Italians or the Germans, but against fellow Albanians. Karl Marx called it the "class struggle." It was equally bloody. Thus by fiat the new regime smashed the economic power of the rather limited middle class, appropriating their wealth for the state. There was to be no compromise whatever. In February 1946 a leading Communist theoretician named Sejfulla Malëshova urged the Central Committee to permit the coexistence of private enterprise and state control. He was ex­ pelled from the committee (Prifti 1978, 54). Unaware of subsequent im­ plications for themselves, most small property owners applauded this action against the wealthy. They were reassured by the new constitution issued 14 March 1946 which specifically guaranteed the rights of private property, private economic initiative and the inheritance of private wealth. Unfamiliar with the writings of Marx, Engels and Lenin, the common peo­ ple would not have recognized this as only the first in a series of steps which would gradually transfer to the state the absolute control of all private property and wealth. T

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Another giant step toward absolute state control of private wealth was taken in December 1944. Within days of Hoxha's seizure of government he ordered the nationalization of all factories and mills. At the time, of course, Albania was a very backward agricultural country with only a few small manufacturing plants where a few artisans hand-crafted elementary con­ sumer goods. Rich mineral resources of oil, chrome, coal, copper and iron were largely unexploited. It would seem rather simplistic to bitterly at­ tribute the fault to King Zogu, who in his few years of reign had to over­ come the sterility of 500 years of Ottoman misrule as he attempted to lay the foundations of a modern state. The highly trained minds directing the new Communist regime now approached their problems very rationally. Their objective, stated simply, was to establish a strong, free, united and progressive Albania. They proposed to lift the country progressively from a primitive agrarian economy to an agrarian-industrial level, then finally to a more advanced properly balanced industrial-agrarian economy. While pressing for the modernization of agriculture, they would give priority to industry, especially to Hoxha's "magnificent obsession" with

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heavy industry. First they would concentrate on heavy industry so as to "produce the means of production." Only later would they develop light in­ dustry for the production of popular consumer goods. Certain Marxist guidelines were fundamental. (1) All means of produc­ tion should be nationalized, thus smashing the economic power of domestic and foreign bourgeoisie. (2) The state should exercise absolute control of industry for the welfare of the people, as prescribed by Stalin for the Soviet Union. (3) The rational dispersal of industry throughout the country should keep the processing establishments near their sources of raw material, thus avoiding the creation pf a few swollen urban centers at the expense of the rural population. (4) Centralized economic planning should follow the Soviet pattern: the party leaders issuing directives to a state planning commission which would prepare for approval and then imple­ ment a series of five-year plans (5-YP), each broken down into annual plans for the accomplishment of their specific predetermined goals. In accordance with these principles, immediately after his takeover of the small factories, mills and shops, Hoxha in rapid succession ordered the expropriation and nationalization of all industry, transportation, wholesale and foreign trade, mineral resources, even bodies of water, pastures and forests. That same December 1944 he issued stiff laws con­ fiscating the businesses and other assets of collaborators and political fugitives. Then in January 1945 he confiscated all the assets held in Albania by the Italian and German governments and their citizens. All banks were nationalized. That same year the state seized the assets of all foreign capitalistic enterprises (Liria 16-23 November 1979, 6). There was no com­ pensation. Predictably there was "sharp class struggle," a euphemism for popular resistance to a government program. But by the end of 1945 vir­ tually all industrial and commercial activities within the country were state controlled, and within another year private ownership and production had been eliminated altogether. Hoxha could then declare, "The State took steps to give to the workers the principal means of production formerly controlled by foreign and local capitalists" (ibid.). T

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Food Problem s to Be Solved by Autarchy. Although 88 percent of its population was engaged in agriculture, Albania had always faced problems in food production quite unique in all of Europe. First was its mountainous terrain constituting 70 percent of the land area. Some of this was suitable for grazing, but only a narrow coastal plain and a few narrow river valleys totaling 5 percent of the area were fertile for agriculture. Another 10 per­ cent might be made arable, but most of this arable land was owned by the landed aristocracy rather than the sharecropper peasants. In fact, one-half of all the arable land was owned by 320 families (Dielli 28 April 1945, 3). A population growth of 71 percent from 1950 to 1969 compared with 18 per­ cent for other Communist countries of Eastern Europe (excluding the USSR)

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seriously hindered the achievement of self-sufficiency in food production. With the state drive for industrialization, it was inevitable that the urban centers would attract an increasing proportion of the population. Between 1938 and 1973 the urban population rose from 15 percent to 34 percent, thus siphoning off great numbers of agricultural workers. Little had ever been attempted to improve the land for cultivation: some of it required irriga­ tion, swampy areas required canalization and drainage. Equipment and methods were primitive, even after World War II; the wooden plow was common, the tractor very rare. The average farmer knew little or nothing about mechanized farming, seed selection, chemical fertilizers, insecticides and crop rotation. Under these circumstances food shortages were inevitable and peren­ nial. In King Zogu's era Albanian agriculture could produce only about one-half the country's need of food grain, the other half having to be im­ ported. The war proved catastrophic. Frank Woodward, director of the UNRRA Agricultural Mission, pointed out that the war years had brought devastation to about 65,000 head of cattle and 20 million fruit vines, followed by the worst drought in 22 years and a plague of locusts. Between August and November 1945 his mission succeeded in getting 1,810 tons of seed wheat to the farmers despite the lack of shipping, roads and bridges (Dielli 17 April 1946, 3). During the war and the immediate postwar period, massive food grain imports from Yugoslavia enabled the survival of the population. Understandably, then, agricultural self-sufficiency was adopted as a goal of the new regime. The old slogans were not forgotten: "Death to fascism!" and "Freedom to the People!" But new ejaculations were now added: "Not one inch of land to remain uncultivated!" "Not one kernel of corn to be imported!" (ibid., 5 June 1946, 4). Thus ironically, the new Albania which had repudiated everything Fascist had now adopted the very slogan which Fascist Italy announced when the League of Nations isolated her with economic sanctions: the goal of autarchy or economic self-sufficiency. Surely that goal would not be achieved soon or easily. The Agrarian Reform Law o f 1945. Guidelines were worked out very meticulously by the planners heading the new regime. These guidelines were rigidly orthodox, doctrinaire and uncompromising. But they were in­ spired by Karl Marx, a city dweller who could never understand the farmer's time-honored love affair with his little plot of land and who was determined to free mankind from "the imbecility of rural life." This philosophy was demanded by Stalin, who allegedly engineered the death of 14.5 million kulaks (landowning peasant farmers) in order to destroy peasant individualism and enforce collectivization. The new regime was determined that the state would expropriate all privately owned land then manage it for the welfare of the masses. The agricultural program would be the first phase of the planned economy tightly controlled by the state and integrated into a series of five-year plans. First must be the expropriation of land, which would destroy private

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ownership by the landlords great and small and transfer their economic power to the state so as to enable centralized planning of this vital sector of the economy. But this would adversely affect most of the predominantly agricultural population, all of whom were deeply attached to the land. So the party approached this step very shrewdly. Authorities formed peasants committees then encouraged them to demand agrarian reform. Their highly publicized slogan was, "The land belongs to the tiller." In response to this "demand of the people" for their own land, the government on 29 August 1945, only nine months after liberation, decreed an Agrarian Reform law similar to that which Fan Noli had proposed 20 years earlier. The government then expropriated without compensation the land, fruit trees and draft animals which had belonged to 4,720 landlords and distributed them among 21,544 landless peasant families and 48,665 landpoor families (NAlb 1989, 4:8). The land could not be rented or sold. Thus while a few thousand persons were dispossessed, many thousands rejoiced as they instantly became petty landowners. Each peasant family received about five hectares (NAlb 1984, 4:2) or 13 acres of land, this being about double the amount considered necessary by Balkan standards to maintain a family (Liria 1 February 1984, 3). A government publication pictured smiling villagers who had received the deeds for their parcels of land, and the caption, "The Albanian peasants, freed once for all from the clutches of the bloodthirsty feudal overlords, celebrate land reform with songs and dancing" (AlbCom 1954, 27-28). An Albanian-language textbook used in the public schools displayed a color print depicting "The Distribution of the Land Deeds," with an enthusiastic quotation: "It is impossible to forget that August of 1945 and the Proclamation of the Agricultural Reform," ex­ claimed an elderly woman. "Nor can we forget the day when we received the deeds of the land. Never in our villages had we seen a greater joy!" (Radovicka 1978, 157-58). A Tirana resident jubilantly wrote to a New York friend in April 1946, "The farmer today is owner of his own property; he keeps his produce for himself rather than turn it over to the bey and landowner as before" (Dielli 5 June 1946, 4). Enver Hoxha declared this distribution of land to the peasants to be the "first revolution" in the socioeconomic relations of the peasantry (NAlb 1984, 4:2). What Hoxha called the "second revolution" took the land away from them! The regime feared capitalism on a small scale among the many just as much as they feared capitalism on a large scale among the few. Further­ more, fragmented small-scale farming would not permit the mechanization and large-scale development which they envisioned. So that next year (1946) they announced their intention of improving the welfare of the farmers by establishing the first of many "cooperatives." Instead of each peasant owning and working his own little plot of land, all the peasants of the village would own and work all their land together, but under state supervision. Neighboring village cooperatives were later amalgamated into larger cooperatives. This obligatory cooperation of peasants was gradually

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tightened into centralized control. It was explained euphemistically that the people no longer owned just their little plots, but next they owned the village, and then the district, and later the entire country! Actually, of course, they no longer owned anything. The land had been nationalized (ibid., 3-4). It now belonged to the state. And the peasants worked for the state. It must have seemed like a throwback to the time when they worked for the landowning beys! The Collective Patterns o f Land Use. Collectivized agriculture ex­ pressed itself in two patterns. State farms originated in 1945 on land ex­ propriated from large landowners. They were managed by salaried employees under the control of either the central or the local government and operated by hired workers. In the 1960s there were about 38 large state farms averaging about 7,000 acres and controlled by the central govern­ ment, besides some 250 smaller state farms averaging 380 acres controlled by local governments. Collective farms originated in 1946 with the enforced consolidation of the small farms acquired by peasants as a result of the Agrarian Reform. Peasant resistance was bitter, but futile. The central government took com­ plete control. Land, facilities and equipment would henceforth belong to the community, which became fully responsible. The collective farm was to be governed by a general assembly of all members under the farm's party organization. Members owned only their personal effects and had to per­ form their assigned work norms. Income from the group effort went into a common fund. Compulsory amounts went to the state in lieu of taxes. Operating costs must then be met, any remaining amounts being distri­ buted among members proportionally to their work contribution. This system enabled the peasant to receive little beyond his actual subsistence. In the late 1960s there were 805 collective farms, each consisting of two to 10 villages, averaging about 150 families per farm. Most farms had 1,500 to 2,000 acres under cultivation. Collective farms usually cultivated about four times the acreage cultivated by the state farms. A private plot of about one-quarter acre was allotted to each family of the state and collective farm on which they could raise vegetables and fruits for family use. A cow or pig was also permitted, and a few sheep or goats. Admittedly this was a far cry from what had been promised by the Agrarian Reform. It was rationalized as follows: “The collectivization of agriculture, realized gradually on the basis of the obedience and free accep­ tance of the villagers, constituted the second revolution, the most profound revolutionary change in the socio-economic relations of our peasantry" (Liria 16-23 November 1979, 6). Official statistics show the gradual but complete transition of ownership. With agrarian reform in 1945, only 40 percent of the land was still in the hands of the landlords, 60 percent having passed into the hands of the peasants. Five years later (1950), no land re­ mained with the landlords, but 91.6 percent was in the hands of the

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peasants, and 8.4 percent was now controlled by the state. Ten years later (1960) only 13 percent remained in the hands of the peasants, and 87 percent was under state control. By 1970 all the land which had been taken away from the landlords and given to the peasants had been taken away from the peasants and placed under the control of the state. Newspapers those years made frequent reference to "class struggle," for the peasants were bitterly disappointed to lose their land. While the state had dared to offend the few industrialists by nationaliz­ ing industry very abruptly, the leaders had proceeded much more cir­ cumspectly in offending the many peasant farmers when nationalizing agriculture. But the end result was the same, as Marx had directed. The former owners had been dispossessed, the economic controls were now firmly in the hands of the party, and the party was firmly in the hands of Hoxha and Shehu. T

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The Inevitable Collision o f Church and State. In the Marxist crusade for a classless society and national unity, not only economic inequalities but religious differences and even religion itself demanded the corrective hand of government. For Marx, while living in England, had discovered the mechanism of capitalist exploiters, and there he had worked out his pattern of proletarian revolution to end this exploitation once and for all. But it col­ lided with the religious world view. Workers who believed in a better life in heaven and who trusted in a God who punishes bloodshed would not join readily in a violent revolution. Marx and Lenin saw religion as an obstacle on the road to class revolution. To take up arms a man must be desperate, bitter, with no hope of an afterlife, convinced that this life is his only chance. Also he must have no scruples about a God who might punish him for the murder of the exploiting class. This Marxist-Leninist class revolution, therefore, demanded an atheistic indoctrination of the working masses and the elimination of all religious convictions (CT 26 March 1976, 6-7). Lenin and Marx agreed that "because religion and communism are in­ compatible in theory as well as in practice, we must fight religion." Yet at this stage, virtually all Albanians were religious. Including a question about religious preference, a census of 1945 showed that 72.8 per­ cent of the population professed to be Muslim, making this the only predominantly Muslim nation in Europe. Professing the Albanian Or­ thodox faith was 17.1 percent of the population, and Roman Catholicism, 10.1 percent. These figures total 100 percent, suggesting that those profess­ ing some other religion or no religion at all constituted a negligible percen­ tage of the population. All Albanians professed to be religious. So great cunning would be required. If dealing with a few wealthy families required the new Communist government to proceed shrewdly and dealing with a large number of peasants would require it to proceed more shrewdly, dealing with an even larger number of religious persons

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would require the regime to proceed yet more shrewdly. They did just that. Shrewd Strategy fo r the Eradication o f Religion. Following the mili­ tary victory and liberation, the Communists launched no overtly hostile confrontation with the religious bodies, which might well have proved premature and counterproductive. For, indeed, even the casually religious Albanian found his inherited religion closely intertwined with his family and social customs, practices and values. Instead, the new regime chose to gradually weaken the religious bodies, subordinate them to the state, use them as long as they could further its program and then destroy them. That would require 20 bloody years. T h e C o n c e a l m e n t o f t h e R e a l G o a l . First, this Communist regime would conceal any hostile intention. So at the historic Congress of Përmet, convened in May 1944 to form the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Council and lay the foundations for the Socialist government of liberated cities, Enver Hoxha specifically acknowledged "the clergy" among the official delegates, partisans and patriots (Hoxha 1984, 424). Hoxha also wrote that in listing the nominees for membership on the council, they took into ac­ count among other things "their various religious beliefs, which was a criterion that had importance at that time" (ibid., 448). Then the first constitution adopted on 14 March 1946 and revised in 1950 carried these reassurances of civil rights and the free practice of religion. Article 15. All citizens are equal, no matter to which nationality, race or religion they belong. Any action which gives privileges to or restricts the rights of individual citizens on account of their nationality, race or religion, is contrary to the Constitution and will lead to the penalties laid down by the law. Any provocation which is likely to sow hatred and strife between the nationalities, races and religions, is contrary to the Constitu­ tion and will be punished according to the law. Article 18. All citizens are guaranteed freedom of conscience and religion. The Church is separate from the State. All religious communities are free in matters concerned with their faith as well as in their practice and outward expression. It is forbidden to misuse the Church and religion for political purposes. These constitutional guarantees were clear and comprehensive and tended to allay any apprehension about trouble to come. S u b v e r s i v e P r o p a g a n d a . This phase of the class struggle really began back on 10 July 1943 when at the Conference of Labinot Enver Hoxha was designated political commissar responsible for the indoctrination of the predominantly non-Communist National Liberation Army. Those fighting to expel the Fascist occupation troops from the homeland were taught to consider equally oppressive their own industrialists, merchants, bankers, landowners and clergy: in fact the whole rotten establishment. Religious

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leaders were justifiably uneasy about the leftist leanings of the Partisan leadership. But any criticism of communism was labeled counterrevolu­ tionary propaganda and treason. Historic ties of the Islamic communities with Turkey, of the Orthodox with Greece, and especially the uninter­ rupted ties of Roman Catholics with the Vatican and Fascist Italy aroused Communist suspicion. Distrust built up. Religionists could see the hand­ writing on the wall. T h e C u r t a i l m e n t o f F u n d i n g . The Agrarian Reform law of August 1945 provided the new regime with an ideal opportunity. Both Christian and Muslim agencies, especially the monasteries, had benefitted by the in­ come from their extensive land fo ld in g s left to them by grateful parishioners and managed by them quite like the landowning beys operated their farms. Thus it did not seem quite like an antireligious action of the Communists, but the Agrarian Reform law so enthusiastically supported by the people which stripped these religious bodies of their estates, and a major source of their income. Resentment by the religious establishment was natural, but futile. T h e I n t e r r u p t i o n o f S u p p o r t M i n i s t r i e s t o t h e P e o p l e . King Zogu had incorporated Muslim and Christian religious textbooks and instruction in the public schools. But the few schools functioning during the National Liberation War had a decidedly secular character, with no religious educa­ tion whatever in the curriculum. The first Anti-Fascist Congress of Alba­ nian Educators met at Korcha on 27 November 1944 and stipulated that Albanian education thereafter would be altogether secular in content. The molding of the new Albanian man required his liberation from old ideologies fostered by religion and superstition. So the nonreligious cur­ riculum of public schools during 1945 and 1946 became increasingly antireligious. When private religious schools reopened, the state announced itself solely responsible for the education of its youth and forbade religious communities to operate educational institutions or to provide religious in­ struction in the state schools. "The priest's place is in the church, while that of the teacher is in the school." The humanistic and aggressively atheistic instruction in government schools served to widen the gap between the state and religion, stated two Albanian scholars in their official Studime Historike article on "The Development of Atheistic Education in Albania" (.ACB 1984, 36-38). In 1946 the Ministry of Education announced that its educational reform of that year would disfavor the teaching of religion even in mosques and churches because "the Reform aims at weaning the children from all preconceptions, superstitions and religious fanaticism" (ibid., 39-40). To circumvent these tightening restrictions, the clergy moved toward religious instruction in private quarters by lay people, which in turn was blocked by a circular from the Ministry in February 1947. Thus the organized religious instruction of children in any form became a thing of the past. In its place came the aggressive teaching of Marxism-Leninism, materialistic atheism and scientific socialism.

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The religious bodies then were forbidden to continue their or­ phanages, including the Catholic orphanage of Shkodra, sheltering over 1,000 children. They were also ordered to close their hospitals, seminaries, printing presses and libraries, many of these buildings being confiscated by the state. To curb their influence, the clergy were restricted to their mosques and churches, and even there the state intruded. In an attempt to control criticism by the clergy, the state imposed censorship on clerical communications. All religious publications, including even pastoral letters, required government approval before going to the public. The government attempted to censor even clerical addresses and sermons. Noncooperative clergymen faced arrest and severe punishment. The most vigorously outspoken were executed. During the seven-year period following 1945 the Hoxha regime reduced Catholic churches and chapels from 253 to 100, seminaries from 2 to 0, schools from 16 to 0, monasteries from 10 to 2, con­ vents from 20 to 0 and orphanages from 15 to 0. Ten charitable institutions, two printing presses and seven religious periodicals were also closed down, their property confiscated (Vokopola 1965, 35). The Extermination o f Religious Leadership. A c c u s a t i o n s . Communist fury was directed at first against religious leaders rather than against the followers. Having removed their sources of income, their institutions and programs, even their freedom of action within the churches, the regime now took direct action against the leaders themselves. It seems that the Roman Catholic leaders attracted more hostile attention than the others, probably because of their Italian connection and because their superior training and organization seemed to constitute a greater threat to the regime. Despite their long and patriotic history in the country, and the predominance of native Albanian leaders, they were accused of being a foreign element exported by Mussolini for political purposes. Because of their closer ties with the West, their reports are more readily available to us. But the Catholic clergy assure us that their story is quite characteristic of the other religionists too. For instance, to humiliate bishops and vicars, they were forced to clean streets and public bathrooms wearing clown outfits with paper signs across their chests reading, "I have sinned against the people" (ACB 1985, 42). E x e c u t i o n s . In the government program to eradicate religion, accusa­ tions, legislation and indoctrination alone did not succeed. Hoxha's government then resorted to raw persecution. In early 1945 Hoxha invited the Catholic archbishop of Shkodra, Gasper Thachi, and the archbishop of Durrës, Vincent Prendushi, to a conference where he proposed that they sever their normal Vatican relationship and head up an independent Alba­ nian Catholic Church (Sinishta 1976, 45). The prelates declined. Instead they called a secret Fifth Council of Albanian Bishops in Shkodra that September 1945 to consider a course of action. They designated Bishop Fran Gjini, abbot of Mirdita, as their spokesman to resolve their differences with the regime. His negotiations with Hoxha were curtly rejected, the

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persecution intensified, and Gjini's doom was determined. He was arrested, accused of anti-Communist propaganda, humiliated and tortured for a year then executed 8 March 1948 with 18 other clergy and lay people (ACB 1985, 41). Thachi died in 1946 while under house arrest (Religion 1975, 4). Prendushi would face imprisonment with hard labor and torture, dying three years later (ACB 1985, 41). The awaited pretext for harsher measures came that December (1945) when two leaders of the "Albanian Union" organization, without securing permission, used the Franciscan seminary press at Shkodra to print leaflets critical of the Communist Democratic Front and its December election. This was all that the regime needed. Following a mock trial, the two offenders, Prof. Gjelosj Luli and a theological student, Mark Çuni, together with the rector of the seminary, Father Daniel Dayani; the Jesuit Deputy father superior, Fr. Gjon Fausti; the editor of the influential Franciscan journal Hylli i Dritës, Fr. Gjon Shllaku; and others quite uninvolved in the affair, 18 in all, were convicted of antigovernment propaganda. They were executed at dawn on 4 March 1946, their bodies being thrown into a com­ mon grave behind the Catholic cemetery in Shkodra (Religion 1975, 251). As further punishment the government outlawed the Jesuit order, closed its remaining institutions and confiscated all its property, including the churches and even the priests' personal possessions (Sinishta 1976, 49-51). Non-Albanian priests, monks and nuns were expelled. Later in 1946 20 more priests were executed and about 40 imprisoned. Hoxha had taken care of the Jesuits. Next he turned to the Franciscans. An Albanian newspaper in Boston carried the story, found in the official Tirana newspaper Bashkim i of 19 December 1946: We have detailed information from the Ministry of the Interior of the Peo­ ple's Republic of Albania that in the churches and in the headquarters of the Franciscans in Shkodra, arms, ammunition and various documents were found hidden with great care by the Catholic clergy. .. . Elements of the Catholic clergy in Albania, especially among the leaders ever since the time of the tyrannical regime of Zog until today, appear once again with these revelations as the organizers and collaborators of all the traitorous cliques and of all criminal groups which have worked for the enslavement of our country by Fascism and Nazism [Dielli 29 June 1947]. Accordingly the regime banned the Franciscan order, and the Sigurimi (Security police) arrested and punished many Franciscans, suppressing their institutions and confiscating their property. It is reported that by the end of 1946 a total of 20 Franciscan priests had been executed and over 40 others imprisoned. The inside story came out almost two years afterwards. Late in 1948 Pierin Kchira, a former lieutenant in the Shkodra secret police, was arrested and given 15 years in prison for having too close relations with the Catholic

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clergy. At the public sentencing which was broadcast on Radio Shkodra he made a final statement: "You commanded me to go at night to hide arms in the churches and monasteries so you would have a pretext to eliminate the clergy and to destroy the Catholic Church. 1 confess to the entire Alba­ nian people. My personal disgrace is not important." He was interrupted. The radio connection was cut off. The embarrassed judge called the session to order. He changed the lieutenant's prison term to the death sentence, and the lieutenant was immediately executed (Sinishta 1976, 53). On Easter Sunday 1948 secret trials, torture and firing squads eliminated 18 other clerical and lay leaders accused of spying for the Vatican and the Anglo-Americans. All the nuns of various orders were driven into the street, and even their personal belongings were confiscated. H o s t i l e M e d i a B l i t z . Meanwhile, the state launched a crusade through the schools, the press, the radio, the movies and the arts to combat the "religious superstition by which the bourgeoisie had exploited the com­ mon people." While most of the clergy, Muslim and Orthodox especially, were of peasant origin, and as poor as their parishioners, the higher clergy were usually intellectuals who had identified with the upper class, enjoying a comfortable though not luxurious living from church land holdings and some state subsidies. The same reporter who criticized the avaricious mer­ chants urged no mercy for a priest he named, who "all his life amused himself gathering golden collections from the four corners of the earth, while at each street corner dozens of hands were held out begging something to keep body and soul together" (Zën 7 October 1984, 3). The Communist regime condemned both the religious bodies and the landowning beys for exploiting the peasants, although Hoxha himself ad­ mitted that before the Communist takeover all four religious communities together had owned only 1.26 percent of the land (Religion 1982, 253). The regime delighted also in presenting the major Albanian religions as tools hired out to foreign powers to further their nefarious political designs. Had they not entered Albania because of hostile military action? I m p r i s o n m e n t s a n d T o r t u r e . From all directions we have incon­ trovertible evidence of the imprisonment and sadistic torture of religious leaders. We are indebted to the Rev. Gjon Sinishta, however, for the inside story of the inhuman atrocities perpetrated against religious leaders by the Hoxha regime. Trained in the Jesuit schools and seminary in Shkodra, with radio and journalism experience, Sinishta was arrested in 1956, charged with anti-Communist propaganda and sentenced to five years in prison. Upon release he succeeded by a devious route in reaching the United States, where he recorded the stories of men who had come to his attention. The Rev. Lazer Shantoja pursued higher studies in philosophy, theol­ ogy and music in Austria. Assigned to a remote mountain parish in northern Albania, he managed to transport his beloved piano by mule-back up the steep mountain trails. He became known throughout the region as the "pastor with the piano." Arrested and tortured in 1944, his captors broke

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his forearm and lower leg bones, so he could only "walk" by creeping on his elbows and knees. Seeing his terrible plight, his own mother visiting him begged his jailors, "Kill him. Do him this charity! Don't let him suffer like this!" But it was not until the next year that a Communist woman soldier shot him in the neck (Sinishta 1976, 110-17). Sinishta's book, The Fulfilled Promise, has many such stories. Often prisoners were assigned to slave labor camps. A Jesuit professor condemned to 10 years of brutal forced labor was rotated from job to job depending on the season and the urgency. There were railroad construction with pick and shovel, digging drainage ditches in swamps, backpacking loads of wood from the mountain, brick-laying, firing bricks at the kiln and field work. While working at the Maliq swamp near Korcha in 1947, he wrote in his diary, "We are exhausted from the hard labor and poor food. All day we are in water up to our knees, working to open the channel for irrigation. Five or six hours each night we pass in the barracks, which are devoid of beds or sanitary facilities" (ibid., 143). The distinguished arche­ ologist Korkuti must have had him in mind when he wrote the following: "Relying on Marxist methodology, and having the constant all-round and direct support of our Party and Government, the new Albanian archae­ ology embarked from the start on the right path. . . . In 1948 the workers draining the Maliq swamp found different ceramic sherds, horn tools and small flint knives in the mud of a canal, leading the archaeologists to the discovery of an important prehistoric site" (Korkuti 1971, ii). For understandable reasons the archeologist did not identify those workers who "disturbed the multimillennial slumber of the Neolithic lakeshore dwelling site"! In fact, one Albanian refugee scholar claims that "all the much-heralded accomplishments of the regime were the fruit of the forced labor of these slaves —men and women —who in great part perished of hunger and exhaustion" (Flamuri 10 July 1973, 1). Sinishta also tells the story of the venerable 98-year-old bishop ha­ rassed to death (Sinishta 1976, 69); a priest with hands tied together dragged 25 miles behind a truck (ibid., 70); and a gentle 62-year-old arch­ bishop, author and poet condemned to 20 years at hard labor, who was bound hands and feet and hanged from the ceiling until unconscious, "like a cow in the smoke-house," he joked wryly (ibid., 68, 83). They tied a bishop's head and mouth with electric cords and tormented him with elec­ tric shocks; they lacerated and salted his body; they drove wooden splinters under his finger- and toenails (ibid., 94). Sinishta also tells of a Muslim lawyer, Muzafer Pipa, who defended the innocent Father Shllaku in court, for which he was himself imprisoned. Tied naked to an apricot tree in the prison courtyard on cold winter nights and brutally beaten there, he was finally shot in the head (ibid., 140). A Franciscan priest who later escaped to Rome expanded the story: Defense lawyers were permitted so as to give the tribunal an appearance of legality. . . . I visited Pipa's office and asked him to undertake our

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confrere's defense. He cautioned, "What can a lawyer do when there is no law or justice? How can I defend a man who is already sentenced before his guilt is proven?" Knowing that this could eventually cost him his own life, Pipa nevertheless accepted. To punish Pipa for his brave defense of the clergyman, following the execution of Father Shllaku's company, the Sigurimi arrested Pipa, who was tortured and shot in the prison yard [ACB 1986-87, 6].

Yet another friend intervened on behalf of Father Shllaku, Professor Kolë Prela, a veteran Communist and a member of Parliament. His intervention was abruptly rejected. Prela was discharged from Parliament, expelled from the Communist party, arrested as a reactionary associate of the clergy and executed in Tirana in 1947 {ibid., 8). Jesuit Fr. Gardin kept a diary during his 10 years in forced labor camps, following which he succeeded in reaching Italy. In November 1950 he wrote, Through friends and a few illegally smuggled letters, I heard of the terrible tortures inflicted upon them. Most of them were beaten on their bare feet with wooden clubs. The fleshy part of the legs and buttocks were cut open, rock salt inserted beneath the skin, and then sewn up again. Their feet were placed in boiling water until the flesh fell off, and were then rubbed with salt. Their Achilles tendons were pierced with hot wires. Some were hung by their arms for three days without food; put in ice and icy water until nearly frozen; had electric wires placed in their ears, nose, mouth, genitals and anus; burning pipe splinters were placed under their finger nails; they were forced to eat a kilo of salt and having water withheld for twenty-four hours; boiled eggs were put in their armpits; teeth were pulled without an anesthetic; they were tied behind vans and dragged; they were left in solitary confinement without food or water until almost dead; they were forced to drink their own urine and eat their own excrement; they were put into pits of excrement up to their necks; they were put on a bed of nails and covered with heavy material; they were put in nail-studded cages which were then rotated rapidly; a cat and a mouse were put down the bodice of a nun; sisters were forced to disrobe and walk naked through the streets. . . . The Albanian security police, by torturing the clergy in this way, clearly wished to destroy the moral power of the Catholic Church. Knowing them personally, and having befriended them, my heart bled [ibid., 146],

Undeniably, the Hoxha regime was viciously antireligious. Hoxha himself berated his minister of the interior, Tuk Jakova, then had him fired from the Central Committee because he did not hate the clergy "in sufficient measure" (Zëri 1 April 1952, 8). Then from 1945 to 1948 the official newspaper Bashkimi demanded in its daily caption that "All Fascists in clerical clothing be shot in the head without trial" (Vokopola 1965, 37). This undoubtedly gave rise to the "spontaneous demand of the people" screamed by Communist soldiers at priests during their mock trials: "Plumbin ballit!

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Plumbin ballit!" (A bullet in the head!) (Sinishta 1976, 161). It was remi­ niscent of the French revolution. In this the Hoxha regime imitated their idol, the Soviet dictator Stalin, who was responsible for the slaughter of millions of his own citizens. Stalin is said to have frequently sent to city chiefs of police such terse cables as this: "Eliminate 10,000 enemies of the people by Tuesday." He used to rationalize this slaughter by saying, "One man's death is a tragedy; 10,000 deaths are merely a statistic" (Barrett 1987, 24). The Hoxha regime rephrased it: "Dissenters must be exterminated like a weasel in the chicken coop." And With just as little compunction as that did the Hoxha regime seek to systematically exterminate all religious leadership in the country. The Four Surviving Religious Communities. T h e S u r v i v i n g R o m a n C a t h o l i c C h u r c h . Throughout these terrible years of persecution, the Roman Catholic Church maintained its structural organization, even though certain offices were frequently vacant. The Catholic Church con­ sisted of the archdiocese of Shkodra, headed by the Metropolitan, with its suffragan bishops over the diocese of Lezha, the diocese of Sappo and the diocese of Pulti; also the archdiocese of Durrës with its archbishop and the independent abbacy of Nullius in Mirdita centered at Orosh. By 1947 it had been stripped of its institutions. Of its 253 churches, only 100 remained open. The Roman Catholic Church suffered irreparable losses of leadership. Sinishta drew up a list of his church's martyrs. This contained names and dates of 10 members of the hierarchy, 56 diocesan priests, 30 Franciscans, 13 Jesuits, 10 seminarians and 8 sisters, making a total of 127 (Sinishta 1976, 68-72). Looking at this tragic but heroic loss of leadership personnel from a different viewpoint, we find that of the 93 Catholic priests active in 1945, only 10 were left seven years later! There had been 24 murdered, 35 impri­ soned, 10 missing, 11 drafted into the army and three fled to the free world. Lay leadership was also dispersed. Of 62 secular deacons, four were shot, 14 were thrown into forced labor camps and the remainder were drafted into the army. Of some 364 religious lay workers of both sexes, 13 were shot, 18 were imprisoned for long terms, 184 were expelled from the country, and 149 were missing (Vokopola 1965, 34). Although the skeletal structure re­ mained, the Roman Catholic Church was but a shadow of its former self. T h e S u r v i v i n g S u n n i M u s l i m C o m m u n i t y . The Sunni community in­ cluded about 54 percent of Albania's Muslims. It did not have a religious hierarchy quite as clearly defined as that of the Christian communities. The Sunni community was headed by a grand mufti and consisted of four main centers, each led by a head mufti. These centers each had several subcenters under the leadership of a mufti, or jurist authorized to interpret and ex­ pound religious law. The four main centers were Tirana (with subcenters at Tirana, Elbasan, Durrës and Peshkopia), Shkodra (with subcenters at Shkodra and Kukës), Korcha (with no subcenters) and Vlora (with subcenters at Vlora, Gjirokastra and Berat). Besides these centers and

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subcenters, a great number of towns had local muftis, the more prominent being "Muftis of the First Class" or "Muftis of the Second Class," there being also subordinate muftis called "Sub-Muftis of the First Class" or of the "Sec­ ond Class." To facilitate church-state relations, all Muslim sects except the Shiites had been placed under the legal umbrella of the Sunni community. Such were the Kadri, Tixhani, Rufai, Sadi and a few lesser groupings. The Muslims did not suffer quite as harshly under Hoxha as did the Catholics, partly, it was said, so as to commend atheistic communism to the watching Muslim nations of the Middle East. Nevertheless, Sunni leaders executed or imprisoned included the former grand mufti, Hafëz Ibrahim Dibra, the mufti of Durrës, Mustafa Effendi Varoshi and several others. The Sunni community suffered serious losses of both property and personnel. A Saturday Evening Post correspondent reported in 1962 that some mosques were open infrequently, but there were not enough clerics left to maintain the Muslim schedule of prayers five times a day. Many of those who remained were compelled under guard to engage in more pro­ ductive work, tending cows and goats in the mosque courtyards. Of the 530 mosques once functioning, only 24 were still open, the rest having been closed or used for other purposes (ibid., 35). The Communist government executed as "enemies of the people" those top officials who were at all "uncooperative." Other such clergy simply disappeared. The government appointed as grand mufti one Hafëz Musa Haxhi Ali, sending him and a delegation of Sunni clergymen in 1950 to the predominantly Muslim regions of the Soviet Union to establish fraternal relations with Soviet Muslim leaders. The regime also used him in appeals for peace directed to Muslim countries of the Middle East. T h e S u r v i v i n g B e k t a s h i C o m m u n i t y . About 15 percent of Albanian Muslims were Shiites, and 90 percent of these belonged to the pantheistic Bektashi order. The Bektashis had a very clearly defined spiritual hier­ archy. It consisted of six religious districts, each presided over by a "grand­ father." All these districts were under the authority of the dede or "Chief Grandfather" in Tirana, who, since the expulsion of the order from Turkey, was head of the world's 7.5 million Bektashis, found mostly in Asia Minor. Each of Albania's six districts was headed by a babe or "grandfather" based at a local tekke or monastery, he having jurisdiction over nearby ad­ ministrative areas. These districts were Kruja (over Durrës, Shkodra and Peshkopia), Elbasan (over Elbasan, Gramshi and Martaneshi), Korcha (over Korcha and Erseka), Gjirokastra (over Gjirokastra, Tepelena, Saranda and Kuchi), Berat (over Berat and Përmeti) and Vlora (over Vlora and Fieri). To facilitate church-state relations, several small Shiite sects such as the Halveti or Khalwati, the Rrufai and others were included under the legal umbrella of the Bektashi community. Prior to World War II, Bektashi intellectuals with social concern oc­ cupied very influential government posts and attempted to modernize the country. Many tended to gravitate with their colleague Midhat Frashëri

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toward the non-Communist freedom fighters who later incurred the wrath of the new regime. Several Bektashi leaders died at Tirana in March 1947, in a mysterious drama which has never been satisfactorily explained. The official version reported that two Bektashi leaders, Baba Fajo and Baba Fejzo, cooperating with the people's government, visited Ded Abazi, world primate of their order, "to discuss the democratization of their organiza­ tion. Dede Abazi answered with bullets, killing them both. Later he shot himself" (Area 1971, 98). Whatever the truth was, the regime took advan­ tage of the event to eliminate Bektashi leaders and close down their 260 monasteries. T h e S u r v i v i n g A l b a n i a n O r t h o d o x C h u r c h . Until 1937 the Alba­ nian Orthodox Church continued under the anathema of the patriarch of Constantinople because of its unilateral declaration of autocephaly in 1922. The Orthodox community was headed by the Metropolitan of the TiranaDurrës archbishopric with seat in Tirana and included the districts of Tirana, Durrës, Shkodra, Kavaja and Elbasan. Dependent upon the arch­ bishopric were three dioceses, each headed by a bishop. The bishopric of Berat was subdivided into four church districts (Berat, Vlora, Fier and Lushnja); the bishopric of Gjirokastra was subdivided into six church districts (Gjirokastra, Pogoni, Delvina, Saranda, Himara and Permeti); and the bishopric of Korcha was subdivided into four church districts (Korcha, Kolonja, Leskovik and Pogradec). Although we lack the specific data provided by the Catholic Church, we do know that by 1947 all churches and monasteries had been deprived of their land and that particular source of income. Many churches were closed. Some, like the St. George Cathedral of Korcha, were bulldozed to the ground and replaced by a public library. Others were converted into museums for the exhibit of Byzantine architecture and icons, or into restaurants and even less worthy purposes. The Saturday Evening Post published a 1962 report of its correspondent who had walked into an Or­ thodox church in Tirana famous for its frescoes and found it no longer a church. Instead he found a cluster of convivial men standing around an altar which had been converted into a public bar. Reluctant or unreliable Orthodox clergymen were purged. Among these was the Metropolitan Archbishop Kristofor Kissi, who opposed the required subjugation of his church to the Russian Orthodox Church. The Hoxha government arbitrarily deposed and arrested him in August 1949, allegedly for conspiring to turn the Orthodox Church over to the Vatican. Following torture, he died in prison in 1958. The two remaining leaders, Bishop Agathangjel Çançe of Berat and Bishop Irenei of Korcha and Gjirokastra, were also arrested and replaced by priests loyal to the regime. The Tirana government appointed as new head of the church one Pashko Vodica, a defrocked priest, an active Communist whose son was prominent in the Central Committee of the party (Vokopola 1965, 34). He assumed the office of primate with the name Archbishop Paisi. This new breed of

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Orthodox leaders announced it to be the duty of the church to be faithful to the People's Republic of Albania and to the people's power. The govern­ ment used him to bring about close ties between the Albanian Orthodox Church and the Russian Orthodox Patriarch Alexis of Moscow, who validated his episcopal ordination. In the spring of 1951 he received a delegation of Soviet religious leaders at Tirana. Those fraternal ties dis­ solved, however, when the political ties dissolved 10 year later. An Incredible Inconsistency o f the Communist Regime. Despite its deification of reason and logic, the Hoxha regime tolerated an incredible in­ consistency for several years. Throughout this period of unparalleled persecution of religion by the state, the Albanian constitution of 1946 still provided that "all citizens are guaranteed freedom of conscience and religion" (article 18), and its article 15 assured punishment for anyone re­ stricting the rights of citizens on account of their religion. For the sake of consistency, the regime and its secret police and its courts should have changed either their constitution or their antireligious persecution. But to continue the anomaly seemed irrational. If the authorities deliberately ex­ ploited these cherished democratic expressions as a façade to cover their own savage intolerance, they surely owe an apology to thousands of devout men and women whom they condemned to prison, torture, slave labor, the gallows or the firing squad. Apparently the ideological struggle had not yet neutralized all religious belief. In 1958 the Communist newspaper Rruga e Partisë (5:3, 80ff.) reported that "in the struggle against bad customs and religious beliefs, we still have shortcomings which must be corrected by strengthen­ ing the scientific atheistic propaganda and by spreading it relentlessly among the working masses of Albania." In 1952 the main organ of the Com­ munist Trade Union reported that a teacher dared to keep a copy of the Koran in school and asked that he be punished for being influenced by the bourgeois ideology. "This man," the newspaper stated, "has forgotten that he must be an example to his students. . . . In fact, all the students, follow­ ing this teacher's example, began to take crosses and pictures of Christ to school, and went so far as to talk about religion among themselves'' (Puna 29 February 1952). A visitor to Albania during this period observed that "despite the merciless persecutions, there are still many faithful who remain true to their church. They fill the Franciscan Church on Sundays, just as I was told, and they stream into the village churches up in the mountains" (Vokopola 1965, 36). The visitor gained the impression that the element of fear might have increased rather than decreased the number of wor­ shippers. Obviously, the regime had not yet succeeded in eradicating all religious sentiment from all its people. But it had neutralized their religious leadership. Thanks to "dungeon, fire and sword" each of these four major religious bodies was now but a shadow of what it had once been. Now we shall note how the Hoxha regime proposed to harness

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these religious shadows to its bandwagon and use them to further its pro­ gram. Hoxha Harnesses the Four Shadow Communities to His Bandwagon. Rather than proceed at once to stamp out these organized religious bodies, the Hoxha regime took very rational steps to reorganize them and harness them to further its Communist program. Accordingly, on 26 January 1949, the regime issued Decree No. 743 "On Religious Communities' (ibid., 38-42). The decree reaffirmed the constitutional guarantees of religious freedom and referred to the penalties against anyone restricting the free ex­ ercise of religion or provoking religious hatred. But in order to function freely, each religious community had to revise its charter or constitution and bring it into conformity with the 35 articles spelled out in the decree then submit it to the Council of Ministers within three months for ap­ proval. The elected officers of the communities as well as any later bylaws, budgets, publications including pastoral letters and even their "symbolic signs and seals" must all be approved by the Council of Ministers. The Communist determination to manipulate these religious bodies and enlist them in the furtherance of the party program was evident in Arti­ cle 12: "Religious communities must, through their activities, develop in their followers a sentiment of loyalty toward the people's power and the People's Republic of Albania, as well as strengthen the national unity" (ibid., 39). Rather belatedly the Sunni, Bektashi and Orthodox com­ munities submitted their new statutes, hopefully revised so as to conform with the provisions of the official decree. They were all approved on 4 May 1950. But the Roman Catholic leaders required another full year of soul searching while they attempted to reconcile their canon law with govern­ ment demands so as to reach a statement on church-state relations which would prove acceptable to the regime. A final compromise document was signed by church and state representatives on 30 July 1951. When published by government officials on 3 August, however, it was discovered that they had unilaterally replaced the compromise version with their own statements. The Catholic negotiators were dismayed at the betrayal. They were no longer a Roman Catholic Church, but the Independent Catholic Church of Albania. Article 1 provided: "It shall no longer have any organizational, political or economic relations with the Pope." The Tirana newspaper Drita (15 February 1976) commented as follows: The heads of Catholicism did not, under any circumstances, want to sign the Church statute and continue to operate as a national Church. They put up political resistance in order to keep the schools in the clutches of the clergy. They demanded from the Government the recognition of their right to connections and cooperation with the Vatican under the pretext that "rebellion against the Pope was synonymous with rebellion against Catholicism," that "nobody was Catholic without the connection with the Pope," e tc., —all kinds of demands which, if granted, would have resulted

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in the clergy not only working as spiritual oppressors of the working masses, but also as a legal political tool of that center of world reaction" [R eligion 1982, 249].

Each religious community was now obligated to promote the Communist program. The Hoxha regime approved the election of cooperative clergy­ men to head the several religious communities. But the regime never did fulfill its promises to reopen closed seminaries and closed churches, to grant a state subsidy, or to allow parents to take their children to church or mosque for religious instruction. Hoxha had always condemned religious bodies for serving political purposes and had strictly forbidden such in arti­ cle 3 of his decree "On Religious Communities." Yet now he required that very thing himself, as long as it was his political program. Resorting to persecution more barbarous than anywhere else in Europe, the regime had sought to break the power of religion over the people. By imprisonment, forced labor camps and execution they had destroyed the entire leadership of the Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic religious communities. They had substituted their own more easily manipulated, pseudo-religious puppets. It became increasingly obvious that the government had nationalized the religious bodies so as to harness them for its Communist propaganda effort. THE E C O N O M I C P A R T N E R S H I P WI TH Y U G O S L A V I A ( 1 9 4 4 - 1 9 4 8 ) In

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The all-essential modernization of Albania and her industrialization became the magnificent obsession of Hoxha and his government. This would require not only massive infusions of food, clothing and medicines for the survival of the war-ravaged population, but also the importation of consumer goods to raise their standard of living. Equally urgent was the importation of producer goods to develop Albania's virtually nonexistent industries. While the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administra­ tion (UNRRA) was very helpful in providing emergency food, clothing and medical supplies during 1945 and 1946, it was in no position to help rebuild the economy. Money was needed and technical assistance. Of supreme im­ portance was the creation of a strong economic base for the new Socialist nation. This had to be the primary focus of concern for the foreseeable future. First must come government control of whatever wealth existed within the country. This required the nationalization of industry and the collectivization of agriculture. Then at the outset, at least, extensive foreign aid and credits would be required. Increasingly, it became apparent that this foreign aid would have to come not from the Western democracies, but from neighboring Communist Yugoslavia. Due to the sharp dichotomy between socialism and capitalism, and

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despite the massive postwar infusions of foreign aid, the new Albanian regime never did enjoy cordial relations with the Western democracies. It seems that each repeated contact with the West served only to deepen the estrangement. During the closing weeks of the war Hoxha betrayed his suspicions of an "Anglo-American invasion under the pretext of military cooperation." In early October 1944, units of the British navy came to Saranda "to secure a foothold for the stationing of Anglo-American forces on Albanian territory." The Albanian command ordered the regional par­ tisans "to oppose even with arms the sinister plans of the British forces" (.NAlb 1984, 5:8). Then there was Albania's desire for membership in the United Nations Organization, planned by the anti-Axis nations from 1941 to 1945. This would enhance its securing the desperately needed food, clothing and medicines supplied by UNRRA. Sponsored as a charter member by Yugo­ slavia and supported by Russia, Albania's bid for membership still required the approval of England and the United States. Both looked askance at Albania because of its leftist or Communist character. The United States at first refused to support the United Nations membership of the Hoxha regime because it had not been elected by the people. When the election of 2 December 1945 removed that roadblock, the United States delayed ap­ proving its membership until the new government gave assurance that it would honor three treaties with the United States contracted by the govern­ ment of King Zog. Obviously the United States was apprehensive of one more Communist voice and vote in the United Nations. Britain also succeeded early in alienating the new regime. Having ap­ pointed British officers to train and supervise the Albanian gendarmerie throughout the reign of King Zog, Britain proposed placing her military in the country for the distribution of UNRRA relief supplies. Hoxha insisted that no foreign troops be landed on Albanian soil, but that Albanian authorities could care for such distribution. So Britain diverted elsewhere the UNRRA supplies which had been scheduled for Albania (Dielli 7 April 1945, 3; Hoxha 1984, 556-59). Friction with Britain arose over another issue. The new regime at­ tempted to round up all former Balli Kombëtar and other non-Communists for trial and punishment as Fascist collaborators. Many fled the country. About 200 of these were picked up in the Adriatic by British ships and sheltered in a stateless persons' camp near Bari, Italy. The Hoxha regime demanded their extradition. Britain refused (Dielli 7 April 1945, 3; 25 April 1945, 3; 12 May 1945, 1). The continuing struggle for diplomatic recognition caused further estrangement with the West. The Constituent Assembly of 10 January 1946 proclaimed the Albanian People's Republic. Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, followed by other Communist countries of eastern Europe, recognized the new government. Already the previous 10 November 1945 the British and American governments had set up consular offices in Tirana

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for the sake of the many Albanians desiring emigration. Britain actually granted full recognition. The United States delayed formal recognition un­ til the ratification of the three treaties with the United States by the former Zog regime. Because the Albanian government archives had been de­ stroyed during the war, Washington prepared copies for transmission to Tirana. But Yugoslavia, like a protective big brother, wished to isolate Albania from the Western democracies so as to strengthen her own in­ fluence there. Although she herself had established diplomatic relations with the United States in April 1946, Yugoslavia urged the Hoxha regime to adopt a tougher stance toward the capitalistic West. The resulting restrictions and delays for its diplomatic missions led England to withdraw its representatives in April 1946. The United States for similar reasons withdrew its consular office in November 1946. Yet another complication had arisen in 1946 to worsen American rela­ tions with Albania. Representatives of the Pan-Epirotic Federation and other Greek-American organizations with a strong constituency in Florida induced their senator, Claude Pepper, to champion their perennial antiAlbanian cause. The Pepper Resolution placed the United States Senate on record as favoring the restoration of "Northern Epirus" to Greece. This resolution was never recognized by the Department of State, nor did it represent the position of the United States government. But this issue had extremely sensitive historical roots, especially to Hoxha and Shehu, both of whom came from that disputed region. An Albanian-American pro­ fessor, Nicholas Pano, claimed that this action contributed to the decision of the Hoxha regime not to pursue diplomatic relations with the United States (Liria 1 March 1984, 3). The following May 1947 the United States Congress appropriated $350 million for European relief, but none was designated for Albania, allegedly for ideological reasons. These two news happenings may or may not have been related. But in either case each one tended to sour Albanian-American relations. Britain also had misunderstandings with Albania unresolved for a half century. One of these was the disputed gold reserve. What was not taken away by King Zog was stolen by the Italians then seized in Rome by the retreating German army, but recovered by Allied troops and deposited in London banks. The Treaty of Paris in January 1946 designated a tripartite commission with representatives of Britain, France and the United States, to consider various war claims and distribute such gold reserves seized by the Nazis. Albania registered her claim to 2,454.87 kilograms of gold. The actual adjudication of this claim was delayed by the Corfu Channel in­ cident. For on 22 October 1946 ships of the British navy passing through the narrow channel between Corfu and Albania struck mines, with reported serious damage to two destroyers and the loss of 44 officers and men. Brit­ ain accused Albania before the International Court at the Hague, and won the decision. Albania never did accept responsibility, insisting that they

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had no equipment whatsoever for mining the channel, but that this must have been done by the Germans during their occupation of the country. Britain demanded 800,000 pounds indemnity (then about $4 million) for the families of the victims. Albania, declaring her innocence, refused to pay it. So Britain "froze" or blocked the Albanian gold held in its banks. For many years Albania accused Britain of "confiscating the Albanian gold re­ serve amounting to over 8 million pounds sterling" (Liria 26 February 1947, 3; 1 October 1985, 2; Zen 24 May 1980). Albania's xenophobic attitude was caused by the imagined "savage imperialist-revisionist blockade and encirclement," and the "savage political, military and economic blockade." It was evidenced in determina­ tion to exercise complete control over all ties of all Albanian people with all foreign countries. The official decree "On Religious Communities" of 1949 forbade religious functionaries to hold any office abroad (article 13). It forbade their seminarians to study abroad (article 17), and it forbade their organizations to maintain relations with foreign religious organiza­ tions (article 25) or to receive help or funds from abroad (article 27), except with special authorization of the Council of Ministers (Vokopola 1965, 3841). All those provisions, of course, were annulled with the abolition of re­ ligion in 1967. But it does seem strange that for so many years after the com­ mon war against fascism, Albania could nourish such hostility against her Western allies and benefactors. D

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Albanian leaders had already sought and received assistance from their Communist neighbor Yugoslavia: first, in organizing their Com­ munist party, then in waging guerrilla warfare against the Fascist and Nazi invaders, and later in devising a constitution for the new Communist state. Now they found Yugoslavia ready again to assist in Albania's postwar development. Certainly its helping hand can be detected in the traditional Socialist pattern adopted by the new regime: the expropriation of private wealth, the nationalization of industry, the collectivization of agriculture, the subjugation of religion and the isolation from the Western democra­ cies. Yugoslav assistance was also very tangible. Material aid extended dur­ ing the war continued for some time afterwards. In 1946 it sent 20,000 tons of corn and wheat for famine relief. That October it granted Albania $1.14 million to assist in flood relief. To help build Albanian industry and train workers, Yugoslavia sent 597 technical specialists together with essential machinery for a number of projects. On 9 July 1946 the two neighbors signed a treaty of friendship, cooperation and mutual aid which, in effect, coordinated the economies of the two Communist partners. During 1947 and 1948 Yugoslavia advanced credits of about $100 million. During those early years Yugoslav aid brought into existence a number of industrial proj­ ects: a modest sugar factory at Maliq, seven miles north of Korcha; a fruit

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and vegetable processing plant at Elbasan; a fish cannery at Vlora; a hemp and flax factory at Rrogozhina; a printing press; an automatic telephone ex­ change; and the Stalin textile plant at Tirana. Yugoslavia and Albania also established jointly owned and operated companies for the development of mines and related industries. Construction of the first railroad line in Albania began on 1 May 1947, planning to link Durrës the seaport with Peqin, then later with Tirana. The 15.000 volunteers had no heavy mechanical equipment, only picks and shovels and wheelbarrows. Many zealots worked 16 hours a day. During those months there were reportedly 5,130 workers who learned to read and write in evening classes. In November 1947 Enver Hoxha personally in­ augurated the Durrës-to-Peqin railway line, paying tribute to the toil of 30.000 volunteers from all over Albania and to the sacrifice of 18 martyrs who gave their lives there (Zëri 24 April 1985, 3). From this time railroad construction became a traditional youth activity, involving great technical problems, but producing great economic benefits. The following year, 1948, railway service was extended to Tirana. State C ontrol of C ulture

The new regime emphasized and controlled universal education. The very first year of liberation (1944-1945), despite wartime devastation, more primary schools were in operation than during the 1938-1939 school year (928 against 649) and more teachers were involved (1,743 against 1,349). In 1946 the Educational Reform was decreed. All education hereafter would be provided by the state and would be secular in nature. It would be free. Seven years of elementary education would be compulsory for both sexes. A broad network of vocational and trade schools was established, also the two-year Pedagogical Institute. A program to abolish illiteracy was begun throughout the countryside and in the armed forces. This program was ex­ panded in 1948 with special courses for training skilled and unskilled workers and technicians. A Lyceum of Arts was established in Tirana in 1947 to train middle-level music cadres, including also a branch of ballet. Legislation was enacted in 1948 to move one's primary loyalty from the family to the state. Marriage became valid only when contracted before an official of the local People's Council. Girls were "emancipated" from their parents and required permission of the People's Court to enter into mar­ riage before the legal age of 18. Husband and wife were declared fully equal, neither being head over the other and each free to choose his or her own occupation, profession and even residence. Either spouse could ask the court for a divorce on any ground, such as irreconcilable imcompatibility. To encourage research and the conservation of Albania's ancient cultural roots, the Archaeological-Ethnographic Museum was established in Tirana on 1 November 1948. Thousands of artifacts arranged in chronological order illustrated the early history of the Albanian people from the Stone Age through the Middle Ages. Later in 1976 this material

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would be divided and expanded to furnish two national museums, one on archeology, the other on ethnography. Other local museums would be established at the archeological sites of Durrës, Apollonia and Butrint. To encourage original literature, 74 writers, both Communist and non-Communist, organized the Union of Albanian Writers on 7 October 1945. They elected as president Sejfulla Malëshova, minister of culture and propaganda, a leading poet and party ideologist. That very October the Writers' Union contacted American President Harry Truman and British Prime Minister Clement Atlee about recognizing Albania, which thoroughly alarmed the regime. Willing to include in their periodical Bota e Re (The New World) ideologically neutral selections from pre-Communist giants like Kristoforidhi, Fan Noli, Faik Konitza and Gjergj Fishta, Malëshova further aroused official resentment. The tough Stalinist leaders insisted that the various cultural media existed only to promote the goals of the party. In February 1946 Malëshova was expelled from his Writ­ ers' Union office, from the Politburo and from the Central Committee because of his "deviationism and opportunism." A prewar Communist, Professor Dhimitri Shuteriqi, succeeded him as head of the Writers' Union. Thereafter the radicals banned even the most innocuous productions of writers identified with non-Communist political parties or move­ ments. A sharp confrontation with non-Communist intelligentsia now resulted, which wrecked the careers and even the lives of dozens of poets, dramatists, writers and editors, especially among the Catholic intellectuals of Shkodra. The most resistant were executed, the others imprisoned. This must be recognized as one more aspect of the party's determined crusade to control all aspects of Albanian life —industry, agriculture, religion, education and the arts —and to enlist them all in the furtherance of the Marxist-Leninist program. Thereafter the writers and artists were required to interpret and popularize the party's ideology and decrees and to eulo­ gize the new heroes of socialism: the soldier, the worker, the peasant, the teacher, the Communist cadre, the New Man and the New Woman. These must all be revolutionaries, utterly dedicated to creating a So­ cialist Albania, despite the hostile encirclement by Capitalists, Revision­ ists and Imperialists without, and certain traitorous lackeys within. The intelligentsia like the proletariat were drafted into the battle for libera­ tion: not only from the yoke of the foreign invader, but an all-round liberation, . . . liberation from the yoke of the landlords, from want, from the fear of unemployment and taxes, from the opium of religion and spiritual slavery, liberation from anxiety about the present and the future, a libera­ tion which places the ordinary working man —the creator of material blessings —on the pedestal of honor, the pedestal that belongs to the creator of the new world" [Minxhozi 1979, 9).

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M ounting A pprehension about Y ugoslav Intentions

Increasingly, however, the new Albanian regime felt itself smothered by its northern partner. Just as the Zog regime had been bound by economic treaties and dominated by Italy, so the Hoxha regime had import and export ties only with Yugoslavia. They remembered vividly how Zog's economic dependence upon Italy had compromised his political in­ dependence. Further, they got the uneasy impression that Yugoslavia planned on using Albania as a colony to provide the raw materials of agriculture and industry for processing in Yugoslavia instead of helping to develop Albania's true industrial potential. Then there was Kosova. By far the largest ethnic minority in Yugo­ slavia were the Albanians, well over a million at the time. The London Conference of Ambassadors in 1913 had awarded to Serbia and Monte­ negro (later Yugoslavia) this predominantly Albanian-populated territory they called Kosova, over one-half the size of Albania itself. All attempts to assimilate or denationalize these Albanians had failed. Even the prewar deportation of 400,000 Albanians to Turkey failed to alter their numerical preponderance in Kosova permanently. Both the Yugoslav Communist party and the German-Italian Axis partners had gone on record that Kosova should be restored to Albania. Although this led some anti-Serb and anti-Communist Albanians of Kosova to join the German forces as their best chance for freedom, as many as 40,000 joined the Yugoslav par­ tisans. Freedom-loving Albanians of Kosova met in their historic city of Prizren on 11 September 1943, and their Second League of Prizren sought Kosova's reunion with Albania. Their militia fought both the Yugoslav na­ tionalist Chetniks at the end of 1943 and the Yugoslav partisans at the end of 1944. Tito appealed to Hoxha for "help against the Germans" but actually used the two Albanian divisions to crush the Kosova resistance. Non­ communist spokesmen for Kosova Albanians called Hoxha's action the "Great Betrayal" and still hold him responsible for returning Kosova to Yugoslav control. To mollify his restless Albanians, Tito in September 1945 recognized Kosova as an "autonomous region," with Albanian as one of its official languages. He granted authorization for Kosovars to open Albanian-language elementary schools. But for several postwar years of partnership with Albania, the Yugoslav government resented this Albanian nationalism in Kosova and kept the restless population under the harsh control of the secret police. In Albania itself Yugoslav influence touched virtually every aspect of life. A pro-Yugoslav leader, Koçi Xoxe, minister of the interior and head of the Sigurimi (security police), was rapidly becoming the most powerful man in the party and in the government. He even restrained or purged antiYugoslav leaders. This brought him into collision with Mehmet Shehu. As a division commander of the National Liberation Army, Shehu had worked closely with the Yugoslav partisans. In October 1944 he had led 15,000 of

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his troops to help them drive the Germans out of their country. Imme­ diately after the war he patterned his army after that of Yugoslavia, which also equipped and supplied it. In August 1946 he returned from a year at Moscow's Military Academy quite disillusioned with Marshal Tito's brand of communism. Shehu feared also that Yugoslavia meant to absorb his army and annex his country as a seventh republic. He knew that Balkanwatching newsmen were predicting that Tito planned to create a "Little Russia" in the Balkans, with Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Albania each retain­ ing its capital, language and autonomy, but together forming a federation with a common currency like the republics of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Shehu and other leaders resented the harsh injustices of the Yugoslav government in crushing postwar ethnic demonstrations of the Albanians in Kosova. So in 1947 he discontinued the Yugoslav pattern for his army. Things came to a head in January 1948 when the integration of the Yugoslav and Albanian armies came under discussion, with two Yugoslav divi­ sions to be stationed on Albanian soil. Shehu, then chief of staff of the Albanian People's Army, opposed it, and Xoxe had him fired. In Feb­ ruary the Central Committee was about to decide on the merger, the majority favoring the move, but Hoxha succeeded in temporarily delaying the action. T he Explosive Rupture

w it h

Y ugoslavia (1948)

Deliverance for Hoxha came by a strange route. A public dispute be­ tween Yugoslavia and her Soviet partner came to a head at a meeting of the Communist Information Bureau (COMINFORM) in Bucharest. On 28 June 1948 the Yugoslav Communist party was accused of deviating from Stalin's tough brand of Marxism by not taking harsh action against well-todo peasants and so was expelled from the Soviet bloc. This providen­ tially gave Hoxha and his own tough Stalinist colleagues in the Polit­ buro the precise occasion they needed to escape the smothering alliance with Yugoslavia. Within days of the split, Albania expelled the Yugo­ slav experts and advisors and denounced their political, military and economic agreements. They then tried Xoxe as a "Titoist and revision­ ist," and executed him in 1949. Mehmet Shehu, restored to favor, was given Xoxe's posts as minister of the interior and head of the Sigurimi. He held these posts from 1948 to 1954, when he passed them on to his brother-in-law Kadri Hasbiu, Shehu serving as prime minister until he too was purged about 35 years later. With the two rigidly Stalinist anti-Yugoslav leaders Hoxha and Shehu firmly in control, there began an era of ideological polemics between Stalinist Tirana and "revision­ ist" Belgrade quite unparalleled in Communist annals for its bitterness. In 1949 this open enmity escalated to the point of severing diplomatic relations.

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THE EC O N O M IC P A R T N E R SH IP W ITH THE S O V IE T UN ION (1 9 4 8 -1 9 6 1 ) R eorientation to the Soviet U nion

This repudiation of Tito's "revisionism" undoubtedly saved Albania from absorption by Yugoslavia and moved her toward the Soviet Union as Stalin's junior partner. Fortunately, too, the Soviets had far greater poten­ tial for material assistance. This realignment also marked the beginning of another experiment in securing much-needed economic aid without jeopar­ dizing Albania's political independence. Allying itself with the USSR, Albania's leaders now praised Russia extravagantly as the savior of Albania: first from the Axis Fascists, and now from the Yugoslav Revi­ sionists. The writings of Marx and Lenin were venerated as the atheists' bible, Joseph Stalin as their deity, and the USSR as the model Socialist state and a heaven on earth. The Albanian government, bureaucracy, security police and the economic and cultural programs all were patterned after those of the Soviet Union under Stalin, "the greatest genius of all time." Shehu also enthusiastically adopted everything Russian: military instruc­ tors and technicians, defense policies, military tactics, training manuals, even the uniforms. From 1948 to 1960 the Soviet Union trained, equipped and supplied his army. Russian advisors dominated every sphere of Alba­ nian life and profoundly influenced the development of its industry, agriculture, education, art and literature. In September 1948, just weeks after the split with Yugoslavia, Albania and Moscow signed their first economic agreement, the Soviets canceling a large indebtedness. The next February (1949) Albania became a member of the new Council for Eco­ nomic Mutual Assistance (CEMA) and began receiving both economic and military aid and advisors from other Soviet bloc countries. T he First P arty C ongress and C entralized P lanning

The Hoxha administration took its first firm steps toward a Sovietstyle planned economy at the First Congress of the Communist Party of Albania held at Tirana from 8 to 22 November 1948. Besides adopting a new constitution and a new name, Party of Labor of Albania (PLA), the congress heard reports from the Central Committee and others. Enver Hoxha as general secretary of the party reviewed and analyzed the party program. He sharply condemned the Yugoslav revisionists and the Alba­ nian collaborators. He defined the fundamental task to be the rapid devel­ opment of industry and agriculture and defined the specific targets to be achieved. This two-year plan (1948-1950) proposed specific advances in the extracting and processing of oil, coal, copper and chromium ores, in the development of agriculture and in the upgrading of the cultural life of the people. Under Soviet tutelage the concept of a planned program for the development of the economy and culture rapidly crystallized. The party

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adopted the Soviet pattern of successive five-year plans for the statecontrolled development of every phase of Albanian life. The arbitrary na­ tionalization of industry, agriculture, education and religion was only the beginning. Hereafter the state would be in complete control of everything. The total program was to be highly centralized, authoritarian, rigid, truly a "command economy." It functioned like this. First, the S tate Planning C om m ission anticipated for the com ing quin­ quennium o r five-year period (5 -Y P ) the needed developm ent under each of several categories, such as industry (w hich w ould alw ays be p rim ary ), then agriculture, transp ortation , telecom m unications, construction, w orker w elfare, ed ucation , m edicine, culture and m an y , m an y oth ers. F o r each categ o ry they defined the m ain direction and specific objectives to be achieved by the end of the five-year period. By w a y of illustration, for in­ d ustry they determ ined on achieving a to tal p rod uction 45 o r even 51 per­ cent greater than at the end of the preceding 5 -Y P . T h ey set specific in­ creased p rod uction goals o r targets for oil, cop per, ch rom ium , electric energy, p lyw ood , cem ent, bricks, sugar, olive oil, soap, cigarettes and hun­ dreds of oth er item s. A lso targeted was the creatio n of new projects and p ro d u cts, such as m ines, refineries, h y d ro electric p lan ts, foundries, m achine shops, chem ical plants, lum ber and w ood w orking establishm ents and factories for furniture, glass, thread, flour, pow dered m ilk, cigarettes and w h atever else w as needed. In each case they specified the location of the p ro g ram , the ca p a city and the deadline. The planners spelled out in m inute detail the desired p ro d u ctio n within each of the m an y categories.

Secondly, these pages of "draft directives" or tentative proposals were presented to the Plenum or General Assembly of the party's Central Com­ mittee for study, amendment and eventual approval. Next, in order to in­ volve the workers in the planning process, this approved set of draft directives was submitted to the workers' organizations all over the country for broad popular discussion in factories, farms, mines and cultural and scientific institutions wherever people worked. The "creative thinking of the working people" for improvement was often incorporated. Sometimes the workers enthusiastically "pledged" production even beyond that which had been proposed. These draft directives as modified were to be presented to the congress at the beginning of each five-year period for final endorse­ ment. Then they were sent for implementation to the respective managers in each sector of the economic and cultural life. It was up to them to break down these objectives into a series of "tasks" assigned to workers in the various programs and establishments. The mines, factories, etc., posted these production tasks conspicuously and expected workers to bend every effort to fulfill or even surpass the assigned quotas, norms or tasks. Managers urged the workers on by slogans, posters, photos and reports in official newspapers, plus rebukes, exhortations, photos and more slogans. The proceeds from industrial and agricultural production and exports plus whatever grants and loans became available went into the state treasury to

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finance the next 5-YP. This series of five-year plans became the standard pattern for state-controlled economic and cultural development. T he First Five-Y ear P lan (1951-1955)

Administration. The Second Congress of the Party of Labor of Albania (PLA) occurred from 31 March to 7 April 1952. After summarizing recent progress, the congress approved the draft directives of the First 5-YP for the quinquennium 1951-1955. They decided on a quickened program of industrial and agricultural development so that Albania might emerge from a primitive agrarian economy to a balanced agrarian-industrial economy like the more advanced Communist states of Europe. Tensions would arise periodically between Tirana and Moscow, as they had between Tirana and Belgrade, over the proper balance between agriculture and industry. Moscow tried in vain to persuade Hoxha to give priority to agriculture rather than to his obsession with heavy industry. The congress also set tasks for the improvement of administrative procedures. They adopted the slogan: "We must build socialism with the pick in one hand and the rifle in the other" (NAlb 1981, 4:8). Industry. Very obviously industry had first place in the hearts of the regime's leadership, for to this phase of the national program they devoted 52 percent of the total state expenditure. They gave priority to "Group A" items, "producing the means of production." At this early stage the "Group B" items, the production of consumer goods, was considered quite secon­ dary. Considerable numbers of Soviet specialists in oil drilling, mining, geology, agronomy, construction and other related fields came to work in Albania and to train Albanian cadres or key personnel. But even with signi­ ficant Soviet financial and technical assistance it does not appear that this first experiment in planning the economy was altogether realistic. Certain ambitious projects could not be realized within the established time frame. But several urgent needs of the population for food, clothing and housing were met: a lumber and plywood mill in Elbasan, the Lenin electric power plant and the Stalin textile mill in Tirana, a cement factory in Vlora, cotton mills in Fier and Rrogozhina and a tobacco plant in Shkodra. The develop­ ing sugar refinery near Korcha led to the founding of the "sugar town" of Maliq in 1951. Agriculture. Only 12 percent of the state funds allotted to this First 5-YP went to agriculture, in spite of the urgent need of more adequate food production. This was less than one-fourth the amount dedicated to the development of industry. Understandably, agricultural development lagged behind. The increased production of food grain was considered top priority, for 50,000 to 60,000 tons annually were imported from the USSR and eastern Europe. As late as 1955 just over 87 percent of the agricultural production came from farms still owned and operated by the peasants, only 13 percent coming from the newly collectivized farms. The people's govern­ ment could happily announce that "by regulating the beds of two rivers and

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opening a series of drainage canals," they had reclaimed 15,000 acres of "very fertile land" (Liria 17 September 1976), land fertilized, by the way, with the sweat and blood of slave labor. Culture. Despite the preoccupation of the Hoxha regime with economic development, significant advances were made in education and the arts. First, there was the standardization of the Albanian language, as important to government as to scholars. In 1908 the Conference of Monastir had replaced a dozen different alphabets based on Turkish, Greek, Latin or phonetic symbols, with a 36-letter Latin alphabet. But the two regional dialects persisted, Geg in the north and Tosk in the south, with no standardized spelling of either. Professor Arshi Pipa points out in his "The Politics of Language in Socialist Albania," that the preponderance of Tosks over Gegs in the Hoxha Politburo was about 4.6 to 1, which explains the Tosk structure of the standardized Albanian language (Dielli 15 Sep­ tember 1988, 7) used thereafter in official communications. In 1952 the Al­ banian Writers' Union made this standardized Tosk the only language to be used in their publications, and in 1954 made Nëndori (November) their official organ. The Institute of Sciences in Tirana published an official dic­ tionary in 1954. Illiteracy was another concern. In 1949 the government required all illiterates under 40 to attend classes in reading and writing, re­ sulting in a phenomenal increase in the literacy rate. It is reliably reported that during 1952 over 7.5 million copies of 700 different titles were pub­ lished (Chris SM 12 November 1964,1, 6). In 1952 also the first 50-kilowatt radio station was set up in Tirana (NAlb 1984, 6:12). Universal elementary education became compulsory through the eighth grade in 1952. A school for training medical assistants had begun in 1948. Soon afterwards the Red Cross began training semiskilled medical workers. Although most physicians now received their training in the Soviet Union, a medical college was established in 1952 which began graduating doctors in 1957, at which time it became the faculty of medicine of the State University of Tirana. To meet the deep need of specialists and technicians, the government established a number of secondary technical schools in 1950 following Soviet patterns. In 1951 three institutions of higher learning were founded: the Higher Pedagogic Institute, the Higher Polytechnic Institute, and the Higher Agricultural Institute. The whole school system was overhauled. Soviet educators served as consultants at the Ministry of Education. Many textbooks were translations of Soviet texts. The Russian language became compulsory for all students at the seventh-grade level. Several thousand advanced students and teachers received their training in all areas of expertise in the USSR or other Soviet bloc countries. Some 4,500 went to the USSR during the decade to receive their academic, technical, military and political training. Reflecting the Russian connection also was the incorporation of a ballet group of Tirana (1950) into the prestigious National Theater of the Opera and Ballet on 29 November 1953. Even in these fine art forms the

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Albanian composers had to "adhere to the principle of being national in form and socialist in substance" (NAlb 1981, 4:20), thus serving both the political and ideological objectives of the state. But in 1953 Joseph Stalin died. He had served as premier since 1941, and as general secretary of the Communist party of the USSR since 1922. His successor, Nikita Khrushchev, moderated Stalin's harsh, ruthless stance, even denouncing him as a mass murderer for the extermination of 14.5 million kulaks or landowning peasants (Time 8 December 1986, 4748). The Russian historian Medvedev assures us that Stalin's victims ex­ ceeded 20 million (Dielli 28 April 1989, 2). Khrushchev deplored the "per­ sonality cult" centering in Stalin, called for collective leadership instead of a one-man dictatorship, proposed a long-term triumph over capitalism and imperialism by peaceful means and detente instead of military confronta­ tion, and he even visited the United States! On 15 December 1955 Albania went international. After years of effort it achieved membership in the United Nations Organization (UNO) established in 1945. Although acknowledging that the purpose of the UNO was to "keep peace in the world," the official Albanian encyclopedia adds the following postscript: "Ever since 1956 our delegations in the General Assembly have developed a principled struggle to unmask the American imperialism and later the social-imperialism of the Soviets" (FESH 1985, 781). The United Nations in 1948 had adopted its Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the preamble declaring that "disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the con­ science of mankind." Its article 18 declares that everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. "This right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance" (A C B 1984, 50). The Albanian government solemnly agreed to uphold the principles of the United Nations Charter. In May 1955 Albania became a member of the Warsaw Treaty Organi­ zation, with the promise of friendship, cooperation and mutual assistance to other nations of the Soviet bloc. As a member of this international defense system Albania became the proud recipient of some sophisticated weaponry, including artillery, missile batteries, tanks, MIG planes, several smaller naval craft and even a dozen submarines. Khrushchev's rapproche­ ment with Tito, and especially his visit to Yugoslavia in 1955, brought con­ sternation to the Tirana leadership who bitterly denounced it. Relations between Tirana and Moscow began to deteriorate. Opposition to this high-profile Russian presence expressed itself in the bombing of the Soviet Embassy in Tirana in 1951, during an important con­ ference of Albanian and Soviet leaders. The regime covered its embarrass­ ment by blaming the Yugoslav Revisionists, the Italian Fascists, the Greek Monarcho-Fascists and especially the Anglo-American Imperialists. The

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regime arrested, tried and executed over 150 people, including several teachers and assorted intellectuals, most of whom were certainly innocent of involvement. From without the country there were repeated covert attempts to destabilize the Hoxha regime. About a decade later reports surfaced which detailed Anglo-American attempts to foment revolution in Albania be­ tween 1949 and 1955. Increasingly unhappy with Soviet expansionism in Albania, agents met in Paris with Midhat Frashëri, founder of Balli Kombëtar, and other refugeed patriots now organized as the National Committee for a Free Albania. The British also recruited former members of King Zog's guard, former collaborators with the Italians or Germans, and other Albanian anti-Communist fugitives. They trained these adven­ turers in Italy and Malta to operate as small guerrilla bands, infiltrating the northern mountains to encourage the formation of resistance groups for sabotage, and hopefully a full-scale uprising. Eight times these wellequipped bands were parachuted into the mountains or landed at night along the Adriatic coast. But with uncanny regularity these guerrilla land­ ings were encircled and destroyed or captured by the Sigurimi and army units. Under torture the agents revealed names of their local contacts, and literally hundreds, some say thousands, were executed. These sporadic efforts ended in 1955. Not until years later did it become known that the coordinator of these disastrous operations was none other than Britain's secret intelligence service (SIS) chief, "Kim" Philby. He was the SIS link with the American CIA and in the precise position to betray so many vital Anglo-American intelligence secrets (News 23 May 1988, 33). By 1963 Philby had outlived his usefulness as a double agent, so he fled to Moscow to serve as a colonel of the Soviet KGB secret police. The baffling mystery was solved! Philby died in 1988. T he Second Five-Y ear P lan (1 9 5 6 -1 9 6 0 )

Administration. In December 1955 the Central Committee of the PLA decided to convene its Third Congress on 25 May 1956. Just before that event, however, the Soviet wave of revisionism inspired its counterpart in Tirana. At a party conference in Tirana in April 1956, a vocal minority of party elite were critical of the party. They proposed for discussion the tendency toward personality cult, clearing the reputation of Koçi Xoxe and other party leaders purged in the post-Yugoslav era, greater party democracy and an improved standard of living for all the people. Major Iljaz Ahmeti complained of the disparity of living standards between the high party officials and the Albanian masses. He and 27 others expressing similar opinions were promptly arrested, relieved of their party positions and imprisoned. A Time correspondent reported (Time 22 December 1961, 27) that "a dozen Albanian army and navy officers were tried in an im­ provised courtroom in Tirana's Partisan Cinema, as pro-Soviet con­ spirators. Found guilty, they were marched right off to an adjacent vacant

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lot and executed by a firing squad." The same reporter wrote in 1961 that "of the fourteen members of the first Central Committee, Hoxha is the only survivor" (ibid.). Among those executed as Titoist agents were Liri Gega and her husband, Dalli Ndreu, a general in the army and both members of the Politburo. Later at the USSR Twenty-second Congress, Soviet Premier Khrushchev indignantly charged that Hoxha had ordered Gega executed while pregnant. Despite the soft line from Moscow, Hoxha ruthlessly sup­ pressed all who voiced disapproval of his government. Later that same year riots broke out in Poland and armed revolt in Hungary, with unrest throughout the Soviet bloc countries. This temporarily distracted Soviet attention from her uncontrollable junior partner. It also reinforced Hoxha's conviction that only a rigid Stalinist control of the party and the nation would suffice. During this troubled period the New York Times (21 May 1957) carried a Belgrade report of the previous day that Major General Panayot Plyaku, a member of the Central Committee, had fled for his life, seeking asylum in Yugoslavia. The Third Congress was held from 25 May to 2 June 1956. Quite understandably the delegates fully supported the Central Committee in its stern measures against the dissenters, and unanimously condemned any at­ tempt to revise the political line of the PLA. They heard a progress report on the first quinquennium and adopted the directives of the Second FiveYear Plan. The main targets were: the rapid development of agriculture "mainly through the socialist reorganization of agricultural production," the development of industry, especially mining, and raising the cultural level of the people. Fortunately, increased economic assistance came from the Soviets: $18.5 million in credit on 1 January 1957, $105 million in­ debtedness canceled on 17 April 1957 and $7.75 million credit pledged for grain the first half of 19oo, also $40 million credit extended on 22 November 1957 (NY Times 18 April 1957). Mehmet Shehu characterized this as "brotherly and disinterested aid" and contrasted it with American aid which he said was "intended only to subjugate a country" (NY Times 29 August 1957). This fear probably explains why Tirana had spurned the aid offered by President Dwight Eisenhower on 7 March 1955 (Shqipëria 28 November 1955, 8). Analysts estimate the total Albanian indebtedness to the USSR and Eastern bloc at between U.S. $500 and $600 million (Area 1971, 170). Industry. Industrial development occupied center stage for govern­ ment planners and would absorb just over 51 percent of the total national investment. Several strategic projects were completed during this 5-YP, however, some using army manpower. There was the mammoth Karl Marx hydroelectric plant on the Mati River and 240 miles of high-tension powerlines; the oil refinery at Cërrik and its connecting pipeline to Kuchova, now renamed Stalin; the greatly expanded sugar refinery at Maliq, and the associated alcohol, yeast and starch factories nearby; the glass factory at Tirana; the fish and vegetable cannery at Vlora; nine other plants for preserving fruits and vegetables; an enlarged cement factory at

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Vlora; several enlarged tanneries; three enlarged cigarette factories; and world-class production of chromium ore. Planners claimed that the in­ dustrial production which required 12 months in 1955 was completed in less than six months in 1960 (NAlb 1960, 6:4). For the first time the value of in­ dustrial production exceeded that of agricultural production, having risen from 6.9 percent of the economy in 1938 to 55 percent in 1960. Several imposing structures were completed during this period: the Sports Stadium in Tirana, as well as other stadiums, tourist hotels, schools, hospitals, theaters and cinemas in several cities and towns, and water systems and 12,000 apartments. The national income from industry and agriculture for this period increased 49 percent. This period, however, marked the high point of Soviet economic assistance. The planners con­ cluded their report, "The capitalist economy, the exploiting classes and the exploitation of man by man has now been liquidated once for all" (Projet 1960, 5-7). Agriculture. From the establishment of the first agricultural cooperative in 1946 through 1955 the slogan had been, "On the question of collectivization we must not be hasty, but neither must we mark time." With this Second 5-YP the government pushed to complete the "socialist reorganization of agriculture," that is, the merger of small peasant farms into larger units or cooperatives, sometimes despite peasant resistance. Thus three years after "the peasants first received the title-deeds to the land, and the age-old dream of our peasantry came true," 25 families of the village of Gorre united their 18 yoke of oxen and pulled out the hedges sub­ dividing their 445 acres of land (NAlb 1981, 4:14). The fields could then be worked efficiently by tractors and were placed under party managers. Then about 1959 the government greatly accelerated the merger of the smaller cooperatives into larger collectives, paying the peasant not for workdays done, but for work norms completed. During this 5-YP about 87 percent of the land was taken away from the peasant owners and given to "the people," a pretty euphemism for the state. Only about 13 percent of the land, mainly in the mountainous highlands, was still privately owned. During this period (1955-1960) the area under cultivation increased 18 per­ cent and the number of tractors in use tripled to 4,100. The planners con­ fidently expected that correct adherence to the correct Marxist-Leninist pattern would produce the correct results: the full food grain needs of the population. But it did not, even though this had been officially decreed by the Third Party Congress in May 1956. During this five-year period the highest percentage of the national investment in agriculture for any of its 5-YPs was 18 percent (Prifti 1978, 63). By canalization and irrigation they reclaimed or improved 137,000 acres for agricultural use (Projet 1960, 4). Yet although they reported a wheat production of about 102,000 tons in 1959, they still had to import over 94,000 tons from the USSR. Although the nationalization of agriculture had been virtually com­ pleted, this pattern of idealistic planning and serious shortfall would be

