The Age of Courtly Writing: Wen xuan Compiler Xiao Tong (501-531) and His Circle 9004225226, 9789004225220

Table of contents :
Dedication
Contents
Acknowledgements
Introduction
1. Born and Bred to be a Ruler
2. Gentlemanly Style: Xiao Tong’s Literary Inclination
3. Writing for the Crown Prince: Worthy with Words
4. Xiao Tong’s Encounters with Buddhism
5. Pondering on Reclusion and Rulership
Conclusion
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

The Age of Courtly Writing

Sinica Leidensia Edited by

Barend J. ter Haar Maghiel van Crevel In co-operation with

P.K. Bol, D.R. Knechtges, E.S. Rawski, W.L. Idema, H.T. Zurndorfer

VOLUME 106

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.nl/sinl

The Age of Courtly Writing Wen xuan Compiler Xiao Tong (501-531) and His Circle

By

Ping Wang

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2012

Cover illustration: Wenyuange siku quanshu edition of Zhaoming taizi ji (electronic version). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wang, Ping, 1973 The age of courtly writing : Wen xuan compiler Xiao Tong (501-531) and his circle / by Ping Wang.   p. cm. — (Sinica Leidensia, ISSN 0169-9563 ; v. 106)  Includes bibliographical references and index.  ISBN 978-90-04-22522-0 (hardback : alk. paper)  1. Xiao, Tong, 501-531—Criticism and interpretation. 2. Xiao, Tong, 501-531—Friends and associates. 3. Chinese literature—220-589--History and criticism. 4. China—Intellectual life—221 B.C.-960 A.D. I. Title.  PL2668.H7W36 2012  895.1’82409—dc23

2012003101

This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.nl/brill-typeface. ISSN 0169-9563 ISBN 978 90 04 22522 0 (hardback) ISBN 978 90 04 22825 2 (e-book) Copyright 2012 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper.

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For DRK and PWK, with gratitude

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Acknowledgements Introduction Born and Bred to be a Ruler What is in a Name? Establishment of the Eastern Palace Writing Profundity and Subtlety: Speaking of the Big and the Small Speeches on the Big and Small at the Chu Court A Third Century Interest in Playfulness: Fu Xian’s “Xiaoyan Fu” Dayan/Xiaoyan Poems By Xiao Tong and Others The Big and The Small: Lesson of Rulership Companions of Crown Prince Virtuous Words and Pure Dust: Friendship with the Crown Prince Portraying Crown Prince Gentlemanly Style: Xiao Tong’s Literary Inclination The Great Anthology Xiao Tong as the Compiler and his Preface to Wen Xuan An Age of Literary Proliferation Trimming Weeds and Brambles Setting Norms: The Case of Pei Ziye The Ambiguity and Potentiality of Qing Gentelmanly Writing Poetry as Experimentation A Taste of the “Frivolous” Brotherly Love Through Courtly Writing Writing for the Crown Prince: Worthy with Words Liu Family of Pengcheng Demanding Promotion: Liu Xiaochuo’s Exchange Poems with Ren Fang Attending to the Emperor with Poems Worthy with Words Literary Camaraderie and Competition: A Historical Review Remembering the North, A Repository of the Past Finding Comfort in a Versified Present Poems on the Third Day Festival: Celebrating the Curving Waters in a Water Land Same River, Different View The Tone of “Gentleness and Ease” A Long Exchange of Commiseration Xiao Tong’s Encounters with Buddhism Hosting Lectures on Buddhism in the Hanging Garden Notes between Emperor Wu and Xiao Tong on Buddhist Lectures Exchanges between Monk Fayun and Xiao Tong Commemorating with Verse Excursions To Buddhist Sites Matching Poems by Xiao Tong’s Literary Companion Between Filial Piety and Religious Identity Distancing from Buddhist Activities Pondering on Reclusion and Rulership Reclusion as a Key Topic in the Six Dyansties Reclusion As A Powerful Rhetoric: The Case Of Zhang Chon A Genuine Recluse and His Rejection of the Crown Prince Writing Tao Qian to Explain Himself: Xiao Tong’s Last Piece Conclusion Bibliography index

13 13 20

35 38 38 44

27 31

51 57 61 64 77 78 84

70

87

117 132 135

146 162 166

224

107 124

141

184 199 202

26

52

105 121

18

196

193

208 216 230

232 248 261

contents

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Contents Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

ix 1

1. Born and Bred to be a Ruler. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 What Is in a Name?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Establishment of the Eastern Palace . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Writing Profundity and Subtlety: Speaking of the Big and the . Small. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Speeches on the Big and Small at the Chu Court. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Third Century Interest in Playfulness: Fu Xian’s “Xiaoyan Fu”. Dayan/Xiaoyan Poems By Xiao Tong and Others . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Big and The Small: Lesson of Rulership. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Companions of Crown Prince. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Virtuous Words and Pure Dust: Friendship with the Crown . Prince. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Portraying Crown Prince . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

13 13 18 20 26 27 31 35 38 44

2. Gentlemanly Style: Xiao Tong’s Literary Inclination. . . . . . . . . . . . 51 The Great Anthology. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Xiao Tong as the Compiler and his Preface to Wen Xuan . . . . . . An Age of Literary Proliferation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Trimming Weeds and Brambles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Setting Norms: The Case of Pei Ziye. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Ambiguity and Potentiality of Qing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Gentlemanly Writing. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Poetry as Experimentation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Taste of the “Frivolous”. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brotherly Love Through Courtly Writing. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

51 52 57 61 64 70 77 78 84 87

3. Writing for the Crown Prince: Worthy with Words. . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Liu Family of Pengcheng. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Demanding Promotion: Liu Xiaochuo’s Exchange Poems with . Ren Fang. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107

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contents Attending to the Emperor with Poems. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Worthy with Words. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Literary Camaraderie and Competition: A Historical Review. . . Remembering the North, a Repository of the Past . . . . . . . . . . . . . Finding Comfort in a Versified Present. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Poems on the Third Day Festival: Celebrating the Curving Waters . in a Water Land . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Same River, Different View. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Tone of “Gentleness and Ease” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A Long Exchange of Commiseration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

117 121 124 132 135 141 146 162 166

4. Xiao Tong’s Encounters with Buddhism. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Hosting Lectures on Buddhism in the Hanging Garden . . . . . . . . Notes between Emperor Wu and Xiao Tong on Buddhist . Lectures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Exchanges between Monk Fayun and Xiao Tong . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Commemorating with Verse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Excursions to Buddhist Sites. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Matching Poems by Xiao Tong’s Literary Companion. . . . . . . . . . Between Filial Piety and Religious Identity. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Distancing from Buddhist Activities. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

184 193 196 199 202 208 216 224

5. Pondering on Reclusion and Rulership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 229 Reclusion as a Key Topic in the Six Dyansties . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reclusion As A Powerful Rhetoric: The Case Of Zhang Chong. . A Genuine Recluse and His Rejection of the Crown Prince. . . . . Writing Tao Qian to Explain Himself: Xiao Tong’s Last Piece. . .

230 232 248 261

Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 279 Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Index. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 297

acknowledgements

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Acknowledgements From its inception to the present final form, this book has taken almost a decade, but its message is a simple one. Stereo­types and clichés in literary history grow rapidly and reproduce themselves with amazing ease and tenacity, like weeds. It takes, however, much more attention and care to get to the truth, and even more effort to maintain it, because the reality may just be too plain to make a lasting impression. Narratives about literary history tend to tell much more exciting stories, with beginnings and endings, major changes and transitions, watersheds and turning points. But sometimes there isn’t that much drama, as much as we as humans love them. Often scholars create dramas. This book uncovers a period that has been left out in the dramatic representation of the Southern court and its writings in sixth-century China, an age that has long been condemned, and ironically somewhat championed, as one of “unrestrained indulgence in sound and sight.” Its literature, as the embodiment of sensual pleasures, is said to have led to the demise of Jiankang, the Southern capital. However, the truth of the matter, in terms of the spirit of the elite culture and their literary practice, comes out quite differently if one undertakes the old-fashioned and onerous exercise of reading (not cherry-picking), annotating, translating, and interpreting texts of all sorts. Circumspection and restraint were the norm in court life and its expressions in various forms. It was the dedication to balance, rather than extremity, that governed the thinking and writing of the Liang Crown Prince Xiao Tong and his companions, old and young, living and dead. This book gives priority to what they had to say on specific occasions instead of painting a sweeping big picture, the ample examples of which are in urgent need of review. In the process of writing this small book, I have had tremendous help from my two mentors, Professors David R. Knechtges and Paul W. Kroll, who most generously offered their time and expertise on countless occasions. It is to them that this book is dedicated. I have also had the good fortune to be in a field of supportive colleagues. Parts of the book have been presented at the Fifth Annual Medieval Studies Workshop and Early Medieval China Sourcebook Meeting, both hosted by Wendy Swartz. I am grateful for the comments and suggestions offered to me by Alan Berkowitz, Robert Campany, Jack

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Chen, Cheng Yu-yu, Goh Meow Hui, Liu Yuan-ju, Lu Yang, and Tian Xiaofei. A special thank-you goes to Pablo Blitstein who read the manuscript and offered extensive comments. Parts of Chapter Five were presented at the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Oriental Society and the 2008 Western Branch Meeting of the American Oriental Society. I thank the audience for their questions and input, especially Daniel Bryant, Cheng Zhangcan, Matthias L. Richter, and Madeline K. Spring. The manuscript received two official reviews and I would like to thank the reviewers for their hard work and most valuable comments, which greatly helped in the correction of some errors and refinement of my argument. I would also like to thank my colleagues in the Princeton community for providing intellectual stimulation by asking hard questions and for reminding me that there is a world outside academia. Martin Kern and Michael Nylan offered their time to read and comment on writings that are now part of the book. Sue Naquin, Benjamin Elman, and Willard Peterson gave invaluable comments during my presentation at the Institute for Advanced Study in November 2008. Material for part of Chapter Five first appeared in an article, “Between Reluctant Revelation and Disinterested Disclosure: Reading Xiao Tong’s Preface to Tao Yuanming ji,” in Asia Major 23.1 (2010), and I thank the editor for permission to use it. Lastly, I wish to thank my husband Changli and my daughter Crystal for their love and support. During this long and sometimes seemingly endless process, they indulged me with their faith in me.

introduction

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Introduction The Six Dynasties (220-589), which constituted the longest period of disunion in Chinese imperial history, is somewhat paradoxical in that despite political and social chaos it was a time that saw a flourishing of major cultural achievements, especially in the field of literary production.1 Monumental works such as the Gradation of Poets (Shi pin 詩品), Literary Mind Carving the Dragon (Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍), and the Selections of Refined Literature (Wen xuan 文選) all came out of the Liang 梁, the penultimate Southern dynasty of this divided period. It was a time when literature was for the first time established and recognized as an independent and legitimate discipline, and during which narratives of literary history were frequently formulated and debated. Despite the acknowledged and attested importance of Six Dynasties literature, it is still understudied and largely misunderstood. A persistent misconception has been that palace-style poetry (gongti shi 宮體詩) from the Liang dynasty was the predominant form of poetic production from this period. The condemnation of, and thereby inadvertently revealed obsession with, palace-style poetry are the unfortunate result of a long tradition that retrospectively associates an age of political disunity and disorder with moral and artistic “decadence.” The first influential criticism of Liang literature came from the conservative early Tang Confucian minister and scholar Wei Zheng 魏徵 (580-643), who in the History of the Sui Dynasty (Sui shu 隋書) commented: From the Datong era 大同 (535-546) onward, Liang literature lost the elegant way and gradually deviated from the norm. [Its authors] strived and contended for the new and the crafty. Emperor Jianwen 簡文帝 (Xiao Gang 蕭綱) (503-551) and the King of Xiangdong 湘東王 (Xiao Yi 蕭繹) (508-554) opened up the excessive and unbridled [writing style]. Xu Ling 徐陵 (507583) and Yu Xin 庾信 (513-581) each developed his own way. [Their] ideas were shallow and trivial, while [their] styles were obscure and ostentatious. Their use of words was flighty and haphazard. The emotions expressed were always plaintive and pensive. If Yanling 延陵 (Jizha 季札) (fl. 560s bce)2 1 For historical background on the Six Dynasties, see Dien, Six Dynasties Civilization; Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire; Lewis, China between Empires; Holcombe, In the Shadow; Luo Zongqiang, Wei Jin Nanbeichao; Wang Zhongluo, Wei Jin Nanbeichao. 2 Yanling, modern day Changzhou 常州 in Jiangsu, was Wu prince Jizha’s ­enfeoffment. Jizha, the youngest son of Wu King Shoumeng 壽夢 (?-561 bce) is an oft-cited moral para-

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introduction would lend his ears to [Liang literature], [he would] probably say that it is the music of a perishing state! 梁自大同之後, 雅道淪缺, 漸乖典則, 爭馳新巧。簡文、湘東, 啟其淫放, 徐 陵、庾信, 分路揚鑣。其意淺而繁, 其文匿而彩, 詞尚輕險, 情多哀思。格以 延陵之聽, 蓋亦亡國之音乎!3

Wei Zheng’s words, while far from the first of their kind, held unprecedented sway and have since been frequently repeated or paraphrased even to this day. In their definitive historical overview of literature in the Northern and Southern Dynasties, Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成 recently wrote: “Literature of this period [the Qi and Liang] is seen as the epitome of frivolity, daintiness, ornateness, and flamboyance by the later critics. The term ‘Qi-Liang,’ originally a temporal designation, has become another way to say ‘ornate and flamboyant style.’”4 Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音 has said in her Badai shishi 八代詩史, an influential work on the history of medieval poetry: “Qi, Liang, and Chen, although three different dynasties, are not distinguishable in terms of their poetic style. Literary historians often evaluate them as a single unit and call it ‘Qi-Liang style poetry,’ which carries a derogatory connotation of flighty and flamboyant character… palace-style verse is banal and empty, and has indeed passed on some negative influence.”5 These statements on the Qi and Liang literature by major scholars in the twentieth century apply the same words and speak in the same tone with the Tang historian, but not exactly about the same thing. Wei Zheng clearly directed his comments toward the latter half of the Liang dynasty. For whatever reason, this important temporal distinction has been neglected in the subsequent studies of Liang and, to a large extent, Southern Dynasties literature and there has been a persistent tendency to extend this generalization to the periods before and after the Liang. Sometimes the entire Southern Dynasties are made to carry this critical burden put in place by Wei Zheng. Liang literature became susceptible to such politically motivated reading when the ruler Xiao Gang (r. 549-551) overtly championed a poetic gon who fled Wu to avoid his dying father’s conferment of the thone, which would have rightly belonged to his older brother. Jizha later travelled to Lu and was given a performance of the complete oevre of the Zhou music. His comments became one of the cornerstones for early Chinese literary cricitism. See Shi ji 31.1449-56. 3 Sui shu 76.1730. 4 Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, p. 237. 5 Ge Xiaoyin, Badai shishi, p. 227.

introduction

3

form. The irony is that the palace-style poetry promoted by Xiao Gang has survived severe disparagement to emerge as a widely recognized and studied subject from the Six Dynasties, while other important figures and works from the period remain overshadowed. A case that beckons immediate attention would be Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501-531). Any study of Six Dynasties literature without serious examination of Xiao Tong would be incomplete and partial. To this date, scholarly attention to Xiao Tong has largely centered around his role as the compiler of the Wen xuan 文選, undoubtedly the most important work to emerge from the Liang, in the mid-520s.6 As one of the massive cultural projects affirming the Liang state’s legitimacy and power,7 the Wen xuan has come to shape literary production by informing the Chinese writer and influencing what and how he writes. During the centuries of China’s imperial past, the Wen xuan was memorized studiously in preparation for literary exams. It was a book that every aspiring and veteran writer was obligated to read. Scholarly studies of the Wen xuan started with a phonological commentary by Xiao Gai 蕭該 (ca. 540-615), a cousin of Xiao Tong, and culminated in two commentaries presented to the Tang throne, the first by Li Shan 李善 (?-689) in 658 and then another by the group known as the “Five Ministers” (Wu chen 五臣) in 718.8 In addition to being a bible to writers, as an authoritative embodiment and encapsulation of China’s literary past the Wen xuan was studied as a subject in and of itself as early as the Sui dynasty (581-618),9 with the term “Wen xuan studies” (Wen xuan xue 文選學) first used in the Tang. Philologists of the Qing dynasty were particularly noted for their contributions to “Wen xuan studies,” which was by then known by the abbreviated label xuan xue 選學. Today, “Wen xuan studies,” at 1400 years old, is a more active field than ever. In mainland China, there is a research institute dedicated solely to the study of the Liang anthology and nine international conferences on the subject have been held since 1988.10 Two of 6 The exact compilation date of the Wen xuan is a contentious issue. For major discussions, see Shimizu, tr. Han Jiguo, “Wen xuan bianji;” Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, “Youguan Wen xuan bianzhuan;” Yu Shaochu, “Wen xuan chengshu;” Fu Gang, “Wen xuan de bianzhe;” Xu Yimin, “Wen xuan bianzhuan niandai xinshuo;” He Rong, “Wen xuan bianzhuan shijian;” Wang Liqun, “Wen xuan chengshu.” 7 Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire, pp. 77-95. 8 For a study on Xiao Gai, see Wang Shucai 王書才, “Xiao Gai shengping jiqi Wen xuan yanjiu kaoshu” 蕭該生平及其《文選》研究考述, Ankang shizhuan xuebao 17 (2005): 66-68, 84. 9 Wang, Sui Tang Wen xuan xue, pp. 36-58. 10 For a brief summary of scholarship on “Wen xuan studies,” see Wu, 20 shiji, pp. 345-

4

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these conferences were held in the reputed hometown of the anthology’s compiler, Xiao Tong, who is commonly known by his posthumous title Zhaoming taizi 昭明太子, Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance.11 In consequence the Wen xuan itself is often referred to by the title “Zhaoming Wen xuan.” This posthumous title of Xiao Tong was traditionally attached to this work not long after the year 531, when the Prince died at the age of thirty-one. Even though Xiao Tong’s name is universally recognizable for compiling the Wen xuan, his own life and writings, in particular, have largely gone unstudied. Yu Shaochu’s 2001 annotated edition of Xiao Tong’s collected works, a welcome contribution to the study of the Liang crown prince, is only a first step toward a more satisfactory and systematic analysis of the man, his writings, and the milieu in which he lived. A key factor that has hindered the study of Xiao Tong’s written works is that he was considered a lesser writer in comparison with other members of the imperial family.12 The scope of scholarly interest, if any, is concentrated on his relation to the Wen xuan, generating a biographical approach that is largely positive and often purely hagiographic due to the exalted status of the Liang prince’s magnum opus. The portrayal of Xiao Tong as a respectable orthodox aristocrat and literary esthete, though true to a certain degree, runs the risk of oversimplification and inevitably leads to a onedimensional caricature of a complex personality inhabiting a subtle familial and political setting. Much in both traditional and current discussions about Xiao Tong is drawn heavily and sometimes uncritically from official biographies. As Denis Twitchett rightly pointed out more than forty years ago, Chinese official biography as a particular form of writing serves to construct a certain type of personality based on a selected set of details, real or imagined, and as such must be used with a critical eye and especially supplemented by other sources. It is hardly reliable for a rounded view of a human life, even less so for accurate insight into a human mind. 59; for an exhaustive study on this subject, see Wang Liqun, Xiandai Wen xuan xue shi. For an account of the historical background of the Wen xuan compilation, see Knechtges, Wen xuan, 1: Introduction. The first and second international conferences on the “Wen xuan Studies” were held in Changchun in 1988 and 1992. The third was held in 1995 in Zhengzhou. The fourth one was held in Changchun in 2000. The fifth was held in 2002 in Zhen­ jiang. The sixth was held in 2005 in Xinxiang. The seventh was held in 2007 in Guilin. The eighth was held in 2009 in Yangzhou. The nineth and most recent was hosted by Nanjing University in Summer of 2011. 11 I adopt Knechtges’ translation of the term. 12 See Lin Dazhi, Si Xiao, p. 131; Fu Gang, Xiao Tong, p. 188.

introduction

5

In comparison, a person’s own writings are a much more promising source for gaining understanding of and perspective on a historical person and the age in which he lived.13 In Xiao Tong’s case, the valuable source of his own writings, largely untapped to this day, will not only allow us a fresh view into the mind of this important personality in both literary and political history, but also shed light on the cultural and political realities of a critical moment in the Six Dynasties. By this I refer to the first half of the Liang dynasty in the first quarter of the sixth century, a turning point for potential change after the three hundred years of turmoil that had followed the collapse of the great Han dynasty. For most of the third century and the beginning of the fourth, the heartland of northern China was a bloody battleground on which armies fought for supremacy, first among Chinese warlords and then between the Han and non-Han peoples. Eventually, what had been the central territory of the Han dynasty came under the control of various nomadic tribes. Then in the first half of the fourth century the Chinese aristocratic families undertook a large-scale southward migration settling into the Yangtze valley, a region which the elites had previously considered inferior and backward both in terms of cultural and natural resources. Even here stability was unattainable due to intrigues and threats from within and without the southern court. The center stage of politics became occupied by a competition between cultured yet displaced northern aristocrats and a rising group of military upstarts and civil administrators whose less than desirable socio-economic background, to a certain degree, constituted hindrance to their ascension to the top echelon of the ruling society. Nevertheless, their diligence and competence paid off and they gradually found themselves well-anchored in the southern court, gradually leaving those “high-gate” descendents lamenting, if not feeling bitter, over the change of tides. The preeminent northern families who had helped establish the southern regime found it necessary not only to relinquish their prerogatives as quasi-rulers, but also to respect those whom they would consider humble and low-born southerners. Members of the northern émigré families faced a competitive political reality in which the only thing they could still rely on was their distinguished family lineage. To a large degree, what allowed these men a place in the southern court was an ideal that they 13 See Dennis Twitchett, “Problems of Chinese Biography,” in Confucian Personalities (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1962), pp. 24-39.

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introduction

stood for: the glorious past in the north where the true Han civilization had been created. In other words, it was the collective cultural capital of the northern aristocrats that sustained their prestige, which in turn could only be affirmed and possibly enhanced through textual corroboration and solidification of a cultural and political past that had become anything but a fleeting memory. It was in the proffering, protecting, or producing of culture that various forces at the southern court would come into contact and competition, when battles in other areas had subsided. When the founding emperor of the Liang dynasty, Xiao Yan, entered the southern capital of Jiankang 建康 (modern Nanjing) in 501 at the head of his conquering army, it had been three centuries since the last Han emperor had been abducted and reduced to a bargaining chip. In the interim, political dramas of all kinds had been staged and witnessed. It was evident to the astute and triumphant general that staying in power after his immediate military victory would be the more challenging task. That may explain why Xiao Yan did not rush to assume the throne. Instead he took time to do things properly by ritual standards, i.e., according to the “books,” some of which had to be created by his own supporters. There was no reason not to believe that this was the chance to end the “dark ages” and found a great and enduring dynasty. As a matter of fact, Xiao Yan enjoyed a full complement of the expected auspicious signs including a male successor, Xiao Tong, born only when Xiao Yan was already forty years of age. The birth of this heir, accompanied as it was by other favorable portents, became an especially encouraging omen of a promising new age. The History of the Southern Dynasties (Nan shi 南史) notes the birth of Xiao Tong as one of the heavenly instigations for Xiao Yan’s overthrow of the Qi in the following way: The Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance, [Xiao] Tong, style name Be­­ stower of Virtue, nickname Vima[lakirti], was the eldest son of Emperor Wu. He was born in Xiangyang in the ninth month of the first year of the Zhongxing reign [501]. Turning forty, Emperor Wu had only now produced an heir. At the time Xu Yuanyu14 had capitulated, and moreover an envoy from Jingzhou also reported: “Xiao Yingzhou (462-501)15 has died suddenly.” These were called “Three Felicities.” Shortly thereafter, Jianye was taken. 14 Xu Yuanyu was the general guarding the residence of Prime Minister, who also served as governor of the capital. After his surrender, Xu escaped to Guangdong where he had been based, but was captured and killed by then governor Yue Ai 樂藹 in 503. See Liang shu 1.12, 17.283, and 19.303. 15 Xiao Yingzhou was the Qi prime minister. For his biography, see Nan Qi shu 38.665-74.

introduction

7

The cognoscenti knew these [events] were gathered together by Heaven’s decree. 昭明太子統字德施, 小字維摩, 武帝長子也。以齊中興元年九月生于襄陽。 武帝既年垂強仕, 方有冢嗣; 時徐元瑜降; 而續又荊州使至, 云: 「蕭穎冑暴 卒。」時人謂之三慶。少日而建鄴平, 識者知天命所集。 16

Xiao Tong’s birth was taken as an auspicious portent, namely signifying heaven’s sanction of Xiao Yan’s imperial aspirations. This son would become the bearer of a new era and the insurer of continuity. However, installing Xiao Tong as crown prince was not uncontroversial, as the History of the Liang Dynasty (Liang shu 梁書) reports that Xiao Tong’s initiation as crown prince was only made after persistent requests by court officials. The emperor himself openly resisted naming Xiao Tong the crown prince, citing a lack of stipulations in the new administration.17 The real concern, however, was probably Xiao Zhengde 蕭正德 (d. 549), an heir whom Xiao Yan had previously adopted from his younger brother Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (473-526).18 The adoption took place in 499 when Xiao Yan’s first wife Xi (or Chi) Hui 郗徽 (468-499) had passed away, leaving behind only three daughters. As he himself was about to turn forty years old, Xiao Yan had not expected the arrival of a son of his own, at least not so soon. Xiao Tong’s mother was Ding Lingguang 丁令光 (585-526), a maid whom Xiao Yan had taken as his second wife upon the death of Xi Hui and who was only sixteen years old when she gave birth to Xiao Tong.19 Although a “felicity” for the soon-to-be emperor and the new dynasty, the arrival of Xiao Tong was a personal disaster for Xiao Zhengde, especially when what he stood to lose was an empire. Disowned and disaffected, Xiao Zhengde would always be an incipient peril for the dynasty.20 He was not the only case, though. Xiao Zong 蕭綜 (502-532), born of Lady Wu (Wu shuyuan 吳淑媛) proved another threat to the Liang from the inside. Lady Wu probably had 16 Nan shi 53.1307. 17 Liang shu 2.38. 18 For Xiao Hong’s biography, see Liang shu 22.339-41 and Nan shi 51.1275-79. For Xiao Zhengde’s biography, see Liang shu 55.828-29 and Nan shi 51.1279-82. For a summary of major life events of Xiao Zhengde and Xiao Hong, see Fu Gang, Xiao Tong, pp. 63-70. 19 For Xi Hui’s biography, see Liang shu 7.157-158. For Ding Lingguang’s biography, see Liang shu 7.160-161. Also see Fu, Xiao Tong, p. 71. 20 Xiao Zhengde was the one eventually to let in the rebel general Hou Jing 侯景 (?-552) who brought destruction upon the Liang. See Fu, Xiao Tong, p. 70. For circumstances of Liang’s fall, see Liang shu 56.833-863 and Scott Pearce, “Who, and What was Hou Jing?”, Early Medieval China 6 (2000): 49–73.

8

introduction

already conceived Xiao Zong by the Qi emperor Xiao Baojuan 蕭寶卷 (r. 499-501) when she was taken into Xiao Yan’s harem. Only seven months later, she gave birth to Xiao Zong who long harbored suspicion about his own identity. Xiao Yan’s blindness to the matter eventually pushed the alleged Liang prince to conduct a folk “DNA test” by dropping his own blood onto the late Qi emperor’s bone excavated from the tomb and watched it be absorbed. The result of such compatibility presumably proved him right. He was, since then, compromised in his loyalty toward Xiao Yan, and secretly harbored rebellious thoughts and eventually put them into actual plans.21 Despite the inconvenient matter of the emperor’s adopted son, Xiao Tong was installed as crown prince in the eleventh month of the first year of the Tianjian 天監 reign (502—the precise date is December 24, 502). Every step the prince took and every aspect of his life, from now on, would be punctiliously orchestrated in accordance with that of a future ruler. He was provided with a comprehensive education in Buddhist scriptures as well as Confucian classics. Not only did the prince learn most of these texts by heart, it was also arranged for him, starting at a tender age, to elucidate their meaning in front of a learned audience. In addition to Xiao Tong’s remarkable intellectual capacity, the Liang shu praises the prince’s pleasant mien and literary talent: The crown prince was handsome in his appearance and proper in demeanor. When he read he apprehended several lines all at once and remembered all that he read. On occasions of excursion, banquets, and farewell parties, he would compose poems of over ten couplets. At times he was ordered to compose in verse using difficult rhymes, and in each instance he would promptly write his inspiration down without any correction or alteration. 太子美姿貌, 善舉止。讀書數行並下, 過目皆憶。每遊宴祖道, 賦詩至十數 韻。或命作劇韻賦之, 皆屬思便成, 無所點易。 22

On other aspects of Xiao Tong’s life, historians give accounts that are invariably laudatory; his image as a “benevolent and virtuous” (rende 仁德) heir apparent is well established and remains largely unchallenged and unscrutinized to this day. Even the obvious puzzle of Xiao Tong’s early death has not been fully addressed. This book is an attempt to readdress exisiting narratives on the Liang and Southern Dynasties literature by integrating historical records with 21 Liang shu 55.823-5 and Nan shi 53.1315-1318. 22 Liang shu 8.166.

introduction

9

personal writings, literary and otherwise, in the study of Xiao Tong, together with his close circle headed by important historical personages such as Shen Yue 沈約 (441-513) and Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481-539). My investigation of the Liang court culture and politics allows us to see that how inaccurately the Southern Dynasties literature has been represented. Far from being “frivilous” or “morally suspect,” writers from the period, as we shall see, strive to be “balanced” and “courtly.” These are not only desirable as literary qualities, but also evince a certain degree of truth in personal cultivation and political conduct. I shall also suggest that Xiao Tong’s death was most likely a result of his falling out of favor with the emperor when the Liang crown prince abandoned Buddhism as a personal pursuit and denounced it as a politically viable model. This clash and its consequences represented a cultural and political divide in the early sixth century which is analogous to what was taking place in the field of literary criticism and is similarly reflective of a shared quest for political relevance and sense of historical urgency among the power elite. Tian Xiaofei has rightly pointed out an important feature of the Liang political culture, i.e., that literary accomplishments gradually took the place of lineage in personality evaluation and hence played a major role in access to power.23 In establishing standards for this new field of competition, much debate focused on the issue of established practice vs. innovation, and ancient vs. contemporary.24 This “keen awareness of the opposition between ‘old’ and ‘modern’” and the “deliberate pursuit of novelty,” ostensibly present in the literary field, were indeed part and parcel of a collective mentality that was caught in the middle of a tremendous historical potential. The audacity to break apart from the old and embrace something radically different came out of the anxiety of being trapped in a field of historical inertia. For the Xiao ruling family, the urgent question was how to construct a cultural dominance that would effect a political and historical transmutation to put an end to the subordinate status of the southern court as an exile regime. However, the two critical members of the Xiao family were drawn towards two different visions. For Xiao Yan, Buddhism not only supplied the benefit of redeeming the violent purging of enemies that haunted his personal past, but also placed him high above members of the old aristocracy and thus granted him unquestionable legitimacy and supremacy. Xiao Tong, however, had a uniquely different perspective 23 Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire, pp. 39-52. 24 Ibid., pp. 150-60.

10

introduction

from his father, as he was born into rulership and thus legitimization was not among his concerns. Xiao Tong’s ideas of rulership derived largely from a synthesized version of classical learning that integrated what we would call Confucianism and philosophical Taoism. This eclectic yet sophisticated school of thinking, often simply called “Arcane Learning” (xuanxue 玄學), is widely known to have been particularly popular among southern-born intellectuals even while its impact on Liang intellectual and political life is still underestimated. Xiao Tong received this influence from the erudite Shen Yue who played a key role in the crown prince’s early education. Xiao Tong would have agreed with his father that change and transformation were needed. Judging from his writings, however, the crown prince would also have disapproved of how drastic the Liang emperor’s measures were. This study of the Liang crown prince also aims to complement, if not complicate, recent scholarly efforts in rectifying previous misinterpretations of Six Dynasties literature by bringing to light a body of extremely important yet neglected texts. Most of these texts were written by, to, or for Xiao Tong. In many cases, the texts treated in this study demonstrate that endeavors in literary production are indicative of and sometimes directly the result of a larger historical context and specific political events. The cultural life of the Southern Dynasties has predominantly been noted for its turning outward and away from conventional norms and established orthodoxy, yet beneath the surface of escapism and externalization was a deep and definitive current of introspection. Buddhism and religious Taoism as new alternatives were pursued not to supplant orthodox teachings, but rather to reach a higher level of philosophical understanding that would reveal essences of exisiting thoughts yet transcend the limits of them. The pursuit of transformation and transcendence is an outbound process that has its destination within the self. This can be interpreted as an implicit quest to end the long political disunion of the empire and resurrect a strong and unified dynasty, but it also signifies the endeavor to create monumental literary writings that surpass those of previous ages. Xiao Tong’s political ambition unfortunately expired with his early death, but his writings, if read with a consideration of his perspective as a future ruler, should offer us a glimpse of a political and philosophical alternative that could have changed the course of events on a large scale. Chapter One of this study first discusses the establishment of Xiao Tong as crown prince and the political meaning embedded in the role and

introduction

11

expected from the actions of a crown prince. A group of poems written by Xiao Tong in his teenage years together with other members of his court is examined to reveal the political philosophy that Xiao Tong was exposed to in the course of his education. Through a careful exploration of the meaning behind a seemingly simple concept of “big versus small,” the metaphysical significance of this duality in the political thought of early medieval China can be seen. This illustrates how Shen Yue, as the crown prince’s teacher and someone steeped in such thinking, intended this literary exercise to be a lesson on rulership. The fundamental principle unfolded here is one of the elements of paradoxical thinking prized in philosophical Taoism. A brief account of Xiao Tong’s entourage is also provided together with an examination of how the crown prince was portrayed in the official history as a Confucian ruler. Chapter Two begins with background information on the Wen xuan, the work that Xiao Tong is chiefly known for today, followed by an examination of Xiao Tong’s literary thought as seen from his preface to the Wen xuan. Since the compilation of a comprehensive literary anthology signifies the affirmation of cultural power by the aspiring young ruler of a new dynasty, we can see how Xiao Tong aimed to define literature as both a state enterprise and a matter of private aestheticism. Consistent with a dualistic political philosophy, the Liang crown prince’s literary vision reveals an emphasis on balance and eclecticism that was termed “gentlemanly style.” A number of poems and letters exchanged between Xiao Tong and his brothers are translated and analyzed to further illustrate the convergence of Xiao Tong’s literary style and political thinking. Chapter Three takes up the writings of Liu Xiaochuo, the most important member of Xiao Tong’s court, as an example to analyze what exactly defined the “gentlemanly style” and why it was so prized at the Liang court. Chapter Four takes a close look at Xiao Tong’s Buddhist activities. As a member of the Xiao imperial family in which the emperor’s adoption of Buddhism is all too well-known, Xiao Tong is often mistakenly regarded as a Buddhist himself. But this common characterization of the crown prince is far from the truth, as demonstrated by a series of documents connected with his Buddhist activities concentrated around the late 510s, when he was approaching twenty years of age. A close reading of these documents reveals that Xiao Tong’s Buddhist activities were impelled by the emperor’s campaign to promote Buddhism. Despite Xiao Tong’s lectures on Buddhism and the historical account of his Buddhist activities,

12

introduction

the prince eventually decided to vocalize his dissent from the emperor’s employment of Buddhism in Liang political life. The startlingly straightforward disagreement expressed in the poems Xiao Tong exchanged with his father on the occasion of Buddhist excursions and assemblies has never received serious attention from scholars. The importance of this episode in Xiao Tong’s life is far-reaching, and it is probably that his overt expression of disenchantment with Buddhism eventually led to his discontent with the emperor. Chapter Five explores the cultural and political significance of reclusion among members of Xiao Tong’s entourage and its impact on Xiao Tong’s personal and political life. A perennial theme in the life of Chinese intellectuals, reclusion came to be closely associated with Taoist quietism along with a philosophical outlook informed by “Arcane Learning.” Not only were its moral high ground and political freedom appealing for those who would contemplate reclusion, other attractive aspects were the discursive dualism and philosophical relativism that had become an intrinsic part of intellectual discourse due to the pervasive new interpretations of the Taoist texts Laozi and Zhuangzi, and the “Confucian” Yijing, that had emerged in the fourth century. When Xiao Tong’s political life came to a halt due to a series of setbacks in the 520s, he first appealed for moral support from the famed recluse He Yin 何胤 (446-531) whom his father had highly honored. After He Yin rejected his appeals, Xiao Tong resorted to philosophizing about the self, prompted by a discussion on the life and works of the revered Jin 晉 dynasty recluse Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365427). This piece, probably the last significant writing by Xiao Tong, again embodies an eclectic philosophy that underlies his literary and political thinking.