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repeated for years to come. This must have been a disappointment to the Socialist planners, who may have been overemphasizing industrial crops like cotton, sugar beets and tobacco for the sake of foreign exchange. It exasperated the Soviets, who repeatedly urged their partner to concentrate on agriculture, especially citrus fruits, rather than on heavy industry which was already well cared for by several Eastern bloc countries. But while the percentage of industrial workers in the population nearly tripled from 11 percent in 1950 to 29 percent in 1960, those in agriculture dropped from 74 percent to 58 percent during the same decade. Closely paralleling this, the percentage of total national income from industry during that same decade doubled from 23.7 percent to 55.6 percent, while that from agriculture dropped from 76.3 percent to 44.4 percent. Obviously Hoxha was realizing his dream of an industrial-agrarian economy, but his agricultural program was suffering. Culture. In culture as in industry and agriculture great advances were reported. Soviet educators gave valuable cooperation in laying the struc­ tural, curricular and ideological foundation for the State University of Tirana in 1957, offering its enrollment of 3,600 students higher training in seven faculties or schools of learning. Full-time school enrollment throughout Albania rose that year from 208,000 to 300,000 (ibid., 6). In September 1957 the Ensemble was established in Tirana with instruments and choreography accompanying folk songs and dances. The "Aleksander Moisiu" Higher Dramatic School was created in 1959 and the Higher In­ stitute of Figurative Arts in 1960. The Albanian Writers' Union, which had gotten off to such a shaky start, merged with the Union of Albanian Artists at a first joint congress in 1957, forming the League of Albanian Writers and Artists (LAWA) with a membership of 150. The de-Stalinization movement of Khrushchev at the time stimulated the great tension already existing among these intellectuals. It just happened that both the Soviets and the Chinese had sent delegates to this first LAWA Congress. In his remarks the Soviet delegate seemed to support the more moderate position rather than the tough revolutionary "Socialist Realism" demanded by the government. The Chinese delegate then emphasized the similarity between the uncompromisingly militant tone of Chinese and Albanian art and culture. Utterly convinced of the efficacy of armed struggle and the violent seizure of power, the Hoxha regime became increasingly restless with Moscow's policy of peaceful coex­ istence or detente with the capitalistic West and with Revisionist Yugo­ slavia. In early 1959 Khrushchev demanded that Albania negotiate better relations with Tito. This was utterly inconceivable to Hoxha, for not only would this require his betrayal of Stalinism, but also the posthumous rehabilitation of Koçi Xoxe and others whom he had liquidated back in 1949. So to justify his refusal, Hoxha, according to the German scholar Tonnes, staged a particularly infamous show trial in Shkodra on 24 April

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1959. Two Catholic clergymen, the prelate Ded Mala and Fr. Tom Gjon Marku with five laymen, were accused as spies and traitors in the service of the Yugoslav security police. Tried before a military court composed ex­ clusively of Muslim officers, they were found guilty of betraying military, political and economic secrets to Yugoslavia and were executed. The death sentences were Hoxha's convincing evidence that reconciliation with Tito's Yugoslavia was utterly impossible (Religion 1975, 252-53). Tirana leaned increasingly toward the more confrontational Peking. Thus in 1960 when Khrushchev called on world Communists to condemn Communist China, Albania refused. Yet more significant, that October 1960 Tirana and Peking signed articles of collaboration in technical and scientific fields, such as agriculture and light industry. That November the treaty was extended to cultural activities such as cinematography, radio, the press, publications, sports and health (NAlb 1960, 6:26). T he Explosive R upture with the S oviet U nion (1 9 6 1 )

The Stalinist hard-liners at Tirana were becoming increasingly disen­ chanted with the "anti-Marxist, antisocialist course of the Khrushchevite revisionists" (NAlb 1981, 4:8). The feeling must have been mutual, for in June 1960 the Soviet ambassador in Tirana hinted to General Balluku that a military coup might be in order. The general stood loyally with Hoxha. That same year (1960) hard-line Communist China split with the Soviet Union over its departure from Stalinism. At a meeting in Moscow on 1 No­ vember 1960 with delegates from 81 Communist parties of the world pres­ ent, Hoxha boldly aired these several grievances in a two-hour nonstop attack. He even accused Khrushchev of conspiring to overthrow the Stalin­ ist leadership in Albania. Hoxha called Khrushchev a "revisionist, an antiMarxist and an opportunist." This was just too much for the earthy peasant Khrushchev, who is reported to have shouted, "You have poured dung over me, Comrade Hoxha. One day you yourself will have to wash it off!" Stalk­ ing out of the conference Hoxha retorted to Khrushchev, "We are 702 mil­ lion strong." He alluded to two million Albanians and 700 million Chinese. By the spring of 1961 Moscow canceled all military agreements and cut off all military aid. The climactic point of no return in Soviet-Albanian relations came with a dispute over the submarine base at the strategic island of Sasano at Vlora. By an agreement of 1957 the Soviets had built the naval base, strengthening Albania's defense capabilities, but even more significantly, affording the Soviets a naval base in the Mediterranean basin and con­ trolling the Adriatic. Later Hoxha reported that during a 1957 visit of Khrushchev and Marshal Malinovsky to Vlora, he overheard the mar­ shal remark to Khrushchev that Soviet control of the Vlora base gave the Soviets control of the Adriatic Sea and the entire Mediterranean. Because of the increasing tensions between Moscow and Tirana, the Soviets in March 1961 presented Tirana with a Warsaw Pact resolution

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calling on Tirana to evacuate all Albanian personnel from the base, leaving it solely under Soviet command. Bitter exchanges followed. On 26 May 1961 Albania released eight of the 12 submarines with other military equip­ ment, including the missile batteries. The Soviet naval personnel evacuated on 5 June. That summer the Soviets recalled all advisors and specialists from Albania and expelled all Albanian students and personnel from the USSR. That same May 1961 another Soviet plot was exposed, allegedly in­ volving also the Greeks, Yugoslavs, Italians and even the American Sixth Fleet! Khrushchev was accused of enlisting the Soviet-trained Admiral Teme Sejko and others to overthrow the Hoxha-Shehu duumvirate and replace it with leadership more sympathetic to Moscow. Sejko and several col­ leagues were arrested and tried, and three including Sejko were executed. That September Hoxha arrested several other top party leaders suspected of pro-Moscow sympathies. Among these was Liri Belishova, the sixth­ ranking member of the Hoxha hierarchy. At their Twenty-second Congress in October the Soviets publicly denounced the Albanian leaders for this reign of terror. Their final break in diplomatic relations was inevitable, oc­ curring that December 1961. All the Communist satellites in Europe fol­ lowed their Soviet leader. Albania continued as a passive member of the Warsaw Pact until the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia, when that September it became the first nation ever to withdraw from it, bitterly de­ nouncing the Soviets for invading one of the very pact nations it had sworn to defend. Later at Helsinki in July 1975 this tiny Stalinist gadfly was con­ spicuous as the only Communist country in eastern Europe to boycott the detente sought by the European Security and Cooperation Conference and to defiantly espouse the cold war, declaring itself the only genuinely Stalinist nation left in Europe. The Albanians had found once again that extensive economic and military investments in their country usually implied a degree of political and military control which was quite unacceptable. Repeatedly, Albanian Communist leaders hoped to receive economic assistance without com­ promising their national independence. If they could not have both, they would certainly choose their hard-won independence. The parting was bit­ ter. Albania was now isolated from both the Western and Eastern blocs of European nations, and could turn only toward Mao Tse-tung's hard-line Communist China. At least China appeared to be at a much safer distance! TH E EC O N O M IC P A R T N E R SH IP W ITH M A O IS T C H IN A (1 9 6 1 -1 9 7 8 ) R eorientation to M aoist C hina

Bitterly disillusioned with those Revisionist Communist nations of Europe, Hoxha and his Stalinist colleagues could not envision an alliance with Fascist Italy, Revisionist Yugoslavia, Monarcho-Fascist Greece or the

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imperialistic nations of the West. The only solution seemed to be the distant but rigidly Stalinist China of Mao Tse-tung. Complete isolation seemed to be the only alternative, but Albania still needed economic aid. Sensing his growing alienation from the Soviet Union, Hoxha had already courted Red China by including in his fiery valedictory address at the November 1960 Moscow Conference a proposal that Moscow arm Communist China with atomic weapons. Although the proposal did not endear him to the Soviets, it did ingratiate him with the Chinese, who publicly hailed his position on communism as "correct." But Mao's Communist experiment in China was of even more recent origin than that of Hoxha. Following the defeat of Japan in 1945, Mao's forces drove Chiang Kai-shek and his Nationalist supporters to Taiwan. That 1 October 1949 Mao proclaimed the People's Republic of China in Beijing, formerly Peking. He modeled his political and economic order after that of the Soviet Union. But in 1958 he broke with the Soviet model to make the celebrated "Great Leap Forward," with disastrous results. Blaming the Soviets in 1959 for economic sabotage, his relations with the USSR deteriorated to the breaking point in 1960. So Hoxha and Mao, each nursing his own grievance, determined to stand together in their condem­ nation of the Soviets. Just the same, it was an unequal alliance, a bizarre partnership be­ tween an occidental pygmy and an oriental giant 400 times its size. Geographically, culturally, traditionally, historically, racially, linguistically and in every way they were a whole wide world apart. Their Stalinist ideology alone drew them together. Yet Albania could only gain by this mismatched partnership. The 7,000 miles between them made it unlikely that China would ever threaten Albanian independence. And should the USSR ever wish to regain the Vlora naval base, its long border and sour relations with populous China would probably prove a deterrent. Chou En-lai's visits brought Albania new stature as China's spokesman in the West. This culminated in the United Nations' adoption in 1971 of an Albanian resolution bringing mainland China into UN membership with a seat on the Security Council and expelling Taiwan from membership. Al­ bania gained considerable financial and technical assistance, also food grain, although China was hardly in a position to afford it. So having got­ ten burned in the economic partnership with Yugoslavia, and then burned again in the partnership with the Soviet Union, Albania now turned hopefully toward China. T he T hird Five-Y ear P lan (1961-1965)

Administration. The Fourth Congress of the PLA was held from 13 to 20 February 1961. Reports from all sectors led the congress to herald the brilliant results achieved. Not until years later would they give the Soviets the satisfaction of knowing that this had been the most difficult period of the Hoxha regime. The leaders happily announced that they had successfully

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established the economic base of socialism both in town and countryside. Now they could enter a new phase: "the complete construction of socialist society, transforming Albania from an agrarian-industrial country into an industrial-agrarian country," which could still require several 5-YPs. The congress approved the directives of the Third 5-YP for further progress "despite the savage imperialist-revisionist blockade" (NAlb 1974, 5:8). A newsman from Rome visited Albania in 1961 and reported that Soviet experts had all withdrawn from factories, mines and cooperatives, and been replaced by Chinese technicians. "Stalin's statue still stands massive and unmoved in the main square of Tirana. Smaller versions grace the market squares of practically every village in the country. His pictures still hang with those of Hoxha in the place of honor in hotels and public buildings. There are no pictures of Khrushchev" (Rom e DA 15-16 October 1961, 2). The Chinese allies had granted developmental aid before: a grant of U.S. $2.5 million and a loan of U.S. $12.5 million in 1954, and a loan of U.S. $13.75 million in 1959. But on 2 February 1961, shortly after the stormy Moscow session and walkout, China agreed to a loan of U.S. $125 million to underwrite this third 5-YP and assure the completion of about 25 industrial projects which the Soviets now abandoned. The Chinese also offered advisors and technical experts in the fields of government, military and economic development. Some allege that the quality and quantity of goods and the technical skill of Chinese specialists did not compare with those of the USSR, but they did enable the continuing modernization of Albania, and they did not appear to threaten its political independence. Industry. Several important industrial projects were completed during this period: a mammoth steel mill in Elbasan, a plant for the electrolytic refining of copper at Rubik, a caustic soda factory in Vlora, several paper mills, the pioneer agricultural machinery plant at Durrës, besides schools, hospitals, maternity centers, vacation resorts and cultural centers. Alba­ nian exports to the USSR were cut back to zero, as most of them went to China. Railway construction continued throughout the period. The Hoxha regime had begun the first standard-gauge railway construction in 1947. With little mechanized equipment at first, progress through the rough mountain terrain was slow. Under the direction of permanent technical staff, literally thousands of young people from all over the country volunteered a month or two annually on the labor brigades. Forced labor gangs and the military were sometimes used as well as mechanized equip­ ment as it became available. From Durrës, the primary seaport, two main lines went inland, one curving northeasterly to Tirana with a spur line north toward Lezha and Shkodra, the other proceeding southeasterly along the Shkumbini Valley toward Elbasan and Pogradec, with a spur line south from Rrogozhina toward Fier and eventually Vlora. Agriculture. Agriculture still had lower priority than industry. Prob­ ably under the direction of their new Chinese sponsors, Albania's planners for the first time designated a higher increase for agriculture than they did

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for industry. But even yet they allotted only 15 percent of the available funds for agriculture, whereas 49 percent went to industry. Five important land reclamation projects were undertaken in various parts of the country, increasing the amount of land thereafter available for agriculture. Military personnel were used extensively in the canalization and drainage of the swampy areas north of Korcha around Lake Maliq. By 1965 food produc­ tion had increased a gratifying 51 percent over the previous level, but selfsufficiency was still beyond their grasp. During these years the tonnage of wheat and corn imported from China amounted to 149,900 tons in 1961, 89,100 tons in 1962, and 130,200 in 1963 and 1964, with unspecified amounts continuing thereafter. There is little doubt that with the withdrawal of Soviet aid, it was only the Chinese loans, specialists and food shipments which enabled Albania to survive this most trying period of its national existence. Three observations emerge here. First, agricultural experts attempted to increase production by two approaches: (1) extensive agriculture, ex­ panding arable acreage by canalization and drainage of swampy areas, ir­ rigation of arid areas and the terracing of hillsides, (2) intensive agriculture, expanding productivity by irrigation, chemical fertilizers, insecticides, electrification and mechanization. Second, the traditional Chinese con­ struction projects using swarms of coolies may have suggested the mobiliz­ ing of tens of thousands of persons from all walks of life for so-called voluntary work on projects such as the railroad, housing, hydroelectric plants, irrigation canals, harvesting and planting trees, often with the simplest of tools, even with bare hands. Then finally, indifference and negligence may have lowered production on collective farms. The startling facts are these: Official production statistics for 1964 showed that output per acre on the small private plots of collective farmers and state farm workers was four times larger than output on state farms, and six times larger than that on collective farms. Constituting only 6 percent of the cultivated land, the private plots produced 23 percent of the total farm output. Nevertheless the leadership credited the advance in agricultural production to the col­ lectivization of farms! [A rea 1971, 159).

Culture. The Higher Institute of Arts was set up in Tirana in 1962 for training vocalists, instrumentalists, composers, conductors, musicologists and music teachers. Having lost Yugoslav and Soviet support for the fine arts, the regime may have sought to demonstrate popular support for such by a great commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of Albanian in­ dependence on 28 November 1962. For one entire preparatory year by essays, poems, dramas and songs the nation celebrated those freedom fighters and cultural revolutionaries who had contributed to the national awakening. A widely disseminated commemorative volume Rilindja K om bëtare Shqiptare (Albanian National Awakening) even included pic­

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tures of some of the aristocratic patriots whom the regime had recently castigated as "bloodsuckers" of the common people. For the anniversary celebration itself, top government officials converged on the Vlora homestead of Ismail Kemal to stage the greatest patriotic celebration in Albania's history. T

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Fo

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(1 9 6 6 -1 9 7 0 )

Administration. The Fifth Congress of the PLA was held from 1 to 8 November 1966 and noted that the efforts of party and workers to achieve the designated targets of the Third 5-YP had been crowned with success. One emphasis hints at undefined problems. It was stated emphatically that they "must vigorously and relentlessly continue the class struggle for the complete smashing of bourgeois and revisionist ideology, for the decisive triumph of the proletarian ideology" (NAlb 1981, 4:8). Only later would Tirana acknowledge that this post-Soviet era (1961-1965) had been the most difficult period in their history. This parting slap at their former part­ ners was exacerbated by Albania's withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact in 1968 in protest against the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. But the party's goal remained constant: the transformation of Albania into an industrial-agrarian country. Apparently the Chinese, like the Yugoslavs and Soviets before them, had urged greater emphasis on agriculture, for the Congress adopted the slogan: "Go for the hills and mountains, make them as fruitful as the plains." Once again their new Stalinist partner helped underwrite the forth­ coming 5-YP with a "loan" of U.S. $214 million in June 1965. Further assistance came in November 1968 with an undisclosed amount, although public references to it imply that it was substantially larger than the U.S. $123 million obtained in 1961. Again in October 1970 China came to the rescue with a "loan" of U.S. $130 million, designated to expand processing of copper, chromium and iron-nickel ore, also oil and coal, with a view to achieving economic self-sufficiency. The Albanian government and people received with vicarious pride and enthusiasm the announcements of Chinese advances in military capability: the first atomic bomb in October 1964, a guided nuclear missile in October 1966, and the first hydrogen bomb in June 1967. Upon con­ gratulating Chairman Mao in 1967, Hoxha and Shehu added, "Let the American imperialists, Soviet revisionists and their servants tremble and be terrified by this colossal victory" (Bashkimi 20 June 1967). Fraternal messages and delegations were exchanged on Albanian and Chinese holidays and special occasions. When on 4 March 1966 the Central Com­ mittee democratically eliminated all distinguishing military ranks in the People's Army, they were warmly congratulated by none other than Mar­ shal Lin Piao, whose commendatory introduction was to be found in every one of the millions of copies of the "Little Red Book" of Quotations from Chairman M ao then in daily use throughout their Communist world. The

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Yugoslavs mocked this Albanian imitation of China with a proverb, "When it rains in China, the Albanians put up their umbrellas" (Peterson 1976, 57). Industry. The development of industry continued to be the first love of the Planning Commission. In spite of the failure to meet the Third 5-YP goals for agriculture and the resulting perennial food deficits, it was prob­ ably Chinese pressure which led the planners to depart from their an­ nounced policy and call for more rapid development of farm production rather than of industry. But apparently their hearts were not in it, for the eventual report would show that the agricultural output fell significantly short of its goal and the industrial output significantly surpassed its goal. Projects completed were: several copper, chromium and iron-nickel mines, a copper wire drawing mill at Shkodra, cement mills at Elbasan and Kruja, a textile combine at Berat employing thousands of girls and women, a knitgoods factory at Korcha, a nitrogenous fertilizer plant at Fier, a super­ phosphate plant at Lach (these two plants producing 200,000 tons of chemical fertilizer annually) and a plant for manufacturing tractor spare parts at Tirana. Also there were smaller plants for the production of caustic soda, sulfuric acid, rubber products, light bulbs, electrical equipment, footwear, vegetable oils and in 1970 an assembly plant for television receivers at Durrës. During this 5-YP facilities were completed to supply the last 1,759 villages with electric power. This required a total of over 13,000 miles of wire and 300,000 poles. Thus on 25 October 1970 the electrification of every town and village in Albania was completed, and the government decreed that that day be commemorated annually thereafter as the Festival of Light. The extension of highways, the telephone network and now elec­ tric power to all the villages did much to improve every phase of village life and culture and helped the regime greatly in reducing the essential distinctions between town and countryside. By now there were said to be about 3,000 miles of all-weather com­ pacted stone and gravel roadway. Albania's first railway train rolled into Tirana on 16 October 1968, commemorating Enver Hoxha's sixtieth birth­ day celebration. By the end of 1970 there were about 135 miles of standard gauge railway reaching out from Durrës heading north toward Shkodra and southeast toward Elbasan. Begun under Soviet patronage six years earlier, the magnificent Palace of Culture in Tirana was dedicated on 17 September 1966 to serve as the cultural center of the capital city. Earth­ quakes in November and December 1967 destroyed 3,500 homes, and again in April 1969 over 6,500 buildings required immediate replacement or repair. The resulting social dislocation required the government during this 5-YP to build 73,000 apartments and 1,600 new houses and to repair 11,000 others in record time. During this same period the government improved living conditions for many by constructing 1,200 communal dining rooms, 1,140 communal bakeries, 1,850 public baths and laundries and 187 com­ munity water systems.

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Agriculture. The development of agriculture preoccupied the Fifth Congress, which issued a directive to complete the collectivization of agriculture during this fourth 5-YP. It was officially reported that this order was "embraced enthusiastically and consciously by the working peasantry of the mountainous zones, with no disorder" (NAlb 1984, 4:3). Here and there, however, were still vague allusions to "class struggle." But all land was now brought under state control. In keeping with the increased em­ phasis on agriculture, a little more of the state investment funds was allot­ ted to agriculture, 16 percent instead of 15 percent, and somewhat less to industry, 46.6 percent instead of 49 percent. Fruit growing flourished, with vast blocks of hundreds of acres devoted to citrus in the southland. In Dvoran near Korcha 2,000 acres with 126.000 trees produced apples for the most part in 1967 (NAlb 1984, 6:30-31). A Time correspondent reported that in early 1967 Hoxha "sent thousands of 'Red Guards' into the mountains to increase the amount of arable land" (Time 26 May 1967, 32). These youths from cities and towns with the peasantry responded to their adopted slogan and terraced hillsides and mountainsides. They created miles and miles of plantations and or­ chards where previously there had been only barren wasteland covered with scrub. By the end of 1969 about 140,000 additional acres had been brought under irrigation, but the land reclamation program had still fallen behind the established goals. So in 1970 the government mobilized about 200.000 persons to do "volunteer" manual work and complete the program. During this 5-YP the output of sugar beets exceeded the goal and there was a gratifying increase in food production, although it fell short of the adopted goal. The production of rice, cotton and tobacco lagged also. Culture. Cultural advancement was marked in 1966 by the founding of the Higher Institute of Arts, a merger of the Higher Dramatic School, the Higher Institute of Figurative Arts and the Conservatorium. Secondary schools of art then sprang up in many towns. Progress in the development of a uniform language came in April 1968. At a Consultation on Language in Prishtina, the Albanians of Kosova, Macedonia and Montenegro in Yugoslavia decided to abandon the literary use of the Geg dialect and use only the official Tosk form in all their publications and schools (Përparim March-April 1968, 323-24; Dielli 28 February 1989, 3). That same year the Arbëresh church in Italy expressed its ethnic identity with the rest of the Albanian world by adopting Albanian as the language of its liturgy in place of the Greek of the Eastern rite (Open Doors March-April 1977, 4). The Tirana regime was determined to achieve a classless society. Pro­ gressively they had eliminated the private industrialist, the feudal landlords, the independent farmers, private artisans and tradesmen, free professionals and the clergy. The linguistic wall between Geg and Tosk was falling. Only three classes remained: industrial workers, cooperative farmers and "office workers" including the intelligentsia. Every effort was made to narrow the differences in their living conditions, wages and

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privileges so as to achieve a truly egalitarian Socialist society. Because LAWA intellectuals like all others in this highly centralized economy were paid by the state, they too were under the tight control of the party. The Second LAWA Congress was held in April 1969. It reported a membership increase from 150 to 400. Although Hoxha himself was an intellectual, he distrusted the intellectuals as politically unreliable and even destabilizing, so he permitted only about one-quarter of these into Communist party membership. By November 1969 Albania abolished all direct taxation of her citizens. The training of midwives was accelerated so as to place at least one in every village by 1971. With all medical personnel employed by the government, there was no private practice for physicians. Chinese in­ fluence in the Albanian educational system was minimal. T he O fficial P rohibition of A ll R eligion (13 N ovember 1967)

The Chinese once quoted a proverb to their European partner, "Fires are not quenched by distant water." Yet Enver Hoxha's flaming crusade against religion was apparently ignited by a distant spark. China's "Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution" which began in November 1965 was in full swing throughout 1966. The fanatical Red Guard youth organization was raiding the homes of corrupt or compromising officials and attacking bureaucrats, teachers, artists, writers and intellectuals, fanatically chanting quotations from Chairman Mao and waving his "Little Red Book." They then turned their wrath on anything which smacked of a foreign culture, including churches, Christians, Bibles and Christian literature. To flaunt his uncompromising Stalinism in the face of the Revisionist Khrushchev, to enhance his standing with Chairman Mao, and to care for some unfinished business of his own, Hoxha decided to embark on his own "Ideological and Cultural Revolution" for 1966-1969. He would move fur­ ther along the road to a classless society by stamping out bureaucratic prac­ tices, narrowing the wage differences between white collar and blue collar workers and between men and women workers. He again focused attention on divisive religions in his speech to the Central Committee on 6 February 1967. There he called for an intensified cultural struggle against religious superstition, called for the outlawing of all religious teaching and practices and declared Albanianism to be the only religion for Albanians. Mindful of China's Red Guard, he assigned this antireligious mission to Albania's youth. The text of his inflammatory speech appeared the next day in the party's newspaper, Zëri i Popullit. It fired the pupils and teachers at the Naim Frashëri secondary school in Durrës with such enthusiasm that they "quite spontaneously" boarded up all mosques and churches in the city. The official story is that just as "spontaneously" student groups throughout the country followed their example, even the older people matching their antireligious fervor. That this revolutionary movement was not altogether "spontaneous' is apparent from a Studime Historike (Tirana) article entitled "The De­

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velopment of Atheistic Education in Albania," which outlined the careful steps taken by the party (ACB 1984, 41). They included intensive ideological preparation of the students and teachers; the dissemination by them of voluminous propagandistic and agitative materials both inside and outside the schools, such as slogans, wall posters, etc.; meetings of the youth and teachers characterized by sharp questions and fiery debates; criticism of public opinion and various administrative organs regarding concessions to religion and the clergy (such as burying the dead in separate lots according to the religion of the deceased, designating one's religion on one's passport, using religious greetings, ignoring the parasitism of the clergy, etc.); discussions about the scanty literary, cultural and artistic publications and repertories with an atheistic content; the action taken in Shënevlash in support of the youth of the village who demanded the conversion of their church and monastery into a social and cultural institution, etc.

Contrary to official statements that the suppression of religion was the spontaneous expression of the will of the people, we have this eyewitness account by one Nikolla who later escaped to the United States: The campaign of closing and destroying the churches and mosques in Albania took place in early 1967. At the time I was in the fourth grade, but the event which took place in our village of Kastrati is still fresh in my mind. It was a Monday morning in early spring of 1967. A military truck drove into the center of our village and stopped in front of the church. Our school was located next to the church building. Military trucks would very seldom pass through our village unless it was some special occasion. I remember the previous day when several "delegates" from the district Party committee of Shkodra had organized a people's meeting in front of the church after Mass. At the meeting the "delegates" spoke to the crowd telling them that "the clergy have exploited and misled the people"; "the priests have always been enemies of the Fatherland"; "they have worked against the people and its power"; "they are agents of the Vatican and reac­ tionary powers," and other similar accusations. The speakers concluded the meeting by requesting the assembled crowd to "respect and obey the law of the Party by taking active part in demolishing the mosques and churches, these symbols of obscurantism and regress." I remember the fearful apprehension in the faces of my parents on the way home from the gathering. . . . Next day, Monday, when the heavy truck stopped in front of the church, we knew instinctively that something bad was about to occur. We could hardly wait until recess to go out and watch. We saw a group of soldiers with their officer, two police officers, one of the "delegates" and three communists from our village. All were busy loading the truck with statues, candle holders, paintings, crosses, church robes and vestments and other religious artifacts. Our pastor, Pater Kola, was tied up to the memorial cross located in the church front yard. He was loudly protesting, and at the same time praying and ad­ monishing us who were watching painfully and in disbelief of the van­ dalism, to "remain steadfast in the Christian faith of our forefathers." His

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face and eyes resembled those of a man dying in pain. 1 carry to this day his expression of desperation and helplessness. A number of people were watching the operation in silence, as were our two teachers. One of the police officers came over and ordered us to "go about your business." A courageous woman stepped up and began to cry loudly and to protest the arrest of the priest and closing of the church. She went without fear toward the truck when she noticed how the soldiers dumped the old painting of "Our Lady of Shkodra" into the truck. She wrestled with police and soldiers for the painting, which was her family's gift to the church years before when the church was built during the Ot­ toman occupation. She was forcibly removed and escorted to her nearby home and threatened with arrest. The name of this great woman was Katrina Lekaj. She later died in despair. . . . When the loading job was completed, the police sealed the church door and took Pater Kola with them. We returned to class with a void in our hearts. . . . The next two days were quiet. Nobody dared to ask or even comment about the police raid. A week later we again heard a commotion on the road in front of the church. We were just about to begin our first school period. Again the military truck was parked at the church. Near the bell towers were large ladders. Two policemen and three communists from our village were asking for "volunteers" to demolish the bell tower. I still remember that the name of one of the communists was Tom Zefi. He was one of those show-off people who wanted to please the policemen. While the discussion was going on we had to enter the class. No one was very attentive to the teacher. Everybody was thinking what will they do with the church building and the bell. The church bell had in some way regulated our daily lives. . . . At the lunch recess we saw the communists removing the crosses from the bell tower and the church entrance. Helping them were three "volunteers" who were picked up by the police. The next day early in the morning the bell tower was demolished with the help of the soldiers. We again saw Pater Kola, now dressed in shabby civilian clothes. He was assigned to work with some other prisoners in remodeling the church "for other use." The work on remodeling lasted for about five months. No one was allowed to talk with or see Pater Kola and the four other prisoners. I now believe they were all priests. When the remodeling job was finished, the church became the "House of Culture." We never saw Pater Kola again. Although more than two decades have passed since the tragic event took place in our village, the people in Kastrati still refer to the House of Culture as "vendi ku ka kenë kisha" (the place where the church used to be). I keep asking myself, "Why did this terrible deed have to happen?" . . . 1 will never forget that Monday in the Spring of 1967, when they closed our church and took away our beloved pastor, Pater Kola [ACB 1990, 69-71],

By May 1967 all 2,169 religious establishments remaining in Albania had been boarded up, vandalized, demolished or converted to other uses. Included among these were about 600 Orthodox churches or monasteries and 327 Catholic buildings. Communist organizations focused bitter denunciation on any remaining religious personnel. Throughout the year they held mass meetings to denounce, condemn and ridicule religion and

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the clergy. That April (1967), for instance, the 40 Orthodox priests still liv­ ing in the vicinity of Delvina were brought together for a public denuncia­ tion. They were then forcibly shaved and their vestments removed and spat upon. One priest, Rev. Theodore Zisis, resisted the shaving and was im­ prisoned for 10 years (Minn 1990, 82). The crowds were ordered to turn in their crucifixes, icons, Bibles, Korans and other religious items. The regime enlisted LAWA, the League of Albanian Writers and Artists, to disparage religion in satirical essays, plays, poems and songs. They were ordered to portray all religion as a tool of imperialistic and alien bourgeois reac­ tionaries, an unscientific anachronism, a hangover of ancient mythologies and superstition. Their monthly literary magazine N'endori announced in its September 1967 issue that the youth had "created the first atheistic nation in the world." Then on 19 November 1967 the regime issued its infamous Decree No. 4337 entitled "On the Abrogation of Certain Decrees." It annulled "im­ mediately" the several decrees of 1949 through 1951 legalizing the revised charters of the four Albanian religious communities. It also prohibited all religious rites and imposed severe penalties on violators. Ironically, while this decree outlawed all religious expression, the Albanian constitution (chapter 3, article 18) still guaranteed all citizens freedom of conscience and religion! But the regime justified this move because "the superstructure must be cleansed of all antiquated and foreign elements." The existence or activ­ ity of any organized religion in Albania now became illegal. Inevitably there broke out here and there what was euphemistically called "class struggle." Elderly villagers, even members of the Communist party, objected strongly to the conversion of mosques into warehouses. They claimed that the mosque was a house of prayer, and to help secularize it was tantamount to raising one's hand against God. Northern moun­ taineers too insisted that the authorities should distinguish between the removal of politically unreliable priests and the fundamental human right to believe in God. Nevertheless, every mosque, church, monastery, con­ vent, religious school, hospital or orphanage throughout the country was burned down, torn down or converted to serve what the state called "some more useful purpose." They became cultural centers, theaters, gymnasiums, dance halls, workshops, cafes, storehouses, barns, museums, public toilets or homes for the aged, or they were demolished to make way for workers' apartment houses or parks. Thus a tower of the ancient Haxhi Ethem Bey mosque, an old Tirana landmark, became the clock tower shading a coffee house at its base (NAlb 1960, 6:13-14). Businessmen visiting Shkodra reported in 1967 that "the beautiful mosque Jamia e Plumbit, a copy of Santa Sofia in Con­ stantinople, has been turned into a stable for cows" (W orld Vision Sep­ tember 1967, 20). Others reported the walls of closed mosques daubed with signs in praise of the party which had closed the mosques. That same event­ ful year, 1967, business visitors said that in Tirana the "beautiful Orthodox

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pilgrim's church in the southern part of the city has been turned into a night club for Party members. The altar is being used as a bar with a coffee machine and bottles of cheap gin" (ib id .) . From the official Vatican newspaper L'Osservatore Rom ano we learn that the Shkodra cathedral has become the Sports Palace," its presbytery and sacristy became a swimming pool with showers; the artistic bell tower that soared above it has been razed to the ground. The ancient canonry chapel at Shkodra has become a warehouse for tires. The Church of St. Nicholas in the Catholic district of Rusi has been transformed into flats for factory workers. The Church of the Stigmatine Sisters has become a lecture hall, the one at the Institute of the Sisters of St. Elizabeth is used as the head­ quarters of the political police. The national sanctuary of Our Lady of Scutari, "Protectress of Albania," has been pulled down. On its ruins there now rises a column surmounted by the red star [Christian C entury 26 September 1973, 958],

Since then any form of worship and meetings for prayer or religious in­ struction have been strictly forbidden, including Muslim circumcision or Christian baptism or religious rites at weddings or funerals. The official at­ titude was simply this: "The dissenter must be destroyed, like a weasel in the chicken coop!" So it was that that same year, 1967, the head of the Al­ banian Orthodox Church, Archbishop Damian Konobnessi, was arrested and imprisoned, dying six years later in November 1973 at the age of 80 (Religion 1975, 6). Most of the remaining clergy were arrested and sent to forced labor camps for "reeducation." It was all so ironical! That very next year, 1968, was proclaimed "The International Year for Human Rights" by the United Nations Organization to which Albania so proudly belonged. The UN constitution provided that "every person has a right to freedom of opinion, of conscience and religion" (chapter 14, article 18). Albania had already flaunted her religious intoler­ ance before the world body when on 5 October 1965 Pope Paul VI addressed the UN General Assembly in New York, and the Albanian delegation alone walked out. While concern for human rights was uppermost in the minds of many during 1968, that February Dr. Rexhep Krasniqi, president of the Free Albania Committee in New York, addressed a masterful letter of pro­ test and appeal to the UN secretary general and Commission on Human Rights, urging them to "stop the savage religious persecution in Albania" (Shqiptari i Lire January-February 1968, 1). Nothing tangible came of it. The Vatican's daily newspaper L'Osservatore Rom ano also published fre­ quent reports on the regime's antireligious violence. But Albania continued unchallenged as the world's first and only officially atheistic state. Many countries in the world have adopted an official or "established" state religious system, such as Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism or Roman Catholi­ cism. But Albania has abandoned her former religiously neutral position

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to become the world's first and only country to formally "establish" an official state religious system called atheism, and intolerantly outlaw any other system. Very incidentally, that same January 1968, in com­ memorating the five hundredth anniversary of the death of Skanderbeg, the imposing statue of Stalin which had dominated Tirana's Skanderbeg Square was relocated elsewhere in the city and replaced by an equestrian statue of the national hero. T

h e

F

if t h

5-Y ear P lan (1971-1975)

Administration. The Sixth Congress of the PLA was held from 1 to 7 November 1971. Party leaders reported the strengthening of socialism in Albania, an increasingly militant spirit, an unprecedented development of the "creative initiatives of the masses," and the rapid development of the economy and culture. Hoxha had had good reason to question the ideo­ logical reliability of the intellectuals. But at last he could happily announce that the industrial workers, in whom he had great confidence, had taken numerical precedence over the white collar workers and the farmers in party membership. Hoping to reduce the increasing bureaucratism, he urged the election of the "right" kind of workers to administrative oifices and required administrative personnel to volunteer for physical labor one or more months annually. He could also announce happily that since the last Congress there had not been the least sign of deviation from the party line in either the Central Committee or the party. Prifti observed that this stability may have led the party to toy with the idea of relaxing its iron rule to some degree. He cited a number of 1972 speeches in which Hoxha invited criticism of the party line "from below" (Prifti 1978, 40). Rapid developments would lead very soon to a resumption of the hard-line Stalinist control. Hoxha's report to this congress also mentioned the un­ precedented attack being launched against religion and backward customs. The Sixth Congress adopted the directives for the 1971-1975 quinquen­ nium, detailing the rapid development of industry, agriculture, culture, science and art, also the strengthening of the organs of state power and the party. But on the other hand, there was an international happening with serious emotional overtones for Albania. In February 1972 Chairman Mao welcomed the American president Richard Nixon to visit Peking. Mutual defense against the Soviet Union and China's need of technical develop­ ment undoubtedly led to its expanded friendly relations with the Western world. But once again this relaxation of the hard-line communism of a Stalinist partner brought shock and consternation to Hoxha and Shehu. Public announcements at first were guarded. Alienation of Chinese assistance was not to Albania's advantage, neither was the complete isola­ tion which would inevitably follow. However, intellectuals and even cer­ tain party officials cautiously expressed the hope that Albanian leadership might adopt the same attitude toward the United States that China had

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adopted. So in March 1973 following the Politburo session, two leading propaganda officials were fired from their posts and sent to Koplik in the northern mountains for reeducation through manual labor. One of these was Fadil Paçrami, veteran 20-year Central Committee member, chairman of the National Assembly and editor of the party organ Zen i Popullit, who was denounced in his own newspaper 28 July as "an enemy of the Party and the people." Likewise purged was Todi Lubonja, director of the Tirana radio-television programs. He was denounced as "a right wing deviationist and anti-Party element." Kenneth Rush, American deputy secretary of state, had said in a policy address of 4 April that the United States was "prepared to respond" to any Albanian approach about resuming diplomatic relations. Not until later did it become apparent that Rush had made this announcement at the very time that Hoxha was inaugurating his purge of party officials suspected of Westward leanings (NY Times 13 Sep­ tember 1973). Then there was the military. The Albanian defense minister, General Beqir Balluku, had a 20-year record of spotless loyalty to Hoxha and the party. It was he who usually headed the Albanian military delegations to China and hosted the Chinese military delegations to Tirana. In 1971 the highest ranking military delegation ever to visit Albania listened to very favorable references to their Marshal Lin Piao. The Albanian military speakers were quite unaware of his fall from favor, until one month later he was purged by a contrived airplane crash. Also purged was the faithful defense minister, General Beqir Balluku. The widely applauded democratization of the armed forces with its abolition of military rank, as adopted from the Chinese in 1967-1968, ap­ parently backfired. Serious problems of discipline arose in the "People's Army," with disobedience to officers and disregard of regulations. Balluku and his top aides recognized the futility of a modern national defense strategy based on the universal military training of the masses who, equipped only with small-caliber arms, would be mobilized to defend tens of thousands of concrete pillboxes scattered throughout the countryside. They attempted to convince the old soldiers Hoxha and Shehu that the citizen army and guerrilla warfare which brought them to power should be replaced now by a professional army trained in modern military tactics and weaponry. This concept of an elitist army not under direct control of the party apparently aroused fears of a military attempt to overthrow the HoxhaShehu regime. Despite their spotless record, in July 1974 Balluku and several generals and aides were condemned as traitors rebelling against the party and were executed. Prime Minister Shehu assumed Balluku's post of defense minister that October. Shortly afterwards a new constitution would stipulate that the armed forces would thereafter be led by the party and its first secretary as commander in chief (articles 88, 89). Thus military power also came under the tight control of the two leaders, Enver Hoxha

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and Mehmet Shehu. These die-hard Stalinists espoused a continuation of the cold war and condemned all arms control talks between East and West, as well as multilateral conferences on collective security. When the Euro­ pean Security and Cooperation Conference met at Helsinki in July 1975, of all the European countries, Albania alone refused to attend or sign the Helsinki Final Act. Industry. This Fifth 5-YP would once again award the lion's share of the total state investment to industry, actually 65.7 percent, while only one-sixth as much was left for agriculture. Industrial development was gratifying. The 225,000 kilowatt hydroelectric plant at Vau i Dejës on the Drin River was completed in 1971, and three other gigantic projects were undertaken. A second and far greater hydroelectric plant of 500,000 kilowatts, with the highest dam of its kind in Europe, was located on the Drin River at Fierza, near Puka, and called the "Light of the Party." Discharging into the lake at Fierza are the two tributaries, the Black Drin issuing from Lake Ochrida, 2,300 feet above sea level, and the White Drin rising in the Kosova highlands. Incidentally, work now began on the third still greater plant on the Drin River at Koman, with two others downstream in the planning stage, the design and construction dependent on Albanian skills. The profitable export of electric power began in 1972. A second great project being pushed to completion was the steel rolling mill in Elbasan, called the "Steel of the Party," which produced its first rolled steel in 1975. The third project was the oil refining plant at Ballsh with a capacity of one million tons a year. This would enable the develop­ ment of a petrochemical industry sufficient to meet Albanian needs and allow something for export. Further developments were recorded: the sprawling textile plant at Berat, the 1970 gift by China of a nuclear research laboratory for the state university, the first electronic computer center, the first television station in 1971 and in 1973 the inclusion of the last town and village in the national telephone network. Work was accelerated to link every village by a good road and to pipe drinking water to them all. Progress continued inexorably on the extension of the railroad from Elbasan to the iron and nickel mines of Prenjas. Because of the urgency of the project, young farmers were required to spend two months each year in voluntary labor, industrial workers and students volunteering one month. A visitor described the work program: Over 14,000 young men and women volunteers between 16 and 26 years of age were based at a huge camp in Elbasan. The camp consisted of five sections, each with 2,700 volunteers, each being subdivided into 6 brigades of 400 persons. Work was hard, and continued 6 days a week all year. They arose at 4:30 a . m . for physical exercises and breakfast. At 5:30 the brigades marched to the work sites with red flags flying. Work ended at 2:30 p . m ., with lunch at 3:00 and siesta till 5:30. Evenings were devoted to sports and cultural activities, especially discussions of Enver Hoxha's speeches and writings. Plans called for the completion of this section of

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the railway with its 21 tunnels and 300 bridges by the beginning of 1974 [Peterson 1976, 90],

The 1973 industrial production target of 61 percent over that of 1970 was not achieved, but there was a noteworthy increase of 52 percent. Party leaders blamed this shortfall on the administrators and managers of the various enterprises. Several of these, however, questioned the tightly cen­ tralized controls of the economic system and proposed a more modern and pragmatic approach to planning. This questioning of the Stalinist dogmas of Hoxha and Shehu led to the 1975 purging of the director of the State Plan­ ning Commission, Abdyl Këllezi; the minister of industry and mines, Koço Theodhosi; and the minister of trade, Kiço Ngjela: all condemned as "con­ spirators," "inspired by foreign revisionist enemies," who were "trying to overthrow the dictatorship of the proletariat" (Shehu 1976, 5). Nevertheless, the chairman of the Chamber of Commerce could announce that the total industrial production of 1938 was now turned out every four days (NAlb 1975, 2:11). The electric power produced in 1938 was now produced in two days. So also was housing. During the 30 years of liberation the production of crude oil had increased 72 times, that of minerals 106 times, machine manufacture 235 times, building materials 153 times, processed foods 56 times, light industrial production 65 times, and so on (NAlb 1975, 5:1). With increasing industrial development, Albania processed more of her raw ma­ terials for export, from one-third of her exports in 1950 to two-thirds in 1973. Agriculture. Agriculture suffered again this Fifth 5-YP, receiving the lowest percentage of available funds on record, only 11.7 percent, whereas the highest percentage on record, 65.7 percent, went to industry, its peren­ nial rival. Determined to get the greatest possible productivity from their limited agricultural land, farmers tried several approaches. By 1973 about 56 percent of the arable land had benefitted from irrigation. The improve­ ment of hillsides and extensive drainage of swampy or marshy areas had doubled the arable land reported in 1938. Although hillsides were hardly adapted to mechanized agriculture, the number of small tractors in use in 1972 was reported at 12,505 compared with 30 in 1938. There were also 885 reapers, 988 combines, 1,300 threshing machines. Only collectivized farm­ ing could justify the use of all this heavy equipment. Between 1950 and 1973 the annual use of chemical fertilizer rose from 5,200 tons to 208,900 tons, and the use of pesticides rose from 138 tons to 8,700 tons. Electric power was now available on all farms. The produc­ tivity of a unit of land reportedly rose 3.8 times. Unfortunately, govern­ ment priority given to industrial crops like cotton, sugar beets, tobacco and sunflowers for domestic and especially export use meant a continuing deficit of food grains. During this 5-YP agricultural production fell short of the adopted goals, only a 33 percent increase instead of the projected 65 percent. Yet among the 1973 exports we note 31,000 tons of vegetables and 6,642 tons of fruits.

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Culture. In the cultural sector, the 1971 to 1975 quinquennium brought the Hoxha regime some good news, and even more bad news. The new Philharmonic Society in Tirana gave its opening concert on 11 January 1972. That same year the first serious effort to discover and record Albania's rich cultural heritage was reported. From 26 to 27 May the Al­ banian Institute of Folklore, founded in 1960, held its first national con­ ference in Tirana. The institute reported the publication of four very comprehensive collections: one of Albanian fables, one of 70,000 proverbs, another of folk dances, and yet another of love songs. That following 20 June 1972 the regime founded the Academy of Sciences for scientific research and studies. Twenty-five professors, Albania's top scholars, staffed it, with Aleks Buda serving as president. The academy comprised over a dozen institutes, centers, laboratories and conservatories offering scholarly training in everything from linguistics and drama to computer science, nuclear physics and seismology. Then a most significant scientific gathering occurred that November. The Congress of Albanian Orthog­ raphy attracted 87 delegates from Albania, Yugoslavia and Italy, who resolved to unify the language used by all Albanians. The decisions reached there resulted in the standardized publication of 1973, O rthography o f the Albanian Language. The use thereafter of the Albanian literary language by officials, teachers, journalists and writers contributed greatly to cultural progress and national unity. But there was also bad news. Several memorable crises arose in swift succession. First came the youth. In 1971 and 1972 newspaper reports evidenced rather widespread youth dissent from the puritanical party line. Editorials condemned vandalism, hooliganism, loud rock-and-roll music, bourgeois fashions such as beards and long hair for men, tight jeans and miniskirts for women, neglect of studies, dirty jokes, school dropouts and absenteeism, pick-pocketing, shoplifting and "indifference to indoctrina­ tion courses in Marxism-Leninism." The party newspaper frankly de­ nounced the hooligans who on several occasions forced the Tirana-Durrës train to stop alongside fruit orchards where they "pilfered state property." Such youthful rebellion was particularly disconcerting because 60 percent of the Albanian population was then under 30. Things came to a head with the February 1973 report from the La­ bor Youth Union of Albania (LYUA). It criticized the predominance of partisan war themes in school textbooks, novels, films, theater, radio and television and called for more books by foreign authors in the book­ stores and libraries. It pointed out that despite ties with China, Albania was still in Europe. It expressed discontent over Albania's isolation from both Europe's Eastern and Western blocs and called for less strict super­ vision by the party. That 23 February at a meeting of the Secretariat, Hoxha replied point by point, insisting that Albania could learn nothing from the Europeans. In June the party expelled Agim Mero as head of the LYUA as well as Rudi Monari, its first secretary, and Asim Bedalli,

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another secretary. The youth were reminded that the party was still in control. Then there was LAWA, the League of Albanian Writers and Artists. These intellectuals must have taken too seriously Hoxha's solicitation of criticism "from below," so reminiscent of Mao's invitation to "let a hundred flowers bloom." They did just that, and on 29 July 1973 LAWA lost its veteran Communist president since 1946, Dhimitri Shuteriqi, a great nephew of Kristoforidhi, and Vilson Kilica, its secretary general. They and others were denounced for encouraging "bourgeois revisionism" and "deca­ dent trends" (NY Times 13 September 1973). That year contingents of in­ tellectuals, as many as 50 or 60 at a time, left Tirana to work in factories, on farms or at railway construction sites, the regime hoping that this reeducation might help them absorb some "socialist realism" from the workers. LAWA personnel promoting the party's political line were eulogized and promoted, those deviating in any slightest degree were castigated in official publications, and those resisting rehabilitation were purged. The artistic and intellectual community had to recognize itself sub­ ject to the authoritarian control of the party. This Fifth 5-YP period (1971-1975) was also disturbed by three hap­ penings with international emotional overtones. One was the execution of a 74-year-old Roman Catholic priest in 1972. While a prisoner in a concen­ tration camp, Shtjefen Kurti had secretly baptized the child of a woman prisoner, for which he was executed by a firing squad (Religion 1975, 252). Versions of the story differ. Albanian authorities claimed that Kurti had worked as a secret agent for British intelligence, for which he had been ar­ rested in 1945. After 10 years of "corrective labor" he was considered rehabilitated and was given employment at the village agricultural cooperative in Milot. Arrested again for sabotage and arson, he was tried, convicted and shot. On the other hand, the Vatican reported that Kurti was first arrested in 1945 and charged with spying for the Vatican. His death sentence was commuted to life imprisonment, and 18 years later he was released from prison and resumed parish responsibilities. In 1967 when the government declared all religion illegal, Kurti was assigned to secular work as a clerk in the local Milot cooperative. When soldiers came to destroy his parish church, he opposed them "with his fists" and was sentenced again to 16 years imprisonment. In a hard labor camp in central Albania, he acceded to the request of a fellow prisoner in December 1971 and baptized her child. The authorities heard of the private ceremony, tried Kurti, and in February 1972 turned him over to the military firing squad, allegedly for "subversive activities designed to overthrow the state" (Amnesty 1984,14-15; Christian Century 26 September 1973, 958). The event was widely publicized in the world press and aroused universal indignation. However, the troublesome clergy had been quite thoroughly eliminated. It is reported that by 1971 only 14 Catholic priests were still alive in Albania, 12 of them in concentra­ tion camps or prisons, two in hiding (Religion 1982, 252).

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Then in May 1973 a protest demonstration broke out in the Spaç in­ ternment camp, only to be ruthlessly suppressed and the leaders executed. Amnesty International received a detailed account from a former prisoner who had been personally involved. On 19 May at 6:30 a . m . prisoners heard guards beating fellow prisoners in their cells. On demanding that the prison authorities control the guards, these prisoners too were met with threats and blows. Clashes with the guards followed. Prisoners organized a meeting in the dining hall and unanimously appealed to Tirana and United Nations officials for help. Large army and police forces together with camp and government officials demanded the repeal of the demands and threat­ ened to use force and gas. The prisoners rejected this demand, and the authorities turned off the drinking water and stopped all food supplies. Three days later several hundred guards, army and Tirana riot police over­ whelmed the prisoners, weakened by hunger and thirst, handcuffed them in pairs and subjected them to 24 hours of brutal torture. "Then a special military tribunal sent from Tirana sentenced to death four prisoners aged from 24 to 32. They were . . . [names and hometown]. Our friends were executed near the camp at 3:40 p .m . on 24 May 1973. We all heard the shots. Besides this, 56 prisoners were given additional sentences ranging from 10 to 25 years" (Dielli 25 May 1988, 2). International indignation broke out also at the announcement of the death of the 80-year-old Orthodox Archbishop Damian Konessi in No­ vember 1973, following six years of harsh imprisonment. Such increasingly severe treatment appears to have driven religious expression underground, where it was more difficult to combat. The official struggle against religion continued, however, with the Orthodox cathedral of Korcha becoming a museum for the display of icons, vestments and other church parapher­ nalia, and their Roman Catholic equivalents being displayed in the atheist museum which opened in Shkodra that June 1973. The regime acknowledged its failure to exterminate religious faith in the hearts of the people by publishing in its official newspaper Bashkimi (21 July 1973) an article calling for "More Activity in the Struggle against Religion." "Folk intelligence" must be based in every single village to pro­ vide a base "for working against religious survivals and every sign of a strange ideology." The author distinguished people on their scale of religious belief as follows: [lj A minority of people consisting of certain families and individuals, who are fanatics and conservatives. If left alone they will influence others, especially those wavering. . . . Such an influence can be exercised in families, particularly, through the division and functioning of family responsibilities, through the administration of family income, through the nature of the place of the women, and through the enforcement of moral and social laws. [2] The group of waverers, including workers, who keep away from prayers, religious practices and ceremonies, but in whose con­ sciences a long, continuous struggle is going on. Yet in the end, if we work

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with this category of people carefully and systematically, we will win them over more quickly because their religious and backward convictions are being attacked while in the process of decay. With them we will suc­ ceed in developing solid atheist convictions. [3] Then there are people who have kept away from every influence and ritual of open or hidden religious significance. These are the majority of communists in general, the cadres, the young people who have not experienced the past nor been affected by religious influences. These are the advanced social activists whose con­ sciences are fully liberated. These are the ones who study systematically Marxist-Leninist literature, the teachings of the Party and of Comrade Enver. They are in all things ideologically formed people. To build up its work . . . and discover interesting scientific-atheist methods, this work must be done systematically and with discrimination, so that the debate is carried right into the family itself.

The following December 1973 a German evangelical journal carried a report of the underground survival of family religion which was shared with the English-speaking world by the periodical Religion in Communist Lands (May-June 1974, 31). The secret police have noticed disguised pilgrimages and growing reli­ giosity in the country's largest port city, Durrës. Pictures of saints which should have been handed in for destruction, are being secretly wor­ shipped. In spite of mortal danger, priests in civilian clothing have visited families to conduct baptisms and weddings. In a secret resolution of the Central Committee, objectives in the struggle against the Church were laid down for the immediate future. The Party leadership wants to spread atheism by all possible means. Refusal of invitations to attend "atheist seminars" is to be subject to police reprisals. At the same time there were voices in the Central Committee saying that this action was too radical.

In 1974 the government sentenced the three remaining Catholic bishops to internment camps for conducting religious services in private. The three bishops were Antonin Fishta, Ernest Choba and Nikoll Troshani. An official newspaper complained of the remarkable persistence of the secret practice of religion, even among youth. Forbidden church holidays were being observed in some villages, with people even staying home from work to celebrate. Old pilgrimage customs persisted under the pretext of visiting friends or relatives, or going for an excursion or picnic. The official party newspaper Z'eri i Popullit (1 June 1975) also de­ nounced the survival of religious customs. It noted that in some areas "religious services have been held, such as baptisms or circumcisions, as for example at Barbullush, or worshippers have requested Masses from ex­ priests. They have celebrated the Easter Vigil, Bairam, the Feast of St. Nicholas, Easter and in some areas local religious celebrations, as keeping Ramadan and Lent." The article then described the emergence of religious activities in disguise. "Instead of a cross, a laurel branch is used; baptism is celebrated in other ways, as by gifts; name days are celebrated as birth­

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days; suppers and dinners are held for the 'spirits of the dead.'" Other in­ dications of the survival of religious activities include the drop in atten­ dance at canteens during the Ramadan fast, religious literature still existing within the family, and so on. "New religious objects are now manufactured, such as crosses from cloth, rosaries from olive stones, which are also ped­ dled, and blessings are found in the dowry of brides." The paper called for an intensification of the struggle against religious customs. Shortly afterwards the party newspaper Bashkim i complained again about the survival of religion (30 October 1975). In the "Partizani" district of Vlora a small "temple" had been discovered in a private home. People, predominantly elderly, gathered there for religious activities. The son of the owner of the house was singled out as the main culprit because he al­ lowed the group to continue undisturbed. He should have reported his parents' behavior to the authorities. For failing to do so he was repri­ manded privately and also at his place of work. At Narta a family organ­ ized a religious "memorial feast" for the dead. Relatives and local friends gathered for this religious rite, but no one took the initiative to complain to the authorities. The neighbors who knew about the feast were also part of the conspiracy of silence. The incident came to light only because some of the guests fell ill with food poisoning. The article complained that "such irresponsibility encourages this kind of illegal activity." Soon after that, in order to root out all vestiges of the prohibited religions, the Council of Ministers published in the Gazeta Zyrtare (Official Gazette) of 11 November 1975 their infamous Decree No. 5354. It ordered "all citizens whose names do not conform to the political, ideological and moral standards of the State are to change them by 1976" (Broun 1989, 25-26). For most Albanian children were traditionally given the name of a person associated with the family religion, whether Muslim, Orthodox or Catholic. These designated "name days" were celebrated rather than the actual birthday. There was indignation in Athens, Belgrade, Rome and around the world at this unparalleled invasion of human rights: taking away even one's name! Some thought the decree was aimed at Greek, Slavic or Gypsy minorities in the country. But the official Manual o f Onomastics listing for­ bidden names like Peter, John, Rebecca and Monica, as well as Ismail, Musa and Haxhi, showed that the decree was aimed primarily at the distinctively Muslim, Catholic and Orthodox names originating with outlawed religions. This latter would seem inconceivable, however, when the surnames of both Enver Hoxha and Mehmet Shehu were the titles of Muslim clergymen! Defending the official action, an editor insisted that only offensive names should be replaced, but then he added ambiguously, "The sooner we can abolish these evil footprints left by foreign oppressors, the better it will be for the Albanian people" (Liria 26 March 1976). Would this include even Turkish surnames like "Hoxha" and "Shehu"? The above Manual o f Onomastics provided a list of 3,000 "appropriate Albanian

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names" from which parents could make a selection. Many thereafter gave their children two names: a religious name for use in the home, and an "ap­ propriate" name for use in school. Hulusi Hako, a party ideologue, in his article "Toward the Creation of a Totally Atheistic Society," sought to justify the rationale of the regime: Everyone chooses names for one's children according to one's wishes, names that are beautiful, and have a musical sound, etc. But since we have such beautiful national names, we would not be justified to use foreign names, which express nostalgia for religion and a fascination with things foreign. . . . Therefore, it is legitimate to insist on the use of national names, so that . . . the names of people do not become an indicator of the religious affiliations and divisions of yesteryear in the eyes of future generations [ACB 1986-87, 24-32].

In September 1975 the government had also adopted its Decree No. 225, which required the changing of geographic names with a religious significance. For instance the village of Shënkoll (St. Nicholas) was re­ named Ylli i Kuq (Red Star). About 90 towns and villages, especially in the southern ethnic Greek area, received new names. Their Agios Nikolaos (St. Nicholas), for instance, was named Drita (Light) (Minn 1990, 89-90). Great must have been the consternation of the regime that in spite of all these steps taken to exterminate all religion, it simply would not lie down and die. T he S ixth Five -Y ear P lan (1 9 7 6 -1 9 8 0 ): Its P reparation

Administration. The Seventh Congress of the PLA was held from 1 to 7 November 1976. First the members congratulated themselves that "the Marxist-Leninist course of the Party had been completely correct." Casualties appeared high, however. Of the nine original Politburo members, only four still survived: Hoxha, Shehu, Kapo and Koleka. One had died of natural causes, while four had been purged. This Seventh Con­ gress expelled six members of the current Politburo, over one-third of its membership. The leaders reported to the congress their successful fulfill­ ment of the Fifth 5-YP targets, with advances in all sectors. This hardly bears close scrutiny, however. Anticipating the need of further Chinese economic assistance for this Sixth 5-YP, an Albanian delegation to Peking had secured an agreement on 3 July 1975 for financial aid for the ensuing five-year period. Specifics, however, were never released. Neither was there the usual exaggerated praise of Red China in the press, but rather a redoubled exhortation to live frugally and strive for economic self-reliance. The promised aid was apparently less than expected. China, of course, was desperately seeking to upgrade its own technology; it now had less need of Albania as a spokesman in the West and was undoubtedly relieved at the prospect of decreasing this particular subsidy. Meanwhile, although leaders could report to the Congress a nominal

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increase in industrial production, the projected increases in agriculture had not materialized. The state had been forced to import "tens of thousands of tons" of food grain during 1975. The disparity between agricultural plan­ ning and production, also the prospect of inadequate Chinese assistance, and possibily economic isolation, led certain party planners to raise the question of exploring closer trade relations with western and eastern Euro­ pean nations. They also questioned the archaic centralized direction of technical programs by political leaders and urged a pragmatic rather than a dogmatic approach. The ideological implications of questioning basic party principles were so offensive that in 1975 several top leaders had been purged for "depoliticizing the planning procedure." Purged at this time were the chairman of the State Planning Commission, holding the rank of minister, the minister of industry and mines and the minister of trade. Still blaming the managers rather than the highly centralized system, the party in April 1976 purged the minister of agriculture and the minister of education and culture. That same spring, 14,000 students and working youth were sent to the countryside with the hope of increasing agricultural production. Periodically during the Chinese era vast numbers of the military and civilian population were mobilized like Asian coolies to do "voluntary" work with pick and shovel or even with bare hands, digging canals, preparing a railway bed, planting trees or harvesting. Farm workers were also granted incentive benefits of higher wages and pensions. They sought to increase arable land by yet further irrigation and land reclama­ tion projects. These emergency measures succeeded. That November 1976 at the Party Congress, Hoxha and Shehu were able to announce that during 1976 for the first time Albanian agriculture had met the country's re­ quirements for food grain. Because of the widening rift between Albania and its trading partner China, this may well have signaled the interruption of further grain shipments from China and the sheer necessity of surviving on their own food production, however adequate or inadequate that might be. Despite the urgent need for food production, the congress adopted agricultural goals for the Sixth 5-YP which were lower, but more realistic: only 38 percent increase instead of the 65 percent increase set for the previous 5-YP but never reached. Also, they designated only 11.7 percent of the state investment to underwrite the agricultural program, while as usual about six times that amount went to industry. The People's Assembly on 28 December 1976 adopted a new constitu­ tion, replacing the original one of 1946 which had been revised in 1950. First of all, its Articles 1 and 2 changed the official name of the state to the Peo­ ple's Socialistic Republic of Albania (RPSSH). The regime apparently no longer felt it necessary to conceal its real identity behind a "democratic front, but declared Marxism-Leninism its only ideology and the Com­ munist party its only political party (article 3). Numerous articles struck out viciously at Capitalists, Imperialists and Revisionists. Article 37 empha­

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sized the regime's antireligious stance: "The state recognizes no religion whatever and supports atheist propaganda for the purpose of inculcating the scientific materialistic world outlook in people." Article 55 provided that "the creation of any type of organization of a fascist, antidemocratic, religious or antisocialist character is prohibited. . . . Religious activities and propaganda are prohibited." The constitution also prohibited any eco­ nomic arrangement involving foreign loans or credits (article 28). It dis­ tinguished "personal" property (permitted by article 23) from "private" property (prohibited by article 16). It fixed pay ratios so as to prevent the creation of a privileged stratum (article 9). It placed the armed forces squarely under the control of the party and its first secretary as commander in chief (articles 88-89). It prohibited the establishment of foreign military bases and the stationing of foreign troops on Albanian soil (article 91). In short, this was a tough Stalinist document, and it served notice to the world that Albania was determined to stand on its own two feet. The antireligious stance of the regime was emphasized again with the issue of the new Albanian penal code in June 1977. Article 55 specified the penalties to be exacted for religious "agitation and propaganda." It pro­ vided that "religious propaganda and also the production, distribution or storage of literature of this kind" would be punished with imprisonment of between three and 10 years. In time of war, or if the offenses were con­ sidered serious, imprisonment was not for less than 10 years, and the death penalty could be imposed. Demographically, the population of Albania went up from an es­ timated one million in 1945 to 2,594,600 in January 1979. With a median age of 19, the population was extremely youthful: 42 percent being under 15, 37 percent between 15 and 39, 16 percent between 40 and 64, and only 5 percent over 65. Thus 80 percent of the population had known no govern­ ment other than that of Enver Hoxha (Liria 11 May 1979, 1). During this 5-YP (1976-1980) the average annual rate of population increase was over five times that in the rest of Europe (NAlb 1984, 4:29). T he Explosive R upture with M aoist C hina (July 1978)

Evidences of worsening relations with China were discernible in the economic reports heard at the Seventh Congress in November 1976. Instead of the usual effusive expressions of gratitude and extravagant praise of Chinese aid, there was only a brief, vague acknowledgment. But far worse than dwindling economic aid was the widening ideological gulf between the two sworn partners. The death of Premier Chou En-lai in 1976 and Chair­ man Mao Tse-tung later that same year, the accession of the "pragmatic" Hua Kuo-feng that 26 October and the purging of the radical "Gang of Four" from the Chinese Politburo all marked that country's move toward a more moderate ideological position certain to alienate the hard-line Al­ banian leadership. How profound the change! Just nine years before this, in October

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1967, the Chinese had hailed the visit of a 40-member Albanian delegation with the bold headline: THE MILITANT SOLIDARITY OF THE CHINESE AND ALBANIAN PEOPLE LIVES FOREVER. Friendly interviews with Chairman Mao and others confirmed that "the two sides are completely identical" in the struggle against "imperialism headed by the United States, modern revisionism with the Soviet revisionist leading clique as its center, and the Tito clique of renegades" (China Reconstructs January 1968,12-14). Certainly earlier experience with Yugoslavia and with the Soviet Union should have taught Albanian editors to indulge more sparingly in superlatives. But who could have foreseen then that Marshal Lin Piao, author of the introductory eulogy in Chairman Mao's "Little Red Book," and himself eulogized when visiting Tirana, would so soon become a "traitor and plotter" to be purged (1971) by a contrived plane crash? Or that China's "wonderful successes in all branches of advanced science and technology" should have proved so disappointing that she would deliberately seek modernization from the "capitalists and imperialists" of the West? Or that the "outstanding founder Mao Tse-tung" would so soon be repudiated, his portrait and revolutionary slogans removed from buildings by workmen using blowtorches? That his Great Cultural Revolu­ tion should be branded a "catastrophe"? That his loyal colleagues, the Gang of Four, should be tried and condemned in open court? Who could imagine that the "pure, strong, eternal friendship" between Albania and China, a friendship which "no storm whatsoever in the world, powerful as it may be, can ever shake," would in fact soon be shaken apart? (NAlb 1974, 5:16). But it was. So many developments in China only served to deepen the alienation. First and foremost, Chairman Mao had introduced controversy by wel­ coming American President Nixon to Peking in 1972 "without first holding preliminary talks with Albania" (Liria 4 August 1978, 4). Then he ignored a stream of complaints and advice from Hoxha on many subjects over the years, and "did not deign to give any answer" (ibid.). China's unilateral ap­ proaches to Moscow and Belgrade angered Hoxha, also Mao's intrusions into tangled Balkan affairs. The new chairman, Hua Kuo-feng, repudiated the stern Stalinist Mao and his bloody Cultural Revolution, said to have cost 400,000 lives and another 100 million persecuted (Tampa Tribune 20 December 1980, 12A). Yet Hoxha had imitated that same revolution! The Chinese leader had mercilessly prosecuted the radical Gang of Four led by Mao's widow, who precisely represented Hoxha's ultra-leftist ideology. Worst of all, he invited Hoxha's archenemy Marshal Tito of Yugoslavia to visit Peking for nine days in August 1977, to discuss his nonalignment policy. Also, he supported Cambodia in its border conflict with Vietnam while Hoxha was enthusiastically supporting the latter. For decades Alba­ nian leaders had castigated the leaders of Yugoslavia and later the USSR as Revisionist renegades, deviationists and traitors to the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary struggle. Now they placed China in the same detestable

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category. By now they knew that Albania had little to lose. Increasingly sharp editorials attacking China appeared repeatedly in the Tirana press. China announced its immediate cutoff of all aid to Albania on 7 July 1978, one year to the day after that unusually sharp editorial denunciation of China for its betrayal of Marxism-Leninism. All economic, cultural and military agreements were canceled, 513 Chinese specialists still in Albania were recalled, and 57 Albanian students in China were sent home. The im­ mediate response by the Albanian Telegraphic Agency (ATA) on 12 July abounded in diplomatic epithets like "arbitrary," "hypocrisy," "perfidious," "anti-Marxist," "blackmail," "revisionist," and "chauvinist" (Liria 21 July 1978, 1). Two weeks later the Central Committee of the PLA directed a harsh 56-page document to the Central Committee of the Chinese Com­ munist party detailing the many slights and grievances which had finally culminated in the split. Thus ended a trading partnership during which China had pumped an estimated U.S. $5 billion worth of economic and military aid into tiny Albania (Liria 4 August 1978, 1; Minn 1990, 15). China pointed out that their agreements had specified the completion of 142 projects, 91 of which had reached completion, with another 23 under construction. Despite very real shortages at home, China had supplied more than 1.8 million tons of food grains, more than one million tons of steel products, 10,000 tractors and help with electric power stations. China had also sent almost 6,000 Chinese technicians and military advisors to serve in Albania and had brought more than 2,000 Albanians to China for training. At this juncture the Soviet Union, through east European mediaries, quietly sounded out Tirana on resuming trade and diplomatic relations but was rebuffed. Hoxha now had to finish some housecleaning. One of the first pro-Chinese officials to be eliminated was Haki Toska, minister of finance, in November 1977. Then when the break with China actually occurred, history repeated itself. Just as Hoxha had purged pro-Yugoslav officials in 1948 and pro-Soviet officials in 1961, so now he purged pro-Chinese officials, even though he too had been such for years. Hoxha thereafter considered Tirana to have replaced Peking as the ideological center of the Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries of the world. He envisioned it also as the organizational center for the encouragement and promotion of world revolution. In effect, Hoxha proclaimed Albania the one bastion of genuine Marxism-Leninism left in the world. Disillusioned once again by these three decades of collaboration with the three once Stalinist nations, Hoxha now determined to "go it alone." He denounced with equal vehemence the Capitalistic Imperialism of the United States on the right, and the Socialistic Imperialism of the Soviet Union on the left. He considered them equally responsible for the ills of the world and held up his Stalinist Albania as the only revolutionary pattern for the nations. Thus over the years the Albanian leaders had signed pacts and heartily em­ braced their Communist big brothers and benefactors one after the other:

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Tito in 1944, Stalin in 1948 and Mao Tse-tung in 1961. They pledged eternal friendship and the traditional salutation, "Na rrofshi sa malet e Shqipërisë!" (May you live for us as long as the mountains of Albania!). But one after the other those three regimes had moderated their harsh Stalinist position. Hoxha and Shehu, however, had proved utterly incapable of adapting their inflexible Stalinist leadership to this existential situation of a rapidly chang­ ing world. A lbania 's Economic Isolation

Following the violent splits with Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union and China, Albania found no other patron. Intentionally or not, it had achieved the economic independence it had sought so long. Or was it economic isolation? Now it was really on its own. In retrospect, consider­ ing the billions of dollars of aid received and loans forgiven, it was neither cavalier nor honest for Hoxha to proclaim shortly after this that it was only "the Party, the people" who had "filled Albania with great factories, hydropower stations, etc." and "without holding out our hand to foreigners" whose aid has been "very restricted" and "imperialistic in character." He continued, "So we told those secret revisionists, renegades and traitors" that socialist Albania is "not for sale for a handful of rags, or for a few rubles, dinars or yuan" (NAlb 1984, 6:1). Hereafter Albania would have to do literally what it had always talked loosely about doing: "rely on our own forces." Self-reliance would now be the watchword. This was not to be "autarky," the very principle adopted by Fascist Italy when the League of Nations imposed halfhearted sanctions in the 1930s. They would not aim for economic self-sufficiency on a na­ tional basis and try to get along without imports. Rather, they would have imports from abroad, but only to the extent that they were covered by ex­ ports. Highway signs now appeared with the warning, "No exports, then no imports." The new constitution specifically prohibited foreign credits and loans because of their probable threatening implications. They would hereafter be self-reliant. They had to be. T he S ixth Five-Y ear P lan (1976-1980): Its Implementation

Industry. Although the Chinese canceled their promised grants and loans so vital to the achievement of the adopted objectives of the Sixth 5-YP, those objectives were not revised downward. On the contrary, the PLA appealed to the whole working population to fulfill the state plan "relying on its own forces." Thus by 1978 the regime could announce that "despite the anti-Albanian sabotage of the Chinese revisionists," the total industrial output had increased 26 percent over that of 1975 (Minxhozi 1979, 13). The three giant projects at Fierza, Elbasan and Ballsh were not completed in 1975 as planned, but their completion was now pushed energetically. The metallurgical complex at Elbasan, called "Steel of the Party," began producing steel in 1976. By 1980 it worked full cycle, pro­

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cessing the ore and producing rolled steel in more than 60 different forms and dimensions {NAlb 1981, 4:6), with a capacity of 800,000 tons of steel annually. The Fierza hydroelectric plant, "The Light of the Party," on the Drin River, was Albania's greatest power plant to date. Its 545foot-high dam created an artificial lake 42 miles long, which required the relocation and beautiful reconstruction of Kukes and 28 villages (NAlb 1981, 5:13; 1980, 6:2-3). When this 500,000-kilowatt plant began pro­ duction in December 1980, it tripled the country's electric power output. Men and equipment then moved downstream to the Roman site where they began construction of a yet more powerful plant with a dam 380 feet high, the equipment being imported from Yugoslavia, Austria and other western European states (Liria 20 June 1980, 1). Electric power was now becoming an increasingly important export to Yugoslavia and Greece. The big oil refinery at Ballsh near Fier was also completed during this 5-YP, this being the most important of Albania's four refineries. All the stages in the oil industry had now been mastered: prospecting, drilling, ex­ traction, transport and processing of oil and gas. New fields were also discovered. Technicians solved problems involved in drilling oil wells to depths of 16,000 feet and built rigs capable of drilling to great depths (NAlb 1981, 4:7). With annual production reaching five million tons, with no pri­ vately owned automobiles and abundant electric power, a large amount of oil now became available for the thirsty export market. The withdrawing Chinese left unfinished the important Enver Hoxha automotive and tractor complex at Tirana for manufacturing tractors and spare parts, allegedly taking with them all the plans for the project (Liria 16 February 1979, 3). Nevertheless, the plant produced its first tractor for Hoxha's seventieth birthday in October 1978. Coal extraction during this 5-YP increased by 63 percent. Great prog­ ress was reported also in the extracting and processing of chromium, cop­ per, chemicals, building materials, paper and timber. In fact, Albania now became the world's third largest producer of chromium, after the Soviet Union and South Africa. During this 5-YP the ferro-chrome refinery at Burrel, northeast of Kruja, first began processing chromium ore, another valuable export. Sales to Western markets would finance a new refinery to augment the Chinese enrichment plant just completed. The refining of cop­ per ore, first accomplished at Rubik, was greatly increased by the comple­ tion of the plant at Lach. Albania now began to supply nearly one-eighth of the world's copper. By this time the copper wire plant at Shkodra pro­ duced about 600 types, ranging from very fine wire to heavy cables, much of it for export. The extension of the railway system from Lach northward to Shkodra proceeded, requiring the construction of six major bridges totaling over 5,000 feet, and five railway stations with facilities for passengers and freight. The system was constructed largely by youth dedicating one month

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of volunteer labor annually. About 14,000 served in 1980 alone, with picks and shovels, sweat and enthusiastic songs. Of special benefit to the agricultural program was the construction of the giant nitrogenous fertilizer plant at Fier, the superphosphate plant at Lach and the tractor plant at Tirana. During these years the social composi­ tion changed sharply. Hoxha began with only about 15,000 industrial workers, but by 1976 they numbered 370,000. In 1950 industrial workers represented 11.2 percent of the population, growing to 36.2 percent in 1976. During the same period farmers dropped from 74.3 percent to 49.4 percent. Industrial output was heavily slanted toward exports of chrome, ironnickel, copper, oil and electricity, mainly in order to purchase the means of still further industrial expansion. Many domestic needs of course still had to be met by import or remain unmet. Trade agreements favored western European states such as Austria, Switzerland, France, Italy, Greece, Turkey, and Yugoslavia. Agriculture. Agricultural production at the close of the Sixth 5-YP was 21.4 percent higher than at its beginning. Planners gave continuing em­ phasis to intensive agriculture (training through two higher agricultural in­ stitutes and 260 agricultural secondary schools, mechanization, chemical fertilizers, soil surveys, seed improvement and pest control, thus more than tripling the average yield of wheat per acre, for instance) and to extensive agriculture (irrigation, drainage and terracing, which by 1978 provided 2.3 times the original arable land). With no economic partner available to bail Albania out it met the need for food grain in 1976 for the first time. Pressure was also applied for the "transformation of the agricultural cooperative from the property of a group to the property of all the people" so as to "wipe out the essential distinctions between the peasantry and the working class, and thus achieve the complete construction of socialism in the countryside" (Minxhozi 1979, 53). Once again, this euphemism bears careful analysis. Culture. Although the party announced that the citizens' real income had increased, annual per capita income was barely over U.S. $800, the lowest in Europe. Because citizens had no taxes, no inflation, no unemploy­ ment and very low house rental, the purchasing power of the low income had increased. The drive to popularize the use of the unified Albanian language con­ tinued. Several important works emerged: Dictionary o f the O rthography o f the Albanian Language (1976), Phonetics and Grammar o f Contem­ porary Albanian Written Language (1976-84), and The Albanian Literary Language fo r All (1976). Outstanding was the Dictionary o f the Contem­ porary Albanian Language (1980) with 41,000 words (including terms used in official documents, newspapers and textbooks) and very extensive lexical notes on usage, edited by Professor Androkli Kostallari, director of the Academy of Sciences' Institute of Linguistics and Literature. These volumes proved to be a monumental step forward in unifying the vocabulary, spell­ ing and definition of the Albanian language. This also marked the end of

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an era when the Albanian language was written in two literary variants, Geg and Tosk. Ethnic Albanians of Kosova province, Yugoslavia, had already decided in 1968 to use only the unified form of Albanian in their publications. Now the Arbëreshë villages of Calabria (Italy) won the right to teach their mother tongue, also to publish an Albanian paper. So in 1977 they agreed that "the present literary form" would be the only form of Al­ banian to be used (Liria 4 November 1977). Then in 1979 Professor N. P. Albani of Ankara, Turkey, deplored the continued use of the Geg and Tosk dialects by writers or editors in the Albanian communities overseas. He in­ sisted that they all must use the unified standardized Albanian language and demonstrate Naim Frashëri's declaration of 1899 that "Albanians are all one nation, one kindred, one family. They have one language, one custom, one blood, one heart, one spirit" (Liria 15 October 1983, 2). Culture must now replace religion. By now it must be obvious that the much-heralded "freedom of speech, of association and of the press, a prin­ cipal feature of proletarian democracy in the People's Republic of Albania" (SS Marshon 1969, 22-23) was honored in word only. Interestingly enough, the Communist regime condemned all religions as "gifts of the enemy," yet Communism too was a foreign import. To appear popularly as the legitimate heir of Albania's heroic past, the state had established in 1965 the Institute for the Preservation of the Monuments of Culture. Its purpose was to preserve and restore Albanian monuments dating from Il­ lyrian times to the present. By special decree, classical cities like Durrës, Berat, Kruja and Gjirokastra were declared "Museum Cities" and placed under the protection of the state (Liria 18 June 1976, 4). Among the temples, baths, theaters, fortresses and other monuments of culture to be preserved were the following. In Berat the St. Triadha and the St. Nicola churches of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries had been completely restored as of 1980, also the monastery of the Helveti sect of Islam (Liria 18 January 1980, 3). It was reported in 1978, "Steps have been taken to reinforce the basilicas of Voskopoja and the church of Ristos in Mborja in the Korcha district, and to preserve their mural paintings. Restoration work has been done on the iconostasis of the Himara cathedral, on a number of icons" (Liria 23 June 1978, 4). The architecture and art were celebrated, but the religious devo­ tion inspiring them was condemned. Albanian culture must replace all religious expression. A spectacular national folk festival was held at Enver Hoxha's Gjirokastra in early October 1978. Singers, dancers and instrumentalists — 1,560 finalists chosen from 50,000 competitors at local and district contests —appeared in the colorful costumes of the country's 26 districts. Their stage was the castle square, surrounded by ancient walls and tower­ ing mountains. For seven magical days and nights their traditional folk songs, folk dances and fantasy overflowed the square and filled the city streets. Prizes and honors were awarded. The number of participants, the rich variety of regional songs, dances, costumes and instruments —many of

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these known only locally until then —and the nationwide television fascina­ tion led the party to declare the discovery and preservation of this cultural heritage to be another "national treasure" (Liria 6, 13 June 1980, 3). No religious festival had ever attracted such universal fascination. To be re­ peated every five years, this festival must have impressed the party leaders that Albanianism really could serve as a substitute for religion. In the field of education, vocational training at all levels increased, with about 20,000 cadres or trained leaders receiving higher training in various specialties. This was about 57 percent more than during the Fifth 5-YP. There was an unhappy flurry at the beginning of the academic year 1976-1977 when many schoolteachers strongly criticized the school text­ books. They complained that too many authors restricted themselves to the monotonous repetition of certain stereotyped phrases and slogans (Religion 1982, 10:3, 253). The National Library at Tirana could now report over 800,000 volumes, whereas in 1939 it had had only 13,000 books. The per­ vasive interest in sports was indicated by the fact that in Tirana alone there were three big stadia, seven football fields, 60 basketball courts, 90 volley­ ball courts and 41 halls and gymnasia for indoor sports (Liria 9 April 1976). Universal involvement in sports would prove another effective functional substitute for religion. Religion. Supported now by the new constitution and the new penal code, the regime's determination to exterminate all religion stiffened. That same year (1977) Fr. Fran Mark Gjoni of Shkodra was brought to trial for having stored Bibles and other religious literature in his attic. Under torture Gjoni admitted that he had found Bibles in parks where they had been left by tourists, or at the shore where they had been floated in by sea, and that he was storing them in anticipation of the day when they again might be used openly (Broun 1989, 26). Gjoni was sentenced to 12 years in prison. Although the government-controlled news media managed a complete blackout, it is said that everyone in the country followed the trial with great interest. Ironically enough, the trial illustrated both the continued existence of religious faith in Albania and the outrageous efforts of the government to suppress such a mild expression of religion as this (ACB 1985, 43). A distraction which could hardly have been foreseen by the planners was the devastating earthquake in the Shkodra district on 15 April 1979. Killing 35 persons and injuring 379 others, it also leveled or damaged 10,255 homes and 439 public buildings. High government officials visited the area the following day to comfort the injured and homeless, help bury the dead and provide tents for shelter and medical assistance. They rallied the country to furnish cement, bricks, lumber, other building materials and an army of volunteers so that within five months all the buildings were either repaired or replaced with antiseismic structures, an incredible demonstration of solidarity (Liria 26 September 1980, 3). It just happened that that 15 April 1979 was Easter Sunday morning. A group of evangelical Christian tourists in Shkodra that morning de­

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scribed what happened. While awaiting the tour guide for the scheduled visit to the national Atheist Museum, they strolled along a quiet street. A sudden shudder felt as though a heavy truck was driving by. Then there was a roar as though a jet plane was flying too low overhead. Suddenly everything began to move. The lampposts swayed like blades of grass in the wind. Chimneys collapsed. Bricks and tiles shook off the roofs. People screamed and poured into the streets. The earthquake lasted only about 50 seconds, but it seemed like a half hour. The Christian group could only think of the biblical report of that first Easter morning: "And behold, there was a great earthquake" (Matthew 28:2). It seemed to them as though Nature had confirmed Christ's resurrection! Returning to their badly damaged hotel room, they heard the gruff announcement of their tour guide. Because of the earthquake, the scheduled visit to the Atheist Museum had been canceled (Open Doors March-April 1980, 8-9). How very appropriate for that Easter Sunday morning! That same Easter Day in 1979 found the 68-year-old Catholic Bishop Ernest Choba of Shkodra confined since 1974 at the labor camp of Papri near Elbasan. Fellow prisoners requested a secret Easter service. An infor­ mant notified prison guards. They entered the barracks and assaulted the bishop, tearing off his vestments, breaking the cross, and beating other prisoners who had gathered for the service. The nearly blind old priest, frail from the years of harsh imprisonment, was battered so severely that he died the following morning (Broun 1989, 27). His body was removed im­ mediately and buried in an unknown site. This was reported in Stockholm by a returning visitor, and it stirred universal indignation (ACB 1985, 43). One year later, in May 1980, Fr. Ndoc Luli became another victim. A Jesuit, he was confined at the Agricultural Cooperative Mali Jushit near Shkodra. His nephew's wife urgently requested him to baptize her newborn twins, and after much hesitation he yielded and quietly baptized them. But word reached the police, and the priest and his niece were harshly inter­ rogated. They were tried publicly in the recreation room of the cooperative. The niece was sentenced to eight years in prison at hard labor, while he was given an ambiguous sentence: "life until death." Friends were sure that he had died at the bottom of a mine, a victim of the dreaded Sigurimi (secret police). A former political prisoner claimed, however, that he saw Luli in the Ballsh labor camp in late 1982 (Amnesty 1984, 14). And it was later reported that he had been released in 1989 (Minn 1990, 91). T he S eventh Five-Y ear P lan (1981-1985)

Administration. The Eighth Congress of the PLA convened 1 to 7 November 1981 to hear Enver Hoxha's report summarizing the victories of the previous 5-YP. They had fulfilled the main tasks even though the Chinese Revisionists had canceled their aid. Then they received from the Central Committee of the PLA the draft directives defining the tasks for the seventh 5-YP. The targets were greater than ever, and the Congress faced

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the hard fact that for the first time they were drafting a 5-YP for which they could expect no foreign aid or credit. Hoxha declared, This Seventh 5-Year Plan will be the first plan based entirely on our own internal resources, and will be realized with our own forces alone, without any credit or economic aid from abroad. Just as in the past, with this 5-YP too the Albanian people will show the world, will show everybody, even the skeptics, how a country can be built and developed with its own forces when it is guided by Marxism-Leninism [Minxhozi 1979, 11].

Apparently in his enthusiasm he quite overlooked the literally billions of dollars which this tiny land had received from its earlier economic partners. Throughout his career Hoxha had warned his people to distrust foreign aid. Characteristic was his valedictory address at the great fortieth anniversary celebration of liberation on 29 November 1984: The aid of the foreigner has always been not only very limited, but while given under the guise of proletarian internationalism, in reality was prompted by enslaving imperialism. . . . Whether Titoist, Soviet revi­ sionists or those of China and Mao Tse-tung, the help they gave was hostile, enslaving, purposing to change Albania into their tail, hanging from them, losing our freedom and independence. So we tore the mask from them, and told them frankly and clearly that Socialist Albania, the Party of Labor of Albania and the people, do not sell themselves for three rags, neither for three rubles, three dinars or three yuan, just as they do not sell themselves for three charitable rags to the anglo-american im­ perialists, for their sterlings and dollars [Zëri 29 November 1984, 2].

The Eighth Congress also reviewed the ambitious percentage increases set for the production of scores and scores of products and services. They emphasized the necessity of a wider "circulation of commodities for the people's consumption" and demanded the enlistment of all the able-bodied population in socially useful work. Then they adopted the directives, despite "the difficulties created by the savage imperialist-revisionist blockade and encirclement." The sessions concluded with the exhortation, "The Central Committee of the Party calls on all the Party organizations, the working class, the cooperative peasantry, the intelligentsia and all our people, to take part as always with a high sense of responsibility" (NAlb 1981, 4:5). On the closing day of congress the Albanian Party of Labor led the massed thousands in a great jubilee celebration of the fortieth anniver­ sary of the founding of the Albanian Communist party. The Death o f M ehmet Shehu. On 18 December 1981, just six weeks after the great fortieth anniversary celebration, the Axhensia Telegrafike Shqiptare announced the shocking news that the prime minister, Mehmet Shehu, had suffered a nervous illness and had killed himself. Shehu was 67 years old and had served as prime minister for 27 years. The official

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newspapers the next day carried on page one the following simple an­ nouncement, with a picture: The Central Committee of the Albanian Party of Labor, the Presidium of the People's Assembly of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania and the Council of Ministers of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania an­ nounce that yesterday at dawn 18 December 1981, in a moment of nervous crisis, Comrade Mehmet Shehu, member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Albanian Labor Party and President of the Council of Ministers of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, killed himself [Zën 19 December 1981, 1].

A brief obituary followed. Significantly, there was nothing in the way of eulogy. Later news reported that Shehu had shot himself. It is quite understandable that speculation exploded around the world. An Albanian editor in the United States had observed following the purges of 1976, "Just about all the true national Liberation fighters have been crushed barbarously by Enver and by Mehmet Shehu. Now we ask, whose turn will come next, Enver or Mehmet, and which will throw his comrade into the trash bin first?!" (Heroizma April 1977, 3). The Yugoslav press claimed that Shehu was killed in a shoot-out with Hoxha himself at the height of a power struggle. An American columnist claimed that to preserve his leadership, Hoxha "took the precaution of shooting the Prime Minister" (Sunday Enterprise 9 December 1984). Time magazine asserted that Hoxha "tolerated no political opposition, but fre­ quently eliminated them, including his closest associate, Mehmet Shehu, allegedly for seeking close ties with the West" (Time 15 April 1985, 31). This does seem plausible in the light of his many purges of top officials and con­ fidantes. Also within one month all Shehu's followers had disappeared from government office. From Greece we have a somewhat different scenario, originating with one Kosta Moukas, an ethnic Greek who escaped from Albania in midJanuary 1983. A Greek newspaper reported in February 1983 that while serving a prison term in Ballsh the previous September, Moukas had talked with the disgraced former private secretary of Enver Hoxha. This man con­ firmed that Hoxha had ordered an Albanian soldier to execute the prime minister, Mehmet Shehu, in his office, later announcing it as a suicide. A British military journal entitled Arm ed Forces followed this drama with more than ordinary interest. It had another explanation. Like General Balluku, Shehu as defense minister had reached the conclusion that modern warfare made the "People's War and Pillbox" strategy of the Chinese quite unreasonable. He also found his inventory of aging Soviet and Chinese military hardware hopelessly inadequate. His tanks, armored personnel carriers, planes, helicopters, artillery, torpedo boats, submarines, etc., were very few, obsolete, and largely inoperable due to the lack of spare parts. His armed forces had absolutely no antitank, antiaircraft or antiship

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capability. Worse still, Albania's complete isolation from both Eastern and Western bloc nations made the modernization of her military capacity im­ possible. British analysts believe that Shehu had argued with Hoxha for the ending of Albania's international isolation which had adversely affected Albania in so many ways. So Hoxha, the ruthless Stalinist, purged his lifetime colleague just as he had so many others. Then he tried to justify the death by charging that Shehu had tried to assassinate him, and that at last Shehu had been revealed as a secret agent for the CIA, the KGB and the Yugoslav SDB! (A rm ed Forces May 1987, 211-12). Hoxha seems to have settled on this as the justification for the liquida­ tion of Shehu. In reporting on the fulfillment of the state plan for 1982, he declared, "A victory of extremely great importance for the Party and our people was the uncovering and smashing of the hostile activity of the arch­ agent Mehmet Shehu and his band'' (AT1983, 2:2). In late 1984 he repeated this accusation during an address on party unity, saying, "On this unity the enemies of every color and stamp have broken their heads, from the time of Anastas Lula and Koçi Xoxe up to the plotter band of the multiagent Mehmet Shehu" (Zëri 8 November 1984, 2). To tighten his personal control of the nation, however, he is reported to have replaced 16 top officials in 22 and 23 November 1982. One year later in November 1983 it was reported that three cabinet ministers had been executed: Minister of the Interior Sfecor Shehu, Minister of Health Ziçishti, and Minister of Defense Hasbiu. All three were accused of having spied for Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union and the United States. The violent death of so many of Hoxha's close associates has given rise to speculation as to the possibility, even the probability, of a correlation between Hoxha's deteriorating health and his vindictiveness and paranoia directed toward many of his former friends and trusted associates. This alone might explain the large number of cabinet ministers, government and party officials, army officers and others who were executed or imprisoned during the closing years of his life (ACB 1985, 60-61). Hoxha was usually pictured as disarmingly pleasant, cultured, surrounded by attractive children who called him "Uncle Enver." A foreign visitor, however, characterized him as "ruthless," recalling the following incident: A security man slammed a car door on the fingers of a foreign guest, and was sentenced on the spot to six years of hard labor. The guest pleaded for clemency, on the ground that the injury had been unintentional. Hoxha replied that six years of hard labor was a very lenient sentence. "If I had my way he would get a bullet through the head. If he is so careless with our friends, how can he be vigilant with our enemies?" [Religion Winter 1986, 270],

Another was quoted as saying, "I have known eleven Party secretaries from Shkodra. They are all dead." Here the commentator drew his finger ex­ pressively across his throat (ibid.).

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Industry. Industry again occupied front stage center during this Seventh 5-YP. The giant 600,000-kilowatt hydropower station under con­ struction at Koman was named after Enver Hoxha. On 25 March 1985 the first of four 80-ton stators imported from France was installed by French engineers, who then left the Albanian engineers to complete the project (Liria September 1988, 8). The engineers pledged to have the first two of the four turbines functioning by the end of the year. On 22 November, on the eve of the celebrations of independence and of liberation, they reported the first generation of electric power seven days earlier than the time pledged (Liria 1 January 1986, 1). The builders pledged to commission the second turbine that December. The Elbasan steel combine was expanded so as to use a second blast furnace and a continuous steel-pouring line and produce steel pipes of various sizes, as well as light and heavy steel plate, stainless steels and tool steels (NAlb 1981, 4:6). The railway system involved 15,000 youth­ ful workers who, having completed the Elbasan-Librazhd-Pogradec line through mountainous terrain, now undertook the Fier to Vlora line. This 22-mile roadbed, completed in October 1985, involved 137 bridges, culverts and dikes, a 940-foot bridge over the Vjosa River, a one-halfmile tunnel and a modern passenger and freight station at Vlora (NAlb 1984, 4:26). The railway network was also extended northward, the last 22 miles of the Lezha-to-Shkodra line being completed at the close of November 1981. This, like the other lines, embodied the sweat and toil of 7,000 volunteers, 1,270 university students in September alone. They completed three big bridges, 15 smaller ones and 120 culverts besides the passenger and freight stations at Shkodra. The arrival of the first train was welcomed with songs and dances (NAlb 1981, 5:16; 1981, 6:9). Workers then extended the line northward 22 miles farther to Hani i Hotit on the Yugoslav border. There on 11 January 1985 it joined the short link to Titograd, the capital of Montenegro which is on the electrified 300-mile express line between Belgrade and the south Yugoslav port of Bar, formerly Tivari. This first Albanian link with the international railway net­ work will allow much more rapid movement of its goods into Yugoslavia and northward to Austria and other European countries with which trade has developed rapidly since the 1970s. This railway link, like the others, was built largely by the "heroic youth . . . keeping the pick, rifle and book in their hands, and the teachings of the Party and Comrade Enver Hoxha in their hearts and minds" (NAlb 1985, 1:5). The very next day, 12 January, Greek and Albanian officials with many hundreds of citizens of both countries reopened the border crossing at Kakavia for the first time in over 40 years. A second border crossing was opened at Kapështicë near Bilisht in the Korcha district (Liria 1 February 1985,1). Beginning operation in the fall of 1983, Albania's first international ferry service began carrying freight between the ports of Trieste and

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Durrës. Long considered a hermit state, Albania was now opening trade doors with its neighbors. Geologists from the Institute of Studies and Design of Geology and Mines had explored every district of the country from 1960 to 1980 in order to locate deposits of about 40 different useful minerals. The resulting geological map of Albania went to the printer at the end of 1981, but exten­ sive commercial exploitation had already begun, creating new mining centers and new communities. Several mines were extended and new mines opened. During this 5-YP alone the extraction of copper ore increased 53 percent, and 70 percent of the 600 kinds of wire and cable produced in Shkodra was exported to foreign markets. This plant was expanded so as to produce an additional 3,000 tons of wire and cable the following 5-YP. The chemical industry also expanded constantly. By 1985 the nitrogenous ammonium plant at Fier produced twice the chemical fertilizer produced in 1965, and the superphosphate plant at Lach also doubled its capacity. Big chemical enterprises in Tirana and Durrës produce pesticides, oxygen, oil paint, enamel, ink, detergents, etc. Then in 1983 the Chamber of Commerce published a directory of export goods listed in Albanian, English and French. The list is simply too vast and varied to attempt any summary. Exports this 5-YP, however, were running 60 percent higher than five years earlier. Agriculture. Agriculture and industry, the two basic branches of the economy, were considered the two legs on which the economy advances. Once again, however, only about 29 percent of the state investment this Seventh 5-YP was devoted to the development of agriculture. The state made major investments in cooperatives to bring about the gradual reduc­ tion of cooperativist property and increased state ownership until all of it "becomes the property of the whole people" (NAlb 1984, 4:4). They urged further steps to intensify production in agriculture, livestock farming and fruit growing by scientific treatment of land and further improvement of seeds and breeds. Irrigation was extended to 70,000 acres of land. The pro­ duction of bread grain increased by 267,000 tons. The production of fruit skyrocketed with the accelerated planting of vast blocks of land: 200,000 fig trees near Berat, 300,000 chestnut trees in Tropoja, 3,700 acres of grapes in Tirana and as many in six other districts, 250,000 acres of olive trees along the coastlines of 17 districts, large blocks with apples, plums, cherries and peaches in Korcha and six other districts, and vast citrus blocks in the Vlora and Sarands districts. The Lukova plantation alone had 7,500 acres in oranges, lemons and olives. New factories processed olives, grapes and citrus fruits, and many livestock farming complexes were built for raising cattle, pigs and poultry. Happily summarizing the situation, leaders reported that "agriculture meets all the needs of the country's population, the greater part of the requirements of industry for raw materials, and also exports products to foreign markets" (NAlb 1984, 4:2). This had not come easily. One has only to read the official newspapers

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to become aware of the exclusive preoccupation with greater and greater production. The newspapers carried very few pictures, no "comics," no sporting news, no human interest stories, no personal scandals and little in­ ternational news. But there were solid pages of print on the progress of sow­ ing and harvesting various crops in various localities and the output of various products by various enterprises. There was praise for those produc­ ing on schedule, lavish praise for those producing ahead of schedule, and rebuke for those behind schedule. Then for all, day after day, there were bold black slogans: 'LET US WORK ACTIVELY AND WITH LENGTHENED HOURS, DAY AND NIGHT, TO TAKE FROM THE FIELD ALL THE AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS OF AUTUMN" (Zëri 7-11 October 1984, 1). Other consecutive days: "LET US WORK EVERY DAY ACTIVELY AND AGGRESSIVELY SO AS TO FULFILL ALL TARGETS" (ibid., 14ff November 1984, 1). And yet again, repeatedly, "WITH AGGRESSIVE WORK AND HIGH ACTIVE SPIRIT, WITH STRONG PROLETARIAN DISCIPLINE, LET US WORK DAY AND NIGHT TO FULFILL AND SUR­ PASS THE TARGETS IN EACH SECTOR OF THE ECONOMY!" (Zëri 19ff January 1985, 1). Nothing else really mattered. At last the economy was sufficient. Exports exceeded needed imports. Granted that occasionally an overly ambitious goal was not quite reached. That did not mean failure. It only meant that it might take one year longer to realize the overly ambitious goal. But consider the depths from which this country had come in 40 years! They must have overheard the little verse with which American children a generation ago were exhorted to achieve: "Plan on more than you can do, then do it./ Bite off more than you can chew, then chew it. / Hitch your wagon to a star, hold your seat,/ And there you are!" See once again their agricultural report for 1984: "Agriculture meets all the needs of the country's population, the greater part of the requirements of industry for raw materials, and also exports products to foreign markets" (NAlb 1984, 4:2). Culture. Culture was redirected at the Eighth Congress. The party in­ structed that "culture, literature and the arts must be linked even more closely with the socialist reality in our country . . . reflecting it more exten­ sively . . . in the service of the socialist construction" (NAlb 1981, 6:7). In ordering this, of course, they risked further offending the intelligentsia with the repetition of slogans and shibboleths. Three important books now ap­ peared, however: one on Albanian folklore, another on Albanian proverbs and one on Albanian flora. Fortunately this was not sensitive territory. To popularize the standardized Albanian language, as progressively defined by the scholars, the Academy of Sciences in 1981 began publication of a magazine designed for the masses, entitled Our Language. Com­ memorating the fortieth anniversary of national liberation, the Academy of Sciences with the University of Tirana organized a linguistic conference for 7 to 8 December 1984 on "The Albanian National Literary Language and Our Time." Officials, scholars, teachers, journalists and specialists attended.

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Professor Androkli Kostallari presented the main report, while eight other reports by linguistic specialists and 34 additional papers from within and without the country were delivered, discussed and publicized. That same year (1984) the University of Prishtina in Yugoslavia's Kosova province hosted an "International Seminar of the Albanian Language, Literature and Culture." The symposium dedicated a scientific session to Kristoforidhi. The 15 presentations dealt with his different con­ tributions to the Albanian language, literature and culture. Here it was pointed out that "The Albanian Orthodox Church leaders were initially op­ posed to the Albanian translation of Kristoforidhi, but when they declared their autonomy, they adopted his translation for the special liturgy. The evangelistary of Gospel selections which are proclaimed daily during the liturgy, are now Kristoforidhi's translation by 'Order of the Holy Synod'" (Tirana, Tip. Gutenberg, 1930) (ACB 1990, 172). Mid-May concerts in Tirana had become an annual tradition. All the professional troupes of the capital, as well as dozens of other amateur ar­ tistic troupes of collectives, industrial enterprises and educational centers, participated, with nationwide coverage and awards. Another traditional festival was the Radio-Television Song Festival held in late December. Of the 120 original songs submitted in the 1984 competition, 24 were selected and performed at the festival, and prizes were awarded. The National Folk Festival held every five years at Gjirokastra displayed over 300 kinds of col­ orful folk costumes in October 1983, with 1,600 participating as winners of a massive competition of 70,000 singers, dancers and instrumentalists from the local and district festivals. The fifth national Spartakiad or traditional sports festival held in October 1984 involved 760,000 sportsmen and women of 14 categories of sport throughout the country for the prelimi­ naries, and 1,255 of the nation's best for the finals (NAlb 1984, 6:36-37). Every year additional cultural agreements with foreign countries are signed, with enjoyable exchanges in the fields of art, culture, science and sports. The performances of a French folk ensemble and the state folk dance group from Turkey in July 1983, for instance, brought rave reviews (Liria 15 August 1983,1). Despite the large and loyal Albanian community in the United States, the Stalinist regime could never envision such a cultural ex­ change with that politically unacceptable country. By this time television was coming of age in Albania. When the first black-and-white TV receivers were assembled at the Durrës plant in 1970, only the wooden cabinets were produced locally, the other parts being im­ ported. Gradually the metal and plastic parts were produced locally. Then by 1978 the transformers and printed circuits were locally produced, and by 1982 the channels group, and in 1984 experimental study of color TV sets and computers began (NAlb 1984, 3:11-12). Tirana's quite up-to-date TV studios reached most homes throughout the country. Several additional stations and a network of repeater stations were planned for this 5-YP to assure the complete coverage of Albanian territory.

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The National Library in Tirana reported 800,000 volumes in 1980 and added between 20,000 and 25,000 more every year. It collected and preserved just about everything ever printed in the Albanian language and most publications in foreign languages on Albanian themes. Four reading rooms accommodated 400 readers at a time. About 1,000 readers used the library each day. Then the National Museum of History was also opened at Tirana in 1981. This was without question the most magnificent building in the country, the façade featuring a colorful heroic-size mosaic 122 feet long by 36 feet high. The museum contained historic and cultural exhibits from the Stone Age to the present, with modern facilities for scientific lectures and study. Other museums established by the regime include the Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg national museum in Kruja, the arms museum in Gjirokastra displaying weapons used by Albanians in the struggles for freedom and ar­ cheological, educational and art museums in various districts. Most vil­ lages and towns had "house museums" to commemorate local heroes, patriots or cultural figures to be remembered and emulated. There were over 2,000 museums and house museums in this nationwide network. The Second Colloquium of Illyrian Studies was convened at the Museum of National History in Tirana from 20 to 22 September 1985, ex­ actly 13 years after the historic first colloquium. The sponsoring Academy of Sciences with its president, Professor Aleks Buda, had adopted the theme: "The Illyrians: Origin, Civilization, Heritage." Attending were not only leaders of science, education and culture of Tirana and all the districts, but archeologists and linguists from 12 countries of both the Eastern and Western blocs. A primary concern was the Indo-European influx of Balkan territories during the third millennium b . c . and their gradual fusion with earlier inhabitants during the Bronze Age to form the pre-Illyrian culture which they called "Pelasgian." A second concern was the consensus that the Illyrian culture developing during the Bronze Age in the western Balkans was confirmed by the reading of many research papers by international ex­ perts in the fields of ethnography, history, linguistics, numismatics, an­ thropology, art, architecture and especially archeology. The League of Albanian Writers and Artists (LAWA) celebrated its fortieth anniversary at Tirana's Higher Institute of Arts on 7 October 1985. Participating were writers, artists and personnel from the publishers, printers, theaters, music world, art galleries, films, radio and television, as well as party officials. Membership in the LAWA had risen from 70 to 1,962. Outstanding writers, poets, composers, painters, sculptors and others were awarded national honors. All were urged to use their literary and artistic skills to further the ideological purity of the masses and their militant construction of socialism. High ranking personalities and scholars from the Albanian art world joined their Italian counterparts at the exhibi­ tion of "Albanian Art through the Centuries," held at the Pigorini ethnographic museum in Rome in February 1985. Representatives of the Arbëresh communities of southern Italy also attended.

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Human rights issues surfaced repeatedly. In 1981 the United Nations Organization adopted an International Bill of Human Rights which had been under discussion for 20 years. It included a declaration on freedom of religion and belief which proclaimed the right of the individual "to manifest his religion or belief in free worship, observance, practice and teaching," limited only by the state's need to protect public safety, order, health or morals, or the fundamental rights and freedoms of others. It further declared that the state is to take effective measures to prevent and eliminate discrimination based on religion or belief "in all fields of civil, economic, political, social and cultural life" (CT 22 January 1982, 32). Proud of its UN membership, Albania has never practiced these declarations! Human rights dramas multiplied during this seventh 5-YP, from 1981 to 1985. A former prisoner, Kostas Moukas, succeeded in escaping over the Albanian-Greek border early in 1983. He reported having seen the blood­ stained body of a 19-year-old man belonging to the Greek minority in the village of Frashtani in December 1982. The man had attempted to flee across the border and had been shot by border guards. An official had ordered that his body be dragged by a tractor through the border villages of Dropull as a warning to others of the consequences of any escape attempt (Amnesty 1984, 14). Also early in 1983 one Qamil Hajdini succeeded in escaping to Greece. Proceeding to Belgium, he wrote a harrowing account of his 18 years of im­ prisonment, Cain and Stalin. Accused as a spy and political agitator, he had been imprisoned and tortured, by methods including electric shocks. He wrote that the many petty criminals in the state prisons ingratiated themselves with the police officials by informing on political prisoners. At the Burrel labor camp such informers had caused Hajdini's sentence to be extended. He also detailed the mistreatment in psychiatric wards of prisoners who had been broken down physically or mentally by extended torture, starvation and hard labor (Dielli 25 May 1988, 4). Then there was the Masselin Affair. On 18 June 1984 an unidentified motor boat with three men on board crossed the Strait of Corfu and ap­ proached the Saranda coast. Border guards challenged the intrusion, call­ ing the men to identify themselves. Instead, they hastily withdrew. The border patrol "was obliged to fire warning shots." A few days later Greek sailors found the body of a French national shot through the head. JeanMarie Masselin, an employee of the Club Mediterranë, had approached too close to the forbidden coast. The French press screamed its indignation. France temporarily recalled its ambassador from Tirana. Under the title "Unjustifiable Clamor," the magazine Albania Today repeated the Zen i Popullit article of 7 July rationalizing the shooting. It declared that the duty of all border guards is to halt and identify trespassers along the border. The French team would not comply. The Albanian border guards "could not know whether the trespassers were French, Greek, Russian or men sent in by the son of ex-king Zog." The guards were not "savage killers" as charged

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by the French newspapers. They just did their duty (AT July 1984, pages not numbered). One commentator remarked sardonically that Albania is certainly unique among Communist nations, in that they shoot not only people trying to get out of the country, but also people trying to get in! Then that 1 August 1984 a dramatic escape from intolerable conditions received wide publicity. Two sisters, Isabela (30) and Zamira (26), with a brother, Klement (28) Islami, had been expelled from the University of Tirana for refusing to join the Communist party. Sent to a collective farm for "reeducation," they reportedly had to work 12 hours a day without pay and received disciplinary beatings. For a year they planned their escape. They left the farm at Lushnja on the pretext of visiting their grandmother. Under cover of darkness they reached the Saranda coast and swam 13 hours across the six-mile strait to the island of Corfu, Greece, the brother Klement drowning in the process. The two sisters were picked up by an Italian yacht one mile from Corfu. There they sought political asylum and eventually reached the United States. "Leaving family behind was difficult," the sisters recounted, "but the choice was either attempting freedom or death. We realized very quickly that it was God's hand that carried us to safety, as we prayed fervently while battling the large waves" (ACB 1984, 28). Another escapee commented, "So far nobody has tried to swim into Albania." The last year of this 5-YP, 1985, began with calamity upon calamity. After 6 January 1985 a week of heavy rain followed by heavy snow over the northern mountains, with strong winds and temperatures far below zero, resulted in both flooding and avalanches. Homes and barns collapsed, killing livestock and leaving 50 persons dead and many others injured and homeless. The whole nation mobilized trucks, bulldozers, helicopters, military and medical personnel and volunteer muscle power. They rallied to the relief of the stricken population with the slogan "one for all, and all for one." But a greater calamity would soon follow. THE D EA TH OF ENVER H OXH A (1 9 0 8 -1 9 8 5 ): THE END OF AN ERA The death of Mehmet Shehu introduced this quinquennium, and the death of Enver Hoxha closed it. This was indeed the end of an era. The death of Hoxha caught his people quite unprepared. The foreign press had reported his having visited France in 1983 for medical treatment. An observer reported seeing him holding up one hand with the other, confirm­ ing rumors that he had suffered a stroke. But the Albanian media had made little or no allusion to Hoxha's illness or disability. His public appearances, however, were becoming more infrequent. Photographs illustrating newspaper articles were obviously old pictures showing him in his prime. Rarely was he seen personally, for he was becoming increasingly haggard and frail. Cardiac problems forbade his climbing stairs, so they quietly in­ stalled an elevator at the Tirana stadium for the Independence Day celebra­ tion, 1984. But he could not stand for long, either, so he and his Politburo

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attendants all remained seated for the patriotic exercises (Dielli 28 April 1989, 5). So his eventual passing found the people quite unprepared. A tourist in Tirana described what he saw the day Hoxha died: In a park in Tirana a group of men were standing around a radio. One of them suddenly ran away like a madman and threw himself on the grass, wildly swinging his arms and legs. Others started screaming and crying loudly. Some pulled at their clothes and hair. They had just received word that Enver Hoxha was dead. We saw people everywhere in the city crying. Our guide was unable to utter a word or lead us the rest of the day. He told us later that he had never cried like that before. "We owe everything to Hoxha!" he exclaimed. "He was like a father to us" [O pen D oors, MayJune 1985, 7).

That Wednesday, 10 April 1985, the official newspapers carried the usual tedious bulletins and reports of production targets fulfilled or un­ fulfilled and more of the usual slogans and exhortations. But on Thursday, 11 April 1985, it was explosively different. A heavily black-bordered front page carried the bold headlines: "DEEP GRIEF FOR THE PARTY AND ALL THE ALBANIAN PEOPLE. OUR BELOVED LEADER COMRADE ENVER HOXHA DIED" (Zëri 11 April 1985,1). Accompanying his picture was a lengthy eulogy beginning, "With sorrow and profound grief we in­ form you that today, on April 11,1985 at 2:15 a . m . , the heart of the beloved and glorious Leader of the Party and our people, Comrade Enver Hoxha, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Labor Party of Albania, Commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces of the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, stopped beating." Following the names of the 20 officials designated to serve on the com­ mission to organize the funeral ceremony, there was a detailed medical report by a distinguished medical team. Enver Hoxha had suffered since 1948 with diabetes which gradually caused widespread damage to the blood vessels, heart, kidneys and certain other organs. In 1973 as a consequence of this damage a myocardial infarction occurred with rhythmic irregular­ ity. During the following years a serious heart disorder developed. On the morning of 9 April 1985, an unexpected ventricular fibrillation occurred. Despite intensive medication, repeated fibrillation and its irreversible con­ sequences in the brain and kidneys caused death at 2:15 a . m . on 11 April 1985. This official communique filled page one. Page two of the newspaper was blank. There was no page three and four as usual. The death of Enver Hoxha was the only news that really mattered. The next day, 12 April, the same black-bordered front page was repeated. Again there was no page three and four, but page two carried other headlines: "COMRADE ENVER HOXHA WILL LIVE FOREVER BELOVED, HONORED AND RE­ SPECTED IN THE HEARTS OF ALL COMMUNISTS AND OF OUR PEOPLE." There was a tribute from Tirana, the capital, entitled "A

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GREAT FAMILY, WITH A GREAT GRIEF. There was also a tribute from his home town, Gjirokastra, "THERE REMAINS NO EYE WITHOUT A TEAR, NEITHER HEART WITHOUT A PLEDGE." And there was another from mountainous Dibra, "THE PARTY WILL LIVE LIKE ENVER WANTED IT TO." There were two announcements. The government decreed as days of national mourning 11 through 18 April. All institutions and state and social organs should lower their national flags to half mast. All performances at theaters, cinemas, concerts and other cultural or sports activities should be suspended. At the time of burial all work should be suspended for five minutes, and the sirens of factories, trains and ships sounded. At the same time 21 gun salutes should be fired in the national capital, and five salutes in 10 selected cities. The Funeral Commission also announced that Enver Hoxha's body would lie in state in the hall of the Presidium of the People's Assembly and designated the visiting hours when citizens could pay their last respects to the fallen leader. The funeral ceremony was set for 11 o'clock 15 April in Skanderbeg Square, with interment following at the Cemetery of the Martyrs of the Na­ tion. The following days of mourning the newspapers and other publica­ tions were filled with articles, poems and pictures commemorating Enver Hoxha. Tributes poured in from all over the country and all over the world, even from the United Nations Organization. Several countries expressed a desire to send a delegation to the funeral. The commission thanked them for their messages of condolence, but added, "The presence of foreign state delegations on such occasions is not compatible with the practice of our state." A Soviet telegram of condolence was bluntly sent back as unaccept­ able. Meanwhile, for several days thousands of mourners filed past the coffin of their leader. That Saturday, 13 April, the Central Committee of the PLA took steps to perpetuate the name and work of Comrade Enver Hoxha by setting up monuments in Tirana the capital, Gjirokastra his birthplace and Korcha where he had studied and taught. The committee stipulated that four memorial services the following 1 May should perpetuate the Enver Hoxha name. The University of Tirana should also bear his name, henceforth to be called "The Enver Hoxha University of Tirana." The Pioneers' youth organization should hereafter bear the name "The Pioneers of Enver." The seaport of Durrës should bear the name "The Enver Hoxha Seaport of Durrës." The agricultural enterprise centered at Plasa, Korcha district, should be called "The Enver Hoxha Agricultural Enterprise." The Central Committee also unanimously elected Enver Hoxha's colleague and trusted friend Ramiz Alia to succeed him as first secretary of the Central Commit­ tee of the Party of Labor of Albania. Many Albania-watchers believe that Alia, Albania's president since 1982, had served as the real ruler of Albania since Hoxha had begun to withdraw from public view because of deteri­ orating health a year before his death. During this closing period Hoxha

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had devoted himself to additional memoirs and ideological treatises, his published works at the time of his death numbering 39 volumes. The state funeral took place Monday, 15 April. At 9:00 a . m . the party leaders bade Hoxha their last farewell, followed by his wife, Nexhmije, his children and relatives. Foreign comrades from fraternal Marxist-Leninist parties paid homage and placed wreaths. At 10 o'clock the leaders of the party and state came out of the hall of the Presidium bearing on their shoulders the coffin covered with the national flag. They placed the coffin on a gun carriage and advanced slowly accompanied by solemn music through the weeping throngs to Skanderbeg Square. Thousands had gathered: workers, farmers, students, party members, partisan compan­ ions, the military, district representatives, organization members, officials of party and government, family and friends. Ramiz Alia, Hoxha's successor, gave the memorial address, with this opening sentence: "Comrades, brothers and sisters, we are parting from the greatest man that Albanian soil has ever brought forth, the founder of the New Albania, our beloved leader, our dear comrade, brother and teacher, Enver Hoxha" (NAlb 1985, 2:4). Even the legendary Skanderbeg seems to have been put into eclipse. Consistently then throughout the printed text the personal references were capitalized as for a deity: He, His, Him, and the Man. There were words of remembrance, of gratitude and of fare­ well and pledges of obedience. Then the cortege moved slowly toward the Cemetery of the Martyrs of the Nation. Party and state leaders again shouldered the coffin and walked with heavy steps to the grave. Throughout all Albania work ceased. Sirens wailed. The gun salutes were fired. Slabs of red marble were placed over the grave. They bore the gold inscription: Enver Hoxha, 1908-1985. Innumerable wreaths were laid. Enver Hoxha had ruled for 42 years, longer than any other leader in the Communist world. Now he was gone. But a remarkable legacy remained. THE ENVER H O XH A LEG A C Y: A NEW A L BA NI A During the four remarkable decades of the Enver Hoxha rule, very few things remained unchanged. Albania did, of course, retain its peren­ nial location on the Adriatic Sea, with Yugoslavia on its north and east, and Greece on its south. Its size remained unchanged since the London Conference of Ambassadors defined its frontiers in 1913. Its 11,101 square miles made it about the size of Maryland or Belgium. Its north-to-south maximum distance remained at 210 miles, its maximum east-to-west dis­ tance at 90 miles. Its climate remained the same: mild Mediterranean along the low coastline, cooler continental weather on the higher ele­ vations. Its capital city remained Tirana. It was still isolated, with no international highway passing through it and no international flights passing over it. However, just about everything else about the country was new.

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This Is a New Day. The country's name was no longer simply "Albania," but the People's Socialist Republic of Albania. Its national Hag, a double-headed black eagle on a red field, now carried a Communist red star outlined in gold right over the eagle, just where Italian Fascists had once superimposed their own symbol, the fasces. Its new government was not only Socialist, but Communist, defiantly Communist in the tough Stalinist tradition. Having repudiated its lucrative economic partnerships with Yugoslavia, then the Soviet Union, and finally mainland China because of their Revisionism, Albania now announced itself the only bas­ tion of orthodox Marxism-Leninism left in the world. Either introspective paranoia or manipulative psychology led this tiny fortress of Stalinism to dot the countryside with concrete pillboxes and bunkers so as to rally the people against the "savage imperialist-revisionist blockade and encircle­ ment" which threatened them. New political divisions were decreed, resulting in 26 administrative districts. Hoxha also left his country a larger population. Instead of one million there were three million in September 1986, with four million anticipated by the year 2000. Over three-fourths of these were under 40, and probably 85 percent of these would remember no other regime than that of Hoxha. He left Albania with the highest population density in the Balkans and the greatest annual growth rate in Europe, 2.63 percent. The administration asserts that 56 percent of the population is of working age. This was central in Hoxha's Socialist philosophy. He maintained that as the population in­ creased, and all able-bodied workers were employed in socially useful work, the increasing production would not only enable the state to provide food, education, health, housing and cultural advantages, but would also progressively raise the standard of living of the people (NAlb 1984, 3:12). Hoxha's new constitution, replacing that of 1946, was adopted by the People's Assembly on 28 December 1976. This change had become necessary so as to correspond with the new Socialist order brought about by the expropriation of all private property, industries, businesses and pro­ fessions, and by the forced collectivization of agriculture. Private enter­ prise and ownership guaranteed by the postwar constitution were now replaced by so-called democratic centralism, with "everything being owned by all the people," or more accurately, by the state, and under the absolute control of the state. The Party Controlled the State Administrative Apparatus. The Com­ munist Party of Labor became the sole political force allowed in the coun­ try, even though it comprised only about 4 percent of the population. The Communist party nominated one person from its own membership as the only candidate for each office. All citizens 18 or older (unless legally declared incompetent) had the right to vote for these candidates, or even vote for their recall, "thus expressing the sovereignty of the people,' or the

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"dictatorship of the proletariat." Thus in April 1986 the total number of registered voters on the electoral lists was 1,796,948. One hundred percent of them took part in the elections. More than 99.99 percent of the electors voted for the candidates on the party ballot. Of course, they had no alter­ native choice. Such an election expresses not so much the vaunted "sovereignty of the people" as it does the "sovereignty of the Party." Hoxha left Albania one of the decreasing number of countries in the world which still advocated absolute control of the state by the party. The constitution declared that the "highest organ of state power" was the People's Assembly, composed exclusively of party members nominated by the party and elected or endorsed directly by the people. This was the only "lawmaking organ," which also elected the Presidium of the People's Assembly, the Council of Ministers, the Supreme Court, the attorney general, etc. This legislature or People's Assembly was composed of about 250 deputies elected for a four-year term, about 40 percent being industrial workers, about 30 percent coming from the agricultural peasantry, and the remainder from the intellectual or professional class. Because the assembly convened only twice a year, it elected from its ranks at its first session the Presidium —a president, who was the head of state, as well as three vice presidents, a secretary and 10 members. The Presidium acted for the assembly between sessions, the assembly later hearing its reports and rati­ fying its actions. The lower organs of state power were the people's coun­ cils, elected directly by the people of their 26 respective territorial administrative units or districts for a three-year term. These local councils held sessions periodically to conduct all their political, economic and social-cultural concerns in keeping with the higher state legislation. Each people's council elected an executive committee to carry out its executive and legislative activity, it being accountable to its local council and the higher state organs. The Council of Ministers was the supreme administrative organ of the state, elected by the People's Assembly, and accountable to it, or between sessions to its Presidium. This council consisted of the prime minister and his two deputies, 15 departmental ministers and the chairman of the State Planning Commission. The council conducted the day-to-day internal and external affairs of the state according to its constitution and laws. It directed the activities of the respective ministries; drew up a draft-plan and draft-budget for the industrial, agricultural and cultural development of the state; and oversaw its financial, defense and judicial systems. Since most ministers were also members of the Central Committee of the Alba­ nian Party of Labor, the party control of the Council of Ministers was assured. The people's courts were the organs which administered justice, upheld the Socialist order, fought crime, and educated the people to respect and obey the law. The highest organ was the Supreme Court, elected by the People's Assembly at its first session, which oversaw the lower courts.

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The lower people's courts at the district level were headed by judges nominated by the party and elected directly by the people. The attorney general and his deputies were elected by the People's Assembly at its first session. It was their responsibility to control the implementation of the laws by the ministries, the councils, the courts, the enterprises, institutions, organizations, officials and citizens. For administrative purposes the Albanian territory was divided into 26 administrative districts, each district being subdivided into towns and united villages, while the towns were subdivided into city quarters and the united villages into villages. Each administrative unit had its own organs of local power. The Party C ontrolled All Productive Labor. The party controlled the productive labor of everyone in the three classes of this classless society: the "working class, the peasantry and the intelligentsia." The key to this control was the chairman of the State Planning Commission, nominated by the party from its membership and endorsed by the People's Assembly. His commission prepared a "draft plan" for each successive five-year period, outlining specific goals for each phase of industry, agriculture and social culture. These "draft proposals" went to the party's Central Committee for study, possible revision and eventual approval. To secure the endorsement of the people, these tentative draft proposals then went out to the various organizations all over the country for discussion and possible modification. Officially stated, "the discussion of the draft plan for the current period (1986-1990) involved over 950,000 working people, cooperativists and in­ tellectuals, who adopted about 252,000 proposals in their discussions" (AT 1986, 3:55). These proposals then went back to the Planning Commission which incorporated certain of them into the final draft plan submitted to the congress for adoption at the beginning of the five-year period. "Ov^r 35,000 proposals . . . were reflected in the draft plan," or 14 percent of the proposals made. While this token "participation" by the masses was highly laudable, it was hardly accurate for the regime to enthuse that the workers "manage" the Socialist system. The system was really managed by the party. In order to reach the goals in the 5-YP, "norms" or "tasks" for each year were assigned to each production brigade in the many fields of en­ deavor. Accurate reports were required and records kept. Often the per­ centage of fulfilled "tasks" for various production brigades was posted prominently on a community bulletin board with pictures of team leaders whose brigades had overfulfilled their tasks, and the names of those who had fallen short. Production increases were really impressive. Certainly this analysis of needs, setting of goals, assignment of responsibility and re­ quirement of accountability would delight a Peter Drucker or the American Management Association. The planning was tightly centralized and the economy strictly controlled. Every shop, factory, farm, bank and profes­ sion was owned and operated by the state. Every doctor, lawyer, teacher

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and artist, just like every butcher, baker and candlestick maker, was selected, trained and employed by the state and was accountable to the state. Every able-bodied citizen was required to engage in some socially productive work. There could be no unemployment. Everyone worked for the state. All wages were fixed by the state. All proceeds from work went to the state. At a very fine public concert of vocal and instrumental artists, a tourist asked his guide what percentage of the proceeds went to the artists. "Nothing whatever," the guide replied in surprise. "The proceeds all go to the state which trained the artists and which employs the artists" (EEJ 1986, 21-22). Under such circumstances a labor strike was quite inconceivable, being tantamount to treason and punishable as such. The Party Now Controls the Private Life o f the People. Enver Hoxha left Albania as a police state. Its constitution and laws were inviolable. But disloyalty to the state could be interpreted very flexibly. One prisoner was convicted of watching a soccer match on Yugoslavian television, another of contacting a foreign tourist, others with possessing a book or pictures disapproved by the authorities. Almost any activity could be interpreted as coming within the category of "antistate agitation and propaganda," and therefore severely punishable. Citizens were justifiably fearful of the police, especially the dreaded Sigurimi, and even of one another because of the pressure on citizens to demonstrate patriotism by informing on one another. Persons suspected of disloyalty to the regime, or accused of some misdeed, could be held indefinitely without recourse. During police inter­ rogation they were often beaten with a rubber hose filled with gravel. Ex­ prisoners said they would even sign false confessions to escape repeated beatings. The accused were tried in the local or the higher courts. A public trial with adequate legal defense was required by article 11 of the Declara­ tion of Human Rights, but these past decades this has seldom been observed. Amnesty International has learned of no trial in which the defendant was acquitted. In monitoring human rights complaints, Amnesty International asserted that Albanians accused of criticizing the country's political system or of practicing religion were usually beaten into confessing their "crimes" and sentenced to harsh labor camps. Amnesty charged that priests had been jailed for possessing Bibles and Islamic clergy had been imprisoned for practicing their faith. Amnesty claimed to have names of nearly 400 political prisoners serving sentences in Albania. Actually this was only a fraction of the more precise figure, reported to be over 20,000. Hoxha left the country with a penal code which fixed the death penalty for 34 of the more serious offenses. This death penalty was usually carried out by shooting, sometimes by hanging. More frequently persons found guilty would face either prison, labor camp or internment. Family members such as the spouse, children, parents, brothers, sisters or others living with the accused would often be considered "socially dangerous" and share the punishment, even though completely innocent. Entire families were in­ terned, for instance, because a relative succeeded in fleeing the country.

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Decrees providing for such punishment were updated in June 1979 and were based on Stalin's criminal code. Refugees as recently as 1984 reported that the government had at least six prisons, nine concentration camps and 14 areas of internal exile. Some­ one called Albania "the little country with the big gulag." Internment camps for political prisoners were maintained at Spaç, Ballsh, Burrel, Tirana, Tarovic, Bulqiza, Lushnja, etc. In Spaç labor camp prisoners were forced to work in the copper mines, the entire area being ringed with barbed wire and patrolled by armed guards with attack dogs. Prisoners worked eight or more hours a day for six or even seven days a week. They lived in un­ heated concrete barracks, slept on straw mats on the floor, and lost weight on a most inadequate diet. The harsh conditions and treatment provoked mental breakdown and violent but futile strikes which were ruthlessly sup­ pressed and the leaders executed. A former prisoner at Spaç reported seeing prisoners go mad and throw themselves on the barbed wire where they were shot by guards. The Ballsh camp housed the elderly and those unfit for work, with a separate section for about 35 foreign prisoners. Burrel reportedly housed disgraced former party officials and long-term political prisoners, numbering about 300. Hard labor was considered not only a "reeducation" for the offender, but a panacea for all citizens. To avoid the emergence of an elitist or privileged class, students, the intelligentsia, civil servants and even party officials, both male and female, were expected to devote as much as one month a year to "volunteer" work in farm or factory or the construction of roads or railroads. Flight abroad was a most serious offense, punishable by a minimum of 10 years in prison or even death. Yet the discontented did try to escape by night over the mountainous borders of Greece or Yugoslavia, even though they risked being shot by border guards. Or they tried to swim the few hours across the lake from Shkodra to Yugoslavia, or all night across the six-mile strait to Corfu. One who escaped this way went on to run a cafe in San Francisco (ACB 1985, 37-38). The Party Strengthens Control by Isolating Its People. Self-sufficiency or self-reliance became the watchword. Ever since the liberation of Tirana on 29 November 1944, Hoxha had continually emphasized that his was "the only Axis-occupied nation to liberate itself without the aid of foreign troops." This could be true only if one disregarded the German military reverses in Europe which forced them to withdraw from the Balkans. Party spokesmen repeatedly declared that "the Albanian people have won and defended their national independence with their own forces. . . . No coun­ try, no state supported or aided them" (AT 1983, 2:52). Apparently, they had forgotten about Woodrow Wilson. Nor was there any recognition of the massive military aid air-dropped to them during the war. Nor was there any acknowledgment of the literally billions of dollars of aid received from Albania's succession of economic partners: Yugoslavia, the Soviet Union and China.

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Hoxha deliberately and systematically isolated his people from ideological contamination either from the East or from the West. He reminded his people continually of the "savage encirclement and economic blockade by both the capitalistic imperialists of the Western bloc and the revisionist-socialistic imperialism of the Eastern bloc." He rehearsed the historic threats to Albanian independence and warned darkly of the hostile intent of its near and distant neighbors. He dramatized the imminent threat by constructing many thousands of mushroom-shaped concrete pillboxes to resist invasion from the beaches, the mountain passes and the skies above. He induced a siege mentality by instituting universal military train­ ing and the enlistment of all the fine arts to intensify the wartime psychosis. Foreign newspapers, magazines and films were forbidden. Travel abroad and foreign tourism within the country were carefully restricted. For decades Albania had become characterized by newsmen as isolated, a her­ mit nation, xenophobic, the Tibet of Europe. But the year passed by. No threat materialized. Export and import re­ quirements demanded cautious trade relations with an expanding number of nations of both the Eastern and Western blocs. Letters and family pic­ tures and eventually visits from relatives abroad awakened the Albanians' curiosity about the big, broad, beautiful world beyond the horizon. The proliferation of radio and especially television further intrigued the youthful population. Willy-nilly, Hoxha's Albania seemed poised, ready to end its isolation and join the family of nations. T

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Its Nationalization and Rational Development. Until World War II Albania's industrial development was negligible. Most of the people, 87 percent in fact, were engaged in agriculture, leaving only 13 percent to care for industry, trade, transportation, banking, education, medicine, etc. Al­ bania's industry consisted mostly of small shops producing olive oil, soap, alcohol, tobacco, woolen yarn and leather. For other things it was hope­ lessly dependent upon imports, which drove it deeply into debt. Upon assuming power on 29 November 1944, Hoxha took several steps to trans­ form his backward agrarian country into an "agricultural-industrial" coun­ try, and then into a progressive "industrial-agricultural" country. First he expropriated all private property without compensation, in­ cluding all foreign capitalist companies and enterprises. He also national­ ized all industry, bringing that and every other branch of the economy under the absolute ownership and control of the state. Then (2) he established the state's centralized control of funds and planning, adopting the Soviet Union's system of five-year plans. All the proceeds from in­ dustrial, agricultural and cultural programs reverted to the state, which then directed the investment of those funds and determined the new con­ struction projects. During each five-year plan, over 50 percent of the total investment went for the development of industry, especially heavy in­

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dustry, including the exploitation of the mineral and energy resources. The countryside took on the appearance of a vast construction site. Hoxha's magnificent obsession with industrial development paid off. Over the years as national income skyrocketed, industry had contributed an increasingly large share. In 1950 industry contributed only 7 percent of the national income; in I960, 18.6 percent; in 1970, 28 percent; and in 1980, 44 per­ cent. This industrial expansion improved the material welfare of the popu­ lation. Then (3), the surprisingly large number of industrial plants resulting from the increasing industrialization were distributed rationally throughout the countryside with certain criteria in mind. The processing plants had to be located near the sources of raw material, near the available sources of energy, near the required manpower resources, and near ade­ quate transportation to consumer markets. It was now pointed out that "our country boasts about 470 plants, workshops and mechanical engineer­ ing bases distributed throughout its territory. The big and medium-sized districts have from 15 to 50 such units, and the smaller districts have from 5 to 10 engineering bases" (AT 1986, 4:43). This tended toward the "har­ monious" or equitable development of all the districts. Finally, (4) Hoxha very astutely engaged a succession of economic partners who heavily financed those five-year plans, then he succeeded in dissolving each rela­ tionship before it seriously compromised Albania's national integrity. By that time its remarkable industrial development had enabled it to approach economic self-sufficiency. Specific Accomplishments. Extensive geological exploration led to the discovery of unexpected underground resources. Beginning with the extrac­ tion of six commercially useful minerals, these eventually numbered over 40. Albania ranked third in the world after South Africa and the Soviet Union in the production of chromium ore. It produced one-eighth of the world's copper, 80 percent of its copper wire being exported. Vast deposits of reddish iron-nickel ore form a broad and very thick belt from Kukës in the northeast, down past the massive butte called Skanderbeg's Table on the Elbasan road, down past Librazhd and Pogradec to Bilisht. The produc­ tion of iron-nickel increased 18-fold within a 14-year period, ranking third after chromite and copper. The development of hydroelectric power plants on the Drin and Vjosa rivers became quite phenomenal, enabling the elec­ trification of every mountain hamlet, with valuable surpluses for export to Greece, Yugoslavia and even Austria. The succession of five-year plans saw the emergence of an incredible variety of new industries. There was the metallurgical complex at Elbasan, the largest and most sophisticated in the Balkans. It became an industrial city in itself, employing over 10,000 workers, who from their own iron ore could craft just about every steel product needed in the country. An absolute innovation was the modern railway system connecting most of the industrial centers of the country, the incredibly mountainous terrain

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requiring many lengthy tunnels blasted through the rock and trestles tower­ ing far above deep valleys. The engineering industry produced needed machinery and spare parts, even complete industrial plants. The chemi­ cal industry met the demands of chemical fertilizers and a host of other needs. Albanian-American visitors were amazed at its industrial develop­ ment. Korcha, for instance, manufactured refrigerators, shoes, furniture, electric instruments and beer. Its textile factory employed 4,000 workers in three shifts a day, making polyester-and-cotton cloth, embroidery thread, nylon hosiery and curtains, underwear, socks, blouses and dresses. Its carpet factory employed 2,600 women making exquisitely beautiful Orien­ tal and traditional rugs (Liria 24 October 1980, 3). Others noted a textile mill in Durrës where workers were making jeans for export to Holland. "Designer-type labels were affixed to the jeans which read 'Hurry-up.' Working conditions in most of the factories seemed excellent, with high sloped roofs and many windows to let in light. Much thought is given to the health and welfare of the workers" (Liria 1 December 1983, 2). Else­ where tourists expressed amazement at the crafting of cookware and dinnerware in porcelain, glass, enamel and aluminum (Liria 1 August 1985, 3). They were impressed with the glistening salt beds just north of Vlora, the many factories and mills making cement, glass, nails, carpets, plastics, knitted goods, paper, sugar and an extensive food processing industry. The copper wire factory at Shkodra employed 900 workers in three eight-hour shifts, making wire thinner than human hair up to very heavy cables to meet every domestic need and for export (Liria 1 May 1981, 3). One visitor remarked on the many trucks and buses "of dubious origin, their parts can­ nibalized, welded together and miraculously made to run" (Chicago Tribune 15 August 1984, 1:8). Another noted apprehensively, Weaving, spinning mills, the paper, steel and glass plants all with Chinese equipment, agriculture with thousands of Chinese tractors, and transport with Chinese buses and lorries have all been running into increasingly serious difficulties. The need for spare parts and replacement machinery cannot be covered. . . . At the textile mill in Berat, in the printing plant in Tirana, in the instrument factory in Korcha, every second or third machine is idle, or is being taken to pieces by mechanics. "They are overhauled every two years," I was told, but the testimony of my eyes was stronger than their lame explanations [Encounter June 1985, 69].

Yet in the light of Albania's amazing industrial accomplishments, such repairs hardly seemed beyond her capacity. This Soviet system of five-year plans strictly controlled by the state seemed to have worked rather well. Yet paradoxically enough, the Soviet Union before its dissolution began moving back toward a private enterprise system. New legislation on "individual labor" was introduced in November 1986 as part of the "radical reform" called for by Mikhail Gorbachev. Small

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"cooperatives" licensed and funded by the state operate privately for profit, paying taxes to the state. An article in the government newspaper Izvestia praised such a privately owned cafe in Tallinn, the Estonian capital, which "employed half the staff and attracted twice the clientele" that it did when run by the state. They even justified this on the basis of Lenin's experi­ ments with limited private enterprise in the 1920s (International Herald Tribune 17 November 1986, 1, 11). But to the tough Stalinist regime in Tirana, any such move toward private ownership was revisionism and anathema. T

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Until World War II, seven landowner families possessed 3.7 percent of the land; other wealthy families constituting 3 percent of the population owned 23 percent; the state owned 13 percent; many rural families owned a total of 60 percent. But the remaining peasants owned little or no land (Albania 1984, 135-36). Enver Hoxha considered one of his most acute problems the Socialist redistribution of the land. Because of the moun­ tainous terrain, the marshes and swamps, only 10 percent of the land could be cultivated, and it was worked by peasants using medieval tools. Very predictably the production of food grain was inadequate and had to be sup­ plemented every year by costly imports. This had been the undoing of King Zog. Its Collectivization. Hoxha proceeded at once to bring agriculture, like industry, under the complete control of the state. Using the popular slogan, "The land belongs to him who tills it," he launched his Land Reform (1945) in two phases. His "first revolution" took the land from the wealthy families, keeping some parcels as state farms, deeding the rest of it to the delighted farmers as their private property. His "second revolution" or col­ lectivization rather circuitously took the land away from the farmers and transferred it to the state. The rationale for this second phase was devious and unconvincing. The large-scale mechanized agriculture envisioned by Hoxha could not be conducted in the compact plots owned by individual peasant families, so neighboring families were grouped together as agricultural cooperatives beginning in 1948. Hoxha acknowledged that at the outset he did not dare to disclose the eventual nationalization of the land "because our peasantry would not understand such a step at that time, since the petty-bourgeois sense of private ownership of the land was deeprooted among them" (AT 1986, 4:38). The regime acknowledged that collectivization was effected "through a fierce class struggle against the kulaks and the other enemies of the peo­ ple's power" (Albania 1984, 154). Although each family lost the exclusive ownership of its own plot, it did receive the dubious consolation that it "now shared the ownership of the whole cooperative." Eventually the fam­ ily would "share the ownership of the whole country!" Many found this un­ convincing. They had once worked for the land-owning bey, now they had

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to work for the state. By 1959 the state was in complete control of 83 per­ cent of the land. After 20 years of struggle, the more independent moun­ taineers were also collectivized by 1967. At this point the total agricultural program, like that of industry, came under the strict control of the state, its five-year plans defining the specific objectives to be achieved. The Extensive D evelopm ent o f the Land. Heavy state investments in the reclamation of swampy and marshy areas expanded the agriculturally useful land to about two and one-half times the arable land enjoyed by prewar Albania, about 50 percent of the increase being accomplished by the canalization to drain the lowlands. Vast fields of sugar beets and a refinery town replaced the malarial swamps of Maliq. The largest land reclamation scheme was the low-lying Myzeqe plain along the Adriatic coast, making about 290,000 acres of land available for agriculture. Then the irrigation of dry areas made still more land available. Water resources were no longer monopolized by the land-owning beys, but were "made available by the state to all the people." Numerous reservoirs not only cared for flood con­ trol in rainy seasons, but their irrigation canal systems made about 55 per­ cent of the total arable land quite independent of drought conditions. Actually, Albania ranked first in all Europe for its irrigated acreage (NAlb 1985, 6:7). Such a reservoir and canal system made Shkodra famous for its 9,000 acres of fruit orchards and vineyards for growing grapes, peaches, apples, cherries, persimmons, figs and pomegranates, all in a formerly unproduc­ tive area which gave work to 3,600 people. In fact, 30 percent of Albania's agricultural acreage could produce crops twice a year. Then the terracing of hillsides and even mountainsides not only cared for erosion, but enabled the planting of hundreds of thousands of fruit trees. It is difficult to imagine the manual labor of 40,000 youthful volunteers clearing the brush and rocks to terrace the mountainsides of the southwestern riviera and plant hundreds of thousands of citrus and olive trees. A visitor observed, "It seemed as though we were always going up a mountain, around a moun­ tain or down a mountain! And all their mountains have been cultivated with orange, lemon and olive trees. The mountains are also rich with minerals, so they are not a hindrance but a gift of wealth to the country" Liria 1 August 1985, 3). The Intensive D evelopm ent o f the Land. The "intensification" of agriculture enabled a higher crop yield and greater productivity of live­ stock on the same acreage. The electrification of the remotest village in 1970 made possible the mechanization of agriculture. In prewar Albania the wooden plow and harrow were drawn by animals, but all other farm work was done by hand. In 1940 there were only 30 tractors in all Albania, but in 1980 there were 18,608 (Liria 7 November 1980, 3). In 1950 animal power accounted for 91 percent of such work, motor power only 9 percent; in 1983 motor power accomplished 90 percent of the work, animal power only 10 percent (AT 1986, 2:47). As mechanical equipment became available, such

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as tractors, combines and threshing machines, the old wooden plow and the flail were relegated to the village museum. Now an entire branch of engineering developed and improved agricultural machinery. Also, the state set up the MTSs (Machine and Tractor Stations) throughout the coun­ tryside to make such equipment available to the cooperatives and to care for its maintenance. New industries made available a wide range of chemical fertilizers and insecticides for pest control. Researchers developed high-yield seeds. Cooperatives in hilly and mountainous regions specialize in raising live­ stock, sheep and goats, but especially herds of cows for meat and dairy products. A tourist reported, "We visited a state dairy farm. The care given to each animal was amazing. The caretakers are very proud of their animals, and compete with each other to get as much milk as possible from each cow" (Liria 1 December 1983, 2). Workers in vast poultry farms com­ peted in the production of eggs. Fruit orchards featured huge plantations on formerly scrub-covered terrain. There were mammoth blocks of 300,000 fig trees in Berat district, the 300,000 chestnut trees in Tropoja, the 3,700 acres of grapes at Tirana, besides vast blocks of apples, plums, cherries, peaches, and of course oranges, lemons and olives. A British visitor ob­ served, "Mile upon mile of once-barren hillside has now been transformed into orange and lemon groves. Apples, pomegranates, figs and other fruit were growing in abundance. Lorries parked beside the tomato and paprika fields were loading up" (ECM1976, 7). An Albanian-American visitor at the seashore near Butrint was amazed that "the Albanian youth have planted 500,000 fruit trees here" (Liria 15 November 1984, 2). And a New Zealander noted that "the hills around Lake Ochrida, once bare, are now green with fruit and chestnut trees" (Peterson 1976, 91). An Albanian-American re­ turning to his motherland after 50 years wrote in amazement, "I saw trailer trucks from Yugoslavia picking up fresh vegetables, as Albania exports fresh vegetables both to Yugoslavia and Italy every day. Fresh vegetables are available in Albania all year long" (Liria 15 August 1984, 2). There were endless acres of greenhouses for out-of-season vegetables. Research and training made their contribution. A broad network of scientific institutions was set up for research and study for the moderniza­ tion and improvement of agriculture. There were two higher agricultural institutes and 260 agricultural secondary schools, as well as 10 central scien­ tific research institutions and 26 agricultural stations scattered across the country. They completed soil surveys with maps for each cooperative, studies of crops most suited to prevailing climates of each region, seed and breed improvement, etc. There was a very gratifying increase in the number of cadres and specialists. Concerning agronomists, veterinarians and zootechnologists, agricultural authorities reported that in 1983 there were 116 times as many such cadres of higher training as there were in 1950 (AT 1986, 2:47). This scientific training in agriculture really did trickle down to the lower levels. At a four-year agricultural secondary school in a

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village of Shijak, hundreds of boys and girls attended part-time or full-time lessons in agriculture (NAlb 1987, 3:16). The new agriculture revolutionized life on the farm. A primary con­ cern of Albania's Socialist regime was to make the life of the agricultural peasant in the village comparable to that of the industrial worker in the town. This was largely accomplished by the installation of electricity for light, radio, television and household devices, by the extension of high­ ways and railroad lines, comparable housing, drinking water systems for many, postal and telephone networks, educational and health services, equitable wages, etc. As many as 13,000 people might live on a typical cooperative farm. Of this number, about 4,000 worked directly on the farm, the others being family members, students, institutional staff, sol­ diers, etc. A farm might be divided into as many as 10 sections, each section having its own housing units, state operated shops selling all staples, farm buildings, an eight-grade elementary school, and social institutions such as an outpatient clinic or hospital with several doctors and nurses, a cultural center with library, a nursery, etc. Most children were members of artistic ensembles or sports teams. Also on any given farm there might be scores of agronomists, veterinarians, teachers, doctors, nurses, economists, dentists, pharmacists, five middle schools, a secondary school, and even an extension branch of the university. Farm homes were furnished quite like town homes and were usually surrounded by carefully tended gardens (NAlb 1987, 3:16). A Time correspondent observed, "There can be few regions outside the tropics where so many gorgeous displays of flowers, fruit and foliage bloom in such casual profusion" (26 May 1967, 32). Collectivism Versus Private Ownership. The Tirana regime repeatedly attributed any agricultural successes to the correct Marxist-Leninist agrarian policy and to the leadership of the party. About 29 percent of the state's 5-YP investments went into agriculture, and the production scored an average annual increase of more than 5 percent. This was twice as fast as the population increases and gave promise of a higher standard of living. It seemed incredible, then, that other Marxist countries seemed to be mov­ ing back toward private ownership and personal profit. In the Soviet Union a 1982 report indicated that the 1.4 percent of the agricultural land which was privately farmed succeeded in producing 30 percent of the country's meat and milk, 50 percent of its fruit and 30 percent of its vegetables (Time 22 November 1982, 27). Hungarian farmers who finished their required hours of work on state and cooperative farms were encouraged by the Communist government to work their family plots for profit (Time 6 April 1981, 62). And Communist China, under its new "responsibility system," turned over plots of land to families who were to farm them and deliver an annual quota of products to the state at a fixed price. What they produced above their quota they could keep or sell on the free market, thus supple­ menting their income. The family plot output was reported as double or triple that of collectively farmed land. Heavy machinery was still owned

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collectively, but rented out for individual use (Pulse 22 August 1984, 1). The China Daily reported that privately operated markets in China's Hebei province sold 81 percent of the lambs, 57 percent of the beef, 68 percent of the eggs and 66 percent of the vegetables. Leaders taking power from the central planners and giving it to the marketplace called these free retail markets a form of "progressive Marxism" {Wall Street Journal 16 June 1986, 1). But of course no such pragmatic consideration could ever lead the tough Stalinist Tirana regime to such a flirtation with capitalism. By way of contrast, Albanian agriculture was completely collectivized. Unlike other Communist countries, Albania progressively reduced the socalled private plots of collective farmers to about 10,000 square feet, less than one-quarter of an acre. Worse still, the peasants were required to give up their livestock to the collective. Authorities also abolished the free markets where in times past farmers could sell their private produce {En­ counter June 1985, 69). In place of private ownership and personal profit the regime hoped to inspire Socialist idealism by a utopian philosophy like the following: The psychology of work and ownership of the cooperativist peasantry develops ceaselessly. Instead of the former individual farmer, closely con­ nected with his small personal property and plot of low profitability which narrowed his interests and restricted his human relations, today there is the new peasant whose traditional patriotism has gained a new dimension: the spirit of collectivism, love of the comrade, of the work and common property, a peasant who takes an interest in the progress of work and welfare of the family, the cooperative and the entire society, with which his personal interests are now connected {AT 1984, 2:18].

Similar experimentation by the Soviets, the Hungarians and the Chinese would not make Tirana's course of action look too promising. T

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State Control. Prewar Albania had a hopelessly lopsided medieval agrarian economy. The long Ottoman occupation, the feudal social struc­ ture, the lack of educational opportunity and the very low industrial development combined to hold Albania 500 years behind the rest of Europe. The foundational step taken at once by the Hoxha regime was state ownership and absolute control of industry and agriculture and all its na­ tional resources, trades and the professions. Henceforth the state with its scientific overall plan would operate the entire country like a multibranched business. Its leaders stated repeatedly that its economy was based squarely on "socialist ownership" or ownership by the people. But the Al­ banian constitution stated more candidly (article 25) that "the state orga­ nizes, manages and develops all the economic and social life by a unified general plan." Obviously it was the state which was in absolute control. All income from industry, agriculture, transportation, trade and every other

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source flowed into the state treasury, which then financed the investments authorized in the five-year plans. This was a planned economy, and it was the state which controlled the planning. Collectivization. The Albanian constitution declared that its economy was based on the Socialist ownership of the means of production, so pri­ vate property was forbidden (article 16). State property or common prop­ erty like land, mines, forests, factories, businesses, etc., belonged to the whole people. Cooperativist property like agricultural buildings, equip­ ment, tools, livestock, etc., belonged to the group of agricultural workers. This prohibition of private property was ambiguous, however. For Al­ banian-Americans visiting relatives reported, "My sister-in-law and prac­ tically all her friends own their homes, and pay no rent or taxes" (Liria 1 Feb­ ruary 1984,1). Another recalled "seeing multiple major appliances in many homes. These included TV sets, washing machines and refrigerators. I can only surmise that if you can afford it, you can buy it" (Liria 15 December 1983, 3). The constitution made a fine distinction between "private" property and "personal" property. Article 23 recognized the right of citizens to hold "personal" property such as "income, dwelling houses and other objects which serve to meet personal and family material and cultural needs." A legal authority expanded on it: "The houses which the citizens have built themselves or have inherited from their parents or other close relatives, along with their furniture and other facilities . . . are personal property. Likewise clothing, domestic equipment such as radio and TV sets, refrigerators and anything else needed for a comfortable and cultured life, are personal property" (NAlb 1986, 4:20). Even if this privately owned dwelling was rented to others, it did not lose its character as personal prop­ erty, though the rent could not exceed that paid for comparable stateowned housing (ibid., 21). Similarly the cooperativist farm family was "given a plot of land for its personal use as a garden. . . . They are allowed to keep chickens and rabbits, bees and limited numbers of other livestock to meet some of their own needs. . . . The cooperativist plot as a temporary auxiliary economy is being gradually reduced in size and will be abolished eventually" (ibid.). This was apparently a temporary compromise. Collective solutions were proposed for many of the problems emerg­ ing in daily life. A visitor's first glimpse of a public oven drew the exclama­ tion, "O, that is just what my mother used as a little girl over here." A Socialist visitor from Sweden enthused over the village life in Hoçisht of Korcha district: "You build collective laundry establishments in the villages instead of producing private family washing machines. You develop a system for collective transportation instead of spoiling your life with private cars. Private things breed private thinking" (Karlsson NAlb 1981, 5:21). The private ownership of cars was not permitted. Surely, though, there must be some better explanation for this other than the curse of pri­ vate ownership, for most people did own their own bicycles. A journalist visiting Tirana for the first time called it a pedestrian's paradise, for

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vehicular traffic in this city of 250,000 was limited to bicycles, with only an occasional bus, truck or official car to be seen. Newsmen joked about the "white-uniformed traffic cop at Skanderbeg Square, directing traffic like a conductor waving his baton at a nonexistent orchestra." A British magazine carried what must be the most reliable statistical survey of after­ noon traffic: "Between the towns of Lushnja and Kavaja, over 22 miles, we counted in both directions: 68 bicycles, 51 lorries, 20 oxen- or horse-drawn carts, a couple of buses and 47 donkeys, but only 3 passenger cars. Spotchecks elsewhere were roughly similar" (Encounter June 1985, 66). The same visitor reported, "A local journalist confided to me that in his ad­ ministrative district with a population of some 60,000, around 250 passenger cars were registered, all of them of course official vehicles" (ibid.). However, it must be admitted that the rational integration of hous­ ing, employment, education and shopping facilities did enable people to function adequately with bicycles instead of automobiles. Self-Reliance. Although Albania achieved independence and its pres­ ent development by means of massive infusions of military, humanitarian and economic aid from several partners, it was now determined to "rely completely on her own forces." Albania refused to become obligated to other states by accepting credits or loans from abroad. Nor did it consider this as isolationism or autarky. On the contrary, it welcomed trade on the world market, exchanging surplus products for the goods needed from others. But these trade relations had to be conducted "on the basis of equal­ ity, respect for national sovereignty, noninterference in internal affairs, and mutual benefit" (Albania 1984,175). While others adhered to their own sociopolitical system, Albania would benefit from the achievements of science and technology wherever in the world they were found (NAlb 1985, 3:1). Its constitution (article 28) prohibited forming joint companies with or taking credits from "bourgeois, revisionist or capitalist states." Accord­ ingly, it relied solely on its own material, human and financial resources. Albania traded with over 50 countries and imported only what could be balanced by exports. To encourage greater production, Hoxha erected along the highways this warning, "No exports, then no imports." As a con­ sequence, Albania was one of the very few countries on earth which had no foreign debts whatever, and no obligations to anyone. The port of Durrës and a growing merchant fleet handled much of Albania's exports and imports. But of course the new railway connection with the Yugoslav system at Titograd, the new freight ferry to Trieste and the many trucks to Yugoslavia and now to Greece through the recently opened Kakavia gateway all facilitated increased trade. Exported were chromium, copper and other minerals, oil and its byproducts, bitumen, tobacco, hydroelectric power, chemical products, building materials and fresh and preserved fruits and vegetables. The primary import was machin­ ery which enabled the productive capacity, as well as chemicals and rub­ ber. Yugoslavia continued as Albania's chief trading partner and accounted

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for about 15 percent of its total trade. Western Europe, mainly Italy, France, Germany and Greece, accounted for one-quarter of its foreign trade. This total averaged about U.S. $160 million annually. Restrictions on Individual Freedom. In exercising complete control of the population, the state imposed certain restrictions. Foreign mail was cen­ sored. The Sigurimi (security police) and informants observed the activities and friendly associations of persons under suspicion and attempted to monitor their loyalty to the party line. Western or religious newspapers, magazines or books were forbidden, and foreign radio and television pro­ grams were discouraged. Final decisions on education for a trade or profes­ sion and job placement afterwards were made by the state. One could not move freely from one job to another, or from one town to another. Travel outside the country was severely restricted, and the practice of any religion was forbidden with severe penalties. One could not conduct a private busi­ ness, practice a private profession, run for public office or express disap­ proval of party policy or leaders. But in exchange for these restrictions of personal freedom there was a rather surprising degree of collective security. Employment. The state provided employment for every able-bodied person, male or female, in town or countryside. Work was guaranteed. There was no unemployment. A critic could observe that full employment was achieved rather artificially at times, for one could see dozens of men or women shoulder to shoulder hoeing up sugar beets when a machine could do the job much more efficiently. And one morning 17 men and women were seen puttering around the lawn and flower beds of the Durrës hotel. Yet even if some of this full employment was simply make-work or busy-work, that was probably better for the workers' morale than is welfare with idleness. In the average urban family of four or five members, two or three were employed outside the home. Occupational diseases were prevented by the Institute of Hygiene and Epidemiology (or Health Institute) at Tirana, working with the medical network. They constantly checked working con­ ditions in mines and factories, cared for food and community hygiene, and operated vaccination programs. Theirs was a unique concept, that in in­ dustry and agriculture "people are our greatest asset." The wage level was set by the state, being the same for town and country, whether in industry or agriculture, man or woman, white collar or blue collar. A slight differen­ tial was allowed for greater responsibility, for the fulfillment of norms or quotas, for seniority or for difficulty or danger of a particular job. But the wage differential from the lowest to the highest, even government heads, was only a ratio of one-to-two. For instance, while the laborer on the road received about $80 monthly, the chauffeur received $100, the university professor $125 and the cabinet minister $150 or $160. A skilled worker in the Korcha precision instrument factory earned 730 leks monthly, his wife 650, a salesgirl 460. The exchange rate was then about 7 leks per U.S. dollar. Thus he would work six weeks for a simple bicycle, six or seven

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months f :r a black-and-white TV set or a refrigerator. His wife would work a day for a kilo of meat, a week for a pair of shoes, and three weeks for a sweater {Encounter June 1985, 67). In Tirana's largest printing plant with a staff of 700, the director received 900 leks a month, while a printer got 750 and the girl stapling pages together got 540 {ibid., 68). The pay ratio was set by law and was designed to eliminate elitism, bureaucracy and class distinctions. This personal income of workers was untouchable. Direct tax­ ation of the people was abolished on 8 November 1969. The constitution (article 31) now stated explicitly, "The citizens pay no taxes or levies what­ soever." Albania may have been unique in this. Of course a cynic might observe that all wages were paid by the state, which could avoid much bookkeeping by simply withholding the equivalent of the tax. Fringe Benefits. Free health care was granted to every worker and his or her family. Clinics or hospitals in every factory, cooperative farm, town or city provided medical care free of charge, including the most compli­ cated surgery. Paid maternity leave for working women was extended to six months in 1981. Hundreds of consultation clinics were set up so that ex­ pectant mothers even in the most remote village could receive professional medical care. Many of these clinics did not lose a baby in over 20 years. A cash bonus was granted at the birth of a child. So it is that by raising the standard of living, improving the health of the people and giving such tangible encouragement, the birth rate in Albania reached 2.77 percent, the highest in Europe. Similar steps reduced the death rate to 0.59 percent, the lowest in Europe. This gave Albania an annual rate of population increase of 2.2 percent, again the highest in Europe. Yet a visitor reported that both the gross national product and the per capita income of the people increased three to four times faster than this demographic increase (Liria 7 November 1980, 3). More than half the population of the country was under 22 {NAlb 1985, 2:22). Youthful unrest could prove traumatic for the aging ultracon­ servative leadership. The Albanian obsession with planning was reflected even in a 1986 study of demographics announcing that Albanian population had reached three million. They even attributed the increase to "the correct demo­ graphic policy pursued by the Party" (Liria 15 March 1986, 2). Of course the state did officially discourage birth control, prohibit abortions, expand maternity benefits and idealize large families. A visitor reported the slogan displayed at a Shkodra hospital: "The people are our most precious asset, and their health is entrusted to us. We must serve the sick with all our heart, listen to his voice, cure him not only with the medicines we give him, but also with our proper and loving attitude" {Liria 26 September 1980, 3). Such health care succeeded in eliminating malaria and venereal disease, once the scourge of the country. Vacation centers for workers and their families were set up by the state along the Adriatic beaches, on the shores of lakes and rivers, in the moun­ tains and other scenic spots. The worker received full pay for annual

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vacations, and paid only about one-third the actual cost at these holiday centers. In 1986 overseas visitors found 70 honeymooners enjoying such a center at the hillside "balcony" overlooking the city of Korcha. Housing is provided for this employee population by the employer state. A majority of its buildings were devastated during World War II and yet others by repeated earthquakes. But the state constructed over 300,000 new apart­ ments or houses in those formerly primitive Turkish towns, and entire new cities were constructed to house workers near new industries. A Western observer may have betrayed his political leanings when he reported that his hotel and nearby residences "like most socialist institu­ tions had an air of benign neglect" (Interest September 1979, 4). To this writer, they appeared superior to the dwellings seen there in the past, and they housed 80 percent of the population. Albanian workers paid what was probably the lowest rental of any industrialized country. An apartment of two rooms and a kitchen rented monthly for the equivalent of one or at most two days' pay (NAlb 1981, 4:17). Although the standard of living was still austere, probably the lowest in Europe, it was still higher than ever before. Every home had electricity and a radio, and more and more homes had a TV set and a refrigerator. Most people had bicycles. People appeared well-dressed. Per capita income increased about 2 percent annually, or 10 percent each 5-YP, which, combined with no inflation and no price rises, meant an annual improvement in the standard of living. For prices in the state stores were controlled by the state and were stable. Actually, since 1950 the general level of prices was reduced 16 times, and greater produc­ tivity made further cuts possible. Luxury items were not made attainable as was food. Educational costs from preschool nurseries and kindergartens up through university were paid by the state, the only cost to the family being a nominal amount for textbooks. Albania's social security system, extending literally "from womb to tomb," was probably among the most advanced in the world, covering disability, old age pensions, and burial ex­ penses. Under the Enver Hoxha regime, life expectancy rose from 38 to over 71. One old man exclaimed enthusiastically, "Before Liberation a man felt old at 30, now he feels young at 70!" (NAlb 1981, 4:32). An Albanian-American physician visiting this new Albania with his non-Albanian wife had quite other memories. He recalled his parents' tales of a family without work, without bread and without even light and the hopeless poverty, sickness and ignorance. Looking down from the castle high over Gjirokastra at sundown, the wife whispered to her husband, "This is just so beautiful! Why did your parents ever leave here?" He replied sadly that no one could understand the tragic story of Albania unless he had lived it (Liria 15 April 1983, 1, 3). T he

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Upon the liberation of Albanian territory in 1944, the country had only 654 elementary and middle schools and 1,550 teachers (AT 1986,

The Stalinist G overnm ent o f Enver Hoxha (1944-1985)

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4:48). Despite the devastation of housing and the utter disorganization of the war-stricken land, the new regime immediately undertook the struggle against the prevailing illiteracy (then 85 percent) and the establishment of an adequate educational system. Principles. That first school year (1944-1945) saw 928 primary schools functioning with 1,743 teachers, marking the highest level in popular education ever achieved in Albania. The very next year (1946) the School Reform was announced. Elementary education became compulsory, free, equal for boys and girls, coeducational and secular in character. From the beginning the state assumed responsibility for school buildings, their equip­ ment, and the salaries of teachers and auxiliary staff. Throughout the system the student paid only the nominal charge for textbooks. From this determined beginning a remarkable educational network emerged. The correct educational policy was conceived by the planners and designed to (1) raise the level of skills of all working people; (2) narrow the differences between city and countryside, between mental and manual labor, between industrial and agricultural workers, and between boys and girls; (3) incorporate the best scientific planning of Albanian and other pro­ gressive schools; and (4) serve the economic and cultural advance of the country (ibid.). This educational network should have three components: learning in the classroom, practical vocational work at the production site and physical and military training. Both young men and young women were required to take military training weekly. To avoid the creation of a snobbish intellectual aristocracy, classroom lessons were balanced with one month of productive labor annually in industry or agriculture. A foreign visitor reported, "Our English-speaking guide was a schoolteacher who 'volunteered' her services each summer. She explained that profes­ sional people too were required to be involved in other aspects of life, and that if she were not a tour guide she would be required to spend time each year working in a factory or on a farm" (Peterson 1976, 62). It was conceded that the ethnic Greek minority living along the border must have their language taught in every village school there. Meanwhile, illiteracy was rapidly disappearing. The Educational Network. Nurseries. A nursery was established in every community to enable mothers to return to their employment. A tourist reported visiting "the day-care center for infants; little ones were all lined up in their individual cribs" (Liria 24 October 1980, 3). K i n d e r g a r t e n s . Preschool children age three to five enrolled in kindergartens for day-care and preparation for the regular school system. There were two types. Some kindergartens did not provide meals for the children, and the families had no financial obligation whatsoever. Other kindergartens did provide meals, and the family paid about 30 percent of the actual food costs, the balance being paid by the state. About 2,900 kindergartens trained such preschool children. E l e m e n t a r y S c h o o l s . Beginning at age six, attendance at elementary

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school was compulsory for all children throughout Albania. Schools for the lower grades were found in every village and town, while some schools for the upper grades might serve two neighboring villages, when distance did not complicate attendance. Throughout the school system foreign languages were taught, English being the most popular. Vocational ap­ titudes were cultivated. A visitor noted, "We stopped at the Youth Center for Pioneers (age nine to 14) where youngsters who show special talents in the classroom are encouraged to attend for further instruction after school hours. Under close supervision they develop their skills in drawing, paint­ ing, weaving, elementary chemistry, cultivation of plants and flowers, training in radio, television, in music and dance" (Liria 1 December 1983, 2). Some elementary schools emphasized these specialties in their curricu­ lum. Seventeen of these, for instance, specialize in music. Youngsters could not legally take full-time employment until they reached 16. Early school grades and discernible inclinations and skills indicated possible careers for a student. The local people's councils selected the right number of qualified persons to meet the specific needs of the economy and meet the goals of the 5-YP. Some with lower qualifications were channeled directly into manual labor in industry or agriculture. Those with higher qualifications were given free training up through vocational school or university. Some students who wished to enter production work im­ mediately after elementary school, but who had not yet reached the mini­ mum age of 16, were admitted to shops and factories as apprentices, working part time and studying part time. For such persons a system of trade schools or lower vocational schools provided two-year courses with a proper balance of class work and practical work. In several enterprises workers were paid for 40 hours of work, and those wishing to upgrade their skills could attend school for 10 of those hours (Liria 24 October 1980, 3). S e c o n d a r y S c h o o l s . Most students, however, continued full-time in the four-year secondary schools. The only cost to the family was a nominal charge for textbooks, which for a year cost only about two days' wages for the average worker. Scholarships for students in secondary school and above were paid by the state, especially when the family had many children. Priority was given there to the children of industrialist and cooperativist families. Secondary schools were established in every town and at the center of every agricultural cooperative, which usually served from five to 10 villages. Secondary schools offered a general education to students with no restriction. Then there were vocational schools which offered students training in about 65 fields of specialization. These specialists or cadres received theoretical and practical training in rural schools in agronomy, veterinary medicine, fruit growing, horticulture and other aspects of agri­ culture. Students were sent to town and city vocational schools for training as mechanics, electricians, midwives, agrarian economists, builders and other such skills. There were 10 secondary schools which specialized in music, for instance.