Born and Bred to be a Ruler

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Chapter One

Born and Bred to be a Ruler What Is in a Name? The name Xiao Tong 蕭統, given to the young infant born to the triumphant general Xiao Yan 蕭衍, was well thought out. The literal meaning of tong 統 is the head of the filament in a silkworm cocoon, and the character is often used in its symbolic sense to denote the beginning of an enduring and continuous dynasty, hence the frequent English translation of “unification.” If a father’s role is to start an enterprise, then that of the son is to carry it on. Xiao Yan had eight sons whose names all contain characters sharing the “silk” radical and have a common semantic core of “continuation.” “Tong” as the name for the first-born son was particularly significant. So was the prince’s style name Deshi 德施, literally “spreading virtue,” the prerogative and responsibility of an imperial ruler. Such was the expectation placed on Xiao Tong at his birth. Establishment of the Eastern Palace When Xiao Tong was formally invested as crown prince, an administration for him was established in the Bureau of Eternal Blessing (Yongfu sheng 永福省). Due to his tender age, Xiao Tong was allowed frequent visits and extended stays with his mother. It was under close supervision of the emperor that Xiao Tong commenced his early education. At the age of three, the prince was instructed in the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiao jing 孝經) and the Analects (Lunyu 論語) by Yu Qianlou 庾黔婁 (ca. 470-510), a man known not only for his profound understanding of the Classic of Filial Piety but also extraordinary conduct as a filial son.1 In the year 506, Shen Yue 沈約 (441-513) was appointed in the crown prince’s administration as Supervisor of the Household of the Heir 1 Liang shu 47.650-51. It is in the section on “Exemplars of Filial Piety” (xiaoxing 孝行) that we find Yu Qianlou’s biography. Given as evidence of his extraordinary conduct in filial piety, Yu is reported to have tasted his father’s stool in order to tell how sick his father was.

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chapter one

Apparent (Taizi zhanshi 太子詹事).2 An important figure at the southern court, Shen had played a significant role in founding the Liang state. One of the major projects he undertook immediately was to rebuild the Eastern Palace, first constructed in 438 during the reign of Emperor Wen of the Song 宋文帝 (r. 425-453). During the Liang overthrow of the Qi dynasty, the palace had been burned down and would take ten months to rebuild. After its completion, Xiao Tong left the inner palace at the age of seven and took up residence in the Eastern Palace. As a separate administrative and living quarters for Xiao Tong, the Eastern Palace symbolized the independence of the crown prince. His relocation there was in consequence an important event, and we have two official documents composed for the occasion. One was written by Lu Chui 陸倕 (470-526) on behalf of the younger prince Xiao Zong, congratulating the crown prince.3 It reads: 周固本枝 寔資明兩 漢啟盤石 必係元良 所以 闡弘祚鼎 光崇守器 伏惟皇太子 道契生知 照均天縱 不藉審諭之功 無待溫文之輔 而冬書秋記

In strengthening their own blood line, The Zhou [dynasty] relied on the Bright Double.4 In laying a foundation stone for the imperial clan, The Han [dynasty] bound it around the Prime Excellence.5 Thereupon, The blessed cauldron was broadly upheld. The guarded vessel was brightly exalted.6 Respectfully, I consider the Crown Prince: With his birth came knowledge of the Inscribed Way; Lavished by heaven was the Potter’s Wheel;7 No want of work for explication; No need for a lesson on gentility. You study the Documents in the winter and the Records [of Rites] in the fall,

2 See Liang shu 13.235. For Shen Yue’s biography, see Liang shu 13.232-45 and Nan shi 57.1403-15. For studies on Shen Yue, see Mather, The Poet Shen Yüeh and Yao Zhenli, Shen Yue ji qi xueshu tanjiu. For translations of Shen’s poetry, see Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance. 3 For Lu Chui’s biography, see Liang shu 21.401-3 and Nan shi 48.1192-3. 4 Mingliang is a kenning for Crown Prince. 5 Yuanliang is another kenning for Crown Prince. 6 Both cauldron and vessel are metyonymy for the royal house. 7 I read zhaojun 照均 as a variant for taojun 陶均(鈞).

Born and Bred to be a Ruler 夙表睿資 春誦夏絃

幼彰神度 雖復直門守令 長壽察微 魏贊多容 漢稱寬博 不足以連輝茂則 疋景令圖 甲觀惟新 桂宮告始 朱班徙次 翠蓋移陰 華裔式瞻 人祇蹈舞

15

Invariably displaying your inborn discernment; You recite the Odes in the spring and devote to the [Canon of] Music in the summer. Even in youth, you’ve shown a divine bearing; Toward even guards and clerks, You’ve given the greeting “To your long life!” and been attentive to details.8 The Wei [dynasty] applauded [Lu Luyuan] for boundless toleration;9 The Han [dynasty] praised [Liu Ao] for broad-mindedness. Neither were sufficient to join in your brilliance or surpass your mark. Or match your fine prospect and excellent outlook. Number One Tower has just been finished;10 Magnolia Palace reports its completion.11 Vermilion painted wheels move in order;12 Halcyon canopies shift their shade. Chinese and foreigners both behold you. Humans and gods dance alike.13

As celebratory writing, this piece first points out the significance of the crown prince as the key to dynastic continuity, for the crown prince carries on the imperial bloodline. Centering around the crown prince are other male offsprings whose enfeoffments and power bases are designed in such way that as a whole, they form a strong defense system for the capital while possibilities for cooperative conspiracy between each other against the central state are made minimal. The phrase “strengthened trunk and weakened branches” (qianggan ruozhi 強榦弱枝) is an apt metaphor used as early as during the Han dynasty to refer to such a system to ensure that the “original blood line (literally, the trunk) lasts for a ­hundred generations” (benzhi baishi 本支百世).14 Taking wisdom from 8 I read the phrase changshou as a form of greeting. 9 See Wei shu 34.801. 10 Number One Tower (Jiaguan 甲觀) is the name of a tower in the Eastern Palace of the Han dynasty. See Han shu 10.301 and Sanfu huangtu 3.7a. 11 Magnolia Palace (Guigong 桂宮) was built in 101 bce by Emperor Wu of the Han 漢武帝 (r. 140-87 bce). See Sanfu huangtu 2.6a-7a. 12 The character 班 is interchangeable with 斑, meaning “painted patterns of stripe.” 13 Quan Liang wen 53.3b. Yiwen leiju 16.302. 14 Shi ji 17.803. 而漢郡八九十, 形錯諸侯間, 犬牙相臨, 秉其厄塞地利, 強本幹弱 枝葉之勢, 尊卑明而萬事各得其所矣。

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chapter one

the historically exemplary and successful dynasties of Zhou and Han, the ambitious new Liang house designed a plan for the long term that would pivot around the crown prince praised here, both for inborn qualities befitting a ruler and the broadly esteemed virtues of cultivated diligence and humility. The establishment of the Eastern Palace, administrative seat for the crown prince, marked a ritually important commencement for both Xiao Tong and the state in which his fate would be embedded. A similar poem celebrating the same event was composed by Xu Mian 徐勉 (466-535), a former Qi minister who had joined Xiao Yan’s insurgent army at Xinlin 新林 outside the capital. After Xiao Yan succeeded in seizing the throne, Xu was made a close advisor. In addition to his assignment at the Bureau of Personnel, he was put in charge of Xiao Tong’s education. Together with Zhang Chong 張充 (449-514), Xu was known to have held classic texts for the young prince to read.15 In the following composition, Xu Mian makes reference to a celebratory gift of white silk bestowed by the prince for this occasion. 伏惟皇太子 睿情天發 粹性玄凝 作震春方 繼離朱陸 嘉日茂辰 畢宮告始 龍樓起耀 博望增華

Respectfully, I think of the crown prince, Your discerning disposition has issued from heaven; Your pure nature is congealed from the mystic. You generate thunder in the east. You extend radiance to the vermilion land. On this fine day and at this felicitous hour, The entire palace reports its completion. From Dragon Tower, a bright glow appears;16 From Broad Vista, a glorious luster emanates.17

In this short excerpt of Xu Mian’s piece, what is notable is the use of allusion to The Classic of Changes to evoke correlative associations among the palace location, the timely inauguration, the cosmic power the crown prince commands, and the political weight of Xiao Tong in the Liang imperial system. Two of the eight trigrams employed are zhen (in the fourth line of the excerpt) and li (in the fifth line). Zhen, composing of one solid line on the bottom and two sets of broken lines on the top, denotes an arousing movement. This trigram correlates to thunder in nature, 15 See Liang shu 25.377-89 and Nan shi 60.1477-86. 16 Dragon Tower was a gate tower in the Crown Prince palace during the Han. See Han shu 10.301. 17 See Quan Liang wen 50.5a-b. Broad Vista was the name of an imperial garden in the Western Han. It was built by Emperor Wu for Crown Prince Liu Ju 劉據 (128 bce-91 bce) where he could meet his guests. See Sanfu huangtu 4.3a-b.

Born and Bred to be a Ruler

17

spring in the seasonal cycle, green in color, east in direction, and first son in family relationship. Zhen is also one of the sixty-four hexagrams, formed by stacking two zhen trigrams and signifying great energy and power that inspires awe of its inner strength. The hexagram li is another double sign composed of two li trigrams, each comprising a broken line sandwiched between two solid lines. It is the next cyclical phase after zhen, representing summer in the seasonal cycle, red in color, south in cardinal direction, and brightness. These two hexagrams, interpreted in terms of rulership, aptly capture the quality of an heir apparent who, blessed with great potential, is on the course to realize it, i.e., to become a superior ruler. In the hermeneutics of the Classic of Changes, the crown prince is dubbed the “Bright Double” and compared to the sun and moon. Though not yet the monarch, it is his great potentiality waiting to be released that justifies the crown prince being ranked as the emperor’s “Bright Double.” As the succeeding younger ruler, the crown prince is both the thunder that heralds the arrival of something great and new, and the light-giving sun and moon. It is this dynamic movement and change that characterizes the crown prince and distinguishes him from the emperor. To a large extent, establishing the crown prince’s own residence and administrative seat is a significant event that marks the beginning of a new era. Granted, this system and practice propagating the crown prince’s power was not invented by the Liang ministers but rather something they inherited from the Han, the great empire that still loomed large in the minds of its successors. While the names of Zhou and Han are cited explicitly in above poems, there are also lines in which the Liang Eastern Palace and its chambers are compared to or referred to by the names of the towers and galleries built for crown prince under the Han dynasty. The purpose of these Han palatial buildings went beyond their residential function: Liu Ju’s 劉據 (128bce.-91bce.) biography in the Han shu says the following about the construction of Broad Vista Garden (Bowang yuan 博望苑): “After [Liu Ju] had his capping ceremony [coming-of-age rite] and moved to the palace, the emperor built Broad Vista Garden for him to socialize with his guests.”18 For the next two decades, the Eastern Palace would likewise become a center for literary activities and scholarly production in the Liang state.

18 Han shu 63.2741.

18

chapter one Writing Profundity and Subtlety: Speaking of the Big and the Small

Shen Yue was probably the most important person who instructed and influenced Xiao Tong before his coming of age. This was by no means coincidental. Shen was an exceptionally prominent statesman in the fifth and early sixth century, with a political career that spanned three dynasties and reached its pinnacle during the Liang. He had urged Xiao Yan to take the throne himself, for which encouragement the Liang emperor on one occasion expressed his indebtedness to his old friend: “Since I raised the army it has been three years. There are many generals and vassals who contributed to my cause. However, you two are the ones who helped me become emperor.”19 The second person referred to by the emperor is Fan Yun 范雲 (451-503), who like Shen Yue had become acquainted with Xiao Yan as early as the 480s at the residence of Xiao Ziliang, the Qi dynasty Prince of Jingling 竟陵. Xiao Yan rewarded these two onetime literary companions with high positions for their assistance in establishing the Liang dynasty. As noted above, Shen Yue was put in charge of Xiao Tong’s education and remained in that capacity until his death in 513. Among Xiao Tong’s extant works is a set of poems, unique in content and style, that may allow us to travel back in time and glimpse the interactions between the elderly erudite and Xiao Tong, together with his study companions. This group of poems is titled “Poems of Magniloquence” (Dayan shi 大 言詩) and “Diminiloquence” (Xiaoyan shi 小言詩).20 There were altogether six composers: Shen Yue, Xiao Tong, Yin Jun 殷鈞 (484-532), Wang Gui 王規 (492-536), Wang Xi 王錫 (499-534), and Zhang Zuan 張纘 (499-549), and each wrote a pair of poems on “magniloquence” and “diminiloquence,” with the former a description of an exaggeratedly large universe and the latter the opposite, giving a portrayal of an exaggeratedly miniscule world. This writing practice followed a long tradition. The terms dayan 大言 and xiaoyan 小言 are first seen in the Zhuangzi 莊子, Chapter “On Making Things Equal” (Qiwu lun 齊物論): Great words are clear and limpid; little words are shrill and quarrelsome.21

19 See Liang shu 13.234. 20 For xiaoyan, alternatively known as xiyan 細言, my original translation was “miniloquence.” I owe the word “diminiloquence” for xiaoyan or xiyan to Timothy O’Neill. 21 Watson, Zhuangzi, p. 32.

Born and Bred to be a Ruler

19

Or Big talk is bland and flavorless; petty talk is detailed and fragmented.22 大言炎炎, 小言詹詹23

In this context, the meaning of dayan and xiaoyan has nothing to do with talking in exaggerated terms. However, hyperbolic discussions on differences between “that which is big” (da 大) and “that which is small” (xiao 小) are found in the famous “Xiaoyao you” 逍遙游 chapter in the Zhuangzi. That section presents contrasts between “small knowledge” (xiaozhi 小 知) and “big knowledge” (dazhi 大知), “small year” (xiaonian 小年) and “big year” (danian 大年).24 This is certainly part of Zhuangzi’s formulation to illuminate the important philosophical principle of relativity in perspective, as in the well-known story of his butterfly dream. The vivid images in this chapter represent the varied scales of the universe as seen from different perspectives, such as those of the enormous kun 鯤 fish and the gigantic peng 鵬 bird in contrast to those of cicadas and doves. This passage fed the imagination of posterity concerning hyperbolic diction. Yet more than simply literary attraction is needed to explain the enduring tradition of the dayan/xiaoyan contrast, of which the earliest pieces are attributed to Song Yu 宋玉 (fl. 298-263 bce.). Guwen yuan 古文苑, a Song dynasty literary anthology compiled by Zhang Qiao 章譙 (jinshi 1213) with writings not found in the Wen xuan 文選 or other earlier sources such as the official histories, lists one “Dayan fu” 大言賦 and one “Xiaoyan fu” 小言賦 by an unknown Warring States writer.25 Zhang Qiao, in his commentary on the title, points out a quotation from the The Doctrine of the Mean (Zhongyong 中庸) in the Records of Rites (Liji 禮記) that may complement the meaning of the paired phrases as used in the Zhuangzi. A proper understanding requires restoring these abstruse lines to their original context. I therefore quote in full the passage in which the relevant phrase is embedded. The proper way (dao) of exemplary persons (junzi) is both broad and hidden. The dullest of ordinary men and women can know something of it, and yet even the sages (shengren) in trying to penetrate to its furthest limits do not know it all. The most unworthy of common men and women are 22 Ziporyn, Zhuangzi, p. 10. 23 See Zhuangzi jishi 1B.51. 24 Zhuangzi jishi 1A.11. 25 In Zhang Qiao’s preface to the Guwen yuan, he attributed the compilation of this work to an unnamed person from the Tang dynasty.

20

chapter one able to travel a distance along it, yet even the sages in trying to penetrate to its furthest limits are not able to travel it all. As grand as the world is, people are still never completely satisfied. Thus, were exemplary persons to discourse on the profundity of their way, there is nothing in the empire that could take its weight; were they to discourse on its subtlety, there is nothing in the empire that could further refine it.26 君子之道費而隱。夫婦之愚可以與知焉; 及其至也, 雖聖人亦有所不知焉。 夫婦之不肖, 可以能行焉; 及其至也, 雖聖人亦有所不能焉。天地之大也, 人 猶有所憾。故君子語大, 天下莫能載焉; 語小, 天下莫能破焉。 27

The Zhong yong passage is a discussion of the Way, in its profundity and subtlety that can be grasped only by the discourse of an “exemplary person” taking its full measure. Although the phrases yuda/yuxiao differ from dayan/xiaoyan in grammatical structure, no disparity is evident in how discourse on the two paired terms is conducted. That is to say, when “big/ small talk” (dayan/xiaoyan) becomes a topic, it is precisely “talking about the big/small” (yuda/yuxiao). Speeches on the Big and Small at the Chu Court The Zhong yong passage helps us apprehend another layer of meaning in the paired phrases dayan/xiaoyan beyond the initial Zhuangzian level of rhetorical hyperbole and perspective relativity. In addition to their ostentatious literary appeal, the pair da/xiao invokes profound political contemplation, which in turn feeds into discourse on political power. This is exactly what is going on in the earliest extant specimen of this genre, the “Fu of Magniloquence”大言賦,28 which we may now examine. Fu of Magniloquence by Song Yu 宋玉 (fl. 290-223 bce) King Xiang of Chu, together with Tang Le, Jing Cuo, and Song Yu were diverting themselves at Yangyun Terrace. The king said: “Whoever can prevail in magniloquence for me gets the top seat.” Then the king himself declaimed [first]: 楚襄王與唐勒, 景差, 宋玉遊於陽雲之臺。王曰: 能為寡人大言者, 上座。王 因稱曰:

26 Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar, p. 93. 27 See Guwen yuan 2.4a; Liji zhushu 52.882a. 28 The Chinese text is from Yiwen leiju 19.346. Cf. Guwen yuan 2.4a-b.

Born and Bred to be a Ruler

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操是太阿 戮一世 流血沖天 車不可以厲

Holding this precious sword Tai’e, I would slay the entire world.29 Rushing blood shoots towards the sky; [Even] chariots cannot escape.

至唐勒曰: 壯士憤兮絕天維

When it was Tang Le’s turn, he said: When a hero becomes enraged, he breaks the mainstays of heaven; The Big Dipper bends and Mount Tai is flattened.

北斗戾兮太山夷 至景差曰: 校士猛毅皋陶嘻 大笑至兮摧覆思 鋸牙雲晞甚大 吐舌萬里唾一世 至宋玉曰: 方地為車圓天為蓋 長軔耿介倚天外

When it was Jing Cuo’s turn, he said: Soldiers are so fierce and valiant, they make Gaoyao30 sigh; When they laugh, the sound breaks the watchtower screen. The behemoth swine shi has saw-like teeth that are as big as clouds; He extends his tongue ten thousand li and his spit covers the whole world. When it was Song Yu’s turn, he said: I make square earth my chariot and circular heaven my canopy; My long sword, shining brightly, hangs beyond the firmament.

王曰: 未可也。

The king said: “This is not good enough.”

玉曰: 并吞四夷飲枯河海

Song Yu continued: Gulping down the four southern barbarians, I drink dry the rivers and ocean; Bestriding all the nine regions, I find no place [big enough] for me to rest. My body is so huge that it fills everywhere. Oh! How do I grow? Resting upon the earth, treading the sky, I am so constrained I cannot lift my head.

跂越九州無所容止 身大四塞愁不可長 據地蹴天迫不得仰

29 Tai’e 太阿 was one of the two precious swords made by the renowned Spring and Autumn period swordsmith Gan Jiang 干將 at the command of the King of Chu. See Li Shan’s commentary to Li Si’s 李斯 “Memorial Submitted to the First Emperor of Qin” (“Shang Qin shi huang shu” 上秦始皇書) in Wen xuan, 39.1757. 30 Gaoyao was the minister overseeing laws and punishments under the mythical sage-king Shun 舜.

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Beneath the surface of light-hearted literary tropes of hyperbole and personification in the above piece, there is something politically sensitive and significant. The court setting in which the conversation is carried out, i.e., between a king and his advisors, invites and entails such consideration. Of the four versions of discourse on da, the two fellow vassals of Song Yu focus on a “greatness” of martial power, about which the king also boasts on his own behalf. In aggrandizing the efficacy of his sword, violence is eulogized to a grotesque degree. That a king would celebrate inundating the world with blood from his killing can only make sense in the literary device of hyperbole. That is to say, it is the literary power granted by the hyperbolic use of words that is celebrated rather than the literal power of violence. However, the two kinds of power merge in the space of linguistic representation, which makes this very discourse appealing in the first place. If the king’s literary imagination and linguistic power overcomes all under heaven, Song Yu wins the poetry contest by finding even that scale limiting and going beyond it. Song Yu’s version unveils a space where the King’s literal and literary command does not reach, and therein derives its appeal. The discourse on da consequently reveals a paradox: the greatest “big” is only found in perceiving what is lacking—in other words, the “small.” Hence, the discourse on the “big” necessitates a discourse on the “small”: 小言賦31

Fu of Diminiloquence

Song Yu

Having ascended the Yangyun Terrace, King Xiang of Chu asked his grandees Jing Cuo, Tang Le, and Song Yu each to present a “Fu of Magniloquence.” After they finished, Song Yu received the king’s reward. The king said: “This piece is farfetched and absurd, but it is extremely magnificent. Still this is not complete. In addition, that which is valued by the Way is having both yin and yang.32 The coming and going of that which is small and big is similar to the alternation of splitting (bo) and return (fu).33 In this way, what is low is matched up with what is high, so we have the established positions of heaven and earth. The three luminaries shine forth

31 The Chinese text is from Yiwen leiju 19.346. Also see Guwen yuan 2.4b-6a. 32 The phrase yi yin yi yang alludes to the Classic of Changes where we read “Yin together with yang, we call it dao” 一陰一陽之謂道. See Zhou yi zhengyi 7.148. 33 Xiaowang dalai is also a phrase in the Classic of Changes that is used to describe hexagram # 11 tai 泰 or “peace” and it is auspicious. See Zhou yi zhengyi 2.41. Both bo and fu are Hexagrams. Bo designates a stage in which the yin element overcomes the yang, whereas fu is where the yang returns.

Born and Bred to be a Ruler

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together.34 Then it is complete for having both big and small [descriptions]. Those who are able to ascend high yet unable to descend low cannot be called ‘versatile in both.’ Those artisans who are capable of making coarse objects but not fine ones are not really skillful. However, the person who takes the top seat at this point has not earned the award. To the worthy who is able to make a fu on diminiloquence I will confer farmland in Yunmeng.”35 楚襄王既登陽雲之臺, 命諸大夫景差, 唐勒, 宋玉等並進大言賦, 賦卒而宋玉 受賞。王曰, 此賦之迂誕則極巨偉矣。抑未備也。且一陰一陽, 道之所貴。小 往大來, 剝復之類也。是故卑高相配而天地定位。三光並照則小大備能。高 而不能下, 非兼通也。能麤而不能細, 非妙工也。然上坐者未足明賞, 賢人有 能為小言賦者, 賜之雲夢之田。

These opening words provide the rationale as to why discourse on the “big” must be complemented by discourse on the “small”; the Yi ching, to which the passage alludes repeatedly, constitutes its philosophical underpinning. The pair da/xiao, seemingly opposed yet mutually supporting and sustaining one another, speaks to the fundamental principle that Yi ching expounds. The Way is composed of both the yin and the yang, which constantly engage in replacing yet generating each other. Where the big ends is where the small begins. It is in the balancing and co-existing of these binary entities that heaven and earth are positioned, and the comprehensive (bei 備), the penetrating (tong 通), the wondrous (miao 妙), and the perspicacious (ming 明) are realized. Although these concepts, pregnant with philosophical meaning, are applicable to all areas of human endeavor, it is the literary and political embodiment of the pair da/xiao that the king is interested in hearing about. 景差曰: 戴氛埃兮 垂剽塵 體輕蚊翼 形微蚤鱗 聿遑浮踊 凌雲縱身 經由鍼孔

Jing Cuo said: I ride grimy vapors, Hang from floating dust. My body is lighter than that of a mosquito’s wing; My contour is smaller than a flea’s scale. Rapidly hopping, leaping through the air; I traverse the clouds. To and fro, I go across the needle’s eye;

34 Sanguang or “three luminaries” refers to the sun, the moon, and the stars. See Zhuangzi jishi 10A.1022. See also Ban Gu, Baihu tongyi 白虎通議, SKQS ed., 1.30b. “Heaven has three luminaries: the sun, the moon, and the stars. The earth has three topographies: the high, the low, and the flat” 天有三光: 日, 月, 星。地有三形: 高, 下, 平。 35 I.e., land near the great Lake Yunmeng in the state of Chu.

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chapter one

出入羅巾 飄妙翩綿 乍見乍泯

In and out of the silk scarf, I travel. Floating and drifting, I now appear and now disappear.

唐勒曰: 析飛糠以為輿

又曰: 館于蠅鬢 宴于毫端 烹虱腦36 切蟣肝 會九族而同嚌 猶委餘而不殫

Tang Le said: Splitting a piece of flying chaff, I take it to be my chariot; I cut open a husk and make it my boat. Throwing it into a cup of water, it bobs along; Up and down, like sailing in the roaring waves of the ocean. Nesting in the eye of a mosquito, I look around; Attached to a midge, I roam. I prefer to remain obscure without any goal; I investigate survival and demise, and am not concerned. He also said: I lodge in the whisker of a fly; I feast on the tip of a fine hair. I cook fleas’ brains, And slice ants’ livers. I gather the nine clans to eat together; Still we cannot finish everything.

宋玉曰: 無內之中 微物潛生 比之無象 言之無名 蒙蒙景滅 昧昧遺形 超於太虛之域 出於未兆之庭 纖於毳末之微蔑

Song Yu said: Within that which has no interior, Minute objects submerge to grow. There is nothing you can compare them to; There is no name that you can refer them to. In dimness, their shadow disappears; In darkness, their form is lost. It goes beyond the realm of Grand Emptiness;37 It emerges from the court of Pre-Beginning.38 It is finer than the tip of a tiny hair;

剖粃糟以為舟 泛然投乎杯水中 淡若巨海之洪流 巢蚋眥以顧盻 附蠛蠓而遐遊 寧隱微以無準 原存亡而不憂

36 There is a textual variant in this line: instead of 腦, Guwen yuan has 脛. 37 According to Li Shan’s commentary on Sun Chuo’s 孫綽 (314-371) “You Tiantai shan fu” 游天台山賦, taixu refers to Heaven; see Wen xuan 11.494. According to Edward H. Schafer, taixu suggests “outer space”—perhaps beyond the illusory sky dome. See Pacing the Void, p. 29. See also the use of the phrase taixu in Zhuangzi jishi 7B.758. 38 Weizhao is used in the Laozi to denote the cosmological stage in which nothing had yet taken form. See Laozi jiaoshi 20.80-81 and 64.258.

Born and Bred to be a Ruler 陋於茸毛之方生 視之則眇眇 望之則冥冥 離朱為之歎悶 神明不能察其情 二子之言磊磊皆不小 何如此之為精

25

It is smaller than newly grown grass. When scrutinized, it is vague; Regarded from a distance, it is clouded. Even Lizhu39 is confounded by it; Divinities and gods cannot detect its real circumstance. The words of these two gentlemen are all bulky, not small; How can their words be compared to the fineness of mine?

王曰: 善。遂賜雲夢之田。

The king said: “Very well.” He thereupon granted [Song Yu] the farmland in Yunmeng. As Jing Cuo and Tang Le celebrate the world in which mosquitoes and midges are giants, Song Yu tries to approach a nonspace comprising things beyond comparing or naming. Indeed, the existence of such matter is only testified by its non-existence, and language of negativity and diminution is found in each line. The overt search for physical smallness meets up with a philosophical negativity unmistakably tuned to the tenor of Lao zi. The advantage of a state of existence consisting of non-existence is that it is inconceivable, undetectable, and ineffable, and thus indestructible. In the battle for “survival” and on the matters of the state’s “prospering and perishing,” primary concerns for a ruler, this ultimate “smallness” proves preferable to the “grand” martial power displayed in the discourse on the “big.” Laozi’s evasive philosophy, when projected in this da/xiao literary representation of the finite and infinite world, becomes accessible, even when the power of language and discourse must be nullified in denying the possibility that such wondrous “small” matter can be portrayed. But the gratification that language and literary tropes provide precludes a necessary delivery of the philosophical connotation of such discourse.

39 Li zhu, also known as Li Lou 離婁, is said to have superior eyesight that allowed him to see the tip of an autumn hair a hundred paces away, or a needle tip a thousand li away, as another version has it. His name is mentioned in the Zhuangzi, “Pianmu” 駢拇 chapter. See Zhuangzi jishi 4A.314. See Lu Deming, Jingdian shiwen, 27.1460, which cites the commentary by Sima Biao 司馬彪 (?-306).

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chapter one A Third Century Interest in Playfulness: Fu Xian’s “Xiaoyan Fu”

Fu Xian傅咸 (239-294), son to the Western Jin court official and writer Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217-278), imitated Song Yu’s piece and rendered the topic in a new direction by sheding that profound layer of meaning, while retaining only the playful aspect of the world of mosquitoes and fleas. Fu of Diminiloquence by Fu Xian 小語賦40 King Xiang of Chu, with Tang Le, Jing Cuo, and Song Yu were diverting themselves at Yangyun Terrace. The king said: “Whoever can prevail in diminiloquence will get the highest seat.” 楚襄王登陽雲之臺, 景差, 唐勒, 宋玉侍。王曰: 能為小語者, 處上位。

景差曰: 么蔑之子 形難為象 晨登蟻埃 薄暮不上 朝炊半粒 晝復得釀 烹一小虱 飽於鄉黨

Jing Cuo said: There is the son of a midge; His form is hard to visualize. Ascending an ant mound in the morning, He cannot reach the top by dusk. In the morning, he cooks half a grain; In the day time, he still has enough to brew wine. He cooks a small flea; That feeds the entire village.

唐勒曰: 攀蚊髯附蚋翼

Tang Le said: Climbing mosquito’s whisker; attaching to midge’s wing. I consider myself heavy, but they are not exhausted; Suddenly I run into someone I need to avoid. Darting into the eye of a needle, I hide myself.

我自謂重彼不極 邂逅有急相切逼 竄於針孔以自匿 宋玉曰: 折薜足以為櫂 舫粒糠而為舟 將遠遊以遐覽 越蟬溺以橫浮 若涉海之無涯

Song Yu said: Breaking the tip of a creeping fig, I make an oar out of it; Using the husk of a grain, I make it into a boat. I plan to travel far and undertake a distant excursion; Like a drowned cicada, my boat floats across the water. It is also like sailing through a boundless ocean;

40 See Guwen yuan 2.19a-b; Yiwen leiju 19.346-47.

Born and Bred to be a Ruler 懼湮沒於洪流 彌數旬而汔濟 陟蟣蟻之崇丘 未升半而九息 何時達乎杪頭

27

I fear my craft will be swallowed by the surging waves. After several weeks, I am about to reach the bank; I ascend the ants’ lofty mound. I take nine rests before reaching half way; When can I reach the tip?

While the above piece inherits the entire framework and imagery of Song Yu’s piece on “small,” it relishes the comical effect of “small” living things and thus brushes aside the philosophical implications that had lain at the root of writing on da/xiao. In a way, Fu Xian’s imitation does not revive the more fundamental part of this tradition, but rather veers off into a celebration of the obvious, the superficial, and hence the trivial aspects of the da/xiao discourse. There must have been other examples of this sort and the reason for their failure to be preserved is unknowable. One might speculate that the proliferation and popularization of a genre by adhering to its more transparent and immediate aspect could very well lead to an exhaustion of interest. The next surviving example of dayan/xiaoyan writing does not arise until the following set by Xiao Tong, his peers, and their mentor Shen Yue. Dayan/Xiaoyan Poems by Xiao Tong and Others Two hundred years separated the following Liang court poems from its predecessors, whose forms are either in the tetra-syllabic Odes style or the sexta-syllabic sao 騷 format. Sao is less rigid due to the occasional and optional insertion of the caesura xi 兮, resulting in additional possibilities of trisyllabic and heptasyllabic. Readers will immediately notice that such flexibility is normalized in Xiao Tong’s piece. In addition to the southern sao and the canonical Odes style, a couple of writers applied the old topic to a new penta-syllabic form. All writers adhered to a four-line stanza format, drastically shorter and more regular than the unevenness spotted in earlier pieces in terms of stanza length as well as line length. Also different from the preceding pieces is the rhyme pattern, as the individual poems that make up this composition all share the same form, as ABCB quatrain. The group is headed by Xiao Tong’s sao-style work.