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After students completed the eight-year elementary cycle, their admission to the secondary schools of music depended on their scoring in a competi­ tion. Students accepted from outside the district were lodged in hostels pro­ vided by the state. Those graduating from the secondary school of music, for instance, could compete for admission to the Higher Institute of Arts in Tirana. Students of exceptional talent continued studies in Paris or Vienna. The number of openings in each field of secondary education was calcu­ lated so as to meet the demands of the state's 5-YP. This was implied in the constitution (article 44) which stated, "Citizens have the right to choose and exercise their profession according to their capacity and personal inclina­ tion, and in accordance with the needs of society." T h e H i g h e r I n s t i t u t e s . The first "higher school" in the country was the two-year Teacher Training Institute opened in Tirana in 1946. The fouryear Institute of Sciences was set up in 1947 to offer scientific research in many fields: history, language, archeology, folklore, ethnography, botany, zoology, ichthyology, geology, chemistry, etc. Three additional institutes were founded in Tirana in 1951: the four-year Teacher Training Institute, the Poly technical Institute and the Agricultural Institute. The next year, 1952, the Institute of Medicine and the Institute of Economics were established in Tirana, and in 1954 the Institute of Law. At that time the total number of students receiving higher training reached 1,200. Three years later, on 16 September 1957, those higher institutes already in operation, with 200 teachers and 3,600 students, were coor­ dinated to constitute the University of Tirana. Its declared purpose was the scientific, intellectual and professional development of the country. Hoxha left his people a university with eight "faculties" or colleges or professional schools. These "faculties" specialized in the following: mechanical and elec­ trical engineering, civil engineering, political science, geology, history, economics, medicine and natural sciences. The university trained higher cadres or specialists in about 48 fields of concentration, with about 1,000 teachers and 12,500 students in 1987 (NAlb 1987, 6:4). Following the Eighth Party Congress in 1981, a regular system of highly specialized graduate study courses was established at the university. Within five years these graduate level courses numbered 65, the term of study varying from one to three years. University students paid only the nominal amount for text­ books. For the 8,000 students originating outside of Tirana, provision was made for nominally priced board and lodging at "Students Town" on the periphery of Tirana. Room rent in 1986 cost the equivalent of $1.50 per month. Students from large families unable to meet even this reasonable cost could secure a scholarship from the state. Such scholarships were granted to about 15 percent of the students. An interested Italian journalist, P. V. Buffa, reported in his Rome newspaper, "When they finish secondary school, many of the youths will attend the University. They will indicate three preferred fields of study, and a special commission will decide on the basis of state needs, the one in

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which they may enroll" (L'Espresso 27 October 1985, 69). The five-year plans specified how many engineers, geologists, doctors, etc., the country needed each year, and the university was required to provide that many. Students who failed went back to the farm or the factory. About 60 percent of the specialists of higher training graduated in engineering, agronomy and medical science, the remaining 40 percent in education, culture and the arts. Thus at the summer 1985 graduation exercises, 896 students of the schools of economy, medicine, natural science, history and political science received their diplomas. In January 1986 there were 720 students graduat­ ing from the schools of mechanical engineering, electrical engineering, civil engineering, geology and mining, and industrial chemistry. Immediately after graduation all the specialists of higher training were assigned to their particular jobs, but always within their specialized field. There was no fear of unemployment. Additional higher institutes were established. First was another teacher training institute at Shkodra in 1957. The Institute of Physical Training, founded in 1958, trained teachers of physical education and coaches for various sports. The Higher Institute of Arts in 1966 combined the three ex­ isting higher schools of drama, of music and of the figurative arts, in order to train specialists as playwrights, actors, stage directors, composers, in­ strumentalists, vocalists, conductors, painters, sculptors, etc. In 1971 three other higher institutes were added: the Higher Institute of Agriculture in Korcha, and the two teacher training institutes at Elbasan and Gjirokastra. Courses in these higher institutes extended over three, four or five years. Extension courses of the university and the higher institutes were offered in several cities, such as Berat, Durrës, Elbasan, Gjirokastra, Korcha and Shkodra. Workers in industry and cooperativists in agriculture could upgrade their skills by taking evening classes or correspondence courses while continuing their jobs. Liri N., for instance, started working at 16 at the Enver Hoxha Automotive and Tractor Combine at Tirana. She worked six hours a day and studied two hours a day at a secondary school, receiv­ ing full pay. After three years she passed her examinations and received a scholarship to study engineering at the university. Six years later she graduated as an engineer and returned to work as such at the Combine (Liria 20 November 1981, 3). T h e A c a d e m y o f S c i e n c e s . This academy was set up by the party in 1972 as the highest scientific institution in the country. It organized and coordinated the scientific activity of the various higher institutes so as to solve major problems of the economy and culture. The academy was com­ posed of 17 members and five corresponding members and was headed by its chairman. The academy comprised the following three sections: (1) Social Sciences, including the Institute of Language and Literature, the In­ stitute of History, the Institute of People's Culture, the Institute of Eco­ nomic Studies and the Center of Archaeological Research; (2) Natural Sciences, including the Institute of Nuclear Physics, the Computer Center

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and the Center of Biological Research; and (3) Technical Sciences, in­ cluding the Institute of Hydrometeorology, the Seismological Center, and the Laboratory of Hydraulic Research. The academy had its own scientific library, with affiliates in the dependent institutes. These institutes all grappled with important problems in the fields of hydro-energetics, geology, oil prospecting, mining, seismology and mechanical engineering, as well as the ethnogenesis of the Albanian people, the orthography of the Albanian language, etc. (AT 1986, 4:52). Accomplishments. During the 40-year Hoxha era illiteracy was com­ pletely eradicated. Yet more important, Albania developed a very large number of technically trained cadres to exercise leadership in every phase of life, whether industrial, agricultural or cultural. In 1985 there were 56,000 of these highly trained specialists. Females made up about 47 percent of the students in the higher institutes and over 32 percent of the specialists with higher training. It is a remarkable fact that at one time over one-third of the Albanian population was engaged in some level of study. About 29 percent of these attended school full-time, hundreds of thousands of others continuing part-time courses in their particular specialization. This vast educational network was provided by the state free of charge to the student. The regime remained convinced that part-time practical work in pro­ duction with industrialists and agriculturists had several benefits: "It educates students in the spirit of modesty. It cultivates their respect for workers and cooperativists. It increases their love of work. It serves as a barrier to intellectualism" (ibid., 51). All levels of the school system indoctrinated the student in the MarxistLeninist philosophy. Institutions of higher education offered courses in the history of the Party of Labor, dialectical and historical materialism, and the political economy of capitalism and socialism. The higher institutes required several courses based on the many written works of Enver Hoxha. But for all ages the official dictionary definitions served the ultimate purpose of in­ doctrination. For instance, Kostallari's Fjalori i Gjuhës së Sotme Shqipe (1980) defined "Fe" (Religion) as "the blind belief that everything in the world is determined and allegedly directed by supernatural divine powers, a belief which originated in ancient times, and which cannot be reconciled with the scientific, materialistic world-view.'' That dictionary defined "Krishterim" (Christianity) as "a religion originating in the first century of the new era, and which has as its base the worship of the mythical figure of Christ." One wishing to investigate the word "Christ" or "Jesus" will find no definition of either in this 2,273-page dictionary. It does, however, define the word "gos­ pel" as "each of four books of the so-called 'new testament' showing the legends, myths and fictions about the birth and spread of Christianity." The word "opium" is used figuratively as "something which troubles the mind and the conscience of man, that which hinders a man from seeing things as they really are," and very predictably, the word is illustrated, "The opium of religion. Religion is opium for the people." Even the familiar word

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"Zoti" (Mister) is listed as "archaic," identified with capitalism and defined, "The owner of property who had power over others; the owner over ser­ vants or over those who worked for him." The feminine equivalent "Zonja" (Mrs.) was also in disrepute, and people were instead designated as a "shok" or a "shoqe" (comrade). Following the death of Hoxha, however, a fresh breeze began to blow. Political indoctrination was not to enjoy top priority much longer. In October 1985 it was reported that Hoxha's successor in criticizing the poor level of higher education had begun to see positive results. Radio Free Europe's Background Report 115 (4 October 1985, 3) an­ nounced, "It has been reported that students at institutes of higher educa­ tion are not being evaluated simply on the basis of ideological trust and Party and family affiliation, but on strictly educational criteria. Many of the students who have not met the new, higher standards have been forced to drop out of school." T

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Albanianism. Enver Hoxha's system of five-year plans projected the state-controlled development of industry and agriculture, also of education and culture. Each five-year plan began with a definition of the specific ob­ jectives to be achieved in every aspect of the cultural life of the people. It closed with an official report of specific achievements in developing the ideal Socialist culture which they envisioned. This culture was intended as a functional substitute for the traditional religions now discredited and pro­ hibited. This cultural mix of patriotism, folk music, sports and literature was offered as the fulfillment of the Catholic Pashko Vasa's patriotic exhor­ tation of one century earlier: "Wake up, ye Albanians, wake up,/ And get united in a single faith./ Priests and Hodjas are trying to fool you/ So as to keep you divided and enslaved./ Let not Mosques and Churches keep you apart. / The true religion of the Albanian is Albanianism!" In order to arouse popular antipathy toward all Albanian religions, Hoxha con­ demned them as "gifts of the enemy." For Islam came from Turkey, Ortho­ doxy from Greece, and Catholicism from Italy. He never did acknowledge that Communism came from Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, both of which he execrated until the day of his death. But Hoxha left Albanians a new religion called Albanianism. Its Apostles, Prophets and Saints. The new leaders of Communist Albania were no longer the "Priests and Hodjas," not even Christ and Mohammed. Enver Hoxha was honored as Albania's all-wise, all-powerful leader, benevolent toward his followers, implacable toward his foes. He was omnipresent, his portrait dominating the walls of public buildings, offices and homes, even many trucks, buses, taxis and tractors, just as por­ traits of the saints once did. His name was carved or painted on mountain­ sides and wayside slogans. His birthplace and burial place became national shrines for pilgrimage. Although in atheistic Albania there was no God, in Hoxha's funeral oration the personal pronouns He, His, Him and You

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were capitalized as for a deity (NAlb 1985, 2:4-7). A British visitor reported that a college student "expressed the usual opinion that religion is superfluous since the arrival of Uncle Enver (to whom she blew a kiss), who is a highly superior God-substitute." A newspaper correspondent, safely outside the country, wrote sarcastically, "Today instead of churches and mosques Albania has the dictatorship of the proletariat and class strug­ gle, which is carried on everywhere, even in the family circle. If you really want to hear a Mass, there is one every Friday about 4 to 6 p . m . , in the Party centers, where the works of our Leader are read" (Dielli 10 August 1989, 7). The only apostles and saints to be venerated by Albanians were their patriots and heroes and martyrs. In order to ingratiate itself with all Alba­ nians and cultivate their loyalty, the Communist regime solidly identified itself with Albania's patriots and heroes. The silent dead could hardly pro­ test, though for the most part those patriots and heroes, whether Muslim or Christian, were God-fearing men. It should have been intellectually em­ barrassing for belligerent antireligionists to honor Skanderbeg with the title "Hero of the People," even though he was a landowning aristocrat and a devout Roman Catholic with close ties to the Vatican. Many persons were executed by the Hoxha regime for precisely those "crimes against the peo­ ple." It was incongruous, too, for the Communist leaders to take pride in the early scholar-patriots, for those treasured documents and books were exclusively concerned with the religion which they had officially outlawed. They honored Naim Frashëri as the "greatest poet of the Albanian national Renaissance" while they officially anathematized the "religious idealism" which shines through so many of his works. They even rewrote the historic flag-raising address of the venerable Ismail Kemal from the Vlora balcony that 28 November 1912. For when they quoted it, they did not include his reference to "the Lord" and his closing, "Nothing remains for me but to direct a prayer to the Great God, that together with His blessings we be worthy of this day." Nor could they find support for their atheistic ideology in the final telegram that he sent to all the prefectures, concluding, "I leave the dear nation in the protection of God" (Drita 22 August 1937, 1). The Hoxha regime honored the distinguished scholar Kostandin Kristoforidhi with the title "Teacher of the People," the "Order of Freedom decoration, and a heroic-size statue in Elbasan, but under Communist laws his translation and publication of the Bible would have sent him to prison or to a firing squad. The same was true of other patriots who were immortal­ ized in the official Fjalori Enciklopedik Shqiptar (Albanian Encyclopedia), such as the remarkable Qiriazi (or Kyrias) family. Gjergj was honored for operating a clandestine press to publish Albanian-language primers an patriotic pamphlets, but he also printed books of the Bible. His brot er Gerasim defied the Turkish and Greek authorities in founding Albania s first school for girls at Korcha in 1891, but he also preached the Bible there His two sisters, Sevasti and Parashqevi, were honored as educationa

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pioneers for their work at the Korcha Girls' School, but Hoxha's penal code would have condemned them to prison or even to death. Olga Plumbi was also cited for her anti-Fascist service in the mountains with the partisans, and for her service as first president of the National Women's Organization, for which she received various medals from the Presidium of the Peo­ ple's Assembly; but she too taught the Bible at the American School at Kor­ cha. It was ironic that these six evangelical patriots now dead were officially honored, but if alive they would certainly have been imprisoned or ex­ ecuted. A Tirana official casually dismissed their evangelical action as a "necessary 'cover' in Turkish times to further Albanianism, but a 'cover' no longer needed" (EEJ 1986, 21-22). A University of Tirana professor re­ peatedly misinterpreted the motives of the evangelical preacher and hymnwriter in his Life o f Gjerasim Qiriazi, founder of the celebrated Girls' School at Korcha. Luarasi wrote, "Being in the service of the Bible Society, he from time to time consented to conduct preaching in the Albanian language, not only in Monastir but also among the Albanian villages. He did this not to spread the word of god [sic], but to speak to Albanians in their mother tongue and to arouse their love for it and for the Albanian cause" (Luarasi 1962, 23-24). Again Luarasi wrote that Qiriazi "used the Bi­ ble Society not only for personal support, but also as a shield against Turkey in order to develop his nationalist activity. And when the authorities attacked him as a 'Protestant,' this was only a pretext to attack him as an Albanian patriot" (ibid., 26). And yet again, "Gjerasim used his ties with Protestant societies only as a prop to support his patriotic activity" (ibid., 45). Communists rejected the notion that a religious man could be sincerely religious. They were sure that he used his religion as a "front" or façade just as they used the Tirana tobacco shop and appealing phrases like "people's democracy." Statues, busts and portraits commemorated Communist divinities like Marx, Lenin and Stalin. The extravagant praise once reserved for deity was now directed to them. Enver Hoxha wrote about Stalin, "In the darkest days of the war, Stalin was always near us. He strengthened our hopes, brightened our outlook, steeled our hearts and will, increased our con­ fidence in victory" (Zëri 21 December 1984, 3). Religious shrines were dismantled, but similar memorials now honored the apostles of Alba­ nianism like Skanderbeg and Enver Hoxha. The same devotion was shown to them that once was shown to the images and icons of their saints or the tombs of their saintly leaders. Then there were the lesser apostles, patriots, freedom fighters and martyrs like Çerçiz and Bajo Topulli memorialized in front of the Gjirokastra hotel, and the two young women partisans captured by the Germans and hanged there in the public square as a deter­ rent. Every community had its cemetery of martyrs, each tombstone bear­ ing a photograph of the deceased. Cultural heroes were also held up for

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remembrance, like the three Frashëri brothers in the Tirana park, Ismail Kemal in Vlora and Kristoforidhi in Elbasan. Memorials and bronze plaques in virtually every community commemorated the battles, public demonstrations, assassinations and executions of local heroes and martyrs. The local museums and anniversary celebrations kept their sacrifices un­ forgettable. Their Venerated Relics. Most Albanians have traditionally followed the religious practice of treasuring and venerating the bones of holy men and women associated with their faith. This practice was condemned by the rationalistic regime, but the people were offered a functional sub­ stitute. The bones of Albania's heroes, once buried overseas, were repatriated, wrapped in the flag of Skanderbeg, and accorded the same solemn venera­ tion once shown to the remains of saintly leaders at Muslim or Christian shrines. For instance, the three brothers Abdyl, Naim and Sami Frashëri, were honored with a triple bust in the Great Park of Tirana. Naim, the na­ tional poet laureate, was buried in Istanbul, but in 1937 his remains were repatriated and interred in his native village of Frashëri, where a house museum was dedicated to the brothers in 1974. The remains of Abdyl were released by Istanbul in 1978, a delegation delivering them for deposit at the Frashëri museum. Request was then made to Turkey for the remains of Sami also, but because of his literary contributions to Turkey, the govern­ ment was reluctant to release his remains (Liria 6 April 1979, 3; 7 November 1980, 3). The patriot Ffasan Prishtina had been assassinated and buried at Salonica. In December 1977 his remains were brought to Korcha "for cere­ monies and homage," then to Tirana, and finally to Kukës for burial in the Martyrs Cemetery among his native mountains (Liria 26 April 1978, 3). The poet and patriot Pashko Vasa of Shkodra served as Ottoman governor of Lebanon from 1883 to 1892, when he died and was buried in the Hazmieh cemetery near Beirut. Approaches to Lebanon were finally successful in 1978, and his remains were repatriated "with solemn ceremonies" and in­ terred in the National Heroes and Martyrs Cemetery of Shkodra that June. A biographer observed whimsically, "Fate is strange. Would Pashko Vasa, who penned the famous slogan, The religion of Albania is Albanianism,' ever have thought that one day this would apply symbolically to his re­ mains, exhumed from a religious graveyard in Lebanon and placed in a crossless tomb in Albania?" (A C B 1989,126). Another patriot and poet who died in Bucharest was Aleks Stavri Drenova (1872-1947), known by his pen name "Asdren." His remains were returned to the homeland and buried at his native village of Drenova near Korcha (Liria 15 August 1987, 2). Yet another poet and author was the revolutionary Millosh Gjergj Nikolla (1911-1938) better known as "Migjeni," whose remains were brought from Italy to his native Shkodra in 1956 (FESH 1985, 702). Holy Days and Holidays. The many holy days and holidays, bot Muslim and Christian, once sparkled throughout the Albanian calendar,

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virtually every day being devoted to the remembrance of some saint or holy man or fast, feast or festival. Hoxha took care of that. He left no Bajram, no Ramadan, no Easter or Christmas or saints' days which once differentiated the population. Hoxha left a new set of national and local holidays honoring national or local patriots and heroes, holidays designed to involve and unite all Albanians. Thus on 28 November 1962 there was a colorful celebration at Vlora marking the fiftieth anniversary of Albanian independence. An even larger national commemoration of the death of Skanderbeg took place in 1968. In both instances extensive historical research, commemorative publications, public convocations and eulogies did much to create the impression of historical and ideological continuity between Albania's past and its Communist present. Nevertheless, it did seem a bit incongruous for this "people's democracy" to eulogize these two religious aristocrats, who, if living at the time, would undoubtedly have been shot. National holidays now celebrated annually are neither Muslim nor Christian, but Albanian. Following New Year's Day there is Proclama­ tion of the Republic Day on 11 January. Then there is Teacher's Day on 7 March, May Day, Army Day on 10 July, Enver Hoxha's Birthday on 16 Oc­ tober, Festival of Light on 25 October, Victory of the October Socialist Revolution on 7 November, Independence Day on 28 November, and Lib­ eration Day on 29 November. Religions once divided Albanians; Albanianism united them. Its Temples and Shrines. Mosques and churches no longer kept Alba­ nians apart. Every church, mosque, monastery, chapel and shrine in the country had been closed, 2,169 in all. Many were bulldozed into oblivion, every stone being carried away for more "utilitarian" construction elsewhere. Others were remodeled for secular use. A few were preserved as museums to illustrate the superstition prevailing before the Communist liberation. National shrines of Albanianism had taken their place. M u s e u m s . A museum replaced the Orthodox cathedral of Korcha, whose lofty steeple once dominated the skyline of the city. Like the famous Atheist Museum of Shkodra, this Museum of Medieval Art displayed icons, wood and stone carvings, colorful vestments, candelabra and other religious paraphernalia. These once-sacred objects seemed to have no more relevance now than the similar displays of ancient Greek and Roman religious artifacts. Enver Hoxha was venerated at his birthplace, which had been made a museum in Gjirokastra, and at his grave, which became a national shrine in the Cemetery of Martyrs overlooking Tirana. Many citizens and bus­ loads of schoolchildren gathered there on pilgrimage. Behind the massive, colorful mosaic façade dominating Skanderbeg Square in Tirana stood the cathedral of Albanianism, the National History Museum, dramatizing the many heroes and patriots who struggled and suffered for a free Albania. Local house museums were found in most communities, such as the Themistokli Gërmenji home in Korcha honoring that local patriot, the

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Museum of Education commemorating the first Albanian-Ianguage school founded in Korcha in 1887, and the museum honoring the Kyrias educa­ tional pioneers (Liria 15 January 1988). In fact, the number of museums in­ creased from seven in 1950 to over 200, besides literally hundreds of museum rooms in villages, all designed to acquaint and enthuse the younger generation with the heroic traditions of their forefathers. S p o r t s F a c i l i t i e s . A multipurpose Sports Palace replaced the Catholic cathedral at Shkodra. It was fitted with bleacher seating along the sidelines, with floor lines painted for basketball, and its balcony seating was faced with large letters: "Glory to Marxism-Leninism." The cathedral presbytery and sacristy were outfitted as a swimming pool, complete with showers. The Orthodox cathedral of Tirana was modified to serve as a sports hall. Sports, in fact, had become an obsession, with a stadium in every district center, a gymnasium in every town and a sport field in every community. Soccer was most popular, every school, class, work and production center, village and military unit having its own team. Volleyball teams for males and females of all age groups competed locally and regionally, climaxing in national championship games. Also popular were basketball, swimming, track and field events, shooting, weight lifting, wrestling, skiing, gym­ nastics, cycling, and chess. The national Spartakiads involved over 750,000 participants at all levels and in all sports. By 1981 the small country boasted over 25 stadiums, 42 sports parks, 502 sports complexes, and 3,250 playing fields (NAlb 1981, 4:37). Albanian sportsmen and women captured high honors in international competition. Such training began with the Pioneers of Enver, the age 9-to-14 club providing youngsters with exercises, cultural activities, games, sports and holiday camps at the beach or mountains. The holiday camp at Durrës, for instance, accommodated 1,400 children at a time. In com­ panies of 30 they were trained to work, prepare and cook meals, care for the grounds, engage in sports and cultural activities such as swim­ ming, singing, poetry, discussions and debates, especially on Socialist themes. T h e H o u s e ( o r H e a r t h ) o f C u l t u r e . Hoxha left every city and town and most villages with a cultural center, 2,160 in all, one for every mosque or church closed. Representing another important component of Albanianism, they were designed to encourage all branches of cultural develop­ ment. Secondary schools of art in nine cities offerred four-year courses to train hundreds in music, the figurative arts and choreography, many graduates going on to the Higher Institute of Arts in Tirana. Almost every work place had its amateur artistic ensemble, 10 percent of the total popula­ tion participating in over 7,000 of them. Local and district competitions led up to highly publicized finals at national festivals such as the annual May concerts at Tirana for professional and amateur troupes, the similar No­ vember concerts in Durrës, Shkodra and Korcha, the Song Festival for children at Shkodra each June, the December Radio-Television Song

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Festival at Tirana, and once every five years the gigantic national folklore festival at the ancient castle of Gjirokastra (NAlb 1984, 3:4-5; 1986, 4:20). Over 25 professional theatrical troupes in various cities put on more than 1,500 performances annually, while over 2,000 amateur variety theater groups entertained and competed. The Folk Song and Dance Ensemble at Tirana performed about 150 times annually at home and abroad. Sym­ phony, opera and ballet all flower. The Opera and Ballet Theater of Tirana gave about 250 performances annually. There were 11 symphony orches­ tras in the country. Art galleries were found in 11 of the districts. Although most of the space was devoted to vivid military art, such as a battle, the execution of a martyr or vengeance on a traitor, an occasional pastoral scene pictured the Albanian renaissance of the nineteenth century. The cinema industry produced about 14 feature films a year, usually with heavy Marxist overtones or stiffly patriotic romances. Old American and British movies were more popular, but westerns, gangster films and steamy romances were banned. Cinema halls drew crowds in every community; a principal cinema in Tirana was located in the converted Catholic Cathedral of the Sacred Heart. L i b r a r i e s . Libraries too served as treasure-houses of Albanianism. The National Library on Tirana's spacious Skanderbeg Square contained over one million volumes, some on reserved shelves, including just about every work in any language dealing with Albania and the Albanians. There were 45 central libraries in the administrative centers, the public library of Korcha having been erected on the site of the former imposing Orthodox Church of St. George, which was bulldozed to the ground. More than 4,000 other libraries were established at institutions, factories, agricultural coopera­ tives and schools. There the people could become acquainted with litera­ ture of many kinds, especially political, artistic, scientific and technical works. The books were carefully screened, of course, and were usually ideologically slanted. U t i l i t a r i a n F a c i l i t i e s . The Tirana regime aggressively replaced sec­ tarian facilities used by the few with utilitarian facilities used by the many. Social life for the people often centered in the coffee-house. A visitor re­ called, "In Tirana's Central Park we had lemonade in a coffeehouse. 'This was once the Orthodox Church of St. Procopius,' observed our guide, 'but it is useful to many more people now'" (EEJ1986,18). A former mosque op­ posite Tirana's cinema became a shop for sign painters. The Saranda mosque became a warehouse for building materials. In a nearby Greek minority village, Vanistra, an attractive church was used as a granary (En­ counter June 1985, 64). A Durrës mosque housed the Communist Youth Federation (ibid.). The Church of St. Nicholas in Rusi was transformed into flats for factory workers. The Pontifical Seminary at Shkodra became a dor­ mitory for students of the teacher training institute (ACB 1988, 56). Much of the 51-room Korcha Evangelical Mission building was occupied by a dozen or more worker families. A former missionary there reported,

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"Then we went up what is now called by the people 'kodra e Kennedyt' [Kennedy hill] to search for the 27-acre farm and three-story stone building once used as a boys' dormitory and residence by our predecessor. The Ken­ nedy building like the neighboring Orthodox churches of St. Athanasius and St. Elijah which once overlooked the city, have all now disappeared without a trace, every stone apparently having been carried away" (EEJ 1986, 24). Those stones were probably incorporated into public housing to become "useful to many more people." Its Authoritative Scriptures. No longer the Koran and Bible, but the official Party publications were the final authority for the people. News­ papers and magazines were acknowledged as a "weapon of political and ideological struggle, a conveyer of the line and program of the Party among the masses." This was acknowledged in the very first issue of the Com­ munist Party's official newspaper Zëri i Popullit (Voice of the People), which first appeared on 25 August 1942. That day, incidentally, was subse­ quently celebrated as the Day of the People's Press. Under the strict eye of the state, more than 100 newspapers, magazines and periodicals were published for this thoroughly literate population. Two national newspapers appeared daily, others weekly, and a few monthly. Local newspapers appear in 18 regions of the country. Some publications represented special interest groups, such as industry, agriculture, the arts, students or children. Five periodicals were published in as many as eight foreign languages. Readers accustomed to sensational reporting of crime, scandal and tragedy, or to colorful comics and snappy commercial adver­ tising, would have found it boring to read the tedious coverage of the pro­ duction of copper or sugar beets, and the tiresome repetition of Party slogans and the same old ideological catchwords. All Albanian publica­ tions, after all, were designed to serve the Socialist cause. Usually there were uninterrupted newspaper columns of print. Because they were sub­ sidized by the state, newspapers carried no advertisements. There was seldom any news of local happenings, such as accidents, or crimes, wed­ dings, births or deaths. A typical paper included perhaps one photograph, seldom more, no sports, and only a few spot announcements of interna­ tional affairs on the back page. These of course were slanted so as to disparage Albania's ideological enemies and eulogize its friends. The newspapers featured almost exclusively the mind-numbing reports on the successes or failures in meeting the Five Year Plan production quotas, or the signing of trade and cultural agreements. There were long tech­ nical discussions on the production of iron-nickel ore, hydroelectric power, grains, oil, salt and a thousand other things. Even the lowly shepherd "with tireless and scientific labor" was exhorted in one article to fulfill his pledge of 200 liters of milk annually from each sheep (Zëri 28 December 1984, 3). The Book Distributing Enterprise of Tirana published and distributed books in several languages and of many kinds: sociopolitical, scientific,

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historical, artistic, and others. It protested the profit motive of publishing houses in the West, which compete with one another to lure the reading public into buying sensational works full of violence and sex. The Enterprise was, of course, subsidized by the state. The number of books published an­ nually averaged four for each citizen. The Enterprise exported publications to more than 60 countries, and did business with 150 firms, libraries, bookshops and institutions. It participated in book fairs, trade fairs and ex­ hibits in many countries. Books translated from foreign authors were carefully selected so as to serve the Socialist cause, rather than "for profit as in the West." Translated because of their "progressive content" were anti­ fascist German novels, anticolonialist African works, anti-imperialist works from Latin America, and "progressive" literature from Britain, France, Italy and America. Such works were chosen strictly for their "socialist realism" and their "ideo-aesthetic formation" (NAlb 1981, 6:22). Did these publications so tightly controlled by the Party enjoy any degree of freedom? Article 53 of the Constitution declared that "Citizens en­ joy freedom of speech, the press, organization, association, assembly and public manifestation." Yet Article 55 expressly forbade religious activi­ ties and propaganda! Nevertheless, official publications intended for Western readers seemed to emphasize this constitutional provision guaran­ teeing free speech and freedom of the press. How much freedom was there really? Occasionally rather surprising instances of such did appear in official newspapers. One signed article criticized the state-operated hospital because lab work was not done accurately or promptly, unauthorized per­ sons wandered too freely, and there was a delay in putting expensive im­ ported apparatus into use (Zen 13 December 1984, 1). A state-operated mine yard was blocked with quartz ore because the state-operated transport agency failed to move it out on schedule, and the Ministry did not intervene as requested (Zëri 25 October 1984, 2). Lumber was sent to the state-operated furniture factory by a roundabout route so as to make use of the state-operated railway, when it could have been trucked directly, avoiding so much extra handling and delays (Zëri 7 November 1985, 2). Then a railway traveler complained that his state-operated train was over an hour late, as usual, and in the waiting room he had to huddle under an umbrella because rain water streamed down through the ceiling. Another commuting worker complained of waiting as much as three hours in the cold for the scheduled hourly bus, then two or three buses arrived together! (Zëri 1 February 1985, 2). Another vehicle for constructive criticism was the public bulletin board prominently displaying its fletë rrufe (thunder pages), an expression that sounds very Chinese. People were encouraged to put in writing for the pub­ lic any word of criticism or praise of a fellow worker, boss or even official. The presentation had to be neat and could be accompanied by photographs, illustrations, maps or diagrams. These display boards were found throughout

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the country, in every city, town and village, in every factory and collective and state farm. Persons criticized had three days to reply. They could acknowledge the fault and repent publicly or reject the criticism and give reasons. In the latter case they appeared before a committee of responsible citizens. If found guilty, various disciplinary measures were taken, and as a last resort the accused would be demoted or dismissed from work. Workers were encouraged to criticize their employers, students their teachers, patients their doctors, and citizens their elected officials. This pro­ cedure was adopted as an effective way of guarding against bureaucracy (Peterson 1976, 65-66). One truth must be recognized, however. Though it were repeated a thousand times, it would not be overemphasized. Many Albanians learned it the hard way. It is this: "Although they may criticize one another with impunity, neither they nor even ministers at Tirana can criticize the Party or its sacred ideology or its First Secretary." Its Required O rthodoxy. Albanian citizens were expected to agree with the Party line just as faithfully as a devout Muslim agrees with the Koran or a devout Christian with the Bible. A British visitor to Yugoslavia reported that a Yugoslavian Communist remarked, "Of course Yugoslavia is a free country; you can think whatever you like, as long as you don't say it." After leaving Albania the visitor added, "Here is the difference between Yugoslavia and Albania: In Albania you must not even think it!" Enver Hoxha's prolific writings constituted the final word, the ultimate truth for the New Albania. They were the authoritative textbooks in the higher schools, and he made pronouncements on virtually every aspect of national and international concern. One's orthodoxy was evidenced by quoting or displaying these works. A visitor to an Albanian home remarked after­ wards, "In the living room three political books, two by their revered leader, were reverently displayed in a glass case under the TV set." To protect its carefully nurtured population from foreign contamina­ tion, the government carefully restricted the entry of foreign newspapers and magazines. Even Time and Reader's Digest were banned. No foreign newspapers or magazines whatever were to be found on hotel newsstands or in bookstores. A British author entering Albania by bus from Yugoslavia described how his tour group "filed through the barrier and in the warm morning by Lake Shkodra baptized our shoes in a disinfectant pool in the middle of the road," then headed to immigration (Ward 1987, 8). Ever watchful against ideological contagion, customs officials placed "objec­ tionable literature" in the same category as explosives and drugs. Hoxha's Albania was extremely wary of foreigners who wished to visit Albania. This was very unfortunate, for the state had erected multistory modern hotels in the principal cities and tourist centers. Albania's rugged Alpine region has more than 48 peaks soaring over 7,200 feet high and is called the Balkan Switzerland. In the 1930s an American travel magazine urged, "Let those who proclaim the grandeur of the French Riviera come to

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the Albanian Riviera and see the indescribable loveliness of it. Here is a future playground of Europe, probably the greatest potential asset Albania possesses" (Travel February 1936, 53). But an international playground on their southern coastal riviera was precisely what the Albturism Enter­ prise managers wished to avoid. The state's tight control of the flow of in­ formation into Albania could be circumvented only by radio and television. To safeguard the ideological orthodoxy of its people, Hoxha's govern­ ment restricted their foreign travel much more tightly than any other Euro­ pean country. An Italian newsman reported, Trips abroad are very few, authorized by the state only for state business, for touristic agencies or for advanced study, primarily in Italy. Before departure, however, the Albanian citizen must sign a document in which he obligates himself not to form close personal relations, least of all sen­ timental, with a foreigner. People do not remember from 1945 to this day a single "mixed marriage," and the last Albanian who requested permis­ sion to marry a foreigner was condemned to seven years in prison [L'Espresso 27 October 1985, 69].

The Party made it abundantly clear to its citizens that deviation from the Party line would not be tolerated and the people apparently got the message. The same Italian journalist reported on a discussion with an Al­ banian television newsman who asked, "But what would happen to an Italian newsman if he spoke evil of the Republican party? How would Spadolini react?" The Italian explained that if the criticism were political, nothing would happen. But if instead it were libel, he could be brought to court for that. The television newsman was incredulous. Then he declared, "It is only proper that one who is not in agreement, who dissents, should be put in prison!" (ibid.). This man had learned well that Socialist ortho­ doxy was compulsory. Well known in Albanian circles was the official remark, "The dissenter must be destroyed like a weasel in the chicken coop." Professor Aleks Buda, chairman of the all-important Academy of Sciences, was asked about the possibility of wider limits on human freedoms in Albania. He justified the tight restrictions on Albanian travel abroad, on foreign tourism within the country and on a more comprehen­ sive news service in terms of national survival. He did not agree with a definition of freedom as including freedom to think differently. He replied, "I would not say that all ideas have a right to exist. That would be national suicide" (Dielli 15 September 1988, 4). Obviously, he was convinced that freedom of thought would spell suicide for the Communist Party. To the Tirana regime, the Party line was the only final authority, the Koran and Bible, and it was obligatory. Its End Product: The New Man. Marxism seeks to change the social order, and this in turn will produce a new type of man. Just as state control of industry and agriculture will produce certain desired commodities, just

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as certainly will state control of culture produce the desired New Man. For the Socialist state is determined not only to change things, but to change people. The Albanian Constitution, Article 32, read, "The state carries out extensive ideological and cultural activity for the communist education of the working people, for the molding of the new man." E q u a l i t a r i a n i s m . Seeking the egalitarianism heralded, but never achieved, by the French revolution, the regime set about very rationally to abolish all class distinctions. Immediately upon taking power in 1944 they expropriated the wealth of the rich by a crushing "war profit" tax. Im­ mediately afterwards they nationalized industry, the banks, professions and businesses. They dispossessed the landed aristocracy by "land reform," distributing the land to the farmers, and later collectivizing it under state control. They seized the income-producing property of religious bodies, later abolishing these divisive religions altogether, and substituting Albanianism. They sought to narrow the differences between mental and physi­ cal labor, between work in agriculture and work in industry. They sought to eliminate the unequal living conditions of town and countryside by im­ proving rural housing, education and medical care. They unified north­ erners and southerners by replacing their Geg and Tosk dialects with an official language. They sought to eliminate the rich-and-poor dichotomy by fixing all salaries so that the wage differential between the cabinet minister at the top and the farmer or factory worker at the bottom should be no greater than 2-to-l. To further homogenize the population, the state en­ couraged intermarriage between youths of Muslim and Christian ancestry, and between youths of peasant and formerly aristocratic origin. They even abolished military ranks for a while until experience proved this to be im­ practicable. E m a n c i p a t i o n o f W o m e n . The development of a totally classless society did have certain biological limitations. But Hoxha did accept the credit for emancipating Albanian womanhood. Only one Albanian-American visitor reported seeing in the mountains near Saranda "a vestige of the old ways' —an old woman carrying a large stack of wood on her back while her husband walked blissfully ahead of her, carrying nothing" (Liria 15 April 1982, 3). But the lot of most Albanian women was much better than that. Before liberation, 92 percent of the Albanian women were illiterate; by the 1980s all could read and write. Women moved up the Socialist lad­ der, at one time constituting 31 percent of the Party membership, 40.7 per­ cent of the members of the People's Councils, and 30.4 percent of the depu­ ties in the People's Assembly. There were two women members at the very top, on the Central Committee (Zëri 10 October 1984, 3; 3 November 1984, 1). An Albanian-American woman visiting there in 1985 reported three women serving at the ministerial level, as the ministers of education, of agriculture and of light industry (Liria 15 February 1985, 3). At the same time women constituted 48 percent of the students at the University of Tirana, and one-third of the higher specialists. Their true emancipation and

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their equality with men were shown also by the fact that they constituted 44 percent of industrial workers, 52 percent of the workers in education, 44 percent of the doctors, 80 percent of all the workers in health, and all to­ gether, 46 percent of all the workers in the country (Liria December 1984, 5). The position of women in Albania was thus in some ways enviable. Another Albanian-American visitor wrote, A woman is always safe to walk alone at night, even over the mountains or through forests. No man would dare to touch her. There is no rape, no purse-snatching and no drugs. Card playing or gambling is of the past. Yet the young do go for sports, dominoes, backgammon, checkers, etc. There are no disciplinary problems, and the young know that only if they score straight A s at school will they have the privilege of attending the Univer­ sity free of charge, and of choosing a profession. The last time I was there (1981) one of my classmates remarked, "You American women are still fighting for equal rights, but we already have them" [Liria 1 February 1984,

1]. S t a n d a r d B e h a v i o r P a t t e r n s . Both Albanian men and women found the Party's behavior patterns just as rigid and uncompromising as its ideology. Incoming tourists characterized them as "puritanical." Among the taboos established by the Hoxha regime for men were long hair, beards and shorts showing bare legs. Disapproved for women were miniskirts, tight jeans and conspicuous makeup. Forbidden for all were loud rock-and-roll music, drugs, pornography and premarital or extramarital sex. The government was determined to preserve Albanian traditions and culture. A New Zealand teacher described her experience at the border in 1976, before some of the government's strictures were gradually relaxed:

Soldiers scrutinized our clothing to determine whether the style was "bourgeois." Many passengers were required to reenter the bus and change into something less Western. Color and cut were of particular concern. Frowned upon were bright, gaudy colors and smartly-styled clothing, especially flared trousers on either men or women. A few unfortunates had nothing in their suitcases acceptable to the guards, and were ordered to buy Chinese-made jeans on sale at the border for such an emergency. Then a barber appeared to make sure all the men were beardless and had hair styles above the ears. One standard cut prevailed for all, above the ears in a "pudding basin" style! [Peterson 1976, 8],

Laissez-faire Westerners may balk at such an invasion of privacy, but for the record there were no beggars, no pickpockets, no purse-snatchers; Albanian television programs, cinemas, newspapers, magazines and music evinced no obsession with crime, violence, drunkenness, scandal, por­ nography, sexual permissiveness, teenage pregnancy, marital infidelity, drugs, abortion, homosexuality or AIDS. Their civil marriages were un­ usually stable. While in most European countries about 35 out of 100

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marriages ended in divorce, the trend in Albania over the same period was increasingly good: from 11 divorces per 100 marriages in 1970 to only 8.7 per 100 in 1982. An American couple wrote, "We traveled all over the lower half of Albania, constantly bombarded our guide with questions and kept eyes and ears open, but could become aware of nothing inconsistent with the old-fashioned virtues. Further, people in city and countryside were dressed appropriately, none even among the throngs of students appearing de­ fiantly unkempt, slovenly or scruffy. Reentry into the good old USA could bring reverse culture shock" (EEJ 1986, 10, 11). Another visitor wrote, "Afternoons are siesta time. Everyone takes an early evening stroll on the boulevard, a national custom. In the evening the hotel verandas are alive with clients. All the many tables are taken. Music and refreshments make the evening pleasant. Wherever we went the public congregated in these outdoor cafes" (Frasher Liria 10 October 1980, 2). Yet another AlbanianAmerican wrote, "We met people with education. We met people that worked in factories and fields. We saw no beggars, no street people, and no intoxicated people walking the streets. The streets, incidentally, are kept clean and without litter. I had found my roots!" (Liria 1 August 1985, 3). The Party had clearly progressed in some ways in its quest to mold "the New Man." T

h e

O

ld

R

e l ig io n s

What Happened? The Albanian authorities insisted repeatedly, "The religion of the New Albania is Albanianism." But the rest of the world was left to ask, "What about the old religions, the religions of old Albania?" Those were real religions. They had to do with Islam and Christianity, with God and Jesus Christ, with Allah and Muhammad, with the Koran and the Bible. What happened to them? Then there were many hodjas, imams and dervishes, many priests and monks and nuns, and there were preachers and teachers and Bible colporters. What happened to them? And there were many religious believers. The national census of 1942 showed 763,723 Muslims (68.9 percent) of whom 599,524 were Sunnites and 164,199 were Bektashis. There were also 229,080 (20.7 percent) Albanian Orthodox or Eastern Catholics, and 113,897 (10.4 percent) Roman Catholics (A C B 1990, 90). Then there were also a few hundred others: Protestants, Jews or declared atheists. Where were they? What had happened to all of them? A British visitor to the world's only atheistic museum in Shkodra asked that question when shown a diagram of the hierarchy of so-called Vatican agents. He asked, "What happened to them?" The official guide replied somewhat evasively, "Those who have served their prison sentences have now been placed in productive work. Others who had engaged in espionage had to receive more severe sentences." In 1985 an Austrian television jour­ nalist asked a Berat custodian of religious monuments what had happened to the thousands of Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic clergymen and received

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a similar reply: "Those who were inveterate, stubborn enemies of the Peo­ ple's Power, clinging to the bad old habits, and poisoning the minds of the people, were appropriately punished. But most of them adapted to the new situation, and found their places as technicians, shoemakers, farm or in­ dustrial workers." On two visits the journalist asked to talk with just one of the rehabilitated clergymen, but he had not been able to meet a single one (Encounter June 1985, 64). Their Extermination Determined. Abundant, irrefutable documenta­ tion testifies to the fact that the extermination of Albania's religious leader­ ship had been determined by the antireligious Communist regime. An Italian Jesuit priest, Giacomo Gardin, for instance, served in Albania be­ tween the two world wars. First imprisoned in Shkodra, the next 10 years were spent in the forced labor camps of Vloçisht, Maliq, Beden and Lushnja. Summarizing his prison memoirs he wrote, And this [the prison in Shkodra] is where it all began: sleeping on floors, tormented by insects, the nightmare of judicial inquiries, the screams of the tortured, the endless soul-searching for nonexistent guilt, the isolation, the threats, the insults, the destitution, the torture to wrench secrets out of me . . . Often at dawn you could hear the machine guns shooting, and then the coup de grace. Afterwards, the names of the executed were an­ nounced on the city walls, and that was the end of it. You can easily imagine how terrorized everybody was [ACB 1989, 16].

Gjon Sinishta, in his The Fulfilled Promise, and many others have docu­ mented the sadistic persecution and execution of religious leaders by a regime bent on their extermination. Yet these men were representative of the very patriots who had made such remarkable contributions to Albania's renaissance by conserving her language, literature and culture during the Turkish occupation. Many of these very men had taken an active part in the anti-Fascist struggle for liberation. Most of the religious leaders throughout the country were im­ prisoned for "reeducation" or executed. Then in 1967 every mosque, church, monastery and religious institution in the country was closed down, 2,169 of them, and every religious practice outlawed. In 1976 a new constitution was adopted, its article 55 strictly prohibiting all religious ac­ tivities and propaganda. Desiring to make this appear to be the will of the people, the regime announced that the constitution was adopted "after a popular discussion in which 1,500,000 persons took part" (FESH1985, 583). Inasmuch as religious practice had been outlawed nine years earlier, and remembering that "the dissenter must be destroyed like a weasel in the chicken coop," it is not surprising that those disapproving this further antireligious law would hardly dare to express dissent. Yet it must be obvious that this abolition of religion was not a decision of the people, but of the Peoples Assembly, that body being composed of selected members of the Communist Party which itself constituted only 4 percent of the popula­

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tion. Thus 96 percent of this voiceless population were denied religious freedom by a tiny minority of atheistic officials. Of course all Communist countries propagate atheism, but Albania remains unique as the only coun­ try in the world which has ever made all religious practice illegal. The Party could not legislate religious belief out of existence. But it could and did outlaw any external manifestation of religious belief. It prohibited the possession or dissemination of the Bible, the Koran, religious literature of any kind, as well as religious pictures, icons, crosses, prayers and the observance of holy days, fasts, feasts and festivals. It was reported that the authorities had even removed the symbol of the cross from grave markers, although Albanian-American visitors indig­ nantly reported having seen crosses in cemeteries during their visits (Liria 15 December 1983, 3; 1 February 1984, 1). But a later visitor re­ ported having visited several cemeteries searching for crosses, and he found such only in a Korcha cemetery of French veterans of World War I, that cemetery being under the protection of the French Embassy in Tirana (EEJ 1986, 19). The Party had discouraged the use of religious names for children, favoring instead the use of neutral or generic names having no Muslim or Christian connotation. The drive to eradicate religious term­ inology led to the discontinuance of the familiar " p . k . " for "Përpara Krishtit" ( b . c . for Before Christ) in expressing ancient dates, and substituting in­ stead the more neutral term " p . e . r . " for "para erës së re" (before the new era). This extermination of all religious leadership and the determined cam­ paign to eradicate all religious practice and even belief incensed human rights advocates in many countries of the West. Michael Bordeaux, with academic preparation at Oxford and Moscow State University, now direc­ tor of Keston College in Kent, England and a recognized authority on the Church in Communist lands, was asked about religious persecution in the world. He replied, "Albania is by far the worst. There is nothing comparable to that, because they have abolished all religion. There is no other country where that has happened" (Eternity February 1977, 46). In its own defense Albania's Communist Party insisted that it had not exterminated the several hundred religious leaders because of their religious belief, but because their religion was only a mask to cover their hostile political intention. Their devious rationalization of the irrational con­ cluded like this: Religion has not and cannot ever divorce itself from the politics of the ex­ ploiting classes and various invaders. That is why we are in an an­ tagonistic contradiction to this day with these political and ideological ruffians, these cosmopolitans who are devoid of every patriotic sentiment, who have sold out to foreigners, these former agents of theirs who con­ tinue their hostile activity. Toward them we sharpen our vigilance, and we punish them according to their guilt, from unmasking them in the

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social courts and all the way to handing out penal sentences. Experience has shown that the religious propaganda or religious rites that these elements have practiced have been only a mask to conceal their hostile political intentions and goals [ACB 1986-87, 29].

Based upon this presupposition, the Party held that even those religious leaders who appeared to be patriotic Albanians must be severely punished because their religion was only a façade to mask their hostile political inten­ tions. The regime apparently considered the mosque and the church the religious counterpart of their familiar tobacco store in Tirana. Professor Aleks Buda, chairman of the prestigious Academy of Sciences, also discounted Western charges of religious persecution. He quoted Pashko Vasa's famous line, "the religion of Albania is Albanianism" (Encounter June 1985, 65). Then he added, "When the churches and mosques were closed, religion was a rotten tree which we simply pushed over" (Dielli 15 September 1988, 4). On the surface, at least, all religion appeared to have been eradicated. Having exterminated the leaders and having closed all mosques and churches, the regime congratulated itself on having become the only country which has once and for all gotten rid of God. Their R em arkable Persistence. Although churches and mosques no longer functioned, religious concepts and even convictions persevered. An­ tireligious crusaders had to explain the religious concepts and practices they were preparing to demolish. Even those unnecessarily shrill definitions in the Dictionary o f Present Day Albanian may have been counterproductive by raising more questions than they answered. The unfamiliar word "Bible" was defined as "The two foundational books (the old Testament and the new Testament), the first of which contains the dogmas and myths of both the hebrew and the Christian religion, whereas the second contains only the dogmas and myths of the Christian religion." Then the word "pray" means "to direct a request to a god or to a saint, to say the words or expressions which believers say during a religious service, in places where religion still operates." Both definitions relied on words that in theory the people no longer knew. An Albanian-American visiting relatives reported, "Religion was very often a topic of discussion by the Albanians, and a lively one at that. Although not practiced, clearly it has not been forgotten" (Liria 15 De­ cember 1983, 3). The Onufri Iconographic Museum in the castle of Berat displayed religious icons by Onufri and other painters which were celebrated for their artistic and cultural value (Liria 15 March 1986, 2). These must have awakened many memories in the minds of the elders, and many questions in the minds of the younger. Admittedly it is easier to get rid of priests and hodjas and to close down churches and mosques than it is to purge the mind of religious concepts. A Swedish socialist, enthusiastic over the suppression of religion in the village of Hoçhist, wrote, "We still find some elements from the old patriarchal days. But Hoçhist has only

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been fighting against the old age for one short generation. In building socialism the old thinking is thrown away piece by piece, day by day" (NAlb 1981, 5:20). That is just what Stalin thought. During the 1930s he closed most of the Soviet Union's places of worship and destroyed most of its clergy by prison, murder and exile. His successor, Khrushchev, intensified the religious persecution and boasted that he would exhibit the last Soviet Christian on television by 1965. He failed, but Brezhnev continued the struggle. In 1985 Rev. Vladimir Veriga, leaving Moscow to serve at San Francisco's St. Nicholas Cathedral, assured the world that there were still 50 million practicing Orthodox believers in the Soviet Union (St. Peters­ burg Times 14 December 1985, 15). And the American evangelist Billy Graham, after extensive inquiry inside the Soviet Union, reported that in­ cluding Christians, Jews and Muslims, it is estimated that at least 100 million people there still profess belief in God (Graham October 1984). Then in 1987 Leonid Brezhnev died, and Vice President George Bush at­ tended the funeral. Describing the cold military ceremony, with much Marxist rhetoric but no prayers, hymns or mention of God, Bush added this, "I happened to be in just the right spot to see Mrs. Brezhnev. She walked up, took one last look at her husband, and there, in the cold gray center of that totalitarian state, she traced the sign of the cross over her husband's chest. I was stunned. In that simple act, God had broken through the core of the communist system" (CT 16 October 1987, 37). Despite the years of persecution, the Christian faith stubbornly refused to die. The case of China is similar. Chairman Mao's Red Guards inspired Enver Hoxha to undertake the extermination of all religion in Albania. When Mao claimed China for communism in 1949 and forced Western mis­ sionaries out of the country, there were only about 700,000 Protestant believers. China's Cultural Revolution savagely attacked Christian leaders and institutions. In 1966 a prominent Hong Kong newspaper announced that the last chapter of the Christian Church in China had finally been writ­ ten. But that announcement proved premature. Once again Westerners have limited access to the country. Estimates of the number of Christians vary widely, from four million to over 100 million. But it appears probable that membership in government-approved churches and the house-church movement totals over 50 million in the 1990s. In an article entitled "The Church the Gang of Four Built," this increase is called "the most remarkable growth in 2000 years of church history" (CT 15 May 1987, 17). Now what about the Church in Albania? A visitor, seeing the icons and paintings in the museum replacing Korcha's Orthodox cathedral, asked the custodian, "Do people come here to see these religious articles and nostalgically remember the past?" He replied confidently, "Only the old people, but they are dying off. Soon we will have abolished religion altogether." When reminded of the persistence of Christian faith among young as well as old in the Soviet Union and in China, he remarked scorn­

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fully, "Those revisionists should have done like we did, and exterminate religion once for all" (EEJ 1986, 18). In Albania Hoxha did not leave the Christian faith in the custody of an institutional Church. It survived only by going underground; otherwise it would have been discovered and exterminated. Also its communication with the outside world was more limited, so we can know less about it. Yet the few glimpses that were permitted Westerners into Albania under Hoxha's rule afforded sufficient evidence that religious belief had not been eradi­ cated. Glimpses of it could be found in three contexts. P r i e s t s M i n i s t e r i n g C l a n d e s t i n e l y . Very few clergymen survived. Because of their Vatican connection, Catholic reports reached the West somewhat more readily than reports from Orthodox or Muslim survivors, although the situations of them all were similar. Apparently family religious practices continued secretly:

Early in 1974 a major Swedish newspaper printed an article, "Intensified Persecution against Christians in Albania." It reads, "The first atheistic state in the world, Albania, is having difficulties with signs of religious life within the country. This is in spite of intense persecution by the authorities against all Christian and other religious activity during the last decade. In Durrës, the largest port city in the country, the secret police have discovered underground Christian activity as well as pilgrimages. Pictures of saints, which were supposed to have been destroyed, are kept in secret and are being used. In spite of the risk of losing their lives, priests visit homes in civil clothing and perform baptism and wedding ceremonies in ordinary church fashion" [Peterson 1976, 137-38].

From Catholic records we learn that during the Communist regime, the following members of the clergy died as prisoners of the state: two arch­ bishops, five bishops, one abbot, 65 diocesan priests, 33 Franciscans, 14 Jesuits, 10 seminarians and 8 nuns. In 1974 three bishops were arrested and sent to prison camps for holding religious services in private. In the labor camps of Tepelena and Ballsh both bishops Antonin Fishta and Ernest Choba suffered violent deaths. Bishop Nikoll Troshani was released in 1988 to live with relatives in Lezha. He was 73 and the only surviving Catholic bishop in the country. Puebla Institute, a human rights group of Washington, D.C., listed 28 Muslim leaders who were executed or otherwise put to death for their religious beliefs and activities between 1943 and 1954, plus two Orthodox archbishops, four bishops, and an indeterminable number of priests (Puebla 1989, 45). Most of these had been ministering in secret until ar­ rested and punished. Two things become evident: first, that religious leaders continued underground ministries to their people, and second, that

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the state would not tolerate such religious practices, even though carried on in the privacy of the home. And yet, an astounding revelation comes in the memoirs of Professor Paul Milliez, former private French doctor of Enver Hoxha. In his book, Ce que j'espere (1989), the doctor revealed from his Albanian experience that "some leaders, staunch Marxists, are still baptizing their children clandestinely with the help of discreet papas (Orthodox priests)" (ACB 1990, 73). P a r e n t s M i n i s t e r i n g a s P r i e s t l y S u r r o g a t e s . Some claimed good authority for laymen to administer the sacraments of the church during emergency situations. It will be remembered that in 1462 during the Turkish occupation, parents whose children were dying with no priest available re­ ceived authorization from the Catholic archbishop of Durrës to administer baptism themselves "in cases of necessity" (ACB 1988, 31). In fact this bap­ tismal formula in Albanian authorized by Pal Engjëll is cherished by Alba­ nian scholars as the earliest existing text in the Albanian language. It is ironic that a Communist regime so determined to annihilate religious faith and practice as to kill off its religious leaders still cherished this ancient text which authorizes devout laymen to serve as priestly proxies! So parents or older relatives did act as substitutes for their martyred or imprisoned pastors by baptizing children and blessing marriages. Of course this surrogate ministry had to be exercised very surreptitiously. A British visitor to an Albanian convent in neighboring Kosova province of Yugo­ slavia reported that "they joined the Pope on Radio Vatican, and the sis­ ters distributed the Reserved Sacrament. Even laymen were forced to lead in the absence of a priest. They even told of a child leading in the rosary." A 20-year-old man told how his mother had instructed him in her Catholic faith. At Christmas, Easter and other feast days she took her rosary and holy pictures out of hiding and prayed with her son. When asked how his mother could keep these devotional objects safe from unex­ pected raids by the police, he said she hid them in the pages of the official Communist newspaper (ACB 1988, 30). Another reported that every home was expected to show its patriotism by displaying a framed picture of Enver Hoxha. So his father hid a large picture of St. Nicholas in the same frame. On the proper day he simply switched pictures and the family prayed before the saint (ibid.). Talking with a British tourist, a young lad in Shkodra identified himself as a Catholic and said that he had been in­ structed in religion by his mother. He made it a practice of going to the Atheist Museum to "look at the crucifixes and remember Jesus."

C l a n d e s t i n e R e l i g i o u s O b s e r v a n c e s . Here also they could follow an interesting historic precedent. Under the harsh persecution of Christians

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during the Turkish occupation, many Albanians sought relief by living a double life. The so-called laramani feigned agreement with the prevailing Muslim authorities, but secretly continued as Christians. Sometimes they were called "crypto-Christians," and they were in fact pseudo-Muslims. What a preparation this was for believers who saw their leadership exter­ minated by the Communist regime and all their places of worship destroyed. Many sought relief by living a double life, outwardly feigning submission to the all-powerful regime, but continuing their religious obser­ vances underground. In a harshly totalitarian state, many found this their only method of survival. Compelled to do lip service to atheistic communism, they still clung secretly to the faith of their fathers. Thus an Albanian woman visiting relatives in Yugoslavia remarked, "You have the Cross on your wall; I have it in my heart." A Czech Catholic journal reported that the Albanian government had announced that people thereafter would not be punished for praying in the privacy of their homes. This good news was picked up by a German news agency, which noted also that Albanian Muslims and Christians could now celebrate their holy days privately without fear of punishment. Apparently the report was not accurate. A former missionary visiting the country in 1986 reported the following interview: During our far-ranging conversation I asked the Tirana official about the announcement of a Czechoslovak Catholic journal that although public religious practice was still forbidden in Albania, the government had an­ nounced that private prayer within the home would be tolerated. His answer was a categorical "no." Then he softened it a bit. "Of course older people have inherited religious practices which still persist. My old mother may still light a prayer candle at a grave or in the house. She may still cross herself hastily for protection. We shall not make an issue of that, for such religious practices are surely dying out with time. We can wait. However we would never announce freedom for any religious practices in the home which would only encourage their continuation by another generation." Until we have some clear word to the contrary from Tirana, this must be accepted as the official position of the Party [EEJ 1986, 21-22].

Soviet officials had long contended that only the old grandmothers, the babushki, continued practicing the faith, and that when they died off, church attendance and even the Christian faith would also die off. But churchmen observed with a smile, "God keeps on making more babushki." Official Albanian newspapers complained that private religious obser­ vances continued among the young as well as the old. Word reached the West that believers would invite a trusted friend or two or three, until the private observance expanded a bit. It is certain that some believers did gather frequently and encourage one another with Christian fellowship,

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prayer and singing the familiar old hymns "with nostalgia." In doing so they placed themselves at serious risk. Despite its determination to exterminate religious faith and practice, the regime acknowledged disturbing evidences of its persistence. News­ papers frequently condemned the continuing practices of disguised religious pilgrimages to isolated holy places, absenteeism from work on im­ portant religious holidays, and the observance of religious fast days. To discover who still observed the fast periods such as the Muslim Ramadan and the Christian Lent, informants would offer forbidden food such as dairy products or cigarettes. Whether at home, at school or at the work place, anyone who refused the food was denounced to the authorities (Minn 1990, 94). As a secret identification mark, many young people were said to scratch a cross or a crescent on their ring finger to be concealed under their ring (Bashkimi 21 July, 29 December 1973). The editor of one newspaper complained that some Party officials in Kruja, Lezha and Shkodra seemed quite unaware of the fact that people continued to hold on to their religious beliefs and practices and even prayed in former places of worship (ACB 1984, 49). Devout people would feign an innocent stroll or a picnic in the countryside, turning it into as a pilgrimage to the ruins of a former church, mosque, monastery or shrine. In the archeolog­ ical complex at Apollonia a visitor noted that one of the icons in the old church smelled of incense, and noted, "Surely that incense must have been burned before the icon long after 1967, when the state took over all the churches." Party and social organizations were criticized for failing to wage a systematic struggle against "religion and other backward customs," thus en­ couraging believers to celebrate religious holidays and visit old places of worship. "Such practices occur in all districts, particularly in rural areas" (ibid.). A young German tourist recorded seeing near Durrës an old woman with a scarf on her head lying in knee-high grass in front of an abandoned chapel. "It was Easter Sunday, and she was apparently performing her Easter service in silence before the closed church" (ACB 1984, 62). A British tourist in Kruja saw a couple praying at a Bektashi shrine. Becoming aware that they were observed, they looked apprehensive and quickly disap­ peared. A young Albanian escapee was quoted, "In Albania the practice of religion and religious customs is strictly forbidden, and those who are tracked down are punished mercilessly. But it is true that the people in silence pray to the Lord more strongly than ever" (Heroizma April 1977,1). A refugee who escaped over the snow-covered mountains told of religious rites still performed in private homes. Baptisms, marriage blessings and prayers for the deceased were conducted by family members. The feasts of Christmas, Easter, St. Nicholas Day and St. Anthony's Day, as well as other holy days, were observed in family circles despite official threats and compulsion (ACB 1989, 71). A Party news organ noted, "The vestiges of religion cannot be obliterated from people's minds like material objects

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which can be smashed or thrown to the ground. . . . We are bound to stress that there are still people who have turned a part of their house into a small chapel, and there are still those who pray in the gardens, in the forests and in the mountains" (Interest September 1979, 5). Religious literature such as Bibles, prayer books and hymn books sometimes escaped destruction. Albanians in Kosova province admitted they were certain that their relatives in Albania still had Bibles, holy pic­ tures, icons, crucifixes and religious medals hidden away. But possessing such items was hazardous. A priest, Fran Mark Gjoni, was arrested in 1977 for holding Bibles in his attic and sentenced to 12 years in prison (Amnesty 1984, 14). Theodosios Lekas was arrested in January 1978 after police searched his house in Kolonja and confiscated a religious book and family photographs. He was accused of "antistate agitation and propaganda" and was sentenced to 25 years' imprisonment, being sent that May to the Spaç labor camp (ibid., 49). In 1981 refugees reported a new wave of arrests of Christians, especially those possessing religious literature (Liberty MarchApril 1982, 10). And yet it is certain that people still did take the risk. An incredible report came from two teachers of French at Tirana University from 1982 to 1988. Elizabeth and Jean-Paul Champseix shared their memoirs in the 1990 publication Chroniques Albanaises. There we read that "the French cultural center regularly dispatches books to the Al­ banian authorities. In 1984 the order surprised us. We were requested to send the Pensëes of Pascal, a book on St. Francis of Assisi, and works on Mother Teresa. We knew that the first reader of those texts would be no other than Enver Hoxha himself, who knew he was very seriously ill" (ibid.). Unrelated to the above, but equally intriguing, is the following: "An international visitor, who noticed that Nexhmije Hoxha frequently wore black since her husband's death, wonders whether some traces of religion may not yet linger in the back of the mind of every Albanian, regardless of his or her political or social affiliation" (ibid., 74). Religious radio and television broadcasts from outside the country got a number of secret listeners into trouble with the authorities, although official resistance was eventually relaxed somewhat. With the cooperation of several concerned agencies, Monte Carlo in 1983 began broadcasting chapters of the Bible at dictation speed. Reception was reported as very good. Broadcasts were expanded, with programs of Bible study, evangeli­ cal preaching and Christian music being available every evening of the week. Radio Vatican was appreciated in Catholic circles, especially the 4:00 a . m . program before people were leaving for work. Orthodox families could listen to their liturgy on Radio Fiorina, just over the border from Korcha. Here also people listened in the early hours of the morning, when security police were less vigilant. Many religious practices and customs persisted. "With the constitutional prohibition of religion, the use of social gatherings with religious sentiment has been discontinued. Baptism, circumcision and the kissing of icons were

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declared to be health hazards. Observance of holy days was declared to be responsible for decreased industrial output" (Interest September 1979, 4). Despite the decree of 1975 ordering persons with inappropriate religious names to change them, the official press in 1980 still complained that children were using a secular name at school, but a preferred religious name at home. Citizens were forbidden to wear a cross or other religious sym­ bols, but some tourists deliberately sought to identify themselves as Chris­ tians and made contact with others by wearing a cross on the lapel or as a necklace. One tourist group reported that such crosses brought in­ conspicuous responses from 30 persons who signaled cautiously that they too believed. Some Albanian women still wore hidden crosses. It was reported also that some families who would not dare to place a cross on the wall mounted interior TV antennas shaped in the form of a cross. Food lines at the public market usually split into two lines, one for men and one for women, as dictated years ago by conservative religions. It was reported too that food consumption dropped during the fast month of Ramadan which many Muslims still observed secretly. Catholics fasted during Lent, and Orthodox families often abstained from animal products on the fast days fixed by their church. As there were no more church ceremonies, the important events of the people were celebrated with new customs introduced by socialism. Yet cer­ tain of the old customs often continued. For instance, a funeral always in­ cluded a 24-hour vigil by relatives and friends near the coffin of the deceased. The funeral cortege was respected by car drivers and pedestrians along the road, who stopped to let it pass. A speech eulogizing the deceased was usually given at the graveside by a representative of the employer, the workplace or the house block committee. Some vestiges of the old faith were still found. Muslim graves were frequently dug so that the deceased faced Mecca. Orthodox believers usually recited the traditional prayers for the dead on the third, ninth and fortieth days after death and distributed the traditional memorial wheat (Liberty March-April 1982, 9). Samuel Matathia was a 31-year-old Albanian Jew from Vlora who succeeded in fleeing over the tightly controlled border to Greece in September 1986. His father had taught him that he was a Jew, but he knew no prayer, nor had he ever seen a Jewish text or heard a Hebrew word. He said that the fear of informers was so great that even if some Jews said prayers in the privacy of their rooms, no one else would be told of it. He said the only communal practices in his town and in the capital, Tirana, were secret gatherings at which the traditional Sephardic Jewish treats were eaten in memory of the dead (NY Times 30 August 1986, A2). Wedding feasts were done away with because of the financial calamity caused to the parents of the bridal pair, but, weddings were still celebrated for several days in the towns. The celebration began at the bride's home, then after a happy procession, it continued at the home of the bridegroom s parents. Parents or older relatives often pronounced the traditional blessing

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on the couple. But while many evidences of continuing religious belief may be dismissed as "isolated remnants of religious superstition," there is recent convincing evidence that earlier religion still played a determining role in Albanian social life. For several decades now the atheistic state had sought to homogenize and unite its population by encouraging intermarriage regardless of ancestral religious affiliation. There was little success. In the summer of 1980 an Albanian sociologist announced his findings that during the preceding 10 years, only 3 percent of the villagers and 5 per­ cent of the townspeople had contracted marriages with people of different religious backgrounds. Since more people lived in the countryside than in the towns, this meant that the nationwide average of mixed marriages was less than 4 percent. The German Tonnes commented, Although the atheist state for decades has striven intensively for the sake of the nation, to efface the boundaries between the four religious communities, in more than 96 percent of the cases the respective Cath­ olic, Orthodox, Sunni Muslim and Shiite Muslim marriage partners come from the same religious background. It is unlikely that in any country in Europe does religion still have today such a strong influence on the social institution of marriage as it does in this "first atheistic state in the world."

Tonnes concluded that "the wrongly applied might of the Albanian state against religion, and the constant atheistic propaganda, have quite ob­ viously had an integrating effect on the religious communities" (Religion in Communist Lands 10:3, 254-55). There also appeared to be an unusually profound desire for religious compatibility within the home, the sole place where any secret practice could be hazarded. Their Survival A cknow ledged by the State. The Marxist regime's "fierce fight" of several decades had thus never succeeded in eradicating religious belief or practices. This fact was apparent both in the sensed need for the following article and especially in its content. This document en­ titled "Toward the Creation of a Totally Atheistic Society" was written by staunchly Stalinist Hulusi Hako. It was published first in the Communist Party's ideological mouthpiece Rruga e Partisë (The Party Road) of March 1986 and was reprinted later to prepare participants at the Ninth Congress of the Party in November 1986. First Hako eulogized the revolution of 19 years earlier which "abolished the places of worship and the clergy, the organized cult of religion and a considerable number of savage customs." Then he deplored the continuing "manifestations and remnants of religious preconceptions and practices and related superstitions and backward customs." He also deplored the "revival of religion" and the restoration of capitalism in certain Revisionist countries, but urged the creation in Al­ bania of a totally atheist society. The following excerpts speak for them­ selves:

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The struggle against religion . . . is more difficult than before. . . . Religion and backward customs still have roots that have not been decisively destroyed. . . . Religion was interwoven with the happenings, customs and thoughts of Albanian society, and injected its poison in the joys and sorrows of life, from birth all the way to death. . . . Schools and parents should warn children about manifestations of religion, even though by talking they might make them aware of these manifestations. Schools must explain to students the import and harm of religious rites, dogmas, practices, superstitions and backward customs, lest they view as accept­ able the religious influence at home.

He called for a "militant atheistic education." A special contingent identified as an "active carrier of idealistic religious outlook and backward customs includes ex-clerics, declassed elements and certain recent degenerates who encourage religious practices among gullible people, and indulge in hostile slogans in defense of religion." Reactionary world organizations come to its defense with fabrications and accusations that members of this contingent are allegedly persecuted by us on account of their religious convictions. These are political and ideological ruffians. For all religious ideologies are antinational . . . con­ forming with the goals of imperialism, modern revisionism, the Vatican and the entire world reaction. It is an anti-Marxist concept that "religion is a natural right of man." Too many persons have passed easily to anticlerical positions without rising to positions of active atheism. They retain remnants of religious preconceptions, backward customs, and certain practices. They still fre­ quent the "good places," to find a cure or good fortune or prosperity. Prac­ tices associated with death, burial and cemeteries must be conquered. Personal names given to children reflect the imprint of faith and supersti­ tion. Religious and foreign personal names are being used to a con­ siderable extent even today . . . and express nostalgia for religion. It is legitimate to insist on the use of national names . . . so that the names of people do not become an indicator of the religious affiliations and divi­ sions of yesteryear. Another ongoing problem is that of marriage ties between young people of different ex-religious backgrounds. Such inter­ marriages can be a defiance of religion, and strengthen the moral, political and ideological unity of our people. But it's not an easy matter even today. World reaction makes broad use of the radio, television and the press, furtively casts religious writings and books upon the water of the Ionian and the Adriatic Seas, and the rivers Drin and Vjosa, or else dispatches them with "tourists" and "visitors," builds and decorates shrines in the proximity of our borders, etc. It is clear, then, that we are here dealing with an organized and coordinated effort of all the forces and instruments of world reaction. The old does not disappear automatically, neither does the new establish itself automatically. It is the activity of the Party . . . which will result without any doubt, in the creation of a totally atheistic society in our country \ACB 1986-87, 24-32],

Significantly enough, religious faith and practices persisted, not only among the old grandmothers, the babushki, but even among the youth.

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The Albanian Youth Organization organized its leaders into 70 Cultural Youth Brigades who traveled throughout the country to discover attitudes or practices which were inconsistent with the official Party line. Whenever necessary they set up area meetings to reeducate the youth. The organ­ ization's weekly paper, Zen i Rinisë (The Voice of Youth), reporting in July 1987 on the activities of these brigades, emphasized the need to fight "backward customs, superstitions and recalcitrant religious prac­ tices." Then in October 1987, during the Ninth Albanian Youth Congress at Tirana, Secretary Mehmet Elezi spoke on "conservative subversion and the persistence of antiquated customs." He admonished the youth leaders to be "vigilant against any attempts to demoralize our youth by religious preconceptions and practices which infiltrate from the West" (ACB 1988, 31). Even Enver Hoxha admitted once in a statement to his congress, "The struggle against the religious attitude which lies deeply anchored in the con­ sciousness of the people is not yet at an end. It is a long, complicated war" (Open D oors March-April 1977, 4). In surveying the status of religion in Communist Albania in the mid-1980s, an observer summarized her study as follows: "The evidence of the preceding pages suggests that although institutional religion has been immeasurably weakened, the faith of those individual believers who have clung to their beliefs despite persecution has indeed been purified and strengthened. But how many such believers remain? And how many others have lost their faith after up to 40 years of persecution without a shepherd?" (Religion Winter 1986, 270). Their Free Exercise Demanded by W orld Opinion. T h e A l b a n i a n P r e d i c a m e n t . Few people in the Free World can con­ ceive of brutal imprisonment, torture and even murder imposed on persons elsewhere for simply exercising their internationally recognized human rights. For that very reason the Jewish holocaust and the Nazi extermina­ tion camps and the reports of racial genocide continued unchallenged for years until the accumulating weight of testimony compelled the world to believe the unbelievable. In the world's scheme of things, Albania is a small country, the people fewer in number than were the Jews, and factual information was unavailable across hermetically sealed borders. The incredible story of the communist regime's policy of religious genocide became believable only as an occasional refugee from this holocaust escaped and laid the matter on the consciences of good people everywhere. It is strange that so many national, media and religious leaders either ignored or remained silent over the savage religious persecutions in Al­ bania. Even many Albanian-Americans seemed to have joined this con­ spiracy of silence. Protests multiplied over human rights violations in South Africa, Lebanon, Israel, the Soviet Union, China, Nicaragua, Yugo­ slavia, and even the American urban ghettoes and the Deep South, but

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although other constitutions afforded a basis for appeal and protection, Albania was unique in that its constitution was the only one in the world which promised severe penalties for anyone found guilty of any religious practice. Nor did the Albanian regime consider this internal policy anybody else's business, as it stated very simply. Albania had adopted a na­ tional policy of atheism and did not welcome the interference of other states in behalf of religious freedom there any more than those states would have welcomed Albania's interference in behalf of the abolition of their reli­ gions. UN I n t e r v e n t i o n . The United Nations Charter (chapter 9 , article 55) declares that religious freedom is an inalienable human right. Yet probably the first time that the question of religious oppression in Albania came before the United Nations' Commission on Human Rights at Geneva was as late as 7 March 1983. A delegation from Denmark got its protest over Albania's violation of religious liberty placed on the agenda of the thirtyninth meeting of the commission, item 25, reading, "Implementation of the Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination based on Religion or Belief." There was little consequence at first, but on 20 July 1984 a member of the Danish Parliament inserted an article in one of Denmark's major newspapers protesting the violation of religious freedom in Albania. He wrote, "We shall have to go far back in the history of Europe to find similar barbarism." This was a small step, long overdue. He concluded, "We have to consider if we should take further ac­ tion in this matter" (ACB 1984, 54). Another occurrence in 1984 focused world attention on Albania's unenviable reputation for human rights violations. That February the United States State Department issued a 1,485-page report on human rights. It identified the worst offenders as Iran, Cuba and the Soviet Union, but described conditions in Albania as "exceptionally bad" (R oanoke Times 12 April 1985, A6). The report further declared that Albania and North Korea "imposed severe restrictions on their citizens, but noted the difficulty of obtaining detailed information on such closed societies" (Facts 24 Feb­ ruary 1984, 127). Certainly Albania was unique. Among all the nations of the world, only Albania actually provided for religious persecution in its constitution. This was utterly inconsistent with all that the United Nations Organization stands for. The International Association for the Defense of Religious Liberty, based at Berne, Switzerland, expressed to the United Nations its concern for religious freedom in Albania in August 1985. The association presented a draft resolution to the United Nations Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities. The resolution quoted article 55 of the Albanian constitution which prohibited any religious organiza­ tion or activity. It emphasized that "there is not a single Catholic, Orthodox or Protestant church building nor a Moslem mosque still open for public

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religious worship" and declared the systematic effort to eradicate all religion to be an affront to the human conscience and a denial of the prin­ ciples of the UN charter to which Albania had subscribed. It even quoted Lenin as saying, "Each one should be perfectly free to profess any religion or to recognize none of them" (ACB 1985, 50-51). The UN Sub-Commission on Prevention of Discrimination and Pro­ tection of Minorities considered this resolution as agenda item six during its thirty-eighth session on 27 August 1985. The sub-commission declared its conviction that Albania's actions "constitute an affront to human dig­ nity, a flagrant and systematic violation of human rights, a disavowal of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations between nations." It further requested the parent Commission on Human Rights to "urge the Government of the Peo­ ple's Socialist Republic of Albania to provide adequate constitutional and legal measures consistent with the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenants on Human Rights and the Declaration on the Elimination of all Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief, with a view to ensuring that freedom of religion or belief is assured in a concrete manner, that discrimination on ground of religion or belief is proscribed, and that ade­ quate safeguards and remedies are provided against such discrimination" (ibid., 51). In September 1985 the UN Commission on Human Rights approved the above by an 11 to four vote, the Soviet representative and two others abstaining, Cuba alone voting "no" (ibid.). Albania made no reply. A p p e a l s o f R e l i g i o u s L e a d e r s . It is a generally accepted principle that religious leaders should value the human rights of others as highly as they value their own and demonstrate their basic solidarity by speaking out courteously but firmly in their defense. Thus on 5 October 1980 Pope John Paul II asked all to pray for Christians and other believers who are persecuted for their faith. He added that "to be spiritually close to all those in Albania who are suffering violence because of their faith is a special duty of all Christians, according to the tradition inherited from the first cen­ turies." He exhorted all "to pray also for those who persecute them, repeating Christ's invocation on the cross, addressed to His father, 'Forgive them, for they know not what they do.'" The pope also defended the mar­ tyrs from the charge that they were guilty of political crimes by pointing out that Christ also was condemned on the political accusation that he claimed he was a king (ibid., 43). The pope provoked controversy on 26 February 1984 in a speech made on the steps of the basilica of St. Nicholas in Bari, Italy, directly across the Strait of Otranto from his suffering flock in Albania. In commending them to the prayers of the church, he said, "My thought goes from this city also to our brothers and sisters of Albania, who cannot demonstrate externally their religious faith, a fundamental right of the human person" (ACB 1984,

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27). Four days later the Albanian regime's principal newspaper attributed this "campaign of attacks and slanders" by the "scum of Greek provocators, the Serbian chauvinists and the Pope of Rome" to none other than "Washington through the CIA, which specializes in dirty anti-Albanian ac­ tivity." This incredible outburst follows: In the new Albania nobody has ever been persecuted for his religious sentiments. Our people's state power has considered the question of religious belief as an individual matter for the conscience of each per­ son. Our people, by their own free will, without any imposition, them­ selves decided their stand towards religion and the religious institutions. Therefore nobody has the right to ask, or even less to urge our peo­ ple to believe in god or practice religious rites. For our part, we do not demand that others should not believe in god and follow our ex­ ample. We Albanians do not base our respect and consideration for other people on whether or not they believe, but on their freedom-lov­ ing, democratic and progressive values. Our atheism has not and does not hinder us in having good relations both with believers and with nonbelievers.

Several columns later the article concluded this way: Nobody, neither the Americans, the bishops of Greece, the Vatican, the Great-Serb chauvinists, or anyone else who might collaborate with them, can turn Albania from its socialist course and its principled policy. The Albanian people are not people with weak nerves. The threats and blackmail do not disturb them. . . . Let the dogs bark, our caravan will proceed steadily on its course [Zëri 1 March 1984].

Shortly afterwards a translation of this remarkable article was distributed to the news media by the Albanian Mission at the United Nations headquarters in New York City. Either this or some other such statement apparently gave rise to the reports from Czechoslovakia and West Germany that while public religious observances were still pro­ hibited, Enver Hoxha had lifted the ban on private religious observances. Hope ran high for a moderation of Albania's tough Stalinist stance against all religion. But that apparently had not yet materialized. Two years later a former evangelical missionary visiting the country asked a Tirana official whether there was truth in the report that the govern­ ment had announced that private prayer within the home would now be tolerated. His answer was a categorical "no." A professor of political science at the University of Tirana certainly should know the position of his government on this matter. When asked why a government which had done so very much for its people should have executed so many of its Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic leaders, he put it very simply:

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"Our leaders have determined that all religion is harmful to the program of the state, so they have abolished it. Those who persist in religious practices are enemies of the state, and traitors. All traitors must be shot" (EEJ 1986, 23). Another official stated it like this: "The dissenter must be destroyed, like a weasel in the chicken coop." Despite that enigmatic article, this apparently was still the official position of the Albanian govern­ ment. The Albanian Catholic Information Center of Santa Clara, California, is the continuator of the American Albanian Catholic Charity organized in Detroit in 1966 "to assist the Catholic clergy in Albania." Shortly after the Albanian Stalinist regime outlawed all religion in 1967, the charity devoted itself to gathering and disseminating information on Albania's continuing holocaust. In 1971 it relocated from Detroit to Santa Clara University and assumed the present official name. Its first book, The Fulfilled Promise by Gjon Sinishta, was produced in 1976 and remains the basic reference work documenting the barbarous attempt to exterminate Catholic and other religious leaders and activities in Albania. Shortly thereafter (1980) the center began publishing and disseminating the annual Albanian Catholic Bulletin, an English-language treasury of current essays, news articles and photographs presenting Albanian life and its tragic religious situation. This program was designed to acquaint the free world with the little-known facts, enlist the support of influential human rights and religious organiza­ tions, and focus their persuasive powers on the Albanian government to grant all its citizens religious freedom. This Albanian Catholic Information Center organized the solemn Commemoration of the Fortieth Anniversary of Religious Persecution in Albania, basing it at St. Ignatius Church at the University of San Francisco on 13 to 14 April 1985. Unbelievably dramatic news came the very eve of the ceremonies. Enver Hoxha, the author of this religious persecution, died on 11 April. The irony was incredible. Even as hundreds of Albanians and sympathizers solemnly remembered the suffering of martyred believers in Albania, the man responsible for it all was being buried. A broad represen­ tation of Albanians and internationals, including Muslims, Orthodox, Catholics and Evangelicals, expressed concern for the persecuted believers of all faiths. Messages of solidarity and support were received from numerous world leaders. There was no expression of bitterness or resent­ ment, even from some participants who had suffered horrible torture and who had seen beloved colleagues atrociously murdered. The names of 165 martyred Albanian clerics, predominantly Catholic, but including Or­ thodox and Muslims, were listed on the pages of the commemoration pro­ gram. There were numerous prayers for faith and peace and love toward all, prayers for forgiveness and reconciliation. The acknowledged purpose of the commemoration was to publicize the barbarous suppression of human rights in Albania and to enlist broader cooperation for the restora­ tion of religious liberty there (ACB 1985, 2-13). A beautifully illustrated

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report of the proceedings was distributed to the news media. Repeatedly the Albanian Catholic Information Center provided documented information to human rights groups and encouraged them in supporting the rights of all Albanian believers. Albanian Orthodox Church spokesmen got off to a very slow start in protesting the persecution of their leaders and church population by the Tirana regime. A well-informed Scottish traveler and writer stated that "no religious group in Europe is more neglected than the Albanian Orthodox Church" (ACB 1984, 59-60). Many Orthodox Albanian-Americans visited their former homeland and relatives. They must have been amazed to find that familiar churches, monasteries and shrines had been either padlocked, bulldozed to the ground or replaced by museums, libraries and cinemas. Although these same Albanian-Americans were the most devout Orthodox activists back in the United States, their published reports here raved over Albania's material progress but made not the slightest reference to the regime's extermination of their church's leaders, buildings and worship. Apparently it was agreed that this conspiracy of silence was essential so as not to jeopardize the reluctant trickle of visitors' visas. But if their forebears in Albania had maintained such a benevolent passivity, their homeland would still be under the Turks, or perhaps the Slavs or the Italians or the Greeks. In 1977, however, Albanian Orthodox Bishop Mark Lipa, together with Roman Catholic Cardinal Humberto Medeiros, both of Boston, had condemned the anti-religious laws of Albania and issued a "Joint Appeal for Religious Freedom." At least the Orthodox Church was finally on record. Again on 28 November 1981, the sixty-ninth anniversary of the establish­ ment of an independent Albania, Lipa and Medeiros issued a "Declaration for Religious Freedom." The American leaders of the Orthodox and Catholic churches called for "respect for human rights, and especially for religious freedom in Albania." They stated their conviction that church life and faith in God promote good social order and petitioned the Albanian government to allow the churches, mosques and religious institutions to reopen (ACB 1984, 43). The Greek Orthodox bishops also loudly protested the plight of the Orthodox Greek population in Albania in 1981. Then on 25 January 1984 the Sub-Committee on Human Rights of the U.S. House of Representatives in Washington, D.C., conducted a congressional hearing on reported violations of human rights in Albania. The hearing was organized by Greek and pro-Greek spokesmen who wished to air again their oft-repeated and oft-discredited claims to southern Albania, which they still called "North­ ern Epirus." Like a distant echo from 1912, they still claimed that 400,000 Orthodox Albanians were really Greeks. Official U.S. government records, however, showed that the Greek minority in Albania numbered about 50,000. More precisely, the April 1989 census for Albania indicated an ethnic Greek minority of 58,758 persons (NAlb 1989, 4:12). Unfortunately,

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the Greek-inspired congressional hearing misfired, for it did not address the general problem of human rights violations in Albania, but dwelt instead on the tired old political and territorial claims so long ago put to rest (ACB 1984, 63-66). Indeed it was counterproductive, for instead of helping the Albanian Orthodox believers, it gave Hoxha a pretext to continue his drive against religion because of its political motivation. Furthermore, just one month after the congressional hearing, on 22 February 1984, at a luncheon in Yanina, Greece, Greek Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou declared that Greece had no territorial claims in Albania. He said that Greece "could not tolerate violation of human rights of the Greeks residing in Albania," but that he could not charge discrimination here, for everyone in Albania had lost his religious freedom {ibid.). The World Council of Churches (WCC) apparently ignored for some time this unparalleled attempt of a modern state to exterminate all religious faith in the Albanian population. A Russian Orthodox priest, Father Gleb Yakunin, then serving a 10-year prison sentence himself, championed Albanian believers specifically in an historic document he sent to the Nai­ robi meeting of the World Council of Churches in 1975. He begged the dele­ gates to turn their attention to the persecuted Christians in Albania. Nothing tangible came of his appeal at that time (ACB 1984, 59-60). However, on 7 October 1982 the Conference of European Churches of the World Council of Churches held an international interfaith colloquium at Bucharest, Romania. The Ecumenical Press Services of the WCC published part of the document coming from this colloquium which dealt with the religious situation in Albania. The document reported the radical suppression of all organized religious activity in the country and denounced the religious op­ pression (ACB 1985, 43-44). Belatedly, but gradually, world opinion was beginning to focus on Albania. A few months later on 13 May 1983, the United Churches of Christ at their annual meeting in San Francisco adopted a resolution vigorously condemning the religious oppression in Albania (ibid., 44). T h e W o r l d C o m m u n i c a t i o n s M e d i a . The well-documented reports of these various agencies were widely disseminated. This undoubtedly has contributed to the expanding coverage of Albania's unique religious prob­ lem by the national and international communications media. The May 1985 issue of London's Encounter, for instance, carried an extensive article entitled "Traveler in Albania," by Paul Lendvai of the Austrian Broad­ casting Service. Knowing that since 1967 it had been a criminal offense to practice any religion there, Lendvai reported having asked a curator of monuments about the many Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic religious leaders who had once functioned there. The curator replied rather eva­ sively that they had now found their place in the new era's agricultural or industrial programs. Lendvai reminded him that on a previous visit the curator had promised to find him at least one former churchman who had

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been happily "reeducated." The curator sighed, "What a pity! My friend has just had a heart attack." On none of his visits was Lendvai ever able to find a single "former priest." While certain Albanian-language newspapers in the United States sought to keep their readers informed of these human rights violations in their homeland, very gratifying coverage was afforded by other newspa­ pers with a broader readership. The Boston G lobe was probably influenced in its treatment of Albanian news by the thousands of Albanian-Americans living in that metropolitan area. But two men provided outstanding cover­ age of Albanian affairs over the years: Eric Bourne of Boston's Christian Science Monitor, and David Binder of the New York Times. Their frequent news articles, together with other reports by the press and other communi­ cations media, helped to alert the conscience of the world to this religious holocaust overlooked so long by people preoccupied with their own lesser problems. Nor could we close this segment without recognizing Michael Bordeaux and Keston College of Kent, England, for their periodical Re­ ligion in Communist Lands; Amnesty International for publications like its 1984 Albania: Political Imprisonment and the Law; the Puebla Insti­ tute of Washington for its 1989 publication Albania: Religion in a Fortress State; and Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee of Minneapolis for its exhaustive 1990 study of Human Rights in the Peo­ ple's Socialist Republic o f Albania, among other especially valuable studies of the Albanian situation. Their factual stories of the outrages suffered by Albania's religious leaders and institutions needed no embellishment by emotional rhetoric in order to stir the moral indignation of their coreli­ gionists around the world, of people of other faiths and even people of no faith. A c t i v i s m o f C o n c e r n e d I n d i v i d u a l s . Finally, individuals concerned about the plight of religious leaders and institutions in Albania were called upon to protest Albania's prohibition of all religious practice in its constitu­ tion and penal code. Their protests were registered with the United Nations Commission on Human Rights at Geneva, the Albanian Mission to the United Nations at the UN Building in New York, legislative bodies, human rights organizations such as Amnesty International of London, England, and other public forums such as newspapers, religious and secular periodi­ cals, radio and television call-in and talk shows and private conversa­ tions. A good example of what one man can do to protest violations of human rights such as those that were occurring routinely throughout Albania, on a scale that the world was only beginning to understand, was a concerned activist named Ekrem Bardha. Ekrem Bardha left Albania to settle in the Detroit area. He was par­ ticularly sensitive to the predicament of Peter Ivezaj. Ivezaj, an Albanian immigrant from Kosova, Yugoslavia, became an American citizen and later returned to Yugoslavia to visit relatives. There he was arrested and

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sentenced to seven years in prison for having participated in a peaceful demonstration five years earlier in Washington, D.C. Ekrem Bardha determined to help him. He appealed to William Broomfield, his Michigan representative to the United States Congress. Broomfield admitted that he, like other Westerners accustomed to the unhindered exercise of human rights, could scarcely understand these restrictions imposed on Ivezaj. His approach to the State Department did not look very promising, so he took the matter to the floor of the Congress, armed with material from Amnesty International. "Within a couple of hours," he said later, "we had the signatures of more than 150 members on legislation to deny most-favored-nation status to Yugoslavia." This action got the immediate attention of the Yugoslav Embassy, and after seven months in prison, Ivezaj was immediately released. Broomfield stated, "We ought not to allow countries to enjoy the benefits of trading with the United States as long as they continue to violate the basic stan­ dards of human dignity which are so important to us" (ACB 1988, 98-99). A subcommittee of the United States House of Representatives later asked Bardha to present them with evidence that secret agents of vengeful Communist homelands had terrorized and even assassinated human rights activists who had migrated to other European countries and even to the United States (Dielli 25 May 1988, 7). Enver Hoxha casually dismissed such concern in 1984 when he said, "Although bourgeois deputies churn on fruitlessly about human rights, in the long run it is capitalism, the big bourgeoisie, which rules there . . . and holds in thrall the proletariat, the poor peasantry" (AT 1984, 3:50). Unfortunately, the economic leverage then applied to Yugoslavia could not be applied to pressure Albania into releasing its own citizens from their even more incredible injustices. But the Albanian Catholic Informa­ tion Center suggested several steps which concerned individuals could take to create public awareness of these injustices. The hope was that these steps could conceivably enlist the support of others like Broomfield who could exercise considerable influence on the Albanian authorities. Such steps were the following: [1] Become informed yourself. [2] Share your knowledge with others. [3] Pray every day, alone or in a group, for religious freedom in Albania. [4] Write letters to editors of newspapers and periodicals. [5] Call in on radio or TV talk shows. [6] Urge church and political leaders to take action on behalf of oppressed Albanians. [7] Form a group to pray and to work together to help spread knowledge of the religious discrimination now oc­ curring in Albania. [8] Write courteous letters to Albanian leaders pro­ testing the antireligious laws of the Albanian government. [Addresses (then): Ramiz Alia, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the PLA, Tirana, Albania. Also, Adil Çarçani, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the PSRA, Tirana, Albania.] [Undated leaflet].

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These efforts toward involving sympathetic individuals from all over the world in exerting pressure of any kind possible against the communist regime that had ruthlessly ruled Albania for so many decades were in­ dicative of the growing realization that the regime was conducting systematic and deliberate violations of basic human rights. The death of Enver Hoxha, the initiation of the government's ongoing campaigns against even a modicum of freedom for the Albanian people, coincided ironically with the growing outcry against his policies. When Hoxha died on April 11, 1985, the Albanian people's path away from com­ munism was at best only beginning, but an era had undeniably ended.

Part Six

Communist Albania Attracted by the West and Its Democratization (1 9 8 5 -

)

29. The Reform Government of Ramiz Alia (1985-1992) R A M IZ A LIA IN H ER ITS H O XH A 'S NEW A LBA N IA At its meeting of 13 April 1985, the Central Committee of the Party of Labor unanimously elected Ramiz Alia to succeed Enver Hoxha as first secretary of the Party. Since the death of Mehmet Shehu, Alia had been Hoxha's closest collaborator and had assumed several of his functions dur­ ing his last illness. Of Muslim parentage like Hoxha, Alia was bom on 18 October 1925 of a poor family in Shkodra. (According to some sources, he was born in Yugoslavia's Kosova province, his parents moving shortly thereafter to the northern Albanian city of Shkodra.) While studying in the "Gymnasium" or middle school at Tirana, he joined the Albanian Fascist Youth League but turned to the Communist Party in 1943. At once he threw himself into the resistance movement as an activist, helping to found the Albanian Youth Organization and serving as its head. Although Alia was of Geg background, the predominantly Tosk Com­ munist leaders were greatly impressed with his leadership ability. Enver Hoxha named him the political commissar of the famous Seventh Shock Brigade in 1944, while he was still only 19. Hoxha spoke of him as one of his most able fellow soldiers in the national Liberation War, and he rose rapidly to the rank of lieutenant colonel. In November 1948 at 23 Alia moderated an important assembly of representatives of two competing youth organizations, persuading them to merge as a single Communist organization for all the youth of the country. The resulting Albanian Labor Youth Union made Alia its head. In 1955 he was named minister of educa­ tion and culture, serving there three years. Beginning in 1956 he served as a "candidate" member of the Central Committee of the Labor Party, becom­ ing a full member and its secretary in 1961 and a member of the Politburo in 1970. This Politburo or Political Bureau was the highest decision-making body of the party and formulated policy concerning ideological indoctrina­ tion and the use of the media for mass education. From the year 1970 on, the four-man Secretariat of the Politburo consisted of Enver Hoxha as first 584

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secretary, Ramiz Alia as secretary for ideological affairs, Hysni Kapo the secretary for organizational matters, and Xhafer Spahiu the secretary for state administration. There Alia played an important part in rewriting the 1977 constitution, which finally brought that document into harmony with the earlier actions outlawing all religions. Then on 22 November 1982 the People's Assembly endorsed Alia as president of its Presidium. This placed him in an advantageous position to replace the former designee for the top post as Hoxha's successor. Mehmet Shehu, Hoxha's closest collaborator for 40 years and his designated successor, had fallen into disfavor in 1981 and died under circumstances that aroused the suspicion that he had been murdered. Among the hundreds of heroes memorialized in the official En­ cyclopedic Dictionary, Shehu does not appear. Ramiz Alia had other relationships in his favor. He had married Semiramis Xhuvani of Elbasan, the Orthodox Christian daughter of the distinguished scholar and educator Aleksander Xhuvani, losing her by death, however, in 1986 at 58. Their daughter helped consolidate the dynasty by marrying the son of Enver and Nexhmije Hoxha. Members of Alias Seventh Brigade had achieved great power within the Albanian Com­ munist Party. In 1984, on the fortieth anniversary of the Seventh Brigade, Enver Hoxha stated in his congratulatory telegram the following: "One of the most outstanding leaders of our Party, Ramiz Alia, was a member of the political wing of the Seventh Brigade, while the Prime Minister, Adil Charchani, and many other leaders of our Party and Government were commissars and commanders of battalions and chetas in this brigade" (NAlb 1989, 6:9). Nexhmije Hoxha, wife of Enver, had also served in the Seventh Brigade and for years headed the Central Committee's Directorate of Education and Culture, including the prestigious Institute of MarxistLeninist Studies. Two days after the death of Hoxha, Ramiz Alia assumed his post as first secretary of the Albanian Party of Labor, on 13 April 1985. He further centralized power when the 1986 congress appointed former buddies of the Seventh Brigade to fill vacant positions on the Politburo. Alia obviously felt comfortable and confident, surrounded as he was by top leaders whose ideological compatibility had been proved through many years of struggle. TH E EIG H TH 5-YEA R PLAN (1 9 8 6 -1 9 9 0 ) A

d m in is t r a t io n

The Ninth Congress of the Albanian Party of Labor was held from 3 to 8 November 1986 to assess the work of the party and the people during the preceding five years and to adopt the objectives for the following 5-year period. The preceding Seventh 5-Year Plan (1981-1985), it will be remembered, was the first "based entirely on our own forces, without any credits or aid from abroad." Tirana sought to divert attention from the true causes of failure to meet the targets: inefficient centralized planning, aging

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technology, poor worker morale and management. Instead, the fault lay elsewhere. "Drought, exceptionally heavy rain and snow, fluctuating prices on the world market, these complicated our economy and created some im­ balances. But the working class, the cooperative peasantry, the people's in­ telligentsia . . . with the communists in the lead, did the impossible" (Alia 1986, 19). "In general," the objectives set by the Eighth Congress were at­ tained, "despite the influence of the capitalist, bourgeois and revisionist en­ circlement and blockade on our country" (AT 1986, 5:20). The chairman of the State Planning Commission pointed out that even the slower pace of development was gratifying if it was remembered that the "capitalist and revisionist world is plunged in a deep and all-round crisis characterized by stagnation, the continuous fall of production, inflation, unemployment, deteriorating standards of living for the working masses" (ibid., 19). Alia called a "major victory . . . the discovery and defeat of the plot of the multi­ ple agent Mehmet Shehu and his criminal gang" and assured the nation that "the consequences have already been eliminated successfully" (Alia 1986, 4). There was no hint of change in Alia's longstanding enmity toward both the superpowers. The Draft Plan with its significant increases in production was presented to the congress and adopted. Alia emphasized a guiding principle for self-sufficiency: "We must consume only as much as we produce, spend only as much as we earn, import only as much as we export" (ibid., 17). There was general rejoicing over the fact that the administrative apparatus required only 1.6 percent of the state budget. Ramiz Alia was reelected head of the Communist Party. He declared, "The proceedings and decisions of our Congress will be a further proof of our loyalty to the teachings of Enver Hoxha and of our determination to march on his road" (ibid.). Communist party membership stood at about 120,000, or 4 percent of the population. Albania's population enjoyed an annual growth rate of 2.1 percent, or about 58,000 inhabitants, reaching 3.25 million by the beginning of 1990, and a projected 4 million by the year 2000. This was the highest growth rate in Europe. The increase each year was due to the stable birth rate and a declining death rate. For instance, in 1980 there were 50.3 deaths per thou­ sand children under one year of age, but in 1989 that index dropped to 28. Just one-half of the population was now under 23. The average life expec­ tancy was now 72 (NAlb 1989, 1:36). This growth of the population was deemed "a proof of the superiority of our social system" (NAlb 1986,1:26). In

d u stry

Once again industry enjoyed the lion's share of the state investments for development of this Eighth 5-YP, receiving 42 percent of the total. It was estimated that during this five-year period, industrial production would in­ crease about 30 percent, although by the end of the first quarter of 1989, oil production was 11,000 tons below plan, copper was 1,000 tons short, and chrome output was down (Minn 1990, 24). State investments under-

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wrote some 420 important projects, a few of the most noteworthy being the following. The Koman hydropower station was the largest project of this 5-YP, its thousands of workers concentrating on the completion of the last two turbines. This third and largest hydropower station on the Drin River was announced in January 1989 to be working at full capacity, each of its four turbines producing 150,000 kilowatts of power for a total of 600,000 kilowatts. The construction of a yet larger dual-purpose hydropower station was begun at Banja on the Devoll River between the districts of Elbasan and Gramsh. The reservoir with a capacity of 510 billion cubic meters of water would equal the combined capacity of all the previously built reservoirs in the country and would irrigate vast areas of low land in Lushnja, Elbasan, Fier, Durrës and Berat districts. The 300-foot-high mountain of ferro­ concrete, rock and clay would create a vast lake and greatly increase elec­ tric power export. Besides agreements already in operation with Yugoslavia and Greece, additional contracts were signed with Romania, Bulgaria, Austria and Italy. Work on the dam and canal network was begun with the expectation that it would continue into the Ninth 5-YP. The design, construction and operation of this Banja project were entirely the work of Albanian engineers who were gaining much expertise now in this field. A new urea plant for manufacturing chemical fertilizer was built near the other one at Fier, with the technical help of the Chinese. The new plant, with a capacity of 100,000 tons annually, was commissioned in June 1990. Most of its production was to be inorganic fertilizer for agriculture, with a lesser part to be developed as fodder for livestock. Interestingly, "new forms of remuneration were applied, and they had an immediate effect in accelerating the construction" (NAlb 1990, 2:10-11). Also scheduled for 1990 was a new plant for phosphate fertilizer with a capacity of 150,000 tons annually that was being built in Lach. The new passenger railroad link from Shkodra to Titograd in Yugo­ slavia was inaugurated on 6 July 1986. The network had begun to extend deep into the northern mountains by March 1986, requiring technical ex­ pertise worthy of the Albanian engineer Karl Gega, who designed the rail­ ways of the Austrian Alps (Liria 1 October 1986, 4). By the fall of 1987 the first phase of this new Milot-Rreshen-Burrel-Klos railway line in the rich mineral district of Mat had extended 15 miles through the rugged northern mountains. The new line went along the Mat and Fan rivers, required four long tunnels and nearly 150 bridges, and was the first in the country to be built entirely with concrete sleepers. It was estimated that this line would transport 1.5 million tons of ore annually. A total of 35,000 youthful vol­ unteers and 3,000 specialists working permanently did most of the railway construction work. Collaboration in sports, cultural and artistic perfor­ mances and parties between the work brigades and village youth organiza­ tions along the railway line proved mutually enjoyable and stimulating. Thus the railway, penetrating this hinterland so rich in chromium and

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copper, not only encouraged new mines, more employment, more profes­ sional and technical training, and more industrial production, but also en­ couraged the more dynamic social and economic advancement of the rural population. Chromium ore is found throughout these mountains. Its extraction now placed Albania second in the world, and production was expanding. Mine shafts went down 2,000 feet, and extended horizontally as much as 7,000 to 10,000 feet, with greatly extended shafts and galleries being planned. Un­ derground operations were mechanized for loading, transport, ventilation, removal of water, etc. Vast chromium deposits, called "grey gold," were worked at Bulqiza, Kukës, Tropoja, Shebenik, etc. At Bulqiza a spiral ramp extended deep into the earth and facilitated the removal of ore. At Klos near Burrel a transport tunnel over four miles long with electric trains on two-way tracks carried the ore from the deposits to the new railway line. Chromium refineries in the area produced 600,000 tons of upgraded chrome annually. Mining engineers and prospectors were confident that they had only scratched the surface of the chromium potential and that entire regions still untouched constituted a "treasure island" waiting to be exploited. Iron nickel was a relatively new industry, compared with chromium, copper, oil and coal. It was mined mainly in the southeastern region of Albania, in the districts of Librazhd, Pogradec and Korcha, where vast re­ serves good for several hundred years were found. The extraction process was completely mechanized. At the famous Gur i Kuq mine at Pogradec there was a factory to upgrade the ore which could handle 500,000 tons of ore a year. There were 11 of these mines in the region, the high-quality ore being processed at the metallurgical combine at Elbasan. The ore and manufactured steel products met the domestic needs, and great quantities were exported. The Elbasan plant was expanded during this 5-YP to in­ crease the production of steel wire and cable. The port of Durrës handled 85 percent of the country's foreign trade, over 700 ships from 50 countries using the port facilities each year. Exports increased by 44 percent during this 5-YP. The production of consumer goods, such as baby carriages, bicycles and scores of other articles, met 35 percent of the country's requirements, the numbers and types of products increasing each year. The Ninth Congress committed itself to provide within this 5-YP an ample supply of drinking water to every village and in­ habited center of the country. Envisioned were new pipelines to 1,200 villages, and an improved system for 300 others. The first year saw 17 per­ cent of the work completed, water supply systems having been constructed or improved in about 365 villages and zones. Provision was also made for the construction of 85,000 more apartments and houses. A major advance in telecommunications was realized on 20 March 1990 with the inauguration of the automatic direct dialing system for interurban and international telephone service. Financed by the United Na­ tions Development Fund, Albanian engineers and specialists received the

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assistance of Italian and Greek technicians in setting up the system which linked Albania to 54 countries of the outside world. Telecommunication delegates from the United Nations, Greece, Italy and other European firms attended the Tirana ceremony, as well as heads of the various diplomatic corps. Although few public or private telephones existed in the country ex­ cept for official use, and foreign calls were usually monitored, the inaugura­ tion of this system seemed like a symbolic step toward correcting Albania's long-term isolation from the rest of the world. Hundreds of calls were made immediately to overseas family members and friends. A

g r ic u l t u r e

Agriculture received 32 percent of the total state investments for this Eighth 5-YP, the increased production estimated to be about 36 percent. Hundreds of irrigation works were undertaken to increase the production of 150,000 acres. One of these was the project of Kakavia, caring for 2,500 acres on the plain of Dropull in Gjirokastra district. It was finished by the workers and cooperativists of the area seven months ahead of schedule. At the 24 May 1986 inauguration ceremony, the best folklore groups of this Greek minority region "sang to the Party which raised them from darkness to light, from slavery to freedom." A yet larger canal network at Mbishkodra was inaugurated ahead of schedule on 1 June (A T 1986, 3). New land brought into production was estimated at 50,000 acres. Only about 30 per­ cent of the coastal countryside in the "western lowlands" constituted the "granary of Albania." Olive cultivation was highlighted on 10 October 1986 as the Higher Agricultural Institute at Kamza, four miles northwest of Tirana, celebrated the thirty-fifth anniversary of its founding. The schools of agronomy, veterinary medicine, farm economics and forestry covered all the fields of agricultural and livestock production and enrolled over 4,600 students. Literally thousands of graduate specialists served in all the state farms and cooperatives of the country. At the commemorative rally at the institute Ramiz Alia challenged the youth of the olive-growing zones to undertake a program to double olive production by 1990. At the time there were about 250,000 acres of hilly land along the coastline planted in olive trees. First, 1,250 students and teachers of the institute collaborated with youth organizations and specialists of the agricultural enterprises of the zone in a complete registration of olive trees. This inventory recorded the physical condition of every tree, its age, productive capacity, and steps which might be taken for its improvement. Then they drew up plans for new plantings each year with voluntary labor. An intensive campaign saw 420,000 new olive trees planted during December 1986. Another 5,500 acres of land have been prepared for new trees, and canals were completed to irrigate 10,000 acres of olive trees. These terraces strung out in one long line would extend 1,600 miles, 95 percent of the area being irrigated. The year 1987 was called a bumper year for olive production, and a rapidly increasing supply of

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valuable edible oil from the olives was anticipated. In fact, the olive output for the Seventh 5-YP (1981-1985) was 3,800 tons greater than that of the preceding 5-YP, and for this Eighth 5-YP (1986-1990) production was ex­ pected to double. Similar increases were expected for other fruits. Total agricultural output today was 3.5 times higher than that of 20 years earlier. The production of wheat, the main agricultural product, had increased 5.5 fold, or 550 percent, although the area of land used for bread grain crops had increased only 30 percent, indicating the effectiveness of irrigation, fer­ tilizers, improved seeds, etc. With notable increases planned in livestock farming, it was estimated that by 1990 milk production would be up 78 per­ cent, eggs 55 percent, wool 58 percent and tobacco 90 percent. Despite all this, Albania's agricultural program was in trouble. First was the driest winter in 40 years. The Banja irrigation project under con­ struction was to care for this eventually, but food imports for 1989 would total about $70 million. Then there was overinvestment in industry to the detriment of agriculture. Ramiz Alia considered agriculture the "key to prog­ ress," and he chided officials who resisted his efforts to reduce government investments in new industrial projects and increase investments in light in­ dustry and food production. On the other hand, Albania had neither soar­ ing food prices nor food shortages. But obsolete farm machinery needed replacement, and Albania had to import more than 1,000 modern tractors from Germany. Alia also warned against too tightly centralized control, so that the farm and industrial managers would be reluctant to make any deci­ sions themselves and instead wait for instructions "from above." Eric Bourne of the Christian Science M onitor reported on a significant move toward reform: One cooperative near Shkodra has 11,000 acres and 5,000 worker members coming from the farm's 11 villages. Each of those villages elects representatives to an "assembly of the cooperative." "The state," the farm's chief agronomist says, "does not tell us precisely that we must produce this or that and how much. We know our land and our capabilities, as well as what the general state plan needs. And the assembly votes our own plan on that basis. We meet our local needs and the state requirement. If there is still a surplus, our members benefit," he says [Linn 15 August 1989, 3].

The Tirana regime would never dream of moving as far toward a free market or private enterprise as existed already in Poland or Hungary. Mod­ erate concessions in this direction by the Soviet Union were sharply criticized in Tirana's official newspaper. But peasant homes on collective farms usually included small garden plots for fruits, vegetables, and a few sheep or goats. Production was for family use only. But a slight relaxation was now per­ mitted. To supplement agricultural production and to furnish inducement for added income, peasants were encouraged to produce more food on their little private plots. Any surplus, however, had to be sold to the coopera­ tives, not on the open market. The cooperatives bought the garden surpluses

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from the peasants and sold them to the state with their farm products. The state promised to pay a little more so the peasant could earn a little more. But at this period, the rigidly controlled system could bend no further. Ec

o n o m y

The economic law of Marxism-Leninism is said to be inevitable in its outworking. It envisions the socio-economic development of the country by following these steps: (1) the constant growth of the population; (2) the employment of the entire able-bodied population in socially useful and pro­ ductive work; (3) the rational distribution of jobs; (4) the improvement of the system of wages and the planned raising of average wages; (5) the suc­ cessive reduction of prices for retail sales goods and of tariffs for services to the people (AT 1984, 2:10-12; 1986, 3:36-37). Harilla Papajorgji, an Albanian authority in the field of economic sciences, described how these principles were applied in Albania: Within these four decades of the people's state power, the population of Albania has grown at an average annual rate of 2.5 percent. This is the highest population growth rate in Europe. The growth rate of the social product, the national income and the production of individual branches, are several times higher than the growth rate of the population. In our country we have the phenomenon that while the population doubles every 25-30 years, the social product doubles every 10 years. This emerges from these data: in 1984, against 1950, that is over 34 years, while the popula­ tion grew 2.4 times, the social product increased 12.6 times, total in­ dustrial production 38.4 times, total agricultural production 4.2 times. . . . The growth of the population, especially the population of the work­ ing age, its employment in the various branches of material production, the ever higher effectiveness in the utilization of the work force, along with other socio-economic factors, play a role of decisive importance in ensur­ ing high and steady rates of growth in the social product, the national in­ come and the improvement of the well-being of the population [A T 1986, 3:37],

On the basis of this inevitable law of Socialist economy one might ex­ pect the Albanian population to have been the wealthiest rather than the poorest in all of Europe. Yet on this basis Ramiz Alia could confidently promise his people at the Ninth Congress in 1986, "Factories and production lines, roads and schools, reservoirs and livestock complexes, health and cultural institutes, these will be built all over the Homeland (Alia 1986, 24). "Our economy," he said further, "is managed on the basis of the princi­ ple of democratic centralism, which combines the central management of the state from above with the initiative of the base and the masses from below" (Alia 1986, 62). But he warned his bureaucrats repeatedly against the tendency to centrally control even the smallest details and urged that more initiative and responsibility be granted to the workers to decide their own affairs.

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Alia characterized himself as a realist. His willingness to establish diplomatic, trade and cultural ties with the West evidenced an increasingly pragmatic approach to foreign and even domestic policy. This flexibility was severely tested before 1992 when the Common Market planned by the European community began operation. Such an integrated European market presented the potential for real difficulties for Albania. Fatos Nano of the Institute of Economic Studies said, "We have to take reality into ac­ count. We must not fear feasible arrangements which might emerge in­ directly or be adjusted to the single market' so long as they are consistent with our conditions and laws" (Liria 1 August 1989, 2). This latter reference was to the Albanian constitution's ban on accepting foreign loans or credits, also on affiliation with foreign political or economic groupings. But Nano continued, "The single market can make problems for us. . . . We don't want to wake up in 1992 and find ourselves excluded. We have to face reality and find our way of adjusting to it" (ibid.). A European visitor to Tirana in 1989 reported an evening rendezvous in a park with a university student. The tourist expressed concern when two policemen walked past. The student reassured him, "Don't worry, they think the same way as the rest of us!" The tourist expressed surprise also at the quantities of fresh vegetables, "plenty of milk everywhere at all times of day," also "a lot of cheese available." Having read of the long queues of people waiting hours for these foods, he became convinced that by this new state of plenty, the authorities were buying stability and suppressing unrest. He expressed surprise too at seeing in Shkodra a modern Westernstyle refuse truck complete with bin-lift and compacter. There also the con­ crete bunkers opposite the hotel had been removed and replaced by flower beds (Dielli 10 August 1989, 5). But Albanians did have a rather spartan existence, with the lowest per capita annual income in Europe, about $950. Yet again, their Socialist government provided employment, housing, education, medical care, so­ cial security and retirement benefits for all. There was no real poverty or private wealth, no foreign debts, taxes, inflation, unemployment, beggars, homeless people, gadget craze or ownership of a car —only of a horse, a donkey, a motorbike or a bicycle. There were no traffic jams, noise or pollution. But Albania was facing staggering economic problems. Philip Giantris, a vice-president of the Free Albania Organization, from his broad knowledge of Albania, wrote in Liria (15 October 1990, 4) of the dramatic achievements accomplished in several vital fields, but con­ cluded, "Where is Albania today? In my judgment, Albania is stalled behind a façade of progress that in reality represents an understructure of stagnation and deterioration. When one drives around Albania, one can clearly see the real 'handwriting on the wall' behind the omnipresent political slogans. But my concern is whether the powers that be in Albania are getting the message. Clearly, these are times for brave leadership and daring changes."

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Apparently, Albania's leaders agreed. On 31 July 1990 the Presidium of the People's Assembly, under the presidency of Ramiz Alia, approved an important decree designed to expand the economic cooperation of Albania with foreign countries. The decree carried the ungainly title, "On the Economic Activities of Enterprises with the Participation of Foreign Capital in the PSR of Albania." The decree indicated the governmental agencies that could give authorization to foreign enterprises, the procedure in applying for such authorization and numerous regulations concerning bookkeeping, banking and taxation. Of special interest was the assurance that "Foreign investments in the territory of the PSR of Albania are fully protected and secured. These investments are not expropriated or na­ tionalized, and will not be subject to any other measure similar to the ex­ propriation or nationalization, except in specific cases for public purposes, and always against payment for respective remuneration" (Liria 1 Sep­ tember 1990, 1). It was beginning to look as though better days lay ahead. To encour­ age American investments in Albanian industrial development and com­ merce, an American firm, Elias and Associates, established the AlbanianAmerican Trade Association with headquarters in Washington, D.C. Encouraged by Tirana's abandonment of the centrally controlled economy and its move toward free enterprise, James Elias and three associates went to Albania in May 1991 to discuss trade and investment opportunities. These talks resulted in the signing of a protocol on 24 May between Elias and Associates and the Albanian Chamber of Commerce. Elias and Asso­ ciates would share information on trade and investment opportunities, organize trade missions and seminars and develop training, technical assistance and education projects in entrepreneurship and other fields (Liria July 1981, 8). Analyzing Albania's economic potential, an Albanian-American busi­ nessman identified certain problems but was encouraged by the conviction that these were more than counterbalanced by certain resources. Visiting Albania in September 1990, this businessman asked himself, "What would it be like to do business with or for Albania?" He considered top priority an improved telecommunication system. Attention must then be given to the intercountry and intracountry transportation system. He found raw materials abundant, such as iron, chromium, oil, coal, copper and electric energy, although some of the associated manufacturing systems needed modernization. He noted that the long, cumbersome decision-making pro­ cess of the bureaucracy would have to be streamlined, and that the market­ ing and accounting-for-profit techniques must be taught. But he observed that "Albania's best and biggest asset is their young educated work force. They are eager, aggressive, articulate and educated." He was also en­ thusiastic about the several relevant laws recently passed by the govern­ ment (Liria February 1991, 1). That same September 1990 the European edition of the Wall Street

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Journal carried the startling news that some shoppers in Albania could now pay with Eurocard or Mastercard —the first credit cards to be introduced in that country. The cards would be honored at first only at the airport, two Tirana hotels, and the hotel in Durrës. But the network would be ex­ panded. Cardholders, however, could get cash advances at 26 outlets of Albania's national bank (Liria October 1990, 5). Six months later another Wall Street Journal reporter interviewed a 22-year-old university student to check on his knowledge of current affairs in the West. Asked about a fax machine, he had no idea. American Express? He guessed it was a news­ paper. Handed a credit card, he fingered it curiously, held it up to the light, and guessed: "Lottery ticket? Playing card?" But the newsman observed, "At the Hotel Dajti, where foreigners stay and students rarely stray, an American Express card imprinter has now appeared at the front desk" (Wall Street Journal 11 March 1991). Later that same year, on 16 November 1990, Albania allowed the first direct-dial telephone calls to and from the United States. All earlier AT&T approaches had met a polite but firm "no," but at last Tirana was moderating its hostility toward the West. AT&T engineers were surprised that this isolated country had already installed modern Italian equipment to handle international calls. The quality of the transmission was poor, but the cost was not prohibitive, about $3.88 for the first minute. But sym­ bolically at least, Albania was establishing electronic ties with the rest of the world (Washington Times 10 December 1990). Very obviously, Albania was in transition. It was moving away from the Stalinist pattern of a tightly controlled economy and toward the democratic pattern of free enterprise. The old was going, but not yet gone; the new was coming, but had not yet quite arrived. This transitional period was a most crucial moment in Albania's long pilgrimage. C

u lture

Cultural projects scheduled for this Eighth 5-YP received nearly onequarter of the state budget. Among major projects was the marble-faced pyramid to house the Enver Hoxha Museum, the National Library expan­ sion and a new building at Tirana for the Post and Telecommunications Service and for the press. Also scheduled were nine large hospitals and eight maternity homes, about 100 primary and secondary schools, three more holiday hostels for worker families, 12 sports halls, 85,000 apart­ ments or homes, and hundreds of smaller projects (Alia 1986, 58). Education. On 7 March 1987 the one-hundredth anniversary of the founding of the first Albanian-language school was observed all over the country. This school was the famous Mësonjëtorja of Korcha, begun in 1887 under extremely adverse circumstances. To commemorate the event, 7 March was celebrated nationwide as Teacher's Day. A complete network of schools now reached young and old throughout the country. While

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57 percent of the students completing eight-year schools in 1985 went on into secondary schools, it was estimated that during this 5-YP about 73 percent would do so, and 21,000 others would receive higher vocational training (ibid.; NAlb 1990, 1:2). The number of students admitted to the university each year was planned so as to fulfill the needs of each branch of the economy. To break down class distinctions, the social composition of the students conformed with that of the population. For the academic year 1985 to 1986, about 50 percent of the students were the children of workers and peasants, about 35 percent from office employee families, and 15 percent from families with one parent a worker and the other an office employee. Usually about 46 percent of the students were young women. The state fur­ nished the education free, provided hostels for a symbolic fee, and em­ ployed all the graduates. There were 70 "profiles" or fields of specialization, about 60 percent of the students specializing in engineering and agricultural and medical sciences and about 40 percent in education, culture and art. There were also 64 postgraduate courses for yet higher specialization (NAlb 1986, 5:20). Educational reform was to make secondary schooling com­ pulsory for all by the year 2000. A revision of textbooks was planned, this becoming altogether urgent in light of the political changes taking place. During 1990 alone 166 new schools were planned. A new hostel complex would accommodate 3,200 additional university students. The further modernization and democratization of the educational system was sched­ uled (NAlb 1990, 5:2). A rchaeology. The Academy of Sciences collaborated closely in 1988 with the Roemer and Peliceus Museum of Hildesheim, West Germany, in the conduct of two scholarly symposiums on Albania's Illyrian past. First was the archaeological exhibit, "Treasures from the Land of the Albanians," which continued from 18 July to 20 November 1988. Illustrating the history of Albania from the Stone Age up to the fifteenth century, 375 of the finest archaeological treasures were lent by Albanian museums, and 15 others by museums in Hanover, Dresden, Vienna, Naples, Rome and Baltimore. A smaller exhibit in Bonn continued until 20 December. Altogether, it was estimated that about 100,000 people viewed the exhibit. The following 6 to 8 June 1989 a second symposium at Hildesheim brought scholars from Ger­ many, Austria, Greece and Albania to consider 20 papers on "The Illyrians and the Ancient World." Seven of these major papers read by Albanian scholars dealt with Albanian prehistory, King Monun, the Illyrians and Epirots, ancient art in Durrës, etc. A conference at the University of Geneva led to the proposal for an archaeological excursion to Albania in September 1991. Then as a sequel to the first colloquium on "Southern Illyria and Epirus in the Period of Antiquity," convened at Clermont-Ferrand, France, in 1984, a second collo­ quium was scheduled there for October 1991. The main organizer was Pro­ fessor Pierre Chaban, editor of a three-volume work on the ancient inscrip­ tions of Albania, who was also chairman of the France-Albania Friendship

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Association for Clermont-Ferrand. Scholarly archaeological institutes elsewhere in Europe had undertaken the publication of books on Illyrian cities, Latin inscriptions, ancient sculpture, the Neolithic period, ancient Albanian coins, etc. Thus the way was opening for the publication not only of scientific monographs, but of illustrated albums of archaeological centers, museum catalogs and folders and postcards "which are indispen­ sable components of civilized tourism" (NAlb 1990, 3:29). The National Library. The National Library collected and preserved all the written cultural values of the country. Founded in 1920 and inaugu­ rated in 1922, the library was a treasure house preserving hundreds of anti­ quarian manuscripts dating back to the fourteenth century. The collection of over 30,000 volumes dealing with Albania and the Albanians was prob­ ably the richest and most complete fund of Albanology in the world. The addition of about 27,000 volumes each year enabled the National Library to reach one million volumes in 1987. The network of more than 4,000 libraries in other scientific institutions, cities and villages enriched the culture with over 12 million volumes (NAlb 1988, 1:6-7). The director of the National Library, V. Sala, noted in early 1990 that the first-time exhibit of about 220 literary antiquities was one of the most outstanding cultural events of the period. Prominent among these treasures were seven "incunabula" or publications dating prior to 1501, also works in many languages on Skanderbeg, and rare publications from the printery of Voskopoja. Those antiquarian works were the source of several schol­ arly papers welcomed by youth as well as by the prominent scholars in at­ tendance (NAlb 1990, 3:8). Writers and Artists. Addressing a group of writers and artists in Korcha in August 1985, Ramiz Alia strongly criticized the quality and quantity of contemporary Albanian literature. He urged, "A greater effort must be made in culture and the arts, but also in other fields, to resist the prevailing mentality of complacency over average standards and sometimes also over mediocrity. .. . The demand for a higher qualitative level in the arts today is a very urgent matter, and a necessity" (Zëri 29 August 1985). The accom­ panying encouragement of "creativity" was a refreshing change from the earlier emphasis on ideological purity as a priority. Alia's criticism of mediocrity and demand for better quality literature triggered a campaign in the national press for some badly needed improvements. Albania's leading author, Ismail Kadare, reported that in discussing literature with people he met on vacation in Saranda, he heard widespread complaints about the poor or mediocre quality of the books recently published in Albania. But progress would not come easily, or quickly. Apparently, one author, Koço Kosta, learned this the hard way. In­ spired probably by Alia, early in 1986 he wrote a novel entitled Those Two and Others and submitted it to the literary magazine Nëntori for publica­ tion. Nëntori's April 1986 issue carried the first installment of the novel. The story awoke great interest among Albania's intellectuals, who eagerly

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awaited the next installment. But it never appeared! In its place the May issue carried a long article with the title "The Deeply Mistaken Novel, Those Two and Others'" (Dielli 30 April 1987). It seems that the main characters in that story were leading a life quite aloof from their Com­ munist society. An official critic from LAWA (League of Albanian Writers and Artists) charged that they pursue their own small interests. They move along the way of the small, the petit-bourgeois people" (The Citizen, Auburn, NY, 7 May 1987,12). To the critic this was unthinkable. The same critic mentioned that before writers could become members of LAWA and receive authorization to buy their own imported typewriter, they must have at least two handwritten novels or short stories approved and pub­ lished by a state-run publishing house {ibid.). Then Dritëro Agolli, president of LAWA, openly blamed the massive bureaucracy for the fact that "the condition of the Albanian theater is pathetic, and the level of artistic creativity is very low." He claimed that all 10 theaters in Albania were directed by bureaucrats, as though the writers, journalists and literary experts were not adequate for such work (Zen 13 March 1988). Kadare also attributed the blame to the bureaucrats who were opposing reform. He charged that in resisting the extremes of literary liberalism and dogmatism, the bureaucrats tend to suppress liberalism more than dogmatism. He added that two years had passed since Ramiz Alia had spoken against mediocrity in the field of artistic creativity, and no results had been apparent because of certain "pressures from the forces of mediocrity" (Zën 6 March 1988). Before the dust stirred up by Alias Korcha speech had settled, he spoke at Elbasan's Aleksander Xhuvani Institute of Higher Education, named in­ cidentally after his father-in-law. Having headed the national youth organization, and then the Ministry of Education, Alia sensed that Albania's predominantly youthful population, like its writers and artists, was becoming restless under the excessive control of certain party officials. Addressing the faculty and students and the country as a whole, Alia said that not all young people were able to grasp properly and quickly the new and revolutionary changes taking place today, such as traditions, customs, tastes and behavior. He warned that some young people were being fooled by bourgeois and Revisionist influences. But he urged them, "Never tire of learning. Ignore the inhibiting opinions of lazy people, of those who have a limited horizon. Read as much as possible, even outside of school work, and about everything. Expand your cultural knowledge" (Zëri 7 May 1986). He also reproved certain party officials for inhibiting the creativity of youth by their excessive control: There is a tendency for party authorities to exert unnecessary control over the work, and particularly the activities of the youth. We must once and for all get rid of the tutelage and all other methods allegedly used to "discipline" the cultural, artistic and sporting activities of young people,

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even their entertainment, because this artificially hinders the skills and ini­ tiative of the young. The youth organizations are able to act indepen­ dently [ibid.].

The pressures from within were multiplying for the authoritarian party traditionalists to respond to a call for change as Albania's predominantly youthful population was increasingly exposed to the outside world. Apparently LAWA authors, tired of the repeated slogans and cliches of "socialist realism," welcomed this encouragement to express more freely their differences with the bureaucracy. In 1989 a best-selling novel entitled Thikat (The Knives) appeared. The author, Neshat Tozaj, had trained at Tirana University's faculty of political-juridical sciences and was serving as an official at the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The daring novel was pub­ lished by the Naim Frashëri Publishing House. For the first time someone dared to detail the harassment of the Albanian people by the dreaded Sigurimi, the secret police force which operated under the supervision of that very ministry. The novel began innocently enough with a retarded street woman slashing the tire of an official's car on Tirana's Embassy Row. The ever vigilant Sigurimi considered this as only the tip of an unseen iceberg, so began to root out those involved in a horrendous international conspiracy. The ever expanding web of suspicion, informants, arrests and torture to ex­ tract confessions from the innocent destroyed not only the careers but the lives of many guiltless persons. This expose of the Sigurimi's lack of respect for truth and basic human rights was unprecedented. Because the novel's publication was permitted by the authorities, some questioned whether it may not have been a "plant" to encourage further student revolt and justify further concessions and reforms. At the same time it might have under­ mined the watchful hard-liners surrounding Nexhmije Hoxha. Ismail Kadare praised the fascinating novel and reviewed it before literary clubs and in the press because of its contribution to the democratization of Al­ bania. Undoubtedly stimulated by Alias speeches at Korcha and Elbasan, Tirana's Zëri i Rinisë (The Voice of Youth) for 21 March 1990 carried an interview conducted by its editor, Remzi Lani, with Albania's worldrenowned writer Ismail Kadare. Understanding the supersensitive character of the police and other Stalinist authorities, it would seem a most daring exercise in brinkmanship to say these things and to print these things. Some excerpts from the interview follow: There are two groups . . . regarding education and culture. On one side are the conservatives who wish to hold on to the status quo, who would not allow change. On the other side are the people who stand for reform, for change, and who confidently face the future. . . . The conservative group is obsolete, is out of fashion, and therefore must be booted out and replaced with young people in tune with the times, of agile mind and with

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a sturdy vision of the future. Instead of attacking a priest like Gjon Buzuku, author of M eshari (The Mass), it would be much better and more appropriate to honor him with a monument in front of the building of the Albanian Academy of Sciences. . . . He deplored the fact that such well-known writers as Faik Konitza, Father Gjergj Fishta and Ernest Koliqi have almost disappeared from the annals of literature in socialist Albania, officially seen as enemies because their political and artistic views are not in accord with the principles of socialist realism. . The quest for the democratization of life is the order of the day in Albania. Intellectuals must not stand aside as spectators with folded arms, but must . . . rise with vigor against the dark and backward forces of the country, and defeat them.

The Albanian-American scholar Peter Prifti states that "with this splendid interview Ismail Kadare has rendered a great and most valuable service to the development of democracy in Albania" (Liria 1 March 1990, 1). Later that same year, on 24 October 1990, Ismail Kadare and his fam­ ily requested and were granted political asylum in France. Born in Gjirokastra, Enver Hoxha's hometown, in 1936, Kadare followed his early works of poetry with nine novels, some of which were translated into more than a dozen languages. But he accused the Tirana regime of deceiving the people with empty promises of democratic reforms which they had no in­ tention of implementing. Some of his LAWA colleagues called this a "shameful" act, to defect at the very moment when a homeland seeking democratization needed the words and acts of its best writers (Liria December 1990, 3). Kadare, however, justified his defection because of the threats of the Sigurimi. His name was on their blacklist of about 100 in­ tellectuals with whom the Sigurimi was waiting to settle their long-standing grievances. Also, he was alarmed at the government's rough handling of some of the thousands of asylum seekers at foreign embassies in Tirana the preceding summer. He also expressed "the conviction that more than any action I could take in Albania, my defection will help the democratization of my country" (ibid.). Kadare's admirers vigorously protested the administration's official silence on the fiftieth birthday of Albania's greatest living author. Their paper, Zëri i Rinisë, for 26 January 1991 carried these courageous words of censure: "Not a word in the controlled press, not a commemorative ceremony, but only silence. The bureaucracy has never economized on ar­ ticles, ceremonies, titles and decorations for all kinds of officials of no worth, or of dubious worth, but it could not permit such a privilege even for Ismail Kadare" (Liria February 1991, 6). Festivals and Concerts. Although with the exception of the Gjirokastra extravaganza, most of the festivals and concerts were held annually, certain of them were outstanding. The May concerts at Tirana's Opera and Ballet Theater for eight or more days had dominated the artistic-musical field ever since their first performance in 1967. Professional musicians and amateur

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ensembles of schools, factories and agricultural cooperatives of Tirana district participated. In 1987 there were five professional and seven amateur groups participating, with songs, dances, fantasies, poems and ballads, also two symphonies and the awarding of prizes for the best creations. The 1989 concerts continued 10 days, included the Radio-Television Orchestra and the Ensemble of Folk Songs and Dances, and were broadcast all over the country by television. Film festivals were held only once every two years. The eighth festival held early in 1989 considered for awards only 14 out of the 30 major films produced during the preceding two years. The film director complimented the filmmakers on their preference for "current themes about problems wor­ rying our society" and added, "The philosophical message emerged clearly and fully" (NAlb 1989, 3:24). A popular festival for Children's Day was held throughout the country on 1 June, featuring excursions for children to parks or other scenic spots for artistic performances, songs, dances and kite-flying. The National Folklore Festival held every five years in the open square inside the Gjirokastra Castle was the superlative event, taking place from 6 to 12 October 1988. These festivals featured groups from all over the country who competed in folk songs, dances, instrumental music and folk costumes. In the previous two festivals the Arbëreshi of Italy and other Al­ banians from abroad also had participated. Concluding the festivities every December for 28 years, the Radio-Television Song Festival was held in Tirana's Opera and Ballet Theater. The three-night celebration featured about 30 of the best new songs selected from about 150 entered by profes­ sional and amateur composers. The singers were accompanied by or­ chestral and other instrumental groups, prizes were awarded and new compositions and composers were recognized. Finally, for all these artists, a most valuable reservoir of Albanian ethnography was the Institute of Folk Culture, attached to the Acad­ emy of Sciences. For many years writers, linguists, musicians, historians and students of folklore had done extensive research throughout the country and organized their findings in four scientific sections: ethnomusicology, literary folklore, material culture and social culture. Their documentary materials now totaled 33,000 ethnographic objects, over 150,000 slides and nearly 25,000 folk songs and dances recorded or filmed. Ethnographic exhibits were opened in Greece, Italy, France, England, Sweden, Finland, Austria, Denmark and Sri Lanka (NAlb 1989, 1:26-27). Cultural monuments also were carefully preserved. Because of its Onufri Museum of Iconography and the architectural value of its mosques, churches and other structures, Berat was proclaimed a museum city in 1961, and in 1990 celebrated the 2400th anniversary of its founding. Radio and Television. It was frequently charged that Stalinist Albania restricted the free flow of information within the country, and especially

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from the non-Communist outside world. A very knowledgeable Ameri­ can, Peter Prifti, who spent two months in Ramiz Alias Albania, wrote this: Albanians are not in the dark about what is going on in the rest of the world. The reason for this is mostly television. To my surprise I found that nearly all the Albanian homes I visited, both in cities and my native village, had TV sets which pick up not only domestic broadcasts, but also TV broadcasts from Italy, Greece and Yugoslavia. As a result the people have broad access to the news and other types of information. News about the world outside comes also from short-wave radios, conversations peo­ ple have with tourists, and even from reports of life abroad brought back by truck drivers who haul Albanian merchandise to various cities in Europe. In my travels in Albania I found that the people have a lively curiosity about America. Students and young people know many things about American society: fashions, films, music and so on. English, in­ cidentally, is the most popular foreign language with students in high school and college [Liria 1 August 1986, 3).

Alia promised his countrymen that by 1990 all Albanian television broad­ casts would be in color and that they would cover the entire territory. Medicine. Each 5-YP saw more hospitals and clinics built, and more medical personnel completed their training so as to provide the people with better medical care. The total disappearance of several diseases and the lengthened lifespan were evidence of a good measure of success. Critics still charged, however, that when the top leaders faced a serious medical emer­ gency, they would fly off to Rome, Athens, Paris or Vienna, and they could cite numerous instances. But several examples illustrate gratifying progress in modern medical practice. In 1988 the cardiology clinic of the Tirana hospital began the successful use of angioplasty. This coronary balloon procedure had been developed only 10 years earlier to widen strictures in blood vessels clogged with plaque, without resorting to surgery. A catheter is inserted into the artery of the thigh and fed up to the point where plaque is blocking the blood flow. A tiny balloon is then inflated to open the channel and restore normal blood flow (Liria 1 August 1988, 4). Again, Albanian progress in medical science was acknowledged at a Balkan Medical Association convention in Greece, called Balkan Medical Week, attended by 700 physicians of various specialties. Albanian physicians were invited to deliver three reports in plenary session, as well as several other papers in their specialized fields (ibid., 15 January 1989,1). Yet broader recognition was gained at the thirtyninth Congress of the World Health Organization for Europe (1989) held at Paris, when the head of the Albanian delegation was elected their vicechairman at the opening session (NAlb 1989, 5:9). Then, from 27 to 30 March 1990 the Albanian Institute of Oncology hosted at Tirana a working seminar to collaborate with European experts of the World Health Organi-

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zation in the diagnosis, treatment, follow-up and terminal care of cancer patients (NAlb 1990, 2:14). Sports. Sporting events increasingly attracted great numbers of par­ ticipants. The 1990 marathon at Tirana the second Sunday of May, for in­ stance, involved 30,000 competitors. Included among them were young men and women industrial workers, farm cooperativists, soldiers, stu­ dents, primary and secondary school pupils, members of the sports clubs of Tirana and the districts, members of the "Sport for Life" association, and so on. But more significantly, it was during this period that Albanian sportsmen and women went international. For the first time since 1934 an Albanian took part in the Balkan Games in September 1986, when a hammer-thrower competed at Ljubljana, Yugoslavia, taking the bronze medal. At the Balkan shooting championship in Bucharest (1986) the Al­ banian women's team took first place in the pistol event, setting a new Balkan record, one woman also winning the individual championship. The Albanian junior women also won both the team and the individual event. Albanian men were second in the team pistol event, one of them winning the silver medal in the individual event. Their women's volleyball team took third place, although one member was proclaimed the best volleyball player in the Balkans. Of middle-distance runners, an Albanian girl took fifth place in the 1,500-meter race in the World Championship for juniors held in Athens in 1986. Albanian men took ninth place among 17 cyclists in the Tour of Greece, and second place among seven countries in the Tour of Turkey. An unprecedented World Cup qualifying soccer match between Al­ bania and England drew a crowd of 25,000 fans in Tirana on 8 March 1989, England winning 2-0. A return match was held at Wembley in mid-1989. A European visitor to Albania wrote, "A few days ago my friend Mark went to Wembley to watch the Big Match —England vs. Albania. It was quite an experience for him, 5-0! But it would have been 10 to 0 if it had not been for the young goalkeeper, 17 years old!" (Dielli 10 August 1989, 5). Then in May 1989 Albanian cyclists and basketball players com­ peted in Austria. The cycling team competed against professionals and na­ tional champions from Austria, Holland, Poland, Soviet Union, West Germany, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, winning recognition as strong competitors. The Albanian basketball team competing for the European championship won over Austria and Portugal, but lost to Poland, Greece and Turkey. The international contact was very gratifying. The organizer of the international cycling tour of lower Austria announced to the Alba­ nian team during the opening ceremony, "Your placing at the top of the list is not just a question of the alphabet, but above all it is a response to the honor you have done us by participating" (NAlb 1989, 3:37). That July 1989 the junior weight lifters at Gladovo, Yugoslavia, won 24 medals, including 10 gold and six silver, and five men were proclaimed Balkan champions in their respective classes. And that September the Albanian chess master won

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the international cup at Athens, and the Albanian volleyball team for girls under 21 won the Balkan championship. In the field of sports, Albania was taking its place in the family of nations. The Family. The Albanian family was no longer patriarchal in charac­ ter as in the past, with three or more couples and their children living in the same household. By the late 1980s the usual family was a one-couple family with an average of 5.5 members. The family was younger now, half its members being under 22, and one-third are children under 15. The fam­ ily was not socially homogeneous as in the past; in about 40 percent of the homes one member was an industrial worker and the other a cooperativist, or one was a worker and the other an official, or one an official and the other a cooperativist. They lived together, but had different social and work functions. Most women belonged to the Women's Union of Albania, which had over 700,000 members. Thanks to their determined struggle, "not just by law but also in practice, the Albanian women enjoy fully equal rights with men in work, in pay, in social insurance, education and in all social and political activity" (NAlb 1988, 2:1). The president of the union expressed it even more succinctly: women were "Equal among equals." Outside the home all able-bodied women engaged in socially produc­ tive work. Women made up 46.6 percent of all the working people, over 40 percent of all the cadres with higher education, and 47 percent of those with secondary education. However, they made up only 30 percent of the Communist Party membership, 30 percent of the deputies in the People's Assembly, and 30 percent of the members of the Supreme Court. They filled several top posts as ministers. To require women with full-time jobs outside the home to carry also full responsibility for the daily tasks at home seemed unjust, so to reduce the differences between men and women the union was determined to "activize the men in daily tasks in the home. But much remains to be done" (NAlb 1988, 2:3). The divorce rate was very low compared with that of Europe or the United States. In 1982, one of every seven marriages was dissolved, while in 1987 only one out of ten was so terminated (ibid., 2). Rest houses or holiday hostels were constantly being expanded for workers and their families. These were located in mountain resorts, along the shores of the Adriatic Sea, or beside scenic lakes and rivers. The new hostel opened in 1986 at Saranda on the semitropical riviera accommodated 3,600 vacationers annually, the cost being generously subsidized by the state. Newly married couples also spent their honeymoons in these vaca­ tion hostels. The several miles of clean sandy beach at Durrës were a favorite of young and old. Every year more than 50,000 workers and their children spent their vacations there, besides the approximately 75,000 others who flocked there to spend their weekly days off. Tourism. Foreign tourists were increasingly welcome in Albania. Ever since the first postwar Albanian-American tourists visited Albania in 1958, there had been an increasing demand for visas from the Embassy offices at

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Paris, Rome and Athens. Some of these applications were refused for unknown reasons; most of the others were delayed for many months or even years. Early in 1988 the Albanian tourism agency ALBTOURIST an­ nounced that foreign tourists who wished to visit Albania could arrange their itineraries through a list of tourist agencies in 20 or more countries, which would organize tour groups of 10 or 20 people for a two-week itiner­ ary. This was the first intimation that Albania was ready to welcome a con­ siderable volume of tourists from all over the world. Western journalists permitted to visit Albania reported a spirit of change taking place there, and wrote that "adequately modern hotels are catering to a growing number of noncommunist visitors and tourists" (Liria 15 March 1988, 1). They also mentioned a relaxation of the rather puritanical regulations about grooming and dress style which alienated earlier visitors. Early in 1989 the vice-director of ALBTOURIST, Luan Bobrati, con­ sented to an interview. He mentioned several countries where he had rela­ tions with 51 tour agencies and 11 Friendship Associations. Significantly, a dozen of those he named were in western Europe, none in eastern Europe. He outlined the archaeological sites, historical monuments, national and regional museums, exhibits, scenic resorts, concerts, films and other cultural programs to be enjoyed. He gave assurance that all towns of Albania could be visited. He named a number of new tourist spots through­ out the country which were being developed or enlarged (NAlb 1989, 1:10-11). Improved relations with Greece had led to a relaxation of travel restrictions over that border. The number of Greek-Albanians visiting Greece increased from seven in 1980 to 522 in the first seven months of 1987. The number of Greek citizens visiting Albania began with 1,325 in 1985, increasing to 5,447 in the first seven months of 1987 (Liria 1 October 1987, 4). Similar relaxation was experienced at the Yugoslav border. About 5,000 tourists from overseas visited Albania each year. Special consideration had always been given to Americans of Albanian ancestry, but otherwise passports from the United States, the Soviet Union, South Africa and South Korea had not been honored by Albania until the late 1980s. From 1987 to 1989 the number of foreign tourists grew from 7,000 to 14,435 annually. Two years later, in 1991, the head of ALBTOURIST talked of future plans with a newsman of the Chicago Tribune. He admitted that there were only 1,600 tourist beds in the whole country. But he had signed contracts with seven or eight companies to add 10,000 hotel beds, many of them along the southern riviera. He added, however, that Albanian managers need not apply for these posts. "Foreigners must manage the hotels, and own at least 50 percent," he said. "Albania is such a small country that everybody knows everybody else. If an Albanian managed the hotel, soon his cousins and friends would come in and want to drink coffee and get special treatment. Soon his business would be finished" (Chicago Tribune 12 June 1991,1:6). French, Italian and Swiss hoteliers raved over the white beaches, the Ionian Sea and the terraced orchards.

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Human Rights and Flights to Freedom. Albania's worldwide notoriety for its suppression of civil and political rights was evident in a special edi­ tion of the Restricted W orld Ministry H andbook published in June 1989 for use at the Lausanne Congress in Manila. It listed 15 criteria in order to evaluate the degree of a country's restriction on human rights. Albania was listed as one of the top three. Its intransigence was highlighted at Budapest on 16 June 1989 when Hungarian Prime Minister Imre Nagy, hanged as a traitor 31 years earlier by invading Soviet forces, was rehabilitated and given a hero's funeral. The press noted that hundreds of thousands of Hungarians attended the ceremony, as well as the diplomatic corps "with the exception of China, North Korea, Romania and Albania" (Dielli 28 June 1989,1). The inflexible Tirana regime would never have admitted a mistake in executing so many of its former leaders. When the Soviet Party Congress of June 1987 discussed and approved the erection of a monument to the millions of victims of the Stalin era (Dielli 25 July 1988, 8), Albania was unique as one of the very few countries in the world still having monuments honoring Stalin. American concern over Albania's regrettable human rights record was expressed in Country Reports on Human Rights Practices fo r 1985 pub­ lished in February 1986 by the Department of State. It acknowledged that there was no evidence that Ramiz Alia was continuing the Enver Hoxha practice of political killings, but the report expressed concern for the following: disappearances without a trace, harsh conditions in prisons and forced labor camps, imprisonment for expressing discontent with economic or political conditions, suppression of free speech and a free press, harsh punishment of religious practice or possession of religious literature, punishment by 10 years imprisonment or even death for unauthorized flight from the country, or defection while on authorized trips abroad (Dept, of State 1986, 909-14). Tirana immediately fired back an editorial salvo of its own: "It is really cynical to hear the imperialist and social-imperialist chiefs speak about the human rights or the rights of peoples, as they did in Geneva. It is the two superpowers, the two greatest oppressors, the international aggressors and bandits who have adopted terrorism as their state policy. The superpowers trample underfoot and suppress not only individuals, but also entire peoples" (AT 1986, 1:59). Another editorial was more explicit: "Socialist Albania has exposed the imperialist aggressors in Vietnam and Czechoslo­ vakia, Afghanistan and Grenada, the Middle East and Central America" (ibid., 61). And again, In the name of "the defense of human rights" the superpowers and the other imperialist powers try to justify their interference in the internal affairs of sovereign peoples and countries, . . . dictating to them how the rights and duties of their own citizens should be implemented. . ■Human rights can never be defended by those who violate the rights of the

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peoples. The self-appointed champions of human rights in the White House, the Kremlin or elsewhere keep silent about the violation of the rights of the masses and peoples to freedom, independence and democracy in their own countries. Those who clamor and shed tears about human rights are not concerned in the least about the rights denied to tens of millions of unemployed in their own countries, to millions of homeless, hungry and starving people, to millions of those who are not sure of their future, and at any minute may fall victims to the bullet of the police or the gangster. . . . Socialism guarantees the right to live free and indepen­ dent, the right to live without social, national or racial oppression, the right to work, food and shelter, . . . the all-round emancipation of the working people [A T 1986, 1:63-64],

An Albanian family sought just that, and the world watched as the drama unfolded. On 12 December 1985 six members of the Popa family took refuge in the Italian Embassy at Tirana, seeking political asylum. Gradually the facts emerged. The two brothers and four sisters of the Mois Popa family, of Jewish extraction, ranged in age from 35 to 60. Their father, who had supported King Zog, had been executed in 1959, the re­ maining family members being punished with over 20 years of "internal ex­ ile" on a farm near Tirana (Boston G lobe 11 December 1986, 2). Tirana demanded the unconditional return of the six refugees, branding them as "reactionary spies and traitors" and "hooligans involved in antistate ac­ tivities" (AT 1986, 1:53). The Popas threatened to take poison which they had prepared if they were turned over to the Albanian authorities. Negotia­ tions between the two governments dragged on. Albania demanded their surrender. Italy declined unless the Popas were given permission to migrate to Italy. This Tirana refused. The Italian Embassy was housed in the building rented from the United States after its consulate was closed in 1946. The Popas occupied a small apartment there of two rooms and a kitchen. The months dragged on. Italian and Arbëresh religious and cultural leaders as well as AlbanianAmericans petitioned the Italian government to honor the UN Declaration on Human Rights and grant the Popa family political asylum (ACB 1985, 72). Religious and human rights groups in western Europe as well as 43 members of the Italian parliament petitioned the Italian government to grant political asylum to the Popas. The Italian Foreign Ministry and diplomats of West Germany, Greece and Turkey appealed to Tirana to per­ mit the Popas to leave for Italy, but in vain. The Italian weekly L'Espresso carried the remark of a Rome official, "If a similar question arose in some other country, we would simply take the refugeed Popa family out in a diplomatic pouch! But we can't do a thing like that with the Albanians. We must find a just solution so that both parties can emerge without embarrass­ ment, but above all, a solution which will save the heads of the Popa fam­ ily" (Atdheu March-April 1988, 6). In July 1988, after two and one-half years of seclusion, Italian Foreign Minister Andreotti with church and university

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leaders sent an appeal for the Popa release (Dielli 15 September 1988, 6). But 1989 dawned with no solution. Other unhappy folk in this so-called worker's paradise risked their lives by choosing some more effective route to freedom. Samuel Matathia, a 31-year-old Albanian Jew, fled with two companions on 24 August 1986. They crossed one of the world's most closely guarded borders to reach Greece. They crawled through the mountains for 18 hours, eluding the machine guns of the border guards, cutting through the electrified wire that deterred many from attempting escape and finally reached safety in Greece (NY Times 30 August 1986). In March 1988 one Minella Andoni (39), in his military uniform and armed, drove his military truck with 12 persons including his family, breaking through the border barricade at Hani i Hotit. Ilir Bulka (38), a translator flying back with the Olympic team through Athens, slipped away and sought asylum. Two football players, Bershem (20) and Hoxha (23), with the "Vllaznia" club of Shkodra also defected in Athens in November 1987. Those same days Dionizi (29) swam from Saranda to Corfu. A well-known violinist, Papavrami of Shkodra, was giving a series of concerts in Europe, and sought asylum in Paris. Every story is different. In September 1988 a group of seven with passports in order flew from Tirana to Rome, then migrated to Australia. Their leader, Pashko Zalli, had migrated there 15 years earlier, but was amnestied to return and make a sizeable payment to the government for the release of his brother Prend (25) and his wife (24), both teachers, as well as a friend, Ejup Gerbeshi (26), a mechanic, and his wife, Nazmije (24), a nurse, and her children (Dielli 15 September 1988, 5). The same paper reported 30 persons having safely reached Yugoslavia, including two young farmers and a professor of Russian. In February 1989 it was reported that among 20 escapees was an older couple who had tried to flee over the mountains to Yugoslavia years earlier. Captured by the border guards, they were punished with 25 years of imprisonment. Upon their eventual release, they tried crossing once again, and this time they succeeded. Hav­ ing relatives in the United States, they were preparing to emigrate. In January 1989 Enver Mata (31), captain of the fishing vessel Dukati out of Durrës, sailed by night across the Adriatic to Brindisi where he and eight colleagues, ages 23 to 30, received asylum. About the same time the Albanian ship Gjashtë Shkurti unloaded its cargo at Ravenna. Emerging from one of the large containers was a desperate man who had hidden there for six days and who sought asylum from the Italian authorities. An American military couple in southern Italy that same summer (1989) met two young Albanian seamen who had jumped ship in Brindisi. "Joyfully one told us, 'I am free! I am free! I am free!"' (Rund, letter to EEJ, 25 July 1990). Throughout 1987 the human rights organization Amnesty Interna­ tional appealed to the Albanian authorities to release all nonviolent prison-

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ers of conscience. No response was received from the government. The organization also sought further information about the circumstances of those believed to be prisoners of conscience imprisoned in the 1970s and early 1980s. There was no response. But in November 1989 the regime ex­ tended a quite uncharacteristic show of mercy. In celebration of the fortyfifth anniversary of Albania's liberation, more than 2,000 male political prisoners sentenced from one to 35 years of imprisonment were released from prison. Benefiting by this decision were prisoners under 18 or over 60 and women sentenced to less than 15 years of prison. These received all civil rights again, including the right to vote. R

e l ig io n

Western Appeals fo r Religious Toleration. Albania vociferously trumpeted itself as the only officially atheistic society in the world, if not in all human history. Its constitution outlawed any expression of any religion. This was altogether inconsistent with its membership since 1955 in the United Nations Organization. For to join the UN, Albania had to agree to its Charter, article 55c of which pledges its members to "promote universal respect for, and observance of, human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion." The specific obligations imposed by these provisions upon United Nations members have been expressly delineated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is obligatory for all members of the United Nations (Minn 1990, 27-28). And yet an official spokesman for the United Nations' Com­ mission on Human Rights stated that "Albania is the only country in the world which has entirely crushed religious liberty" (Dielli 25 April 1988, 8). Yet not quite "entirely." Nexhmije Hoxha, widow of Enver Hoxha and president of the Democratic Front, delivered the main address at its Sixth Congress in Tirana on 27 June 1989. She exhorted the congress to pluck out the last remnants of religious superstition and to "continue the war for the people's liberation from the chains of religion" (ACB 1989, 73-74). Ap­ parently, even the legal prohibition of religion, the closing of every place of worship and the execution or imprisonment of all religious leaders had not succeeded in eliminating religion altogether. And Albania had become notorious as a religious pariah. On 16 January 1989 it was reported that 35 nations of Europe had signed an agreement in Vienna giving religious communities freedom "to establish and maintain freely accessible places of worship or assembly; to organize themselves according to their own hierarchical and institutional structure, and to select, appoint and replace" their own leadership person­ nel. This document was part of the Conference on Security and Coopera­ tion in Europe, which has met periodically since the Helsinki Accords were signed in 1975 (ACB 1989, 97). The report continued, "Signers include representatives from every European nation except Albania, which denies all religious freedoms to its citizens" (M oody April 1989, 78).

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The following April 1989 the Puebla Institute based at Washington published its report Albania: Religion in a Fortress State. Puebla, a lay Roman Catholic human rights organization, monitors violations of reli­ gious rights in countries around the world. Albania topped the list. Except for a few churches and mosques left standing as museums, there were no visible traces of any religious faith to be found in the country. Before World War II, the Sunni, Bektashi and smaller Muslim sects coexisted with Or­ thodox, Catholic and Protestant Christians and Jews. The postwar hard­ line Stalinist government had outlawed all religion, closed down every place of worship and exterminated all religious leaders and many followers. The Puebla report compared Albania's human rights record with the stan­ dards of the United Nations' 1981 "Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief." Puebla concluded that Albania was the worst abuser of religious liberty in the world. The United Nations' Commission on Human Rights constantly investigates and reports cases of intolerance and discrimination based on religion or belief, which is contrary to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations in 1949. Among the rights defined in the declaration are the right to have the religion or belief of one's choice, to perform the practical rites or manifestations of that religion, to maintain places of worship, to establish and maintain appropriate charitable or humanitarian institutions, to disseminate religious publications, to solicit and receive voluntary financial contributions, to train or designate ap­ propriate religious leaders, to celebrate religious holidays and ceremonies, to raise children in the religion of the parents and to have unrestricted com­ munication in matters of religion and belief at the national and interna­ tional levels (Report to UN 6 January 1988, 22-23). On 29 May 1987 the following specific requests for information were addressed to the government of Albania: It has been alleged that the enforcement of various legal provisions has led to serious violations of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. Such provisions include those contained in Decree No. 4337 of 22 November 1967 ordering the annulment of the religious charters and of all laws pertaining to Church-State relationships, prohibiting all religious rites and imposing grave penalties on violators; articles 37 and 55 of the 1976 Constitution, proclaiming that the State recognizes no religion whatsoever and forbidding all religious activities and organiza­ tions, while encouraging atheism; and article 55 of the 1977 Penal Code, which lays down penalties, such as the death sentence in some cases for religious activities. It has been alleged that the official abolition of religion in Albania has resulted in the persecution of believers and the killing of hundreds of priests and believers, and that the fate of many clerics, Muslims and Christians, remains unknown. It has been alleged that there exist a num­ ber of prisons, concentration camps and areas of internal exile for religious convicts. All religious buildings, including 2,169 mosques,

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churches, monasteries and other religious institutions, have allegedly been shut down. A case has been reported where a priest allegedly was executed for bap­ tizing a child in a labor camp at the parents' request; in another instance it was alleged that a priest received a sentence termed "life until death" for having baptized two newborn children [ibid., 3-4],

At the commission's forty-fourth session on 6 January 1988 it was reported that no reply had been received from the government of Albania (ibid., 17). But the special rapporteur on religious intolerance, Angelo Vidal d'Almeida Ribeiro, reported various "serious violations of the rights to freedom of thought, conscience and religion." He also reported that "the official abolition of religion in Albania has resulted in the persecution of believers and the killing of hundreds of priests and believers, and that the fate of many clerics, Muslims and Christians, remains unknown" (Broun 1989, 33). Accordingly, the Human Rights Commission voted to convert the nonpublic hearings into public hearings, a procedure which had been adopted only twice before. That 10 May, Bashkim Pitarka, Albanian representative to the UN, submitted a letter to the UN General Assembly to be circulated among the member countries. The letter reiterated his government's position as stated in early 1984. Pitarka wrote, There is genuine freedom of conscience in Albania. The question of religious belief in Albania is also regarded as a right, a private issue which is an individual matter of conscience. . . . In Albania no one can force peo­ ple to believe in God or to perform religious rites. That does not mean, however, that believers do not perform these rites. Ultimately, this is a personal and family matter. No one is persecuted in Albania for his or her religious beliefs. . . . The Constitution and the laws in force in Albania decree neither the protection of religion nor its suppression by administrative measures. Our socialist State, in guaranteeing freedom of conscience, does not protect religion, but neither has it ever allowed any vulgar administrative infringement on the religious sensibilities of citizens who are believers [Puebla 1989, 34].

Pitarka's maneuver was unsuccessful. On 21 July 1988 the UN commission sent a further communication to Tirana referring again to the above allega­ tions, and adding: "It has been recently reported that religious believers are still being sentenced to up to 10 years in prison for making the sign of the cross, keeping religious symbols in their homes, or vocalizing a prayer" (Puebla 1989, 34). Still no response came from Tirana. So on 3 October the following in­ formation was transmitted: "It has been reported that, as of August 1988, Catholic Bishop [name provided], 70 years old, remained confined in the Tepelena labor camp near the port of Vlora. The following priests and religious believers have also been reported to remain in prison or forced

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labor for religious motives [13 names provided]" [Report to UN 30 December 1988, 7]. At its forty-fifth session on 30 December 1988, the Human Rights Commission received the report of specific cases of religious intolerance and discrimination in several nations. The special rapporteur ended his report, "The conclusion to be drawn is hardly conducive to optimism." Spurred to further action by a number of human rights organizations, the commission decided to continue hearings under its public procedure. It ex­ pressed itself as "deeply disturbed by the continuing reports of grave viola­ tions of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Albania." The commission expressed "grave concern about the constitutional and legal measures adopted by Albania to forbid religion in any form." It announced that the government's measures "constitute an affront to human dignity, a flagrant and systematic violation of human rights, a disavowal of the prin­ ciples of the Charter of the United Nations and an obstacle to friendly and peaceful relations between nations and peoples." It called for "full com­ pliance with the UN Charter, and for the unrestricted freedom of religion in Albania" (ACB 1990, 66). The commission's resolution 1989/69 of 8 March 1989 indicated a measure of progress. It welcomed the fact that "for the first time the Government of Albania responded to the Commission's Special Rap­ porteur" on his inquiry about religious intolerance. But it also noted that "the concerned Government has failed to respond to the specific allegations" made by the commission. Noting that the government of Albania had in­ vited the secretary general to visit the country, the commission called upon the Albanian government to "provide information on the concrete manner in which constitutional and legal measures comply with the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and to respond to the specific allegations transmitted to it by the Commission's Special Rapporteur." The commission also requested the secretary general to "bring the present resolution to the attention of the government of Albania, and to invite it to provide the requested information," and to "report to the Commission at its forty-seventh session" when they would continue the consideration of the human rights situation in Albania. The determination of the commis­ sion to grapple with Albania's notorious intolerance must have been very obvious (ACB 1990, 68; Dielli 28 December 1989, 8). Albania's response to the UN actions was predictable. The government knew that an unsatisfactory response would cause further hearings to go to the Human Rights Board, and then finally to the UN General Assembly. This would result in a great deal of negative publicity, embarrassment and loss of prestige in that elite world body, and this in turn would jeopardize Albania's vital economic interests. Accordingly, Tirana proposed a series of reforms. On 8 May 1990 the People's Assembly voted among other things to lift its ban on religious expression. It appeared that a measure of religious freedom was now permitted, at least in private. But believers

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remained fearful of expressing their faith as long as articles 37 and 55 of the constitution and article 55 of the penal code remained in effect. It also ap­ pears that even before his arrival on 11 May 1990, the scheduled visit of the UN secretary general had proved unusually efficacious. Until then, Tirana had gained a reputation for casually dismissing such intervention in its in­ ternal affairs with the remark, "Nobody can turn Albania from its policy. . . . Let the dogs bark, our caravan will proceed steadily on its course." But at last circumstances had made it seem expedient even for Tirana to bow to world opinion. A considerable number of human rights agencies had intervened in behalf of religious freedom in Albania. Amnesty International, head­ quartered in London, is a worldwide effort to assist "prisoners of con­ science" who, because of political or religious persecution, suffer impris­ onment, torture, labor camps or even death. Originating in 1961, Amnesty International by 1994 numbered over 3,300 local groups operating in 43 countries, with individual members in over 120 other countries. To date these groups have intervened in behalf of over 25,000 prisoners. Meticulous research, including on-the-spot fact-finding missions, is followed by wide­ spread dissemination of information and contact with appropriate minis­ tries, embassies, and newspapers to mobilize world public opinion (Am­ nesty 1984, 53-57). The chapter in Torino, Italy, drew up an "Albania Report" in 1984 outlining human rights violations. The document was shared with Albanian officials, all members of the Italian parliament, and in 1987, with President Reagan and Soviet Secretary Gorbachev (ACB 1988, 24-29). Two associations based in Switzerland intervened repeatedly in behalf of religious freedom in Albania. The International Association for Defense of Religious Liberty is based at Berne, and Pax Christi International, a Catholic peace movement, is based at Geneva. The Committee for Human Rights in Albania, based in Milan, held a three-day international conven­ tion in Rome in November 1988, placing a wreath on the Skanderbeg equestrian monument in Piazza Albanese and agitating for the restora­ tion of human rights in Albania. The Research Center for Religion and Human Rights in Closed Societies, based in Arlington, Virginia, publishes Religion in Communist Dominated Areas and holds an annual conference, frequently highlighting the situation in Albania. Also actively expressing its concern was the International Society for Human Rights, Inc., based at Frankfurt-am-Main, Germany. The Minnesota Lawyers International Human Rights Committee is a nongovernmental, nondenominational organization based in Minneapolis, Minnesota, with a membership of over 800 lawyers, judges and professors of law. It conducted a two-andone-half-year study of human rights conditions in Albania and presented its findings in a comprehensive survey, Human Rights in the People's Socialist Republic o f Albania, published in 1990. The report demonstrated that the Albanian government had violated the most fundamental human

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rights of its citizens. Communications addressed from these and yet other agencies for the attention of the Tirana government never received a reply. Selective Indignation o f Albanian Clerics. All of this makes it difficult to understand the passive attitude of many Albanians living in the United States, with its guarantees of free speech, religious freedom and other human rights. At its annual convention on 16 October 1987, the Albanian Orthodox Archdiocese in America, headquartered in South Boston, passed a strong "Resolution on Kosova." It deplored the "wave of cultural persecu­ tion . . . the severe limitation of human rights, economic stifling of the populace, and unusually cruel police repression," and then called upon its constituency to "exercise their moral right and duty to express their support for these people" (ACB 1988, 96). But curiously enough, while this resolu­ tion expressed support for their brethren in Kosova and condemned Yugoslavian injustice, there was no such resolution disapproving the Tirana regime's unparalleled demolition or padlocking of every Orthodox church, monastery and shrine in the country, the brutal extermination of its leadership, and the suppression of all public and private religious worship. This "selective indignation" provoked a widely publicized open letter from one "Elizabeth" in March 1988. She identified herself only as a 20-yearold girl, both of whose parents had escaped from Albania, but who could not jeopardize family members back in Albania by signing her surname. She wrote to the editor, however, as follows: "Recently I found four full pages of your four-page issue devoted solely to the Kosova problem, and not one article protesting the plight of the Albanians in Albania!" Then, without minimizing the denial of human rights in Yugoslavia, she pointed out that in Yugoslavia Albanians could freely enter and exit the country, but not so in Albania. In Yugoslavia Albanians could freely practice their faiths in private or in public and can conduct seminaries to train their clergy, but not so in Albania. In Yugoslavia Albanians could own private property, and conduct their own businesses, but not so in Albania. She urged, "It is important to raise our voices and our actions for Albania, too!" (Dielli 25 March 1988, 1). During the following summer, 1988, however, the Albanian govern­ ment permitted three Albanian clergymen from the United States to visit their homeland. The Reverend Arthur Liolin, born in the United States of Albanian parentage, educated at Princeton, and the chancellor of the Or­ thodox Diocese in America, visited Albania with his immigrant mother during July and August. Authorities made no objection to his wearing the rather inconspicuous clerical suit. He visited more than 20 private homes and prayed publicly in seven cemeteries, with groups of 30 or 40 at a time. He was also invited to speak in Albanian on Radio Tirana. That same summer the Reverend Imam Vehbi Ismail, director of the Albanian Islamic Center of Detroit, was also permitted to visit Albania with his family- Then in

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September Jesuit Father Ndoc Kelmendi, who had left Albania in 1940, was finally permitted to visit his family near Shkodra, although he could not be seen dressed as a cleric. Upon return to the United States, they all were surprisingly reticent in commenting on the unprecedented brutality of the Communists' antireligious holocaust which had destroyed virtually every external evidence of their three religions in the homeland. The two clerics, Ismail and Kelmendi, made no statements to the press, possibly because their relatives back in the old country were so vulnerable to official retalia­ tion. The chancellor in a public statement raved over the material progress, adding mildly that he hoped that Albania would "one day find its way clear to search its historic tolerance and foster the life of the Spirit" (ACB 1989, 79-80). Much more forthright was the resolution adopted by the PanAlbanian Federation of America (Vatra) during its assembly of 2 December 1988, seeking full religious freedom for fellow Albanians in the homeland. Their resolution demanded the abrogation of articles 7 and 55 of the 1967 con­ stitution which outlawed all religion and officially established atheism, replacing this with article 18 of the former constitution which guaranteed every Albanian freedom of conscience and religion. It was explained that such an action would not pressure atheists toward religion, but it would avoid forcing religious believers toward atheism (Dielli 26 April 1990, 2) . Chancellor Liolin's reluctance to criticize the regime for its extermina­ tion of all religion may well have contributed to a subsequent invitation, announced on 15 November 1989. He stated, I have accepted an invitation from the Government of Albania to visit Tirana for the commemoration of Albania's Flag Day, and the 45th An­ niversary of liberation from foreign domination. .. . The poignant times of ferment in which we live are occasion for contemplation and hope. St. Paul expressed it best for us: "There is nothing love cannot face. There is no limit to its faith, its hope and its endurance!" [1 Corinthians 13:7] [Liria 15 November 1989, 1],

The chancellor did touch gently on this sensitive issue in a Radio Tirana in­ terview on 30 November 1989, which was broadcast on 8 December. After the usual polite commentary on the achievements of the regime, he added, "We have a dream and a hope that this People has reached a deep maturity from every viewpoint so that we may see true religious tolerance together with freedom of conscience" (Liria December 1989, 5). Probably in a strictly controlled Stalinist society like that of Tirana, no more specific protest than this could have been voiced publicly. Another rather mild statement was adopted as a Resolution on Re­ ligion in Albania by the Albanian Orthodox Archdiocese in America dur­ ing its annual convention in October 1989. The resolution reads,

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Whereas St. Paul transmitted the Gospel to the Illyrians, as recorded in Holy Scripture, . . and Whereas the national and ideological necessity for the closing of all houses of worship and the curtailment of religious liberty in Albania, no longer exists, . . Therefore be it resolved that the faithful of the Albanian Orthodox Church in America accept the respon­ sibility to pray, intercede and encourage wherever possible for the rights of the individual to worship God in the homeland without the forms of hindrance which demean the human being, deprive his spiritual life of divine sustenance and deform the goal of human life which is to know God [Dielli 26 April 1990, 8],

By this time Albania's traditional religions had either been exter­ minated or driven deep underground. Only fragments of information escaped the Albanian border concerning the plight of all religious believers in the country. The present author, while visiting the country with his wife Dorothy after a 46-year absence, recorded an extended discussion with a Tirana official: We both enthused over the many remarkable developments which have taken place in Albania during the past 40 years. Finally I asked, "Would you be very patient with me if I ask a very sensitive question?" Upon his agreement, I asked, "Could it not have been possible to accomplish all these things without seeking to exterminate all religious faith?" First he in­ sisted that it was not the government but the people themselves who de­ cided to abolish all religion. This is somewhat debatable, for the official newspaper of 7 February 1967 carried the text of an inflammatory speech assigning to the youth the responsibility for an intensified cultural struggle against religious beliefs like that of the Red Guards then on the rampage in China. But universal respect and even reverence for the Great Leader made it seem better to drop that subject. Then he asked, "Can you name one good thing which religion has done for Albania?" Of course I had to concede that the Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic religions had caused division within the population, and their political orientation toward Turkey, Greece and Italy respectively had been detrimental. But Skanderbeg, their greatest national hero, was a devout Catholic. All the earliest highly treasured documents in the Alba­ nian language were religious in nature. Naim Frashëri, Ismail Kemal and most of the other highly honored leaders of the Albanian renaissance, whether Muslim or Christian, were God-fearing men. Then I had to men­ tion our Kostandin Kristoforidhi, a distinguished scholar who served for years with the British and Foreign Bible Society in Bible translation, these books for many years constituting almost the only printed literature in the Albanian language. He is officially honored for pioneering a scholarly Albanian grammar and a dictionary. Also I had to remind him of the celebrated Kyrias family of Monastir, whose son Gerasim in 1891 founded at Korcha the first school in the coun­ try to educate girls in the Albanian language. The Kyrias family members were among the patriots who convened the Congress of Monastir in 1908, Gjergj, the Bible Society agent being elected vice-president, and his sister Parashqevi, then directress of the Korcha Girls School and the only lady

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delegate present, serving as secretary of the steering committee. It was this committee which proposed the resolutions adopting the Latin instead of the Greek or Arabic or Slavic characters for a national Albanian alphabet, and delegated Gjergj Kyrias to operate an Albanian Printing Press at Monastir for the production and diffusion of Albanian literature. His sister Parashqevi had studied at Oberlin College in Ohio, called by the Congregationalists the "Mother of Missionaries." The bitter hostility of the Turkish authorities and the Greek Orthodox clergy led her to appeal to the Congregational Mission of Boston for sur­ vival. Rev. and Mrs. Phineas Kennedy arrived in Korcha in 1908, the Girls School becoming the coeducational American Mission School, the only Albanian-language school left in the country, and a well-known "nest of Albanianism." Here my official friend interrupted, "All of that was a necessary 'cover' in Turkish times to further Albanianism, but a cover no longer needed. Now religion serves no useful purpose." Foreign political analysts speculate again and again as to whether Albania's harsh suppres­ sion of religion might moderate with the passing of Enver Hoxha, just as it did in the Soviet Union with the passing of Stalin, and in China with the passing of Mao. We would devoutly hope so, but must confess that as yet we could see no evidence of this [EEJ 1986, 20-21].