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chapter one

Magniloquence 大言詩41

Xiao Tong

觀修鯤其若轍鮒

[When I] look at the huge kun fish,42 it is merely like a golden carp trapped in a carriage rut;43 [When I] see the ocean, there seems to be only enough water to float a wine cup. Traversing heaven and earth, I pick my way with care; Having gone beyond the six directions, I soar and roam.

視滄海之若濫觴 經二儀而跼蹐 跨六合以翱翔

Diminiloquence

Xiao Tong

坐臥鄰空塵 憑附蟭螟翼 越咫尺而三秋 度毫釐而九息

Sitting and reclining, I have floating dust as my neighbor; I lean against the wings of the jiaoming.44 To cross eight inches or a foot takes three years; To span a tiny millimeter, I must rest nine times.

Magniloquence

Yin Jun

噫氣為風 揮汗成雨 聊灼戴山龜

When I breathe out air, it becomes a wind; When I wipe off my sweat it forms rain. Now let me bake the mountain-bearing tortoise,45

41 For the Chinese text of this group of poems written by Xiao Tong and his entourage on the topic of dayan and xiaoyan, see Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi, pp. 1-4; Yiwen leiju 19.345-6; Zhaoming taizi ji 1.12a-b. 42 The kun is a mythological fish of giant size mentioned in the Zhuangzi, “Xiaoyao you” 逍遙游 chapter, which reads: “In the northern sea, there is a fish called kun; no one knows the exact size of the kun, which is several thousand li in length.” Zhuangzi jishi 1A.2. 43 In Zhuangzi, “Waiwu” 外物 chapter, there is the image of a golden carp caught in the wheel track, referring to someone who is in a dire situation. See Zhuangzi jishi 9A.924. 44 See Baopu zi 抱朴子, “Cijiao” 刺驕 chapter (27.2a-b): “Jiaoming assemble in the mosquito’s eyebrow, yet they laugh at the sky-covering peng bird” 蟭螟屯蚊眉之中, 而 笑彌天大鵬. Also Liezi 列子, “Tangwen” 湯問 chapter: “By the riverside there grow small insects called jiaoming. They fly in flocks and gather on the eyelashes of mosquitoes without touching each other” 江浦間生麼蟲, 其名曰蟭螟。群飛而集于蚊睫, 弗相觸也. Liezi jishi 5.157. 45 This refers to legendary huge turtles that can dance around while carrying a mountain on their backs. In the “Tian wen” 天問 section of Chuci, one reads: ‘These turtles, while carrying a mountain on their back, clap their hands. How can we make them settle?” Chuci buzhu 3.146. Also see Liezi jishi 5.152. In the Liezi, there is a detailed description about how the five mountains were originally floating around and later, at the command of the Jade Emperor, carried by three shifts of fifteen turtles and thus stabilized.

Born and Bred to be a Ruler

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欲持探遂古

While holding the tunneling Pangu.46

Diminiloquence

Yin Jun

汎舟毛滴海 政蝸牛國 逍遙輕塵上 指辰問南北

I sail my boat on a droplet ocean; I govern in Snail Kingdom.47 I drift free and easy on light dust; Pointing at stars, I inquire about the directions.

Magniloquence

Wang Gui

俯身望日入 下視見星羅 噓八風而為氣 吹四海而揚波

Bending over, I see the sun setting; Looking down, I see stars spreading out. I exhale the eight winds and produce ether; I blow on the four seas and stir up waves.

Diminiloquence

Wang Gui

針鋒於焉止息 髮杪可以翱翔 蚊眉深而易阻 蟻目曠而難航

On the point of a needle, I pause and rest; On the tip of a hair, I could soar and roam. Mosquito eyebrows are deep and it is easy to get stuck there; Ant eyes are broad and hard to navigate.

Magniloquence

Wang Xi

欲遊五岳 迫不得申 杖千里之木 膾橫海之鱗

I wish to roam the five marchmounts; Yet I am too confined to extend my limbs. I use a thousand-li high tree as my cane; And slice the ocean-traversing fish.

Diminiloquence

Wang Xi

冥冥藹藹 離朱不辯其實 步蝸角而三伏 經針孔而千日

It is so dark and dim, Even Li Zhu cannot make out its shape. Walking across the antenna of a snail, it takes me three years; Crossing a needle’s eye, it takes a thousand days.

Magniloquence

Zhang Zuan

河流既渴

I drink dry the rivers and streams;

46 Gu 古 here, I believe, is an abbreviation for Pangu 盤古, said to grow longer each day in the shape of a long and sinewy serpent. 47 See Zhuangzi jishi 8B.891-2.

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日月俱騰 罝羅微物 動落雲鵬

I soar over the sun and moon. My small tools of webs and nets, Strike down the cloud-hovering peng-birds.

Diminiloquence

Zhang Zuan

遨遊蟻目辯輕塵 蚊睫成宇虱如輪

Roaming in the ant’s eye, I distinguish light dust; Mosquito eyelashes form eaves and lice are like carriage wheels.48

Magniloquence

Shen Yue

隘此大泛庭 方知九陔局 窮天豈彌指 盡地不容足

I am so constrained in this huge floating courtyard; Only then do I know that the nine heavens are constricting. Even the entire heaven cannot cover my fingertip; Even the entire earth cannot contain my feet.

Diminiloquence

Shen Yue

開館尺捶餘 築榭微塵粒 蝸角列州縣

I erect a lodge slightly bigger than a fist; I build a pavilion smaller than a speck of dust. In a snail’s antenna are arrayed provinces and counties; On the tip of a fine hair are built courts and markets.

毫端建朝市

The above pieces demonstrate a strong resemblance in imagery to the Song Yu and Fu Xian compositions, but they also contain at least two fascinating aspects that are revealing of their own circumstances of composition. The first is the reference to a “state nestled in a snail’s antenna,” mentioned in its various forms thrice. This image traces back to the following Zhuangzi passage warning of the folly of human ambition and aggression. There was once a state nestled in the left antenna of a snail, called the Chu Clan. There was also a state nestled in the right antenna of a snail, called the Man Clan. Once they fought a war over territory. Tens of thousands of

48 The fact that there are only two lines in this poem is puzzling. It is not likely that part of it is lost, since the entire group of poems seems to be very well preserved. However, I do not believe the presence of only two lines is due to exhaustion of Zhang Zuan’s poetic imagination. Given that the lines are in hepta-syllabic, common for popular song lyrics but unusal in literary writing, it is possible that the poet is experimenting with it.

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dead bodies were found. [The winning side] chased after the defeated for fifteen days. 有國於蝸之左角者曰觸氏, 有國於蝸之右角者曰蠻氏, 時相與爭地而戰, 伏 尸數萬, 逐北旬有五日而後反。 49

The lesson for the young crown prince to draw from the fable is one of maintaining balance and perspective in governing the state, not getting carried away by blind and fervent endeavors of which war is a prime example. The experienced and savvy advisor Shen Yue methodically imparts such a lesson while constructing, in his verse, a self-sufficient utopia in the antenna of a snail. A sense of contentment in Shen’s propagation of the small seems to give solution to a quandary encountered in the pursuit of the big. In Shen’s magniloquence, he joins in portraying the hypothetical giant who drinks up the oceans, slices the mythical giant fish for sashimi, brushes aside the sun and moon, and traverses the universe, but in the end finds himself frustrated by the ultimate limitation, or rather a lack of limitation. The verbal game of exaggeration on what is “big” contains a lesson about the insatiable nature of human desire by approximating the experience of a powerful being. Someone like a ruler who thinks or aspires to own all under heaven is constantly prompted to ponder the nature of power and how to use it. Thus, writing on the da/xiao is a meaningful exercise for crown prince Xiao Tong and his young companions at the top of the power structure pyramid. Their exertion in conjuring up ever-greater experiences of power ends in exhaustion. The search for that which is big inevitably ends on its opposite side, that which is small. Shen’s miniature version of a perfect state not only serves to show that size does not matter, but also points to the usefulness of looking inside rather than outside for real power. The Big and the Small: Lesson of Rulership The connection between da/xiao and nei/wai is reflected in a widely known maxim frequently invoked in early texts on political philosophy: “ultimate greatness has no exterior; ultimate smallness has no interior” (至大無外, 至小無內 or sometimes as 其大無外, 其小無內). The following quote from the Guanzi 管子, aiming to shed light on the question of 49 Zhuangzi jishi 8B.891-2.

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good rulership, emphasizes yin over yang, i.e., the importance of the negative of the two binary concepts central to Chinese cosmology. This position reflects the basic principle by which Taoism distinguished itself from Confucianism. As applied in state administration, the passive and receptive “contains” (zhi) the aggressive. In a similar vein, the small is preferable to the big, indestructible as it is by not presenting a target and requiring no hiding. In the body, the mind holds the position of prince… “Position” refers to the place in which one stands. The ruler of men stands in the Yin. The Yin is quiescent. Therefore the statement says: “If you move, you will lose your position.” By occupying the Yin, one is able to control the Yang. By being quiescent, one is able to control activity. Therefore the statement says: “If you remain quiet, you will naturally retain it [position].” The way lies between Heaven and Earth. It is so large that nothing can exist beyond it. It is so small that nothing can exist within it. Therefore the statement says: “The Way is not distant, yet it is difficult to reach.” Being vacuous, the Way is never apart from men, but only the sage comprehends the vacuous Way. Therefore, the statement says: “It exists here among men yet it is difficult to comprehend.”50 心之在體, 君之位也。。。位者, 謂其所立也, 人主者立於陰, 陰者靜。故曰動 則失位。陰則能制陽矣, 靜則能制動矣, 故曰靜乃自得。道在天地之間也, 其 大無外, 其小無內, 故曰不遠而難極也。虛之與人也無間。唯聖人得虛道, 故 曰並處而難得。 51

Duality, as one of the important ways for humanity to make sense of the world, is heavily exploited in the early Daoist texts Zhuangzi and Laozi. While the Zhuangzi, at least in the Inner Chapters, does not favor either component of the two of a pair, the Laozi passages favor the negative of the dual. The above Guanzi passage seems to mesh well with the latter. The Lüshi chunqiu contains another passage in which the xiao/da pair is juxtaposed with nei/wai. …he takes Heaven as his model, Virtuous Power as the basis of his acts, the Way as his progenitor. He transforms and metamorphosizes with things, but never reaches an end. His essence fills Heaven and Earth, but is not depleted. His spirit covers the cosmos and has no boundary. No one knows his beginning, nor his end, nor his gateway, nor his starting point,

50 W. Allyn Rickett, Guanzi: Political, Economic, and Philosophical Eassays from China: A Study and Translation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), vol. 2: 75-6. 51 Guanzi jinzhu jinyi 管子今注今譯, ed. Li Mian 李勉 (Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1990), 36.635-6.

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nor his wellspring. He is so great, nothing is outside, so small, nothing is inside.52 。。。以天為法, 以德為行, 以道為宗, 與物變化而無所終窮, 精充天地而不竭, 神覆宇宙而無望, 莫知其始, 莫知其終, 莫知其門, 莫知其端, 莫知其源, 其大 無外, 其小無內, 此之謂至貴。 53

The ideal rulership, almost unreachable, is described as being as mystic and ineffable as the Dao itself. A ruler, only by achieveing de 德 or virtue, will understand workings of heaven, and abiding by the Way is the only way to achieve virtue. The significance of da/xiao as a paired concept for understanding the philosophical underpinnings of rulership goes beyond the apparent oppositional relationship. Representing what is essential to the mystic Dao, the paradox of da/xiao, serves as a convenient means for Shen Yue and his young pupils to explore the issue of rulership. What is worth noting is that the above phrase also appears in the “Yuanyou” section of the Chu ci, where Master Chisongzi is giving instruction on how instruction may not be obtained. The Dao may be received—  It may not be taught. Its smallness admits of no inward— Its greatness admits of no bounds— Let your soul not be confounded— And That shall be just as it is. Unify vitality, make your spirit acute— Preserve it even in the midst of the night. Be attenuate, to abide things thereby— Let the priority be doing nothing. All the sorts are thus brought to completion— This is the Gateway of Power.54 道可受兮, 不可傳; 其小無內兮, 其大無垠; 無滑而魂兮, 彼 將自然; 壹氣孔神兮, 於中夜存; 52 John Knoblock and Jeffrey Riegel, The Annals of Lü Buwei: A Complete Translation and Study (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), pp. 348-9. 53 Lüshi chunqiu xin jiaoshi 呂氏春秋新校釋, ed. Chen Qiyou 陳奇猷 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 2002), 15.878-9. 54 Kroll, “On ‘Far Roaming,’” pp. 653-69.

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chapter one 虛以待之兮, 無為之先; 庶類以成兮, 此德之門。 55

“Yuanyou” is probably the earliest literary piece on the theme of free roaming in the universe. Feeling restrained and contained by the world, its protagonist embarks on a mystical journey that ends in “triumphant arrival at the domain of ‘T’ai ch’u’ 泰初, that is, the ‘Grand Primordium,’ the realm of space and time prior to the differentiation of physical phenomena.”56 Its Daoist celebration of returning to that “original state of “formlessness” and hence a propagation of “attenuation and tranquility” (xujing 虛靜) is, however, eclipsed by the robust aggression of a royal man of great power in its sister piece, the “Daren fu” (Rhapsody on the Great Man 大人賦) by court writer Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (ca. 179-117 bce) in praise of the Han Emperor Wu. The shifting positions seen in the two pieces between action and non-action, the big and the small, and the inner and the outer refer to a perennial debate in Chinese political theory in relation to philosophical trends. Alongside the blatant glorification of imperial power and its expansion, there is always a resistant voice affirming the usefulness and strength of the negative, the small, the inward, and non-action. Nevertheless, the opposition is not arbitrary or absolute, because the point of stating the other is not to undermine a position, but rather to bring accord and balance between the two poles, balance being the original state before polarization takes place. During Wei and Jin times, transcendental roaming was made into a popular topic, as we encounter in Ge Hong’s Baopu zi, and Guo Pu’s 郭璞 (276-324) “Transcendent Roaming Poems” (youxian shi 游仙詩). Here the practical pursuit of a religious Daoist regimen becomes more prominent than the theoretical musings found in its predecessors. The Magniloquence poems recall images used by Guo Pu of an extraordinary being freely roaming around and traversing the universe. These images emerge in phrases such as “soaring beyond the firmament” (淩霄外), “touching the firmament” (拂霄), and “approaching heaven” (臨上). Other lines by Guo Pu such as “The boat-gulping fish surges from the bottom of the ocean; / High waves ride on Penglai Mountain” (吞舟湧海底, 高浪駕蓬萊) and “Ascending or descending, I follow the long mist; / Roaming and roving, I dally about the nine directions” (升降隨長煙, 飄颻戲九垓) must have 55 Chuci buzhu 5.252-3. 56 Ibid., p. 653.

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also been familiar to Shen Yue and his pupils.57 The literary exercise of da/ xiao, a playful topic with profound political and philosophical implications, draws out the elderly pundit’s musings, entertains the young royalty, and plants in them a seed for thought. Companions of Crown Prince The young men who participated in this literary activity were all youngsters of prominent background. Yin Jun was from Changping 長平 in Chen commandery 陳郡 (to the northeast of modern Xihua 西華 county, Henan province) where the Yins had been prominent since the Jin dynasty when their ancestor Yin Rong 殷融 was Chamberlain for Ceremonials (Taichang 太常) at the court. Yin Jun’s father Yin Rui 殷睿 (d. 493) was Palace Gentleman in the Ministry of Education, and his mother came from the prominent Langye 琅邪 Wang clan of Linyi 臨沂 (north of modern Linyi municipality, Shandong).58 Yin Jun was married to the eldest daughter of Emperor Wu, Princess Yongxing 永興, which made him Xiao Tong’s elder brother-in-law. After becoming Commandant-escort (Fuma duwei 駙馬都尉), Yin Jun served as Assistant in the Palace Library (Mishu lang 祕書郎), Retainer to the Heir Apparent (Taizi sheren 太子舍人), Recorder in the Ministry of Education (Situ zhubu 司徒主簿), and then Vice Director of the Palace Library (Mishu cheng 祕書丞), in which capacity he collated books and compiled a Catalogue of Books in the Four Divisions (Sibu shu mulu 四部書目錄) in 507.59 Yin Jun also served as Household Provisioner of the Heir Apparent (Taizi jialing 太子家令), keeping records in the Eastern Palace. When Academician (Xueshi 學士) positions were established in the Eastern Palace, Yin Jun was appointed.60 Wang Gui came from the Langye Wang family. Wang Jian 王儉 (452489), Left Vice Director (Zuo puye 左僕射) at the Qi court, was his grandfather; his father Wang Qian 王騫 (474-522) was the Imperial Household 57 See Wen xuan 21.1022. 58 The prominence of the Wang family of Langye started with Wang Dao 王導 (276339) who, together with his cousin Wang Dun 王敦 (266-324), helped Sima Rui 司馬睿 (later the Emperor Yuan of Jin 晉元帝, r. 317-323) establish the Eastern Jin dynasty in 317. He became the Prime Minister and Wang Dun became the governor of Jingzhou, the most important military seat. At the time, there was a saying: “The Wangs and Mas share the realm” 王與馬, 共天下. See Jinshu 98.2554. In the Song, Qi, and Liang dynasties, the Wang family continued to be prominent and influential. 59 See Sui shu 33.991. 60 See Yin Jun’s biography in Liang shu 21.407-8.

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Grandee (Jinzi guanglu dafu 金紫光祿大夫); and his sister Wang Lingbao 王靈寶 became a consort in 512 to Xiao Tong’s younger brother Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503-551), later Emperor Jianwen 簡文帝 (r. 550-551).61 Wang Gui was highly acknowledged even at a young age for his filial piety and learning. He had also demonstrated literary talent since his youth. In 513, upon the completion of a renovation project on the Hall of the Supreme Ultimate 太極殿, Wang Gui wrote a “Fu on the New Hall” (“Xindian fu” 新殿賦) that was deemed “quite well crafted in diction.”62 Once, Emperor Wu held a farewell banquet in the Hall of Literary Virtue (Wende dian 文 德殿) for Yuan Jinglong 元景隆 (fl. 500-530), the Governor of Guangzhou, and he made the attendees compose for the occasion, all writing in the same fifty rhymes. Wang Gui immediately finished and presented his composition, which was again praised for its elegance.63 Another writer from the Langye Wang family was Wang Xi 王錫 (499534), who was the son of Princess Yixing 義興—Emperor Wu’s younger sister. Wang Xi was the closest in age to the Crown Prince, only two years Xiao Tong’s senior. At the age of twelve, Wang Xi became a student of the National Academy, and in the year 511 Emperor Wu issued an edict summoning the fourteen-year-old Wang Xi to be the Crown Prince’s Retainer. In Emperor Wu’s edict, Wang Xi and Zhang Zuan are mentioned on a par with each other: “Cadet (Taizi xianma 太子洗馬) Wang Xi and Imperial Library Assistant Zhang Zuan demonstrate outstanding talent among imperial relatives and distinctive ability among court officials. They can serve the Crown Prince as his teachers and friends.”64 The joint reputation that Wang Xi and Zhang Zuan claimed seems to have continued through the years. In the early years of the Putong 普通 period (520-527), the northern state of Wei started to mend relations with Liang and sent envoys to the South. Zhu Yi 朱異 (487-549), the Liang Drafter in the Secretariat (Zhongshu sheren 中書舍人), was appointed to receive the Wei envoys at a banquet where most people were northerners who had pledged allegiance to the southern dynasty of Liang. Liu Shanming 劉善明 (fl. ca. 520), the envoy from Wei, was conceited about his own talent and, being deep in his cups, challenged Zhu Yi: “In the south, are there other people as eloquent as you?” Yi replied: “The reason I am able to be here receiving foreign guests is simply because I am 61 See Wang Gui’s biography in Liang shu 40.579-583. 62 Liang shu 41.581. 63 Liang shu 41.582. 64 Liang shu 21.326.

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assigned to this post. In our two states’ making of peace, we value kindness and friendship. If we were to attach importance to eloquence, then I would not have been the one to receive you here as our guest.” Shanming said: “Wang Xi and Zhang Zuan are the two names I heard in the north. May I meet them?” Zhu Yi relayed this request to the emperor who then granted a banquet in the Southern Garden to which only Wang Xi and Zhuang Zuan were invited for an audience with Liu Shanming. The Wei envoy carried on a conversation in which he demonstrated a broad knowledge of classical and historical texts and threw innuendoes and insults against the Liang. Wang Xi and Zhang Zuan, fully aware of the diplomatic and political delicacy required of the situation, returned all “favors” in the most appropriate manner. Liu Shanming was eventually convinced that the two men were indeed worthy of his respect.65 Zhang Zuan was the third son of Zhang Hongce 張弘策 (457?-503?), who was not only Xiao Yan’s maternal uncle (Empress Wenxian’s 文獻 younger brother) but also a main advisor to Xiao Yan before and during the founding of the Liang.66 During Xiao Yan’s military campaign against the Qi, Zhang Hongce contributed to important decision-making. Zhang Zuan, at the age of eleven, was married to Princess Fuyang 富陽—the fourth daughter of Emperor Wu.67 Zhang Zuan was fond of reading and absorbed himself in the library of his elder brother Zhang Mian 張緬 (490531), which housed over ten thousand scrolls of books.68 At the time there were four positions at the Palace Library and Zhang Zuan was appointed to one of the four. Usually reserved for young men of strong family background, the position of Imperial Librarian was never meant to be occupied for more than a few months before a promotion. When Zhang Zuan was about to be promoted out of the library to embark on a bona fide official career he requested permission to remain, too engrossed in reading and working with the imperial collections to leave. He protested, “Only when one finishes reading all these books can he be a truly qualified official.”69 Granted his request, Zhuang Zuan remained there for several years before joining Xiao Tong’s staff.

65 Ibid. 66 For Zhang Zuan’s biography, see Liang shu 34.493-503. For Zhang Hongce’s biography, see Liang shu 11.205-8. 67 Liang shu 34.493. 68 For Zhang Mian’s biography, see Liang shu 34.491-2. 69 The discussion about youshi 優仕 is found in the Analects, “Zizhang” 子張 (19.13): “Excel in what you study, then you can serve as an official.” See Lunyu zhushu, 19.172.

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Although Zhang Zuan’s brother Zhang Mian did not participate in the composition of the poems on “Magniloquence and Diminiloquence” analyzed above, he was a member of the prince’s entourage and developed quite a friendship with Xiao Tong. A renowned book collector, Zhang Mian also had a reputation for being filial. An avid reader, he was particularly versed in Latter Han 後漢 and Jin 晉 scholarship. Zhang Mian’s broad reading and extensive learning made him an acclaimed historian of the Liang. His completed works included Record of the Latter Han (Hou Han ji 後漢紀) in forty juan and Excerpts on the Jin (Jin chao 晉抄) in thirty juan.70 Virtuous Words and Pure Dust: Friendship with the Crown Prince These young companions constituted an extremely meaningful part of Xiao Tong’s life. The degree of courtesy and compassion with which the crown prince treated them speaks about the cultural values of the sixth century as well as their relationship. Once on hearing that Yin Jun was abstaining from eating completely during the mourning period for his deceased mother, Xiao Tong immediately sent a letter urging him to “have a bit of porridge, fruits, and vegetables” (饘粥果蔬少加) so as not to impair his health. 71 Upon hearing of the death of Zhang Mian in 531, Xiao Tong personally wrote a letter of condolence to his younger brother Zhang Zuan, expressing deep regret for the loss. Your worthy brother had a broad mastery of scholarship and was astute and nimble in dealing with administrative affairs. Although Yi Xiang was widely read in ancient histories, and Xi Gu venerated the Poetry and Documents,72 no one past or present could surpass [your brother in these regards]. Since he was appointed to the court, it has been almost twenty-four years. In name he was my subordinate, but in actuality we were close friends. [Together] we attended literary banquets and lecture meetings. We roamed in the morning and feasted in the evening. How often did we share our wonderful enjoyment and put our feelings in words about the same experience? How could he have left us so suddenly, not to be retrieved? In addi70 See Liang shu 34.491-2. 71 See Liang shu 27.408 and Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p.189. 72 Yi Xiang 倚相 was a famous historian of the Chu state during the Spring and Autumn period. See Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu (Duke Zhao 12), 45.794-95. Xi Gu 郤縠 was a scholar who was well-versed in the Five Classics. See Chunqiu Zuo zhuanzhu (Duke Xi 27), 16.267.

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tion, he was still in his prime and had just made known his talent and capability. Like a sprout destroyed and a spikelet fallen, indeed it is a lamentable pity. Thinking that you and your brother had always a harmonious relationship and now you have lost him, how can this be put into words? When I put it into words I became choked by sobs; brush in hand, I lost my train of thought. 賢兄學業該通, 蒞事明敏, 雖倚相之讀墳典, 郤縠之敦詩書, 惟今望古, 蔑以斯 過。自列宮朝, 二紀將及, 義惟僚屬, 情實親友。文筵講席, 朝遊夕宴, 何曾不 同茲勝賞, 共此言寄？如何長謝, 奄然不追! 且年甫強仕, 方申才力, 摧苗落 穎, 彌可傷惋。念天倫素睦, 一旦相失, 如何可言。言及增哽, 攬筆無次。 73

This note is but one of the many records that bespeak the Liang crown prince’s sincerity and graciousness in treating his court members. Even years after his death, Zhang Zuan would still recall fondly the good days at Xiao Tong’s court, for example, in his “Fu on Traveling South” (“Nanzheng fu” 南征賦),74 a piece written during Zhang Zuan’s service for Xiao Gang. 居銜觴而接席 出方舟以同濟 彼華坊與禁苑 常宵盤而晝憩 思德音其在耳 若清塵之未逝 經二紀以及茲 悲明離之永翳

Within the court, we drank together and sat side by side; Going out, we shared a boat to cross the river. In those floriate offices and forbidden parks, We enjoyed ourselves at night and rest during the day.75 I think of his virtuous words which I still remember. His pure dust has not disappeared. Twenty-four years have passed since. I lament that the ‘Bright Sun’ is forever darkened.76

As Fu Gang aptly points out, this expression of remembrance for Xiao Tong shows utmost sincerity, given the occasion for which the fu was composed.77 Zhang Zuan was then serving the new Crown Prince, who was the host of his leave-taking banquet. To praise his former patron on

73 See Liang shu 34.492. 74 See Liang shu 34.494-5. 75 This alludes to Yan Yanzhi’s 顏延之 (384-456) “Tao zhengshi lei” 陶徵士誄, see Wen xuan 57.2474. 76 Li is hexagram # 30 (Cohesion) in the Classic of Changes. Kong Yingda’s commentary draws a correlation between li and the sun. Mingli is a kenning for the sun, and here it is used to refer to the Crown Prince. Zhou yi zhengyi 9.186. For the Chinese text, see Quan Liang wen 64.3330b. Cf. Lynn, The Classic of Changes, pp. 323-8. 77 See Fu Gang, Xiao Tong pingzhuan, p. 171.

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the occasion could not but have sprung from a heartfelt affection for Xiao Tong. Two other important figures in Xiao Tong’s circle were Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481-539) and Wang Yun 王筠 (481-549).78 In the Liang shu, we read the following account: “[Xiao Tong] was fond of literary men. The prince, together with Wang Yun, Liu Xiaochuo, Lu Chui, Dao Qia 到洽 (477-527), and Yin Yun 殷芸 (471-529) would roam and feast in the Hanging Garden (Xuan pu 玄圃).79 The Crown Prince on one occasion held [Wang] Yun by his sleeves, patted Xiaochuo on the back, and said: “This is what they mean by ‘With my left hand, I grab Fuqiu’s sleeve; With my right hand, I pat Hongya’s shoulders’” 所謂左把浮丘袖, 右拍洪崖肩.80 Wang Yun joined the Eastern Palace circle in 507 to become the Crown Prince’s Companion-in-Residence. Also tracing his ancestry to Langye, Wang Yun carried his clan’s literary fame. Although politically influential, the Langye Wangs had not produced as many renowned men of letters as the other powerful clan, the Xies. When it came to Wang Yun’s generation, a popular saying put the Wangs on par with the Xies: “The Xie clan has Lan 覽 and Ju 舉, and the Wangs have Yang 養 and Ju 炬” 謝有覽舉, 王 有養炬. Yang was Wang Yun’s nickname, and Ju was that of his brother Wang Tai 王泰 (475?-520?).81 None other than Shen Yue, the “grandmaster of words” (cizong 辭宗) of the time, had recognized Wang Yun’s achievement in writing. Every time he received one of Wang Yun’s writings, he would read it aloud, recite it, sigh and marvel at it, deeming it as surpassing his own compositions. When Shen Yue was constructing his suburban estate, he asked Wang 78 For Liu Xiaochuo’s biography, see Liang shu 33.479-84. For Wang Yun’s biography, see Liang shu 33.484-7. 79 For Dao Qia’s biography, see Liang shu 27.403-4. For Yin Yun’s biography, see Liang shu 41.596. Yin is attributed with a ten-juan fictional word called Yin Yun xiaoshuo 殷芸 小說. Xuanpu 玄圃, literally “mystic garden,” actually comes from the name of a peak in the legendary accounts about Mount Kunlun 崑崙 which are found in the Shanhai jing 山海經. Mount Kunlun is said to have three peaks: the lowest being Fantong 樊桐, the middle being Xuanpu 懸圃 and the highest Zengcheng 增城. See Shanhai jing jiaozhu 山 海經校註 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1980), 6.304 and 13.450. During the Qi dynasty, a garden called Xuanpu was built in the Crown Prince’s residence, the Eastern Palace. Hu Sanxing 胡三省 (1230-1302) comments that (Zizhi tongjian 資治通鋻 161.4972) being the second highest peak of Mount Kunlun, Xuanpu is an appropriate name for the garden of the Crown Prince, who is second only to the emperor. 80 See Liang shu 33.485. The two lines quoted by Xiao Tong are from Guo Pu’s 郭璞 (276-324) “Youxian shi” 游仙詩. See Wen xuan 21.1020. 81 For Wang Tai’s biography, see Liang shu 21.323-4.

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Yun to compose ten poems rhapsodizing on objects, which were then brushed on to the wall without titles, because each poem was such a vivid description of its object that no title was necessary.82 Shen Yue once even compared Wang Yun to Wang Can 王粲 (177-217), the leading literary figure of the Jian’an 建安 period (196-220), by alluding to the famous story recorded in Cai Yong’s 蔡邕 (133-192) official biography. A famed polymath of the Eastern Han, Cai Yong was said on hearing of the presence of Wang Can to have rushed out to meet him without properly putting his shoes on. Cai Yong went so far as to present his entire library to Wang Can, thinking that the books would be of more use to the latter than himself.83 Shen Yue told Wang Yun: “Although I am no match for Cai Yong, I want to tell you this: since Xie Tiao and the others passed away, my lifetime friends are all gone. I didn’t expect to meet you in my old age.”84 Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464-499) and Wang Rong 王融 (467-493) were two of Shen’s poet friends and shared his enthusiasam for prosodic innovation, for which they were known as the flagbearers of the Yongming永 明 (483-493) era poetry.85 Holding Wang Yun in such high regard, Shen Yue constantly recommended him to the Emperor: “Of the new generation, Wang Yun stands out alone.”86 According to his biography, Wang Yun had a small figure. He was modest and unassuming, in spite of all the talent and fame he had. Wang Yun’s writings amounted to one hundred juan, of which ten juan were literary compositions. An appellation often attached to Xiao Tong’s entourage is the “Ten Scholars at the Eastern Palace” (Donggong shi xueshi 東宮十學士). In 508, Emperor Wu issued an edict to establish an academy at the Eastern Palace, and accordingly Academician positions were created. Although there are several different listings of who the ten scholars were, according to the Nan shi they were Lu Chui, Zhang Shuai 張率 (475-527), Xie Ju 謝舉

82 See Liang shu 33.484-5. Yongwu poetry became an important poetic form in the LiuSong and was popular at gatherings. A common pratice was for poets to write on the same object, either from nature or a household article. A yongwu poem is often short and stresses tonal euphony. See Diana Bridge, “Poems on Things: A Contribution to Yongming Composition,” p. 118; Hong Shunlong, “Liuchao yongwu shi yanjiu;” Lu Jian, “Gudai yongwu shi gaishuo.” 83 Wei shu 21.597. 84 Liang shu 33.485. 85 See Goh Meow Hui, Sound and Sight. 86 Liang shu 33.484.

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(481?-549), Wang Gui, Wang Yun, Liu Xiaochuo, Dao Qia, and Zhang Mian.87 Lu Chui, a man from Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou 蘇州 municipality, Jiangsu), was one of the “Eight Companions of Jingling.” Chui was a diligent student. When he was young, he had two huts built at his home. There, he isolated himself in his studies by avoiding human contact. He was on good terms with Ren Fang 任昉 (460-508) of Le’an 樂安 (modern Guangrao 廣饒 county, Shandong). Lu Chui presented Ren Fang with a fu titled “Thoughts on my Bosom Friend” (“Gan zhiji fu” 感知 己賦), who then replied to him with a piece of the same title. Emperor Wu was well aware of Lu Chui’s literary talent and commissioned from him the “Inscription on the New Water Clock” (“Xin Kelou ming” 新刻漏銘) and “Inscription on the Stone Pillar” (“Shique ming” 石闕銘). Both pieces were so remarkable that they were collected in the Wen xuan in violation of its ostensible criterion of “not collecting works by contemporary writers” 不錄存者.88 Zhang Shuai was from the same home area as Lu Chui, and they were good friends since childhood. Once when introducing Zhang and Lu to Ren Fang, Shen Yue commented, “These two men are outstanding among the young generation. Both are southern Gold.89 You can make friends with them.”90 Another precocious writer, Zhang Shuai began writing literary works at the age of twelve, when he would write at least one poem, fu, or eulogy per day. When he turned sixteen, he had accumulated a collection of two thousand pieces. When Emperor Wu established the Liang, Zhang Shuai was assigned to the Bureau of Candidates with Literary Virtue (Wende daizhao sheng 文德待詔省). There, he was asked to copy 87 Fu Gang’s study of the group led to the conclusion that these ten scholars were present at the Eastern Palace at different times. Therefore, the group never existed as an actual entity. Nonetheless, these ten people were probably the most famous among Xiao Tong’s circle of scholars. See Zhaoming Wenxuan yanjiu, pp. 140-2. For Zhang Shuai’s biography, see Liang shu 33.475-9. For Xie Ju’s biography, see Liang shu 37.529-30. 88 The attribution of this criterion to the Wen xuan is found in Chao Gongwu’s 晁公武 (12th century) Junzhai dushuzhi 郡齋讀書志, citing Dou Chang 竇常 (746-825) (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987), p. 296. 89 The term nanjin, ”Southern Gold,” refers to talented people from the south. Its first occurrence is found in the Book of Odes, Ode 299, “Panshui” 泮水. South China is rich in copper, and the word for gold jin is used here to refer to copper. See Maoshi zhengyi, 21.770. During the Wei-Jin and Southern Dynasties the term became a common reference to talented people who came from southern China. Lu Ji 陸機 (261-303) and his brother Lu Yun 陸雲 (262-303) were once referred to as Southern Gold by Zhang Hua 張華 (232-300). See Knechtges, “Sweet-peel Orange,” pp. 27-79. 90 Liang shu 33.475.

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history books. Yet he was evidently not happy with his candidacy status, as he presented Emperor Wu with a fu—“Fu on Waiting for Appointment” (Daizhao fu 待詔賦), which was praised by the emperor in an autograph edict: “Having read your fu, I find it excellent. [Sima] Xiangru wrote exquisitely, but he was not quick. Mei Gao 枚皋 (? 153 bce-?) wrote rapidly, but his fu were not elegant or exquisite. Having you is like having the two of them among my expectant officials.”91 At a court banquet all those in attendance were asked to compose a poem, and Emperor Wu particularly presented and exchanged poems with Zhang Shuai. He was appointed Vice Director of the Palace Library, a position that was highly selective. Upon the appointment, Emperor Wu told Zhang Shuai: “The Vice Director of the Palace Library has been an exclusive and elevated position.92 No one from prominent families of the south has been able to take the position. Now you are appointed and it is sufficient to make a reputation for you.”93 In 505, Zhang Shuai also wrote a “Fu on the Dancing Horse” (Wuma fu 舞馬賦), which is preserved in his biography.94 Last but not least, the famous literary critic Liu Xie 劉勰 (465-522) also joined Xiao Tong’s staff and was highly favored by the prince.95 The vigor of Xiao Tong’s literary salon was unprecedented in its era. The Liang shu describes it as follows: By nature, [the prince] was generous and amiable. Seldom did he show intense moods of happiness or anger. He attracted and brought in talented and learned men whom he tirelessly appreciated. Often they deliberated on the classics. Sometimes he discussed historical questions with the scholars. At leisure, what they commonly did was to compose writings. At the time, there were nearly thirty thousand fascicles of books in the Eastern Palace. Famous men of the time were all gathered there. Literature had not flourished to this extent since the Jin and Song dynasties. 性寬和容眾, 喜慍不形於色。引納才學之士, 賞愛無倦。恆自討論篇籍, 或與 學士商確古今。閒則繼以文章著述, 率以為常。于時, 東宮有書幾三萬卷。名 才並集, 文學之盛, 晉、宋以來未之有也。 96

91 Ibid. For this allusion, see Xijing zaji 3.6a. 92 The term used here is qingguan 清官 referring to positions for people of aristocratic descent. 93 See Liang shu 33.475. 94 Ibid. 95 See Liang shu 50.710. For Liu Xie’s biography, see Liang shu 50.710-12. See also Fu Gang, Xiao Tong pingzhuan, pp. 176-83. 96 Liang shu 8.168.

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chapter one Portraying Crown Prince

The Liang shu biography of Xiao Tong not only emphasizes his patronage of literature and learning, but also portrays him as an ideal ruler who was self-restrained, ascetic, circumspect, and extremely mindful of ritual matters. He is said to have distanced himself from sensual pleasures. [The prince] enjoyed mountains and rivers. In the Hanging Garden he had pools and lakes made, also building pavilions and lodges. With talented men among whom were court officials and illustrious gentry, the prince roamed in the garden. Once they were boating in the rear lake and Xiao Gui, Marquis of Panyu, forcefully suggested that female musicians would be appropriate for the occasion. The Crown Prince did not take the suggestion, and instead chanted Zuo Si’s poem “Summoning the Recluse,” a passage of which reads: “Why do we need strings and reeds?/ Mountains and rivers, on their own, possess pure sounds.” Ashamed, the marquis desisted. During the twentysome years at his court, Xiao Tong did not keep musical entertainers. 性愛山水, 於玄圃穿築, 更立亭館, 與朝士名素者遊其中。嘗泛舟後池, 番禺 侯軌盛稱:“此中宜奏女樂。” 太子不荅, 詠左思招隱詩曰:“何必絲與竹, 山 水有清音。”侯慚而止。出宮二十餘年, 不畜聲樂。 97

In treating his parents, Xiao Tong was said to be extremely filial, using mourning behavior as a crucial measure. The reason elite mourning practices constituted an important aspect of social and political life among the aristocracy probably has much to do with the personality evaluation and official appointment system established in 220 by Cao Cao 曹操 (155220), namely the “Jiupin zhongzheng” 九品中正 or “Nine Ranks and Rectifier.” Filial piety was stipulated as the most important criterion for personality evaluation and it alone may elevate a person to officialdom. The importance attached to filial piety in early medieval times cannot be emphasized enough.98 Observation of mourning rituals was in turn a key demonstration of one’s filial devotion. The frequent appearance in medieval histories of the phrase jusang 居喪, “observing the mourning period,” serves as testimony to this point. One often reads that a man’s official career was interrupted by the need to “observe mourning.”99 The excellence of extreme filial personalities is often found in stories about an individual’s conduct during 97 Liang shu 8.168. 98 See Knapp, Selfless Offspring: Filial Children and Social Order in Medieval China. 99 There are 69 occurrences of jusang in the Nan shi and 145 in the Sanguo zhi, Jin shu, Song shu, Nan Qi shu, Liang shu, and Chen shu. In Liang shu alone, there are 30 occurrences.

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the mourning period. Exemplary conduct during the mourning period usually involved observing a vegetarian diet and other acts of self-denial.100 If we evaluate the Liang crown prince by this criterion, Xiao Tong would indeed be called a model. Let us turn to his biography in the Liang shu which provides the following account of Xiao Tong after his mother Lady Ding passed away in 526. In the eleventh month of the seventh year [of the Tianjian reign], the Noble Consort became ill. The Crown Prince returned to the Bureau of Everlasting Happiness, waiting on [his mother] day and night without loosening his belt. When she died he walked to the palace, following the procession carrying her body. When it was time for burial, he would have no liquids and wept his heart out.101 Emperor Wu sent out an edict that read: “That deep grief should not impair one’s health102 is the sages’ order.103 According to the Rites, one who does not endure and survive mourning is tantamount to being unfilial.104 As I am still alive, how could you ruin yourself like that? You should force yourself to take some food and drink.” The Crown Prince, upon receiving the edict, then took in several ounces of [fluids]. For each day after that, he would have ten ounces of barley porridge. Emperor Wu again sent down an edict which read: “I have heard that you have been having too little food and become weak. Recently, I have not had lingering illness except when I heard about your situation and then I became ill from congestion in my chest. You should force yourself to have some thick gruel so that I need not constantly worry about you.” Although several times he received edicts from the emperor who persuaded and urged him, the prince still would only have thirty ounces of gruel per day and ate no vegetables or fruits. Before that, he was quite strong and had a waistline of ten wei;105 by this time he was reduced to half his original size. When he went to the court, everyone who saw him could not help shedding tears.

100 For “mourning and burial rites” (sangzang 喪葬) see Chang Jincang, Zhou dai li su yanjiu, pp. 94-107. 101 See the famous passage in the “Tan gong” 檀弓 chapter of the Records of Rites: “Therefore, in a gentleman’s carrying out of mourning rites, he refrains from [food including] liquids for three days. Only by leaning on to a staff can he stand up” 故君子之執親 之喪也, 水漿不入於口者三日, 杖, 而後能起. Liji zhushu 7.127. 102 See Liji zhushu 6.112-13 and 63.1033. 103 聖人 here refers to the sages or sage (Confucius) held to have established mourning protocol in the remote past, according to which, one may harbor mournful feelings for a lifetime, but should not harm one’s own life which was given by his parents. To do so would be the most grievous offense for a filial son. See Liji zhushu 6.112-13. 104 This is a reference to the “Qu li” 曲禮 chapter of the Records of Rites: “Not being able to endure mourning is tantamount to being unbenign or unfilial” 不勝喪乃比於不 慈不孝. See Liji zhushu 3.54. 105 The measure of a wei is not now known.

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chapter one 七年十一月, 貴嬪有疾, 太子還永福省, 朝夕侍疾, 衣不解帶。及薨, 步從喪還 宮, 至殯, 水漿不入口, 每哭輒慟絕。高祖遣中書舍人顧協宣旨曰:“毀不滅 性, 聖人之制。禮, 不勝喪比於不孝。有我在, 那得自毀如此 ! 可即彊進飲 食。”太子奉敕, 乃進數合。自是至葬, 日進麥粥一升。高祖又敕曰: “聞汝 所進過少, 轉就羸瘵, 我比更無餘病, 正為汝如此, 胸中亦圮塞成疾。故應強 加饘粥, 不使我恆爾懸心。”雖屢奉敕勸逼, 日止一溢, 不嘗菜果之味。體素 壯, 腰帶十圍, 至是減削過半。每入朝, 士庶見者莫不下泣。 106

The account cited above needs to be put in historical context. On the one hand, similar records appear frequently in the sources. On the other hand, that fact does not necessarily undermine the credibility of the story. The least we can say about the Crown Prince, Xiao Tong, was that he made almost too extreme an effort to conform to orthodoxy regarding ritual matters.107 Another text reinforces our perception of Xiao Tong’s seriousness toward ritual. The “Yi Donggong li jue pangqin ling” 議東宮禮絕旁親令 or “Discussion on ‘For the Eastern Palace, Rituals Stop at Collateral Relatives’” illustrates how complicated and even controversial mourning rituals could be. In December 522 (the third year of the Putong 普通 reign [520526], in the 11th month), Xiao Tong’s uncle, Xiao Dan 蕭憺 (478-522), the Prince of Shixing 始興, died. According to the Record of Ceremonies for the Eastern Palace of Song (Song Donggong yiji 宋東宮儀記), a Liu-Song ritual document compiled by Zhang Jing 張鏡 (ca. 420-479),108 the mourning period should last for an entire month and no music should be played during that time. However, New Year’s Day was coming within a month, and on that day it was state practice to carry out the musical and dance performance called liuyi 六佾109 at the Eastern Palace. In order to resolve the conflict between the two ritual requirements, the Crown Prince consulted his advisors. Liu Xiaochuo suggested curtail106 Liang shu 8.167. 107 As the central principle for all ritual matters is governed by “restraint and moderation” (中和 or 中庸), Xiao Tong’s mourning ritual may have not been orthodox and even may have violated the prohibitions against doing harm to oneself or coming close to harm himself and then violate the rules stipulated by the sages. On “restraint and moderation” ritual matters, see Chang Jincang, Zhou dai li su yanjiu, pp. 39-41; Zou Changlin, Zhongguo guli yanjiu, pp. 228-30. 108 According to the bibliographic monograph of the Sui shu, the full title of this work was Song Donggong yiji, see Sui shu 33.969. 109 Liuyi, literally “six rows,” is a ritual performance involving music and dance for marquises. There were six rows of performers and in each row there were six of them. Likewise the so-called bayi 八佾 had eight–by-eight or sixty-four performers and was a ritual performance reserved for the emperor. See Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhengyi 3.62.

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ing mourning rituals with indirect relatives at the Eastern Court. His reasoning was as follows: “The purpose is to dispense with mourning formalities. Even though the formalities can be dispensed with, how could one not be sorrowful? …. After the crying and weeping is done,110 [the New Year] dance should be carried out as usual. Proper sadness is complete. This is plausible in both theory and practice.” Xu Mian, Lu Xiang 陸襄 (481-550), and Zhou She 周捨 (479-524?) seconded Liu Xiaochuo on this issue.111 But Xiao Tong is said to have found the suggestion problematic for two reasons. First, how could one’s sincere sadness stop after crying and weeping? Secondly, Liu on the one hand relied on Zhang Jing’s Yiji for permission to play music, while on the other rejecting the idea of “due sadness” in the same Yiji, which would require a full month’s mourning. Lu Xiang, the Household Provisioner, added his support to Liu’s suggestion, arguing that it was in accord with what had been practiced for many years at the Crown Prince’s residence. Still Xiao Tong felt that the proposal did not adequately provide for the expression of sorrow; recently this had been a controversial issue for which opinions outside the Crown Prince’s palace had been sought. In the end Xiao Tong acknowledged that sorrowful feelings were a lesser matter than state ceremony. He expressed a willingness to resolve the conflict by writing petitions and letters to give release to his sadness, thus keeping the mourning at a personal level so as not to affect the New Year ceremony. With that in mind he consulted further with Ming Shanbin and Zhu Yi, who believed that the mourning period should be carried to its full length, and this then was recorded in the code book of the Eastern Palace.112 We are told that Xiao Tong demonstrated the same circumspect and compassionate personality in the administrative matters entrusted to 110 The phrase that I translate as “crying and weeping is done” is zuku 卒哭, which is part of the mourning ritual, as explained in the “Ji xi li” 既夕禮 chapter of the Ceremonies and Rites (Yili 儀禮). There are three rounds of procedure in which one mourns the deceased by crying and weeping whenever one feels mournful and it is called sanyu 三虞 or “three pacifications.” After the sanyu period, one only weeps in the morning and evening. And such a reduction of weeping and crying is called 卒哭 or “finish crying.” See Yili zhushu, 40.473 卒哭, 三虞之後祭名。始朝夕之間, 哀至則哭, 至此祭, 止也。朝夕哭 而已. 111 For Lu Xiang’s biography, see Liang shu 27.409-10. Lu Xiang had a reputation of being an extremely filial son. After his father was executed, he became a vegetarian. Even in preparing vegetables, he refrained from using knives. For Zhou She’s biography, see Liang shu 25.375-77. 112 Liang shu 8.166-7 and Nan shi 53.1309.

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him by the emperor after the prince turned fifteen, the age at which Xiao Tong underwent his capping ceremony. In the Liang shu we have the following account of this practice. Ever since the Crown Prince underwent the capping ceremony, the emperor entrusted him with the administration of various state affairs. From the hundred offices within the palace and without, people who had petitions to present crowded in front of the prince’s court. The Crown Prince was perspicacious with various matters, invariably perceptive of even minute details. Whenever what was written in the petition contained a false charge or untrue claim he would immediately analyze and clarify it, showing why it was permissible or not and gently having it corrected. He never accused or impeached anyone. In adjudicating criminal cases he was forgiving and frequently spared the criminal’s life. Everyone in the realm praised him for his compassion. 太子自加元服, 高祖便使省萬機, 內外百司奏事者填塞於前。太子明於庶事 纖毫必曉, 每所奏有謬誤及巧妄, 皆即就辯析, 示其可否, 徐令改正, 未嘗彈糾 一人。平斷法獄, 多所全宥, 天下皆稱仁。 113

Xiao Tong’s biographer focused on the trait jen, benevolence or compassion, in his portrayal, partly because this was expected of the crown prince. Since Xiao Tong died young, any potential controversies were probably intentionally sidelined. This being said, we have no grounds to doubt the veracity of specific examples provided by the Liang historian to prove his case. For example, Xiao Tong once saved the life of one of his younger brothers, Xiao Lun 蕭綸 (507-551), who constantly engaged in outrageous behavior. After many offenses, the emperor had him arrested and intended to force him to commit suicide. In tears, Xiao Tong admonished against the sentence and Xiao Lun’s life was spared.114 When Xiao Tong’s close officials developed grudges against each other, we are again told that he would never allow his own partiality to become a factor. For example, Liu Xiaochuo and Dao Qia, both important members at his court, were constantly on hostile terms. When Dao Qia served at the Personnel Bureau he impeached Liu Xiaochuo, partly as revenge. Relying on his favor with the prince, Liu Xiaochuo would copy to the prince his family letters criticizing Dao Qia as a way to protest. Despite Xiao Tong’s fondness for Liu Xiaochuo as a literary man and close companion, he is said to have never opened those letters. Instead, he simply burned them to prevent further feuds.115 113 Liang shu 8.167. 114 Liang shu 33.481. 115 Liang shu 33.486.

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The royal prince was also known for keeping in close touch with his people. In 524 a military expedition to the north caused the price of grain to soar.116 It is recorded that the prince issued an order to cut expenditures on clothing and food, and he himself reduced regular meals to snacks. Also reported was that whenever there was persistent rain or snow, the prince would dispatch attendants to go to the thoroughfares and back alleys to inspect families in need. When people were found homeless, Xiao Tong’s attendants would provide relief. He also ordered the bureau of the Eastern Palace that manufactured clothing to make a surplus of padded jackets and pants to be distributed to the needy. In cases where his assistance did not reach the needy, he would have coffins prepared for those who died outside with no family to collect the corpse.117 These accounts again represent the historian’s intention of reporting Xiao Tong’s meritorious deeds, which were really the crown prince’s obligations. What is particularly interesting is the eagerness in the tone of the historian to give us such positive portrayal. In sharp contrast, he glossed over why and how Xiao Tong passed away. Despite the reportedly cautious and reverent attitude Xiao Tong maintained throughout his life, he seems to have led a troubled life after his mother Lady Ding died in 526. He appears to have been grief-stricken for a long time, and his health was heavily impaired. In the selection of an auspicious tomb site for his mother, Xiao Tong followed a necromancer’s proposal to bury some wax geese at the site to counteract the supposed inauspiciousness afflicting him. When the emperor was informed of this, he would have charged the prince with a serious crime if not for Xu Mian’s intercession. Some scholars argue that the “goose burying” (埋鵝) incident was severe enough to cost the prince his favor with the emperor and led eventually to Xiao Tong’s death. This suggestion is unlikely based on several factors. First of all, Xiao Tong had always been a filial and loyal son. We are told that whenever he came to court he would arrive before dawn, and that even when he dwelled in his own quarters, he would always face the direction of the emperor when getting up and retiring. Secondly, even after the “goose burying” the emperor is recorded as having continued to show concern and favor toward the prince, a consideration that Fu Gang has pointed out.118 Xiao Tong’s biography in 116 Liang shu 3.67, 8.168. 117 Liang shu 8.168. 118 See Xiao Tong pingzhuan, pp. 82-86.

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the Nan shi contains a scandalous account that has been regarded as untrue by both traditional and modern scholars. There may be no way for us to find out the real reason for Xiao Tong’s premature death, but his life as portrayed by official history is one of a paragon of Confucian virtue and conduct.

Xiao Tong’s Literary Inclination

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Chapter Two

Gentlemanly Style: Xiao Tong’s Literary Inclination The Great Anthology The official history of the Liang might have intended to bequeath to Xiao Tong a good name as an ideal Confucian heir apparent, but in practice the crown prince is best remembered for the anthology he compiled in the 520s, the Wen xuan. The prince’s posthumous name—Zhaoming—is traditionally attached to the title of this anthology, which is therefore known to us as the Zhaoming Wen xuan. The Wen xuan is the oldest extant literary anthology and since the Tang has exerted profound influence on the learning and understanding of early medieval Chinese literature. It preserves 761 pieces, arranged according to genre, by 130 authors and spanning eight hundred years from the late Zhou to the Liang.1 Many poetic works that we now take for granted as touchstones of Chinese literary history would not have been available to us without the Wen xuan. The “Nineteen Old Poems” (Gushi shijiu shou 古詩十九首) is a case in point. By presenting these poems as a group, Xiao Tong asserted their exalted status and thus made them some of the most admired and memorized pieces of Chinese poetry. The only other anthology comparable to the Wen xuan in this regard is the eighteenth-century Anthology of Three Hundred Tang Poems (Tang shi sanbai shou 唐詩三百首), and this was not the Wen xuan’s peer in scope and volume. It is no exaggeration to say that Xiao Tong’s Wen xuan, to a large extent, shaped how writers wrote in later times. This Liang anthology received prominent recognition in the centuries after it was compiled. The two most accomplished poets in Chinese history both gave their endorsements to the Wen xuan, albeit in different ways. Li Bo 李白 (701-762) wrote three different imitations of poems from the Wen xuan over the course of his lifetime. He finally burned all three, considering them unworthy to stand beside the works in the original Wen xuan. Only one piece from Li Bo’s efforts is left to us titled, interestingly, “An Imitation of ‘Rhapsody on Regrets’” (Ni hen fu 擬恨賦), which is an 1 Knechtges, Wen xuan, “Introduction,” p. 1.

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imitation of Jiang Yan’s 江淹 (444-505) work of the same title.2 Du Fu 杜甫 (712-770), through his poems, reveals to us that recitation of the Wen xuan was part of his education plan for his son.3 Memorization of the Wen xuan was in fact an indispensable part of the education received by those preparing to take the civil service examinations from the Tang dynasty on.4 In the Song dynasty, the Wen xuan was comparable to a student’s bible. The renowned Song prose writer Lu You 陸游 (1125-1210) quoted a popular saying among scholars and students: “With the Wen xuan thoroughly done, half a scholar you become” (Wen xuan lan, xiucai ban 文選 爛, 秀才半).5 The exalted status of the Wen xuan continued into late imperial Chinese history. A specialist on the Wen xuan, David Knechtges, has suggested a reason for Wen xuan’s high status: “one important reason for the privileged status of the Wen xuan is that its literary values had a strong appeal at a time when the definition of literature was changing and when literary men openly debated the question of what was the proper form and function of literature. The Wen xuan reflects a view of literature that may properly be called moderate.”6 This moderate view certainly belongs to its compiler Xiao Tong, and is consistent with the purpose of this work. Xiao Tong as the Compiler and his Preface to Wen Xuan Before I set out to analyze the Liang crown prince’s ideas about literature, it is necessary to address an issue raised by the Japanese scholar Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫 regarding Xiao Tong’s role in the compilation of the Wen xuan. Shimizu argues that Xiao Tong was only the nominal compiler, and that the actual work of compilation was done by Liu Xiaochuo, who also composed the Wen xuan preface.7 Although it is not uncommon for rulers 2 Qu Shouyuan, Wen xuan daodu, p. 81. Duan Chengshi, Youyang zazu, chapter 12, “Yuzi” 語資, 12.116. See also Xu Donghai’s 許東海 “Cong ‘Ni hen fu’ dao ‘Bai you zhang’— Wen xuan Jiang Yan fu qiandong Li Bai shifu chuangzuo zhi yi kaocha” 從〈擬恨賦〉到 〈百憂章〉-《文選》江淹賦牽動李白詩賦創作之一考查, in Nianyi shi ji Han Wei Liuchao, pp. 271-93; Michelle Sans, “A Better View of Li Bai’s ‘Immitating the Fu on Resentment,’” T’ang Studies 18-19 (2000-1): 41-59. 3 See Li Hui 李暉, “‘Wen xuan li’ yu Tang shi” “文選理”與唐詩, in Wen xuan xue lunji, pp. 333–49. 4 See Li Jinkun 李金坤, “Tangdai keju kaoshi yu Wen xuan” 唐代科舉考試與《文 選》, in Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, pp. 155–68. 5 See Lu You, Laoxue’an biji, 8.1a. 6 Knechtges, “Culling the Weeds,” in Culture and Power, p. 209. 7 See Shimizu Yoshio’s “Monzen hensan no shūhen,” in Ritusmeikan bungaku 377-88 (1976): 207-27. Another of Shimizu’s articles on this topic is: “Shōmei taishi Monzen jo kō”

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to claim credit for the works written or compiled by members of their entourage, Xiao Tong’s bona fides as a writer and literary scholar testified to by his own works and various other sources are not to be doubted. As a matter of fact, literary talent is one of the most important qualities of the Liang prince, as seen from the assessments of his writing by his contemporaries including his brother Xiao Gang, Liu Xiaochuo, and Wang Yun. Recently, many scholars who have examined Shimizu’s argument reject his conclusion. Cao Daoheng, Shen Yucheng, Gu Nong, and Qu Shouyuan, all life-long researchers of the Wen xuan, have come to the same conclusion: that the role Liu Xiaochuo played was only secondary, and Xiao Tong himself performed the task of compiling the work.8 The Wen xuan preface is probably the most important document for examining Xiao Tong’s views on literature. The word used in the preface corresponding most closely to the modern concept of literature is wen, which, as Xiao Tong points out early in the preface, refers specifically to writing. Writing, in Xiao Tong’s view, is a product of civilization and a patterned representation of human affairs. He goes on to outline how the “epochal significance”9 of the invention of writing is far-reaching. Xiao portrays the evolution of literature by using two analogies: the evolution of the emperor’s Grand Carriage from the crude cart, and the accumulation of thick ice from water. The point made here is that change in quantity leads to change in quality. Though the Grand Carriage is developed from the crude cart, it lacks the simplicity of the latter. Though thick ice is nothing but accumulated cold water, it is devoid of the fluid quality of water. Similarly, changes in writing style through time lead to a divergence of contemporary literature from its prototype. With these two metaphors, Xiao Tong attempts to trace the evolution of literature up to his own time. Acknowledging the difficulty of giving a complete and detailed picture, Xiao Tong points out that fu, as a descriptive technique, was one of the six poetic forms found in the Book of Odes. He then surveys major fu writers and common topics of fu as a genre 昭明太子文選序考, Gakuyin (1983): 75-90. For Chinese translation of the above two articles, see Han Jiguo, “Wen xuan bianji de zhou wei,” in Zhongwai xue zhe, pp. 962-77 and Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu lunwen ji, pp. 157-64. 8 Among these scholars, Gu Nong expressed the strongest criticism of Shimizu’s theory in his “Yu Qingshui Kaifu,” in Zhongwai xuezhe, pp. 492-504. Shimizu tried to refute Gu Nong’s criticism in “Jiu Wen xuan bianzhe wenti,” in Wen xuan xue xinlun, pp. 34-50. 9 “Epochal significance” is a rendering of the phrase shiyi 時義 by Cai Zong-qi. See Hawai’i Reader in Traditional Chinese Culture, ed. Victor Mair et al. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2005), 283.

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established during the Han, i.e., capitals and palaces, hunting and excursions, and single objects. Then Xiao Tong gives special attention to a genre he calls “writings by saoren 騷人 (disenchanted persons),”10 which started with Qu Yuan 屈原 (ca. 343-ca.277 bc). The next section is where Xiao Tong shows his affiliation with the traditional line of literary criticism. Xiao Tong quotes from the “Great Preface” (Daxu 大序) to the Book of Odes in which an expressive theory about poetry is presented: The poem is that to which what is intently on the mind goes. In the mind it is ‘being intent;’ coming out in language, it is a poem. The affections are stirred within and take form in words. If words alone are inadequate, we speak them out in sighs. If sighing is inadequate, we sing them. If singing them is inadequate, unconsciously our hands dance them and our feet tap them. The affections emerge in sounds; when those sounds have patterning, they are called ‘tones.’ The tones of a well-managed age are at rest and happy; its government is balanced. The tones of an age of turmoil are bitter and full of anger; its governance is perverse. The tones of a state in decline are filled with lament and brooding; its people are in difficulty… The transformation brought by [the poems] ‘Guanju’ and ‘Linzhi’ demonstrates the influence of a royal king. [The poems grouped as] ‘Zhounan’ and ‘Shaonan’ show the orthodox way and they are the foundation of the king’s transforming [acts].11

Xiao Tong reiterates important points made in the above passage, stressing in particular the moralistic function of literature in regard to statecraft. He believes that it is possible to perceive and even predict the rise and decline of a state by observing its poetry. This is a significant statement, telling us that the Crown Prince’s view of literature is very much in line with the traditional literary critics from the Western Han, during which time the “Great Preface” of the Book of Odes was composed. In the next section of the preface, Xiao Tong shifts his attention to the evolutionary changes of lyrical poetry: when the tetrasyllabic (siyan 四言) and the pentasyllabic (wuyan 五言) were organized into classes. There were also other classes with more arbitrary forms that have as few as three syllables and as many as nine syllables. In addition to the two main genres 10 Ibid. 11 Maoshi zhengyi 1.13: 詩者, 志之所之也。在心為志, 發言為詩。情動於中而形 於言。。。治世之音安以樂, 其政和。亂世之音怨以怒, 其政乖。亡國之音哀以思, 其民困。。。 《關雎》 《麟趾》之化, 王者之風。。。 《周南》 《召南》, 正始之道, 王化 之基。。。The English translation is by Stephen Owen with minor changes. See Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, p. 40.

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of fu and shi, there are a variety of other genres that Xiao Tong deems “the ultimate creation of writers” (zuozhe zhi zhi 作者之致).12 The Wen xuan preface gives an impression of completeness and exhaustiveness in enumerating the available genres. On the other hand, the emphasis on diachronic change constantly reminds one that the compiler can capture but one moment of historical reality in literature. And the significance of that moment is the exact raison d’être for an anthology. The founding of the Liang at the beginning of the sixth century was for many a new start with hopes of ending the state of exile—not by returning to the north but rather by making a home in the south, where an enduring new dynasty inheriting and representing all that was great about the Han would hold its own against the “barbaric” north by sheer cultural power. The crown prince, born concurrently with the dynasty, was an ideal figure to serve as symbolic bearer and transmitter of this power of wen or literature, which by this time had evolved from what it had been three hundred years earlier. Wen had become a recognized discipline, one of four together with classics, history, and philosophy. Yet it displayed a fundamental difference from the other three in being absolutely inclusive. The boundaries of wen as a category evade precise delineation; the question of what can and should be called literature had been a topic of long debate since the fall of the Han. Cao Pi 曹丕 (187-226), the crown prince of the Wei dynasty (220265), had been the first to initiate this inquiry with his endorsement of literature as the “great enterprise in running the state.” Ever since then the topics for writing had expanded, occasions for literary activities created and documented, and literary collections made to inspire emulation, to serve as markers of eminence, and to stimulate competition. While the other three disciplines are strictly solemn matters and concerns of the sovereign, the boundary of literature as “state enterprise” is far more porous due to the fluid character of what can be called literature. Every

12 For an excellent discussion of the hierarchy of Wen xuan selections, see Knechtges “Culling the Weeds,” pp. 200-241. For studies on early medieval genre theories, see Li Shibiao, Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenti xue; Gao Luming, Guji mulu; Wang Yao, “Wenti bianxi yu zongji de chengli” 文體辨析與總集的成立, in idem, Zhonggu wenxue sixiang, pp. 124-52; Liao Weiqing, “Wenti lun” 文體論, in idem, Liuchao wenlun, pp. 77-100; James Robert Hightower, “The Wen Hsüan and Genre Theory,” HJAS 20 (1957): 512-33; rpt. in Studies in Chinese Literature, pp. 142-63; Donald Holzman, “Literary Criticism in China in the Early Third Century ad,” AS 28.2 (1974): 113-49; Luo Zongqiang, Wei Jin Nanbeichao, pp. 100-7; He Xinwen, “Cong ‘Shi fu lüe’ dao ‘Wen ji lu,’” Hubei daxue xuebao 1996.2: 57-61.

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claim made on literature is accompanied by an explicit or implicit description as well as prescription. In concluding the preface, Xiao Tong resorts for the second time to the literary device of metaphor to explicate the nature of literature: “They [literary genres] may be compared to such diverse instruments made of clay or gourds: all provide pleasure for the ear. The zigzag and meander designs are different, but both afford pleasure to the eyes. Whatever a writer wished to convey, there was a form readily at hand.”13 This statement, aligning verbal design with musical and visual patterning, points out what is probably most fundamental about literature, i.e., the gratuitous aesthetic appeal of the form itself. The implicit manner in which it complements the two elements of literary creation that Xiao Tong had earlier stressed, i.e., “dazzling diction” (hanzao 翰藻) and “deep contemplation (chensi 沉思),” bespeaks something innate to literature but in a particular literary specimen is often abandoned for what is peripheral yet ostentatious, including the most commonly sought aspect of a piece, its “point.” Aesthetics is indeed what differentiates the literary from the other fields. Cao Pi uses the word “beautiful” (li 麗) to characterize “poetry and rhapsody” (shifu 詩賦). The judgement of what is beautiful can be a matter of subjectivitiy. Such feature precludes literature’s constituting the foundation of a discipline, the latter being inherently premised on order instructed, superimposed, and then accepted. In consequence, when what is “beautiful” becomes a discipline, its aesthetics succumb to other principles, including, for example, moral excellence. Before and during the process of the formation of these more concrete principles, the discipline passes through a stage in which subjective tastes predominate and produce a state of chaos and confusion. This is what Xiao Tong seems to have been concerned with when he remarks on the stupendous amount of writings available, with good and bad all mixed together in disorder: “the names of men of letters and great talents overflow the blue bags, and the texts of swift writings from moist brushes fill the yellow covers.” He indicates the need to select good writings and then arrange them in one collection, proclaiming: “Unless one omits the weeds and collects only the purest blossoms, even with redoubled effort one will find it difficult to read more than half.”

13 Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 1: 87.

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An Age of Literary Proliferation Xiao Tong’s rationale for compiling the Wen xuan is representative of a common concern among his contemporaries, a solution to which paradoxically requires the compilation of still more texts. A few words about what is recorded in the bibliographic treatise of the Sui shu are necessary for a rough idea of the number and kind of literary collections that were available in the Liang imperial library. Although the treatise was compiled in the early Tang, the compiler Wei Zheng based his list on the Sui imperial catalogue Zheng yu shu mu lu 正御書目錄, a work compiled during the Sui dynasty Daye 大業 period (605-618). The following table summarizes the quantity of literary compositions accumulated by the Sui dynasty.14 Table I. Extant and lost works as recorded in the Sui shu Extant literary works

Lost literary works

Collections of individual writers

437 in 4381 juan

886 in 8126 juan

Anthologies

107 in 2213 juan

249 in 5224 juan

Total

554 in 6622 juan

1146 in 13390 juan

The Sui shu statistics indicate that the Liang library’s holdings were three times that of the Sui library. Following the establishment of the Liang dynasty, the head of the imperial library, Ren Fang, took charge of rebuilding the Qi imperial collection, which had been burned or lost due to other factors during the war that had ended the Qi dynasty and given rise to the Liang. Ren placed 23,106 scrolls of general books in the Hall of Literary Virtue, while Buddhist works were stored separately in the Floriate Grove Park 華林苑.15 The quadrivium catalogues compiled by Ren Fang and Yin Jun were still available in the Sui, as was the Hall of Literary Virtue Catalogue (Wende dian shu mulu 文德殿書目錄) in which numerology was classified separately from the four traditional categories of classics, history, philosophical works, and literary collections.16 The sudden availability of books was soon followed by several anthologies including the Fu of Previous Dynasties (Lidai fu 歷代賦) in 10 juan, the Imperial Conspectus (Huanglan 皇覽) in 123 juan, and the Garden of Writings from the Institute 14 See Sui shu 35.1055-99. 15 See Sui shu 32.907. 16 Ibid.