Discussions with other Albanians were equally revealing: Driving south to our former mission base at Korcha, the climate in the Volvo suddenly chilled. Hero, our omnipresent guide, was a most per­ sonable young professor of Political Science and Philosophy at the University. He spoke English very fluently, constantly sought and re­ corded new words and expressions, had a most engaging sense of humor. . . . Chatting freely for hours at a time, I inquired why a government which had done so very much for its people should have executed so many of its Muslim, Orthodox and Catholic leaders. He put it very simply. "Our leaders have determined that all religion is harmful to the program of the state, so they have abolished it. Those who persist in religious practices are enemies of the state and traitors. Traitors must be shot." More offi­ cially it has been stated like this: "The dissenter must be destroyed, like a weasel in the chicken coop." It sounded so incredible [EEJ 1986, 22-23]. In Korcha's imposing new Hotel Illyria the waiter at our breakfast table proved to be the grandson of one of our mission school teachers. Dorothy had in her purse a picture of the former staff, and he delightedly gazed at his grandmother, long dead. His father still has the old mission piano. I longed to ask him about continuing faith in the family, but found myself wondering if I wanted to see this young man shot. Nor did we see him again at meals there. . . . The mission buildings were in miserable dis­ repair. . . . An old man passing by overheard our conversation, and hap­ pily volunteered the information that he had attended Sunday School there as a boy, and had made a collection of colored Bible picture cards with the lesson stories printed on back. With an attendance during the later 1930s varying through the year from 350 to 550 children, there must be many of these older people who still have such memories. . . . Then we went up what is now called by the people "kodra e Kennedyt" [Kennedy Hill] to search for the 27-acre farm and three-story stone building once

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used as a boys dormitory and residence by our predecessor. The Kennedy building, like the churches of Shën Thanas and Shënjt Elia which once overlooked the city, have all now disappeared without a trace, every stone having been carried away [EEJ 1986, 23-24],

The inconsistencies inherent in the state's denial of religion were evident at times during the trip: In the National History museum at Tirana we discovered a most gratifying cluster of pictures. Illustrating the Albanian renaissance of the late 19th century there was a portrait of Kostandin Kristoforidhi, the Bible translator and distinguished scholar of the Albanian language. Beside him was a portrait of Gjergj Kyrias who served as agent of the British and Foreign Bible Society, and operated the clandestine press to print Alba­ nian primers, patriotic publications and Scriptures, often secretly for fear of Turkish reprisal. His large hand-written letter on display declared his deep love for the "Albanian language and the Ungjill (Gospel)." Pictured next were his brother Gerasim, who opened the historic Korcha Girls School and pastored the work, with his two sisters Sevasti and Parashqevi, and their students. Interestingly enough, these five have all found their place in the recent Albanian Encyclopedia. Just beyond them was an enlarged portrait of Olga Plumbi, the first president of the Albanian Na­ tional Women's Organization, herself a former teacher at our American Mission School. All of this was just too good to keep. Hero was urging us along to the Liberation W ar period, but we had to call him back. "Hero, you have passed this display many times. Did you realize that Kristo­ foridhi first translated the Bible, Gjergj Kyrias printed the Bible, Gerasim Kyrias preached the Bible, his two sisters Sevasti and Parashqevi and Olga Plumbi all taught the Bible at our mission school?" [EEJ 1986, 2 526],

The Peter Jennings Report. Peter Jennings, the European correspon­ dent for Our Sunday Visitor, the world's largest-selling Roman Catholic weekly newspaper, was eager to see for himself the suppression of all religions by the Stalinist government of Tirana. Following his visit during October 1988, he wrote a fascinating report of his observations. First, he was surprised at the Tirana airport customs desk that his Revised Standard Version of the New Testament and Psalms was confiscated, even though he explained that "it was entirely for personal meditation, and not for evangelizing purposes." (Dielli 28 February 1989, 7). A couple of years later when the celebrated reforms were being implemented, this requirement was relaxed. But at that time the Bible was in the same category of forbidden imports as explosives, pornography and drugs. He added later that the customs officials did not think to return the book when he departed, so he decided to leave it with them. Jennings also expressed surprise that "making contact with Christian believers is virtually impossible." During his visit he wore a lapel pin with

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the "Ichthus" fish sign, a universal symbol of the Christian faith dating from the Roman persecutions. "Ichthus" is the Greek acronym for "Jesus Christ Son of God Savior." He reported that the symbol aroused the curiosity of some British members of his tour party; "no Albanian approached me or acknowledged the fish sign in any way" (ibid.). The M other Teresa Visit. We catch one more glimpse of religion in Albania during the Eighth 5-YP in following the visit of Albania's only Nobel Prize winner (1979), Mother Teresa. Born Gonxhe Bojaxhi to an Albanian family in Uskup, she had founded her Catholic order, the "Mis­ sionaries of Charity," as an extension of her own selfless service as angel of mercy to the sick and dying of Calcutta's slums. In many countries her nuns set up schools for poor children, hospitals for the poor and sick, refuges for the homeless and aged, and hospices for the dying. In the 1960s she appealed to Tirana for permission to visit her mother and sister before they died. Her appeal was ignored. Her mother, Drande, died in 1969, her sister, Age, in 1971, without the consolation of seeing this world-famous loved one who had left home 50 years earlier. However, 20 years later Tirana demonstrated an exceptional trace of compassion. From 14 to 17 August 1989 the authorities permitted Mother Teresa to visit the homeland of her family "for a private visit." News from the outside world had been screened so carefully that the population had no idea who this fragile little lady was. Some imagined her to be a wealthy benefactor come to share her wealth! During her brief visit she visited the graves of her mother and sister, a nursery for little children and a home for the aged. She was refused per­ mission to see the Popa family, sheltered for four years then in the Italian Embassy and now allowed to emigrate. But she was received by the presi­ dent of the Albanian Red Cross, the chairman of the Committee for Cultural Relations with the Outside World, the minister of foreign affairs, and Albania's former "First Lady," Nexhmije Hoxha. A great gathering honored her the evening of 16 August in the Palace of Congresses, where they viewed the documentary film "Mother Teresa." Following her visit she made no public comment. But a spokesman for the Communist hierarchy warned the watching world that no one should think or hope that Mother Teresa's visit to Tirana would open the churches and mosques (Dielli 10 September 1989, 2; NAlb 1989, 5:12). Yet Mother Teresa had clearly identified herself. She had said, "By blood and origin, I am all Albanian. My citizenship is Indian. I am a Catholic nun. As to my calling, I belong to the whole world. As to my heart, I belong entirely to Jesus." Her spiritual influence was altogether out of proportion to her diminutive size. For Malcolm Muggeridge, a famous British journalist and university lecturer, published his Jesus Re­ discovered in 1969 to explain why he as a "caustic, sarcastic, intellec­ tually arrogant atheist" had become a believer after visiting a tiny nun's

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House of the Dying" in Calcutta, India, to whose work he dedicated the proceeds realized from the publication of his book (ACB 1990, 2021 ).

Mother Teresa must have made a similar impact during a session with Minister of Foreign Affairs Reis Malile, and with Nexhmije Hoxha. Follow­ ing Mother Teresa's heart flare-up, Nexhmije Hoxha in her letter of 25 April 1990 warmly urged her to return to Albania for the necessary period of recuperation (ibid., 17-20). That summer the beautifully illustrated bi­ monthly magazine New A lbania carried a full column tribute to "The Al­ banian Mother," as "Mother Teresa, a daughter of Albania" celebrated her eightieth birthday. Although the effusive tribute makes no allusion to God or religion, it seems almost unprecedented in its praise of a nun for her "humanitarian work with unrivaled passion and kindness .. . Weary from her great physical toil, from her years, and illness, to this day her heart still beats for mankind" (NAlb 1990, 4:29). Nor was this all. On 13 September 1990 Tirana's new kindergarten No. 40 was given the name "Mother Tereza Gonxhe Bojaxhi." The dedi­ catory plaque bearing her name was unveiled by the head of the Albanian Red Cross during a ceremony attended by kindergarten teachers, stu­ dents, parents and official dignitaries (Liria December 1990). There was even mention of the possibility (or even the probability) of her securing permission to establish homes of refuge in Albania with her Missionaries of Charity! Other Religious Headlines o f the Period. There were a few other religious headlines during this Eighth 5-YP, some bringing good news, some bringing bad news. F a t h e r P j e t ë r M e s h k a l l a . Another martyr of this period was the Jesuit Father Pjetër Meshkalla. Following theological studies in Italy, he had returned to his native Shkodra to serve. He vigorously opposed the Italian invasion and occupation of Albania in 1939, and especially their affixing the Fascist symbol on the Albanian flag. Neither did he remain silent when the Communist regime in 1944 began to curtail religious freedom. He was arrested in 1946 and spent the next 25 years in prisons and forced labor camps. Upon release in 1971 he resumed his priestly ministry and was arrested again in 1973 and sentenced to life imprisonment. Ten years later he was granted amnesty and went to live with relatives in Shkodra. On Christmas Day in 1985 the 84-year-old Meshkalla yielded to requests that he celebrate Christmas Mass in a private home in nearby Curi i Zi. There police arrested him and sent him back to the Ballsh labor camp for elderly prisoners. There the 87-year-old prisoner died on 28 July 1988, having spent half of his many years in prison for his faith. B i s h o p N i k o l l T r o s h a n i . Among the infrequent news reports bring­ ing encouragement to Western observers was that of the release from prison

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of the only surviving Catholic bishop in the country, Bishop Nikoll Troshani. After prison and forced labor camps during most of the 1940s and 1950s, Troshani was released. But in 1974 the 70-year-old Troshani had been arrested again with bishops Antonin Fishta and Ernest Choba for holding religious services. They were sent to forced labor camps in Tepelena and Ballsh, where both Fishta and Choba were the victims of violent deaths. Word of Troshani's eventual release came through two refugees and from an Italian journalist who learned during a September (1988) visit that the bishop was then living with relatives in Lezha. A touring priest from Slovenia, Yugoslavia, met Bishop Troshani and reported that he was frail and weak from his long captivity, but in good spirits. The Slovenian priest furnished the names of 27 priests who were known to have survived. He was sure, moreover, that yet others survived in the various Albanian gulags. He also reported having witnessed a gathering of several thousand people in the northern town of Lach for the feast day of St. Anthony, 13 June 1990. Two elderly priests present led in the recitation of the rosary. People continued with devotional hymns which they had not forgotten over the years of religious repression. The police who were present did not interfere (ACB 1990, 116). D u t c h Y o u t h A t t e m p t C h r i s t i a n W i t n e s s . Late in 1988 a tour group from a Protestant Free Church in Holland attempted to leave a Christian witness in this closed land. While visiting a textile factory near Berat, they quietly gave out a few Albanian New Testaments. The authorities, ever alert to such offenders, collected the outlawed books and burned them out in the yard. They then confiscated about 100 other New Testaments in the tour bus and dismissed the young activists with a stern warning (Broun 1989, 25-26). P r e s e n t a t i o n s o f R e l i g i o u s A r t . Numerous churches and mosques had been restored, not for worship but simply as cultural monuments. Yet even here the great works of religious architecture and art had aroused the curiosity of a religiously illiterate generation. In 1989, for instance, an unusually tolerant attitude toward religious art was seen. Inside the slick front cover of the official New Albania magazine was a full-page picture of a sculpture entitled "The Convent" by A. Lukaj. It represented simply two large, strong hands clasped in prayer (NAlb 1989, 2:0). Even more surprising, inside the same issue were four large, beautiful color prints of paintings by a sixteenth-century artist of Berat named Onufri. The titles were (1) "Saint Mary," an icon from Berat Cathedral; (2) "Johan Theologu," a fragment from the beautiful doors of the "Evangelist" church in Berat; (3) "Evangelist Luka," from the beautiful doors of the "Evan­ gelist" church; and (4) "Lazarus' Resurrection," from the icons of "Evan­ gelist" church. The interpretative title of Andon Kuqali's accompanying article was "Painting Expressing Concern and Hope" {ibid., 18-19).

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Remembering the aggressively hostile attitude toward the Bible and all religion which prevailed in Albania, it was encouraging to note this sym­ pathetic and sensitive title introducing two pages of text quite free of the usual ridicule and malevolence. Then in February 1990 the National Choir gave a concert in Durrës featuring the religious compositions of St. John Kukuzeli of Albania. Kukuzeli, in fact, was a noted Byzantine hymnographer, director of the Im­ perial Choir and the outstanding eleventh-century musician in Constan­ tinople (FESH 570-71; Liria 1 August 1990, 6). Possibly significant was a relaxation around the same time of the long-term restriction on the use of the Christian expression " b . c . " for "Before Christ," as found in the official New Albania (1990, 5:21). Also in 1990, a collector of rare books and Albanian art visited the country. He reported his amazement that a waiter should tell him that he was a Catholic and prayed at his home every day with his family. At Rinas Airport "a woman gently refuses some candies I offer her, and adds with a smile, 'I am fasting for Ramadan'/' he recounted. (ACB 1990, 73). In Tirana on Easter Sunday morning (1990) he was impressed by the beautiful dresses and ornate jewelry worn by the women and children, and the dark suits, shining shoes and freshly pressed white shirts worn by the men, "as though everybody was heading to church." Easter was obviously on people's minds. "Many people in the streets would welcome me, although somewhat discreetly, whispering 'Gëzuar Pashka' [Happy Easter]. That evening I was to watch an Italian television program in the lobby of the Dajti hotel, broadcasting The Passion of Christ' complete and uncensored. Things are indeed changing in Albania! . . . I went to lay some flowers on the crossless graves of Rosa and Age Bojaxhi, respectively mother and sister of Mother Teresa. . . . Neither cross nor crescent are to be seen any where. . . . Looking around the cemetery, one could notice people praying silently in front of the tombs of their loved ones. A woman dressed in black mutters some Koranic verses. Someone else lights a candle and sticks it onto or beside the grave" (ibid., 74-75). There seemed little apprehen­ sion. There was little more evidence of religion appearing in Albania s head­ lines during this Eighth Five-Year Plan (1986-1990). Albanias organized religions had been exterminated, and its personal religion driven deep underground so that it seldom surfaced.

A C A U T I O U S O P E N I N G T O W A R D THE WES T Albania as a small nation is barely known by the rest of the world. From time immemorial it has been geographically isolated within its moun­ tain ranges. Then for centuries it was culturally isolated because of its

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occupation by the Ottoman Turks. For much of the twentieth century it was politically isolated from neighboring Greece, Yugoslavia and Italy. Albania became ideologically isolated when it embraced communism and repudiated all ties with the West. Then it successively repudiated ties with its Communist partners because of their revisionism: first Yugoslavia, then the Soviet Union and finally Maoist China. It proudly determined to stand alone in its hard-line Stalinist isolation. And when it developed its own holocaust, the religious genocide of its own people, its isolation became quite complete. It really stood alone in the world, holding a very lonely distinction. G

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Ramiz Alia was 11 years younger than Enver Hoxha when he suc­ ceeded him as first secretary, and his prime minister, Adil Charchani, was eight years younger still. However, at the next lower levels of government and party leadership there were several coming to power who were in their forties. A political science professor at Howard University in Washington, D.C., wrote his master's thesis on the power elite in Albania. His research showed that the Albanian party's Central Committee had the youngest me­ dian age of any Communist party in the world, and the highest proportion of women in senior positions (NY Times 19 March 1985). This might seem to indicate that Albania would be open to a more flexible and pragmatic solution to the stern economic realities facing the country, instead of con­ tinuing its hermetically sealed isolationism. But Comrade Enver's wife, Nexhmije Hoxha, continued as director of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism, the seedbed of hard-line Stalinist ideology, and she rigidly monitored any slight deviation from her hus­ band's inspired pronouncements. "Our country must remain like this,'' stated Dalan Shaplo, chief editor of the literary magazine Nëntori. "Certainly it must increase its friends in the world, but it must not change" (L'Espresso 27 October 1985, 67). This was the dilemma facing the younger, more pragmatic intellectuals rising to leadership positions: How could they effect the necessary changes without appearing to change? The Hoxha party line was clear and dogmatic. Al­ banian foreign policy must be "uncompromising struggle against American imperialism, against Soviet and Chinese social-imperialism . . . against modern revisionism of all hues, be it Titoite, Khrushchevite, Brezhnevite, Chinese or Eurocommunist'' (NAlb 1981, 6:1). One might ask in bewilder­ ment, "If they really wished to increase the number of friends in the world, who was left?" Obviously, only the non-Communist West. So now a more pragmatic Alia was very circumspectly attempting to end his isolation from both Eastern and Western blocs, without appearing to be too closely tied to either. In his Report to the Ninth Congress, Ramiz Alia made this careful

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distinction: "We are for peaceful coexistence, but not for ideological coexis­ tence. As communists, we are opposed to the bourgeois capitalist system. But this should not become an obstacle to normal state relations. In reality, we have normal relations with 104 different countries with which we con­ duct trade, cultural, artistic, sports and other exchanges, regardless of fun­ damental ideological differences" (Alia 1986, 199). C

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The United States. Apparently no such accommodation was extended toward the United States and the Soviet Union. Just before Hoxha's death, his designated successor, Ramiz Alia, declared in celebrating the fortieth anniversary of liberation on 29 November 1984 that Albania had estab­ lished diplomatic relations with over 100 different states, including former enemies such as Greece, Turkey and Italy, and was improving relations with Yugoslavia. "But," he added, "we are not reconciled, nor will we ever be reconciled with American imperialism and with Soviet socialimperialism" (Zëri 28 November 1984, 3). The following August 1985 at Korcha he repeated, "Albania has not had and will not have relations of any sort with the United States of America and the Soviet Union. . . . We can­ not have relations with those who are to blame for all the sufferings and evils of mankind" (AT 1985, 5:14). Then, because so many hundreds of families in the Korcha district had relatives in the United States, received glowing reports of their good life there, and longed for the resumption of diplomatic relations, Alia found it necessary to repeat his attack on the "Great Satan." In his Report to the Ninth Congress on 3 November 1986, he repeated his attack: "The source of all the evils from which the world is suffering today, of all the dangers which are threatening the peoples, is the capitalist system and the im­ perialist policy, is the aggressive course of the two superpowers, the United States of America and the Soviet Union. .. . There will never be any con­ ciliation between socialist Albania and the two superpowers" (NAlb 1986, 6:4; Alia 1986, 143-44). Then, as if to dispel any lingering hope for friendly relations with the United States, he expanded the attack. On 28 January 1987 in a major address at Tirana, he said, I would like to explain once again the attitude of our country toward the United States of America and the Soviet Union. We have said and we reiterate, that just as we have had no conciliation with them hitherto, we will have no conciliation, or maintain no relations, exchanges or co laboration of any kind with them in the future, too. . ■ During the Sec­ ond World W ar we were allies of the United States of America, but, as Comrade Enver Hoxha has said, they did not want to recognize our government which came down from the mountains, did not want to ac­ cept the existence of a free and sovereign socialist Albania, did not want

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to give up the privileges and the means which they possessed previously and which gave them the possibility to interfere in Albania, to use it as a token for barter in their international deals with the other imperialist powers. In all the plots, open and secret, which have been hatched up against our country in these forty or so years since the war ended, the hand of the Americans has not been absent. In all the military pressures which have been exerted on Albania, in all the political attacks and economic blockades, American imperialism has always been present. So Albania has had and expects nothing but evil from the United States of America. Neither the revolution and people's liberation, nor international peace and security would gain anything from our reconciliation with or a rapproche­ ment to the United States. Therefore the Albanian people and their Party of Labor will never take that step. No one should doubt this. No one should entertain any hope about this [NAlb 1987, 1:2].

One would almost get the impression that Albania had enjoyed top priority in American foreign policy! On the contrary, probably few American lawmakers could even locate Albania on the map. The same New Albania (1987, 1) announced joyously that in the February elections for deputies, there were 1,830,653 electors throughout the country, participation in the voting was 100 percent, and 100 percent of the electors voted for the can­ didates of the (Communist) Democratic Front. But of course there were no other names on the ballots. The United States ended tentative relations with Albania in 1946 because of the harassment of the American diplomatic team by the newly formed Communist government. Tirana's obsession with attacking the United States was illustrated in its official daily newspaper, Zen i Popullit. Three pages of uninterrupted print were devoted to progress in meeting the goals of the current five-year plan. Only part of page four contained world news, every article editorially slanted to reflect favorably on those agreeing with Tirana's ideological position, but unfavorably on those in disagree­ ment. In that part of page four were detailed, on a typical day in 1985, the following events: the crisis of American capitalism, the crisis in the American educational system, anti-American demonstrations in Manila, American workers protesting military expenditures, New Zealand refusing American nuclear warships, discrimination against women in the "so-called democratic West," and CIA collaboration with the Vatican (Zëri 7 March 1985, 4). All this was squeezed into part of a single page. Yet the anti-Amer­ ican propaganda mill was not very effective. Most of those Albanians who fleed over the mountains into Greece or Yugoslavia seemed to prefer the United States, and they never went back. Most Albanian-Americans wanted to visit the homeland and their relatives, but they always returned to the States. It must have been very frustrating to the Tirana propaganda machine. There was one slight hint of a thaw in Tirana's implacable hostility

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toward the United States. In June 1987 an American yacht was driven into Albanian waters by an Adriatic storm. Shortly before that a French scuba diver had been shot through the head for venturing too close. But Albanians rescued the yacht, sheltered its four passengers for three days, and when the weather cleared up, allowed them to continue on their way. The Albanian Embassy in Belgrade notified the American Em­ bassy of the rescue and received a formal diplomatic note of gratitude in return. Albanian communities in the United States hailed this as a favorable omen of improving relations. An Albanian diplomat warned, however, that the rescue incident did not signal any change in Albania's long stand against the United States (JVY Times 13 September 1987). The Soviet Union. Significantly enough, the Soviets also shared in this same hostility. Ramiz Alia stated in his speech of January 1987, "The at­ titude of the revisionist Soviet Union toward Albania, toward its freedom and independence, has been no different from that of the United States of America" (NAlb 1987, 1:2). There followed a lengthy and specific list of grievances. The official newspaper was very critical of Soviet planes in the airspace of Japan, Pakistan, and Korea. It criticized their invasion of Afghanistan, their bombardment of villages as a crime and identified the guerrillas as patriots (Zëri 24 November 1984, 4). The paper even de­ nounced the Revisionist Soviet leader Gorbachev as a "political degen­ erate." When asked in 1989 if the Gorbachev phenomenon would change this condemnatory attitude of Tirana, Foreign Minister Malile replied, "Albania does not see any radical change which would permit us to con­ clude definitely that Soviet Russia has become a peace-loving place. We can say the same thing about the United States of America. Rearming con­ tinues, so do the arsenals of all categories of weapons. The bloc politics continue, with military bases in the four corners of the world" (Dielli 28 June 1989, 1). Expanding Friendship T oward Former Enemies

Yugoslavia and the Balkan Consultations. Stalinist Albania was al­ ways critical of its more moderately communistic neighbor to the north. This ideological difference was aggravated by the restrictions imposed on the very sizable Albanian minority in Yugoslavia's bordering regions. As late as 1985 Ramiz Alia stated in a public address, We would like to have normal friendly relations based on the prin­ ciples of good neighborliness with Yugoslavia also. Regrettably this has not been achieved. And not through the fault of Albania. Despite our efforts, the Yugoslav policy has always been firmly anti-Albanian. Those who have ruled in Yugoslavia, both before and after the war . . ■ have refused to reconcile themselves . . . to the existence of the Albanian

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nation and its independent state. . . . In practice, this stand has been ex­ pressed in Belgrade's efforts to turn the independent Albanian state into a Yugoslav colonial province, and to denationalize the Albanians of Yugoslavia [A T 1985, 5:5].

Alia's lengthy diatribe contained unfriendly expressions such as "chau­ vinist," "provocation," "everlasting insinuations," "savage" and "poisonous spleen." So observers worldwide were surprised and delighted that the 1987 proposal of Yugoslavia brought Albania's Foreign Minister Reis Malile to Belgrade for the meeting of six Balkan foreign ministers from 24 to 26 Feb­ ruary 1988. Their historic rivalries were accentuated by the fact that Bulgaria and Romania were members of the Warsaw Pact, Turkey and Greece were members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Yugo­ slavia was a founding member of the nonaligned nations movement, while fiercely independent and individualistic Albania refused to identify with any bloc, East or West, nonaligned or neutral. This consultation of such disparate ideologies would never have received the approval of Enver Hoxha. The participants agreed not to air grievances which separated them, but to concentrate on those matters which could unite them. The Albanian foreign minister displayed commendable realism when he proposed that the Balkan countries strengthen cooperation by activating regional com­ mittees on trade, transportation and other such issues. He declared that the treatment of minorities was an internal question over which each country had complete sovereignty. This approach was endorsed by Yugoslavia and Greece, as well as their counterparts, most of whom had similar border problems of their own. The six ministers agreed to cooperate in efforts to check terrorism and illegal trafficking in narcotics and arms (NY Times 5 March 1988). Albania and Yugoslavia also undersigned agreements on cooperation in many in­ dustrial, agricultural, cultural, scientific and educational matters. Born in Hoxha's native Gjirokastra and married to a sister of Ramiz Alia, Reis Malile had served as Albania's ambassador to the United Nations from 1956 to 1961 before coming to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This makes all the more significant certain statements he made that 24 February to the ministers at Belgrade: Today is no time for colonialism, for the suppression of minorities and their rights, which are recognized by international justice and the Charter of the United Nations Organization. We live in a time when, among states, agreements of all sorts are expanding more and more, when national economies are interwoven with one another more and more, when differ­ ent cultures are enriched reciprocally with a quickened rhythm, when the search for equality of nations, for brotherhood among peoples, for peace

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and general security, is not only a hope, but also a force which moves progress forward [N Alb 1988, 2:4; D ielli 25 April 1988, 5],

The second meeting of the foreign ministers of the Balkan countries was held 18 to 20 January 1989, in Tirana. This marked the first time that Albania's Communist regime had ever played host to a gathering of Balkan diplomats. Many phases of Balkan cooperation were agreed upon, and dates were set for the meetings of their respective officials. It was noted that the representatives "took note of the proposal of Albania to draw up and adopt the principles of good neighborliness in the Balkans" (NAlb 1989 1:2-3). The following year, in March 1990, the foreign ministers' meeting in Athens produced an agreement on steps to collaborate in the fields of energy, agriculture, transportation, foreign trade, industry, cultural and humanitarian affairs, tourism and the environment (NAlb 1990, 2 :9). Im­ proved relations between Albania and Yugoslavia, as well as other Balkan nations, seem assured. Greece. Ramiz Alia must have charitably overlooked many bloody pages of history when in 1985 he stated in Korcha, of all places, "Our policy toward Greece has always been a policy of good neighborliness. We have been, and are two friendly peoples" (AT 1985, 5:15). But relations between these former enemies really had progressively improved. Over 20 years earlier Tirana had announced its readiness to improve diplomatic, trade and cultural relations, "particularly with our neighbors, on the basis of strict respect for the known principles of peaceful coexistence." More specifically, Tirana declared itself ready to establish diplomatic relations with Athens, provided that that government abandoned its "baseless claims to parts of southern Albania" (NY Times 11 January 1962). That acknowl­ edgment really did take place in February 1984, when Greek Prime Minister Andreas Papandreou addressed a luncheon gathering at Yanina near the Albanian border. He stated that Greece had no territorial claims on Al­ bania. This official Greek renunciation of the tired old claim to "North Epirus" or more accurately, "South Albania," simply did seem to trickle across the Atlantic Ocean. In 1984 Greek-Americans in the United States appeared before a Congressional hearing in Washington, D.C., to claim 400,000 Or­ thodox "Greeks" in southern Albania. The confusion originated during the centuries of Turkish occupation when religion was identified with na­ tionality. In Albania, Muslims were called "Turks," and Greek Orthodox Christians were called "Greeks." But just as all Roman Catholics were not Romans, neither were all Greek Orthodox people Greeks. In 1922 the Greek Orthodox Church at its Congress of Berat declared its independence of the Greek Orthodox patriarch of Constantinople and constituted itself the Albanian Orthodox Church, with Albanian clergymen using the Albanian language. These people never were ethnic Greeks, but ethnic Albanians.

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The U.S. Department of State, in a communication of 20 April 1981, agreed that "a more accurate but still imprecise estimate of the number of ethnic Greeks in Albania would be about 50,000" (Liria 15 March 1984, 1). The census of 1989 reported an ethnic Greek minority of 58,758 out of Albania's 3.25 million population (NAlb 1989, 4:12). Greek acknowledg­ ment that the territory occupied by this Greek minority was Albanian rather than Greek should have ended the controversy once and for all, both in Greece and in the United States. Allegations of discriminatory treatment of ethnic Greek minorities in Albania also strained relations between the two countries. Late in 1984, for the first time in 40 years, a Greek minister of foreign affairs visited Albania. The state of war which Greece declared when Italy launched the first of­ fensive action of World War II in 1940 was, theoretically at least, still in effect. But Karolos Papoulios, minister of foreign affairs, visited Tirana and the border towns occupied by ethnic Greek minorities. He visited the Pedagogical Institute at Gjirokastra, and expressed his satisfaction with the Greek language instruction given to minority students preparing to teach schools in their communities. Noting the Greek schools, the Greek language publications and the Greek language concerts of song and dance among the border com­ munities, he refuted charges by Greek rightists of any effort to de-Hellenize the population. He also commented favorably upon several agreements which were signed, dealing with telecommunications, postal services, ground transpor­ tation, tourism, and commercial and cultural exchanges. Critical coun­ trymen brought up the controversial suppression of Orthodox religion in Albania. He replied, They ask me often whether I visited a Greek church. This is really a crafty question, for everyone knows that the Albanian constitution is the only atheistic constitution in the world. If they should tell me that a mosque or a Catholic or Protestant church was functioning and a Greek Orthodox church could not function, then I would tell them, "You are right." But let those gentlemen tell me: Can anyone intervene in the internal affairs of a state, in its constitutional order, and impose a desire of his own7 [Z'eri 29 January 1985, 4]. The Greek minister declared his visit successful and positive from every angle. A few weeks later, on 12 January 1985, an official ceremony marked the reopening of the border crossing at Kakavia, southeast of Gjirokastra, closed since the Italians used it to invade Greece in 1940. Two thousand long-lost relatives from both sides of the mountainous border embraced and wept with joy upon meeting for the first time in 45 years. Mr. Papoulios

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expressed the resolve of 3.11 that K^lovis and the other border crossing at Kapështica nesr Korchs would prove to be "nstural highways of GreekAlbanian Friendship" (Liria 15 February 1985,1). Although these two cross­ ings were to be used mainly for commercial and governmental traffic, since civilians were still forbidden to travel abroad, it was expected that these two doors to Albania's southern neighbor would encourage further close relations. Then on 28 August 1987 the government of Greece officially abrogated its state of war with Albania, imposed in 1940 at the time of the Fascist Italian invasion. The Albanian government expressed its confidence that this would broaden the cooperation and bilateral relations of these two fraternal peoples. Then in February 1989 the Albanian minister of foreign affairs, Reis Malile, met with his Greek counterpart, Karolos Papoulios, exchanging friendly visits in their respective countries. They exchanged opinions on further extending agreements on economic, trade, cultural, transportation and other fields of reciprocal interest, on the basis of good neighborliness (.NAlb 1989, 2:4). And one year later, a comprehensive illustrated article in New Albania documented the "Equality and Vitality" enjoyed by the Greek minority in Albania (1990, 1:6-9). Turkey. In view of the centuries of Albanian occupation by the Ot­ toman Empire, and the sharp break with the Turks at Vlora in 1912, it is interesting to note that Turkey became the first foreign country ever visited by an Albanian prime minister. During the summer of 1990 Adil Charchani, Albanian prime minister, visited top Turkish officials at Ankara with a view to strengthening relations between the two countries. Speaking at Ankara's Esenboga airport before his departure for Istanbul, Charchani urged that economic relations be brought up to the level of cultural and political relations: "We paid close attention to problems in the Balkans dur­ ing my meetings with President Turgut Ozal and Prime Minister Yildirim Akbulut," he said. During his visit, Charchani signed an agreement with Akbulut pledg­ ing cooperation in tourism, textiles, metallurgy, construction and broad­ casting. Under the agreement, Turkey was to construct factories and hotels in Albania, with the details to be announced later (Liria 1 September 1990, 1). Italy. The Fascist occupation of Albania and the Vatican ties with Albanian Catholicism did much to sour the relations between the Hoxha regime and Italy. In 1985, however, Ramiz Alia observed that "relations of good neigh­ borliness are developing with Italy. Obvious progress has been made . in the fields of trade, cultural and technical-scientific exchanges, and other fields in which collaboration of mutual interest could be established. All these things have served to bring our peoples closer together and enhance the friendship and trust between them" (AT 1985, 5:15). But when im-

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proved relations with the West came up for discussion, it was only natural that human rights issues should surface. Thus on 29 March 1989 the French newspaper Le M onde published the text of an interview which its correspondent Alain Jacobi had with Minister of Foreign Affairs Reis Malile. Asked about relations between Albania and Italy, Malile replied that "the order of the day calls for a meeting with the Italian Foreign Minister, Mr. Julio Andreotti. Italo-Albanian relations are complicated, however, by the fact that even today six members of the Popa family have been sheltered ever since 1985 in the Italian embassy at Tirana" (.Dielli 28 June 1989,1). Malile was sure that much more important matters than this should be considered, and that "the question of human rights is relative." When Jacobi asked about the exercise of religious faiths, whether Muslim or Christian, he quoted Malile as follows: "Albania has its own historic distinctives. Foreign invaders have wished to use religious faiths to achieve their purposes, the domination of the country. And not only in the past, but during the second World War the foreigners used religious faiths as a means of splitting the population. This is why religious faiths have no place in Albania." But then he continued with this remarkable statement: "For us, re­ ligious faiths are a matter of conscience. Whoever wishes to believe can believe; no one ever forbids him, it is an individual matter except that the State does not protect religious faiths" (Dielli 28 June 1989, 1). The minister acknowledged that "in the past men who wore religious garb were pun­ ished, but they were not imprisoned for reason of their faith. They were imprisoned because they had cooperated with the enemy or because they had participated in acts of terrorism" (ibid.). The French correspondent observed that this statement did not corre­ spond at all with the Albanian constitution, article 37 of which categori­ cally forbade any religious faith. Tirana insisted that the rest of the world has no right to interfere in Albania's internal affairs. Yet as she reached out to Western nations which considered human rights as sacred, Albania was embarrassed again and again by this concern about human rights which simply would not disappear. Albania's director of the Institute of International Relations, Sofokli Lazari, discussed at length the prevailing desire for broader relations with western European states. The interview was reported by Tito Sansa, cor­ respondent for La Stampa of Torino, in its edition of 18 May 1989. Sansa recalled that Prime Minister Mehmet Shehu had reminded Hoxha's inner circle that Albania was really a part of Europe and should move away from its isolationist position, but for this he was executed as a traitor. Sansa received the definite impression that now, four years after the death of Hoxha, the publicly expressed opinion of the younger generation favors an opening toward the outside world. He added that the conversation was very friendly until the subject of religious matters came up. He reported,

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Professor Lazari was raised in the Orthodox faith, and acknowledges that his mother is displeased with the prohibition of religious beliefs. The cor­ respondent asked him what happened to the priests and hodjas. "They returned to their homes, and they work," he replied. Then he added, "The priest of my village still lives. We are still friends, and when I go to the village, I go and meet him, and we have a glass of wine together." This led the correspondent to ask him for the name and address of the priest so he also could go and have a glass of wine with the priest of Sofokli's village. Then the professor and his interpreter, Ilir Gurakuqi, put their heads together and began to speak in Albanian. Finally Ilir Gurakuqi, his face blushing, said, "The priest died many years ago." The Italian jour­ nalist exclaimed, "But the professor said a few seconds ago that when he goes to his native village he meets with the priest, and they drink a glass of wine together!" "That was my mistake," said Ilir Gurakuqi. "The priest died some time back, but I made a mistake in the translation into the Italian language." This ended the interview with Professor Sofokli [Dielli 28 June 1989, 6].

Five months later a delegation of deputies on the Italian Foreign Affairs Commission scheduled their departure for Albania on Friday, 13 October, to discuss the Popa family stalemate. The Albanian ambassador in Rome forewarned them, however, that "this is an internal affair of the Albanian government, and therefore requires no explanation or clarification to mem­ bers of the Italian parliament." The commission indefinitely postponed its visit to Albania (Dielli 10 November 1989,1). Nevertheless, as long as Tirana kept this door to the West open, some fresh air was sure to blow in. Germany. Albanians considered the Nazi German troops of occupa­ tion much more guilty of wartime atrocities than the Italians, and their resentment did not subside with the shooting. Yet Ramiz Alia, himself a veteran of the liberation struggle, initiated steps toward improving rela­ tions with West Germany. During the summer of 1984, and subsequently, representatives of the Tirana Foreign Ministry went to Bonn to undertake negotiations with their German counterparts. The main obstacle to formal diplomatic ties was Enver Hoxha's iden­ tification of West Germany as the successor to the Third Reich and therefore responsible for German destruction during their occupation. Albania set an extravagant claim for wartime reparations at $4.5 billion, later reducing it to $2 billion. Bonn negotiators steadfastly refused to accept responsibility for damage caused by Hitler's troops and rejected the whole concept of reparations. But Bonn did offer loans or credits and suggested building a major in­ dustrial plant for Albania. By 1985 Tirana seemed a bit more flexible. Ger­ many had just sold Albania 20,000 trucks "none older than two years (Liria 1 June 1986, 1). In May 1986 German Prime Minister Strauss visited Albania for a "private visit" with Adil Charchani, then president of the Council of Ministers. Newspapers hinted at German construction of

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"several important factories" in the place of reparations, so Tirana aban­ doned its insistence on reparations. The two countries established normal diplomatic relations in September 1987. The first session of a Joint Commis­ sion on Economic, Industrial and Technical Cooperation convened at Tirana in December 1988. Besides the respective officials of Germany and Albania, the German ambassador was also in attendance. They discussed arrangements for the further development of cooperation between Ger­ many and Albania in various fields, such as mining, metallurgy, the chemi­ cal industry, light industry, agriculture, and assorted others (Liria 1 Jan­ uary 1989, 1). In March 1989 Albania and the Federal Republic of Germany signed an agreement whereby West Germany pledged to provide DM 20 million (U.S. $11 million) in technical and financial aid. Since Albania's constitu­ tion forbade foreign borrowing, the Albanian government claimed that this aid was not in the form of credits. A Yugoslav report, however, jubilantly announced that the agreement called for repayment over 30 years at 2 per­ cent interest. Albanian liabilities were increasing, however, already up from U.S. $42 million in early 1986 to $187 million in September 1988 (Minn 1990, 24). That June 1989 Tirana's Reis Malile was asked about Albanian rela­ tions with the Federal Republic of Germany. He replied, "Economic cooperation occupies an important place in the development of new rela­ tions with Western countries, especially with the Federal Republic of Ger­ many. The broadening of these relations with Germany is hindered by the Constitution of Albania, which forbids the receiving of credits from the outside world." Then Malile added, "When good will is not lacking, every hindrance can be overcome" (Dielli 28 June 1989, 1, 6). Apparently Germany's eco­ nomic assistance did just that. D eveloping Relations with O ther W estern States

France. Full diplomatic ties were established between Paris and Tirana. The only setback occurred when Albania border guards shot and killed a vacationing Frenchman who was scuba diving off Corfu and ven­ tured too near the Albanian coast. France temporarily recalled its am­ bassador. But in mid-1989 Malile was interviewed by a French journalist just before departure for Paris for a meeting with his French counterpart. He pointed out "the affinity between Albania and France as two Mediter­ ranean and European peoples, and expressed the desire to open new pros­ pects of cooperation in different fields" (ibid., 1). England. Several controversial issues arose at the close of the war to embitter relations between England and Albania. The two most serious controversies arose over the Corfu channel incident of October 1946 and the disputed Albanian gold reserve. Concerning the gold, the Albanian

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treasury (about 2.5 tons of gold, with a value variously estimated at $36 million to $124 million) was taken to Rome during the Italian occupation, then taken by German troops in 1943 for safekeeping in a German salt mine, where it was captured by the Allies. Kept in the Bank of England, this gold was the joint responsibility of a tripartite commission composed of representatives of the United States, England and France, all three of whom had to consent to its return to Albania. A complication arose, however, over Britain's refusal to return the gold until Albania agreed to pay 840,000 pounds compensation awarded by the International Court for the death of 38 sailors and damage to two British destroyers caused by mines in the Corfu channel in 1946. Albania disclaimed any responsibility for the mines, and demanded the treasure. Neither London nor Washington had diplomatic ties with Tirana, so Paris, which did have an embassy there, conducted negotiations for the three countries. As late as June 1989 a newsman asked Albanian Foreign Minister Malile how matters stood with England. He replied, "We want to have nor­ mal relations with England, if England shows good will so as to resolve the problem of the Albanian gold which is blocked in London" (Dielli 28 June 1989, 1). But even though no compromise emerged immediately to permit the establishment of diplomatic relations, several lesser but positive de­ velopments did occur. A British airline, BAC, was permitted to begin ser­ vice between London and Tirana on 7 October 1988. Two British tourist agencies were permitted to organize and conduct group tours into Albania, although they could not service persons with American passports. British tourists visiting Albania reported a great change in the atmosphere. "Four years ago people would walk past us with vacant, haunted faces like so many zombies. Now in the streets they are eager to take the initiative, and come up to chat" (AET November 1987, 6). Under Ramiz Alia relations with the West were improving markedly. Thus in 1989 for the first time soc­ cer matches between Albania and Britain were permitted in the two countries. Such subtle signals seemed to imply that the two governments might be ready to move ahead toward discussions on the resumption of diplo­ matic relations. Actually, this was realized in May 1991. Broadening D iplomatic Relations. Albania had established certain criteria which had to be met by countries wishing to maintain normal diplomatic relations with Tirana. In his Report to the Ninth Congress, Ramiz Alia summarized these "principles of equality, noninterference in in­ ternal affairs, reciprocal respect, territorial integrity and national sovereignty" (1986, 207). His foreign minister in 1989 claimed diplomatic relations with 112 countries (Dielli 28 June 1989, 6). In his Report to the Ninth Congress (209), Alia listed African countries with which Albania was collaborating in "the struggle against imperialism, neocolonialism and racism" and Latin American countries with which they "struggle for their

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civil liberties and rights, against the ruthless imperialist plunder and the enslaving system of debts." Diplomatic relations with Western nations were expanding, too: whereas in 1982 only one-quarter of the foreign embassies at Tirana were other than Eastern bloc or other hard-line Communist coun­ tries, beginning in the mid-1980s, relations were established with Australia, Spain, Canada, West Germany and other non-Communist countries. Trade Relations. There was a time when virtually all of Albania's limited trade was conducted with Yugoslavia, then with Russia, then with China, as its political alliances changed. Actually, its constitution, adopted in December 1976, outlawed financial dealings with "bourgeois and revi­ sionist capitalist monopolies and states," either to form joint companies or to obtain credits. But apparently without regard to prior diplomatic ties, Albania began carefully navigating these treacherous waters, signing trade treaties with Italy, Finland, Greece, France, Holland, Sweden, Norway, Mexico and many others. By 1987 only 35 percent of Albania's foreign trade was carried on with Soviet bloc countries. Of these, Romania and Hungary were favored by significant increases. Albania was said to con­ duct trade with about 150 countries of the world, a startingly larger number than just a few years earlier (Prinz The Citizen 7 May 1987, 12). Over the years Albania had participated in 180 trade fairs held in over 30 countries to encourage their import of goods on display in the Albania pavilion. Each year it displayed its products in about 15 international fairs, including those held in Basel, Lisbon, Brussels, Salonica, and Bari. In 1986 Albania was also represented at Vienna, Paris, Helsinki, etc. On display were samples of minerals, handcrafts, agricultural products and photo displays of rest homes for workers, resorts for tourists and archeological centers. A single page of an Albanian paper included articles on its participation in trade fairs in Milan, Paris and Lisbon, as well as an art fair in Rome (Liria June 1985, 3). Although Albania still firmly resisted any change in its politi­ cal philosophy, it was increasingly willing to change its economic orien­ tation. This Westward orientation was a calculated risk, of course. Officially, "Albania has never accepted to trade with the superpowers or with the im­ perialist and revisionist interstate groupings," for "together with com­ modities, other countries introduce into our country the ideology, mode of life, concepts, tastes and practices of the capitalist, bourgeois or revisionist world" (AT 1984, 2:23). Accordingly, Albania refused to conduct trade with the United States or with the Soviet Union. An American reported his 1986 visit to a nicely arranged trade museum featuring articles produced in the Korcha district: I asked the director whether American buyers could come into the country to examine these products and purchase quantities for sale in American shops. He assured me that they could not. Inasmuch as Albanian products are exhibited at numerous trade fairs in Western Europe, I asked if

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American buyers might place orders there and have delivery in the United States. To my surprise he replied, "Only if they order through a third country which is more acceptable to Albania." Incongruously enough, the gift shops displaying these same products in Albania's tourist hotels will accept payment from all foreigners only in American dollars [EE] 1986 12 ] ,

The fact was that Albania was constantly increasing the variety, quantity and quality of the goods for export so as to gain more hard currency for the purchase of modern technology and other imports. This pursuit forced it to face increasingly Westward. Trade with the West was facilitated by the new railway link with the European rail network by way of Hani i Hotit, as well as the newly opened border crossings for commercial trucking through Kakavia and Kapështica, and even the ferry service between Durrës and Trieste, operating every 10 days. Italy in fact had become Albania's largest trading partner in the West. All these positive factors, however, brought no immediate indication of a break with the hard-line foreign policy of Enver Hoxha. Cultural Exchanges. The meetings of the Balkan foreign ministers resulted in a flood of cultural exchanges among these former enemies. There began to be consultations of medical and other scientific experts; economic, industrial and technical cooperation; pedagogical interchanges and cooperation between universities; technical consultations on protecting the Balkan environment; inter-Balkan sporting competition, etc. Cultural ex­ changes with the West were announced increasingly, with West Germany, Italy, Norway, Finland, Greece, France, Austria and others. Albania took part in the International Book and Press Fair in Geneva. A delegation headed by the minister of health attended the forty-second session of the World Health Organization. Folk song and dance ensembles gave concerts in Greece, Turkey, Germany, France and other Western countries. Beginning in 1987 soccer matches were held with Austria, England and other coun­ tries. Albania's educational, cultural and scientific institutions, such as the Radio-Television Agency, the Albanian Telegraphic Agency for news, the Committee of Science and Technology, the Committee for Culture and Arts, the Committee of Physical Culture and Sports, and others, co­ operated with analogous institutions of various other countries. Interna­ tional film festivals, art exhibitions and performances of folk singers, dancers and instrumentalists, as well as exhibits of technical and scientific publications, enabled a better mutual understanding between Albania and the various peoples of the West. The Academy of Sciences exchanged scien­ tific and sociopolitical literature with more than 50 countries, including 500 libraries, academies and scientific centers, and with 400 individual scholars in the fields of science and culture. The academy participated in many inter­ national congresses, colloquia, meetings and commissions, contributing their own papers and reports for the discussion of scholars. One report

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stated that scholars from 12 countries had come to Albania to acquaint themselves with the achievements of Albania in different fields of science, to exchange experiences, for archival and library research, to give lectures, etc. Interestingly, virtually all the scholars came from the West: Greece, Turkey, Italy, France, Sweden, Austria, Finland, Denmark, Bulgaria, Hol­ land, West Germany and Britain (Liria 15 June 1987, 4). The academy also sponsored ethnographic exhibits in most of these same Western countries (.NAlb 1989, 1:27). Albania's tourism potential was nearly unsurpassed, with high moun­ tain country equal to that of Switzerland, a semitropical riviera like that of France, village scenes reminiscent of old Turkey, and archeological sites equal to anything in Greece or Italy. Resorts and hotels were being upgraded continually. But to prevent ideological contamination, only about 5,000 or 6,000 tourists were allowed annually, and those from the West were thoroughly screened. Except for those with Albanian relatives, tourists from the United States and the Soviet Union were denied entrance until very late in Alia's term, and then only after very careful screening. There was considerable relaxation, however, of the restrictions on mutual visits between Albanians and their relatives living in Greece and Yugoslavia. Nonetheless mass tourism by foreigners was still strictly regulated, the carefully selected applicants traveling in carefully shepherded groups. For many years foreign travel by Albanians had been illegal, except for govern­ ment officials, a few businessmen, a few high-level students and the vigilantly supervised cultural exchange teams. There was increasing interest in foreign languages. In earlier years one would arouse suspicion of disloyalty by learning snatches of a foreign language, listening to foreign radio programs or speaking to a tourist. Now students and professionals alike were encouraged to learn foreign languages. English was the preferred second language, and students in the lower grades approached tourists and asked shyly, "Do you speak English?" The official press commented favorably on the enthusiastic demand for foreign language dictionaries, mentioning specifically Italian-Albanian, French-Albanian, English-Albanian and German-Albanian dictionaries, editions of which sold out very quickly. The Albanian leadership was ap­ parently aware that foreign languages were indispensable for a small isolated people trying to catch up with the rest of the world. There was no repudiation of Enver Hoxha's siege psychosis, but this widespread fascina­ tion with foreign languages was another indicator of a shifting orientation, and it was definitely toward the West. As for advanced study, higher-level students were originally sent to Communist bloc countries for political indoctrination along with their vocational or technical training. Now, however, of the relatively few higher students permitted abroad, the majority were sent for electronic and computer technology to Germany, France, Italy, Austria and Sweden. It was estimated that in 1985 there were about 100 Albanian young people

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studying in western European countries (NY Times 20 January 1985), but by 1990, about 70 students were sent abroad for long-term postgraduate specialization, 450 for short-term training, and about 300 others to participate in international scientific activities (NAlb 1990, 2:12). All the rest of the younger generation, however, had become aware of the West through the almost universal family television set that could receive broad­ casts Greece, Yugoslavia and Italy. Also of course they had movies, radio transmissions, foreign tourists, correspondence from relatives living abroad and even the shrill denunciations of the superpowers in their official publications, which often must have proved counterproductive by awaken­ ing curiosity. Finally, Western airlines were becoming increasingly welcome. Previously, weekly flights of only five foreign airlines connected Tirana with the outside world: the East German Interflug, the Hungarian Malev, the Romanian Tarom, the Yugoslavian Jay and the Greek Olympic airlines. Then the Italian Alitalia was permitted to serve the country. In mid-1986 Swissair began twice-weekly flights between Zurich and Tirana. In 1988 the British BAC was permitted to operate direct flights between London and Tirana, and France began negotiations in February 1989. This rather amazing number of doors opening to the West not indicate an immediate change in Albania's hard-line Stalinist philosophy inherited from Enver Hoxha. But it seemed impossible that Ramiz Alia could forever escape the fresh breezes blowing into what was once a hermetically sealed country. Major reforms could not be expected immediately, certainly not as abruptly as those which took place all the way from the three Baltic states to Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, East Germany, Romania, Bulgaria, the Ukraine and Armenia. Although a doctrinaire Stalinist like Ramiz Alia would blame all those upheavals on the Revisionists in Moscow, nevertheless, he was undoubtedly watching the Soviet experi­ mentation. Gorbachev came to power at roughly the same time as Alia, and both probably were wondering whether it was possible to attain the technological progress they wanted, and yet remain loyal to their inherited Communist ideology. Resistance to R adical C hange U nder A lia

His R epeated Commitment to the Hoxha Party Line. In addition to Alia's consistent hard-core record, his repeated commitments to the Hoxha party line gave no encouragement to any hope for change. Just before as­ suming leadership he celebrated the fortieth anniversary of liberation on 29 November 1984 with a lengthy address. In it he rang all the familiar bells sounded by Hoxha in his many addresses to the assembled masses. He em­ phasized that the emancipation of Albanian society was a "very sharp prob­ lem" because of the "backward customs, consciences poisoned by different religions, and harmful preconceptions" (Zëri 28 November 1984, 3). But Alia, since his earliest days in the Communist youth organization, had

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"struggled beside Enver Hoxha," and repeatedly he assured the nation that he would not swerve from Hoxha's Stalinist ideology (FESH 1985, 19-20). At Hoxha's funeral service, a memorial rally for "the greatest man that Albanian soil has ever brought forth," Alia invited the other party leaders to gather around the coffin: "Come closer, comrades. Come closer. Let us have him like this, among us, as we have had him always, and will always have him, because we have his teachings. We shall faithfully follow the road of Comrade Enver! Good-bye, Comrade Enver!" (NAlb 1985, 2:5). He eulogized Hoxha for his stand against revisionism, daring to break with the Titoites, the Khrushchevites and the Chinese Revisionists. Then he added, "Our task is to proceed with determination on this broad road which the Party and Comrade Enver Hoxha have opened to us, to adhere unswerv­ ingly to his teachings" (ibid., 6). At the interment in the Cemetery of the Martyrs, Alia pledged himself once again as the slab of red marble was placed over the grave, "Rest in peace, Comrade Enver, because the people and the Party, with you always in their hearts and their minds, will march on that course you have set. And Albania will flourish. Albania will be happy, just as you desired. Farewell, Comrade Enver!" (ibid., 8). At the first congress following Hoxha's death, Alia in his closing speech on 8 November 1986 characterized the Ninth Congress as a "Congress of continuity," and added, "Our people will march on the same road they have marched on during these 45 years with Comrade Enver Hoxha at the head" (NAlb 1986, 6:5). At the close of the congress the leaders visited the house where Hoxha and his loyalists first organized the Albanian Communist Party. Here once again Alia swore to follow Hoxha's path faithfully. This pledge was repeated the following year, 1987, when Alia gave the address at Vlora commemorating the seventy-fifth anniversary of Albanian in­ dependence. Alluding to the Soviet reforms of Mikhail Gorbachev, who even participated with his wife in the 1,000-year celebration of Russian Orthodoxy, Alia declared once again his refusal to consider any devia­ tion from the hard line of Enver Hoxha. Reaffirming Hoxha's line of in­ dependence and national sovereignty, Alia added, "This line is attacked by our imperialist enemies, by the revisionists and reactionaries of various kinds, who hope that we will change our road. They hope that Gorbachev type reforms will take place in our homeland . .. but such a thing will never happen" (Dielli 28 February 1988, 2). Probably Ramiz Alia made this pledge sincerely, but it is significant that the Soviet Mikhail Gorbachev who came to power at the same time as did Ramiz Alia introduced his first speech as general secretary with the assurance that he would never deviate from the strict party line, "the great Leninist cause," and that he would surely remove all "alien phenomena" (CT 5 April 1985, 43). Apparently one should never say "never." His Constant Surveillance by H oxha Loyalists. Finally, in addition to Alias long and consistent record, and his repeated commitments, there was Enver Hoxha's widow, Nexhmije Hoxha. Like Mao's widow in China, she

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jealously monitored the ideological purity of her venerated husband's suc­ cessor. For this task she was superbly qualified, having had a principal share in the founding of the national Communist organizations for youth and for women. She had also served in the mountains with her husband's famous Seventh Brigade, then as editor of the Albanian Woman magazine from 1943, and then on the party's Central Committee since 1948. As direc­ tor of the Institute of Marxist-Leninist Studies since 1966, she was most active in the fields of propaganda, the press, education and culture. A doc­ trinaire Stalinist and a tireless defender of the party line against any en­ croachment of Revisionist ideology, she was especially critical of Gorbachev. He, on the eve of his unprecedented meeting with Pope John Paul II in December 1989, had announced the following: "We have changed our at­ titude on some matters, such as religion, for example, which admittedly we used to treat in a simplistic manner. Now we not only proceed from the as­ sumption that no one should interfere in matters of the individual's con­ science; we also say that the moral values which religion generated and embodied for centuries can help in the work of renewal in our country, too" (Tampa Tribune 1 December 1989, 1A, 14A). To Nexhmije Hoxha and other hard-liners in Tirana, this was a betrayal of all that her husband had stood for. Any modification of his harsh interpretation of MarxismLeninism was blatant heresy. And Nexhmije Hoxha was a dominant force in Tirana's official circles, which now included a remarkable number of veterans from Hoxha's Seventh Brigade. Surrounded as he was by hard-line loyalists, Alia could hardly be expected to immediately soften the regime's traditional stand on human rights, for instance. Some commentators envisioned a more moderate Alia moving toward change, but very circumspectly because of the hard-liners surrounding him in Tirana. They believed that to make his somewhat unorthodox ideas more palatable, he would choose to disguise them with Hoxha's customary violent invectives against reactionism, capitalism, imperialism and revi­ sionism. To support this thesis, they pointed to Alias November 1987 address at the seventy-fifth anniversary of the proclamation of independence. He introduced the announcement of his readiness to cooperate with other na­ tions by first blasting the enemy: "There are people in the world, some not ill-intended but most of them tricksters, who say that we must 'open up in order to advance and develop. But what does it mean to 'open up 1 If it means to diminish our independence, to limit our sovereignty, to enter into debt, to join military blocs and organizations, this will never happen. Then to allay any apprehension, he quoted the ultimate authority, Enver Hoxha, who had defiantly stated to Khrushchev, "The Albanian people and their Party of Labor will live on grass if need be, but they will never sell themselves for 30 pieces of silver; they prefer to die on their feet with honor, rather than live on their knees in disgrace." Only then did he consider it ex­ pedient to announce his divergence from earlier isolationism:

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We do not intend to stand aloof from the world, to live in isolation. We do not hesitate to cooperate with others, nor do we fear their power and wealth. On the contrary, we seek this cooperation, because we consider it a factor which assists our internal development. But only on condition that it is of mutual interest, based on equality, and does not violate the sovereignty of either country or its social system, on condition that it is not accompanied with the slightest form of interference in our internal affairs, or even the remotest appearance of dictation or pressure [NAlb 1987, 6:15], Vague Hints o f Cautious Change. One who had suffered years for his faith predicted that Ramiz Alia would eventually restore religious rights: "Although he's a staunch Marxist-Stalinist type, he sees reality differently than Hoxha did. I believe that he is eventually going to change the course of things in Albania. In time he will allow the practice of religion again" (ACB 1985, 37-38). Dr. Elez Biberaj, chief of the Albanian Service for the Voice of America, predicted that Ramiz Alia would continue his predeces­ sor's policies, but that eventually "Hoxhaism" would disintegrate. He was encouraged by Alias "discreet departure from Hoxha's foreign policy" and his "evolutionary changes toward greater freedom and a more moderate Albanian foreign policy" (ACB 1985, 71). Optimists could find some small basis for hope. In 1988 for the first time the birthday of Stalin was not celebrated as in the past (ACB 1988, 32). Also in 1988 one observer noted that the government-controlled press in Albania did not seem to lash out as vehemently against the many appeals from world leaders seeking the restoration of religious freedom in Albania (ibid., 33). An Albanian remarked to a visiting newsman, I can only point to a few changes that outsiders wouldn't notice. For exam­ ple, you see all the slogans praising Hoxha, yet nothing about Alia. Nothing. Perhaps he is not interested in building a cult for himself. Let's hope so. Then again, the only new slogan he has approved since Hoxha died is "Better Times Are Ahead for Albania." That slogan, suggesting that things have not been perfect in the past, would have been unthinkable under Hoxha. . .. In the months since Hoxha died, people have been allowed to go to Greece to visit relatives. Only old people, and those who leave their families behind, but that is something. When asked if there were any signs of strikes or a Solidarity-type move­ ment, she replied, Nothing like that. The peasants have been brain-washed for forty years, they don't know any different. As for the intelligentsia, those who disagree with the State are quickly eliminated. I can talk about my true feelings to only three people in Tirana. . . . It can't go on like this. Either Alia will be a Hoxha II or a superman. There's no alternative any more. Things have gotten too bad to just go on as before [Dielli 1 November 1986, 1].

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Another writes, "To cautiously introduce internal reforms, Alia is reported to have brought some pragmatic men into leadership positions, and has hinted that he may offer labor incentives." Was Ramiz Alia able to accomplish any change in the life of his coun­ try? Certainly he stated repeatedly and emphatically that he continued to follow precisely the line laid down by his predecessor, Enver Hoxha. Yet there did appear to be a slight difference. In his 1986 May Day speech he declared, "Comrade Enver is again among us, and throughout the centuries he will be present at our festivals, as he is present in all our life through his immortal work" (Religion Winter 1986, 271). But the former personality cult was not encouraged by Alia. There was fear of foreign invasion. The need of foreign trade was recognized by the increasingly wide circle of foreign nations, especially in the West, with whom Alia had established commercial, political and cultural relations. Albanians seemed less fearful of talking with foreign tourists. Shkodra was distrusted by the predomi­ nantly southern Hoxha ruling clique, and only Alia seemed to survive the political disgrace that had befallen the rest of his northern fellows. This may have been due to the fact that he was of Muslim, not Roman Catholic, origin, that he had married the southern Semiramis Xhuvani, daughter of the educational hero and scholar Aleksander Xhuvani, and that their daughter had married the son of Enver and Nexhmije Hoxha (Minn 1990, 17). Though most observers expected no sudden or dramatic changes, it seemed clear that gradually Alia was seeking to moderate the harsh Stalinism inherited from his predecessor. M O U N TIN G P R E SSU R E S T O W A R D D E M O C R A T IZ A T IO N T he P ro-D emocracy Landslide in Eastern Europe (1989-1990)

The year 1989 was a year beyond all imagination. It was unthinkable. It was the Year of the Whirlwind. Neither Gorbachev nor his Western observers could imagine the rapid penetration of the heady nostrum of perestroika (restructuring) and glasnost (openness) to the farthest corners of the Eastern bloc. Poland. Movement began in Poland with Warsaw's historic pact of 18 April 1989 legalizing the nine-year-old Solidarity labor union, and authorizing free elections for the first time in 40 years. The 5 June election decisively marked the end of the Communist party's monopoly on power and the development of a pluralistic or multiparty political system. On 25 August Solidarity took over the Eastern bloc's first non-Communist government. Hungary. Encouraged by the Soviets' noninterference in Poland, Hungary began on 2 May to dismantle the barbed wire along its borders with Austria. The "Great Escape" to the West soon began. On 11 October its Communist party formally changed its name to the Hungarian Socialist Party, fired its hard-line Communist party chief, removed the red star from

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all its official buildings and replaced absolute Communist rule by a multi­ party system. East Germany. Protestant churches in East Germany took a bold ini­ tiative in the early 1980s. They adopted the United Nations statue of a man hammering a sword into a plowshare, with the Bible verse Micah 4:3, and made this into a sleeve patch for their youth movement "Swords to Plowshares." Because the UN statue had been donated by the Soviet Union, some time passed before the East German totalitarian regime could figure out how to ban the patches and the marches without offending the Soviets. During that interval the churches became sanctuaries for Monday night peace vigils and candlelight prayer services. On 7 October 1989 East Ger­ many celebrated its fortieth birthday, and like Israel after 40 years in the wilderness, its desert experience under Stalinist communism came to an end (CT 23 April 1990, 17). On 9 November the detested Berlin Wall began to come down, not by military might or political strategy, nor by a popular caucus or congress, but simply by an outpouring of hundreds of thousands of people. The Communist dictator had to abdicate. Terminally ill and fearing for his life, Erich Honecker chose to live out his remaining days sheltered in the home of a Lutheran pastor. That was how democracy came to East Germany, which immediately took steps to merge with West Germany. Czechoslovakia. For eight tumultuous days peaceful crowds had demanded change. Then on 24 November 1989 the aged Alexander Dubcek called on 500,000 of his countrymen in Prague's Wenceslas Square to de­ mand democracy and freedom from Stalinism. Within hours Milos Jakes and his entire Politburo resigned. Romania. Observers credit the churches with the national liberation of Romania from the ruthless dictator Ceausescu. Months beforehand churches were called to prayer and fasting. The rebellion began in Timisoara, where a pastor voiced his objections to Communist rule, and his punitive dismissal by the government was blocked by his loyal church members. Students joined the protest. Gunfire by security police aroused the whole population. A university professor concluded his address to 200,000 people jamming the city plaza, declaring that Romania needed God's help in the crisis. Most of the crowd fell to their knees facing the church, and with the professor said the Lord's Prayer for deliverance from evil (OM March 1990). Only in Romania was the revolution far from bloodless. In the last congress of the Romanian Communist Party Ceausescu had declared, "As long as I am alive the reforms which have swept the states of Eastern Europe will not penetrate Romania" (Atdheu March-April 1990, 2). Tirana had enjoyed excellent relations with Bucharest, and the televised pictures of Nicola Ceausescu and his wife lying in the street, executed by a firing squad on Christmas Day 1989 for crimes against their people, must have thoroughly stunned Ramiz Alia. The official Albanian news agency issued an unusually frank report on Ro-

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mania's repudiation of a Stalinist regime so similar to their own. Romania's first free multiparty election in over 50 years was set for the following 20 May. A sign in Prague commented on the accelerating pace of change. "What took 10 years in Poland took 10 months in Hungary, 10 weeks in East Germany, 10 days in Czechoslovakia, but only 10 hours in Romania" (CBFMS April 1990). The Soviet Union. On 7 February 1990 the Central Committee of the Communist party held a special meeting in Moscow. They voted to annul article 6 of their constitution, which for the last 72 years had given the Communist party absolute monopoly of power in the Soviet Union. The day before these discussions began, hundreds of thousands of Muscovites had demonstrated peacefully to call for democracy and free elections, and to show support for the Gorbachev reforms (Dielli 15 February 1990, 7). This historic action not only legalized multiple political parties in the Soviet Union, but it greatly encouraged other states in the Eastern bloc that were contemplating a similar move. The Baltic States. Anticipating no Soviet intervention, Lithuania in February elected the first legislature not completely dominated by the Com­ munists. Latvia and Estonia held free elections on 18 March 1990. Thus the Communist control of these Baltic nations that had begun in 1940 disap­ peared like a bubble. Bulgaria. The Communist monopoly on power in Bulgaria ended when the Communist party and opposition parties agreed to hold their first postwar multiparty elections in June 1990. Albania. One after the other these Communist regimes of eastern Europe had toppled. Now newspapers of the world carried a headline like this: "ALBANIA: THE LAST DOMINO." Their question was not if it would fall, but when. Ramiz Alia could hardly overlook the stun­ ning collapse of Communist control through eastern Europe. He knew that his people were following the startling news by radio and televi­ sion. So he faced the issue squarely when unveiling a monument at Pezë and soon afterwards when speaking at Tirana early in December 1989. He attributed the fault to those revisionists who had betrayed Marxism-Leninism. Those were the ones who exploited their people, whereas in Albania people enjoyed a spotless Communism. Albania was a free country, independent and sovereign, where every decision was reached by the will of the people. During the Tirana address, however, he felt constrained to warn against stealing, absenteeism, poverty, lying, and espionage, among other evils —all in a "spotless" Communist country! (Dielli 28 December 1989, 1). Foto Chami, secretary of Albania's Central Committee and a close col­ league of Alia's, spoke in Gjirokastra in November 1989 at the forty-fifth anniversary celebration of the takeover by the Communist regime. He claimed that the stunning events in eastern Europe did not represent a crisis of socialism, but a crisis of the revisionist system. The fault lay with Gor-

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bachev's perestroika, which he declared to be altogether unacceptable to Albanians (ibid.). Albania's Stalinist leaders had apparently agreed on this rationaliza­ tion, for it so closely paralleled the explanation given that same holiday in Tirana by Adil Charchani. As chairman of the Council of Ministers and Alia's second in command, Charchani repeated that it was not communism which had failed the people, but people who had failed communism. Revi­ sionists had replaced the proletarian doctrine of Marx and Lenin with their own bourgeois system, which led to such widespread disintegration. He added, "Albania's communist leaders are not opposed to changes, but we will always make them within the framework of our socialist system, never outside it, never on the road of revisionist reforms and of capitalism. . . . Our party will safeguard the freedom, independence and national sovereignty of our socialist homeland" (Boston Herald 27 December 1989). In brief, Albania would not adopt the reforms of eastern Europe. These identical statements were made by Alia, Charchani and Chami, who were considered to be the three pragmatic but extremely cautious champions of reform. While they sought to please the hard-liners by condemning perestroika, Charchani at year's end (1989) coined a new term, "përsëritje," or "renewal," to imply a willingness for change. P opular D isillusionment with the P eople's P aradise

Communism had promised to build a workers' paradise to provide their every material need. It promised to abolish religion and create here and now the New Man of socialism, atheistic, proud, self-sufficient, collec­ tivized and prosperous. However, something had gone dreadfully wrong. After more than 45 years in power, the Tirana regime still ruled over the poorest people in Europe. With the highest birthrate in Europe they had the lowest per capita income. Instead of the much vaunted "dictatorship of the proletariat," only 4 percent of the population held membership in the ruling Communist party. Their industrial plants were becoming antiquated. Spare parts were not available. Bureaucratic control was top-heavy. Labor unions were forbidden. The peasant on a collectivized farm produced much less than he would on his own little plot. State food shops usually had long queues waiting, but shelves were often bare. People were not free to change their job or their residence or to visit another country. They were not free to choose their own employment or profession, to drive an automobile in­ stead of a bicycle, or to run for public office. They were not free to subscribe to a foreign magazine or newspaper, to voice disagreement with party policy or to practice the religion of their choice. Then, they were quite isolated from both East and West; they were quite alone. Restrictions like these engendered widespread restlessness, especially among the youthful segment of the population. Their resentment was ag­ gravated by their increased contact with the West through radio, television,

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movies, publications, correspondence with overseas relatives and friends, study abroad, and visiting tourists, businessmen and newsmen. There was smoldering resentment. An Italian newsman reported the following from a malcontent who spoke softly, but much more candidly than most would dare: Hoxha? A dictator, a gangster who has brought Albania to its knees. . . . Why can I not go abroad? Why can I not know what is happening in the outside world? We are self-sufficient, they say. But what does selfsufficiency mean if in practice we cannot buy more than a kilo of meat a month? And oil? We are full of olives, but you can only find a little oil. What else has this man done for our country? Hospitals? Yes, they are here. But when the big shots must be cared for they take the airplane and go to Italy or Austria or France. . . . I do hope that something changes. I hope in Ramiz Alia.

The newsman commented further, “Ramiz Alia, the successor of Hoxha, has moved cautiously, in the name of continuity. Resting on him are the hopes of those Albanians who have endured the harsh regime of the father of their country. No one, not even the most optimistic, expects him to turn a new page. But they do hope that he can bring Albania into step with the times" (L'Espresso T7 October 1985, 70). Many Albanians had good reason to resent the heavy-handed Sigurimi or secret police. They resented also the omnipresent spies and informants. A young man of Saranda complained, "We are always watched. Police spies are everywhere. One's own father or sister might be an informer" (N ew sw eek 3 September 1990, 45). A newsman asked 13 Albanians in a West German refugee camp how many had relatives in jail. Every hand went up. One man said that his brother had been sentenced to five years for asking a store clerk why there was no bread in the shop. A teacher from Tirana said he served eight years for lending a friend a book by a poet whose works are banned by the government. A law student at Tirana University remarked that the plates in the university cafeteria were dirty. He was summoned to the university commissar's office and told that he had just forfeited his right to an education. He escaped to West Germany in July 1989, but he had to leave his wife behind, even though she was seven months pregnant. A physics professor also at the camp told how he was expected to report as a spy on his students. If he did not come up with something every month he also was considered "politically suspect (ibid., 48). The New York Times correspondent David Binder wrote that in the streets of Tirana a Western visitor could meet dozens of young men in their twenties who openly declared their opposition to the Communist govern­ ment. One outside the Dajti hotel expressed his lack of confidence in Presi­ dent Alia: "Don't believe what he says. It's all demagogy, lies. Another youth handed a foreigner an appeal of about 600 words, handwritten in

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French with phrases like these: "The tranquility of Albania is superficial." "We are a terrorized people." "Albania is near civil war." "Help us!" (Liria 15 March 1990). To dramatize their discontent, dissenters in desperation blew up a bridge near the Ballsh labor camp of Fier district in January 1988, with many arrests following (Dielli 28 February 1988, 1). In December 1989 a demonstration of Tirana University students protested the lack of adequate heating and the substandard living conditions, including poor food (Dielli 26 April 1990, 7). At the end of that year three young people were caught distributing pamphlets calling for a peaceful pro-democracy demonstra­ tion, and in August a Tirana military court sentenced Petrit Islami to 20 years' imprisonment, Alfred Berisha to 15 years and Xhulieta Cuka to 13 years. In November 1990 Cuka, a 21-year-old woman, was released on a pardon, but her colleagues were required to remain in prison (Dielli 25 July 1991, 3). Anti-Communist demonstrations were reported in the northern city of Shkodra in January 1990. Men sought religious freedom and more food and attempted to pull down the statue of the regime's hero, Joseph Stalin (Boston G lobe 12 January 1990). The Sigurimi made about 400 arrests, and as many as 100 were remanded to prison (Dielli 26 April 1990, 1; 25 May 1990, 1). Amnesty International reported that among these was one Ded Kasneci, a Shkodra mechanic who was charged with being a prime in­ stigator and sentenced to 12 years' imprisonment (Dielli 25 July 1991, 3). Tirana usually denied reports like these vehemently and called them "sheer fabrications." In this case, as in many others, the demonstration was fairly well documented, revealing that in fact the state denial was a fabrica­ tion. A British reporter talked with a young man who made the following statement: They would kill us if they caught us talking to foreigners about these things. Of course there was a demonstration. Three thousand of us took part. They arrested four hundred. Our leaders are much worse than Ceausescu. You can't say anything critical in this country. We feel so helpless. People want to escape, but many have been killed trying. We are afraid, and I pray every day that we can bring about a revolution [ECM, D ay o f Prayer, 24 June 1990, 2].

Other Albanians added, "We have heard that it is happening in other com­ munist countries, and we want it too" (ibid.). Newsmen admitted that it was almost impossible to distinguish ground­ less rumors from fact. They acknowledged that though there were nearly 100 diplomatic missions in Tirana, they collected little reliable intelligence. "There is no information," they admitted ruefully, "only propaganda." Daily newspapers in Greece, however, quoted a refugee, Albert Tzeka, as saying that in mid-January 1990 widespread protests had broken out in at least three cities in Albania against the hard-line Communist leadership (Boston

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G lobe 14 January 1990, 15). Late in January 1990, students of Tirana University were planning to go into the streets for a demonstration, and to prevent this the Sigurimi took into custody their shoes and jackets so they could not face the cold. The faculty of engineering is said to have had to close down for two weeks to clean the walls which were covered with graffiti demanding democracy (Dielli 25 May 1990, 1). That March dis­ senters in Kruja burned the office of the party (ibid., 26 April 1990,1). That spring there was a strike at the large textile factory at Berat. That summer resentment like this would turn into angry confrontation. And who could blame them? A returning American newsman reported the following: "More than 500 people have been killed this year trying to flee to Greece or Yugoslavia. . . . About 100,000 Albanians have been hanged, shot, stabbed to death or have died in the gulag since the com­ munists took over in 1946. . . . A diplomat cites a report that 100 fresh corpses have been discovered near Tirana, the capital. If this were just one story, I'd be skeptical. But it isn't. It's hundreds" (N ewsweek 3 September 1990, 45). Meyer admitted that he had no way of confirming the stories, but he said that Albanians believed them anyway, and that was enough to breed deep resentment and then violence. President Alia in his 1990 New Year's address vowed that the regime would continue its Socialist course and resist the democratic upheaval which had toppled Communist regimes throughout eastern Europe. Ac­ knowledging that Albania was poor but free, he added, "Every year has been more prosperous than the previous year. . . . This year priority will be attached to the improvement of the people's supply of food products and mass consumer goods. . . . But this will require hard work and economic austerity measures everywhere" (Concord M onitor 2 January 1990). Yet it was precisely this familiar syndrome, "hard work" and "economic auster­ ity," which lay at the very root of the prevailing disenchantment and resent­ ment. Economic Straits Force the R egime W estward

Every report on Albania emphasized its lowest standard of living in all of Europe, its lowest per capita income, and the absence of many consumer goods taken for granted in all the industrialized world. The Alia regime was attempting desperately to improve the lot of its people, but improving the nation's economy and the people's standard of living while holding fast to its centrally controlled economy was beginning to appear an increasingly remote possibility. The Tirana regime could confirm this fact by a study of the economic disasters of East Germany, the Soviet Union and other eastern Europeon states without itself having to repeat the futile experi­ ment. Upon the collapse of communism and its economic assistance arm COMECON in eastern Europe, those nations redirecting their economy hinted that they might switch their trade to hard-currency markets. They

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might even reduce their ambassadors in soft-currency countries like Albania to the level of a "charge d'affaires" (Dielli 26 April 1990, 3). A move like this would put a great deal of pressure on Albania and other countries to adopt similar political and economic reforms. Then there was the inade­ quate rainfall for four years in succession, from 1986 to 1990. The winter of 1988 to 1989 was the driest in 40 years. This caused poor harvests and insufficient hydroelectric output. And this, of course, lowered the export of both produce and energy, which in turn reduced the supply of hard cur­ rency for imports. Yet food imports in 1989 had to be twice those of 1988 (Minn 1990, 23). Economic production for July 1990 was more than 6 percent less than that of the preceding June. Imports for January to August were 20 percent more than exports. Obviously, a serious problem was in the making (ACB 1990, 61). Albania's oil production was hardly sufficient for its own domestic needs because so much oil drilling and pumping equipment needed replacement. Imported oil was more expensive because of the Per­ sian Gulf crisis. Electric power shortages forced some factories to close for months at a time. Inflation was said to be about 30 percent. These crucial economic strictures suggested the need of importing new technology and introducing other measures to improve the efficiency of its economy. To meet this need, Albania could not turn to the Eastern bloc states, for they were in equally dire straits. Albania could only turn to the West, especially to West Germany. But West Germany was the very epitome of the capitalistic system so bitterly anathematized by Tirana. Ger­ many was ruled by a Christian-Democratic government whose religion was similarly anathematized. For Tirana such an approach must have been a humbling experience. But it soon developed that Germany was reluctant to share Western technical aid unless Albania improved its scandalous human rights record. In 1989 Foreign Minister Reis Malile made an exploratory visit to France. The French Foreign Ministry representatives also raised human rights issues with their Albanian counterparts (Minn 1990, 22). In 1990 Malile attempted to cultivate the friendship of the Japanese as he at­ tended the enthronement of their emperor. The degree of success or failure of this mission was not announced. M odest M ovement T oward R eform (January to M ay 1990)

An early hint of things to come was released on 22 January 1990. The Ninth Plenary Session of the party's Central Committee heard Alias ad­ dress on "The Democratization of Socio-Economic Life," then approved a limited number of modest reforms intended to placate the restless popula­ tion. Alia notified his people that thereafter when they voted in parliamen­ tary elections, instead of being limited to endorsing a single candidate, they would have a choice between two candidates chosen from the Communist Party by the Central Committee. This small concession, however, still fell far short of the free elections achieved elsewhere in eastern Europe. Some

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decentralization in decision making was also announced. District authorities would have more policy-making powers. Managers of state enterprises would have less bureaucratic interference in running their com­ panies. With the highest birth rate in Europe and the lowest per capita in­ come, Albania's primary need was food. Accordingly, a few limited economic reforms were also announced, probably on the theory that wellfed people are less likely to challenge the authorities. For instance, price controls were relaxed so as to stimulate agricultural production. Alia also announced that work on a new penal code was in progress. With the popu­ lation's median age of about 27, the regime was apparently appealing for the support of its young people, for they are usually foremost in demanding change. In a meeting with high school and university students carried to the nation by television in March 1990, Alia said, "Youth is a revolutionary force. The life of youth must be enlivened. The revolutionary debate must take place; particularly the manifestations of formalism and bureaucracy which suppress youth must be avoided" (Liria 15 February 1990, 1). But Alia insisted that this "democratization" must be strictly limited. He said that Albania had no intention of suffering the fate of its former allies by scrapping the Communist Party's monopoly of power, or by introduc­ ing a market economy. Although Alia and Gorbachev both came to power early in 1985, Alia denounced his Soviet counterpart as a revisionist and repudiated the prevailing reforms of eastern Europe as "opportunism, deviation from Marxism-Leninism, a distortion of it," and he declared categorically that Albania would never experience such processes (Alia 1986, 177). Alia said, though, that his party and government intended to pursue "democratization" so as to preserve the essence of socialism in Albania, and to avoid suffering the fate of the rest of the eastern European Communists (Liria 15 February 1990, 1). Cabinet changes were effected quietly between 1989 and mid-1990, with only 10 of the 23 cabinet ministers remaining in place. Three veterans of the Politburo were retired, as were two of the Central Committee. Analysts be­ lieve that this did not represent a move toward a more liberal position, but rather the replacement of older traditionalistic but unpopular leaders with younger well-educated leaders who would command the respect of the peo­ ple. For Alia was facing a seemingly hopeless task of pleasing the progres­ sives' demand for change and the conservatives' insistence on the status quo. Professor Arshi Pipa, a leading Albanian scholar and author who suffered under the Tirana regime, but who left to teach Albanian and other languages at the University of Minnesota at Minneapolis, considered these initial reforms too little and too late. Soon after they were announced, he called them simply cosmetic, a façade to improve Albania's tarnished image abroad. He called for a relaxation of her harsh Stalinism, saying, Hoxha is dead, but his ghost is very much alive. The Albanians must also bury his ghost. His crimes, which compare with those of Stalin his master,

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must be made public. The constitution of Albania must be rewritten, the election system democratized, with the communist party no longer the one and only party. The system of political prisons and forced labor camps must be abolished. The frontiers must be open, so that people can travel in and out. . . . Tourism should be encouraged. For if communication and trade with the outside world is normalized, the economy too will begin to thrive, and Albania will reenter the community of nations it had long deserted because of the ideological monomania of the petty Stalin of Albania [Dielli 26 April 1990, 2],

T he D emocratization Reforms of 8 M ay 1990

It will be remembered that the United Nations Commission on Human Rights had charged its secretary general, Javier Perez de Cuellar, to in­ vestigate alleged human rights violations in Albania during his scheduled visit there on 11 May 1990. Apparently this visit was precisely the catalyst needed to crystallize any of Ramiz Alias lingering good intentions. For on 8 May 1990, just three days before the expected visit, the Albanian Parlia­ ment unanimously approved a much more comprehensive package of reforms. Several of these reforms were introduced to the population under the heading "Fresh Impulses" in the official New Albania magazine for May and June 1990 (1990, 3:4). Of primary importance was the application of "economic logic" so as to move toward a new economic mechanism called "self financing." Instead of being centrally controlled and financed by the government, an enterprise would be free to plan, produce and distribute its products, to employ workers and establish work norms and wages, after paying 10 percent of its profit to the state budget, to keep the remaining 90 percent of the profit for expansion, paying a supplementary bonus to workers, etc. "Prices will be determined on the basis of the costs of produc­ tion" (which sounds like a move toward the market economy that they so loudly condemn). Specifically, these reforms would (1) Decentralize much of the decision making, sharing this with the enterprises.

(2) Introduce production incentives and rewards. (3) Provide bonus supplements for overfulfillment of production goals. (4) Reduce centralized control over prices, which will be influenced by the market.

To "further democratize" the penal legislation, the reforms would: (5) Provide for the rehabilitation of the offender.

(6) Provide for his release on probation. (7) Discontinue the death penalty for 23 of the former 34 capital of­ fenses. (8) Ban the execution of women.

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(9) Consider flight from the country not as treason, but illegal border crossing. (10) Assure one s right to receive a passport and visas for travel abroad. (11) Permit the formation of joint enterprises with foreign firms. (12) Permit the acceptance of foreign loans and investments. (13) Abolish the decree on internment or banishment without trial. (14) Reestablish the Ministry of Justice, abolished in 1966. (15) Guarantee legal assistance and a trial for the accused. (16) Reconsider the cases of those in prison for political offenses. (17) Permit official relations with the European Common Market or Community. (18) Welcome the resumption of diplomatic relations with the U S and the USSR.

Numerous other reforms attempted to meet the demands of the people, and would (19) Triple the size of private plots on collective farms. (20) Allow farmers to sell excess produce on the free market. (21) Set up private market stalls for the sale of vegetables and meat. (22) Allow farmers to own livestock. (23) Permit craftsmen to carry on their private trade. (24) Allow a plurality of electoral candidates for Parliament. (25) Consider the Communist Party no longer the "sole leading political force." (26) Provide visitors' visas to relatives living abroad. (27) Allow citizens to use the new telephone service to Western coun­ tries. (28) Recognize one's right to hold religious beliefs without state in­ terference. (29) Permit citizens to practice religion freely in the privacy of their homes. (30) Lift the ban and penalties for religious propaganda, literature and practice. (31) Refer to the people the formation of religious organizations and in­ stitutions. (32) Permit official signature to Helsinki Accord on Human Rights. (33) Permit membership in the Conference on Security and Coopera­ tion in Europe. (34) Create a special commission to bring the constitution into con­ formity.

Prime Minister Adil Charchani told William Draper, head of the United Nations Development Program, that such "internal development as the above was inseparable from Albania's foreign relations and the changes that have taken place in the world, but Albania will not be caught up in the tide of radical change in Eastern Europe, whose ousted pro-Soviet governments had strayed from true socialism" (Reuters 10 May 1990, 1). Apparently the pragmatic leaders preferred to grant measured change

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rather than risk the violent overthrow of the party as in other eastern Euro­ pean countries. For they did allow other candidates for office, but they stopped short of allowing other political parties, or introducing a true multiparty democracy, or surrendering their Communist party's monopoly of power. Yet they did startle a watching world with their far-reaching reforms. The reaction of the world press was swift and euphoric: "Albania Ushers in Democratization"; "Albania Moves to Religious Freedom"; "Albania Lifts Curbs on Religion, Foreign Travel." Immediately on 11 May Rev. Arthur Liolin, chancellor of the Albanian Orthodox Archdiocese, ad­ dressed the following message to President Ramiz Alia: "The recent deci­ sion by your government that the people of Albania today will enjoy the blessing and opportunity for worship in the manner of their own choice is greeted by us with profound gratitude to God, together with appreciation for the wisdom and foresight of this decision. . . . Be assured of our contin­ uing prayers for you and for the manifold process of democratization now under way in Albania" (Liria 1 March 1990, 5). Tirana proceeded promptly to implement that "new economic mecha­ nism" which they called "self financing." Their official newspaper Bashkimi (The Union) of 23 July 1990 detailed how, since the first of that month, several enterprises or businesses had been freed from government control and were operating very satisfactorily with no external direction or sub­ sidy. Among these enterprises were agricultural complexes in four districts, forestry complexes in three districts, poultry in Tirana, hogs in Kruja and livestock in Elbasan. Within the first month the enterprises were operating so satisfactorily that the managers within the Ministry of Agriculture were preparing other enterprises to operate on the same system (Liria 1 September 1990, 3). This drift away from the centralized control of the past was carefully camouflaged, however. The deputy foreign minister, Sokrat Plaku, insisted that economic pressure from several directions might lead to certain reforms in its economy, but despite the collapse of communism in the Soviet bloc countries, Albania would remain true to its hard-line Marxist heritage and convictions. He admitted that Albania was considering cooperation with the European Community, but would never follow the reform program of eastern Europe. Albania would even consider sharing in the international security talks, but it would never join the foreign military and political alliances. If Washington or Moscow were to extend the hand of friendship, Albania might eventually restore relations with one or both of the superpowers, but it would surely remain firmly in the Com­ munist camp. This "self financing" pattern of the Communist reformers was a sig­ nificant step toward the "privatization" sought by so many, but it stopped short of the private ownership and private management they dreamed of. A second main objective of many was the privatization of land, while

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the Communist reformers still considered the land the property of the state. Later in 1990 the official magazine New Albania (1990, 6:1) clarified these many reforms in a major article entitled "A Continuing Process of Democratization." These reforms marked the beginning of a truly great transition. The article began,

The great process of democratization which has affected all the fields of political and socio-economic life is developing successfully in Albania. Under economic reforms we find the extension of the cooperativist plot, the giving of livestock to the peasantry, the reorganization of services and artisan production, the encouragement of cooperativist trade, allowing the functioning of the peasant market and private labor in communal ser­ vices, the application of progressive remuneration for overfulfillment of production targets and greater material incentives, the strengthening of the business activities and social responsibility of the enterprises, the ac­ ceptance and guaranteeing of foreign investments . . . Cooperativist families have at their disposal three times as much land and twice the number of cows they used to have. A specialized bank for economic rela­ tions with foreign countries is being set up, and concrete steps are being taken for the creation of joint enterprises with foreign firms. Improvements have been made in the field of social relations. The ap­ pointment of cadres to posts of responsibility through election by the col­ lective or through competition, the limitation of the periods for which cadres can remain in the same post, . . . the mandate of reelection to the top organs of the Party and the State; the setting up of the Ministry of Justice, the establishment of the advocate service for legal defense during the stage of investigation and in court, the amendments to legislation which better regulate the relations of citizens with the State, their rights and freedom of conscience, the issuing of passports to citizens: these are "successes of unusual importance." As regards foreign policy, Albania is aiming at more thorough integra­ tion into Balkan, European and world processes. It has made application to take part as a member with full rights in the Conference of European Security and Cooperation, for official recognition by the Common Mar­ ket, for the normalization of relations with the United States of America and the Soviet Union. . . . Comrade Ramiz Alia announced the creation of a Special Commission for the study of amendments to the Constitution of the PSRA. Some norms of this 1976 constitution have been invalidated by time, and will be replaced with others. . . . The activity of State organs is clearly divided from that of the Party. . . . State activity will be an exclusive prerogative of State organs. . . . The Special Commission will alter the article which prohibits setting up companies and other joint economic and financial in­ stitutions, as well as the acceptance of credits from other countries. The chapter on the rights and freedoms of citizens will be revised. Since the easing of conditions for permitting travel abroad, more than 41,500 passports have been issued to citizens. It will reflect a different approach to religion and religious institutions. This is a question for the people to

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decide, bearing in mind that ours is a secular state, and the church is separated from the state. Also outstanding is the law of electoral pluralism. Every citizen has the right to present his own candidacy for deputy. . . . At least two candidatures must be nominated for each seat in the People's Assembly so that the electors can vote in a free and democratic way for the candidate they prefer. Finally, there will be no turning back from the road of democratization which Albania and Alba­ nians have undertaken. . . . The leadership of the Party of Labor recom­ mended that the new Constitution should revise the article about the Party as "the sole leading political force of the state," a recommendation which expresses the emancipation of its political thinking.

T

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1990)

Albania's invitation of a visit by the UN secretary general was evidence that it was no longer contemptuous of world opinion. The first secretary general ever to visit Albania was greeted at the airport by Foreign Minister Reis Malile and diplomatic representatives from Eastern and Western na­ tions residing in Tirana. In his welcoming remarks at the airport, Malile emphasized Albania's desire to take a more active part in the program of the United Nations. Accompanying Secretary General Javier Perez by Cuellar were a dozen journalists representing publications of the United States, China, Japan, the Soviet Union and several western European coun­ tries. The next day, 12 May, President Ramiz Alia told the visiting secretary general and an unprecedented gathering of foreign journalists that he and his country had initiated a policy of "democratization." He intended to avoid the more radical changes of other nations in eastern Europe, for his government would retain socialism, but would at the same time normalize relations with other nations, including the United States and the Soviet Union (World 2 June 1990, 5-6). Some have surmised that Alia welcomed the visit of the UN chief and the many non-Communist journalists in his attempt to neutralize opposi­ tion to his reforms by hard-line Stalinist members of his political organiza­ tion. This could be supported by the statement of Ismail Kadare, leading Albanian novelist, that this visit was "part of the process of democratiza­ tion in Albania," and that "there is joy among the people these days because of these developments" (Liria 1 March 1990,1). During his few days in the country, the UN chief paid visits to archaeological sites, such as Apollonia and the museum city of Berat, which was then celebrating the two thousand four hundredth anniversay of its founding. Apparently the secretary general was pleased with the steps being taken toward reform, for he discussed the establishment of a United Nations Development Agency office in Tirana. This, he hoped, would help solve the serious economic shortcomings and recent food shortages caused by the disappointing in­ dustrial and agricultural production.

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arket

Then there was the European Common Market to be implemented in 1992. Alia realized that the movement of Eastern bloc nations toward mem­ bership in the European Economic Community would mean Albania's eco­ nomic isolation from both Eastern and Western nations unless Albania also belonged to the EEC. Yet the EEC would not consider Albanian member­ ship until the Tirana regime promised to observe the human rights stan­ dards guaranteed by the Helsinki Accords. Following a mass exodus of Albanian refugees in July 1990, the EEC foreign ministers decided on 16 July 1990 to send a fact-finding mission to Albania (Liria 1 August 1990, 1). Their scheduled September visit apparently did not hinge on receiving an official invitation. It seemed that inexorably, for economic survival, the Tirana regime was being pressured toward the reforms so stubbornly resisted by the hard-liners. Speaking that summer about Albania's international relations, Prime Minister Adil Charchani said that his country wanted to establish diplomatic ties with the European Community. We have not yet received a response from the Community to our request. However we are told that the EEC is looking at our request with great in­ terest. We already have relations with EEC countries individually. . . . Albania can not be out of the new European process, because my country is a part of Europe. We are also ready to establish diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union and with the United States without preconditions. But we want them to accept us as we are [Liria 1 September 1990, 1].

In turning toward the West rather than the East the Tirana regime tacitly acknowledged that Marxism as an economic system had proved a disaster. So they traded the much vaunted superiority of socialism and the Hoxha goal of self-sufficiency for the progress and prosperity of the West. To the Hoxha dogmatists in Tirana, any such deviation was a treasonous betrayal of the Hoxha party line, and quite unthinkable. Hoxha's widow, the Sigurimi and Hoxha's veterans objected to both the democratiza­ tion reforms and the opening toward the West. Further moves in this direction had to be very carefully camouflaged. The three cautious prag­ matists at the top first removed the economy from the control of the central planners and called the change "përsëritje" (renewal) while at the same time loudly condemning "perestroika" (restructuring). They coined other euphemisms also, such as "economic logic" and "self financing, to justify their changes, while loudly condemning the free market economy. With the declining economy and pressure from all directions to observe human rights, even Nexhmije Hoxha bowed before the inevitable. She declared that if her husband were still alive, "he would back democracy and membership in the European Economic Community" (The Economist 15 June 1991).

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T he Incredible Exodus of R efugees (July 1990)

It soon became evident that many persons inside Albania shared Pro­ fessor Arshi Pipa's belief that those initial reforms had not gone far enough. Neither had the more comprehensive package of reforms known as "democratization." Their implementation was taking place too slowly. Also, they had learned from the malcontents in eastern Europe that the escape route through the foreign embassies was far safer than the route through the mountains, with its barbed wire, mine fields and border guards with machine guns. So in March 1990 a citizen of southern Albania named Sotir Andon together with a friend, Bernard Kichi, entered the Greek Em­ bassy in Tirana seeking political asylum. It was said that he had been repeatedly imprisoned for his religious beliefs and practice. The authorities sent in family members to dissuade them, but in vain. One week later the government allowed the embassy to fly them out to Greece (Dielli 25 May 1990, 2). On 24 June another young man, Hector Ajazi, sought political asylum in the Turkish Embassy and was permitted to leave for Athens two days later. When others sought to follow this same route to freedom, the Sigurimi agents in Tirana illegally entered the Greek Embassy compound and forcibly removed an Albanian citizen, who cried out repeatedly that he wanted political asylum in Greece. Greece protested the agents' illegal entry and recalled its ambassador. Upon announcing these subsequent reforms, however, the regime allowed two other Albanian nationals to leave for political asylum in Athens. Although the reform laws now permit­ ted Albanians to travel abroad, the six Popa refugees held in the Italian Em­ bassy since December 1985 did not dare to leave the embassy even to pick up their promised passports and exit visas. Following the visit of the UN secretary general, and with embassy escort, they picked up their papers and left that May for Italy and freedom. A quite unanticipated mass exodus occurred that July. It all began on 28 June with a peaceful but illegal demonstration of about 10,000 in the principal plaza of Tirana. They protested the government's failure to imple­ ment all its promised reforms, especially the pledge to grant passports. They also protested the rising unemployment and food shortages. When the police violently dispersed the demonstration, some headed for the em­ bassies. This was an act of unimaginable defiance. But they had heard on Voice of America broadcasts and television newscasts how the many thou­ sands in East Germany the previous year had clambered over embassy fences seeking asylum and safe passage out of the country. It appears that the first day about 25 Albanians fled to the Polish Embassy. The flood began on Monday, 2 July when several hundred young Albanians clam­ bered over the security fences and requested asylum and passage out of the country. The official Albanian news agency, ATA, characterized these peo­ ple as "vagabonds, former prisoners as well as some deceived adolescents" (Boston G lobe 4 July 1990).

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Italian and Greek embassy officials reported that Albanian security forces used firearms in a vain attempt to turn back the refugees. Some reported that dozens were killed, more were wounded and others arrested. No reliable report emerged. The German Embassy reported, however, that "the Albanian guards carried away bodies which didn't move. We don't know if they were dead or not" (Philadelphia Inquirer 5 July 1990, 3A). As word spread throughout the region, the hundreds became thou­ sands. Many crowded into trucks which smashed through embassy gates or rammed holes in embassy compound walls through which the refugees might enter. Three thousand sought refuge in the West German Embassy, another 3,000 in the embassies of Italy, France, Greece, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary and Turkey. It was reported that some seeking sanctuary in the embassies of Bulgaria, Cuba, Egypt and China were turned over to the Albanian authorities. The explosion of a bomb at the Cuban Embassy was thought to have been in retaliation. The situation became increasingly serious. One diplomat said, "Our West German Embassy looks like a railway station. They keep on arriving." Embassies lacked sufficient food, water and medicine for the hundreds of unexpected guests. Inexplicably, the Albanian government refused to allow foreign planes to land in the country with relief supplies. In the summer heat hygienic conditions became increasingly unbearable. Hundreds had to sleep on the corridor floors and in the gardens on the ground. An employee of the Italian Embassy said at one stage when 700 refugees had gained entrance, "The situation is more tragic than comic. This is an embassy designed for ten people. You can imagine what conditions here are like" (ibid., 7 July 1990, 5A). The 12 nations of the European Economic Community expressed their concern. They issued a joint statement urging Albania to ensure the safety of the refugees inside the embassies, to refrain from reprisals against their families, and to let the refugees leave the country. This unprecedented public dissent rocked the Tirana regime. Some 600 police and troops were sent to cordon off the city's diplomatic district and maintain order. United Nations negotiators arranged the exodus with Tirana and Rome. The Alba­ nian foreign minister assured the ambassadors that the citizens who had fled to their embassies were free to leave the country. The government would provide the travel documents, and the embassies would provide the transportation. Negotiations stalled, however, when the government re­ quired the refugees to leave the embassies to pick up their passports. Refugees feared a trick. The Hungarian consul worked out a solution. A Western diplomat would escort the refugees applying for passports, and they could remain back in the embassy compounds while awaiting their travel documents (Washington Post 8 July 1990). The first refugees to leave their Stalinist homeland were flown out to Prague on Monday 9 July on a Czech military aircraft usually reserved for its new president, Vaclav Havel. Only two of the 51 evacuees stayed there,

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the others preferring to go elsewhere, mostly to Canada and the United States. But they were reported to have expressed "giddy delight" at having escaped Europe's last hard-line Stalinist country. A spokesman at Budapest stated that only six of their 40 refugees wished to settle in Hungary, the rest wishing to go to the United States. The Italian Foreign Ministry was in­ strumental in negotiating safe passage for all the other refugees, five ships being chartered by Italy, France and Germany. Under cover of darkness, and with heavy military escort, more than 4,500 were taken by bus from the several embassies in Tirana. At the port of Durrës they were taken by launches to the ships waiting a mile off shore. Police ringed the dock to pre­ vent others from jumping aboard. A newsman said that the refugees had to "sneak out by night, because if others knew of it, they too would try to get aboard, and there would be chaos of Biblical proportions." A refugee told the New York Times correspondent that "if Albania opened its bor­ ders, even the turtles would run" (Dielli 15 February 1990, 7). Leaving Durrës, about 540 refugees on a French ship sailed to Marseilles, France. The rest on four ships sailed across the Adriatic Sea to Brindisi, Italy. There about 3,200 were given coffee and croissants and sent by train to West Germany. More than 800 remained at least temporarily in Italy, where some would settle among the Arbëresh villages of southern Italy or Sicily. There were 29 who flew to Greece. On Saturday 14 July, 56 from the Polish Embassy were flown to Warsaw, 39 from the Hungarian Embassy to Budapest, five from the Bulgarian Embassy to Sofia. On Sun­ day 15 July another 76 flashed the "V" for Victory sign when they arrived in Turkey on a government-sponsored flight. Yet others not so fortunate had to arrange their own transportation. Six young men all in their twenties escaped in an old motorized fishing boat that ran out of gas in the Adriatic. Fortunately, they were discovered by a German couple sailing to Greece, who towed them into port at Brindisi, and they were settled temporarily in a monastery near Lecce (St. Petersburg Times 12 July 1990). Five others reportedly used shovels as oars to row across the Adriatic. During that week 15 persons were reported to have succeeded in cross­ ing the border into Yugoslavia, traveling by night. During the preceding three-month period at least 100 persons successfully skirted the barbed wire and booby traps to cross the mountains into Greece. Meanwhile in Paris the 543 refugees had to become wards of the state, for they had no money and spoke little or no French. At least 130 of these asked to go to the United States. American immigration officials stated that those with relatives in the United States could expect to receive visas (Boston G lobe 17 August 1990, 23). Meanwhile, in Tirana the West German, French and Italian officials temporarily closed their embassies for some very necessary clean­ ing, although an Italian official said they also wanted to discourage another wave of dissidents. Also as a precaution, Albanian police ringed the em­ bassies with barricades and topped the embassy walls with broken glass to discourage further access.

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Parenthetically, Italian officials submitted a questionnaire to 830 refugees, including also a question about their religion. "Of the 830 persons, 621 declared themselves Muslim, 145 Catholic, 33 Orthodox and only 2 professed no religion." One commented afterwards that when one con­ siders the decades of official atheistic indoctrination, these numbers were an outstanding testimony of the people's faith and the government's failure to abolish religion [ACB 1990, 118). On 6 and 7 July 1990 a two-day crisis meeting of the Central Commit­ tee took place. Several hard-liners were either dismissed or transferred that Sunday. Among these was Simon Stefani, minister of the interior and head of the Sigurimi forces whose members had opened fire Monday on the crowds seeking asylum in the embassy compounds. He was replaced by a moderate, Hekuran Isaj. The minister of defense, Prokop Murra, was dismissed, along with Hajredin Celiku, minister of transport. Two older ministers were retired: Vita Kapo, minister of light industry, and Jovan Bardhi, minister of food industry. Two other ministers were transferred to other duties: the minister of public services and the minister of internal trade. Unlike his predecessor, and to his everlasting credit, Ramiz Alia did not dismiss these by firing squad or the hangman. But these moves did suc­ cessfully consolidate his somewhat more moderate position. A knowledge­ able political analyst stated that evidently the refugee crisis had brought to a head a power struggle within the Tirana leadership. President Ramiz Alia and his supporters had pressed for cautious reforms, but had been opposed by the hard-line Stalinists of the Old Guard, led by widow Nexhmije Hoxha (Washington Post 8 July 1990). In this cabinet shuffle he was replacing older conservatives with younger and more flexible pragmatists. To many it seemed a hopeful sign. Ramiz A lia V isits the U nited States (September 1990)

Traveling abroad for the first time, Ramiz Alia found peace and quiet in the United States where he addressed the General Assembly of the United Nations Organization in New York City on 28 September 1990. This occa­ sion marked the forty-fifth anniversary of the founding of the UN, a session attended by over 70 heads of state and as many prime ministers and foreign ministers. Among the many whom Alia afterwards greeted personally was Britain's former prime minister, Margaret Thatcher (The Economist 15 De­ cember 1990). Proceeding to Boston's Logan Airport, a delegation of leading Albanian-Americans escorted Alia by motorcade to Forest Hills cemetery where he laid a wreath on the tomb and paid tribute to Fan Noli. In a way, this was the counterpart of the wreath-laying ceremony by visitors at Tirana s tomb of Enver Hoxha. Yet it did seem a bit incongruous that the head of the world's only atheistic state should so honor this former Albanian prime minister and founder of the Albanian Orthodox Church, who would surely have been executed back in the homeland. Stopping briefly at St. Georges

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Cathedral, they then joined the approximately 400 guests invited by the Albanian Mission to the United Nations to attend a reception and banquet at the famous Pier 4 restaurant of the Albanian-American philanthropist Anthony Athanas. Following the reception, Alia commented on the changes taking place in Albania, and on her improving relations with Europe, the Balkans and the United States. The happy fellowship within was only slightly disturbed by the clamor of protesters outside, which Alia casually dismissed with "our proverb, 'Let the dogs bark, our caravan moves steadily forward.'" Following the banquet Alia flew back to Tirana and the problems which simply would not go away (Liria 1 October 1990, 1; 15 October 1990, 3). T irana H osts the C onference of Balkan N ations (24 to 25 O ctober 1990)

Tirana hosted a Conference of Balkan Foreign Ministers from 24 to 25 October 1990, preparatory to expanding its formal ties with the other na­ tions of Europe. Present at the meetings in Tirana were the foreign ministers of Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, Turkey, Yugoslavia and of course Albania. Of primary concern was Balkan cooperation on the political, economic, cultural and humanitarian planes. The foreign ministers formally commit­ ted themselves to democracy and the values embodied in the Helsinki Final Act and other documents of the CSCE and the UN. They also took concrete steps to implement proposals for cooperation in many mutually beneficial projects. The pomp and circumstance of that opening day, 24 October, was ruined however by the acutely embarrassing news that Ismail Kadare, Albania's top literary personality, had chosen that very day to announce his defection to France, which had gladly offered him political asylum (Boston G lobe 20 March 1991, 71; NAlb 1990, 6:4). This news in turn may have encouraged Greece and Yugoslavia in their critical discussion of Albania's human rights abuses. T he D efection of Ismail K adare (24 O ctober 1990)

Ismail Kadare at last abandoned all hope for the reorientation of Tirana. For years he had collaborated with the Hoxha regime, thinking that he might influence it toward a more sympathetic attitude toward the human rights position. But his opposition to the heavy-handed tactics of the Sigurimi had earned him a prominent position on their black list. His only hope lay with Ramiz Alia. So on 3 February 1990 Kadare requested an in­ terview with Alia. It lasted more than three hours. Kadare outlined a number of reforms that stopped just short of revolution: improving Albania's dismal human rights record, allowing peasants to own livestock and private plots of land, renewing ties with the West, renouncing Stalin and reopening the mosques and churches. Kadare described the encounter as "very good, very relaxed." He said that at the end of the session, Alia

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accompanied him to the door and said simply, "It will be done" (Vanity Fair May 91, 182). The following 21 May, however, Kadare received a letter from Alia. It mentioned the party 23 times and upbraided Kadare that in his reform proposals he had not mentioned the party and Enver Hoxha even once. "I lost hope," he said, "and I told my wife Elena that evening, 'We have to leave. There's nothing more that we can do in this country'" (ibid.). Al­ lowed to go to Paris to consult with his book publisher, he declared, "The promises of democratization are dead" (ibid., 166). To many of his literary colleagues, Kadare's departure seemed quite premature in light of what soon happened. On 11 December, following three days of antigovernment demonstrations, the Central Committee allowed the formation of a politi­ cal opposition party and promised free elections. Stalin's name and symbol were removed from streets and institutions, places of worship were allowed to reopen and Alia stepped up his efforts to shuffle the hard-liners out of his government. Kadare, however, was sure that he had accomplished more by his defection than he could have by his continued collaboration. His close friend Sali Berisha agreed. Religions G o P ublic O nce A gain (November 1990)

Islam. On 16 November 1990 Albania's first mosque reopened in Shkodra. Hafez Sabri Kochin, along with the regathered believers, formed the Albanian Islamic Community. Shortly afterward, as democratization seemed to be moving ahead, he submitted the statute and program of the community to the minister of justice, who approved it at once. "After this," his article in Bashkim i reported, "the believers gathered in Tirana elected me as the head of this Islamic Community. We are going to work for the unification of the people, and to restore those most precious moral matters which they have lost." Expressing his optimism for Albania's prosperous and happy future, he predicted that Albania would serve as the Islamic center for Europe (Liria July 1991, 6). About that same time another spokesman for the Islamic community assured a reporter for the Tirana newspaper Bashkim i that atheistic indoc­ trination had not succeeded in alienating youth from religion: "Youth believes in religion. The mosques we have opened up to the present are full of believers of all ages." That this is prompted by more than simply curios­ ity is seen in the fact that "in one mosque here in Tirana young men and young women come three times a week to learn about religion and religious practices." He continued, We have established relations with the Islamic communities of the world, and they are helping us with literature and teachers. The Islamic Commit­ tee of Libya has granted us a supply of the Koran translated into Albanian, which we have distributed among the people. These days also a delegation from our community has gone to Egypt, at the invitation of the Islamic

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Congress of Egypt. They will establish ties with Islamic communities of other nations of the Arab world [Liria May 1991, 7],

Hafez Sabri Kochin reported on his recent visit to the fourth Islamic World Congress in Egypt, which, among its other resolutions, called on all the Muslim states of the world to make their contribution to the progress of Albania. After an interruption of more than two decades, the commun­ ity lacked leaders, schools, buildings and furnishings. But it seemed certain that the Islamic community would recover strongly (Liria July 1991, 6). On 18 January 1991 an estimated 10,000 persons came to Tirana's Ethem Bey mosque for their first legal Muslim service in 24 years. Muslims once numbered 70 percent of the Albanian population, but they were now thought to number about one million, or about 30 percent of the popula­ tion. The majority of these were orthodox Sunni Muslims, the head of whose Albanian Islamic Union was now Imam Kadri Hoxha (Liria July 1991, 4). The more eclectic Bektashi sect probably predominated among the intellectuals. The head or "grandfather" of their Bektashi community was Baba Bajram Memetaj (ibid.). As evidence of the Islamic world's solidarity with Albania's Muslims, in early April 1991 an Egyptian imam or prayer leader came to Tirana to "teach Muslims how to pray." Inside the eighteenth-century mosque in Tirana's main square, about 40 men sat listening to their imam while out­ side scores of men crowded at the door and windows. Muslims were quite curious about the religion they had been forbidden to practice for so long. One declared, "Although some did get together to pray secretly, I was too scared to go again, because if we had been caught it would have meant ten years in jail." Another man from a family who had been Muslim clerics for nine generations had never dared to go near an underground prayer meeting. "I was so scared that I dared not pray even at home in the middle of the night. There were spies everywhere" (AET July 1991, 3). The Albanian O rthodox Church. The hostile action of the Tirana regime destroyed the leadership of the Albanian Orthodox Church and destroyed or secularized every one of its churches. Tirana's cautious moves toward democratization encouraged a resurrection of sorts, and by Christmas Day 1990, at least three Orthodox churches in southern Albania had been reopened (Gainesville Sun 25 December 1990). Others rapidly followed their lead. The Greek Orthodox patriarch and his Ecumenical Synod of Constan­ tinople caused a flurry of speculation early in 1991 by appointing the Greek Orthodox bishop of Athens to serve also as the "Archbishop of Albania!" Some inferred that this action reasserted the jurisdiction of the Greek Or­ thodox authorities over the entire Orthodox community in Albania. That claim was hardly credible, however, in view of the formal establishment of the autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church in 1922, with Albanian clergy using the Albanian language in its liturgy, which was recognized by

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the patriarch in 1937. It is more probable that the Orthodox churches of the ethnic Greek minority along the southern border, with their Greek clergy and Greek language, were now placed under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of a Greek bishop, the bishop of Athens. Tirana would have little objection to this internal ecclesiastical arrangement. In June 1991 the Reverends Arthur Liolin and Dennis Schutte of Bos­ ton's St. George's Cathedral visited Albania to help reestablish and reac­ tivate Orthodox churches closed some decades earlier. Fr. Schutte reported as follows on their visit and ministry at Tirana's reopened Annunciation Cathedral: The people who will remain rooted in my heart will be the priests, deacons, lay leaders and laity of all the churches we visited. These were the people who bore the brunt of the many years of oppression. They had suffered, been denied the right to worship in their churches, in the faith that was brought to Albania by St. Paul himself. They had become for me the heroes of this tragic situation; in fact, many had remained faithful all those years, regardless of the prevailing conditions. On the first Saturday that we were in Tirana, we arrived at the Annun­ ciation Cathedral to prepare for our first 300 baptisms. To our surprise and pleasure, we did not have to do much. All of the Church Committee members were there, preparing the candles, heating the water for the font, making the necessary arrangements for the service. They would not let us do anything, but prepare spiritually for the baptisms at hand. We began the service with hundreds of people around us, constantly pressing toward us, some wanting their children to be the first baptized. We began baptiz­ ing infants, then toddlers, children, teenagers, and finally adults. It was organized chaos. Mothers could not get their children undressed fast enough. We tried to keep families together when baptizing them. It was loud, hot, physically and spiritually challenging, but somehow prayerful and moving with an enthusiasm that could be compared to that of the early church. In the middle of the many baptisms, an old man kept tugging persis­ tently on my black robe asking me in Albanian, "Hey, do you know my cousin Lillian from Boston?" I told him I would talk to him afterward, because I was a bit busy. We finally baptized and chrismated the 300, now faithful. Then Deacon Sotir Kanxheri began to chant, "Sa u-pagëzuat me Krishtin, me Krishtin u-veshët, Alilluia," in the proper Byzantine melody. At Petri Gaqo, Deacon Spero Findiku, as well as Fr. Arthur and myself began the procession with him around the font chanting along. Fr. Arthur and I loved so much the way Deacon Sotir chanted this hymn, that we made him chant it every time we saw him. I could not help myself at this point but to be welled up with emotion and joy knowing that they have not forgotten their faith. This day is etched permanently in my memory [Liria August 1991, 4],

The very obvious and widespread need the clerics observed through­ out Albania led to the formation of an Albanian-American relief agency in July 1991. Known as the Albanian Humanitarian Aid, Inc., the agency was

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chartered in Boston under the leadership of the Very Rev. Arthur Liolin. It proposed the following program: to provide medical, food and religious aid to individuals and institutions in Albania; to support missionary endeavors by providing religious books and Bibles to Orthodox Church communities, and sustain other spiritual activities for Albania; to assist refugees from Albania in their resettlement and acculturation in the United States of America. To this end the agency appealed for foster parents and for information about employment opportunities {Liria February 1991, 1). A delegation of concerned Albanian-Americans accompanied Rev. Arthur Liolin on his visit to Albania in June 1991. Their relief agency, in cooperation with the Medical Assistance Program International, conducted a $10 million effort to provide medical and food supplies to alleviate severe shortages in Albania. The agency will also assist local clergy and laity in establishing their churches on a firm foundation. The closed Orthodox churches had now been reopened in at least 10 cities and towns. Although in deplorable condition, they were being rehabilitated by volunteer labors. Five or six medieval monasteries were restored by the Institute of Monu­ ments, but not all of these were yet used for liturgical services. Some 50,000 attended Easter services in Tirana, 30,000 in Korcha, and hundreds packed the newly opened churches in Berat, Elbasan, Vlora, Pogradec, Fier, Durrës and Lushnja. Peter Panajoti of a New York church went to Tirana and Fier in mid-May 1991 to teach packed classes in the Orthodox religion. The relief agency appealed to the American faithful for scriptures, litera­ ture, icons, crosses, vestments, etc., to help rebuild their churches in Al­ bania. The Roman Catholic Church. During the many years of Albania's religious holocaust, virtually every one of its Roman Catholic leaders was killed or imprisoned and all its churches and institutions closed, secularized or destroyed. Probably the foremost surviving Catholic leader was Fr. Simon Jubani, who had been imprisoned for nearly 26 years on charges that his Christian propaganda was opposed to the official atheistic policy of the state. Freed in April 1989, he began again secretly celebrating the Mass in his home. On All Souls Day, 2 November 1990, Fr. Jubani was secretly bap­ tizing a baby in his brother-in-law's house when a friend rushed in to tell him that several thousand Catholics at Shkodra cemetery wanted to hear Mass. Long before this, in 1967, Red Guards and soldiers had smashed all the crosses on the gravestones, and the chapel was left to deteriorate. But the priest rushed to the cemetery and had a table brought to the dilapidated chapel to serve as an altar. There he proceeded to say the first public Mass in decades, spoken in "pre-Vatican Il-style Latin," the only liturgy known to the 64-year-old priest. The following Sunday he again celebrated Mass at the cemetery chapel before a crowd estimated at 50,000. State policemen present did not interfere. Soon after this, the first Mass to be celebrated in a reconsecrated church occurred in Shkodra's Church of the Madonna of the Rosary. Barry

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Newman, a reporter from the Wall Street Journal, wrote of finding the Roman Catholic Cathedral of Shkodra still a sports palace. The Museum of Atheism had closed, but soon thereafter it reopened as a branch of the new Democratic party. But nearby, at the end of a dirty alley, he found a Mass in progress at the church which until recently had been used as a warehouse. Its old gilt altar had come from the prop room of a movie studio. The statues had come from the Museum of Atheism. A children's choir was singing. The priest, Fr. Antoni Nogaj, who had spent years in prison, said, “We have no Bibles, no rosaries, no hymnals, but no matter. We have found excitement for religion in all the people, even the young." His colleague added, "We have 32 priests who are breathing again. But many priests died in chains" (Wall St. Journal 11 March 1991). On Christmas Eve an estimated 10,000 Catholics attended their first Christmas Mass in 23 years, kneeling shoulder-to-shoulder in the icy mid­ night air of the Shkodra graveyard (Washington Times 26 December 1990, A2). Two weeks before Epiphany, 6 January 1991, the Catholics of Tirana requested the use of their St. Anthony's Church, but they were not granted access. So about 1,000 of them celebrated Mass in the dusty street outside the church (Boston G lobe 7 January 1991, 5). On 5 March 1991 Mother Teresa was again in Tirana, reportedly to open a Charity Home in her own native land (Tampa Tribune 6 March 1991,14). She celebrated her eightieth birthday in her own homeland, where she was personally greeted and honored by President Ramiz Alia. Finally, on 7 September 1991, the Vati­ can announced the resumption of diplomatic ties with Albania. The Evangelical Protestants. Of the approximately 100 evangelicals in Korcha at the close of the 1930s, only about a dozen survived the following difficult half century. Some of these had been imprisoned during the reign of the Muslim King Zog, again during the Italian military occupation, and yet again during the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. A former col­ porteur and activist died during the mid-1980s, and their well-trained and oft-imprisoned pastor died in May 1991. Others had been scattered throughout the country. Much prayer went up for religious freedom. And then it happened! When thousands of disillusioned citizens fled this "workers' paradise," scores of waiting evangelical activists poured in. First they came as tourists. Then in July 1991 an international consortium of 11 mission agencies called the Albanian Encouragement Project secured government permission to conduct an evangelistic campaign in the prin­ cipal soccer stadium of Tirana. About 120 workers from 17 nations con­ verged on the city. A nightly average of 2,000 persons attended despite the rain. Over 100 persons confessed Christian faith, 43 were publicly bap­ tized, and two missionaries with Albanian experience in Yugoslavia were designated to pastor the two resulting church groups. Mission work began in four or five other cities, led by workers from Kosova province of Yugoslavia. One of these, a Briton associated with the Albanian Evangelical Trust,

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gathered the aging survivors in Korcha and wrote in late July 1991, "There is now total religious freedom. We can do and say whatever we want without fear of reprisal, either for us or for local friends. I have an extended visa to live inside Albania. Many people in Albania are hungry to read the word of God and to hear the gospel. Now I will get some Bible study groups going, for these have been requested by local friends." The attendance at public meetings ranged anywhere from 40 to 400. The Jewish Community. The Jewish Chronicle for 12 and 19 April 1991 reported that when the Albanian regime legally outlawed all religion in 1967, a small group of Jews gathered secretly in a private house in Tirana to celebrate Passover. Although every place of worship was closed, and religious meetings forbidden, they managed to keep Judaism alive (CT 27 May 1991, 54). Reports indicated that the entire Jewish population in Albania had emigrated to Israel over a four-month period, its secret opera­ tion being dubbed "Flying Carpet" (ibid.). The first emigrants arrived in November 1990, the final group of 11 landing at Ben-Gurion airport on 4 April 1991. Reception centers in Israel report having received 320 im­ migrants. Another 50 joined relatives in the United States. It is to the credit of the Albanian people and government that Jews in Albania experienced no anti-Semitism (News AET July 1991, 3). David Kantozi, a 28-year-old economist, said that because of the prohibition of all religious practices, he had received no Jewish instruction, had never been circumcised, and had never entered a synagogue until he reached Israel in March 1991. But he added also that he had never experienced anti-Semitism in Albania, either. Most of the Albanian Jews had lived in Tirana, the capital, while smaller numbers lived in Vlora or Korcha. Most were well-educated, and many were professionals (Jerusalem Post 20 April 1991). P

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The morale of the Tirana regime was already low. They had seen the downfall of communism in one eastern European state after another. Within their own borders they recognized the quickening economic col­ lapse. Then there was the spectacle of thousands of Albanian workers flee­ ing their homeland. Authorization o f Opposition Parties. On 9 December 1990 university students took to the streets protesting the disruption of heat and power. This quickly escalated to a political rally, the students shouting anti-Communist slogans and demanding "more democracy," "reforms," "no dictator­ ship," and "multiparty elections." The government had already allowed some measure of choice in elections, with two approved Communist can­ didates to run for each parliamentary seat. But the students demanded that non-Communist candidates also become eligible for office. Under increas­ ing pressure, the Central Committee of the Party of Labor on 11 December yielded to student demands for more democracy and fired or transferred seven of its hard-line members of the Politburo. It also endorsed a multi-

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party system by legalizing "independent political organizations in accord­ ance with the laws in force." Actually, one such party, to be called the Democratic party, was already in the process of forming (The Economist 15 December 1990). Two university professors were the founders and leaders: Sali Berisha, 45, a heart specialist, and Gramoz Pashko, a pro­ fessor of economics. The next day an estimated 50,000 students, workers and intellectuals based a peaceful gathering on the university campus. A draft platform outlined the objectives of their new Democratic party. They wanted "freedom of speech, assembly, movement, religion, and the human rights listed in the UN Charter and the Helsinki Accords." They also called for "a mixed-market economy, integration in Europe, and peaceful dialog through parliamentary democracy." Speakers called for support of Presi­ dent Alia's program of democratization (Boston G lobe 13 December 1990, 2). The Communist Labor Party was somewhat less reform-oriented than this, although they did promise religious freedom, a measure of private enterprise, easier foreign travel, better housing and the right to strike. But the reformist Democrats were not satisfied with either the extent or the pace of promised change. Riotous Demands fo r Change. Popular pressure for immediate change climaxed on 13 and 14 December with an explosion of impatience and discontent in Tirana, Elbasan, Shkodra, Kavaja and Durrës. An angry mob in Elbasan stoned official buildings, looted government food shops and set fire to police cars, machinery and shops. When local police failed to stop the rioting, troops were called in. A Western businessman on the weekly Tirana-to-Rome flight said he drove through the city Friday, 14 December, and "for a mile and a half all the windows were smashed" (Tampa Tribune 16 December 1990, 20A). Hoping to forestall further demonstrations, a few days later the government initiated its own program of de-Stalinization. The De-Stalinization Program Begins (21 D ecem ber 1990). Albania, the last eastern European state to bow to the popular demand for democ­ racy, began dismantling the cult of Joseph Stalin on the anniversary of his birthday, 21 December 1990. The government ordered the removal of all statues and the renaming of all streets, institutions and even a city bearing his name. Even before the order was actually given, workers had removed the imposing bronze statue of the dictator that had stared down at Tirana residents for about 40 years. A second giant statue at a Tirana textile plant was also toppled, as well as other statues and busts throughout the country. The name Stalin City had been assigned to Albania's oldest oil town on Stalin's seventieth birthday in 1950, but it now regained its original name, Kuchova. Like Tirana, most cities now had to change the names of their principal avenues or boulevards. The Communist news agency AT A jus­ tified this radical action on the ground that "historic circumstances have changed." But there were residual evidences of loyalty to Stalin in the power structure: many party leaders, the media, the army and the Sigurimi police. That same day, for instance, border guards shot at Albanian

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refugees trying to cross the Bojana River into Yugoslavia on makeshift rafts, killing at least four and wounding others (USA Today 21 December 1990). At a national party conference that December, Ramiz Alia admitted to more than 1,000 delegates that "mistakes were made," and that a new party platform would "deviate from many principles of socialism . . . and correct many attitudes of the past" (Tampa Tribune 27 December 1990, 8A). Yet at the same time he reassured the party faithful that "the Party does not intend to abandon the Marxist ideology" (Boston G lobe 27 December 1990, 2). The regime took a similar two-pronged approach to dissenters. On the one hand, it legalized the country's first opposition party, and on 28 December it legalized the first opposition newspaper; on the other hand it continued the vicious crackdown on those accused of rioting. Official reports confirmed that the courts had sentenced 23 persons to prison terms of up to 12 years for antigovernment acts, and more than 150 people were facing trial following the violence in four provincial centers (Boston G lobe 20 December 1990, 84). Despite concessions made by the regime, protests continued. On 31 January 1991 more than 1,000 students, workers, housewives and pen­ sioners in Tirana staged another public demonstration to protest the visits of Foreign Minister Reis Malile to China and Cuba. The crowd waved placards reading, "China, Cuba, we don't need them." They chanted, "Down with dictatorship. We want Albania in Europe." And they called for the resignation of Malile (Tampa Tribune 1 February 1991, 4). Then on 4 February supporters of the ruling Communists clashed with 10,000 sup­ porters of the Democratic party during their rally at Burrel, when riot police had to intervene. Continuing unrest led many to flee the country. A Greek government spokesman said in January 1991 that a flood of 4,740 recorded escapes into Greece during the preceding two weeks had taken on the dimensions of a "national disaster" (Tampa Tribune 3 January 1991, 6). Ethnic Greeks were automatically granted asylum, while others were bussed to a UN refugee center southeast of Athens. On 9 February 1991 thousands of people hoping to flee the country clashed with police at the port city of Durrës. Most of the 20,000 persons were working youth who had heard a rumor that several ferry boats would take passengers without tickets or visas across the Adriatic Sea to Italy. Others had heard a rumor that South Africa needed laborers, that its Rome embassy would pay the passage, and that four fer­ ries would pick them up in Durrës that Saturday. Most of the crowd had slept outdoors overnight, and they were angry when the only vessel to ap­ pear was the regular fortnightly to Trieste. It arrived then left immediately. Skirmishes began with the police. Shots were fired into the air. This en­ raged the crowds, which rampaged through the streets, smashing windows, raiding bookstores and burning Enver Hoxha books and demonstrating before the Communist party building. After six hours of rioting, police

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restored order. Two deaths and many injuries were reported (Tampa Tribune 10 February 1991, 14). Anti-Hoxha Demonstrations. On 20 February 1991, after about 15 days of hunger striking by 700 university students and professors, an estimated 100,000 persons gathered at Tirana's Skanderbeg Square. They expressed their resentment against Communist rule by toppling the 30-foot bronze statue of Enver Hoxha, the founder of Communist Albania. The imposing statue was found to be hollow, which seemed analogous to his system, so it was broken into small pieces that were distributed to the crowd as mementos. The head was then cut off and paraded triumphantly through the city. The director of state television, which broadcast graphic footage of the event, however, was fired (Brockton Enterprise 8 March 1991). Other Hoxha statues were torn down in the port city of Durrës, Korcha and elsewhere. Demonstrators burned his books and portraits. That same 20 February, Adil Charchani, Albania's prime minister, bowed to the de­ mands of the hunger-striking students that their Enver Hoxha University be renamed simply the University of Tirana. Obviously the growing momentum for reform was too great either to stop or to reverse. Prodemocracy demonstrators demanded quicker change. In reaction, the government brought out its troops and tanks to guard key buildings. It also staged a series of pro-Hoxha rallies throughout the country. Occa­ sionally, as at Gjirokastra, his birthplace, Hoxha loyalists caused violent outbreaks against the Democrats. Pro-Hoxha sentiment prevailed also at a military academy in Tirana, where cadets guarded a bust of their late dic­ tator. On 22 February shooting erupted, and state television reported four people dead. That same day the marble-clad pyramid-shaped Enver Hoxha Museum, containing 700 exhibits of Hoxha memorabilia, was closed as a precaution. And that same evening President Ramiz Alia announced on television that he was taking direct control of a new government, which he then identified. The new prime minister, Fatos Nano, was an economist in his late thirties from the Institute of Marxist-Leninist Studies. Previously responsible for foreign trade, he was considered more of a reformer than his predecessor, Adil Charchani. Alia also appointed a new vice-premier, as well as ministers of foreign affairs and the interior. The Massive Exodus o f March 1991. Early in March the Yugoslav news agency reported that 550 Albanian refugees had just succeeded in escaping across their northern border (Tampa Tribune 8 March 1991, 10). An equal number escaped over the southern mountains to Greece. But the massive exodus took thousands across the Adriatic Sea to Italy. On 5 March more than 900 Albanians reached southern Italy aboard five vessels. Five others seeking asylum were plucked up at sea from their "tiny rickety boat" by a Greek ferry. The Brindisi port captain said another 500 refugees aboard a commandeered Romanian cargo ship were expected at any hour. From 3,000 to 4,000 others were camped out in Vlora, hoping to get aboard some ship and sail for Italy (Tampa Tribune 6 March 1991, 14). Italian officials said

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that ships at that southern port had been ordered to stay offshore, beyond the reach of thousands of would-be refugees camped nearby (Boston G lobe 6 March 1991). Despite all efforts to hinder this exodus, an Italian official said that the narrow Adriatic strait between Italy and Albania was so crowded with boats that it "seems like one of our highways during the tourist season" (Gainesville Sun 7 March 1991). Back in Tirana that same 6 March thousands of others mobbed Em­ bassy Row upon hearing spurious rumors of wholesale visa giveaways by the French, German, Greek, Polish and Czechoslovak embassies. Police fired warning shots and doused people with water cannons then dodged the rocks thrown back at them (Tampa Tribune 7 March 1991, 8). That same day in Durrës thousands ignored the warning shots of police and swarmed aboard the 11,000-ton ship Tirana, forcing it to sail to Italy. This was prob­ ably one of the two ships, each carrying about 8,000 refugees, which were reported to have reached Italy on 7 March. One observer said that about 30,000 people were still waiting in Durrës for transportation, but that all ships had left port. Overwhelmed by the thousands of Albanian refugees flooding its eastern ports, Italy begged Tirana to stop the flow of refugees. Albanian authorities did their best. They declared Durrës a military zone under army control. Then military forces and police stormed the ship Partizani while in port and forced about 2,000 would-be refugees off the ship and out of the port area. Up to 10 people were wounded by warning shots, and as they left the ship they had to pass between two lines of police who beat them with clubs (Tampa Tribune 10 March 1991, 12). But this did not deter those who were determined to flee. On 26 March the Durrës riot police were called out again as another thousand or more people arrived there because of a rumor that American ships were coming with emergency food supplies. Others thought it was a ferryboat bound for Boston. Attempting to disperse the crowd, police opened fire, inadvertently killing one person and wounding at least four others (Liria April 1991, 7). Italian Port Authorities O verwhelmed. The 20,000 Albanian refugees arriving at Italian ports within two weeks strained their emergency facilities far beyond capacity. Refusing to stay on their ships, the refugees swarmed onto the docks where they slept in plastic bags, with March rains com­ pounding their misery. Others slept on the floors of warehouses or schoolrooms. Television pictures of thousands of refugees forced to live and sleep on the open docks, and scrounge for food in the streets, aroused a storm of criticism among the Italians themselves. They recalled that Italy was once considered a major exporter of poor immigrants, and deplored the treatment extended to the Albanians. Many of the refugees were dispersed to camps in southern Italy and Sicily, and many others were locked in a Mussolini-era stadium with minimal sanitary facilities. Some were so disillusioned with conditions they found in affluent Italy that they preferred to return home. Others were forcibly deported as economic

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rather than political refugees. So it was that on 10 March about 1,500 returned to Durrës on the ship Tirana. Port authorities in Bari and Brindisi seized 13 of the vessels still in port, charging them with illegal transport of immigrants. A naval blockade prevented additional vessels from landing their eager passengers. Meanwhile, unemployment and food shortages in Albania were worsening, with long lines of people queued up before dawn for bread and milk. The port authorities induced other refugees to return home with a T-shirt, a new pair of trousers and about $40 cash in their pockets. But Italian newsmen were appalled at the harsh treatment meted out to so many of these refugees: "The world's fifth-ranked industrial power cannot even distribute 10,000 cups of coffee," wrote a columnist in the Corriere della Sera. Italy's foreign minister made an expansively generous offer of $85 million in aid —enough to cover all the food imports Albania needed for the next three months —and another $50 million "to keep the country's factories ticking over." The European Commission at that time had ear­ marked only $5 million for Albania, together with 50,000 tons of wheat (Economist 17 August 1991). D

ip l o m a t ic

R

e l a t io n s

w it h

th e

U

n it e d

S

ta tes

(15

M

arch

1991)

Diplomatic relations between the United States and Albania had been interrupted by the Italian invasion of Albania, when consular respon­ sibilities were transferred to the American consulate at Naples in 1939. After the Communist takeover of Albania, their postwar government treated the temporary American mission so badly that they withdrew in 1945. Since then there had been no official contact between the two, although tentative signals of Washington's renewed interest were rebuffed by both Hoxha and Alia. Then in the fall of 1989 Tirana invited Boston millionaire philanthropist Anthony Athanas and Orthodox Archbishop Arthur Liolin to visit the country. They reported a desire for the restoration of friendly ties. On 28 November 1989, Albania's Flag Day, the United States sent another signal to Albania's leadership by a Voice of America broadcast. In an interview with James W. Swihart, director of the Office of Eastern European and Yugoslav Affairs, he was asked, "What are the prospects for the normalization of United States-Albanian relations?" He replied, "The United States has always been ready for dialog and for normal and friendly relationship with the people of Albania and with the govern­ ment of Albania. We have made this position clear in the past, and it re­ mains so today. I would say it is basically up to the government of Albania to decide when and whether it wishes to establish relations with us. Cer­ tainly we see no major obstacles from our standpoint" (Dielli 28 December 1989, 4). On 17 April 1990 Ramiz Alia replied in an address to the Central Com­ mittee: "As a result of international developments, the problem of the reestablishment of diplomatic relations with the United States and the Soviet Union is on the agenda." But he added, presumably for his nervous

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hard-liners, "There can be no political conditions. They must accept Albania just as it is, and we shall accept others just as they are." He con­ tinued, "As long as America is in accord with this principle, and does not try to interfere in our internal affairs, then Albania is ready to open the door of friendship and cooperation with America" (Liria 15 February 1990, 1). One month later, on 15 May, the New York Times announced that officials of the United States and Albania had held a meeting at the United Nations building and had begun discussions about the resumption of diplomatic relations (Liria 5 March 1990, 1). Then from 28 to 31 May 1990 a congressional delegation visited Presi­ dent Alia in Tirana. Rep. Tom Lantos, a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the United States House of Representatives, reported after­ wards that Alia had asked him to "convey to President Bush and Secretary of State Baker his desire to establish full diplomatic relations and trade ex­ changes as early as possible" (Stars and Stripes 2 June 1990). Another member of the delegation was former U.S. Representative Joseph DioGuardi, of Arbëresh background and head of the Albanian-American Civic League, who quoted Alia as saying that Albania was interested in becoming a party to the Helsinki Accords on human rights. Their subsequent public statement urged the Albanian government to "further advance on the road of bringing Albania fully and unequivocally within the community of na­ tions which hold dear the ideals of personal freedom, moral integrity, social justice and international friendship." They further urged it to "declare a general amnesty for all political prisoners . . . to guarantee civil rights . . . to permit and assist the establishment of religious institutions and their ac­ tivities as an inseparable part of the right to worship" (A C B 1990,119). Rep. Joseph Kennedy, congressman from Massachusetts, also received permis­ sion to visit Albania (Boston G lobe 21 April 1990). That same June 1990, William Poist, the American president of the Commonwealth Gas Com­ pany, visited Albania's oil fields and discussed with energy officials the possibility of technical assistance and their purchase of equipment and technology in the petroleum and computer businesses (Liria 1 August 1990, 4). A United Press release of 10 May 1990 from Athens injected a new dimension into this developing relationship between Albania and the United States. It stated that Albania's package of reforms "apparently was a response to U.S. demands that Albania comply with the Helsinki Con­ vention on Human Rights if it wished to resume diplomatic ties with Washington (Liria 1 March 1990). Whether the human rights issue could have become a condition of political and trade relations between the two nations is uncertain, for such a prerequisite could surely be interpreted as interference in Albania's internal affairs. But certainly Albania's approach to the United States signaled a willingness to improve its human rights im­ age abroad. On 26 February 1991 the Soviet Embassy staff returned to Tirana for

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the first time since Albania had severed relations in 1961 because of Soviet revisionism. Then on 15 March 1991 at a brief State Department ceremony in Washington, Albanian Foreign Minister Muhamet Kapllani and Assis­ tant Secretary of State for European Affairs Raymond Seitz signed a docu­ ment restoring diplomatic relations which had been severed in June 1939. Their joint communique assured full commitment to the "principles of equality, mutual respect, and mutual benefit," these expressions being lifted verbatim from the Albanian constitution (article 15), and undoubtedly in­ tended to appease the Tirana hard-liners. Kapllani stated that his country was committed to "march ahead on the road to democracy." Seitz declared that Washington's ability to help Albania build up its economy will be linked to Tirana's reform policies and respect for human rights, adding, "We will also encourage private American organizations and individuals to make their own contributions to this process" (Liria April 1991, 1). Albanian-Americans have high hopes for exchanges between the two peoples in the fields of trade, industry, agriculture, science and culture, also between their scholars, writers, art­ ists, archaeologists and performers in theater, opera and ballet. Five days after signing this historic document, a group of U.S. diplomats arrived in Tirana on 20 March 1991 to reopen the American Embassy, which had been under Italian supervision since 1939. Heading the diplomatic group was Ivan Selim, undersecretary of state for management. This was further welcome evidence of Albania's commitment to the principles of democracy and reform which it now shared with the Western world. T

he

F ir

st

M

u l t ip a r t y

E

l e c t io n

(31

M

arch

1991)

Albania's first multiparty election in 60 years was held on 31 March 1991, with three recently formed non-Communist parties which had been legalized following student demands for democracy. Challenging the Com­ munist monopoly of political power were the Democratic party, the Ecological party and the Republican party. Just two weeks before the scheduled election, on 17 March, the Tirana regime announced an amnesty for 42 political prisoners detained at Burrel, probably Albania's harshest prison. This was received by many simply as a gesture calculated to win friends and influence people. But the number fell far short of the 123 political prisoners whose release had been promised by the authorities. The first human rights monitors from the West ever allowed into Albania returned to Vienna and described the conditions of Albanian prisons as "subhuman" (Boston G lobe 18 March 1991). Kenneth Roth, deputy director of the Human Rights Watch which monitored the 31 March election, wrote of meeting some of these victims just freed from prison: "A parade of gaunt figures told me of beatings during interrogation, trials without lawyers, prison terms of eight, ten or even twenty years, and arduous labor in work camps. Their 'crimes' included complaining about economic conditions, seeking to marry a French national, trying to flee the country, failing to

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deliver enough oil for export, and writing poetry with "too free a hand'' (The Nation 6 May 1991, 591). Shortly thereafter the rest of the promised 123 prisoners were released, and 258 others on 30 March, election eve, leav­ ing only 27 still in prison (Boston G lobe 31 March 1991). To guarantee fair elections, neutral observers were allowed to enter the country. The Democratic party requested observers from all the parliaments of Europe, besides representatives of human rights organiza­ tions in the United States and Australia. They even hoped to have one or more observers at each of the 6,800 polling stations, an obvious im­ possibility. Early predictions heavily favored the Democrats. But when all the ballots were in and tabulated, the Communists had won 162 of the 250 seats in parliament, or 68 percent, while the Democrats had won 65 seats or 25 percent, the other 23 seats going to candidates of the two lesser parties. So it was that the Communists held one seat more than the two-thirds majority needed to unilaterally legislate changes in the con­ stitution. The Democrats were disappointed, but not discouraged. They declared that "the communists won the battle, but they are losing the war," and they pointed out that 28 of the 29 districts of the capital city had voted Democratic. This was the trend in other cities, too. Even Ramiz Alia lost his parliamentary seat, being replaced by a relatively unknown geolo­ gist. In Shkodra the Democrats won 5 to 1 over the Communists. The op­ position leader Sali Berisha said, "Not a single communist candidate managed to get elected in Tirana, Shkodra, Elbasan, Korcha and other ma­ jor cities" (Boston G lobe 8 April 1991). Communist strength lay mainly in the countryside, where 60 percent of the people lived, and where rural populations were less informed of the issues and quite intimidated by the high profile security police. The Democrats proved, however, that an opposition party could now challenge the incumbent Communist regime without suffering savage retal­ iation. They expected to break the regime's monopolistic control of the mass media: the radio, television and publications. For instance, although the Democrats were permitted to print their newspaper Rilindja D em okratike (Democratic Rebirth), a reported shortage of paper led the regime to limit publication to 50,000 copies two days a week. Very understandably they could not dream of "equal time" on state radio and television. Communist control of these media was so complete that many villagers had no idea that for the first time they could vote for other than a Communist candidate. The Communists enjoyed an organizational advantage, with offices and staff active in every city, town and village. With all vehicles owned by the state, opposition party spokesmen faced a very real logistical problem in reaching the countryside. Then bands of Hoxha loyalists, taking the name "Volunteers of Enver," threatened those voting for the Democrats. An un­ foreseen phenomenon, however, was that public opinion had so pressured the Communist party that in self-defense its leaders adopted many of the objectives of the Democrats. This led one commentator to note that as he

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read the election platforms of the two parties, he could hardly tell them apart (Boston G lobe 29 March 1991). The Democrats did allege a few irregularities in the voting process. Communist posters covered the walls of certain polling stations. Some ballot boxes were turned in unsealed and possibly tampered with. Because people could vote at any polling station, Communist officials were accused of having sent soldiers around to vote at several stations (Washington Times 1 April 1991, A7). It was alleged that police intimidated opposition party candidates and supporters. With scores of thousands of discontented refugees escaped to Italy, Greece or Yugoslavia, the Democratic party surely lost the solid support and vote of that broad bloc. Following the elec­ tion, Sali Berisha, Democratic party leader, with Ismail Kadare and an Albanian student leader, appeared before the U.S. CSCE Commission and insisted that the 31 March election "was not free, fair or honest" (Liria 1 June 1991, 1). A spokesman for the U.S. State Department agreed that the elec­ tion was "less than free and fair" (Liria April 1991, 7). Nevertheless, this first such election in many years was remarkably free of violence, and it was undeniably a good introduction to democracy in action. The Democrats now enjoyed an increasingly good reputation, could claim more than 500,000 supporters, and were pinning their hopes on the next election. P O S T H L E C T IO N U N R E S T

Encouraged by the democratization sweeping over their eastern Euro­ pean neighbors, and impatient with the leisurely implementation of the promised reforms in their own country, many Albanians enthusiastically joined the public demonstrations advocating the overthrow of Communist rule. It seemed that the regime simply could not solve the economic ills which troubled the nation. Kavaja reported 90 percent of its work force unemployed, with local mills and factories closed down for lack of spare parts and raw materials. An American correspondent estimated that 80,000 Albanians in desperation had fled their country during the previous year. He reported a conversation with a television journalist in Tirana, who said, "You ask me how many Albanians would leave the country if they could? The answer is: everyone" (N ewsweek 15 April 1991, 41). Equally profound was the despair of the disillusioned population. Even emigration did not seem to be the ultimate solution. Thousands of refugees who had run the Italian naval blockade on rusty old ships to reach the ports of Bari or Brin­ disi no longer sensed popular sympathy for their humanitarian needs, but rather resentment at the worsening unemployment crisis for Italian workers. Two days after the election a combination of disappointment over the election outcome, disillusionment with the worsening economic situation, and frustration with the prospects for immigration erupted in violence in the northern city of Shkodra, Ramiz Alias hometown. The violence was

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provoked by a tough speech of an ardent Communist, Xhelil Gjoni, who stated at a news conference that the Communist party victory was a clear endorsement of Marxism-Leninism by the Albanian people. This was taken as a deliberate affront by supporters of the Democratic party. Many hun­ dreds of students of the higher schools collected in front of the local Com­ munist headquarters building. They shouted, "Get out!" "Death to communism!" and "Fraud!" Joined by workers, they shouted, "We are for the Democratic Party!" Police shots were fired, killing four and wounding 58 others. The enraged crowd attacked the building, gutting it with fire. Among the dead was Arben Broci, the 24-year-old leader of the local Democratic party. Anna Husarska, correspondent for a Polish newsweekly, Spotkania, visited Shkodra and talked with many persons. She reported, "According to many eyewitnesses, the 24-year-old opposition leader Arben Broci was asked by police to come and calm the people. As he stood facing the crowd, he was shot from behind by the police" (The New Republic 29 April 1991, 9). An official American version is this: "Four opposition democratic party members were killed and nearly 60 wounded in Shkodra, Albania, only two days after the March 31 elections, by gunfire reportedly fired from within the Albanian Party of Labor headquarters into a group of peaceful demonstrators" (EUR Press Guidance 13 May 1991). The Albanian government appointed a special commission to look into the fatal shootings of 2 April. The commission's report blamed security forces for the four deaths, and seven of them were reportedly arrested. These included the head of the local Interior Ministry section and the police chief. Sources within the country, however, reported that only four police officers were actually in jail. News reports also indicated that Gramoz Rucaj, former minister of the interior, and possibly linked to the Shkodra deaths, had been given a position with a newly established national security committee (ibid.). More trouble broke out in the northern port of Shëngjini on 25 April, when about 700 people rushed the port. Police fired warning shots into the air, but that did not deter some of the people from swimming out to ships anchored in the harbor. There was further rioting the next day when about 300 men seized a ship in port, the Zadrima, chanting, "Freedom!" "Democ­ racy!" "Communism is ended." But security forces boarded the ship and prevented their sailing for Italy. Rioting mobs of would-be refugees from neighboring Lezha expressed their utter frustration by setting fire to the last coaches of their train, burning two people to death (Boston G lobe 29 April 1991). As late as that September 1991 the renewed exodus of Albanians led the ministers at Rome to gather in an urgent session to discover steps they should take to forestall yet another influx of Albanian refugees. The deputy prime minister proposed the scanning of the Adriatic Sea by satellite to forewarn them of any new wave of illegal immigrants. But they finally con­ cluded that this Albanian problem was not simply an Italian concern, but

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a European concern, so they called for a meeting of the Interior Ministers of the European Community (Lina September 1991, 4). T he N ew C onstitution of A pril 1991

Ten days after the free election gave them their two-thirds majority in Parliament, the Communist Party of Labor presented a draft constitution on 10 April 1991 for study. This was a modified version of the projected constitution drawn up by a special commission appointed by the National Assembly and was proposed just five days before the initial session of the multiparty parliament. Pressures toward democratization from several directions had required a surprising number of concessions by the Marxist regime. Prominent among these concessions was the announced right of in­ dividuals to hold any religious belief or disbelief, thus theoretically abro­ gating the severe penalties stipulated by the former constitution and penal code. Other human rights were also guaranteed, such as freedom of move­ ment, the ownership of private property, the possibility of free enterprise, and the separation of party and state. The title of the "Draft Constitution of the Republic of Albania" even dropped the word "Socialist" from the former name "Socialist Republic of Albania." But the proposed constitution retained significant traces of the regime's Stalinist roots. While it did prohibit Communist party activity by the presi­ dent and among the army, the police and the ministries of the interior, justice and foreign affairs, it stopped short of banning Communist party ac­ tivity in all government ministries and state institutions, as required by the other eastern European countries adopting democracy. The draft constitu­ tion also kept the Albanian flag intact, with its Communist star. And it gave the president surprising powers, summarized by the Boston G lobe (11 April 1991): [1] To rule by decree, with retroactive parliamentary approval; [2] to effectively veto legislation by resubmitting it to parliament an unlimited number of times; [3] to appoint and dismiss government ministers and heads of state institutions like banks, radio and television with the prime minister's approval"; [4] to declare a state of emergency and mobilize the military "when it is not possible to convene parliament ; [5] to dissolve parliament "after consultation with the prime minister, with new elec­ tions no more than 45 days later; [6] to suffer impeachment only for treason or willful contravention of the constitution.

On the other hand, to reassure dissidents that communism was no longer the established ideology of the government, the draft constitution specified that the president could no longer hold party office. The constitution was approved in late April, and on 4 May the president quit his offices in the Communist party, resigning as the first secretary of the Party of Labor and giving up his membership on the policy-making Central Committee and the

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executive body, the Politburo. The combination of a weak president and a strong assembly was thought likely to prevent a dictatorship. A

l b a n i a 's

M

u l t ip a r t y

G

o vern m en t

The first session of the multiparty parliament convened on 15 April 1991. In deference to the Democrats, government officials had covered with a brown curtain the portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Albanian Communist leaders which decorated the front of the hall. But the session broke up in discord only one-half hour later. The opposition Democratic party holding 75 of the 250 seats in the assembly demanded that the govern­ ment identify those responsible for killing four of their party members in Shkodra on 2 April. Their parliamentary leader, Neritan Ceka, read a statement accusing the government's investigating commission of actually obstructing the inquiry for "political reasons." They promised to return when the government had identified the guilty parties. Then they walked out. Their cause was espoused by trade unions which had been organized just before the March elections. They called for a general strike to begin on 16 May. An estimated 350,000 workers, about one-half of Albania's labor force, went on an unprecedented strike. Miners laid down their tools. Many workers went on a hunger strike. Truck drivers responsible for food distribution joined the strike. University students in sympathy staged noisy demonstrations. Workers' demands were few: a 50 percent increase in salaries and prosecution by the state of those responsible for the death of the four Shkodra demonstrators. Strike leaders called on the government to step down if they would not meet these demands. Apparently the strike proceeded peacefully. Some strikers were arrested but were released after a few hours of detention. The strike escalated. About 50,000 demonstrators gathered in Tirana's Skanderbeg Square on 29 May, and police resorted to water cannon and gunfire in the air to disperse them. The economic crisis brought on by the strike escalated to "catastrophic proportions," and the Communist prime minister, Fatos Nano, and his government yielded to the pressure and resigned on 4 June 1991. The resignation of the Communist-dominated government opened the way for the emergence of a multiparty interim or caretaker government. This "government of national unity" was responsible for preparing the na­ tion for new elections in May 1992. The Democrats agreed to join the effort. President Alia appointed Ylli Bufi, a 40-year-old chemical engineer from Fier, and former minister of food, to serve as prime minister until the May elections. One-half of the 24 ministers of this caretaker government would come from the Communist party, one-half from the newly formed opposi­ tion parties. Negotiators agreed that cabinet ministers must drop party affiliations and refrain from party activity while serving in government. Accordingly, on 9 June the trade unions agreed to call off their strike. Prime Minister Bufi estimated that the 25-day strike had cost the

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country $20 million in lost output. He declared, "Our food production is in a crisis," and added that the country was devastated and on the verge of economic tragedy after 46 years of communism. He would slash expen­ ditures by cutting administrative and military spending, nonessential in­ vestments and subsidies to sports. He would speed privatization of small and medium-sized enterprises and give full economic freedom to large enterprises. "We must move fast toward a free market," Bufi said. "Our main target is privatization, land reform and a market economy" (Boston G lobe 13 June 1991, 21). This sounded very similar to the Berisha platform of the Democrats. T

h e

T

en th

P

a rty

C

o n g ress

(io

J

une

1991)

The Tenth Congress of the Albanian Party of Labor was advanced about six months by the Central Committee on 11 December 1990. In his research paper entitled "The Albanian Workers Party on the Eve of Its Tenth Congress," Louis Zanga of Radio Free Europe made the following observations (5 June 1991, 1-3): The Albanian Workers Party [AWP] is orgnizationally and ideologi­ cally but a shadow of its former self. Of the former top communist lead­ ers, only Xhelil Gjoni's name appears on the list of the 50 members of the congress's organizational committee. . . . The other members of this body are mostly reform communists. Most of the elected 50 are intellectuals, with only four workers and two military men, but not a single one of Hoxha's veterans. The party's new draft platform is almost totally void of any reference to Marxism-Leninism. Terms such as "communism" have been omitted. Moreover, not a trace of former leader Enver Hoxha's ideas and policies can be found. Instead the draft platform calls for: the cleanup of bureaucracy and corruption, criticism of the Central Committee, an ob­ jective evaluation of Hoxha's rule, a market economy as a "necessary alter­ native," a multiparty system, the depoliticization of the executive branch of government, the guarantee of human rights, the land should remain state property, the economic independence of cooperative farms, the in­ flux of foreign capital, an unemployment benefit scheme, a reduction in work hours, the priority of the social interests of the villagers, and active participation in the European Security and Cooperation movement. Significantly, this draft platform made no reference as in the past to youth, who fought for the multiparty system, who fled the country by the thousands, and who openly fought the political establishment at Shkodra and elsewhere.

A Dutch visitor, however, reported that "Hoxha is still hanging around, his portrait still found in some government buildings, military areas and some cities and towns. But Sigurimi vans often have scarred windshields where they were struck by stones" (AWO 19 June 1991). The congress itself began on 10 June 1991, the day after the general strike ended. Just over 1,400 delegates attended. The 147,000 members then

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in the Communist party, however, represented only 4.6 percent of the population. A senior party official, Xhelil Gjoni, opened the congress and blamed the country's economic problems on Hoxha's repressive regime and his policy of isolating Albania from the world. The next day Dritero Agolli, head of the League of Albanian Writers and Artists (LAWA) took the podium to denounce Hoxha's dictatorial rule. He destroyed the human traditions of the country. People began to be afraid of one another. They saw a spy in everyone. They became afraid even of family members. This fear existed even between man and wife. . .. Hoxha terrorized, jailed or executed opponents and party members alike, and then appointed new leaders responsible for crazy decisions such as banning religion, foreign literature or peasant ownership of any animals but donkeys [C hicago Tribune 12 June 1991, 1:6]. Agolli's attack on the iron dictatorship of the late Enver Hoxha pro­ voked an angry storm from Hoxha loyalists who stood, shouted abuse, clapped rhythmically and chanted slogans for "Enver!" President Ramiz Alia, however, admitted to the Congress that he had failed to act deci­ sively to end nepotism and widespread corruption, and acknowledged his share in the mistakes made during the Hoxha years [ibid.].

This popular repudiation of the Communist party leadership during the Tenth Party Congress was undoubtedly fueled by several of their ex­ travagances that were doubly offensive in light of the prevailing economic crisis. The luxurious villas occupied by the Hoxha family and other Com­ munist leaders in a block guarded by hundreds of Sigurimi excited the im­ agination and resentment of the population even before being opened to the public in mid-July 1991 (Dielli October-November 1991, 12). Alia himself revealed the enormity of the expense lavished on the pyramid-shaped Hoxha museum at a time of widespread famine when he exclaimed angrily, "The museum which cost 54 million dollars and the family of Enver Hoxha, we shall defend both of them with our blood!" (Dielli August-September 1991, 4 citing Rilindja D em okratike 13 July 1991). People could not believe ugly rumors that the Hoxha family had siphoned off many millions of dollars from their poor country's treasury until an Italian radio station on 7 July called attention to their names listed in the book The 300 Richest Families in the W orld (ibid., 4). Alia was accused of having authorized the minister of the interior to have his men fire on the students who toppled the statue of Enver Hoxha. The new coalition government, however, had become concerned over rumors of costly abuses by Party of Labor leaders and their families, and in May 1991 it called for an investigation. Gene Ruli, the minister of finance, submitted the findings in his July report entitled "Criminal Abuses by Leaders of the Albanian Worker's Party at the Expense of the People and Albania." Between September 1989 and September 1990, when food ration­ ing was in effect for the entire population, the 26 leading families consumed

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every day an average of 62 kilograms of meat, 13 liters of oil, UVz kilograms of cheese, 86 liters of milk, 20 liters of wine and beer, and 54 kilograms of fruit and vegetables. "The highest consumption in this oneyear period was recorded by the Hoxha family." The state picked up charges for annual vacations and for household expenses, including lights, water, heat and rent. In 1989 alone the Hoxha family made 441 tele­ phone calls to Paris at a cost to the state of $19,000; 210 calls to Vienna at a cost of $10,000; 188 calls to Rome, and many others overseas, some of these lasting more than one hour (Harper's November 1991, 30-32). The Ministry of Finance revealed that during the 1985 to 1990 Alia period, about $500,000 had been spent by top party leaders for medical care in the expensive clinics of Paris and Vienna instead of Tirana's clin­ ics. Rumors of such excesses had already alienated the workers, peasants and intellectuals attending the Tenth Party Congress, and they voted to ex­ clude nine members from the Central Committee and from the ranks of the party, and eight others from the Central Committee. These men were listed in the August-September issue of Dielli in 1991. Two of the three top offenders, Alia and Charchani, retained their leadership roles. But the repudiation of the Communist sociopolitical philosophy of Stalin and Hoxha seemed quite general at both the lofty and the lowly levels. When asked what they should do with the vast supply of Hoxha's books, Spiro Dede, vice president of the party, replied, "You in Lezha are lucky, for nearby you have the factory for recycling paper" (Dielli AugustSeptember 1991, 4). A much less worthy solution was discovered by a foreign visitor, squatting precariously at his Albanian host's alia turka outhouse, when he found himself using page 208 of a book of Hoxha's speeches! Conspicuously absent from this Tenth Congress were the usual en­ thusiastic reports of overproduction in so very many fields. In part, this could be because only six months instead of 12 had transpired. But even more relevant, the official newspaper Zëri i Popullit for 16 July 1991 carried a statistical announcement of the Ministry of Economy which gave little reason for rejoicing. The six-month industrial product was only 69 percent of the announced objective. Agricultural and livestock products amounted to only 35 to 65 percent of the previous year's production (Dielli AugustSeptember 1991, 4). It appears also that this National Assembly of the coalition gov­ ernment did not itself live up to its professed democratic ideals. For a new political party, the Popular Christian-Islamic Party, had applied for recognition. But on 31 May the assembly voted unanimously to sus­ pend the legal recognition and the registration of any new political grouping. This ruling seemed quite inconsistent with democratic guaran­ tees of freedom of assembly as expressed in the UN and the CSCE char­ ters.

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Albania was the only country in Europe which had refused to join the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) at its formation in 1975. A basic problem was the CSCE requirement that members must subscribe to the organization's statement on human rights known as the Helsinki Accords. Rather lamely Albania's deputy prime minister, Manush Myftiu, declared at the time, "It is our constant duty to enhance the care for human rights" (Reuters News 10 May 1990,1). But this was not the en­ tire problem. Canada and the United States had been granted membership. And Enver Hoxha, ever suspicious of the West, viewed CSCE as a super­ power conspiracy to divide Europe between the Soviet Union and the United States. With the passing years, however, it became increasingly ap­ parent to the Alia regime that isolation from both eastern and western Europe would spell economic disaster. Survival itself compelled them in 1990 to apply for membership in the 35-nation organization. Albania's notorious human rights record precluded full membership at the time, but CSCE granted unanimous approval for Albania's observer status on 10 June 1990 at Copenhagen. Albania had joined the family of nations. But pressures increased. The following 18 to 21 August 1990 U.S. Senator Dennis DeConcini (D-AZ) headed a CSCE delegation to Albania to initiate a dialogue on issues such as human rights and the current economic and political situa­ tion. During the far-ranging discussions President Alia and associates as­ sured DeConcini that there was no need for alternative political parties in Albania. Neither was there any need to open the places of worship, for nobody wanted to go to church anyway, as Albanians no longer believed in religion. They acknowledged the existence of fewer than 90 political prisoners. The delegation noticed that nobody dared to express openly disagreement with the Communist Party of Labor. Such observations led the CSCE delegation to refuse to support Albania's full membership in the organization until they could see significant improvements in its human rights performance. The following significant excerpts are taken from the CSCE Digest of September 1990. The dialog with Albanian officials was open and frank. The delegation ex­ pressed concern regarding the tense situation of foreign embassies in Tirana —including the construction of walls enclosing a block of em­ bassies in the center of the city —resulting from the turmoil of early July when several thousand Albanian citizens stormed the embassies seeking to leave the country. While an agreement was eventually concluded which allowed for their departure, relations between certain Western embassies and the Albanian government had clearly deteriorated. . . . When Albanian officials stated their interest in attaining full CSCE membership in the near future, the Chairman noted reports of many ma­ jor human rights abuses, and said that Albania would have to bring its

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policies and practices into significantly closer compliance with these pro­ visions than is now the case. . . . After the visit, the delegation reported that given current perfor­ mance, as a member "Albania would be glaringly out of step with the rapidly developing process of democratization, political pluralism, and rule of law and free market economies that is taking place throughout Europe. . . . Among the human rights concerns the delegation raised was the absence of even one functioning place of worship, reports of a large number of political prisoners, total control of the media, restrictions detrimental to preservation of the identities of Greek and other minorities in Albania, and continued monopoly on power of the "Workers Party of Albania." The delegation suggested that, in order to hasten democratiza­ tion and clarify the human rights situation, the government make the Helsinki Final Act and other CSCE documents publicly available, permit human rights groups from abroad to visit and investigate allegations of human rights abuse, and tolerate the formation of Helsinki monitoring groups. Albanian officials expressed a willingness to consider these sugges­ tions [Liria 15 October 1990, 1, 4],

On 16 September 1990 Albania's Council of Ministers authorized Foreign Minister Reis Malile to contact CSCE, express Tirana's readiness to accept the human rights principles defined in the 1975 Helsinki Final Act, and request full membership in the organization. Twelve days later Presi­ dent Ramiz Alia visited the United States and gave this assurance as he ad­ dressed the General Assembly of the United Nations on 28 September 1990: Albania has followed with keen attention and has welcomed the democratic processes that are developing in Europe today. We consider the process of the CSCE, with which our country has already associated itself, participating in a number of its activities, as being of particular im­ portance. . . . Albania feels itself an active participant in the processes that are occurring in Europe. It looks forward with interest to the high level meeting in Paris, which, proceeding from the basic Helsinki Acts and other CSCE documents, will decide its institutionalization [N A lb 1990, 6 : 1] .