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of Eternal Splendor (Shouguang shuyuan 壽光書院) in 200 juan.17 The compiler of Shouguang shu yuan was Liu Yao 劉杳 (487-536), a man from Pingyuan (modern Zibo 淄博 in Shandong). Liu Yao was famous for his antiquarian taste and broad knowledge. Liu was openly acknowledged by Shen Yue and Wang Sengru 王僧孺 (465-522) who praised Liu’s “Fu on the Grove Courtyard” (“Lin ting fu” 林庭賦) and ranked it on a par with Shen Yue’s “Fu on Dwelling in the Suburbs” (Jiao ju fu 郊居賦). Liu’s circulated works included An Abridged Version of E’ya (Yaoya 要雅) in 5 juan, Glossary of Botanical Terms in Chu ci (Chuci caomu shu 楚辭草木疏) in 1 juan, Biographies of Lofty Men (Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳) in 2 juan, Old and New Records in the Eastern Palace (Donggong xinjiu ji 東宮新舊記) in 3 0 juan, Quadruvium Bibliographies of Past and Present (Gujin sibu shumu 古今四部書目) in 5 juan. Other notable compilation projects from the Liang yielded the Garden of Categorized Items (Leiyuan 類苑) in 120 juan and Comprehensive Digest of the Institute of the Floriate Grove (Hualin bianlüe 華林遍略) in 620 juan. The former work was compiled by Liu Xiaobiao 劉孝標, a.k.a. Liu Jun 劉峻 (462-521) who served at Xiao Xiu’s 蕭秀 (475-518) court.18 The latter was compiled by Xu Mian.19 The prolific Liu Xiao, together with Gu Xie 顧協 (470-542) and three others, was enlisted for the compilation. Stupendous works like these were made possible only by the sheer amount of source materials available. This was true not only at the central court but also at the local courts, for which the compilation of the Garden of Categorized Items stands as a good example. Its compiler Liu Jun had earned a considerable degree of renown for his learning, diligence, and eccentricity. Although known to spend day and night perusing books, Liu Jun’s broad learning did not bring him favor with the emperor, who found him personally unimpressive. Nevertheless, and in all probability motivated primarily by consideration for Liu Jun’s referrer, the sovereign granted an appointment at the court of his brother Xiao Xiu in Jingzhou 17 See Sui shu 34.1009. See Liu Yao’s biography in Liang shu 50.714-17. 18 See Liang shu 22.345. For Liu Jun or Liu Xiaobiao’s biography see Liang shu 50.701-7. Two widely acclaimed literary pieces by Liu Jun are the “My Resolve to Dwell in the Mountains” (“Shanxi zhi” 山栖志) and “A Discourse on Fate” (“Bianming lun” 辨命論). The former is no longer extant. For the latter see Quan Liang wen 57.3287a-3288b. 19 There is a dispute about the compiler. In the History of the Sui Dynasty, Xu Sengquan 徐僧權 is recorded as the compiler. I suspect this is a mistake, since Xu served at the Eastern Palace of Xiao Gang instead of Xiao Tong. Histories of the Liang and Southern Dynasties have Xu Mian as the compiler. See Liang shu 50.713; 50.714; Nan shi 49.1223; 72.1782.

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荊州. Liu Jun was soon commissioned to compile the miscellany (leishu 類書). Even before its completion, manuscripts of the Garden of

Categorized Items were already in high demand and being circulated among writers. In fact, a finalized version was never to appear, as the work was not finished due to its compiler’s ill health. Upon hearing that a work from a local court had gained such popularity, the Liang emperor grew competitive and ordered a much larger work to be compiled utilizing the resources at the imperial library.20 This would be the Comprehensive Digest of the Institute of the Floriate Grove. Its chief compiler was none other than the emperor’s most trusted official Xu Mian, and its compilation spanned the eight years from 516 through 523.21 The size of the finished product is variously reported as 700 juan,22 620 juan,23 and 600 juan.24 Following its compilation, the Comprehensive Digest became widely known and hightly demanded both in the South and the North.25 The work later served as a model for miscellanies in the early Tang dynasty. By the Song, the work had been lost and was not available to the compilers of the Song encyclopedia Taiping yulan 太平御覽, which was largely based on earlier miscellanies.26 Unfortunately, many of these compilations of the Liang were lost as early as 549 during Hou Jing’s 侯景 rebellion, when Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508-554) took with him over 70,000 juan of texts in his flight to Jiangling 江陵 in Jingzhou (modern Shashi 沙市 in Hubei). Xiao Yi later burned all of the books in his possession, proclaiming that he would not endure seeing these cultural treasures in the hands of others.27 With this act, Xiao Yi committed what is arguably the greatest single crime against scholarship in all of Chinese history. Along with the zongji 總集 or anthologies, the same milieu saw also the creation of bieji 別集, collections by individual writers. Wei Zheng, the 20 There are at least two anecdotes recorded in the Liang shu about how Xiao Yan competed with Shen Yue and Liu Xiaobiao on how many allusions they could enumerate about a certain object. 21 See Liang shu 44.714 and Nan Shi 72.1783. 22 Ibid. 23 See Sui shu 34.1009. 24 See Jiu Tang shu, 27.2047 and Xin Tang shu, 49.1562. 25 Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire, p. 80, 98. 26 William Hung (Hong Ye 洪業) has argued that the Dunhuang text that Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉 identifies as the Xiuwen dian yulan 修文殿御覽 actually consists of fragments from the Hualin bianlüe. See William Hung, “Suowei Xiuwen dian yulan” 所謂修文殿 御覽, Yenjing xuebao 12 (1932): 2499-558; rpt. in Yiwen leiju, 4: 2343-2. 27 See Sui shu 32.907. See Dudbridge, Lost Books of Medieval China.

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compiler of the Sui shu bibliography, gives us an account on the bieji 別集 prior to listing them. The term bieji was first mentioned in the Eastern Han. Ever since Spirit of Equilibrium [Qu Yuan] literary men have been numerous, but due to diverging intentions their writing styles have differed. Gentlemen of later ages, in order to perceive their style and tendency, have examined their heart and mind; in consequence they have separately gathered [individuals’] writings and called them ji or “collections.” Men of letters admired and recorded these collections to form the category of “literary writings.” However, along the course of time much was scattered and lost. The loftiest utterances and most outstanding of their time have more or less survived. Now they are listed here in chronological order. 別集之名, 蓋漢東京之所創也。自靈均已降, 屬文之士之眾矣, 然其志尚不 同, 風流殊別。後之君子, 欲觀其體勢, 而見其心靈, 故別聚焉, 名之為集。辭 人景慕, 並自記載, 以成書部。年代遷徙, 亦頗遺散。其高唱絕俗者, 略皆具 存, 今依其先後, 次之於此。 28

In the list that follows, not only do we see substantial collections by writers well known today, but also many more by those who have been otherwise forgotten. Shen Yue, not surprisingly, claimed the largest collection, in 101 juan. Wang Yun ranked second with a collection in 42 juan, divided into four subcollections, each of which is named after one of the four official posts he held consecutively. Yan Yanzhi’s 顏延之 Table II. Names and works by leading royal literary families in Sui shu Members of royal families

Number of juan

Emperor Wu of Han, Liu Che 漢武帝劉徹

1

Emperor Wu of Wei, Cao Cao 魏武帝曹操

26

Emperor Wen of Wei, Cao Pi 魏文帝曹丕

10

Prince of Chen, Cao Zhi 陳思王曹植

30

Prince Jingling of Qi, Xiao Ziliang 齊竟陵王蕭子良

40

Emperor Wu of Liang, Xiao Yan 梁武帝蕭衍

60

Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance, Xiao Tong 昭明太子蕭統

20

Emperor Jianwen of Liang, Xiao Gang 梁簡文帝蕭綱

85

Emperor Yuan of Liang, Xiao Yi 梁元帝蕭繹

62

28 Sui shu 35.1076-79.

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(384-456) collection consists of 25 juan, Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385-433) 19 juan, Liu Xiaochuo 14 juan, Tao Qian 9 juan, and He Xun 何遜 (469-519) 7 juan. Members of the Liang ruling house, namely Xiao Yan and his three most literary sons—Xiao Tong, Xiao Gang, and Xiao Yi—also boast quite impressive collections. The titles alone of Xiao Yan’s writings amounted to two juan. Such literary production by an imperial family was unprecedented. Even Cao Cao did not produce as much, as the table of contents to his collection was only half of the size of Xiao Yan’s. Trimming Weeds and Brambles By the sixth century, producing a collection of one’s own writings had become a widespread practice, not limited only to the privileged class. In his preface to the Wen Xuan, Xiao Tong laments that what could have been a symbol of distinction now faced the risk of becoming common and degenerating into a state of undistinguished chaos. His younger brother Xiao Yi speaks in a similar vein in his Jinlouzi 金樓子. Philosophers’ works emerged during the Warring Sates. Literary collections flourished during the Han. Now it has come to the point that every family has produced something and each person has his own literary collection. The fine ones are sufficient to express their true intention and regulate social customs. The inferior ones merely multiply the volume of books and exhaust students. Writings of the past have accumulated, and those to come will appear in an unending supply. Even if one eagerly dedicates himself to learning, he will not have read all of them even when his hair turns gray. Sometimes what was valued in the past is now slighted; or what was condemned in the past is now valued. Alas! Let those erudite and penetrating men among us evaluate similarities and differences, eradicating and trimming weeds and brambles so as to make scrolls free of defects and blemishes and allow one to read without wasted effort. This can be called learning! 諸子興於戰國, 文集盛於二漢。至家家有製, 人人有集。其美者足以敘情 志、敦風俗。其弊者秪以煩簡牘、疲後生。往者既積, 來者未已。翹足志學, 白首不遍。或昔之所重今反輕, 今之所重古之所賤。嗟! 我後生博達之士有 能品藻異同, 刪整蕪穢, 使卷無瑕玷, 覽無遺功, 可謂學矣!29

The anxiety Xiao Yi expresses over the quantity, quality, and standards of literary productions could only be soothed by regaining control over the practice of writing through “eradicating and trimming,” which will finally 29 Jinlou zi 4.15b.

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lead to perfection and purification. This goal required that literature be defined and refined. Among those who had embarked on this normative mission of literary production, Liu Xie and Zhong Rong 鐘嶸 (ca. 468-518) certainly left the most indelible mark on the discourse of historicization of literature. Liu Xie’s Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 (Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons), compiled sometime before Xiao Tong’s birth, is a systematic treatise on literature in fifty chapters.30 By writing a monograph expounding on major genres and key concepts in the fifth-century discourse of literary criticism, Liu Xie generalized and summarized the theoretical grounding of Chinese literature up to the medieval period. This work, said to have been written by an ambitious man merely as a means to achieve recognition and fame, turned out to be one of the emblems of Liang literary achievement. It remains one of the most read and quoted literary monographs. Zhong Rong in his triadic disquisition evaluates poets from the end of the Eastern Han to his own time by assigning them to three grades according to quality: upper, middle, and lower. Zhong purports to help his readers appreciate existing works, therein giving a definitive ranking of writers in the area of pentasyllabic verse. In his preface to the Shi pin, Zhong Rong begins by giving a historical and evaluative survey of shi poetry. He goes on to mention how his contemporaries were so engrossed in this art that a standard would be needed for enthusiastic yet imperceptive learners. As for men of letters and composers, none are not fond of this [art of writing poetry]. Among contemporary gentry and commoners this trend has reached a fever pitch. Starting with children who are just about to begin with their elementary studies, they wholeheartedly pursue poetry. The result is mediocre sounds and miscellaneous forms, each person writing as he pleases. This has even caused aristocratic youngsters to take it as shameful if their literary attainment is not up to a certain level. Day and night they polish and revise, chanting and reciting. In their own evaluation, they consider these to be stunning writings. When shown to others, they simply sound uninspiring and dull. Then there are those shallow people who ridicule Cao Cao and Liu Zhen as archaic and awkward, while calling Bao Zhao鮑照 (405-466) the “Honorable Thearch Fuxi,”31 and Xie Tiao “A 30 The compilation date is variously determined to be 496-497 by Zhou Zhenfu and 501 by Mou Shijin. See Zhou Zhenfu, Wenxin diaolong zhushi; Mou Shi jin, Wenxin diaolong yanjiu. 31 Xihuang shangren 羲皇上人 is the phrase that Tao Qian used to refer to himself in “Yu zi Yan deng shu” 與子儼等書. In this letter, Tao describes himself as sitting under the

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Man Who Strides Alone in the Past and Present.”32 Yet, when they follow Bao Zhao as a master, they don’t measure up to Bao Zhao’s “The market fills in daytime”;33 among imitations of Xie Tiao, there was a line as dull as, “Yellow birds fly over gold branches.”34 Simply put, they were rejected by lofty ears35 and trod outside the stream of literature. I notice that lords and officials, upon finishing grand discussions, invariably turn to talk about poetry. Yet they follow their own predilections and have differing evaluations. Therefore, the Zi River and the Mian River flow along with each other;36 red competes with magenta. Quarrelsome disputations arise, and there is no standard to rely on. Recently, Liu Shizhang, an outstanding scholar, saw the harm done by such chaos and confusion and decided to rank contemporary poetic compositions so as to establish standards. His work, unfinished, has inspired me. 故詞人作者, 罔不愛好。今之士俗, 斯風熾矣。纔能勝衣, 甫就小學, 必甘心 而馳騖焉。於是庸音雜體, 人各為容。至使膏腴子弟, 恥文不逮, 終朝點綴, 分夜呻吟。獨觀謂為警策, 眾睹終淪平鈍。次有輕薄之徒, 笑曹劉為古拙, 謂 鮑照羲皇上人, 謝朓今古獨步; 而師鮑照終不及日中市朝滿, 學謝朓, 劣得黃 鳥度金枝。徒自棄於高聽, 無涉於文流矣。觀王公搢紳之士, 每博論之餘, 何 嘗不以詩為口實, 隨其嗜慾, 商搉不同, 淄澠並汎, 朱紫相奪, 喧議競起, 準的 無依。近彭城劉士章俊賞之士, 疾其淆亂, 欲為當世詩品, 口陳標榜, 其文未 遂, 感而作焉。 37

The fact that a work similar to the Shi pin was attempted earlier by Liu Hui 劉繪 (458-502), style name Shizhang, is just another example indicating a northern window and enjoying a pleasant breeze on a hot summer afternoon. See Tao Yuanming ji jiao jian, p. 441, 448. Gong Bin notes an earlier occurrence in the Shishuo xinyu 世說新語, when Xie Shang 謝尚, with his feet up, played the pipa under the northern window, thinking about the immortals beyond this realm, Tao Yuanming ji jiao jian, 448. 32 Jingu dubu is an idiom describing unprecedented and peerless excellence and perfection in the poetic or any other form of art. 33 This line is from Bao Zhao’s “Jieke shaonian chang xing” 結客少年場行. See Baoshi ji 鮑氏集, SBCK ed., 3.3a. See Wen xuan 42.1901 and Shi pin jizhu, p. 60. 34 This line is in a poem by Yu Yan 虞炎 (d. ca. 499), a fan and compiler of Xie Tiao’s works. Both Yutai xinyong (10.14a) and Yuefu shi ji (43.5b) contain Yu Yan’s “Jade Steps Lament” (“Yujie yuan” 玉階怨): “Purple wisteria covers the flowering tree; / Yellow birds cross green twigs (“green” instead of “gold”). / Thinking of you, I heave a long sigh. / Sad tears come down following my words” 紫藤拂花樹, 黃鳥度青枝。思君一歎息, 苦淚應 言垂. This is apparently an imitation of Xie Tiao’s famous piece of the same title: “Dusk in the palace, pearl curtains are let down. / Floating fireflies flit hither and thither. / In Chang’an I sew silk garments. / Thinking of you, how could this end” 夕殿下珠簾, 流螢 飛復息。長安縫羅衣, 思君此何極? 35 Cao Xu points out the variant reading 高明 for 高聽. 36 Zi and the Mian are two rivers in Shandong province. It is said that the taste of the two rivers are different, but once they are mixed together, no one could tell the difference except the legendary cook Yiya 易牙. See Lüshi chunqiu 18.7a-b. Also see Knoblock and Riegel, The Annals shu of Lü Buwei, p. 450. 37 Shi pin, SKQS, 1.3b-4a. Shi pin jizhu, pp. 54-8.

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shared concern among Zhong Rong, Xiao Tong, and their contemporaries for establishing standards.38 New guidelines became necessary to channel flooding interests, to curb an overflowing desire to excel, and to control the quality as well as quantity of literary production. The act of regulation represents and reproduces power, which in turn comes in varied forms of information, instruction, and instigation which works such as the Shi pin do explicitly or implicitly. Such works display a dazzling, orderly, and thus apparently complete knowledge of poetry and its tradition. In an authoritative tone, the critic jeers at zealous but unsophisticated aficionados. The purpose of ranking poets is to construct a tradition that has influence and power over current activities. The source of literary potency is here traced to the Shi jing and Chu ci traditions. Most upper grade poets are declared by Zhong Rong to belong to the “State Airs” (Guo feng 國風) tradition, while he highly praises tetrasyllabic poetry: “the words [in tetrasyllabic poetry] are terse, but the meaning is far-reaching.”39 Zhong Rong’s veneration of the classical tradition is echoed by Xiao Tong: “The works of the Duke of Zhou, and the writings of Confucius, hang as high as the sun and moon. They compete with the mysteries of ghosts and spirits. As standards of filial piety and reverence, preceptors of the human relationships, they cannot be weeded or mowed, cut or trimmed.”40 Stressing the absolute sacredness of the classical tradition was useful not only to demarcate a new discipline called “literature” as different from what Confucius and the Duke of Zhou were supposed to have established, but also to presage iconic status for the new tradition after its establishment. Setting Norms: The Case of Pei Ziye The Wen xuan was meant to be a monument of past literary writings. Viewed in this light, Xiao Tong shared the interests of some antiquarians of his time who were keen on setting norms, maintaining boundaries, and focusing on matters of gravity and morality. Among them, Pei Ziye 裴子野 (469-530) was the most representative of the “restoring the ancient way” 38 See Shi pin, SKQS, 1.4a (1478-192a). Shi pin jizhu, p. 62. For a good study that puts Zhong Rong’s assessment of poetry in the intellectual context of the Qi and Liang period, see John Timothy Wixted, “The Nature of Evaluation in the Shih-p’in,” pp. 225-64. 39 For a detailed discussion of Zhong Rong’s grading of poets, see Weijin nanbei chao shixue, pp. 94-117. 40 Knechtges, Wen xuan vol. 1:87.

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group. As the great-grandson of Pei Songzhi 裴松之 (372-451) and the grandson of Pei Yin 裴駰 (fl. 438),41 Pei Ziye was from a family of historians. At the Liang court he held the position Minister of Dependencies (Honglu qing 鴻臚卿), honored by the emperor and attracting a large group of renowned scholars.42 Pei Ziye, together with Liu Xian from Peiguo, Liu Zhilin from Nanyang, Yin Yun from Chenjun, Ruan Xiaoxu from Chenliu, Gu Xie from Wujun, and Wei Leng from the capital area all had a broad and exhaustive knowledge of a variety of texts. They all admired and befriended Pei Ziye, particulary Liu Xian. At the time, when Xiao Li, the Marquis of Wuping, and Zhang Zuan of Fanyang had a disagreement in their discussion of ancient texts, they would come to Pei Ziye for arbitration. In the seventh year of the Putong reign, the emperor raised an army to attack the North. He ordered Pei Ziye to compose “Instructions to the Wei.” As soon as he received the edict, Pei immediately composed the complete text. As the matter was of great concern, Emperor Wu summoned the Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs Xu Mian, Supervisor of the Household of the Heir Apparent Zhou She, Minister of Dependencies Liu Zhilin, and Vice Director of the Secretariat Zhu Yi for a meeting at the Hall of Eternal Splendor to examine the writing. Everyone gasped in admiration. Emperor Wu, looking at Ziye, said: “You are a feeble looking man, but your writing is powerful.” Shortly after, there was an occasion when the emperor commissioned Pei Ziye to compose “Instructions to the Wei minister Yuan Yi.” Pei Ziye had one night to finish it, but he did not immediately get to it. At the fifth watch near dawn, the emperor sent another edict requesting the finished piece. It was only then that Ziye slowly took up his brush, yet he finished before dawn. After it was presented, Emperor Wu was deeply impressed. From then on, Pei was entrusted with all forms of official documents, dispatches and proclamations. Ziye wrote rapidly and his style was classically chaste. He did not take to ornate diction, as his writing style was chiefly modeled after the ancient prose and thus was quite different from what was contemporary. At the time he had his share of detractors and those who did not completely take him seriously. People would inquire of him regarding how he could write so quickly. Ziye answered: “Others all complete their writing with their hands. I complete it in my heart. Though each way has its own flaws, the final product is not different either way.”…. In 530, Pei Ziye passed away at age 62 while serving at his post …. Emperor Wu grieved deeply and shed tears. He sent down an edict which read: ‘Minister of Dependencies, Colonel of Infantry, Editorial Director, and concurrently Secretariat Receptionist Pei Ziye was versatile in both literature and history, incorrupt as a person, and exerted himself in diverse affairs for many years. How mourn41 For a good study on the history of the Pei family see Zhou Zhengsong, Wei Jin Sui Tang jian de Hedong Peishi. 42 For Pei Ziye’s biography, see Liang shu 30.441-4 and Nan shi 33.865-8.

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chapter two ful is his passing! What a grievance! He is to be granted the title of Cavalier Attendant with No Specific Designation, and [his family] given a gift in cash of fifty thousand along with fifty bolts of cloth. On this day, mourning starts.’ His posthumous name is Zhenzi [Master Purity].” 子野與沛國劉顯、南陽劉之遴、陳郡殷芸、陳留阮孝緒、吳郡顧協、京 兆韋棱皆博極群書, 深相賞好, 顯尤推重之。時吳平侯蕭勵、范陽張纘每討 論墳籍, 咸折中於子野焉。普通七年, 王師北伐, 敕子野為喻魏文, 受詔立 成。高祖以其事體大, 召尚書僕射徐勉、太子詹事周捨、鴻臚卿劉之遴、 中書侍郎朱异集壽光殿以觀之, 時並歎服。高祖目子野而言曰: “其形雖弱, 其文甚壯。”俄又敕為書喻魏相元乂, 其夜受旨, 子野謂可待旦方奏, 未之為 也; 及五鼓, 敕催令開齋速上, 子野徐起操筆, 昧爽便就。既奏, 高祖深嘉焉。 自是凡諸符檄皆令草創。子野為文典而速, 不尚麗靡之詞, 其制作多法古, 與 今文體異。當時或有詆訶者、及其末皆翕然重之或問其為文速者, 子野答 云, 人皆成於手, 我獨成於心。雖有見否之異, 其於刊改一也。。。中大通二 年, 卒官。年六十二。。。高祖悼惜, 為之流涕。詔曰: 鴻臚卿領步兵校尉知 著作郎兼中書通事舍人裴子野, 文史足用, 廉白自居, 劬勞通事, 多歷年所。 奄致喪逝, 惻愴空懷。可贈散騎常侍, 賻錢五萬, 布五十匹。既日舉哀, 諡曰 貞子。 43

In the above excerpt from Pei Ziye’s official biography, a sense of archaism about his person and writing is emphasized. As a court official he excelled in drafting official documents, which were often filled with allusions from classical texts. Such a taste for what is ancient was shared by some of his contemporaries. Liu Zhilin (478-549), for example, an expert on bronze inscriptions and the ancient script, was fond of writing in ancient character styles. The antiquarian interest and the “classically chaste” style of Pei Ziye and his fellows probably would not attract the devotees of a contemporary poet such as Xie Tiao, whose clever diction and fresh imagery were objects of admiration and imitation. All of those are to a classical writer mere “craft,” nothing to be valued, if not disdained. This view was expressed by Pei Ziye in the now lost Epitome of Song (Song lüe 宋略), of which a section of interest is preserved today in A Com­ prehensive Canon for Administration (Tongdian 通典) and the Wenyuan yinghua. The Tang compiler of Tongdian, Du You 杜佑 (735-812), wrote a short introductory passage to provide the context of Pei Ziye’s discourse on literary composition. Du’s introduction in turn found its way into the Wenyuan yinghua but is there positioned as Pei’s preface. In addition, it was placed under a title, namely, “On Carving Insects” (Diaochong lun 雕

43 Nan shi 33.866-7.

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蟲論), which became the an identifying label for Pei’s piece to later ­readers.44 Although this piece was written by Pei before the Liang, commenting on the Liu-Song literary arena, it explicitly reflects Pei Ziye’s view on literature, especially his highly critical attitude toward the “frivolous and ornate” style, which may very well has its following into the Liang.45 In ancient times, the “Four Beginnings” and “Six Modes” combined with others and formed the Book of Odes. Poetry was used not only to describe the customs of the world, but also to display the intention of a gentleman. It encouraged virtue and warned against evil. The king’s transforming influence was rooted in it. Writers of later times lodged their thoughts in branches and leaves and made their words ornate and flowery. [Poetry] was then used for self-expression. As for plaintive sentiments and fragrant plants, the Chu elegy served as their forerunner; as for expansive and extensive presentation, Sima Xiangru drummed its rhythm. Ever since then, people who follow their sounds and chase their shadows have abandoned guiding principles and had nothing to which to hold. The fu, the lyric poetry, the songs, and the eulogies, hundreds of cartloads of them, were regarded by Cai Yong as the works of jesters and performers. Yang Xiong regretted his own juvenile writings.46 Sages no longer appear, and who is there to distinguish the ya and the zheng?47 As for the school of the pentasyllabic verse, Su Wu and Li Ling produced them first. Cao Zhi and Liu Zhen strengthened its vigor. Pan Yue and Lu Ji consolidated its branches and leaves. After the establishment of the court in the southeast, Yan Yanzhi and Xie Lingyun were renowned writers. But their ornate style and decorated diction had no use for serious matters of the court.48 In the Liu-Song, from the early years to the Yuanjia reign (425-453), much attention was devoted to 44 See Hayashida, Chūgoku Chūsei bungaku hyōronshi 中國中世文學評論史 (Tokyo: Sobunsha, 1979). See also Jansen, Höfische Öffentlichkeit im frühmittelalterlichen China, pp. 137-48. 45 For previous translation of this piece, see John Marney, “P’ei Tzu-yeh: A Minor Literary Critic of the Liang Dynasty,” Selected Papers in Asian Studies 1 (1976): 161-71; Jansen, Höfische Öffentlichkeit, pp. 140-2; Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire, pp. 139-40. 46 The phrase tongzi is an allusion to Yang Xiong’s “Fa yan” 法言 in which he makes the distinction between two types of fu, that by ciren 辭人 and that by shiren 詩人. Yang Xiong criticizes the first type of writing for lacking moral instruction and condemns it as an art of “carving insects” which only young children would engage in. Fayan yishu 3.1a-4b. See Knechtges, The Han Rhapsody: A Study of the Fu Of Yang Hsiung (53 bc –ad 18), pp. 95-6. 47 The words ya and the zheng refer to orthodox music and changed music respectively. 48 The locus classicus of the phrase zhenxiu panshui 箴繡鞶帨 is Yang Xiong’s Faya: “[The focus] of learning today is not just on ornate diction, but to embroider it with sashes and kerchiefs” 今之學也, 非獨為之華藻也, 又從而繡其鞶帨, 惡在《老》不《老》也.

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chapter two the classics and histories. During the Daming reign (457-464), belles lettres were indeed favored. The excellent verse of lofty talents was quite distinct from former men of eminence. Trends of this sort promote each other and have grown ever stronger. Thereupon, among youngsters from common households and aristocratic lads alike, there are none who fail to cast aside the Six Modes and devote themselves to singing and chanting of their innermost cares. Students give their priority to techniques of bi and xing.49 They regard classical studies as pedantic and obtuse. Their unrestrained writings have impaired the classical form. To them, the merely “handsome” constitutes the virtuous.50 Their writings are not worth performing on strings and pipes.51 There is no regard for the principle of “going no further than rites and moral principles.”52 Their deepest thinking focuses on flowers and trees. Their most profound intention extends no farther than wind and clouds. Their analogies are superficial. Their intent is feeble. Their writings are clever yet not concise, subtle but not profound. Tracing its affiliations and pathways, they still bear the lingering manners of the Song. If Ji Zha were to listen to this, then [to him] it would not be [the sound] of a prosperous state.53 As for [Kong] Li, he would not even dare to hurry across the room.54 Xunzi once said that the sign of a chaotic age is that its writings are elusive and ornate.55 Is this not now close at hand?

The literal meaning of the phrase is “embroidered and decorated sash and kerchiefs,” and by extension an excess of ornamentation in writing. Fayan yishu 10.7b. 49 For boyi 博依, see Zheng Xuan’s commentary to the “Records of Learning” (“Xueji” 學記) chapter of the Liji: “If one does not practice one’s fingers on the string, one does not find ease with it. If one does not study boyi, one finds no ease with poetry. If one does not learn about various attires, one does not have ease with ritual matters” 不學操縵, 不能安 弦。不學博依, 不能安詩。不學雜服, 不能安禮. Zheng’s commentary explains: “Boyi means metaphorical [figurative] use of language in a broad sense” 博依, 廣譬喻也. See Liji zhushu 36.651 50 See Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 1:14. 51 Eulogies on the virtue of former kings were to be played on ceremonial instruments such as the zither and panpipes. 52 For this phrase, see the preface to the Book of Odes (1.17): “That they should emerge from affections is human nature; that they go no further than rites and moral principles is the beneficent influence of the former kings” (Owen 47) 發乎情, 民之性也. 止乎禮義, 先王之澤也. 53 For Ji Zha’s evaluation of poetry, see Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhengyi (Duke Xiang 29), 39.670. Ji Zha praised songs from the states of Zhou, Bei, Yong, Wei, and others. When Ji Zha heard songs from Chen, he commented: “When a state lacks a ruler, how can it endure?” 54 This line alludes to the famous story, found in the Analects (16/13), about Confucius lecturing his son Li 鯉, a.k.a. Boyu 伯魚. Once when Confucius was alone in his room, Boyu hurried through the courtyard. Confucius stopped him and asked: “Have you studied the Odes?” Boyu answered: “No, not yet.” Confucius then said: “Without studying the Odes, you have no means for speaking.” 55 This is an allusion to the Xunzi 荀子, Chapter “On Music.” Yet the phrase wenzhang 文章 does not mean “writings,” but “patterned decorations.” For an excellent discussion of

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古者, 四始六藝總而為詩。既形四方之風, 且彰君子之志。勸美懲惡, 王化本 焉。後之作者, 思存枝葉, 繁華蘊藻, 用以自通。若悱惻芳芬, 楚騷為之祖, 靡 漫容與相如扣其音。由是隨聲逐影之儔, 棄指歸而無執, 賦詩歌頌, 百帙五 車, 蔡應(邕)等之俳優, 揚雄悔為童子, 聖人不作, 雅鄭誰分？其五言(詩)為 家, 則蘇李自出, 曹劉傳其風力, 潘陸固其枝葉(柯)。 爰及江左, 稱彼顏謝, 箴繡鞶帨, 無取廟堂。宋初迄於元壽(嘉), 多為經史, 大 明之代, 實好斯文, 高才逸韻, 頗謝前哲, 波流相尚, 滋有篤焉。自是閭閻少年, 貴游總角, 罔不擯落六藝, 吟詠情性, 學者以博依為急務, 謂章句為專魯, 淫文 破典, 斐爾為功(曹), 無被於管絃, 非止乎禮義, 深心主卉木, 遠致極風雲。其 興浮, 其志弱。巧而不要, 隱而不深, 討其宗途, 亦有宋之風(遺風)也。 若季子聆(于)音則非興國, 鯉也趨室必有不敢(敦), 荀卿有言亂代之徵, 文章 匿而采, 斯豈近之乎。 56

Pei Ziye’s strong criticism of what seems to be a young generation’s obssesion with flowery form and gorgeous diction in poetry, and their ignorance of and deviation from classical norms, reveals a loyalty and intention to promote the classical tradition. The critical logic and principle of the “Great Preface” is given full credibility, as Pei Ziye announces the efficacy of literature in mirroring politics. Good literature is a result of benign governance, and on the contrary, mutated songs forebode the decline of a state. Literature, to the Confucian-minded philosophers, cannot be separated from one’s ultimate concern. The “Great Preface” is but one specimen of a political-literary theory persisting through the imperial age since its appearance in early China. A passage that is cited together with the “Great Preface” is Xunzi’s discourse associating art and politics: Signs of a depraved age: its attire gaudy, its countenance feminine, its customs excessive, its intent aggressive, its conduct chaotic, its sound and music deviant, its patterned decorations elusive and ornate. 亂世之徵, 其服組, 其容婦, 其俗淫, 其志利, 其行雜, 其聲樂險, 其文章慝而 采。 57

The other often evoked classical lore that shows a similar line of reasoning is the Wu prince Ji Zha’s evaluation of the songs of Zhou. A story the term wenzhang and its transformative sense, see Martin Kern, “Ritual, Text, and the Formation of the Canon: Historical Transitions of wen in Early China,” T’oung pao 87 (2001): 43-91. Ni 匿 should read ni 慝 “depraved.” See Xunzi jijie 14.385. 56 For the Chinese text, see Quan Liang wen 53.3262a-b; Tongdian (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1935), 16.91b; and Wenyuan yinghua 742.1a-2a. I adopt Yan Kejun’s text and include Tongdian variants in brackets. 57 Xunzi 20.469.

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recorded in the Zuo zhuan (Duke Xiang 29) tells of how Ji Zha commented on the music of each state, and how it gave him insights into their governance. Citing the case of Confucius and his son in the above message, as a complementary note, stresses the social function intrinsic to poetry. It is evident, therefore, that literature, in the minds of Pei Ziye and others sharing his ideas, was deeply rooted in a classical tradition in which the social-political context of literature could not be disentagled from it. In consequence, any new literary trend that cut itself off from the practice and theory of classical poetics could incur heated debates, if not criticism. The late fifth century was exactly such a time. Pei Ziye’s complaint of a decline in classical studies found echoes in his contemporaries such as Xiao Zixian蕭子顯 (489-537), who made a similar point by saying: In the Liu-Song, Xie Lingyun and Yan Yannian gained prominence because of their literary display. Xie Zhuang and Yuan Shu continued with their embellished words. Gentlemen at court and commoners in the streets all admired their flair and contended to make rhapsodies and fu [in their fashion]. When it came to the Five Classics, however, people no longer were familiar with their interpretation. 自宋以來, 謝靈運、顏延年以文章彰於代; 謝莊、袁淑, 又以才藻係之朝 廷之士。及閭閻衣冠莫不仰其風流, 競為辭賦之事。五經文句無復通其 義者。 58

Such laments imply that the classics are indispensable, because they embody in concentrated form the political responsibility and social cultivation of each individual, which forms a common denominator for writing. What is immediately individual or even natural is comparatively less important in what Pei Ziyi would call good literature. Individual “disposition and emotion” (qingxing 情性) should be subjected, if not subjugated, to the classical “modes,” the norms for literary writing. The Ambiguity and Potentiality of Qing What complicates Pei’s criticism is the fact that “chanting one’s innermost cares” (yinyong qingxing 吟詠情性) comes from the same “Great Preface” that provides Pei Ziye the basis to denounce the tendency of departing from the classics. The “Great Preface” in fact endorses expres58 See Tong dian 16.91b.

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sion of emotions or qing, which lies at the very center of poetic production: when emotions are stirred within, they then take shape in words…when emotions are uttered in sound, the sound that forms patterning is called tone. 情動於中而發於言。。。情發於聲聲成文謂之音。 。 。 59

The co-existence of expressive theory and social-political criteria in the “Great Preface” makes problematic a total denunciation of qing or “natural feelings and tendencies.” This is because “personal feelings,” even when they are plaintive and critical, are justified as long as they are kept within the boundaries of “rites and moral principles.” “Feelings and emotions” are treated as a natural part of what is human.60 In Pei Ziye’s harsh judgment, however, it is almost a crime for youngsters to be engrossed in their own “feelings and emotions.” Such a view of literature can only be called extreme or conservative.61 Although Xiao Tong’s attitude towards the classics is comparable to that of Pei Ziye, he seems to allow more flexibility for the purpose of literature other than its social, political, and moral functions. Unlike Pei Ziye, Xiao Tong did subscribe to the expressive line of reasoning in the “Great Preface.” This is the position which holds that writing, as a means of self-expression, cannot but closely relate to personal feelings. This is best seen in a letter addressed to his brother Xiao Yi, wherein Xiao Tong beautifully presents what he believed to be prompting the writer’s brush. Sometimes when a day comes in bright spring, everything looks beautiful. Flowers bloom on the trees, orioles sing in harmony, a spring fountain gushes forth, and a warm breeze arrives. Enjoying the glistening moon, we happily wander. Treading the green grass, we look afar. Or when the summer heat has receded and autumn is here, jade-like dew flows at night, and an autumn breeze rises from time to time. Trying to comprehend the mind of the autumn mountain, we ascend on high and commit our thoughts to the distance. When in summer [willow] branches are long enough to be woven and people are tired and listless, they turn to writing. Or when the winter clouds stretch for a thousand miles over the ground, observing the twirling and swirling of snow flakes causes one to chant poems. When kin 59 Maoshi zhengyi 1.13. 60 Owen, Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, p. 47. 61 For a discussion of Pei Ziye’s view of literature, see Kou Yanghou 寇養厚, “Pei Ziye de wenxue guan” 裴子野的文學觀, in Nianyi shi ji, pp. 313-26.

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chapter two are apart, one’s hands are driven by emotion to write. When having banquets with my brothers, my brush is inked with feelings. 或日因春陽, 其物韶麗, 樹花發, 鶯鳴和, 春泉生, 暄風至, 陶嘉月而嬉游, 藉芳 草而眺矚。或朱炎受謝, 白藏紀時, 玉露夕流, 金風多扇, 悟秋山之心, 登高而 遠托。或夏條可結, 倦于邑而屬詞, 冬雲千里, 睹紛霏而興咏。密親離則手為 心使, 昆弟晏則墨以親露。 62

Xiao Tong places great emphasis on nature’s touch. The human experience is depicted as closely tied to its seasonal cycles and sights. Occasions for writing occur when the human mind and heart is suddenly made aware of its natural surroundings. An integral part of the natural world, the human consciousness responds to and recreates nature in writing. Life and growth, decline and death, cycles in nature are but reminders of humanity’s own existential condition. Togetherness and separation among kin, in this case, the royal brothers, are meaningful moments to Xiao Tong. As the title of Xiao Tong’s letter, “Replying to the Prince of Xiangdong’s Letter Requesting My Collected Writings and Finest Blossoms of the Garden of Poetry” (“Da Xiangdong Wang qiu Wenji ji Shiyuan yinghua shu” 答湘東 王求《文集》及《詩苑英華》書), indicates, Xiao Tong is writing to his younger brother Xiao Yi, on whom was conferred the title Prince of Xiangdong in 514 (the thirteenth year of the Tianjian regin).63 The letter itself was probably written in the early 520s, as explained below. Collected Writings must refer to Xiao Tong’s ten-juan work put together by Liu Xiaochuo that was not completed until 522 (the third year of the Putong reign).64 The Finest Blossoms of the Garden of Poetry is no longer extant although the title, in a number of slightly different versions, appears in both Xiao Tong’s biographies and some bibliographies.65 One version contains in the title an extra phrase of “Past and Present” (gujin古今), making a lon62 Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 156. Zhaoming taizi wenji 3.31a-33a. 63 See Liang shu 5.113. Xiao Yi, the seventh son of Xiao Yan, was born in autumn of 508. At seven sui, he was enfeoffed as King of Xiangdong, a town of 2,000 households. 64 Liu Xiaochuo biography records: “[He] was then made Coachman of the Heir Apparent (Taizi pu太子僕) and put in charge of secretarial work at the Eastern Palace… Crown Prince had many compositions. Various talented men at the court wished to compile them, but Crown Prince only assigned Liu Xiaochuo to the task and made him write a preface to it.” See Liang shu 33.480. The beginning of the preface reads: “It is the twentyfirst year of the Great Liang (522)….” See Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 244. 65 See Nan shi 53.1312; Liang shu 8.171; Sui shu 35.1084; Jiu Tang shu 47.2080, and Cefu yuangui 258.16a.

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ger title of Finest Blossoms in the Garden of Poetry, Past and Present. This title then indicates that the collecton included contemporary works of Xiao Tong’s own time. Two other titles thought by some to be the same work are Finest Blossoms of Literary Writings (Wenzhang yinghua 文章英 華) and Collection of Finest Blossoms (Yinghua ji 英華集), presumably a shorthand for the former title. Scholars of Wen xuan studies have long debated whether the Finest Blossoms of the Garden of Poetry and the Finest Blossoms of Literary Writings are two different works or one. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng argue that the Finest Blossoms of Literary Writings mentioned in the Liang shu is the same book as the Finest Blossoms in the Garden of Poetry, Past and Present as recorded in the Sui dynastic history’s “Bibliography,” despite the one juan discrepancy in their recorded length.66 Yu Shaochu seconds this by saying simply: “The Wenzhang yinghua is also called the Shiyuan yinghua.”67 Fu Gang in his recent studies offers a different opinion, arguing that these two titles actually represent two different books: the Literary Writings is a collection of pentasyllabic verse, whereas the Garden of Poetry is a collection of verse in lines of variable syllables (zayan 雜言).68 If this is indeed the case, it would be important evidence for the distinction of pentasyllabic verse from other forms of poetry, suggesting the elevated status of the pentasyllabic form and its entrance into the edifice of classical poetry. For all recorded mentions of the two titles, see table III. The above table presents some baffling differences found in the records. First, one group has the significant word wenzhang (literary compositions) and the other has shi (poetry). Second, there is a difference in size: most records have the length at around 20 juan, including one listing at 19 juan, yet one records it as 30 juan. Third, the Wenzhang yinghua is specifically described as a pentasyllabic collection in Xiao Tong’s biographies. In addition, the Sui shu bibliographic treatise records both titles, close to but not immediately next to each other, and thus suggests that they are two separate works. The entry there notes that the Literary Writings was already lost by the time of the Sui shu’s compilation, whereas the Garden of Poetry was still extant. This constitutes the main evidence for arguing that the two titles represent separate works.

66 See Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, “Youguan Wen xuan bianzhuan,” p. 347. 67 See Yu Shaochu, “Wen xuan chengshu.” 68 See Fu Gang, Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu, pp. 164-70.

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Table III. Two titles compiled by Xiao Tong as appeared in various sources 6970 Title of the book

Source

Compiler

Yinghua ji 英華集69

Nan shi 53.1312 Xiao Tong (Xiao Tong’s biography)

Number Note of juan 20

Selection of Pentasyllabic poetry

Xiao Wenzhang yinghua Liang shu 8.171 (Xiao Tong’s biography) Tong 文章英華70

20

Selection of Pentasyllabic poetry

Wenzhang yinghua Sui shu 35.1084 Xiao 文章英華 (Bibliographic Treatise) Tong

30

Lost

Wenzhang yinghua Cefu yuangui 258.16a 文章英華

Xiao Tong

20

Gujin shiyuan yinghua 古今詩苑英華

Sui shu 35.1084

Xiao Tong

19

Gujin shiyuan yinghua 古今詩苑英華

Jiu Tang shu 47.2080

Xiao Tong

20

Xu gujin shiyuan yinghua in 20 juan by Huijing

However, one might also argue that the Literary Writings was simply a ghost title for what actually was a single work now listed under the Garden of Poetry, and that this ghost reference persisted into the Tang dynasty record. Elsewhere we read of a Garden of Poetry compiled by a different person, and which in turn had a sequel compiled by the Tang monk Huijing 慧淨 (b. 578). According to the preface, it was Liu Xiaochuo who had compiled the Liang Garden of Poetry.71 Yan Zhitui, in his Family Instructions of the Yan Clan (Yanshi jiaxun 顏氏家訓), confirms this: “Liu Xiaochuo also compiled the Garden of Poetry (Shiyuan 詩苑) and only selected two of He Xun’s poems. His contemporaries ridiculed his narrowmindedness.”72 As Xiao Tong’s close advisor and assistant compiler of the Wen xuan, it is not inconceivable that Liu Xiaochuo could have been involved in the compilation of the Garden of Poetry. But the question of the exact role he 69 The note to this record reports that the title Yinghua ji is the same as the Wenzhang yinghua ji, which is found in the Liang shu and Cefu yuangui. The Sui shu bibliographic treatise uses the same title for this entry. Sui shu 53.1335. However, in the Liang shu, we find the title to be slightly different, i.e., Wenzhang yinghua. 70 Liang shu 8.171. 71 See Quan Tang wen 154.6a-7b. 72 See Yan Zhitui, Yanshi jiaxun jijie 9.298.

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played, in addition to the very definition of “compiler,” calls for caution in attributing the work to Liu Xiaochuo solely. At the end of the letter to his younger brother, Xiao Tong clearly implies that the work is his own when discussing the Garden of Poetry: Also, during recent years when I had leisure time, I searched for petals and blossoms [outstanding poetry]. Selecting from a period of a number of decades, it was not easy to be complete and exhaustive. I still have regrets [about certain things.] Nevertheless, the book has already circulated. Even though it has not yet been carefully collated, it is still fit for rough reading and reference. My own collection is not much of an achievement, and it contains some ornate pieces. Since you are in need of it, I am sending both. 又往年因暇, 搜采英華, 上下數十年間, 未易詳悉, 猶有遺恨。而其書已傳, 雖未為精核, 亦粗足諷覽。集乃不工, 而並作多麗。汝既須之, 皆遣送也, 某啟。 73

This letter was most likely written in the early 520s and thus shortly before the compilation of the Wen xuan. Xiao Yi, still a teenager around this time, was probably avidly learning the art of writing poetry. Records show that Xiao Yi took the business of composition seriously. As a royal prince himself, he mocked Liu An and Lü Buwei who had had to rely on their entourages for composing literary works.74 His older brother, while speaking humbly of the two collections, did not miss the opportunity to expound his views on literature and writing, the most salient of which was the point on writing as a channel to express one’s “natural dispositions and tenencies” (xingqing). This line of argument, though originating in the “Great Preface,” had gained momentum since the third century writer Lu Ji’s 陸機 (261-303) influential “Rhapsody on Literature” (“Wen fu” 文賦)—an elaborate and self-referential demonstration on how to write.75 In the very beginning, Lu Ji mentions seasonal changes in nature and how they are primary forces for the human production of literature: Along with the four seasons, he laments the passing of time. Beholding the myriad things, his thoughts are profuse. In stark autumn, he is saddened over the fallen leaves. In fragrant spring, he rejoices over tender twigs. His

73 Zhaoming taizi ji jiao zhu, p. 156; Zhaoming taizi wenji 3.33a. 74 See the preface to Jinlou zi: “Often I laugh at King of Huainan who hired writers, and jeer at Buwei who entrusted writing to others” 常笑淮南之假手, 每嗤不韋之托人. 75 For an analysis and translation of Lu Ji’s “Wen fu,” see Owen, Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, pp. 73-181; also see Knechtges, Wen xuan III. 211-31.

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chapter two heart shivers at the thought of frost. His mind flies when gazing upon the clouds.76 遵四時以歎逝, 瞻萬物而思紛, 悲落葉於勁秋, 喜柔條於芳春, 心懍懍以懷霜, 志渺渺而臨雲。 77

These, what Stephen Owen calls “organic” associations between nature and poets’ intent to write, are recognized by Lu Ji as stimulants to producing literature by the sensitive writer. Similar theories are echoed by other critics in the fifth and sixth centuries. For example, Liu Xie devoted an entire chapter to this subject in his systematic treatise on literature, the Literary Mind Carving the Dragon. The opening of Liu Xie’s famous chapter 46, “Appearance of Things” (“Wuse” 物色) reads: “Spring and autumn follow each other in sequence. Yin and yang are gloomy and easeful respectively. When the colors of things stir, one’s heart is swayed” 春秋代序, 陰陽慘舒, 物色之動, 心亦搖 焉.78 However, a more direct link between Xiao Tong and Lu Ji can be drawn. The “Rhapsody on Literature” is included in the anthology. Besides, taken together, works by Lu Ji occupy the top of Xiao Tong’s list of favorites. In addition, Xiao Tong in his letter draws on the idea of “spiritual roaming” that Lu Ji emphasizes as an indispensable first step to brainstorming. Admittedly, the idea of having the mind roaming as a creative and recreative activity is attributed to Confucius: “One eats his fill everyday, yet has nothing to which to apply his mind. This indeed could be difficult [for him].”79 The phrase “to apply one’s mind” (yongxin 用心) is used by Lu Ji to refer to preparation for writing, whereas Xiao Tong uses the term to refer to reading: “Rather than eating to satiety everyday, I would rather let my mind roam in the forest of literature” 與其飽食終日, 寧游思于文林.80 In Liu Xie’s magnum opus, the idea of “applying one’s mind” is also inextricably associated with the writing process. By this account, the human heart and mind is first and foremost part of the natural world, responding to it, but it is also a social product that can be cultivated and enriched and in turn creates writing in a certain tradition. This 76 Owen, Readings, p. 9. 77 Wen xuan 17.762. 78 Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong yizheng 46.1728. 79 This is an allusion to Lunyu 17.20. See Lunyu zhushu 17.158. 80 For a detailed discussion of Lu Ji’s influence on Xiao Tong in terms of literary outlook, see Chen Fuxing, “Lu Ji yu Xiao Tong de wenxue piping.” Also note that the number of Lu Ji’s pieces selected in the Wen xuan ranks number one among all writers. Altogether sixty-one of Lu Ji’s works are included in the Wen xuan.

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stress on both nature and nuture distinguishes Xiao Tong from Pei Ziye, and it brings him closer to the critic Liu Xie.81 Gentlemanly Writing To take into consideration both aspects of the human writing mechanism is to keep a balanced view. In case the point is not explicit yet, Xiao Tong spelled out what he regarded as a good piece of writing thus: “… if it is too classically chaste (dian 典), then it suffers from being crude (ye 野); if it is too ornate, then it suffers from being superficial. This piece is ornate yet not superficial, chaste yet not crude. With its pattern and substance well balanced, it is certainly of gentlemanly style.”82 Here Xiao Tong was doubtless speaking with Confucius in mind; he was quoting the master verbatim, although the corresponding line from the Analects was meant as a comment on the ideal person rather than model writing. By grafting Confucius’s comments onto literature, Xiao Tong makes an implicit statement that cultivation of the self shares the same principle as writing as a means of self-expression. If the innate dominates the acquired, then a person is crude; if the acquired impinges on the innate, then a person becomes rigid. Only the balanced being can aspire to become what Confucius called the “gentleman.” The same applies to literary writing, which is the outward embodiment of the individual. A gentlemanly piece of writing is one that so seamlessly incorporates natural instincts and classical models that it rises above the binary distinction of the two and thus prevails. It is a fundamental belief in Chinese literary thought that the man and his works are inseparable, and as a matter of fact writings without an author have rarely endured the test of time.83 Mencius is said to have laid the cornerstone for such a principle in early criticism: “You recite his poetry, you read his writings, and yet you know not the person himself. How can this do?” 頌其詩, 讀其書, 不知其人, 可乎84 In contrast, to leave behind one’s writings is to allow oneself to be understood and invoked even after death. To read literary works is to become familiar 81 For discussions of the mutual influence between Liu Xie and Xiao Tong’s literary views, see Guo Shaoyu, “Wen xuan de xuanlu biaozhun he ta yu Wenxin diaolong de guanxi;” Shu Zhongzheng, “Wenxin diaolong yu Wen xuan fenti zhi bijiao yanjiu;” Mo Lifeng, “Cong Wenxin diaolong yu Wen xuan zhi bijiao kan Xiao Tong de wenxue sixiang.” 82 Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 155. 83 Owen, Making of Early Classical Chinese Poetry, “Author and Speaker,” pp. 214-59. 84 Mengzi zhushu 10B.188b.

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with that person and befriend the author. Cao Pi’s seemingly groundbreaking idea of “literary immortality” is not so free of influence after all. Literary immortality entails literary morality, which issues in turn from a morally potent person who cultivates himself in a way as to strike a balance between his inborn nature and the social world he is born into. Such is the gentleman Xiao Tong strives to be, and so is his gentlemanly writing. Poetry as Experimentation However, this “gentlemanly style” that the Liang crown prince advocates is different, if not downright contrary, to what his younger brother Xiao Gang is best remembered for in literary theory. Xiao Gang’s most widely quoted statement in this connection appears in a letter addressing his own son: “One ought to be circumspect in establishing the self, yet in writing one ought to be unrestrained.”85 After Xiao Tong died in 531, Emperor Wu made Xiao Gang the Crown Prince. At the time this decision was controversial, for according to convention Xiao Tong should have been succeeded by his own eldest son rather than his brother. Nevertheless, Xiao Gang was served as Crown Prince for the next nineteen years, a status he held until 549 when he was established as puppet emperor and killed shortly thereafter by the rebel general Hou Jing. Before these misfortunes, Xiao Gang held court at the Eastern Palace for nearly two decades and hosted literary gatherings there. Xiao Gang and his circle were famous, or notorious in the eyes of some, for what was called “palace-style poetry” and a collection of such poetry known as the New Songs from the Jade Terrace (Yutai xinyong 玉臺新詠). The subject matter of palace-style poetry is palace life, especially as viewed from the perspective of a woman. In accordance with its subject matter, palace-style poetry often assumes a very ornate style and follows intricate prosodic rules. Matters as trivial and private as spring outings, country picnics, dancing girls, neglected wives, candle stands, mirrors and other objects in the boudoir of palace ladies are given an inordinate amount of attention.86 85 See Xiao Gang, “Jie Dangyang Gong Daxin shu” 誡當陽公大心書, in Quan Liang wen 11.3010a. 86 For studies of palace-style poetry, see Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire, chapters 4 and 5, pp. 162-259; Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, pp. 237-56; Fu Gang,

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Xiao Gang’s interest and taste in palace-style poetry were heavily influenced by his court advisors, Xu Chi 徐摛 (474-551) and Yu Jianwu 庾肩吾 (487-551). They both entered Xiao Gang’s court and served as the prince’s tutors when Gang was still a young boy.87 Xu Chi himself had a predilection for the new style in which the palace-tyle poetry was written, and passed his influence on at Xiao Gang’s court. At an early age, Xu Chi was fond of study. By the time he was an adult, he had read the classics and histories in their entirety. In literary composition he went in for innovation and did not restrict himself to the old forms…. His style of composition was very distinctive. The entire Eastern Palace was captivated by it and strove to emulate it. Such writing was designated “palace style” by contemporaries.88 摛幼而好學, 及長, 遍覽經史。屬文好為新變, 不拘舊體。。。摛文體既別, 春 坊盡學之, 「宮體」之號, 自斯而起。 89

Two other important members of Xiao Gang’s court were none other than the sons of Xu Chi and Yu Jianwu--Xu Ling 徐陵 (507-583) and Yu Xin 庾 信 (513-581).90 They both were involved in writing and promoting the “palace style.” The importance of the role of Xu and Yu families in forging the new poetic trend is suggested by an alternative term sometimes used for the style, the “Xu and Yu Style” (Xu Yu ti 徐庾體).91 This literary movement at Xiao Gang’s court culminated in the anthology Yutai xinyong, ­traditionally thought to have been compiled sometime between 534 and 539. Recent scholarship has argued that this work was not compiled until after the fall of the Liang. Proponents of this thesis point to the absence of Xu Chi’s pieces from the Yutai xinyong. This fact has led some scholars to conclude that at the time of compilation Xu Ling did not have access to Wei Jin Nanbeichao shige shi lun, pp. 377-404; Wang Zhongling, Zhongguo zhonggu shige shi, pp. 730-61; Lin Wen-yüeh, “Nanchao gongti shi yanjiu;” Zhou Xunchu, “Guanyu gongti shi de ruogan wenti;” Hu Nianyi, “Lun gongti shi de wenti;” Ye Riguang, “Gongti shi xingcheng zhi shehui beijing;” Miao, “Palace-Style Poetry: The Courtly Treatment of Glamour and Love,” in idem ed. Studies in Chinese Poetry and Poetics, pp. 1-42; Cheng Yu-yu, “You huayu jiangou quan lun gongti shi de xiezuo yitu yu shehui chengyin,” in Gudian wenxue yu xingbie yanjiu, pp. 167-94. 87 For Xu Chi’s biography, see Liang shu 30.446-448 and Nan shi 62.1521-1522. For Yu Jianwu’s biography, see Liang shu 43.690-692 and Nan shi 50.1246-1248. 88 Marney, Emperor Jien-wen of Liang, pp. 143-4. 89 Liang shu 30.446-7. 90 For Yu Xin’s biography, see Zhou shu 41.733-45 and Bei shi 83.2793-4. For Xu Ling’s biography, see Chen shu 26.325-39 and Nan shi 62.1522-5. 91 See Bei shi 83.2793

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his own father’s works, a situation explained by their loss during the Hou Jing rebellion. In addition, the fact that Xu Ling’s compilation of the Yutai xinyong is not mentioned in his Chen shu biography is considered unusual. What this implies is that the work was either unknown to or deemed insignificant by historians. Xu Ling claims in the preface that this is an anthology compiled as an innocuous means of diversion for palace ladies to while away their long unoccupied hours.92 Comparisons are often made between these surviving literary anthologies that issued from the same Eastern Palace when occupied by different crown princes of the Liang, and such comparisons have tended to reflect on the respective moral characters of the two brothers. Casting aside moral judgement, the two antholgies clearly were made for completely different purposes. One is meant to establish standards, set norms, and to encourage emulation by aspring aristocratic youths; the other is for the pleasure of palace ladies.93 For those who regarded pleasure as dispensable in the business of writing, the palace-style poetry would always constitute a target for criticism. As David Knechtges aptly points out, “this view of poetry as divertissement reflects the new poetic interests of the era and is far removed from the conservative Confucian literary ideas of Xiao Gang’s contemporaries such as Pei Ziye, who frowned on literature for entertainment.”94 Such a critical attitude seems to have existed from the very beginning, and has persisted to the present day. Xiao Gang’s self-branded “unrestrained” (fangdang 放蕩) attitude about literary composition could be 92 See Yoshida Takeshi, “Gyokudai shin’ei no seiritsu ni tsuite;” Kōzen Hiroshi, “Gyokudai shin’ei seiritsu kō.” Yoshida suggests a date of 539 and Kōzen suggests a date of 534. Also see Mu Kehong, “Shi lun Yutai xinyong;” Cao Daoheng and Sheng Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, pp. 269-74; Anne Birrell, “In the Voice of Women: Chinese Love Poetry in the Early Middle Ages,” pp. 49-59; Liu Yuejin, “Yutai xinyong banben yanjiu;” “Yutai xinyong chengshu niandai kao xinzheng;” Yutai xinyong yanjiu. Liu Yuejin suggests that Yutai xinyong could have been compiled during the Chen dynasty, but he does not specify when, pp. 84-8. For English translations of Xu Ling’s preface, see Hightower, “Some Characteristics of Parallel Prose;” and Birrell, New Songs from a Jade Terrace, pp. 337-45. 93 For a discussion on the difference between the two Liang literary anthologies, see Hayashida Shinnosuke, “Monzen to Gyokudai shin’ei hensan no bungaku shisō” 《文 選》と《玉臺新詠》編纂の文學思想, Chūgoku Chūsei bungaku hyōronshi (Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1979), pp. 399-420; François Martin, “Les anthologies dans la Chine antique et médiévale: de la genèse au déploiement,” Extrême-Orient, Extrême-Occident 25 (2003): 13-38. 94 Knechtges, “Culling the Weeds and Selecting Prime Blossoms,” p. 233; Fu Gang, “Yutai xinyong yu Wen xuan.”

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shocking to conservative ears, because the phrase is often taken in a negative connotation of “debauched and abandoned.” Prejudice against the Palace Style Poetry was partly aggravated by the fall of the Liang and then Chen, the last of the Southern Dynasties. Originating with Wei Zheng, a politico-literary interpretation of the period that has since the Tang held much sway attributes the fall of the Southern Dynasties to its irresponsible pursuit of the poetic art. The truth of the fact is that the literary history of the Liang was as complex as Xiao Tong’s attitude toward the new poetry as entertainment and pleasure. Although he never openly rejected palace-style poetry, he did not leave us any works that would speak to his fondness of the “new poetic style.” He did not seem to share the preoccupation of his contemporaries to remake and supersede their writing styles, especially in poetry, something that Xiao Gang and his coutiers took to extreme with their Palace Style Poetry.95 The insatiable taste for the new and innovative was initiated in the 480s by none other than Shen Yue and others in their experimentation with poetic form and prosody. Shen Yue formulated a set of new rules called the Sisheng babing 四聲八病 or the “Four Tones and Eight Defects” to codify tonal distribution and regulate rhyming patterns. As reflected in poetic form, the new style poetry tended to consist of short poems of pentasyllabic lines. Although Shen’s rules were almost impossible to follow to the letter, they gained momentum at least outside the capital area.96 Within the capital, Emperor Wu seems not to have

95 The need to make new changes in literary composition is most famously seen in a statement made by Xiao Zixian: “If there were no innovation, [poets today] could not surpass eminent poets of the past” 若無新變不可代雄. Here “eminent poets of the past” refers to such third- and fourth-century poets as Cao Zhi and Xie Lingyun. We know this from a letter Xiao Gang replying to his younger brother Xiao Yi, the “Yu Xiangdong Wang shu”與湘東王書 in which he said: “[The prominent writers] of olden days are Yang Xiong, Sima Xiangru, Cao Zhi, and Wang Can, and those who are closer in time include Pan Yue, Lu Ji, Yan Yanzhi, and Xie Lingyun” 遠則揚馬曹王, 近則潘陸顏謝. See Quan Liang wen 11.3111a-b. 96 For a detailed account of the rules, see Kūkai (774-835), Bunkyō hifuron jiaozhu. For a study on Shen’s theory of sisheng babing, see Liu Yuejin, “Sisheng babing erti,” in idem Yongming wenxue yanjiu, pp. 336-49; Ferenc Tökei, “Texts prosodiques chinois au début de Vie siècle;” Jao Tsung-i, “Wenxin diaolong ‘Shenglü pian’ yu Jiumaluoshi Tongyun--lun sisheng shuo yu Xitan zhi guanxi jian tan Wang Bin, Liu Shanjing, Shen Yue youguan wenti;” Yang Ming, “Fengyao hexi pangniu zhengniu bian;” Mair and Mei, “The Sanskrit Origins of Recent Style Prosody;” Kōzen Hiroshi, “Cong sisheng babing dao sisheng eryuanhua.” Like Liu Yuejin, Qi Gong 啟功 (1912-2005) has also expressed doubts about Shen Yue’s association with the babing rules. See Qi Gong, “‘Ba bing’ ‘si sheng’ de xin tantao.”

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­taken to Shen Yue’s literary venture, and his ambivalence toward the new trend was famously cited in an anecdote. [Shen Yue] also compiled the Sisheng pu. He held that for thousands of years, poets had not been aware of [tonal prosody] and that he alone had discovered it. Exhaustively discussing its wondrous principles, he himself regarded it as a work “embracing his own spirit.” [Yet] the emperor was not very pleased with it and asked Zhou She: “What are the ‘Four Tones’ (sisheng)?” Zhou She answered: “[Each of the four words in the phrase] ‘Son of Heaven, Sagacious, and Wise’ (tian zi sheng zhe) represents one of the four tones.” Nonetheless, the emperor did not after all make use of it. 又撰四聲譜, 以為在昔詞人, 累千載而不寤, 而獨得胸衿, 窮其妙旨, 自謂入神 之作, 高祖雅不好焉。帝問周捨曰:“何謂四聲？”捨曰: “ ‘天子聖哲’是 也。 ”然帝竟不遵用。 97

Possibly influenced by Emperor Wu and an overall atomosphere in the capital, Xiao Tong seldom wrote new style poetry. Furthermore, in selecting works by Shen Yue and his fellow poets who were known for experimenting with the tonal rules, Xiao Tong seemed to show a demonstrable preference for those written in the old style without much self-conscious application of prosodic regulations. According to Chen Qingyuan, among the seventy-seven poems by nine Qi-Liang poets, only seven can be said to be of the so-called “new style,” four by Xie Tiao and three by Shen Yue.98 Due to the rather unenthusiastic attitude Xiao Yan had toward the Yongming prosody reform, the development of “new style” poetry in the capital area lagged behind developments at the local courts. Xiao Gang nurtured his taste for the new poetry while stationed in the western ­province of Jiangzhou,99 whereas Xiao Tong’s court was interested in 97 Liang shu 13.243. 98 Criteria for distinguishing the “new style” were articulated by the Qing scholar Wang Kaiyun 王闓運 (1833-1916), who divides Six Dynasties poems into pentasyllabic poems and new style poems. See Chen Qingyuan, “Xiao Tong yu shenglü shuo.” 99 Ever since Xiao Gang’s birth in 503, the emperor lavished on him titles and enfeoffments. At the age of three, he was enfeoffed as the Prince of Jin’an with eight thousand households to supply his income. In 509, he was given the title of General of the Cloud Banner, taking charge of military affairs of Fort Shitou. In 514, Xiao Gang was given the task of overseeing matters in the western regions of Jingzhou, Yongzhou, Liangzhou, Yizhou, and Ningzhou. In 515, he was further made the governor of Jiangzhou. In 520, the order making him the governor of Yizhou was revoked; instead he was made the governor of Southern Xuzhou, which is the capital area. Three years later, Xiao Gang was sent to the west again, being summoned back in 526 for his mother Lady Ding’s funeral. Earlier that year, Xiao Gang had already submitted a petition, the “Zai zhou lei ji zijie biao” 在州羸疾 自解表 requesting release from his military governorship on the grounds of ill health. In 529, Xiao Gang returned to Yongzhou. One year later, he was summoned back to the capi-

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compiling a work that would become a timeless classic. Although Xiao Gang’s enthusiastic pursuit and promotion of palace-style poetry made him “the most influential, most prolific, and by general agreement the most accomplished of palace-style writers,”100 his posthumous reputation suffered due to the subject matter of his art. In his official biography, we read the following about Xiao Gang, his talent, and the misplaced use of it: Gang had been clever and demonstrated a sharp intellect since a young age. His intellectual cognizance and perception surpassed ordinary people. At six, he was capable of composition. Emperor Wu, finding his swiftness incredible, tested Gang in person and it turned out that his writings were quite good. Emperor Wu marveled: “This boy is the Dong’e of my house.”101 When [Xiao Gang] had grown up…he could read at the speed of ten lines at a glance. In studying the works of Various Schools and Hundred Philosophers, Xiao Gang was able to commit them to memory upon first reading… He summoned men of letters to his court and tirelessly supported them… Constantly, they would engage in discussions of the classics and then they would compose literarary pieces …Gang was fond of poetic composition, and he said in the preface to his collection: “I have been addicted to writing poetry since the age of seven, and now that I am grown, I still have yet to tire of it.” 太宗幼而敏睿, 識悟過人, 六歲便屬文, 高祖驚其早就, 弗之信也, 乃於御前面 試, 辭采甚美。高祖歎‑曰:「此子, 吾家之東阿。 」既長。 。 。讀書十行俱下。九流 百氏, 經目必記。 。 。引納文學之士, 賞接無倦, 恆討論篇籍, 繼以文章。 。 。雅好 題詩, 其序云:「余七歲有詩癖, 長而不倦。 」102

Emperor Wu’s comparison of the younger son Xiao Gang to Cao Zhi cannot but call to mind the well known stories about literature and rulership surrounding the Cao family. The elder sons in the Cao and Xiao families are depicted as less talented in literature, yet more mature and selfrestrained. Both elder brothers were literary theorists, while the younger brothers were poets. But the comparison seems to end there, as the relationship between the Xiao brothers was nothing like the toxic one that characterized the Cao brothers, even if only in the imagination of historians. Unlike Cao Zhi who lived in the shadow of his elder brother Cao Pi, Xiao Gang seemed to have better fortune. The two Liang princes have left behind poems of exchange that express mutual affection, despite their tal area as the governor of Southern Yangzhou and Xuzhou. See Liang shu 4.103-5. Also see Marney, Liang Chien-wen Ti. 100 Marney, Emperor Chien-wen of Liang, p. 143. 101 Dong’e refers to Cao Zhi. 102 See Liang shu 4.109.