The Albanian delegation to the CSCE Summit Meeting in Paris declared that it "has pledged itself to implement the principles of its documents, and has expressed its desire and will to join it as a full member" (ibid., 5). DeConcini's CSCE Commission wished to reassure itself, so it made another visit to Tirana in March 1991 and reported several notable im­ provements: Several alternative political parties had formed and were fielding can­ didates for the Albanian Assembly. The population was openly expressing its political preferences. Hundreds of political prisoners had, in fact, been released. Churches and mosques were opening throughout the country. . . . However, when compared to the standards for democracy and human

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rights held . . . in the Helsinki Final Act and subsequent CSCE documents, these positive developments fall far short in many important respects, in­ cluding those relating to the critical importance of free and fair elections [CSCE 22 May 1991, 2],

Wishing to have input from Albanian representatives of the Democratic party, DeConcini's commission on CSCE matters conducted a hearing in Washington, D.C., on 22 May 1991. Dr. Sali Berisha, cardiologist, profes­ sor and chairman of the Democratic party of Albania, was present as a wit­ ness, as were Ismail Kadare, internationally acclaimed Albanian novelist, and Azem Hajdari, university student activist. They reported on progress realized and additional steps yet to be taken, and voiced the needs for tech­ nical consultants and food and medicines requested of the United States. All agreed that the best interests of the Albanian people would be served if Albania were admitted to full membership in the CSCE (ibid., 1-24). United States Secretary of State James Baker supported Albania's re­ quest for full membership in the CSCE, as did its Balkan neighbors. Ac­ cordingly, on 19 June 1991 the foreign ministers of the member states of the CSCE opened their two-day session in Berlin with a unanimous vote to upgrade Albania's status from that of observer to that of full membership. So it was that Albania, formerly isolationist and hard-core Stalinist, came to unite with the European states as well as the United States and Canada in a single organization formally committed to democracy and marketbased economies. To symbolize this new orientation, at the close of the opening session at Berlin, the Albanian flag was quickly run up a flagpole to flutter alongside those of the other CSCE nations. A further advance was recorded during the sessions in Moscow from 10 September to 4 October 1991. The three Baltic states were admitted to membership, and now in the alphabetically arranged listing of 38 par­ ticipating states, Albania headed the list. Also, the United States and others raised a question about the plight of ethnic Albanians in Kosova, and atten­ tion focused repeatedly on the dissolving Soviet Union and the civil war in Yugoslavia. History was made at Moscow, however, in the development of a mechanism to better monitor and even to enforce the observance of human rights by member states. The CSCE would now go beyond the sim­ ple investigative role of the past to a more intrusive, problem-solving role, making the "interference in internal affairs" defense a thing of the past. The mechanism provides for a resource list of experts named by participating states who will be available to investigate, mediate and even make recom­ mendations for CSCE enforcement, in accordance with the guidelines em­ bodied in 43 paragraphs adopted by the body. T he James Baker V isit to T irana (22 June 1991)

After landing at Tirana's Rinas Airport on 22 June 1991, James Baker, United States Secretary of State, drove through an unprecedented sea of

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Albanians completely overflowing the capital city's spacious Skanderbeg Square. They cheered and waved, kissing the hood and windows of his car and showering it with flower petals. More than a quarter million people greeted this, the first senior American official ever to visit Albania. The crowd loved it, chanting repeatedly "USA! USA!" Baker saw sketches of the Statue of Liberty hanging from buildings around the square, some of them reminiscent of the one at China's Tiananmen Square. He saw a prominent sign reading, "Welcome Mr. Baker. Albania has been waiting for you for 50 years." With his wife, Susan, dressed in red, white and blue, beside him, Baker gave the crowd the simple assurance, "Freedom works!" Afterwards he said that he had never seen anything like it in his entire lifetime. It was the largest audience of his political career. Baker then addressed the National Assembly in special session. Radio Tirana broadcast the address that Saturday afternoon and evening. Baker brought with him a $6 million aid package including milk, medicines, books and cassettes. He offered to send a team to help draft a new constitu­ tion. Alia assured Baker that the changes taking place in Albania were "ir­ reversible." Prime Minister Ylli Bufi told the crowd that Baker's visit "announces a new era in Albania." Baker also met with Dr. Sali Berisha and other Democratic party leaders who had cooperated with the Communists in running the coalition government since early June. He urged them to remain united and assured them that they could beat the Communists in the next election. Assuring them of American solidarity, he said, "Welcome to the company of free men and women everywhere, the way our Creator intended us to be. You are with us, and we are with you" (ACB 1991, 88). Exuberant Albanians agreed that this spontaneous welcome was an unprecedented public out­ pouring of joy. Incidentally, students had tried all week to remove a statue of Lenin from its prominent pedestal overlooking the boulevard. Finally, the government forklifted it off its pedestal and onto the junk heap (USA Today 26 June 1991, 7A). Not long after this, the pedestal in Tirana's main Skanderbeg Square from which Enver Hoxha's statue had been toppled was seen to carry the painted inscription, "Rroftë Bush!" (Long live Bush!). A T hird Exodus of M alcontents Reaches Italy (A ugust 1991)

Hearing rumors that the port of Durrës had reopened, thousands of hopeful refugees converged on the docks Wednesday, 7 August 1991. Hop­ ing to escape the poverty and perennial shortages of a failed socialist economy and enjoy the affluence seen on Italian television, the mob tried frantically to take over the ferries and fishing vessels anchored in the har­ bor. Many tried swimming out to the ships. Security police tried in vain to stop the crowds storming the boats, their warning gunfire killing at least 12 refugees. Nevertheless, the predominantly youthful Albanians swept on­ to two ships, the Butrinti and the Skanderbeg, forcing them to sail. Two fishing boats carried 400 others to Italian ports across the Adriatic. Another

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10,000 crowded onto the Vlora and reportedly forced the captain at knife­ point to ram through an Italian naval blockade of 13 naval ships to reach Bari on Thursday. A port official exclaimed, "As the ship came into port, as many as a thousand people just threw themselves into the water to swim ashore" (USA Today 9 August 1991, 4A). Meanwhile, Albanian authorities resorted to military control to clear four Adriatic ports of the thousands more attempting to flee the country. Italian authorities, hardly recovered from the March wave of 25,000 Al­ banian refugees, rounded up the huge rioting crowd and herded them inside an unused soccer stadium nearby. Police helicopters dropped bags of food, but water and sanitary facilities were minimal. The refugees, especially the women and children, suffered in the scorching August heat. After several days the hungry, dehydrated youth broke out in antipolice rioting. Pope John Paul II and several newspaper editors criticized the callous authorities, pointing out that their grandfathers had sailed west to America for the good life and their parents had taken trains north to Europe to find work when it was not available at home. But the government was determined that the enforced repatriation must discourage yet others from coming. "Otherwise, tomorrow it will be Yugoslavia." Their tough strategy proved effective. A medical doctor spoke for most of the refugees when he said, "We are all hungry. Everyone has sunstroke. There are no bathrooms, no beds, nothing, nothing, nothing. Before, no one wanted to get on the airport bus. Now we all want to" (USA Today 12 August 1991, 6A). Italy's Interior Ministry reported 50 repatriation flights to Tirana that Saturday, with aircraft leaving every 15 minutes on Monday. Others were repatriated by ship. The more resistant among the 18,000 refugees were offered $40 and a new shirt and pants. Repatriation was completed that Monday evening, 12 August. What the Italian press called the "Albanian nightmare" was over. Then the Herculean cleanup job began at the docks. When the thousands of would-be refugees reached home, however, a wave of robberies and burglaries swept the land. The utter frustration of these repatriated immigrants was equaled by that of their stay-at-home comrades, and it erupted on 23 August. In Moscow the hard-line Com­ munist leaders had just capitulated, and this encouraged thousands of Albanians in Tirana to demonstrate, carrying posters demanding that their own abusive leaders be tried before a court of the people. Yet again on 10 December about 15,000 people rallied to protest the ineptitude of their predominantly Communist leadership to improve living conditions in Europe's poorest country (Tampa Tribune 10 December 1991, 4). Just four weeks later the police had to block the main highway from the capital to the nearby port city of Durrës when hundreds of people headed there because of rumors that boats were available once again for passage to Italy (ibid. 7 January 1992, 4). It appeared that Italy, with unemployment prob­ lems of its own, no longer had an open door for the thousands of desperate

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Albanian "boat people" appealing for political asylum, but who in reality were economic migrants. A

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Administrative Vicissitudes. Attempting to make the Communist regime more palatable to the Albanian population, the Communist party at its Tenth Party Congress (June 1991) had taken the more euphemistic name, the Albanian Socialist Party (ASP). The hated secret police or Sigurimi was renamed the National Information Service (NIS). But the ploy was hardly convincing. Their first postelection government under Fatos Nano fell in June 1991, and an uneasy coalition "Government of National Unity" under Prime Minister Ylli Bufi functioned only from June until December 1991. Then the Democratic party withdrew its members from Bufi's coalition government until they met the following demands: (1) Re­ open the investigation of the Sigurimi who had shot dead the peaceful democratic demonstrators in Shkodra on 2 April 1991. (2) Replace the leadership of the Albanian mass media with persons less politically oriented. (3) Hold new elections in February 1992. (4) Remove Communist symbols from national objects, specifically the star superimposed on the national flag. With no compromise becoming apparent, the Socialist members finally granted the several demands, and the opposition deputies returned to the coalition assembly. Antigovernment protest rallies, once unthinkable, were now held repeatedly. On 9 December 1991 a crowd of 15,000 workers gathered in Tirana to protest the failure of the Communist leadership to improve their living conditions. Three days later, more than 20,000 demonstrated at an anti-Communist rally, demanding the resignation of Ramiz Alia and pledging their intention of supporting the opposition parties in the next election. The coalition cabinet fell apart, and on 13 December the news­ paper announced the resignation of Prime Minister Ylli Bufi. The next day President Alia appointed a new prime minister, Vilson Ahmeti, to head a caretaker government until the forthcoming election. His 19-member government of "nonparty technocrats" was said to have the consent of all political parties (Liria January 1992, 3). Bowing to mounting hostility, the regime moved a crane onto Tirana's Stalin Boulevard at midnight on 20 December and celebrated his 111th birthday by loading Europe's last statue of him on a truck and hauling it away to oblivion. Just two months later, on 20 February 1992, about 10,000 jubilant citizens rallied in Tirana to commemorate the toppling of the statue of Enver Hoxha one year earlier. Then, yielding to popular outrage, Ramiz Alia ordered the arrest of 20 former Communist officials —including half of the ruling Politburo and Nexhmije Hoxha —and charged them with siphon­ ing off public funds for personal use while Albania's population lived in ab­ ject poverty. An estimated 200,000 citizens were said to have fled the country in

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1991, so Italian and Albanian naval vessels cooperated in early 1992, patrolling the Strait of Otranto to restrict further hemorrhaging of Albania's worker population. Both internal and international telecom­ munications were very poor, although the recently introduced fax machines were said to work well. Hardly a train was now operational, however, because seats and window panes had been destroyed, copper wire stolen, and diesel fuel was no longer available. Although King Zog had operated an intercity aviation service 60 years earlier, the country no longer had one. As a symbol of their increasing freedom from decades of governmental isolation, Albania affiliated with the International Amateur Radio Union (IARU). In the spring of 1990 Finnish amateurs had proposed this innovation to members of Albania's Department of Posts and Telecom­ munications (PTT) then receiving technical instruction in Finland. Agreements were reached with the Defense Ministry, the PTT and other Tirana officials. The Japanese Amateur Radio League funded the trip of a PTT delegation to Tokyo for the IARU organizational meeting and the public announcement. Equipment was donated, antennas erected, instruc­ tional classes conducted and licenses issued to 12 graduates who went on the air 16 September 1991 "to build bridges to the rest of the world" (QST January 1992, 17-22). On New Year's Day 1992, Ramiz Alia suffered a mild heart attack which required two weeks of convalescence. A brief distraction from Albania's harsh realities was its first beauty contest on 31 January 1992. The 19-year-old Valbona Selimllari was chosen from 20 contestants as Miss Albania and won the $600 first prize, equal to three years' salary for the ordinary worker. But, having a conservative Muslim background, she admitted, "To wear a bathing suit and walk up and down in front of people made me scared." During rehearsals the con­ testants refused to take off their coats for the swimsuit competition, but on the final night they consented. To avoid an all-male audience, only couples were admitted (Liria February 1992, 7). Also, on 14 February 1992, Al­ bania's distinguished Nobel Prize winner Mother Teresa was given Alban­ ian citizenship and a diplomatic passport by decree of Ramiz Alia him­ self. But Albania was in serious trouble. This was obvious even to the casual observer. An English tourist described his impressions: One of my first impressions was that the buildings have not been touched for 60 years: no maintenance, no painting, no repairs, no repointing of brickwork, no roof repairs, etc. The flats . . . very poorly constructed .. ■ would be condemned in England. So many children running barefoot over the sharp stones. . . . The shops so empty, with hardly anything on the shelves. . .. The scenery was really breathtaking and majestic. . . . The people were genuinely friendly . . . very little industry . . . using old, rusty out-of-date equipment that was never maintained, buses just picked up off a rubbish dump [AET January 1992, 5).

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A New York Times travel column warned, "Travelers to Albania should expect erratic plumbing and electricity, and often must share bathrooms (15 September 1991). An American businessman and his wife who traveled extensively throughout the country in October 1991 recorded enthusiastically favorable impressions of the Albanian people: "true friends . . . kindness and gentleness . . . beautiful Albanian courtyards . . . pic­ turesque seaside . . . incredibly sympathetic and honest." But the following expressions excerpted from their day-to-day travelogue painted a dreary picture of present conditions in that country: "Sloppiness of unkept shrub­ bery . .. neglected maintenance shocked us . . . begging kids swarmed around . . . incredible dilapidation and bleakness . . . ancient trucks . . . schools' broken windows .. . only once we saw an egg . . . no food or restaurants . . . had developed diarrhea .. . armed robbery becoming com­ monplace . . . few typewriters around . . . children reeked of urine" (Anthes November 1991, 1-13). Industry. Albania's industry was in deep trouble. Heavy industry had been Enver Hoxha's magnificent obsession and its collapse would have tom his heart out. Fortunately for him, it was not until the end of the 1980s that it became obvious to the Tirana regime that its centralized planning system was a failure. Skilled labor was still plentiful, as were Albania's natural resources. Four foreign oil companies were starting offshore exploration and drilling, which would provide hard currency for much-needed im­ ports. But Albania's Soviet and Chinese factories were becoming anti­ quated and obsolete. Called "rusting hulks," they evidenced decay and neglect. Spare parts were not available, and transportation of raw materials had broken down. Mountain roads needed maintenance. Trucks were worn out. Many workers had fled the country, and the morale of the remaining workers was low. Strikes were frequent and prolonged, and management proved incapable. Plant closures increased. The UN Assessment Mission in June 1991 reported, "Hardly any in­ dustry in the country is still working. In the pharmaceutical industry Pro­ pharma, only ten people out of 340 are working. They have no raw materials any more" (p. 28). A visitor observed, "Drought has practically eliminated the lakes and the hydrodams, has reduced irrigation and elec­ tricity to dangerous levels, and has caused the closing of basic factories essential to Albania's economy" (A C B 1991, 69). A Dutch observer wrote, "More electric appliances are coming into use, while the electric supply re­ mains the same. Now often in the late afternoon, when all families are turn­ ing on their electric stoves, entire cities lose their electric power" (AWO 12 December 1991, 1). The democratic economist Gramoz Pashko wrote his doctoral disser­ tation at Tirana University on the free market economy. He planned to privatize 25,000 businesses by the end of 1991. This alarmed the labor leaders, who feared the loss of as many as 100,000 jobs. Unemployment was already at about 40 percent, and climbing steadily to 80 percent, even

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90 percent in some cities. Although a factory worker earned only about $20 a month, the government could never find the funds to meet unemployment benefits, promised at 80 percent of their working wage. Under this threaten­ ing Sword of Damocles, industrial workers had been foremost among the many thousands who fled to Italy, Greece and Yugoslavia. The Interna­ tional Express of London (19 September 1991) specifically identified Alba­ nians among the many who were desperately seeking work in England: "British companies are flooded with job applications from thousands of Eastern Europeans desperate to start a new life. Sacks full of mail come in from welders, salesmen, doctors and even nuclear scientists hoping to escape war, poverty and political turmoil in Albania and other countries. One Scottish firm receives 100 letters a week from would-be exiles willing to uproot at a moment's notice." This threatened brain drain was fueled by an inflation rate estimated by the UN Mission to have reached an annual 60 percent. For years the exchange rate had been fixed at seven leks to the American dollar, but it began 1992 at 50 leks, climbing to 90 and even 105 in the free market. The UNICEF Mission to Tirana in August 1991 reported an annual per capita income "by far the lowest in Europe" (UNICEF, Infor­ mation, 23 August 1991, 2). Agriculture. In Albania, agriculture also was in deep trouble. Down through the ages most of the population depended for a livelihood on the family farms and livestock. The independent peasant's love affair with land so irritated Stalin that he deliberately exterminated literally millions of petty landowners in his drive to collectivize agriculture. Enver Hoxha im­ itated the Soviet pattern of cooperatives and state farms. Still over one-half of the Albanian population were involved in agriculture. The mechanized equipment on the large collective farms was breaking down, with no spare parts available. Repeated drought cut back on hydroelectric power and ir­ rigation. These caused a sharp drop in agricultural production. Many thousands of workers had fled the country in 1991, leaving many others restless. Democratization had led to a demand for private ownership and free enterprise. The large collective farms began breaking up into smaller private farms once again. But the old boundaries before collectivization were usually ignored. Also, many peasants grew impatient with the government's slow transition to private ownership, so they simply divided the farm land and redistributed the livestock among themselves. In view of this, the London Economist (7 September 1991) assured the world that serious family disputes lay ahead. Another complication: Mark Janz of World Vision organization in October 1991 "witnessed communal buildings being razed by the populace for building materials to build personal dwell­ ings" (A lbania: Needs Assessment 5 November 1991, 2). Not surprisingly, there was now an acute shortage of food. The United Nations Interagency Humanitarian Needs Assessment Mission to Albania in June 1991 discovered (p. 12) the following: "Rice, oil, sugar and cheese are rationed, require long queuing, and usually are not available. Milk is

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rationed, but has been unavailable in Tirana for a year. Bread is available, but only because flour has been purchased through credit provided by Turkey. Shops are empty. The market is bare, save for a few poor quality tomatoes and potatoes and fresh onions. Eggs, fish and meat are nowhere to be seen." Another traveler noted the scarcity of foods such as meat, cooking oil, milk, eggs, fruits and vegetables. Robert McFarlane of MAP International of Canada listed priority family food needs as milk powder, sugar, rice, flour, coffee, tea and soap (Trip Report 14-23 August, 1991). Professor Sami Repishti stated on 24 October 1990 in New York City that "Albanian papers report daily shortages in food, clothing, electricity, even water, and the vegetable and fruit stores are empty in September, a peak season, even in Tirana, the best supplied market in the country" (A C B 1991, 69). According to UNICEF analysts, the decline of food production resulted from past policy decisions, the inability to import agricultural equipment and supplies, variable rainfall (with two years of drought followed by a year of floods), low wages, the breaking up of cooperatives, uncertainty over privatization of land, and the exodus of thousands of young workers to neighboring countries (UNICEF, Information, 23 August 1991, 2). Food shortages, empty shelves and escalating prices should have surprised no one. First, less food was planted, for who knew who would claim the harvest? Fields and orchards were untended. Farmers refused to sell produce to the state for less than the free market prices, so little or no food was found in the state stores. The transportation of food to market was problematical, for although many roads were fairly good, the vehicles were antiquated. The German government promised a gift of 100 surplus East German military vehicles, but many truck drivers had fled the coun­ try, and others had joined the many demonstrations and prolonged strikes. So the food shortages worsened. Janz reported that 30 percent of pediatric patients suffered from malnutrition. And while hungry adults might grow angry, hungry parents with constantly hungry children could become violent. A faculty member of the Leningrad Technological Institute spoke for all the hungry people of eastern Europe when he said, "Under com­ munism we have bread, but no freedom. Now we have freedom, but no bread. Is it too much that we ask for both freedom and bread?" (Stillpoint Spring 1992, 2). Medicine. Another index of a nation's economy is the level of medical care available. Robert McFarlane of MAP International of Canada, in his Trip Report of 14 to 23 August 1991, stated that "tragedy resulted from the country's current economic devastation, when it was impossible for the Ministry of Health to come up with the $26,000 hard currency to purchase needed polio vaccine" available from a French Institute. Fortunately MAP intervened and covered the purchase. But McFarlane continued, "Radiol­ ogy equipment is very, very old . .. 1930 Russian. Dental centers have old Chinese apparatus. Hospitals lack the most basic medical equipment and

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supplies, as do orphanages and homes for the elderly." Mark Janz of World Vision studied these basic medical needs, and on 5 November 1991 issued a list of 17 typed pages of medical equipment and supplies which a consor­ tium of Christian missions must help to provide. Physicians still received only $45 a month, while a chauffeur received $42 a month. This may ex­ plain why one of the refugees interviewed among the Bari boat people was a medical doctor. One visitor reported that a doctor in a major hospital did not even have a stethoscope. A surgeon had only one pair of rubber gloves, which he washed between operations. A Dutch layman shared his observations: "A visit to the Children's Hospital in Tirana offers heartrending scenes. Babies die. They look premature, though full-born. The mothers cannot feed these children prop­ erly, so the children have no resistance to any infection. In the hospital there is a shortage of everything. It is hard to understand. There is no hygiene. Cockroaches walk over the desks" (AWO November 1991, 2). This report is borne out by the professionals. The UN Assessment Mission in June 1991 issued a report which abounded in expressions like the follow­ ing: "decrepit," "hopeless disrepair," "stained with blood and excrement," "rusty and dirty," "shortage," "malfunctioning," "absent." It concluded, "Albania has now the highest rate of maternal mortality in Europe, 57 per 100,000 live births!" (p. 31). Another United Nations agency, the UN Children's Fund, sent a mission to Tirana in August 1991 for a week of con­ sultation and study. They confirmed earlier reports of widespread malnutrition and an infant mortality rate up from 24 to 34 per thousand births in the last two years (UNICEF, Information, 23 August 1991, 2). Education. The educational network was also in a state of "catastrophic disorder" (Dielli April 1992, 6). The school curricula and textbooks which were completely oriented toward the now discredited communism had become obsolete. The Ministry of Education was seeking to have most of the textbooks rewritten, but there was no money for the revision, nor any paper on which to print them. Following summer vacation, schools were scheduled to reopen in early October 1991. But educational authorities discovered that 740 school buildings had been burned down or vandalized, their windows, desks, furnishings and facilities smashed (NY Times 8 Oc­ tober 1991, 7). There was no money for reconstruction. An Erseka bricklayer reported his local school quite unusable. "There is no glass in the win­ dows, no paper, no pens, no books and no heating" (Brockton Enterprise 22 March 1992, 4). The minister of education did not have enough money on hand for the plane fare to Oxford for an important international educators' meeting which he should have attended (Berry October 1991, 2). The Resulting Anarchy. Travel brochures once described Albania as "a socialist society with a low material level of living, but scenic beauties untouched by modern problems like pollution and violent crime" (NY Times 15 September 1991). This was no longer true. An American living in Tirana wrote, "Albania is presently in a state of anarchy. Having been let

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out of their 'prison,' some people think that the world is theirs for the tak­ ing. There is a spirit of poverty and depression here. The people lack any hope that their country will ever get back on its feet. Food is rationed, and sometimes even the rationed foods don't make it to the shops" (Golder 9 Sep­ tember 1991, 3). People interpreted the word "freedom" to mean that now they could do whatever they wanted. In April 1991 the ban on private ownership of automobiles was lifted. The number of motor vehicles multiplied im­ mediately. The streets no longer belonged to pedestrians and bicyclists. With few traffic policemen and even fewer traffic lights, the many inex­ perienced but enthusiastic drivers created chaos and mayhem on highways and streets. The UN Assessment Mission reported no form of threat or intimida­ tion during their visit. But a Dutch relief worker living in Tirana wrote in November 1991: Relief work is essential, but also very difficult. The State gave us a good storage place to use, and trucks and buses have come in from Norway, Sweden, Germany, Ireland and the Netherlands. But Albania is a finished country. In some towns even bread is missing now. In Peshkopi one loaf of bread costs as much as a week's wages. The budget of the Minister of Health is zero. He totally depends on help from abroad. There is a lack of injection needles, suturing material and iodine etc. Hepatitis B in­ creases, with 30,000 new cases. Many children die from malnutrition. The schools have no material to work with, and need notebooks, pens, pen­ cils, schoolbags, rulers etc. Many schools are without windows. There is no more a glass factory in Albania. I could continue this list. The people are desperate. They are finished, too. They have no more psychological strength to be patient. The country has become violent. Much robbing is going on, and it is normal to hear gunfire as soon as it is dark [Blaauw 19 November 1991, 1],

The morale of the population was very low. An Albanian-American pro­ fessional woman from New York City visited Albania for the first time, together with her husband. After praising the country for its natural beauty, she expressed grief over its great poverty. Most of the people live in small, cramped apartments, as many as 6 or 7 sleeping in one bedroom. . . . I was surprised to see that all balconies on first and sometimes on second floors have iron bars to prevent someone from entering. . . . One boy about nine years old, very handsome and bright, was looking at our car. I said to him, "One day you will have a better one." He looked at me in silence, and then said, "No, I'm not a per­ son, and shall never become a person."

One of the pictures sent to the newspaper with her description of the trip shows a little girl in the middle of the road waving to the driver, while ask­ ing for something to eat by raising her hand to her mouth (Dielli October-

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November 1991, 15). Enver Hoxha taught his people that it was better to starve than to compromise Stalinist principles: "Far better that we eat grass if we have to." He never had to, but for some of his isolated families it had actually come to that. But unrelieved hunger can make even a proud and principled person desperate and then violent. Emergency food storage depots and transport trucks were raided and looted. Relief workers finally reacted publicly. On 8 November 1991 a formal press conference was held in Tirana. Representa­ tives of the following international relief agencies were present: the United Nations, the Red Cross, Mëdecins Sans Frontiëres, Feed the Children, Swiss Disaster Relief, Equilibre, and the Albanian Relief Foundation. Their press release was broadcast live on Albanian television. It read in part: We learned that up and down this country, people were starved of basic food, medicines and clothing. Our response was to help. . . . We left behind our families, friends and loved ones. We have left our children. .. . Many of you were hospitable, opening your hearts and homes to us, and we experienced how proud, generous Albanians receive their guests. But alas, not all. You, the Albanian people, whose cries for help we responded to, have among you thieves and bandits who are disrupting and sabotag­ ing all our efforts to help you. The thoughtless, violent attacks against aid workers, the break-ins to store houses and even hospitals, and the over­ turning of our vehicles cannot be tolerated. Well-known incidents such as in Lushnja, Permet, Shkodra must not be repeated. Aid is deserved, it is not stolen. But it is being stolen by Albanians. We hope these people are ashamed, because they are robbing those who cannot fend for themselves. They are snatching food from the mouths of starving babies, destroying medicines which parents know their children need to survive. This must stop. To halt this spiraling violence we need your help. . . . Please help us help you. We want your town councils, your religious institutions and families to do what they can to assist us. . . . Please, each of you who cares about the bad reputation this minority is giving all your people and your country, do what you can to stop them. We want to continue our work here helping you, in your beautiful and resourceful country [Dielli October-November 1991, 15].

It may have been simplistic and self-serving to blame this "shameful thievery, destruction and sabotage" on the Communists, as one AlbanianAmerican did. But the Albanian economy was undeniably in utter collapse, with anarchy reigning supreme and the coalition government powerless to correct it. A British friend of Albania, following several visits, wrote in January 1992, "A major problem is lawlessness, looting of aid warehouses, hijacking of vehicles, violence, muggings, murders, thefts, ineffective polic­ ing and anarchy" (AET January 1992, 3). Automobile windshields and rear view mirrors were removed for resale, even in broad daylight. Ancient trees lining highways were cut down for firewood, leaving only a long row of stumps. Even Albanian museums were not immune. A retired Albanian-

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American schoolteacher visited her homeland and reported, "My heart sank when, while visiting Butrint, we heard that the ancient statues, an in­ valuable national treasure, had been stolen. I left the country with a wounded heart" (Liria January 1992, 4). In November 1991 Albania joined the International Police Organization (Interpol), hoping to interrupt inter­ national criminals from exporting her cultural treasures. Rumors that food reserves, especially grain supplies, would last only one week caused panic buying and rioting in several cities. After a series of burglaries and attacks on bread trucks in Tirana, police were given almost complete control of bread distribution there. President Alia authorized the use of army troops to put down three days of food rioting in northern Albania (Liria January 1992, 3). A Western diplomat said that he suspected that the Communists, who then controlled the secret police and the postal service, encouraged such excesses in order to discredit the collaborating Democratic party leaders. Certainly the Albanian people had been forewarned that the transition from a tightly controlled system to a democratically elected regime and free market enterprise might be slow and painful, but people did not expect the transition to be so slow and so painful as it was proving to be. A Tirana intellectual declared seriously that he believed the Communists in government were encouraging the disorder and anarchy so that people would blame democratization, long for the comparative order and control of the past, and vote Socialist (Communist) in the forthcoming election. That, however, would not happen. T

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With Albania's economy in ruins, emergency foreign aid was des­ perately needed. Tirana's experts called for $300 to $400 million in short­ term loans for the current crisis, and about $5 billion in foreign investments over the next five to 10 years so as to renovate its deteriorated infrastruc­ ture. But before investing such large sums in Albania's economic develop­ ment, most Western nations wanted to see some tangible moves toward privatization and the free enterprise system. Humanitarian needs, however, could not wait. A rather incredible number and diversity of agen­ cies responded generously. The initiative for Albanian relief was first taken by Albanian-Americans. In 1990 they founded the New England-Albanian Relief Organization (NEARO) which appealed to its constituency to contribute packages of food, clothing and medical supplies to be loaded into huge containers in Boston for shipment to Albania. In June 1991 the government of Albania requested the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) to undertake an assessment of urgent humanitarian needs. During the five-year period from 1987 through 1991 the UNDP had already allocated U.S. $6,647,000 to Albania, but committed itself to $6 million for 1992 to 1994. The United Nations FPA pledged $3 million for a five-year project. The United Nations Children's Fund, UNICEF, launched an appeal for U.S. $1 million to provide

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emergency food and medical supplies for the next six months. On 22 July 1991 the European Community's external relations commissioner visited Tirana and promised $590,000 for emergency food and medical supplies, plus 50,000 tons of European Community (EC) wheat. In 1992 Albania would receive about $30 million of the $1,200 million that the EC had set aside for eastern Europe. As though to make up for its forcible repatriation of the thousands of undesirable Albanian "boat people," Italy was one of the first and most liberal nations to grant assistance to the neighbor state. Italy organized "Operation Pelican," a $90 million emergency food program, and its freighters unloaded hundreds of tons of wheat and sugar daily at Durrës and Vlora during October 1991. During the last quarter of 1991 about 1,000 unarmed Italian soldiers went with their military trucks bearing the red, white and green Italian tricolor to distribute their life-giving sacks of food throughout the country. American military cargo planes transported 7,000 tons of emergency food supplies to Tirana during July 1991, mostly surplus military supplies from Dhahran, Saudi Arabia. The United States also pro­ vided a $45 million package of medical and agricultural development sup­ plies, as well as consultants in democratization processes, land reclamation and free market techniques. The United States also sent newer printing equipment and $10 million worth of powdered milk. The Peace Corps pro­ posed an initial input of 25 volunteers to move into the school system to teach English and work with youth development. Other volunteers with small business and health care expertise followed. Robert McFarlane of MAP International of Canada visited Albania in August 1991 to discuss the medical crisis with health authorities. Then he enlisted the collaboration of other evangelical missions: the Christian Medical and Dental Society, Evangelical Medical Aid Society, Mission Aviation Fellowship and Youth with a Mission. Known as the Albanian Health Projects (AHP), they pledged $10 million worth of medical and dental supplies per year to the people of Albania for five years. They pledged also to send 720 tons per year of milk powder, wheat and other foods to Albania for a two-year period, costing $600,000 per year. The AHP also drafted an imposing list of 14 projects, including a Christian Medical and Dental Center. The Feed the Children Fund of London was designed to provide emer­ gency food and clothing to poor children of Albania's homes, hospitals and other institutions. Besides contributions from concerned individuals and families, the London Sunday Times raised over $690,000 to help supply food and clothing which was trucked to Albania's orphanages and hospitals. In addition to the above, there was a rather bewildering assortment of agencies which shared concern for this formerly isolated pariah of the inter­ national community. A US/AID mission visited Tirana from 1 to 14 April 1991 to plan how to provide medical assistance. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) also sent a mission to Tirana in April 1991, then in October

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approved Albania's application for membership in that organization which helps governments in financial straits. The IMF also lent consultants to ad­ vise on the needed bank reform. The World Bank, which promotes de­ velopment and provides loans to poorer countries, sent a 17-member mission to Tirana in June 1991 to discuss a transitional economic program. The European Bank for Reconstruction and Development also sent a study delegation that June. In November 1991 the U.S. Commerce Department sent a Legal Assistance Mission to advise the Albanian government on Western legal systems and commercial regulations. Consultants discussed the laws needed to implement the transition from a command economy to a market economy. Germany pledged extensive medical equipment and supplies from the former East German army. An Albanian-American Trade Association established itself in Wash­ ington, D.C., and offered its services to American exporters and investors. The Albanian Relief Foundation, based on New York's Fifth Avenue, opened an office in Tirana. Greece and Turkey each promised loans of $20 to $30 million. During the summer of 1991 a number of foreign business in­ terests also visited Tirana. The presidents of Occidental Petroleum and of Union Carbide went to discuss investments there, and Occidental, Amoco and Chevron received offshore concessions along Albania's 260-mile Adriatic coastline. For the bankrupt but proud Albanian leadership, this flood of emergency aid must have caused both exhilaration and embarrass­ ment. But Albania's economy was still desperately poor. The poorest Western state in the European Community was Portugal; yet the Gross Na­ tional Product of Albania was only one-tenth that of Portugal. The level of Albanian poverty was dramatized before all the world from 12 January through February 1992 when no Albanian newspapers whatever were published because of the lack of paper. But overseas well-wishers came to the rescue, providing the paper needed to print the ballots for the March elections.

30. The Democratic Government of Sali Berisha (1992- ) TH E P R E P A R A T O R Y C A M PA IG N In happy contrast with the election campaign of the previous year, the Democratic Party leaders had sufficient time to organize and conduct this campaign. Accustomed as they were to the more sheltered life of the university, they had now become acquainted with the rough-and-tumble life of the political arena. Now too they could make better use of motor vehicles to reach the countryside and electronic equipment to reach the masses. Also they now had more access to the mass communications media formerly controlled by the Communist Party of Labor: the press, radio and television. While the incumbent Socialist leader Fatos Nano promised jobs and social security, the 47-year-old Berisha headed mass rallies urging a clean break with communism so as to encourage emergency aid and Western investments which would assure jobs and economic recovery. TH E D E C IS IV E ELEC TIO N (22 M A RC H 1992) The first multiparty election held just one year earlier under quite adverse circumstances gave the Communist Party of Labor, renamed the Albanian Socialists, a two-thirds majority of the seats in Parliament. This assured their continued control of government. Now for a second time voters went to the polls to elect officials for the 140 seats of Parliament, also called the People's Assembly. To assure a free, fair and peaceful election, Helsinki Commission staffers were on hand, as well as political observers from the United States and several European countries, and over 100 foreign journalists. There were very few reports of irregularities or in­ timidation. The voter turnout was heavy. The Democratic Party headed by Dr. Sali Berisha won an overwhelming victory. Of the 140 Parliament seats, the Democrats won 92, the Socialists 38, the Social Democrats seven, the Republicans one, and the Union for Human Rights (ethnic Greeks) two. Thus the Democrats and their opposition allies held a strong two-thirds ma­ jority of the seats in Parliament. For the first time in a half century the Com­ munists were no longer in control of Albania. Now the major concern was to 698

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establish a truly democratic government. Sali Berisha was nominated as Albania's first non-Communist president. He stated, "We are saying farewell to communism once and for all. It will never return" (Liria April 1992, 1). THE O R G A N IZ A T IO N OF A D E M O C R A T IC G O V ERN M EN T Because of the popular repudiation of communism, Ramiz Alia re­ signed as president on 4 April 1992. He was the last Stalinist leader in Europe to fall. In his place Sali Berisha, a heart surgeon, was elected presi­ dent, and another scholar, a 53-year-old archeologist, Aleksander Meksi, was elected prime minister. So it was that the first non-Communist govern­ ment in a half century held the presidency, premiership and 14 ministries, while its allies the Social Democrats and the Republicans held one portfolio each. The Communists had no representative in the cabinet. But neither, strangely enough, did Gramoz Pashko have any position there. The pro­ fessor of economy, who had drawn up the crash plan for privatization and economic reform called for by Berisha's "shock therapy" prescription, had severed relations because of disagreement over the temporary withdrawal of Democrats from Bufi's coalition government. P R O JE C T IO N S OF THE NEW G O V ERN M EN T Under the tightly centralized control of the entire economy by the Communist leaders, they set the goals and assigned the tasks to the workers. Now, having achieved freedom, neither leaders nor followers were quite sure what they should do, or how they should do it. Even the director of military personnel for the Commonwealth of Independent States (formerly Soviet Union) admitted candidly, "We know that we must follow the road of democratization. But we don't know how" (CSCE February 1992, 5). Albania's new leaders, however, knew that they must reestablish social order and introduce the reforms needed to bring about economic recovery so as to satisfy the high expectations of the masses. Otherwise the people might turn to any Pied Piper who comes over the horizon. The proposed program of the new government was designed to ac­ complish the following. (1) Cause a fast reform towards a market economy. (2) Discontinue the pension payment of 80 percent of their usual wage to the unemployed. (3) Assure emergency food, energy and water supply to the people. (4) Privatize the enterprises now operated by the state. (5) Com­ plete the distribution of collective land to farm families, about 60 percent having been distributed at the end of 1991 (Dielli January 1992, 7). (6) En­ courage the creation of new private firms, foreign investments and joint ventures between foreign and Albanian companies. (7) Lift controls on retail prices, excepting only electricity, oil products and telecommunica­ tions. (8) Liberalize foreign trade. (9) Integrate Albania into European

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political and economic structures, and even in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). As a first step in this direction, on 18 April 1992 reforms were approved which privatized much of the property in Albania and most state enterprises. The sale of homes to those living in them was approved, and the reforms put an end to subsidized food prices. THE EU RO PEA N C O N C E P T OF A LBA N IA N P R IO R IT IE S The East Europe Strategist for June 1991 outlined an interesting Euro­ pean concept of the major priorities for the development of the newly democratic Albania. These included the following: (1) A major highway to connect the Adriatic port of Durrës with the Greek port of Salonika on the Aegean Sea. (2) A modern north-to-south highway to link Albania with Greece and Yugoslavia. (3) An extension of the national railroad through Korcha to Greece. (4) An expansion of the port facilities of Durrës and Vlora, including improved railroad and highway connections. (5) The development of a national airline network. (6) A change of priority from heavy industry (such as steel, mining and electricity) to light industry (such as the manufacture of furniture, etc.), although chromium would still be important for the economy. (7) The modernization of oil production, for some of its equipment now dated back to 1928 and most of it from the 1940s. (Chevron and Occidental were exploring offshore sites.) (8) The ex­ ploitation of Albania's touristic potential, particularly in the southerly coastal riviera and the northerly alpine lakes and mountains. The ferry ser­ vice between Corfu and Saranda encouraged the opening of gift shops and restaurants for day-trip visitors. Sheraton was opening a seaside hotel near Durrës. Also, German and Italian firms were building villa communities along the scenic coastline. Many foresaw a democratic Albania firmly sup­ ported by a foundation of light industry, chromium, petroleum and tour­ ism (ACB 1991, 83-85). A M ERIC A N E X P E C T A T IO N S FO R A D EV ELO PIN G A LBA N IA Considerable optimism was expressed by the United States Depart­ ment of Commerce concerning Albania's future. Initial assistance would emphasize emergency food and medicine to ease present shortages and economic advisors to help establish the framework for reform. To help in the development of "the superb mineral resources" in Albanian mountain ranges, the United States would cooperate with the World Bank and the In­ ternational Monetary Fund, would begin operating the Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) and the Trade Development Program (TDP), and sponsored the first commercial delegation: a trade mission in mining equipment and specialists in legal development. Albania's Adriatic and Ionian beaches had splendid tourist potential, and between the moun­ tains and the coast was highly arable land with great potential for food processing. There was abundant hydropower generating potential and

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facilities. The observer credited Hoxha with the fact that "Albania starts with a clean slate, needing everything, and able to afford almost nothing" (Dielli March 1992, 3-4). Albania's future appeared to lie in the fields of mining, tourism and agriculture. C O N C U R R EN T D EV ELO PM EN T S As the newly elected scholars and their associates were studying these and other priorities, several significant developments were unfolding. To discourage patriotic pilgrimages, the body of Enver Hoxha was exhumed on 3 May 1992 from his hero's tomb overlooking the city and reburied in a public graveyard. That same day the bodies of 12 other senior Com­ munist officials were reburied under heavy police guard (Berry May 1992). Meanwhile, Nexhmije Hoxha, with other former high Communist officials, was confined in prison awaiting trial for misappropriation of state funds With Yugoslavia falling apart, Albania's relations with Serbia worsened when Sali Berisha, a Geg like the Kosova population, favored recognition of their government-in-exile. Then Ismail Kadare, Albania's preeminent literary personality, returned home from his exile in France on 6 May 1992, declaring his support for the Democratic party but his unwillingness to serve in any public office. Difficulties facing the democratic government must have been high­ lighted ominously by a poll taken in July 1991. It showed that over 90 per­ cent of the Albanians believed that a free market economy and privatiza­ tion of property were essential for the country's economic development. Yet one must wonder whether many of these had just jumped thoughtlessly on an election bandwagon. For only one-third of the respondents thought that individuals should take more responsibility in providing for them­ selves. Yet more serious, over one-half thought that the state should take more responsibility in providing for everyone (Dielli December 1991, 3). It may take more than a heart surgeon's "shock therapy" to move a population from long-accustomed dependence on a centrally planned economy to responsible participation in a free market system. At a victory rally following the March 22, 1992, triumph of democ­ racy, Sali Berisha told 60,000 jubilant supporters: "We are saying farewell to communism once and for all. It will never return. The long night of com­ munism has ended. Albania celebrates the greatest day in its history!" (Philadelphia Inquirer 24 March 1992, 4). The expression "Long live Albania!" that had closed nearly every patriotic address for decades could now give way to a new one: RROFTË SHQIPËRIA DEMOKRATIKE! (Long live Democratic Albania!)

Indexed Maps of Albania The following three maps (Ancient Albania, Medieval Albania, and Modern Albania) contain the names of important places mentioned in the text. The index that precedes them identifies the map(s) on which each name is found and indicates its location by the letter and number coordi­ nates that appear on the map. For example, a notation of 1-C4 places a name on map 1 in square C4. Space limitations prevent these maps from containing all placenames mentioned in the text, but those that appear frequently are all represented on the maps. As an additional aid to the reader, names that could not be included are listed in the map index, with an indication of the location done in the same form as for names that do appear on the maps. A placename whose first two letters are italicized in the index is one that will not be found on a map. Names in all capital letters are countries, zones, districts or geographical features (such as lakes, rivers, seas or mountains). The map index also serves to cross-reference obsolete placenames to their modern replacements. Most often it is the modern name under which a place is to be found.

Ardenica, NE of Fier 3-E2 Argjirokastra = Gjirokastra Argos 1-D5 Arta, Gulf of 2-F3 ASIA MINOR 1-C7 Athens 1-D5 Avion or Valona, now Vlora

ACARNANIA district 1-C4 ACHAIA (Greece) 2-E4, 3-G4 Actium, opposite Preveza 1-C4 AEGEAN SEA 1-C6 AIBANON 2-C2 Albanopolis is now Zgërdhesh Alessio is now Lezha AMANTIA 1-B3 Ambracia is now Gulf of Arta Amphipolis 1-B5 Anatolia (Asia Minor) 1-C7 Antigonea was S of Gjirokastra Antipatrea is now Berat Antivari was Bar, now Tivari Aous is now Vjosa R Apollonia is now Pojani

Ballsh 2-D2 Bar is now Tivari Barbullush 3-C l Barch village, NE of Korcha Bari 1-B2 Barletta 1-B2 Belsh is SW of Elbasan 703

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Beneventum 1-Bl Benja is near Përmet Berat 1-B3, 2-D2, 3-E2 Bilisht 3-E4 Bitolj was Monastir BLACK SEA 1-A7 Blazi is near Lach Borova 3-F4 Bosphorus 1-B8 Brindisi 1-B2 Brundisium is now Brindisi BULGARIA 1-A5, 6 Btdqiza 3-D3 Burimas is near N side of Korcha Burrel 3-C3 Butrint or Buthrotum 3-G3 Bj/llis, SE of Fier 2-D2 Byzantium is now Constantinople

Cflkran is S of Fier 2-D2 CALABRIA 1-C1 Catanzaro 1-C2 Cërrik, S of Elbasan 2-D3 Cetinje, W of Titograd 3-A1 Cetush is near Dibra 2-C3 CHALCEDON, a district under Con­ stantinople 1-B7 CHALCIDICE Peninsula 1-B5 CEalcis of Euboea 1-C5 CHAMËRIA 2-E3 Chorovoda 3-E3 Cinamak site is SW of Kukës Clodiana is now Peqin Constantinople 1-B8 CORFU, once Corcyra 2-E2 Corinth 1-D5 Cosenza 1-C2 CRETE is S of Greece Croia is now Kruja Cuma is W of Naples CYCLADES islands are S of Euboea Cyme 1-C7

DACIA is now Romania DALMATIA 1-A3 Damastion, in Kosova 1-A4 Danja or Dagno 2-C2 DANUBE RIVER 1-A6

DARDANELLES 1-B7 DARDANIA 1-A4 Durdha 3-E4 Deabolis is Devoll Dedaj was near Shkodra Delphi 1-C4 Delvina 3-G3 DEVOLL 2-D3 Dibra 2-C3 Dioclea is now Zeta Dodona 1-C4 DRIN RIVER 3-B2 Drivasto ruins 1-A3 DROPULL 3-G3 Dubrovnik 1-A2 DUKAGJINI 2-C3, 3-C2 Dwlcigno is now Ulqin 2-C2 Dwnavec 1-B4 Durrës 1-B3, 2-C2, 3-D1 Dyrrhachium is now Durrës

Edessa is now Vodena 1-B5 EGNATIA, VIA, identified at 1-B6 Elbasan 1-B4, 2-C3, 3-D3 Epidamnos is now Durrës EPIRUS 1-C4 Erseka 2-D3, 3-F4 EUBOEA 1-C5

Ferizaj of Kosova 1-A4 Fier 2-D2, 3-E2 Fierza, NW of Kukës 3-B3 Finiq, site at 1-C4, 2-E3 Fiorina 2-D4 Frashëri 3-F3

Gojtan, E of Shkodra 1-A3 Gjakova 2-B3 Gjirokastra 1-B4, 2-D3, 3-F3 Gora, NW of Korcha 2-D3 Gorre, SW of Lushnja 3-E2 Grabova 2-D3 Gradec, N of Shkodra 2-B2 Gramshi 2-D3, 3-E3 GREECE 2-E4, 3-G4 Halicarnassus, now Budrum, in Asia Minor opposite Kos

Indexed Maps o f Albania Hani i Hotit 3-B2 Hellas is now Greece HELLESPONT is Dardanelles Heraclea is now Monastir Heraclea, Italy, is near Taranto Himara 1-B3, 2-D2, 3-F2 Hoçhist 3-E4 HOTI 2-B2 ILLYRIA or ILLYRICUM, the medi­ eval name of Albania IONIAN SEA 1-D3 Ipek, Peja or Pec 1-A4, 2-B3 ISCHIA in Bay of Naples 1-B1 ISSA, now Lissa Island off the Croa­ tian port of Split Istanbul or Stambol is Constantinople 1-B8 ITALY 1-B1 ITHACA 1-C4 Janina is now Yanina

705

LEMNOS 1-C6 LESBOS, now Mytilene 1-C7 Leshan, SE of Elbasan 3-D3 Leshnja 3-E3 Leskovik 3-F4 LEUKAS, Ionian island 1-C4 Lezha, was Lissus 1-B3, 2-C2, 3-C2 Librazhd 3-D3 Lushnja 2-D2, 3-E2 Lychnidus is now Ochrida MACEDONIA 1-B4 Moliq, NW of Korcha 3-E4 MALLAKASTRA 2-D2, 3-E2 Marathon 1-C5 MARTANESHI 3-D3 MAT 2-C3, 3-C2 Mborja, SE of Korcha 3-E4 Methone 1-B5 M/RDITA 2-C3, 3-C2 MOESIA 1-A6 MOKRA 3-D3 MOLOSSIA 1-C4 Monastir is now Bitolj 1-B4, 2-D4 MONTENEGRO 3-Bl Moskopolis is now Voskopoja MT. ATHOS 1-B5 MT. OLYMPUS 1-B5 MT. TOMOR 3-E3 MT. VESUVIUS near Naples 1-B1 Mukaj, a suburb of Tirana Mycenae 1-D5 MYZEQE plain 2-D2

Kakavia 3-G3 /Camnik 2-D3 Kamza, 4 miles N of Tirana K anina 3-F2 Kavaja 2-C2, 3-D2 Klodiana is now Peqin KOLONJA district 3-F4 Kolshi, W of Kukës 3-B3 Komani 3-B2 Konispol 3-G3 Konitza 2-D3 Koplik 2-B2, 3-Bl Korcha 1-B4, 2-D3, 3-E4 K O SO V A 2-B3, 3-D4 Kosturi is now Kastoria 2-D4 Kruja 2-C2, 3-C2 Ksamili, S of Saranda 3-G2 Kwchi 3-F2 Kuch' i Zi, SE of Korcha 3-E4 Kuchova, was Stalin 3-E2 Kukës 2-B3, 3-B3

Naples 1-B1 Narta, NW of Vlora 3-El Neopolis, Italy, is now Naples 1-B5 Nepravishta is near Gjirokastra Nicea 1-B8 Nicopolis is now Preveza Nikae is near Byllis Nissa is Nish 2-A4 NORICUM is now Austria, Bavaria Novi Bazar 1-A4, 2-A3

Labinot, E of Elbasan 3-D3 Lach, N of Kruja 3-C2 LAKE OCHRIDA 2-C3, 3-D4 Lake Presba 3-E4 Larissa 1C5

Ochrida 1-B4, 2-C3, 3-D4 OLYMPIA 1-C4 Onchesmos is now Saranda Opari 2-D3 Orchomenus is near Athens

706

In d e x e d M a p s o f A l b a n ia

Oriku 2-D2 Orosh 2-C3, 3-C3 Otranto 1-B3 Padua is W of Venice Palermo is in NW Sicily Panariti 3-F3 Pannonia is eastern Austria and Hungary Patras 1-D4 Pazhok 2-D2 Pec, Peja, now Ipek 1-A4, 2-B3 PELAGONIA, zone around Monastir 2-C4 Pella 1-B5 PELOPONNESUS 1-D4 Peqin 2-C2 Përmet 3-F3 Peshkopi 2-C3, 3-C3 Petrela, SE of Tirana 2-C2 Philippi 1-B6 PHRYGIA, Eastern Asia Minor Piana degli Albanesi, near Palermo, Sicily Piskova is in Përmet district Plasa is 3 miles NE of Korcha Plataea is near Thebes Podgoria, N of Korcha 3-E4 Podgoritsa is now Titograd POGONI 3-G3 Pogradec 2-D3, 3-E4 Pojani, former Apollonia, 4 miles W of Fier 3-E2 Pompeii is on Bay of Naples Potidaea 1-B5 PRAEVALIS, from Lezha along Dalmatian Coast 2-B2 Prenjas 3-D4 Preveza 1-C4, 2-F3 Prishtina 1-A4, 2-B4 Prizren 1-A4, 2-B3 Progri 3-E4 Puka 2-B2, 3-B2 PULTI, SE of Shkodra 3-C2 Pydna, now Kitnon 1-B5 Pylon, SE of Ochrida 2-C3 Pylos was near Mycenae Qukës 3-D3 Ragusa is now Dubrovnik Rapska is near Përmet

Rehova, S of Erseka 3-F4 RHODES is an island off SW coast of Asia Minor Rinas Airport, Tirana 3-D2 ROMANIA 1-A6 Rrogozhina 3-D2 Rubik, SE of Lezha 3-C2 Salona, once Spalato, now Split Salonica is Thessaloniki SAMOTHRACE 1-B6 SAPPO, zone S of Shkodra 3-C2 Saranda 1-C3, 2-E3, 3-G3 Sardis 1-C7 Sazani 3-F1 SERBIA 2-A4 Shëngjin 2-C2, 3-C2 Shijak 3-D2 Shkodra 1-A3, 2-B2, 3-B1 SHKUMBINI RIVER 2-C2, 3-D2,3 Shkup is now Skopje Shtoj, N of Shkodra 3-Bl Skampa is now Elbasan Skopje 1-B4, 2-C4 SKRAPARI 3-F3 Smyrna is now Izmir 1-C7 Sofia 1-A5 Spach 3-C3 Sparlato is now Split 1-A2 Sparta, SW of Argos Split 1-A2 Sfagira is now Stavros 1-B5 Stalin is now Kuchova Stamboll is Constantinople Stobi 1-B5 Stridon, now Striga in N Dalmatia Such, SE of Burrel 3-C3 Syracuse is in SE Sicily

Taranto, Tarentum 1-B2 Tepelena 2-D3, 3-F3 T h ebes, NW of Athens 1-C5 Thermopylae 1-C5 Thessalonica 1-B5 THESSALY 1-C4 THRACE 1-B6 Tirana 1-B3, 2-C2, 3-D2 Tiryns, SE of Argos Titograd, formerly Podgoritsa 1-A3, 3-A1

Indexed Maps o f Albania Tivari, formerly Antivari, Anti-Bari, now Bar 2-B2 Trebicka 3-F3 Treni, near Lake Presba 2-D3 Treska, near neighbor of Panariti Trieste, NE Adriatic Sea TROAS 1-C7 TROPOJA 3-B2 Troy 1-C7 TYRRHENIAN SEA 1-Cl

Velcha, SE of Vlora 2-D2 Vithkuq 3-E4 VJOSA or VOIOSA RIVER 3-E2 Vlora 1-B3, 2-D2, 3-F1 Voskopoja 3-E4

Xora, site S of Butrint 3-G3

Yanina 1-C4, 2-E3 Ulqin, former Dulcigno 2-C2 Uskup is now Skopje 1-B4, 2-C4

Valbona 2-B2 Valona is now Vlora Varna 1-A7 Vashtëmia, NW of Korcha

k

ZADRIMA, district S of Shkodra 2-C2 Zollte-Herrit, NE of Tirana 3-D2 Zara, Venetian port in upper Dal­ matia Zeta, formerly Dioclea near Split Zgërdhesh, on site of ancient Albanopolis 2-C2, 3-D2

707

5___ 24°_____ 6___ 26°_____ 7___ 28° 8

708

J_____ 16°____ 2_____ 18°____ 3_____20°

Indexed Maps of Albania: Map 1

28° 8

In d ex ed M aps o f A lban ia: M ap 2 709

In d e x e d M a p s o f A l b a n i a : M a p 3

710

20° 30 '

1

£ 4?> 30'

_

-----I-----

MODERN ALBANIA

^Titograd d ep en den ce Maintained in 1913 by Yielding Y i• Half her.Territory and Population Hani i Hotit

B. Curri

/

^ KOSOVA

.

42° 30'

Bibliography Adamidi, G. Les P elasges et leurs D escendants les A lban ais. Cairo: Imprimerie Na­ tio n al, 1903. Adeney, Walter Frederick. T he G reek an d Eastern C hurches. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1908. Aeschylus. T he Suppliant M aidens. In The C o m p lete G reek T ragedies, vol. 1. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1959. A lban ia. Editors of N ew A lban ia. Tirana: 8 Nëntori Publishing House, 1984. A lban ia. Ed. F. Konitza. Monthly. Brussels: Redaction de la Revue Albanaise 1897-1903; London, 1903-1909. A lban ia. Ed. Parashqevi Kyrias. Weekly. Worcester, Mass., 1918-1920. A lban ia T od ay (AT). Official bimonthly. Tirana. A lban ian C ath olic Bulletin (ACB). Annual. San Francisco: Albanian Catholic In­ formation Center. Albanian Committee for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (AlbCom). A lban ian on the W ay to Socialism . Tirana: Publishing House of the Albanian Committee for Cultural Relations, 1954. Albanian Evangelical Trust (AET). N ew s Letter. Ed. David Young. Monthly. Wrexham, Clwyd, Great Britain. Alia, Ramiz. R ep ort to the 9th C ongress o f the PLA. Tirana: 8 Nëntori Publishing House, 1986. Amnesty International. A lban ia: P olitical Im prison m en t an d the Law. London: Amnesty International Publications, 1984. Ancient World Outreach (AW O). Insight. Ed. Barth Companjen. Monthly newslet­ ter. Thessaloniki, Greece. A nte-N icene C hristian L ibrary (ANCL). Eds. Roberts and Donaldson. Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1867. Anthes, David and Kristy Anthes. M iracles fo r M ira. Report of November 1991. Travelog. 13 pp. A rea H a n d b o o k fo r A lban ia (A rea). Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1971. A rm ed Forces. Monthly military journal. London, 1987. A tdheu (Fatherland). Bimonthly Monarchist newspaper. New York. Bacheville, Frëres. 1822. V oyages d es Frëres B ach ev ille en E u rope et en A sie. 2d ed. Paris: Bechet Ainë, 1822. B ackgrou n d R ep ort 115. Ed. Louis Zanga. New York: Radio Free Europe Research, October 1985. Banduri, Anselmo. lm periu m Orientate. Paris: Typis Joannis Baptistae Coignard, 1711. 711

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Index Accord of Uskup 273-74 Admetus 79 A eneid 54-56; Pelasgian overtones in 74-75 Aeschylus 53-54 Agrarian reform 443-44 Agriculture; accomplishments of 53135; in 1st 5-YP 470-71; in 2nd 5-YP 475-76; in 3d 5-YP 480-81; in 4th 5-YP 484; in 5th 5-YP 493; in 6th 5-YP 506; in 7th 5-YP 514-15; in 8th 5-YP 589-91; in 9th 5-YP 681, 69091; collectivization of 443-47 Agron of Illyria 120-21 Albania: Ottoman occupation of 190327; Turkish administration of 200-2; sponsorship by Great Powers of Europe 335-36; governed by Interna­ tional Commission of Control (22 Jan.-7 Mar. 1914) 346; Soviet Union's economic partnership with 468-78; acceptance by Warsaw Treaty Organ­ ization 472; its contact with West through sports 602-3; Greek minori­ ties in 627-29 "Albania" of the Normans 161 Albanian Encouragement Project (AEP) 665-66 Albanian leadership, Ottoman Empire's enjoyment of 325-27 Albanian League see League of Prizren The Albanian Relief Fund (1915) 35556 Albanianism: the substitute religion 396-400; 546-56 Alexander Molossus 80-81 Alexander I of Macedonia 84-85 Alexander the Great: early training 90-

91; consolidation of his kingdom 91; the Persian campaign 91-93; death 93 Alia, Ramiz: early leadership in the Albanian Youth Union 584-85; re­ peated commitment to the Hoxha party line 622-40; hints of cautious change 640-41; resistance of pressures for radical change 643-59; visits to the U.S. and the United Nations 659-60; gradual yielding to riotous demands for democratization 66687 Alphabet Congress see Congress of Monastir Ambassadors, Conference of (at Lon­ don) 323-24, 335-36 Amintas I of Macedonia 83 Anastasius I of Durrës 149-50 Anjou family 166-67 Antigonus II Gonatas of Macedonia 111 Archelaus of Macedonia 86 Archeological ages in Europe 2 Archeology, role of in historical re­ search 2 Argos 61-62 Aristotle xiii Athanas, Anthony xi Athenagoras I, Patriarch xiii Athens 60 Atrocities toward civilians, contrary to Albanian character 352-55 Autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church 376-77

Baker, James, visit to Tirana 684-85 Balkan Alliance 274 721

722 Balkans, Indoeuropeanization of 10-11, 28, 56-59 Ball! Kombëtar (BK), National Front 415 Balluku, General Beqir 477 Balsha family 169; capitulation to Turks 175 Banja hydropower station 587 Bardhi, Frang 278 Bardhylli or "White Star" 82 Barleti, Marin 190, 277 Bashkimi (Union) Society of Stamboll 289-90 Bektashiism 223-25, 285-86, 373-74 Belgium, and promotion of Albanian nationalism 299 Belkameni, Spiro 266-67 Belushi, John xi Benja cave artifacts 10 Berat, Kosta Ieromonaku 282 Berisha, Sali: head of Democratic party 667; visit to U.S. for Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) 687; Democratic election 698; his Democratic government 699; Democratic priorities 699-701 Bogdani, Andrea 279 Bogdani, Pjetër 278-79 Boletini, Isa: resistance of Turkish ar­ mies 265-66; promotion of general uprising 268; pistol diplomacy in London 339 Bopp, Franz 31 Boundaries, defined by Great Powers 336-39 Bredhi, Naum Panajot see Veqilharxhi, Naum Brocardus, Archbishop of Tivar 277 Bronze Age 11-25 Budi, Pjetër 278 Bulgaria, and promotion of Albanian nationalism 298-99 Bulgarian period of occupation 155-56 Burial practices see Graves and burial practices; Tumuli or grave mounds Butrint or Buthrotum: discovery by Ugolini 5; archeological remains 27; Trojan heroes 49; the Baptistry 152 Buzuku, Gjon, production of his 1555 Meshari 278 Byron, Lord George Gordon xiii-xiv

In d e x

Çabej, Eqrem 34-35 Camarda, Demetrio 31-32 Canon of Lek (Dukagjin) 176 Ceramics, improved by potter’s wheel 28 Chakerri, Musa Berberi, of Berat 307-8 Chekrezi, Constantine 411 China, economic partnership with Maoists 478-504 Choba, Bishop Ernest, beaten to death for secret Easter service 509 Christianity: origin in Roman-occupied Palestine 138; penetration of Albania during apostolic age 138-40; until di­ vision of empire (395) 140 Chromium 588 Church property, Turkish administra­ tion 209-13 Cicero, adoption of Durrës while in exile 127 Civil War and the communists 421-24 Clement XI, Pope xiii Codex Purpureus Beratinus of Chrysos­ tom 282 C odices o f Berat 282 Cojo, Nuchi and Boston's Zëri i Shqipërisë radio 410 Collectivization of agriculture 443-47 Communism: rise of 393-95, 415-18; planned takeover of Albania 423-24 Communist government: condemnation of legaliteti or pro-Zog monarchism 421; extermination of dissenters under 432-33, 450-55; organization of post-war government 432-33; con­ cealment of true communist character 433-39; government structure under 439-40; party structure 440-41; economy, planning of 468-69, 525-26; prison system 527; freedoms restricted by 538; social security under 538-40; woman under 557-59, 622; persecution of religious leaders 559-62; olive production under 589-90; private plots for peasants under 590-91; festivals under 599600; role of radio and television in 600-1; medicine under 601-2; family under 603 Comnenus family 164-65 Conference of Ambassadors (at London) 323-24, 335-36

Index Conference on Security and Coopera­ tion in Europe (CSCE) 682-84 Congress of Berlin 256-58 Congress of Communist Party: 1st (822 Nov. 1948) 468; 2d (31 M ar.-7 Apr. 1952) 470; 3d (25 May-3 June 1956) 474; 4th (13-20 Feb. 1961) 477; 5th (1-8 Nov. 1966) 479; 6th (1-7 Nov. 1971) 490; 7th (1-7 Nov. 1976) 499; 8th (1-7 Nov. 1981) 509; 9th (38 Nov. 1986) 585; 10th (10 June 1991) 679 Congress of Dibra 266 Congress of Lushnja 367-68 Congress of Monastir or Alphabet Congress 308-10 Congress of Trieste 335 Conspiracies for independence during 1600s and 1700s 243-46 Constantine the Great 132 Constantinople, fall of (1453) 183-84; relocation of cultural treasures to Moskopolis or Voskopoja 184 Constitutions; Stalinist 500-1, 523; multiparty 677-78 Copper Age 2 Corfu channel incident 633 Council of Nicea 143 Councils of Albanian Catholic Bishops: 1st (1703) 245; 2d (ca. 1715?) 228-29; 3d (1871) 280; 4th (1895) 280 Crete, and its Minoan civilization 59-60 Crispi, Francesco, of Italy xiii; address to Bismarck 257-58 Crusades 161-62 Cultural development, stimulation by Greeks 98-103 Culture, accomplishments of: 535-59; in 1st 5-YP 471-72; in 2nd 5-YP 47677; in 3d 5-YP 481-82; in 4th 5-YP 484-85; in 5th 5-YP 494-99; in 6th 5-YP 506-9; in 7th 5-YP 515-19; in 8th 5-YP 594-614; in 9th 5-YP 69197; ethnic indices of 28 Curri, Bajram: leader of northern in­ surrections of 1912 272; at fall of Uskup 273; assassination 383

Dachau (Nazi death camp) 425-26 d'Ancona, Ciriaco 3

723

Decius the persecutor 130 Delmotzi uprising 260 Delvina, Sulejman Bey government (11 Feb.-14 Nov. 1920) 369-72 Demiraj, Shaban 35-36 Democratic landslide in Eastern Europe 641-44 Democratization see Reforms of 1990 Demographics: in 1979 501; in 1986 523, 586, 591 DeRada, Jeronim 34 Despotat of Epirus see Comnenus fam­ ily De-Stalinization program 667, 687 Devastation of Albania by World War II 425-26 Devoll ceramics 22-23; see also Maliq Diocletian, Valerius 131 Dionysius of Halicarnassus 48-49 Dochi, Prenk 301 Dodona shrine 48, 50, 71-73 Dukagjin family 175-76 Durrës: the Peloponnesian War 81; am­ phitheater 154-55; fall of the fortress to Normans 160 Dushan family 168-69

Economic law of communism 591 Economic straits 647-48 Education see Culture, accomplish­ ments of 5-Year Plans Educational Congress of Elbasan (1909) 316-17 Educational network 541-46, 594-95 Egnatian highway 133-34 Egypt, Albanian leadership in 331-32 Egypt, Alexandria and promotion of Albanian nationalism 298 Elbasan, metallurgical complex of 5045, 529 Emergency appeals to the West 69597 Emigration to U.S. 301-7; see also Dochi, Prenk; Koli, Kristofor; Luarasi, Petro Nini; Peci, Sotir; Noli, Fan S. Ëngjëll, Pal, baptismal formula of 277 Ermenji, Abas 422-23, 432 Etruscans 39-42 Euripides 54

724 European Common Market 655 European Powers: governing of Al­ bania during World War I 359-68 Evangjeli, Pandeli, and his government (16 Oct.-6 Dec. 1921) 375

Fascists 418-19 Ferdinand, King of Naples, and Skanderbeg 185-86 Feudalism: introduction by Normans 163-69 Fierza hydropower station 492, 505 Finiq 26 Fishta, Father Gjergj 395 Five-year plans, accomplishments of: 1st (1951-55) 470; 2d (1956-60) 473; 3d (1961-65) 479; 4th (1966-70) 482; 5th (1971-75) 490; 6th (1976-80) 499; 7th (1981-85) 509; 8th (1986-90) 585 Flaurimont Legend 162-63 France, occupation of Korcha district (1916-20) with benefits 363-65 Francis of Assisi, Saint 162 Frashëri brothers (Abdyl, Naim and Sami) 288-90 Free enterprise system, encouragement of 591-94 Fultz, Harry T. 376

Gajtan 26 Gentius, last King of Illyria 122-23 Gërmenji, Themistokli: launching of guerrilla band from Corfu 267-68; administration of Korcha district un­ til execution (1916-17) 363-64 Gjika, Elena 295-96 Gold reserve, dispute over 463, 633 Gothic invasions 146-49 Gradec 9 Grameno, Mihal 263-64, 296-97 Graves and burial practices: under ear­ then floors 5-6; grave mounds or tumuli 12-13, 22-23 Grebene, Bekir plot 345 Grecha, Memorandum of (1911) 270 Greece: commercial expansion through­ out Mediterranean 94-95; occupation of southern Albania (1912) 274, 342-

In d e x

44; and the promotion of Alba­ nian nationalism 297; 1914-16 359, 361 Greek Orthodox Church: its adminis­ tration by the Turks 205-6; confusion of Greek religion with nationality 207 Greek War of Independence with Al­ banian leadership (1820-26) 327-28 Gropa family 175 Gurakuqi, Luigj: joining with Ismail Kemal in convening Assembly of Grecha 270; as head of Elbasan Nor­ mal School 316-17; assassination of 382-83

Hamid II, Sultan Abdul: suspension of promised democratic constitution 255; ignoring of final Albanian ap­ peal 260-61 Hamp, E. P. 4 Herodotus 46-47 Hesiod 51-52 Hippocrates xiii, 85 Homer xiii; and Troy 52-53; daily life of Troy 63-68; Pelasgian overtones 74-75 Hoxha, Enver: Stalinist schoolteacher 429-30; elimination of dissent 432; deception of the electorate 433-39; the Hoxha government 439-518, 52324; expropriation of private wealth under 441-42; partnership with Yugo­ slavia (1944-48) 460-68; partnership with Soviet Union (1948-61) 468-78; partnership with Maoist China (196178) 478-504; economic isolation (1978-85) 504-19; death of 519-22; anti-Hoxha demonstrations 669, 68081; resentment of his luxurious life­ style 680-81 Hoxha, Nexhmije: activist background 585; bending to westward pressure 655; financial irregularities 680-81; arrest of 687, 701 Hoxhi, Koto: his Albanian school at Gjirokastra 290; visit in prison by Sevasti Kyrias 290-91 Human rights and flights to freedom: Albania's notorious record on human

Index rights 605-6; the Popa family 606-7; other defectors 607; Tirana's defense of its position 630-31; July 1990 exodus 656-58; March 1991 exodus 669-71; August 1991 exodus 68587 Hylli "The Star" 81

Iconoclasts 154 The Iliad 52-53 Illyrians: the Illyrian parentage 36-38; the colloquium of Illyrian studies 517; colloquium on Illyria at Geneva 595-96 Image worship 154 Indo-European: languages 43-44; place of origin 44-45; time of its diversifi­ cation 45 Industrial expansion and human slavery 96-97 Industry, achievements of 528-30; in 1st 5-YP 470; in 2d 5-YP 474-75; in 3d 5-YP 480; in 4th 5-YP 483; in 5th 5-YP 492-93; in 6th 5-YP 504-6; in 7th 5-YP 513-14; in 8th 5-YP 586-89; in 9th 5-YP 689-90 Iron Age 3, 25 Iron nickel mines 588 Islam: rise of 170; expansion into Europe 170-71 Islami sisters 519 Islamization of Albania, causes of: compulsion 213-16; taxation 216-17; confiscation of lands 217; industrial restrictions 217-18; preferments 218; social pressures 219-21; hostages 22122; abductions 222; drafting as Janis­ saries 222-23; peculiar appeal of Bektashiism 223-25; marital regulations 225-26; welcome of Christian mal­ contents 226; sufficiency of a formal profession of Islam 226-29; death for apostates 229; religious disunity among Albanians 229-31; decadent character of Albanian Christianity 231-34; materialistic outlook of Al­ banians 234-36; appeal of Islam to the soldierly Albanian 236-39 Italian Archaeological Mission 26 Italy: Arbëreshë promotion of Alba­

725

nian nationalism 299-301; unity with Albanian leadership (1860-71) 32930; seizure of Vlora district (1914-18) 360-62; expulsion 370-71; invasion of Albania (7 Apr. 1939) 404-5; reaction of Western nations 410-11; Italian reorganization of Albania 411-14; mounting resistance until Italy quits the occupation 418-21; see also DeRada, Jeronim; Nationalism

Jacques, Edwin E., report 615-17 Jennings, Peter, report 617-18 Jerome xiii, 148 Jesuits in Shkodra 253 Jewish community 666 Jihad or holy war 203-4 Jokl, Norbert 33 Julian the Philosopher and Apostate 132-33 Junik, Assembly of (1912) 271 Justinian, Emperor of Byzantium 151

Kadare, Ismail: defection to France 660-61; visit to U.S. for CSCE 684; return to homeland 701 Kastrioti family: being overwhelmed by Turks (1421) 177; withdrawal from Albania 190; see also Skanderbeg Kavalioti, Theodor, of Voskopoja 282 Kemal Bey, Ismail: calling assembly at Grecha 270-71; Declaration of Inde­ pendence at Vlora (28 Nov. 1912) 320-23; Independence Day flag 32223; his provisional government 32946; inadequate preparation for state­ hood 334-35; his dedication to Al­ bania 366-67; his death 367 Kennedy, Phineas B. 286-87 Khrushchev, Nikita: his quarrels with Hoxha 477-78 Kingdom of Arbëria see Anjou family Kodra, Greek atrocities in 348 Koli, Kristofor 301 Komani: Illyrian culture 153-54; hydropower station 513, 587

726

In d e x

Komitet or "Çeta" guerrilla bands 261-62 Konak dormitories 287-88, 301 Korcha: boys' school see Mësonjëtoreja; girls' school 286-87; Greek in­ surrection in (1914) 347-48 Korkuti, Professor Muzafer 3 Kosova, Battle of (1389) 171 Kosova Committee (1918) 366 Kostallari, Professor Androkli 35 Kristoforidhi, Konstantin 31 Kurti, Shtjefen: execution for baptizing baby 495 Kyrias family 286-87

Lambertz, Maximillian 33 Lambro, Donald xi Language of Albanians, conservation of: Arbëreshë community of southern Italy 284-85; Greek Orthodox com­ munity 283-84; Roman Catholic community 277-81; Muslim com­ munity 285-86; Protestant community 277-81; ancient traces of Albanian 275-76; suppression by Ottomans 276; condemnation by Ottoman government and Greek Church 307-8 Language standardization 471; aban­ donment of Geg dialect 484; stan­ dardization of spelling 494; encouragement by dictionaries of wider use of 506-7; popularization by other publications and symposia 515-16 Laramani: "occult" or secret Christians 227-29; of Stublla 254 Larissa 40 League of Albanian Writers and Artists (LAWA): enlistment to encourage use of standardized language 471; merger of artists and writers 476; united membership reaching 400 485; enlistment to disparage religion 488; punishment for "criticism from be­ low" 495; membership exceeding 1900 517; creativity encouraged 596-99 League of Prizren (1878) 256-57 Leibnitz, Godfried Wilhelm 30 Linear writing systems: Linear A of the Minoans 25; Linear B of the Mycenaeans 24-25

Linguistics 29 Liolin, Chancellor Arthur 613-15, 652, 663-64 Liria: freedom organization 410; its patriotic newspaper of Boston (1940) 410-11 Literacy 471 Luarasi, Petro Nini: teaching in Alba­ nian schools 292-94; in U.S. 302 Luli, Fr. Ndoc, imprisonment for bap­ tizing nephews 509

Macedonia: its nonrecognition as Greek 83, 84, 89; flourishing under Philip II and Alexander the Great 8693; its decline during three wars with Rome 110-14 McLean, Col. Neil, English antifascist commander 422-23 Maliq: swamp dwellings 7; palafite post dwellings 8-9; during Early Bronze period 11; during Middle Bronze period 21-22; during Late Bronze period 22-23 Marconi, Professor Pirro 3 Masselin Affair 518 Meshkalla, Fr. Pjetër 620 Mësonjëtoreja, first boys' school in Korcha 291-95 Messapian inscriptions along south­ eastern coast of Italy 36-37 Meyer, Gustav 32 Mining 514, 529; see also Chromium, its exploitation; Iron nickel mines Minoan civilization 59-60 Mjeda, Ndre, poet and patriot 310 Molossius 78-79 Money economy 95-96 Monun of Illyria 120 Moskopolis see Voskopoja Muhammad 202 Multiparty system: authorization of 666-67; first elections 673-76; first multiparty government 678; fall of coalition government (1991) 687 Muslims see Bektashiism; Islam; Sunni Muslims Mussolini, Benito: plan for annexa­

Index tion of Albania 410; grand design for Italy 411 Muzaka family 167; capitulation to Turks 174 Mycenae: discovery of by Schliemann 23-24; artifacts 24; pottery and trade 25; Pelasgian civilization 60-62

Naçi, Nuçi 293-95 Nasi, Thomas, Vatra bandmaster 37072 National Bank controversy (1913) 344 National Liberation Movement (NLM) 415-18 National Library of Tirana 517, 596 Nationalism, promotion of by Albanian overseas patriotic societies: in Istan­ bul, Turkey 288-94; in Bucharest, Romania 295-96, 327; in Athens, Greece 297; in Alexandria, Egypt 298; in Sofia, Bulgaria 298; in Brus­ sels, Belgium 299; in Southern Italy 299-301; in U.S. 301-7 Nationalization of industry 442-43 Ndrenika, Leonida 34 Nezir 10, 22 Noli, Fan S.: patriotic activism in the U.S. 304; intervention at League of Nations (Nov. 1920) 373; churchman and statesman 377; government of (17 June-24 Dec. 1924) 380-81; postlude 395 "North Epirus," Greek claims on 34849, 352, 627 Nosi, Lef, of Elbasan 436-37

Octavius, enrollment by Julius Caesar at Apollonia 128-29 The Odyssey, in Pelasgian overtones 53, 74 Onufri of Berat 620 Oriental Schism, Rome and Constan­ tinople split in 1054 158-59 Orsini family 165-66 Orthodox Church see Autocephalous Albanian Orthodox Church Orthodox League (1909) 313-15

727

Ottoman government, recognition of "Protectorates" of Christian minori­ ties: in France 246-47; in Austria 247; in Italy 247-48; in Russia 248

Pan-Albanian Federation see Vatra Paris Peace Conference (1919-20) 366; the treaty 368 Pasha, Ali, of Yanina 249-51 Pasha, Mahmud, family of Shkodra 251-52 Paul VI, Pope, address to United Na­ tions General Assembly xii; release of Patriarch Athenagoras from anathemas of 1054 xiii Peci, Sotir, educator 303-5, 368; public school system of 373 Pedersen, Holger 32 Pelasgians: in the Balkans 11; at Troy 14-21; the paleoindoeuropeans 38-39; and the Phoenician alphabet 41; lan­ guage 40-43; arrival in the Balkans 43; distribution 46-47; relation to Greeks 56-59; occupation of Balkans 59-60; nature worship 66-72; embel­ lishment of worship by Greeks 1039; mysteries unresolved 76-77; see also Troy; Van Windekens, A. J. Percy, Sir Jocelyn, British Inspector General of Zog's gendarmerie (1925) 383 Perdiccas 1 of Macedonia 83 Perdiccas II of Macedonia 85 Perseus of Macedonia 114-15 Pharos, Demetrius, of Illyria (to 219 b .c

.)

122

Philby, Kim, betrayal of Anglo-Ameri­ can saboteurs 473 Philip II of Macedonia: consolidation of Macedonian tribals 87; head of Macedonia, Epirus and Illyria 87; ex­ pansion of kingdom into Greece 8889; feud with Demosthenes 89; assas­ sination 90 Philip V of Macedonia 112-14 Photius 157 Piao, Marshal Lin 482, 491, 502 Pleuratus of Illyria 122 Plutarch 49 Popa family 606-7

728

In d e x

Population see Demographics Post-World War II government, objec­ tives of 428-29 Praetorian Guard and the Illyrian soldier-emperors 129-30 Prashniker, Camille, Austrian arche­ ologist 3 Press, Albanian, of Monastir and Gjergj Kyrias 310-12 Prishtina, Hasan: as Deputy of Turkish Parliament, demanding Albanian rights 270; convening of Assembly of Junik 271; government of (6 Dec.-11 Dec. 1921) 375 Probus, Marcus Aurelius 130-31 Protocol of London 255 Pyrrhus Neoptolemy 78-79 Pyrrhus of Epirus 116-19

Railways, progressive expansion of 464, 480, 483, 492-93, 505-6, 513, 529-30, 587 Reforms of 1990 648-54 Refugees, and their mass exodus from the communist system: 656-59, 668, 671, 685-86, 688, 690 Religion: subjugation of by communist state 447-52, 459-60; persecution of leaders 452-58; official prohibition of (13 Nov. 1967) 485; survival of re­ ligious customs 497-98; ban on reli­ gious names 498-99; acknowledg­ ment of persistence of religious faith by the state 458; persistence of de­ spite persecution 562-81; restoration of religious freedom (1990) 650-52, 661-66 Renaissance in Europe 200 Resistance movements against fascism, gradual polarization of 420-21 Reval Programme for Anglo-Russian supervision of Turkey 264 Rey, Professor Leon, and his French Archaeological Mission 3 Rodhe, Kol 268 Roman Catholic Church, Turkish ad­ ministration of 208-9 Romanian promotion of Albanian na­ tionalism 295-96 Rome: subjugation of Albanian king­

doms (168 b . c . ) 110-23; resentment of Roman rule 126-27; extension of limited autonomy 133; devel­ opment of trade and the Egnatian highway 133-34; encouragement of agriculture 134-35; cultural and reli­ gious developments 135-38; reorgani­ zation of empire 143-45 Rozafat fortress of Shkodra 27; besiegement by Muhammad II 191

Sandfeld-Jensen, Christian 32-33 Schiro, Giuseppe 33 Schliemann, Heinrich, excavations of: at Troy 13-21; at Mycenae 23-25 Schneider, Edouard 32 Sejko, Admiral Teme, accusation and execution of 478 Serbia: occupation of northern and central Albania during Balkan War (1912) 274; ravaging of Albanian countryside (1913) 340-42; 1914 atroc­ ities committed by 352; occupation of northern Albania again (1915-16) 362-63 Shehu, Mehmet (military strategist) 430-32; death of (18 Dec. 1981) 51012 Shkodra, siege of (1913) 340 Shpata family 166; capitulation to Turks 173-74 "Shqiptarë" xiii Sina, Athanas, cooperation with Alba­ nian Press in Bible translation 312 Skanderbeg: training as a hostage 178; commitment to Albanian inde­ pendence 178-79; Tales of a Wayside Inn xiv; League of the Albanian Peo­ ple 179; treachery of Christian allies 180-82; marriage 185; treachery of aides 185; Italy campaign 185-86; collapse of the projected crusade 186; death of 187; religion of 188-89; see also Kastrioti family Slavery, in pre-Christian Albania 97 Sophocles 54 Stalin, Joseph: idealization by Tirana 468; his death 472; denouncement by Khrushchev 472; final repudiation by Albanians 667, 687

Index Steel mill at Elbasan see Elbasan, metallurgical complex of Stone Age 2; human characteristics 48 Strabo 50 Suleyman the Magnificent, assassina­ tion attempt at Himara 241-42 Sunni Muslims 202; declaration of in­ dependence of Caliph (1923) 379; see also Bektashiism; Islam

"Tanzimat" reforms of the Ottomans (1839) 252-53 Tefta of Illyria, provocation of Rome through piracy 121-22 Teresa, Mother 618-19 Thermopylae 47 Thomopullos, ]., scholar of Etruscan 39 Thucydides 48 Thunmann, Hans Erich, Swedish Albanolog 30 Topia family 167; capitulation to Turks 174-75 Toptani, Essad Pasha: rival govern­ ment of (1913) 344; arrest and depor­ tation (1914) 356-57; interim gov­ ernment (Sep. 1914) 358-59; assassination in Paris 372 Topulli, Bajo, of Monastir 262 Topulli, Çerçiz, of Gjirokastra 262-63 Tourism 603-4 Treaty of San Stefano (1878) 256 Trebicka, Dhimitri Nikolla, editor of Liria, Boston 410 Tren, ancient pictograph at 9 Trieste, Congress of 335 Troshani, Bp. Nikoll 619-20 Troy 13-14; artifacts of 14-15; the Greek presence 15-16, 19-21; religion 16-21, 47, 51-55; daily life 63; destruction 75 Tumuli or grave mounds 12-13 Turkey, Istanbul, and promotion of Albanian nationalism 288-94 Turkish occupation, handicaps in fac­ ing: military isolation 192; social fragmentation 192-93; emigration of leadership to Greece and Italy 19397

729

Ugolini, Professor Luigi, Italian arche­ ologist at Butrint 3, 5 Ulysses 74; see also The Odyssey United Nations Organization, admit­ tance of Albania to membership 472 United States: promotion of Albanian nationalism 301-7; resumption of diplomatic relations with Albania 671-73 UNRRA, post-WWII relief supplied by 426-27 Uprisings, in northern and southern Albania (1910-11) 268-70 Urban development, fortified hilltops as beginning of 23-26 Uskup and its capture (1912) 272-73; recognition of autonomy of four vilayets by Accord of Uskup 273-74

Van Windekens, A. J., of Louvain Uni­ versity 42-43; see also Pelasgians Vatra bandmaster at Korcha (July 1920) 369-71 Velcha, neolithic cave dwelling at 7 Venice, treachery of 171-72; betrayal of Skanderbeg 181-82 Veqilharxhi, Naum, author of first Albanian primer (1844) 283 Verlaci, Shefqet: his daughter snubbed by Zog, his government (1-15 Feb. 1924) 379; as prime minister under Italians 412 Versailles: peace conference (WWI) 366; peace treaty 368-69 Virgil 54-56; Pelasgian overtones in A eneid 74-75 Vocational school at Tirana (1921) 376 Von Hahn, Johan Georg 31 Voskopoja, formerly Moskopolis 184, 281-82 Vrioni, Iljas: government of (16 Nov. 1920-16 Oct. 1921) 372-75; second government of (15 Feb.-15 June 1924) 379-80

Western Albania, Norman occupation of 160 Westward cultural orientation, accel­ eration of 635-37

730

In d e x

Westward economic orientation, accel­ eration of 633-35 William of Wied, King: puppet govern­ ment of (17 Mar.-3 Sep. 1914) 346-58; initial blunders in the reign of 347; Shijak incident 357; abdica­ tion of (1914) 357-58 Wilson, President Woodrow: defense of Albanian independence at Ver­ sailles xvi; promised intervention at Paris Peace Conference 365-67 World Court, the Hague xii World War II: manpower losses during 424-26; devastation of Albania dur­ ing 426-28

Xara, paleolithic cave dwelling at 4; artifacts 6 Xoxe, Koçi, pro-Yugoslavia 466-67

YH' i Mëngjezit (Morning Star) society for women (1909) 312-13 Young Turks: announcement of con­ stitution (1908) 264; consequent ex­ plosion of Albanianism 265; suspension of reforms 265;

reorganization, forced by insurrec­ tions 270; resignation by insurrec­ tions (July 1912) 272; offer of cultural autonomy to Albanians 317; suppres­ sion of resulting cultural awakening 317-19 Ypi, the Xhafer Government (24 Dec. 1921-2 Dec. 1922) 375-78 Yugoslavia, acceptance of economic partnership with Albania 460-67

Zenevisi family 166; capitulation to Turks 174 Zëri i Shqipërisë (Voice of Albania), ethnic radio program of Boston 410 Zogu, Ahmet: brief government of (2 Dec. 1922-1 Feb. 1924) 377-79; three-year government as President (1925-28) 382-85; 11-year govern­ ment as King (1928-39); problems confronting 386; administration of 387-88; Zog era agriculture 388-89; Zog era industry 389-90; Zog era economy 390-91; Zog era education 391-92; Zog era culture 392-93; Royal Wedding of (27 Apr. 1938) 403-4; in historical perspective 4003; the Zogu postlude 405-7