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diverging literary tastes. If Xiao Tong strived for a balanced gentlemanly style, Xiao Gang did not hesitate to admit his own obsession with the new style poetry, for which form replaces function. For that reason, Xiao Gang was criticized: [Xiao Gang’s] poems were flawed by frivolity and gaudiness. At the time, his style of writing was called the “palace-style”…Although Gang was intelligent from a young age, his heavenly-bestowed talent boundless and unmatched, yet his writing was burdened by frivolity and floridity. This is not what a gentleman would choose. 然傷於輕豔, 當時號曰「宮體」。。。太宗幼年聰睿, 令問夙標, 天才縱逸, 冠 於今古。文則時以輕華為累, 君子所 不取焉。 103

A Taste of the “Frivolous” The following poem is probably a good example of the “frivolous” pieces slighted by critics. Following the Chinese of each line is a charting of its tonal pattern, with O indicating level-tone words and X indicating deflected-tone words. 詠內人晝眠 北窗聊就枕 XOOXX 南簷日未斜 OOXXO 攀鉤落綺障 OOXXX 插捩舉琵琶 OXXOO 夢笑開嬌靨 XXOOX 眠鬟壓落花 OOXXO 簟文生玉腕 XOOXX 香汗浸紅紗 OXXOO 夫婿恆相伴 OXOOX 莫誤是倡家 XXXOO

On A Palace Lady Taking a Nap during the Daytime104 Under the northern window, she goes to her pillow; Across the southern eaves, the sunlight has not yet slanted. Reaching for the hook, she lowers the damask curtain; Inserting the plectrum, she puts away the pipa. In her dreams, her smile opens up two delicate dimples; In her sleep, her bun presses against the flower and makes it fall. Marks of the mat appear on her jade arm; Perfumed sweat moistens the red gauze. Her husband forever accompanies her; Do not mistake her for an entertainment girl.

103 Ibid. 104 For the text, see Yutai xinyong jianzhu 7.314. Also see Yiwen leiju 18.327 and Liang shi 21.1941.

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This poem is written in the pentasyllabic meter, a form rooted in folk songs that emerged sometime during the Eastern Han, and was often found most suitable for the expression of private feelings. Starting from the fall of the Han, pentasyllabic verse became more and more commonly used, often to lament life’s hardships. Besides calls of despondency and despair over life’s problems in general and the challenges that a chaotic age presents in particular as found in anonymous poems, there were subtler and more delicate expressions by the members and entourage of the Cao family which greatly encouraged the development of the pentasyllabic verse. By the fifth and sixth centuries, the form had come to gain an equal footing with traditional poetic forms, most notably the tetrasyllabic. Zhong Rong praised what seemed to be an advantage to the pentasyllabic as a genre: “The pentasyllabic form has occupied the most important position in literary writings. It is the one that offers more savor (you ziwei zhe 有滋味者) than others.”105 The word ziwei or “savor” indicates that the pentasyllabic as a form caters to the aesthetic rather than the functional. It offers pleasure instead of information or instruction. The pleasure Zhong Rong speaks about the pentasyllabic could come from the form’s more dynamic prosody, greater syntactic variety allowing for play on linguistic ambiguity, and a subject matter encompassing mundane topics of perennial human interest. A general comparison between the pentasyllabic and the tetrasyllabic forms yields the observation that the former is usually more accessible to a larger audience and thus more likely to be appreciated and circulated. The two forms were probably utilized with roughly equal frequency, yet the rising momentum the pentasyllabic had gained certainly made it appear to be the more popular. Most of Xiao Gang’s poetry is in the pentasyllabic style and the above piece is an example. In connection with poetic form, the diction in the above poem, free as it is of classical allusions, is made lucid through a set of visual cues. Each line contains two images, and each couplet has two lines that are parallel in imagery and diction. Excluding the first and last couplets, it becomes clear that the remaining three couplets are written with perfect parallelism. Further examination reveals that the parallelism extends to the prosody, an important area of experimentation in the new style poetry. Aural repetition and monotony is avoided by alternating level tone words and words of deflected tone. In this way a more dynamic 105 See Shi pin jizhu, p. 36.

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patterning is achieved.106 Rhyming words fall on the last syllable of evennumbered lines, and the final syllables in each couplet form a mirror image between a level tone word and a deflected tone word. The sound pattern in the third and fourth couplets is thus an exact mirror image, while the second couplet comes close. Such tonal euphony, together with vivid imagery, generates a feeling of pleasure even before one reads into the content of the poem, which offers further relish. A sleeping beauty is the subject of the poem, in which a static tableau of slumber is skillfully presented through a dynamic lens. In couplets three and four, the poet uses two pairs of verbs that describe actions moving in opposite directions. While flower-like dimples “open” (kai 開) in a dream, outside the dream a real flower is “pressed down” ( ya 壓) and “made to fall.” Unaware of herself, the dreaming girl, smiling innocently, is drawn into a sober gaze staged through the device of poetry, whose function is to pierce the surface of life and penetrate to the cruelty lying at its bottom. Reading across the couplet, images of flowers blooming and falling symbolize the fate of a young palace woman, which traces a path similar to this cycle in nature. In the next couplet, the verbs sheng 生 and jin 浸 generate much room for erotic imagination. Even though the girl is asleep, the poetic gaze, via the sleeping mat, vicariously touches her jade-like wrist and makes a mark on her soft flesh. The girl is soaked in sweat, as if aroused by the touch and/or the gaze. “Appearing” (sheng) is the result of pressing, and “moistening” (jin) is the result of perspiring. Even though there is no concrete scene of love-making here, suggestions invoked by “pressing” and “perspiring” conjure the same erotic effect. It is no wonder this poem sometimes is singled out as an example of Xiao Gang’s “decadent” poetry. Parallel to the life cycle of a flower seen in the third couplet, there is a different cycle of energy, that of the human world, transferred in the fourth couplet. Without awakening the sleeping girl or inducing her to dance or sing, the poet has already enlivened her into a highly voluptuous being. In addition, every still object in the room, the damask curtain, the plectrum of the pipa, and the flower and red gauze she wears, all add to the girl’s attractiveness. Mention of the pipa makes one envision the girl’s singing, while the red gauze calls to mind the light and slim girl’s graceful 106 Meow Hui Goh, using Wang Rong’s poetry as a case study, has shown that the distinction of Yongming prosody was among all four tones, not solely the level and deflected tone words. See her “Tonal Prosody in Three Poems by Wang Rong;” and “Wang Rong’s (467-493) Poetics in the Light of the Invention of Tonal Prosody.”

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dancing steps. And yet this is all in the potential poetic space that the poet has created for us; it would be lost at the snap of his finger to awaken the mesmerized reader. The last couplet indeed ends it all very abruptly by pointing out the presence of a husband. Xiao Gang is obviously playing a game with his audience, one in which he carefully maintains control. Pleasure at so many levels, instead of moral instruction, is the point of the poem. This is very different from how Xiao Tong advocated and practiced the art of poetry. Brotherly Love Through Courtly Writing Despite their difference in literary outlook, the two brothers’ mutual good will is testified to by a variety of documents. We have a number of their mutual letters from which we can see that Xiao Tong thought highly of Xiao Gang’s literary talent and acted as an extremely encouraging elder brother. For example, in his reply letter to Xiao Gang, “Letter Responding to the Prince of Jin’an” (Da Jin’an wang shu 答晉安王書), Xiao Tong wrote: “I have received your letter of the 28th day of the fifth month including a poem.107 Reading the letter over and over again is like having a face-toface talk with you… Repeatedly reading and reciting it, I simply cannot stop.”108 Although Xiao Tong did not directly instruct Xiao Gang in his own literary theory as he had with Xiao Yi, through his own poems addressed to his brother Xiao Tong showed Xiao Gang what a gentlemanly style is. In Xiao Tong’s literary collection, there are two poems addressed to Xiao Gang. Let us first look at the poem “Shown to My Younger Brother— Governor of Xuzhou” (“Shi Xuzhou di” 示徐州弟). “Governor of Xuzhou” was the title held at this time by Xiao Gang. It was customary in the Liang for princes to be appointed to posts outside the capital. Unlike the crown prince Xiao Tong who never left the capital in his lifetime and mostly stayed within the palace walls, Xiao Gang was sent out to the western provinces. These postings are but one example of the favor Emperor Wu seems to have shown for Xiao Gang over his other sons. When Xiao Gang turned three years of age in 506, he was given an income of 8,000 bushels while the other brothers were receiving only 107 Yu Shaochu supposes that the letter is no long extant, but the poem, a responding piece to Xiao Tong’s “To My Brother General Cloud Banner” (“Shi Yunhui di” 示雲麾弟), is preserved in the Yiwen leiju. 108 See Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 74.

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2,000 bushels. Soon afterwards Xiao Gang received a series of military assignments despite his young age. In 509, Xiao Gang was made Cloud Banner General and given command of the garrison at Fort Boulder (Shitou cheng 石頭城) to the west of Jiankang. The next year he was commissioned as Imperial Commissar Holding the Emblems, commanding a long stretch of the littoral provinces from southeast Shandong through Jiangsu and then southward to northeast of Zhejiang province, and given the title of General Propagating Fortitude and Governor of Southern Yan, where he was probably stationed. In 513 Xiao Gang was brought back to the capital with a different title, General Propagating Graciousness. The next year he was sent as Imperial Commissar to oversee military affairs in the provinces of Jing, Yong, Liang, Southern and Northern Qin, Yi, and Ning, covering territory in modern day Sichuan, Hubei, Hunan, and Jiangxi). One year later in 515 he was transferred to serve as the governor of Jiang province, still holding the emblems of commander.109 Here he stayed for a number of years. Xiao Gang does not seem have to enjoyed his life there, and in a letter to the emperor he complained about its provinciality and harshness.110 An order originally issued in winter 520 transferring Xiao Gang to the governorship of Yizhou, still part of the western regions, was revoked on the lunar New Year’s day of 521. Instead Xiao Gang was restored to his old title of Cloud Banner General and made to stay in the vicinity of the capital---Nan Xuzhou, the emigré province of Xuzhou in the south.111 Xuzhou covered the area to the east of the capital, Jiankang, and lies within present-day zhenjiang Municipality 鎮江市 in Jiangsu province. Because of its proximity to the capital, this position was quite important and prestigious. Upon Xiao Gang’s departure for his post in Xuzhou, Xiao Tong presented this long poem to his brother. Shown to My Younger Brother—Governor of Xuzhou112

by Xiao Tong

(1) 載批經籍 I browse the documents; 言括典墳 I read through the canons. 鬱哉元氣 How luxuriant the primal force! 109 See Liang shu 4.103-4. 110 Ibid. 111 Ibid. Also see Marney, p. 26. 112 For the text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 22-9; Liang shi 14.1793-4; Zhaoming taizi ji, 1.11a; Yiwen leiju 21.389-90. Note that this poem is missing from Xiao Tong’s collection in the SBCK edition, but is found in the Wenguan cilin 文館詞林. See Xu Jingzong, Ri cang Hongren ben Wenguan cilin jiaozheng 152.17-8.

Xiao Tong’s Literary Inclination 煥矣天文 二儀肇建 清濁初分 粵生品物 乃有人倫

How bright the heavenly pattern! When heaven and earth were first established, The clear and turbid were distinguished. When various things were first produced, Then there came to be human relationships.

人倫為何 五常為性 因以泥黑 猶麻違正 違仁則勃 弘道斯盛 友于兄弟 是亦為政

(2) What are the human relationships? The five norms are their nature. White sands appear black because of the mud; Similarly, hemp can make the fleabane grow straight.113 Violating humane [teachings], one goes astray; Propagating the Way, a person thrives. Harboring fraternal affection toward my brother, This is also conducting governance.

伊予與爾 共氣分軀 顧昔髫髮 追惟綺襦 綢繆紫掖 興侵每俱 朝游青瑣 夕步彤廬

(3) You, my brother, and me Two persons, yet sharing the same vital breath. I look back at the days when we had unbound hair; Recall the time when we wore embroidered jackets. We were close and intimate in the purple side chamber; Awake and asleep, we were always together. In the morning, we played under blue windows; In the evening, we walked around red lodges.

惟皇建國 疏爵樹親 既固磐石 亦濟蒸人 亦有行邁 去此洛濱

(4) When the emperor established the dynasty, He assigned noble ranks and established kinsmen. This not only set the foundation for the dynasty. But also benefited the commoners. Then some of us had to travel far; And you left the banks of the Luo.114

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113 This line alludes to Xunzi 荀子: “Growing among hemp, fleabane is straight without support… Therefore, a gentleman selects his neighbors and associates only with his kind. This is how he guards against the deviant and keeps close to the orthodox.” See Xunzi jijie 1.5. 114 Luobin, the banks of the Luo River, is the locale of the old capital of the Eastern Han, Wei, and Jin. After the Eastern Jin established itself in the south and made its capital in Jiankang, it was still customary for writers to make reference to southern locations, and the capital in particular, using names from the northern lands. Thus, here Luobin simply means the Liang capital, Jiankang.

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自玆厥後 Since the first time you left the palace, 分析已頻 Our partings have been numerous. 濟河之隔 載離寒暑 甫旋皇邑 遽臨荊楚 分手澄江 中心多緒 形反桂宮 情留蘭渚

(5) Our separation, like the Ji and Yellow Rivers,115 Lasted for many winters and summers.116 From Yanzhou, you had come back to the capital; But immediately you had to leave again for Jingchu.117 Bidding farewell on the clear river, I had many thoughts in heart. Although my person had returned to Cinnamon Palace, My mind stayed at Thoroughwort Islet.118

(6) Then there was an order from the emperor;119 I also went to the Yunmeng Park.120 We had the pleasure of sitting on the same mat again; So happy there, we thought not even of food. After that, you were transferred to the Nine Tributaries;121 From the Three Rivers area, you had not returned to the capital.122 滔滔不歸 For long, you did not return;123 悠悠思遠 I longed for you. 有命自天 亦徂夢苑 欣此同席 歡焉忘飯 九派仍臨 三江未反

(7) 長贏屈節 When the season of Growing Fullness was yielding,124 令弟旋玆 [You,] my esteemed younger brother returned. 115 The Ji River is an ancient riverway that ran parallel to the Yellow River in modern day Shandong province. 116 This is a verbatim reference to Ode 207 “Xiaoming” 小明. See Mao shi zhengyi 13.445. 117 Jingchu is in modern Hubei province. 118 Cf. Cao Zhi “Yingzhao shi” 應召詩 (Wen xuan 20.934): “In the morning, I departed at the Simurgh Terrace./ At dusk, I lodge at the Thoroughwort Islet” 朝發鸞臺, 夕宿蘭渚. 119 A direct quote of Ode 236 “Daming” 大明. See Mao shi zhengyi 16.540. 120 The Yunmeng Park is a big marsh in Chu. 121 For jiu pai 九派, see Knechtges, Wen xuan II:320, L. 16n. 122 The Three Rivers refers to Jiujiang 九江, the government seat of the Jiangzhou province. For Jiujiang, see Knechtges, Wen xuan II:322, L. 24n. 123 This line is a verbatim reference Ode 156 “Dongshan” 東山. See Mao shi zhengyi 8.295. 124 The phrase zhangying 長贏 is a kenning for summer. The season described here is the end of summer. See Erya zhushu 6.95.

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載睹玉質 我心則夷 逍遙玉戶 攜手丹墀 方符昔語 信矣怡怡

Having seen your jade-like countenance, My heart finally settled.125 We roamed in and out of the jade gates; We walked side by side along the vermilion steps. We talked about our old days together; Truly, our brotherhood was harmonious.126

宴君畫室 靖眺銅池 三墳既覽 四始兼摛 嘉肴玉俎 旨酒金卮 陰陰色晚 白日西移

(8) I offered a feast for you in the Painted Room;127 From there, we could gaze on the Bronze Basin. After we browsed the three canons; We started to compose [in the style of] the “Four Beginnings.”128 There were delicate dishes, jade platters; Fine wine and gold vessels. It was getting dark and dim; The white sun was moving west,

西移已西 華燭云景 屑屑風生 昭昭月影 高宇既清 虛堂復靜 義府載陳 玄言斯逞

(9) Moving west until dusk arrived; Floriate candles shone brightly. Briskly, briskly the wind arose; Bright, bright was the moon’s reflection. The grand mansions were then silent; The spacious halls again became quiet. Then, the “storehouses of meaning” were opened;129 “Arcane Discourse” was indulged.

綸言遄降 伊爾有行 有行安適 義乃維城 載脂朱穀

(10) Suddenly, there came the edict; You were going on another journey. Where were you assigned? To guard the capital city. The red chariot hub was greased.

125 This line is a verbatim quote Ode 14 “Caochong” 草蟲. 126 This line alludes to the Analects 13/28, see Lunyu zhushu 13.119. 127 Huashi 畫室 is the name of a Han dynasty palace hall for the Crown Prince. There is a variant hua 畫 as zhou 晝 in the Yiwen leiju, and as shu 書 in the Wenguan cilin. Both are probably graphic errors. 128 “Four Beginnings”refers to the Book of Odes. 129 Yifu refers to the Book of Documents and the Book of Odes. See Zuo zhuan, Duke Xi 27. “The Odes and the Documents are storehouses of meaning” 詩書, 義之府也. See Chunqiu zuozhuan zhengyi 16.267.

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亦抗翠旌 The green banners were hoisted. 惄如朝飢 Sadness was churning in my heart, like morning hunger;130 獨鍾予情 My emotions were only for you. 遠於將之 爰適上苑 靄靄雲浮 曖曖景晚 予嘆未明 爾悲將遠 日夕解袂 鳴笳言反

(11) Into the great distance, I sent you off; We arrived at the imperial park. It was getting dark and the clouds drifted low;131 It became murky when the sun set. I lamented the uncertainty; You were sad about going away. We parted at dusk; I returned when they played the flute.132

言反甲館 雨面莫收 予若西岳 爾譬東流 興言思此 心焉如浮 玉顏雖阻 金相嗣丘

(12) Upon returning to Lodge A,133 My tears streamed down like rain. I am like the Western Mountain; You are like the eastward flowing river. Every time I think of this, My heart tingles.134 Although your jade countenance is now separated from me, Your esteemed person continues [the virtue of] our ancestor.135

This long poem is written in the tetrasyllabic meter, the oldest form of Chinese poetry as found in the Book of Odes traditionally credited to Confucius. Although one thousand years later the tetrasyllabic form was still being used, it was found more and more archaic, and thus limited to the use of more formal occasions such as eulogies, threnodies, and inscrip-

130 This line is direct quote of Ode 10 “Ru fen” 汝墳, Mao shi zhengyi 2.49. 131 This line bears a close resemblance to Tao Qian’s “Hovering Clouds” (“Ting yun” 停雲), the opening lines of which read: “Dense, dense the hovering clouds./ Fine, fine the seasonable rain.” In the preface, Tao says that the poem is about longing of a friend. See Tao Yuanming ji jiaojian, p. 1. 132 This line reminds of Cao Pi’s “Yu Zhaoge ling Wu Zhi shu” 與朝歌令吳質書: “…my entourage sounded the flute to clear the road for me…” 從者鳴笳以啟路. See Wen xuan 42.1896. 133 Lodge A is the name of the Han Crown Prince lodge. 134 Yu Shaochu notes that in this line Xiao Tong probably alludes to Ode 176, “Jing jing zhe e” 菁菁者莪. 135 Xiao Yan’s mother was buried in Wujin (modern Wujin in Jiangsu Province) in Southern Xuzhou. See Liang shu 7.157.

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tions.136 Zhong Rong commented on this trend in his Shi pin: “As for the tetrasyllabic form, poets find it bothersome, for the words they must use for composition are complicated, yet the meaning they are able to convey is limited. As a result, poets seldom practice it any more.”137 This poem shows affinity to a group of “presentation and response” (zengda 贈答) poems selected in the Wen xuan.138 There is actually a large number of such poems. Among them are Wang Can’s “Zeng Cai Zidu shi” 贈蔡子篤 詩 (“Poem Presented to Cai Zidu”), “Zeng Shisun Wenshi” 贈士孫文始 (Presented to Shisun Wenshi), and “Zeng Wen Shuliang” 贈文叔良 (Presented to Wen Shuliang); Liu Gonggan’s 劉公幹 “Zeng Wuguan zhonglang jiang sishou” 贈武官中郎將四首 (Presented to Leader of Court Gentlemen for Miscellaneous Uses, Four Poems), “Zeng Xu Gan” 贈徐幹 (Presented to Xu Gan), and “Zeng congdi sanshou” 贈從弟三首 (Presented to My Cousin, Three Poems), ten of Lu Ji’s 陸機 presentation poems; Pan Yue’s 潘越 “Wei Jiami zuo zeng Lu Ji” 為賈謐作贈陸機 (Composed on Behalf of Jia Mi, Presented to Lu Ji), Liu Kun’s 劉琨 “Da Lu Chen shi” 答盧 諶詩 (In Reply to Lu Chen) and “Chong zeng Lu Chen” 重贈盧諶 (Presented Once Again to Lu Chen); and Lu Chen’s “Zeng Liu Kun” 贈劉琨 (Presented to Liu Kun). Most of these presentation poems are formal communications, concerning public and governmental affairs yet with a subtly personal tone. This was probably why the tetrasyllabic was considered the appropriate form for Xiao Tong’s poem: the occasion was of both political gravity and personal significance. Given Southern Xuzhou’s political and strategic importance, dispatching Xiao Gang to this area closely surrounding the capital placed him very high on the imperial hierarchy. The mechanism of the state thus threw the two young brothers into a relationship that transcended ordinary brotherhood. Xiao Tong’s poem addresses the larger context, cosmological as well as social, to frame a fraternal harmony that he and Xiao Gang had blissfully enjoyed and would soon render to a more important course. Xiao Tong’s older age in the imperial family system gave him seniority beyond familial terms and for that he had to assume a double role, that of a brother and of a ruler who must oversee the wellbeing of a state. He regarded brotherhood as an organic part of a larger 136 For a recent study on the use of the tetrasyllabic form, see David Zebulon Raft, “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China” (Ph.D. diss. Harvard University, 2007). 137 See Shi pin jizhu, p. 36. 138 For a study of “presentation and response” poetry in the Wen xuan, see Jiang Yaling, Wen xuan zengda shi liubian shi; Zhou Xunchu, “Lun Wen xuan zhong de siyan shi.”

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system. Xiao Tong’s status as the Crown Prince (erjun 二君, or “second ruler”) made him more than a big brother to Xiao Gang; it was also a relationship between lord and vassal, as we see in the last couplet of stanza two: “Harboring fraternal affection toward my brother;/ This is also conducting governance.” The tetrasyllabic, a genre for formal discourse with refined and restrained expression of personal voice, is the most suitable form for such a poem. The solemnity of the piece is further reinforced through multiples of four in the number of stanzas, lines, and couplets. The effect of these layers upon layers of four, emblematic of squareness, is order and control. Order and control are also qualities of its poetic diction, for it demonstrates a close textual lineage with the Book of Odes, and many other texts such as the Analects, the Shi ji, and the Han shu. By employing the form and diction from classical sources, the poem is presented in a framework of solemnness. Yet at the same time, affectionate personal moments and heartfelt emotions do shine through. The main part of the poem, comprising stanzas three to twelve, is a detailed account of the partings and reunions between the two brothers, starting with an affectionate recollection of their childhood, continuing to recount their growing up together, evoking their earlier separation followed by happy reunion, and ending with their intellectual communion. Here the crown prince does not try to rein in his personal emotions, especially in the last stanza, when his “tears stream down like rain and [his] heart tingles,” because this is sanctioned by embeddedness in a larger cosmological framework. Nonetheless, the poem does end on a note emphasizing the common good and duty, praising the important task that the younger brother is assigned: “Although your jade countenance is now separated from me/Your esteemed person continues [the virtue of] our ancestor.” The entire poem is written with a rare level of control, balancing a mandatory restraint and a natural overflow of feelings. The two dimensions of Xiao Tong’s relationship with his brother, fraternal affection and magisterial reasoning, are woven together to produce a piece suitable to serve as an example to his young brother. Another piece addressing Xiao Gang that bears the same word shi 詩 in its title is written in the Chu song style. “Shi Yunhui di shi” 示雲麾弟詩 (“Shown to My Younger Brother, the Cloud Banner General”).139 139 For the text, see Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 5-6; Lu Qinli, pp. 1801-2; Yiwen leiju 28.504; Zhaoming taizi ji 1.12a. Note that this poem is missing from Xiao Tong’s collection in the SBCK edition.

Xiao Tong’s Literary Inclination 白雲飛兮江上阻 北流分兮山風舉 山萬仞兮多高峰 流九派兮饒江渚 上岧嶢兮乃逼天 下微濛兮後興雨 實覽歷兮此名地 故遨遊兮茲勝所 爾登涉兮一長望 理化顧兮忽憶予 想玉顏兮在目中 徒踟躅兮增延佇

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White clouds fly and gather north of the River;140 A stream branches off here where the mountain gale arises.141 The mountain rises a hundred yards high with many peaks; The Yangtze River flows into nine142 and there abounds143 in islets. Above, precipitous peaks press against the sky; Below, misty moisture makes an imminent rain. Indeed one should behold and visit this famous site; So you will roam and ramble in this wonderful place. Ascend high and gaze afar; After tending to administration and instruction please deign to think of me. Although I imagine your jade countenance in front of me, All I can do is pace and wait.

Xiao Gang was given the title of Cloud Banner General three times, in 509, 514, and 521. The last of these appointmentments brought Xiao Gang officially back to the capital area, although in reality he had already returned in the previous year. Judging from the content of this poem, it must have been written when Xiao Gang was still stationed in Jiangzhou, i.e., between 514 and 520. The Yiwen leiju classifies the poem aptly under the category of youlan 遊覽, “Travel and Sightseeing.” As syntactic parallelism is evident, the most appealing quality of this poem is image parallelism of mountain/river and above/below. The complementary images of moun140 For the phrase jiangshang, literally “above the river,” Yu Shaochu has pointed out that shang, when referring to a river, should be understood specifically the north of the river. This then leads him to name a specific town to the north of the Yangtze river—­ Xunyang, which is the provincial seat for Jiangzhou where Xiao Gang was stationed. See Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 5. 141 Here the “Northern Stream” is the Xunyang river, a branch to the north of the Yangtze. See Songshu 36.1086. 142 “Nine Branches” appears in Guo Pu’s fu on the Yangtze river, in which the line reads: “[The Yangtze] flows into nine branches here at Xunyang.” Li Shan’s commentary, quoting Ying Shao, adds: “The Yangtze river divides into nine at Xunyang in Lujiang.” See Wen xuan 12.558. Also see Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2:320, 322. 143 Here there is a textual variant. In Han Wei Liuchao Baisan jia ji (83), instead of rao 饒 (“abound”), there is rao 繞 (“circle around”). This variant would change the line into: “The Yangtze River flows into nine branches and they circle around the islets.”

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tain and river are not static, as the Yangtze flows into nine branches and thus forms not only streams but also islets. The high mountain brings to itself a strong wind, which seems to have carved out the numerous peaks. When these precipitous peaks press up toward the sky, clouds in the mountains form rain that will flow back down into the river. The landscape described by our poet is thus an organic whole, with images that are fully developed and interrelated with each other. This connection and coordination in nature is a definite contrast to separation in human affairs, thereby revealing the poem’s purpose. Although the two brothers are separated by mountains and rivers, versification makes it possible for Xiao Tong to express his heartfelt feelings to Xiao Gang. This is what Xiao Tong expresses by the line, “When kinsmen are apart, one’s hands are driven by emotions to write.” To this six-couplet poem, Xiao Gang wrote a reply, matching his brother’s Chu ci style. 應令詩

Reply to the Crown Prince144

蠡浦急兮川路長

The confluence at Pengli lake is rapid, and the river journey is long;145 White clouds pile up and emerge into the lord of heaven’s land.146 The plain is remote and I must strain my eyes; The Yangtze domain is now blocked and my sojourning heart is sore.147

白雲重兮出帝鄉 平原忽兮遠極目 江甸阻兮羈心傷

144 For the text, see Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 5; Lu Qinli, p. 1978; Yiwen leiju 28.503. 145 There are two possible interpretations, depending on how one would like to identify Lipu. In the modern day Lipu is southeast of Wuxi 無錫, Jiangsu. If this is the location Xiao Gang has in mind, then it could be where he would have boarded a boat and sailed up the Yangtze to reach his post. However, there is a second possibility that this Lipu is another name for Pengli 彭蠡 Lake, which is fifty-two li southeast of Xunyang. This lake is adjacent to Mt. Poyang 鄱陽山 and also called Poyang Lake. The reason that this interpretation is more appealing is that Pengli Lake was in the middle of Xiao Gang’s station. Taken together with the geographical locations mentioned in the remainder of the poem, this interpretation makes perfect sense. For more information on Pengli Lake or “Li Lake,” as it is called here, see Taiping huanyu ji 111.6a-7b. 146 This line contains an allusion to the Zhuangzi (5A.421): “After a thousand years, becoming world-weary, he departed and ascended as an immortal. He rode the white clouds and reached the realm of the lord of heaven” 千歲厭世, 去而上僊; 乘彼白雲, 至 於帝鄉. 147 江甸 is another reference for Jiangnan 江南 or Jiangwai 江外, an area corresponds to modern Jiangsu and Zhejiang.

Xiao Tong’s Literary Inclination 樹廬岳兮高且峻 瞻派水兮去泱泱 遠煙生兮含山勢 風散花兮傳馨香 臨清波兮望石鏡 瞻鶴嶺兮睇仙裝 望邦畿兮千里曠 悲遙夜兮九迴腸 顧龍樓兮不可見 徒送目兮淚霑裳

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Standing straight, Mount Lu is tall and imposing; I see Yangtze tributaries departing slowly but continuously. In the distance, haze emerges and enfolds the mountain form; The wind scatters flowers and spreads their scent. Facing the clear waves, I look out at Stone Mirror; I peer at Crane Ridge to glimpse the immortal’s apparel.148 Looking for the capital, a thousand li away, On this distant night sorrow churns inside me. I look out for your palace, but it cannot be seen; In vain I let my gaze wander, tears moistening my gown.

In structure, Xiao Gang’s reply poem carefully matches that of Xiao Tong, except for the insertion of the fourth couplet in the middle, making his own poem one couplet longer than Xiao Tong’s original six-couplet piece; below I will discuss the significance of this apparent aberration. The rest of the poem is a perfect match. Images in the first two couplets include white clouds, the Yangtze River, and rapid currents, all of which help paint the backdrop of the grand Yangtze River, which connects yet also separates the people of south China, whose livelihood closely depends upon it. This huge waterway gives people hope and makes them long for their separated families, but the distance and hardship of travel are barriers difficult to overcome. Jiangzhou’s landscape is composed not only of the great river, but also of a great mountain, i.e., the famous Mount Lu. Mount Lu is a symbol of this area referred to variously as Jiangzhou 江州, Xunyang 潯陽, Pengze 彭澤, Lu Jiang 廬江, Pengli 彭蠡, and Chaisang 柴桑. It is known for its layered peaks, ideal retreats for immortals or an inspiration for imagining immortals among them. Some records have it that the peaks numbered nine,149 a perfect match for the number of tributaries into which the river divides. Jiangzhou is thus an area where the Yangtze has nine tributaries and Mount Lu has nine peaks. Number nine in classical Chinese often means just “many” or “complete.” Therefore, this area in the middle 148 Stone Mirror and Crane Ridge are two famous Taoist locales in Jiangzhou. Taiping huanyu ji 111.5a-b. 149 Taiping huanyu ji 111.4a-b.

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r­ eaches of the Yangtze abounds in mountains and rivers, the horizontal and vertical twists and turns on earth. Such geographical feature is certainly admired for its aesthetics, but maybe more evoked for its outward imaging of the emotional and psychological complexity of the subject. In the line “[O]n this distant night sorrow churns inside me,” the word for “churn” is 迴, which literarally means “eddies.” Also relevant are the many stories and associations that have accumulated throughout history about the landscape. The name of the mountain is thought to be the surname or the dwelling of an immortal who ascended to heaven from this earth below.150 A modern reader has plenty of reasons to doubt the veracity of such tales, but the aura of immortality has become ingrained in this area and had by the Liang dynasty been verified by many writers. Tao Qian for one had written and popularized his story of a utopian world. 151 Tao’s tale is not necessarily unique; the chance to thumb through pamphlets at the local government’s tourist information center provides a wealth of information about the famous sites and scenery in the area, along with the stories of immortals associated with them. One of the tales recorded in the Shuijing zhu 水經注 (compiled by Li Daoyuan 酈道元, ca. 469?-527) reads as follows: There were three stone bridges on one of the nine peaks, each with a length of thirty yards yet with a width of no more than a span. Looking down from them one beholds an abyss. A certain Taoist practitioner named Wu Meng was crossing one of these bridges together with his disciples. They saw an old man sitting beneath a cinnamon tree, who poured some nectar into his jade cup and handed it to Wu Meng. Arriving at another location, they met several more immortals who prepared an elixir for Wu Meng. One of Wu Meng’s disciples stole a treasure, hoping to show it to the world. The moment he did so, the bridge shrank to the width of a finger. Wu Meng had the treasure returned and led his disciples across the bridge with their eyes closed. Once they were across, the mountains and rivers were bright and clear; the breeze was moist, pure, and refreshing; the air was crisp; the ­climate was mild; the land was fertile, and people relaxed. Men of lofty abandon continued to dwell in the caves around here. Hidden dragons and gorgeous phoenixes all have come and become oblivious of their old haunts. 廬山上有三石梁, 長數十丈, 廣不盈尺, 杳然無底。吳猛將弟子登山, 過此梁, 見一翁坐桂樹下, 以玉杯承甘露漿與猛。又至一處, 見數人, 為猛設玉膏。猛 150 Taiping huanyu ji 111.4a., Shuijing zhushu 39.3259-60. 151 See “Taohua yuan ji” 桃花源記 in Tao Yuanming ji jiaojian 6.402-411.

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弟子竊一寶, 欲以來示世人, 梁即化如指, 猛使送寶還, 手牽弟子, 令閉眼相引 而過。其山川明淨, 風澤清曠, 氣爽節和, 土沃民逸。嘉遯之士, 繼響窟巖。潛 龍鳳采之賢, 往者忘歸矣。 152

The two places Xiao Gang mentioned in his poem are Stone Mirror and Crane Ridge. These two sites are representative of the Jiangzhou landscape of marvels. The Stone Mirror is a smooth and reflective mirrorshaped surface on the side of a cliff. It reflects human forms if one stands in front of it, yet allows sunshine into itself and shows forth its own texture.153 The Crane Ridge is supposedly the location where two immortals were spotted flying away.154 Even though Jiangzhou is a place of such wonder and marvel, while stationed there the royal prince could not help but long for his home. While Xiao Tong envies his brother for obtaining access to the famous mountain where one could ascend to the heights and dispel melancholy, Xiao Gang ends his poem by saying that his own gaze is cast in vain because the capital is too distant. Written closely in the Chu ci form in structure, syntax, and sentiment, these two poems exchanged between the Xiao brothers are perfect matches but for one oddity, Xiao Gang’s fourth couplet: In the distance, haze emerges and enfolds the mountain form; 風散花兮傳馨香 The wind scatters flowers and spreads their scent. 遠煙生兮含山勢

Although these are two well-crafted lines, the imagery and its depiction are out of place in this context. The light and flighty scattering of the scent of flowers is in stark contrast with the rest of the poem which is marked by a sense of grandeury. The image of a wisp of haze emerging and wrapping around the mountain reminds one of a languid lady rising from an afternoon nap and wrapping her arms around her lover. In fact, this couplet is a typical of the palace-style. The poem uses the yang 陽 group words for its rhyme, which is another giveaway, since Xiao Gang’s palace-style pieces often display such sonorous aural effect. Xiao Gang’s reply in many ways adhere to the requirements of the original by his elder brother, but does leave a distinctive signature of his own artistic predilection.

152 Shuijing zhushu 39.3261. 153 Shuijing zhushu 39.3266. 154 Taiping huanyu ji 111.5a-5b.

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The letter below by Xiao Tong was written after he had received Xiao Gang’s reply poem in the Chu ci style. Together with the poem, there must have been an accompanying letter, which is no longer extant. Its writing style was highly praised by Xiao Tong, as we shall see in the following piece. “Letter Responding to the Prince of Jin’an” I have received your letter of the 28th day of the fifth month including a poem. While I read the letter over and over, it feels as if I am listening to you in person. You certainly are gifted [in writing]. In addition, you have developed a strong interest in this. You have built on what you have learned, and I can see improvement very clearly. Your poem is well-tailored, with a clean opening and ending. It is, indeed, a good piece of writing. Repeatedly reading and reciting it, I cannot stop. Xiangru composed and presented his fu; Kongzhang155 submitted his proclamation. Cao Cao and Liu Che156 lived in different times; yet they both were connoisseurs of literature. [Xiangru’s] chanting made the emperor soar above the clouds; [Kongzhang’s] speech cured Cao Cao’s diseases.157 Before, I regarded this as over-exaggeration, and never believed it could be so. Once I read your letter and felt as if the Herb of Forgetting Sorrow was planted, causing me to forget ailments. It has now proven to me that old storie are not baselessly contrived. When hot and cool weather start to alternate, one feels stimulated and elated. Upon seeing these things in the world, one’s emotions are aroused; and he will turn to literary composition. In the past, the King of Liang was fond of talented men; The King of Huainan treated worthy people with courtesy.158 They brought to court guests from afar; they widely summoned outstanding luminaries. Not only were they illustrious during their own time, their fame also has been passed onto us. [These talented men] necessarily were devoid of ego and by nature they yearned for propriety.159 So 155 Kongzhang is the style name of Chen Lin, one of the “Seven Masters of Jian’an.” 156 Liu Che was the personal name of Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty (r. 140-87). 157 “Soaring above the clouds” refers to the effect that Sima Xiangru’s “Daren fu” said to have on Emperor Wu, and “curing disease” refers to the effect Chen Lin’s proclamation reportedly had on Cao Cao. See Shi ji 117.3063 and Wei shu 21.601. 158 The King of Liang refers to Liu Wu of the Eastern Han. He built an eastern garden and hosted talents and stalwarts from throughout the realm. Liu Wu was fond of fu and therefore gathered at this court the best fu writers of the time. Sima Xiangru, Mei Sheng, and Zou Yang all served him before some of them headed to the imperial court. See his biography in the Han shu 27.2207-11. The King of Huainan is Liu An, another Eastern Han prince who also was a patron of literature. It was under his auspices that the synthetic philosophical work Huainanzi 淮南子 was compiled. 159 The phrase muyi 慕義 may be somewhat ambiguous here, due to the wide semantic and cultural range of the word yi. However, the usage of the same phrase in Jia Yi’s 賈誼 (200 bce-168 bce) Xinshu 新書 (1.16) might provide a hint toward an accurate interpretation. “If in every corner of the world the custom of people was to admire propriety, then they would take it as pleasure to serve as your vassals and servants” 苟人跡之所能

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when they took up their brush to write, they were likely to inspire their lords.160 I have been healthy and well-nourished; I have had no seasonal ailments.161 Ever since I was obliged to take up the duties of Crown Prince,162 I’ve enjoyed more leisure time. During these days, I savored canons and histories; I fished and hunted in the forest of words. In the time span of several thousand years, I seemed to roam all by myself. It was indeed an ultimate pleasure. As best I can remember, I have in fact rarely traveled about; I remain inactive and quiet. Even though I never step out the door, Everywhere I gaze I see mountains and hills. With this celestial roaming, nothing is hidden from me.163 Mountains and forests make their appearance before my eyes. The Cold Spring and Stone Mirror—Why must a glimpse trump what is said of them?164 As for Pine Ridge and Apricot Grove, knowing them [from books] may surpass my personal visit. I spend my days in peace; I fill them with antiquarian matters. I survey the six classics; occasionally I divert myself with literature and history. Here I spot traces of filial piety, friendship, loyalty and integrity; I survey matters from order to chaos, arrogance to excess. Such is sufficient to console myself; it is enough for soliloquies. Good teachers and beneficial friends appear in front of me as if in person. Their valuable words are sincere to the utmost; I have no other demands from life. I will carry it out the same way as I have intended. It is only that on nights of brisk wind and bright moon I think of my brothers. Each of you is stationed in the province and we have not had much time for brotherhood. As I think of it, even my sleep is burdened with increasing sorrow. Please guard yourself against the wind and chill so that I need not worry over you. I will stop here now and expect your response anxiously. Yours, 答晉安王書 得五月二十八日疏並詩一首, 省覽周環, 慰同促膝。汝本有天才, 加以愛好, 無忘所能, 日見其善, 首尾裁淨, 可為佳作, 吟玩反覆, 欲罷不能。相如奏賦, 孔璋呈檄。曹劉異代, 並號知音。發嘆凌雲, 興言愈病。嘗謂過差, 未以信 及皆鄉風慕義樂為臣子耳. From this context, the word yi refers specifically to the proper relationship between a lord and a vassal. If the lord has propriety, then people will naturally be drawn to him. 160 This is an allusion to the Analects 3/8: “Shang is the one who can inspire me. I can discuss the Odes with him.” See Lunyu zhushu 3.27. 161 These two lines seem to lack coherence. Yu Shaochu suggests textual corruption. 162 In 515, Xiao Tong, at 15 sui, underwent the capping ceremony and thereafter was trusted with the tasks of the Crown Prince: supervising the state and pacifying the army. 163 This is an allusion to the Zhuangzi. It is believed here that if one’s heart-mind is capable of celestial roaming, then myriads of things in nature will reveal themselves to him. If one’s heart-mind is not capable of heavenly roaming, then one’s six senses will go against him and block him from awareness. Zhuangzi jishi 9A.939. 164 Here Cold Spring and Stone Mirror obviously refer to Xiao Gang’s “Yingling shi.” Cold Spring is a famous site in Jiangzhou, which can only be viewed by gazing on its reflection in the Stone Mirror.

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chapter two 然。一見來章, 而樹諼忘痗。方證昔談, 非為妄作。炎涼始貿, 觸興自高。睹 物興情, 更向篇什。昔梁王好士, 淮南禮賢, 遠致賓游, 廣招英俊。非唯籍盛 當時, 故亦傳聲不杇。必能虛巳, 自來慕義, 含毫屬意, 差有起予。攝養得宜, 與時無爽耳。既責成有寄, 居多暇日, 殽核墳史, 漁獵詞林, 上下數千年間無 人, 致足樂也。知少行遊, 不動亦靜, 不出戶庭, 觸地丘壑, 天遊不能隱, 山林 在目中, 冷泉石鏡, 一見何必勝於傳聞, 松塢杏林, 知之恐有逾吾就, 靜然終 日, 披古為事。況觀六籍, 雜玩文史。見孝友忠貞之跡, 睹治亂驕奢之事。足 以自慰, 足以自言。人師益友, 森然在目。嘉言誠至, 無俟旁求。舉而行之, 念 同乎此。但清風朗月, 思我友于, 各事藩維, 未克棠棣, 興言屆此, 夢寐增勞, 善護風寒。以慰懸想, 指復立此, 促遲還書。某疏165

Although this letter begins by praising Xiao Gang’s writing, a close reading of it reveals some implicit and explicit instructional intent. First, Xiao Tong alludes to Sima Xiangru’s and Chen Lin’s therapeutical writings. Sima Xiangru, the most distinguised Western Han fu writer, allegedly wrote his famous “Fu on the Great Man” (“Daren fu” 大人賦) for Emperor Wu of the Han who, after hearing the fu, felt as if he was roaming the universe on a vehicle of clouds and ether.166 Similarly, Chen Lin was commissioned by Cao Cao to write a proclamation. After Cao Cao read the draft, his chronic disease of migraine headache was miraculously cured.167 Like the two emperors, Xiao Tong says he forgets his own ailments after reading Xiao Gang’s writing. This outwardly complimentary comparison in effect places Xiao Gang in the position of vassal. Although this is not something Xiao Tong as the Crown Prince was expected to do, it does set the tone of the letter as an instructional didactic piece. The next four lines remind one of Xiao Tong’s letter to Xiao Yi, as the central point here is that things in nature stimulate people to literary composition. But there is more to the talent that one needs in order to produce a good piece of writing, whose discovery depends on finding a zhiyin 知音, one who “understands the tone.” The term is taken from the well-known story of Zhong Ziqi 鐘子期 and Boya 伯牙, in which the latter stopped playing the zither after the death of his friend, the only person who truly appreciated his music.168 This theory, when applied to literature, is summarized by Liu Xie in the following words: “To find the one who knows the tone is difficult indeed, because the tone is hard to know. A knowing person is hard to encounter. Meeting the one who knows the

165 Zhaoming taizi jijiaozhu, p. 74-8. 166 See Han shu 57B.2600. 167 See Wei shu 21.601. 168 See Lüshi chuqiu, “Benwei” 本味, 14.740.

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tone will probably happen once in a thousand years!”169 What is also implied here is that a talented writer is difficult enough to come by and for someone to recognize it is even more rare. Xiao Tong seems to be also suggesting that even a good writer has to compromise his ego and write to please others, when he says: “[These talented men] necessarily needed to be devoid of ego and by nature yearned for propriety [between vassal and lord]. So when they took up their brush to write, they were likely to inspire their lords.” Xiao Tong’s observation may have received inspiration from his brother’s poem, for Xiao Gang’s reply poem closely follows Tong’s original in diction and imagery. Xiao Gang’s introduction of the two famous sites particularly catches the attention of his brother, who has never been out of the capital. This triggers Xiao Tong to promulgate his own philosophy of life, with the purpose both to inform and to instruct. With a term borrowed from the Zhuangzi, Xiao Tong expounds on how his scholarly quest brings him face to face with “good teachers and beneficial friends,” along with an understanding of proper human relations and good governance. We can see that Xiao Tong’s attitude toward literature was significantly conditioned by his status as Crown Prince. He accepts that poetry is a product of nature’s stimulus, but as a human activity it needs regulation and guidance. It is also a means for spreading moral propriety and regulating human relationships, such as that between lord and vassal, or superior and inferior. Xiao Tong does not believe in raw talent. Instead, every piece of good writing is a carefully crafted work with a didactic purpose.

169 Wenxin diaolong yizheng 10.1835-37.

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Chapter Three

Writing for the Crown Prince: Worthy with Words Xiao Tong’s greatest contribution to the Chinese literary tradition was the compilation of the Wen xuan. Another person who played such a vital role in this project that he has sometimes been taken to be the actual compiler of the anthology is Liu Xiaochuo, in part because he was the most prominent and competent member among Xiao Tong’s literary companions. Liu Family of Pengcheng Liu Xiaochuo came from the renowned Liu family of Pengcheng.1 His grandfather Liu Mian 劉勔 (418–474) had been Master of Works under the Liu-Song dynasty. Posthumously known as the Duke of Loyalty and Brightness (Zhongzhao gong 忠昭公), Liu Mian died in battle against the rebel army of the Prince of Guiyang 桂陽王, Liu Xiufan 劉休範, in 474, the first reign year of Liu Yu 劉昱, the Dethroned Emperor (Hou fei di 後廢帝, r. 474-477) of the Liu-Song. Liu Mian’s eldest son Liu Quan 劉悛 (d. 496) had been on good terms with Emperor Ming 明帝 of the Song (r. 466-472), Liu Yu 劉彧, and after the fall of the Song received favorable treatment as well from Emperor Wu of the Qi dynasty, Xiao Ze 蕭賾 (r. 483-493). The Liu family’s esteem and fortune continued largely undisturbed through the succession of the Qi and Liang dynasties. Liu Quan’s son Liu Ru 劉孺 (483–541), held in high regard by Emperor Xiao Yan, was appointed to Crown Prince Xiao Tong’s court.2 As a matter of fact, Liu Ru was 1 For the Liu family history and lineage, see Nan shi 39.1001-15. For studies of this literary family, see Ma Baoji 馬寶記, “Nanchao Pengcheng Liushi jiazu wenxue yanjiu” 南朝 彭城劉氏家族文學研究, Part I, Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 18.4 (1999): 35-38; Part II, Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.3 (2000): 52-55; Zhou Weiyi 周唯一, “Pengcheng Liushi shiqun zai Qi Liang shitan zhi chuangzao yu yingxiang” 彭城劉氏詩群在齊梁詩壇之 創作與影響, Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 61.2 (2001): 20-24. 2 An anecdote testifying to Emperor Wu’s appreciation of Liu Ru is included in the official history. Once Liu Ru, together with others including Zhang Shuai, was attending a banquet hosted by Xiao Yan. Each person was called on to write a poem. Yet, as Liu and Zhang both were quite intoxicated at the time, they were slow in finishing their poems.

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joined at Xiao Tong’s court by his two younger brothers Liu Lan 劉覽 (fl. 485-530) and Liu Zun 劉遵 (488–535), and his two cousins Liu Bao 劉苞 (482–511) and Liu Xiaochuo. Among these Liu clansmen, Liu Ru had the most successful career, the pinnacle of which was serving as the Minister of the Bureau of Personnel (Libu shangshu 吏部尚書). In terms of literary talent and contribution, Liu Xiaochuo was beyond compare, and he served the longest time at Xiao Tong’s court and was the central figure of the prince’s literary entourage. However, Liu Xiaochuo’s official career was not entirely smooth owing to certain personality defects. Throughout his service at Xiao Tong’s court he encountered a number of setbacks, one of which was an impeachment brought against him by his own cousin Liu Lan. Not a savvy politician, Liu Xiaochuo was first and foremost valued for his literary talent, and on that account he was always able to return to court life, which was introduced to him by his father. Liu Xiaochuo’s father Liu Hui, the same person who had attempted to compile Gradation of Poets, was the third son of Liu Mian. Hui served as Gentleman at the Commander-in-Chief’s office (biaoji zhubu 驃騎主簿). He was a member of Xiao Ziliang’s literary salon and had close ties with the Eight Companions of Jingling, the group of which Xiao Yan and Shen Yue were the most prominent members.3 Liu Hui’s association with other well-known scholars such as Zhou Yong 周顒 (d. 485) and Zhang Rong 張融 (444-497) has been noted as well. Liu Hui brought Liu Xiaochuo along to these gatherings, and a number of accounts describe Liu Xiaochuo as an acknowledged young prodigy among these Yongming writers. Wang Rong was Liu Hui’s brother-in-law and Liu Xiaochuo’s uncle. He lavished praise on Liu Xiaochuo when the latter was still a child: “In this world, the literary talent of A’shi 阿士 (Liu Xiaochuo’s nickname) is second to none but mine.”4 Fan Yun (451-503), a respected judge of talent, made his own son Xiaocai 孝才 a sworn brother with Liu Xiaochuo.5

Xiao Yan wrote a poem on his official tablet to tease them: “Zhang Shuai is a fine man from the southeast;/ Liu Ru is a talent of Luoyang./ Taking up a brush, they should immediately finish;/ For what reason are they delaying today?” Nan shi 39.1007. 3 Nan Qi shu 48.841-3. 4 Nan shi 39.1010. 5 Ibid. The appearance of the character xiao 孝 in both names is a coincidence.

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Demanding Promotion: Liu Xiaochuo’s Exchange Poems with Ren Fang Liu Xiaochuo’s popularity among contemporary literary celebrities was so widely known and commonly accepted that even the compilers of the Liang history appear not to have given much thought to the actual purport of a reply poem to Liu Xiaochuo by the senior recruiting official Ren Fang (460-508), another member of the Eight Companions of Jingling. This poem, which we shall examine shortly, was simply cited as another piece of evidence to show how Liu Xiaochuo’s dashing talent was appreciated by the elder luminaries who encountered him. However, a careful reading of Ren Fang’s poem reveals that the compilers of Liang history may have misrepresented the poem. Liu Xiaochuo’s original poem and the reason for its composition are presented here first for background. This poem was written while Liu Xiaochuo was holding his first appointment, as Assistant Editorial Director (zhuzuo zuolang 著作佐郎) in the early years of the Tianjian reign (502-520). 歸沐呈任中丞昉

Off Duty, Presented to Vice Censor-in-Chief Ren Fang6

步出金華省 還望承明廬 壯哉宛洛地

Walking out of the Golden Floriate Bureau,7 I looked back at the Lodge of Receiving Brilliance.8 Grand indeed is this land of Yuan and Luo;9

6 For the Chinese text, in addition to Lu Qinli, p. 1835, also see Yiwen leiju 31.554-55; Wenyuan yinhua 247.1247; and Gushi ji 97.12a-b. Guimu 歸沐, which bears the literal meaning of returning home for hair-washing or bathing, is another way to say taking a leave from duty. The locus classicus of this term is found in Ode 226 “Cai lu” 采綠: “The whole morning I gathered green;/ it is not even a handful. /My hair is all messy and tangled; / I must go home and wash it” 終朝采綠, 不盈一匊; 予髮曲局, 薄言歸沐. 7 Jinhua sheng 金華省 or Golden Floriate Bureau is the Chancellery. In the Western Han, there was a Jinhua dian 金華殿 (Golden Floriate Hall) in the Weiyang Palace. See Han shu 100A.4199. 8 The Lodge for Receiving Brilliance was guesthouse for court officials. 9 Yuan and Luo refer to Nanyang and Luoyang, two major towns in the North. The “Fu on Lychee” (荔枝賦), a Han rhapsody written by Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 89-158), contains a couplet that reads: “Young men from Yuan and Luo;/ Roaming lads from Handan” 宛洛少 年, 邯鄲游士. Quan Hou Han wen 57.784b. In Xie Tiao’s “He Xu Ducao” 和徐都曹: “Yuan and Luo are prime for roaming together;/ A spring scene fills the imperial city” 宛洛佳邀 游/春色滿皇州. Wen xuan 30.1416; Lu Qinli, p. 1442. Yuan and Luo are used here to refer to the southern capital of Jiankang.

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8

佳麗實皇居 虹蜺拖飛閣 蘭芷覆清渠 圓淵倒荷芰 方鏡寫簪裾



白雲夏峰盡 青槐秋葉疏



自我從人爵 12 蟾兔屢盈虛





殺青徒已汗 司舉未云書 文昌愧通籍

16 臨邛幸第如

Wondrous sights fill the imperial city.10 Rainbow and sunbow stretch over the flying gallery; Thoroughwort and angelica cover limpid canals. A round pool reflects the lotus flowers; The square mirror traces the image of hatpin and lapel.11 Gone are the white clouds of summer on the peak; Sparse in autumn are the leaves of green pagoda trees. Since I began to receive official emolument, The “toad and hare” have waxed and waned several times.12 Skinned bamboos have in vain sweated;13 Yet, the office of promotion has no further news. “Literary Stars” feel undeserving facing the official roster;14 “Sima Xiangru” has by good luck passed the exam.15

10 These lines describing the capital are similar to Cao Zhi’s couplet in “Zeng Ding Yi and Wang Can” 贈丁儀王粲: “Grand indeed is this royal residence;/ its splendor exceeds all other cities” 壯哉帝王居, 佳麗殊百城. Wen xuan 24.1121; Lu Qinli, p. 451. Xie Tiao’s yuefu poem “Ru chao qu” 入朝曲 (Song of Entering the Court) has a similar couplet: “Jiangnan is a place of splendor;/ Jinling is a land of emperors and kings” 江南佳麗地, 金 陵帝王州. Wen xuan 28.1331; Lu Qinli, p. 1414. 11 簪裾, “hatpin and lapel,” refers to one’s official attire. 12 蟾兔 chantu, toad and hare, is a kenning for the moon, as legends have it that a toad and a hare live in the moon. Cf. “Gushi shi jiu shou” 古詩十九首, # 17: “On the fifteenth, the bright moon is full;/ On the twentieth, the ‘toad and hare’ is waning” 三五明月滿四 五蟾兔缺. Wen xuan 29.1349. 13 Shaqing 殺青, “skinning bamboo,” refers to the process of preparing bamboo strips before they can be used for writing. Bamboos are first parched to remove all the moisture, a process called han 汗, “sweating,” and are then skinned. Hence the term refers to the act of writing, a usage later expanded to include collating text. According to Ying Shao’s 應劭 (fl. 189-194) Fengsu tongyi 風俗通義 (Survey of Customs and Practices), as quoted in the Taiping yulan 太平禦覽, Liu Xiang, in his Bielu (Summaries) gave the following description: “shaqing is simply [a process] of making bamboos into strips and scrolls. Fresh bamboos have moisture and are easily broken and bored by insects. In making strips, bamboos are desiccated by parching over a fire. In areas of Chen and Chu, this is called han. The so-called han is to torrefy bamboos.” Taiping yulan 606.2855b. 14 Wenchang文昌, “Literary Glory,” is the “literary man’s asterism, a cluster in Ursa Major a little in front of the bowl of the Dipper.” See Schafer, Pacing the Void, pp. 121-23. Tongji 通籍, “to be registered,” is to have one’s name registered on the list of court officials. Here the literary star is a self-reference used by Liu Xiaochuo. On the phrase, see the note in Han shu 9.285. 15 Linqiong 臨邛, a town in Sichuan, here refers by metonomy to Sima Xiangru, who lived and managed a pub in Linqiong where he and Zhuo Wenjun eloped and settled. Liu is comparing himself with the great Han fu writer.

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You, my lord, are generous in your appreciation and favor; 蟠木濫吹噓 Even on a piece of useless timber, you freely lavish your praise.16 時時釋簿領 At times, you may put aside the administrative work, 20 騶駕入吾廬 Ride your chariot and come to my home. 自唾誠䃤砆 Although my speech can be called jade-like stone; 無以儷璠璵 It is no match for fine Fanyu jade .17 但願長閒暇 But I only hope for long-term leisure; 24 酌醴薦焚魚 So I can ladle day-old wine and dine on roasted fish.18

夫君多敬愛

This poem was written several months after Liu Xiaochuo had his first official appointment. Given what we know about the Liu family and the environment in which Liu Xiaochuo grew up, it would not be absurd to read this rather abrupt poem as a request for promotion. Working at the Palace Library preparing the Imperial Diary or other historical compilations might have felt too petty a task for a man whose talent reputedly was second only to that of Wang Rong. The intended purpose of this poem is not difficult to discern. But why did Liu make this request to Ren Fang? Ren Fang himself was one of the founding fathers of the Liang dynasty, associated with Emperor Wu since they had been at the Prince of Jingling’s court. Furthermore, Ren Fang had a closer and more casual relationship with Xiao Yan than did other comparable figures such as Shen Yue and Fan Yun. When Xiao Yan was still a general in the Qi military, he once said to Ren Fang: “If I were ever to reside in the Three Offices, I would make you my secretary” 我登三府, 當以卿為記室. Ren Fang replied: “If I were to hold the position of ducal minister, I would make you my cavalier” 我若登 三事, 當以卿為騎兵.19 During the course of Xiao Yan’s ascension to the throne, Ren Fang drafted important accession documents such as the 16 Panmu 蟠木, “twisted wood,” refers to timber with a twisted and awkward shape. It is a metaphor of a person of comparable character who is hard to put to use. Cf. the usage of this phrase in Zou Yang’s 鄒陽 (?-120 bce) “Yu zhong shangshu zi ming” 獄中上書自明 (A Memorial Submitted from Jail to Explain Myself): “The roots are twisted and joined. The rings are of bizarre shapes” 蟠木根柢, 輪囷離奇. Wen xuan 39.1771. 17 Fanyu was a type of jade famed for its quality, produced in the state of Lu 魯 during the Spring and Autumn period. 18 Wenyuan yinghua has the variant of fen kuyu 焚枯魚, “cooking dried fish,” for jian fenyu 薦焚魚, “dine on roast fish.” This variant would make Liu Xiaochuo’s line a verbatim quote of Ying Qu’s 應璩 (190-252) “Bai yi shi” 百一詩 (Poem of One to a Hundred), Wen xuan 21.1015-6. 19 Liang shu 14.253.

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“Xuande taihou ling” 宣德太后令 (An Edict Addressing the Grand Empress Who Propagates Virtue)20 and “Baipi quanjin jin shang jian” 百 辟勸進今上牋 (Memorandum by the Hundred Officials Urging the New Emperor to Ascend the Throne).21 In his capacity as Gentleman of the Personnel Department (Libu langzhong 吏部郎中) Ren Fang took charge of appointing new officials, and even personally composed exam questions for selecting xiucai 秀才 (Outstanding Talent) in 504.22 He was soon appointed to the other critical department, the Bureau of Censors (yushi tai 御史臺). Such positions made him a highly powerful and respected figure at the Liang court. His Liang history biography gives the following account regarding this aspect of his career. 23 Fang was fond of forming bonds of friendship, awarding and promoting distinguished men and friends. Those who received his praise almost always obtained promotion. Consequently there were none among men from wealthy and honorable families who did not compete to be his associate. The guests at his house constantly numbered several dozen. Men of the time admired him and gave him the sobriquet of “Lord Ren,” which means that he resembled the “three lords”24 from the Han. 昉好交結, 獎進士友, 得其延譽者, 率多升擢, 故衣冠貴遊, 莫不爭與交好, 坐 上賓客, 恆有數十。時人慕之, 號曰任君, 言如漢之三君也。 25

In chapter one, I have mentioned that Lu Chui (470-526) once wrote for Ren Fang a fu titled “Gan zhiji fu” (Fu Inspired by a Bosom Friend), to which Ren Fang replied with applause.26 Our poet Liu Xiaochuo, writing with a similar purpose to seek promotion, was certainly hoping for the 20 When Xiao Yan first entered the capital and killed the Qi emperor, he did not immediately declare himself emperor. Instead he asked the Qi empress to act as regent of a continuing Qi dynasty. This document is addressed on behalf of Xiao Yan to the empress. See Wen xuan 36.1636-9. 21 In this memorandum Ren Fang and various officials urged Xiao Yan to take the throne. Only after the presentation of this memorandum did Xiao Yan officially establish the Liang dynasty. For the text, see Wen xuan 40.1840-3. 22 For the text, see “Tianjian sannian ce xiucai wen” 天監三年策秀才文 (Exam Questions for Selecting Outstanding Talents in the Third Year of the Tianjian Era) in Quan Liang wen 42.3193a-b. 23 For Ren Fang’s biography, see Liang shu 14.253-8. 24 “Three lords” refers to the three most vernerated gentlemen from the Eastern Han: Dou Wu 竇武, Liu Shu 劉淑, and Chen Fan 陳藩. They are known to be great patrons for scholars and men of various artistic talents. Hou Han shu 80.2187. 25 Liang shu 12.254. 26 For Lu Chui’s fu, see Quan Liang wen 52.3255a-b. For Ren Fang’s reply, see Quan Liang wen 41.3187a-b. Ren Fang’s reply is quoted in full in the Liang shu 27.401-2 as evidence of Lu Chui’s recognition in the circle of literary men.

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same effect. The first five couplets of scenic description are a demonstration of Liu’s poetic skill. Allusions to the palaces (Golden Floriate Bureau and Lodge of Receiving Brilliance) and cities (Yuan and Luo) in the north demonstrate his knowledge and acknowledgement of the poetic tradition that included both Cao Zhi and Xie Tiao. Yet the poet does not merely mechanically reproduce literary precedent, but goes on to instill in the image new life. Rather than saying, “Lotus flowers are reflected in the round pond/ Hatpin and lapel can be seen in the square mirror,” Liu Xiaochuo makes the pond and the mirror each subjects of their own line, thereby presenting a more vivid and interesting conception. The next couplet, a description of the seasonal change from summer to autumn, is inspirational in a different way. Instead of writing, “White clouds end on the summer peak;/ Green pagoda trees shed their autumn leaves” 白雲盡夏峰/青槐疏秋葉, Liu places the two verbs each at the end of its respective line by inverting the usual order of verb and object. The lines now have two possible readings: “White clouds on summer peaks end,/ Green pagoda trees with autumn leaves are sparse” or “As for white clouds, in summer on peaks they end,/ As for green pagoda-trees, in autumn their leaves are sparse.” The effects of such displacement are multiple. First of all, joining the two images of each line enhances the characteristic of each season, summer and autumn respectively. White clouds, in summer, gather on top of the peak. Green trees, in autumn, shed their autumn leaves. The combined images form two dynamic pictures of the different seasons, gathering clouds counterposed to dispersing leaves, of their own accord even before the presence of verbs. In addition, the actual verbs used at the end of each line are a pair of synonyms, denoting the end of both seasons. This phrasing adds an entirely new dimension to the scene, producing almost an anti-climax. What the images convey is subverted by a single verb, powerful not only for its definitive tone but also for an unexpected twist. The descriptive couplet here serves not to praise the beauty of each season, as may seem the case from the prominent placement and juxtaposition of the images, but rather to emphasize the passage of time. The sense of urgency and lack of fulfillment is achieved with the two verbs, “gone” ( jin 盡) and “sparse” (shu 疎), in their inverted but accented position at the end of the couplet. If feelings of disappointment and slight impatience are to be discovered through careful decoding here, then the following lines (11-14) are explicit statements of a frustrated young man: “Many months have passed and my work has been completed; when can

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I be transferred and promoted to a better and more substantive position?” Words like “frequently” (lü 屢), “already” (yi 已), and “not yet” (wei 未) show that the poet has no intention of hiding his disappointment or dissatisfaction, and he even names the Bureau of Personnel of which Ren Fang is in charge. The poem has now become an open complaint addressed to Ren Fang. In the next section, lines 15-18, Liu Xiaochuo first jeers at his successful peers—“Literary Stars” and the likes of Sima Xiangru—saying that their success is only the result of fortuity (xing 幸) and that they should feel undeserving (kui 愧). Then the poet directs his barb at Ren Fang, the director of the Bureau of Personnel, for allowing the government’s offices to be filled with mediocre men, as Ren must have been indiscriminate with his appreciation (duo jing’ai 多敬愛) and reckless with his praise (lan chuixu 濫吹噓). No one except Liu Xiaochuo could afford to utter such intentionally undiplomatic words, which would surely guarantee a loss of favor and good faith. As someone embedded in the network of the Qi and Liang dynasties’ most powerful officials, however, Liu Xiaochuo has no qualms about voicing these statements. He is no circumspect newcomer making polite entreaties. Instead, he chastises and then demands. This poem brimming with discontent and a bit of disgust is further spiced with sarcasm in lines 20-26. First the poet invites Ren Fang to come to his house where he can display his less than perfect talent, i.e., ersatz jade rather than a fine specimen of the real thing. Then the poet claims that he is not interested in seeking promotion, as his only wish is to have a carefree life. This is of course the banal self-justification of a “frustrated scholar.” Liu’s imagined reclusive lifestyle of “drinking day-old wine with roasted fish” alludes to the “Baiyi shi” by Ying Qu in which a retired official entertains his guest with such humble fare. The final couplet concludes the poem by mocking the director of the personnel department, saying in effect: “I need not rely on you for an enjoyable lifestyle.” Although we have no way of knowing Ren Fang’s actual reaction, we are fortunate in being able to ascertain his response through reading his reply poem, preserved for us in several sources. First, an incomplete text of the poem that is missing the first and fourth couplets is recorded in the official histories, the Liang shu and Nan shi. There we read: “[Liu Xiaochuo] was valued by luminaries to this degree” 其為名流所重如此. Both histories thus took Ren Fang’s poem to Liu Xiaochuo uncritically as evidence of

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the latter’s acclaim among literary celebrities.27 This constitutes an interpretive fallacy which I will address in the following discussion. In addition, there is also a problem of double attribution in connection with this poem. In both the Liang shu and Nan shi a couplet from the poem by Ren Fang, with slight textual variance “Do you mean to console this man who sighs over old age?/ Uselessly sincere is this old man’s promise” 詎慰耋嗟人/徒深老夫託, is cited not as addressed to Liu Xiaochuo, but to Xie Ju 謝舉 (479-549), a child prodigy from the renowned Chenjun Xie clan 陳郡謝氏.28 According to this account, Ren Fang presented this poem to Xie Ju when Ren was departing for his new position as governor of Xin’an in 507.29 As we will soon see, evidence suggests that Ren Fang’s poem is indeed a carefully matched response to Liu Xiaochuo’s poem. In consequence, the presentation of this poem by Ren Fang as addressed to Xie Ju, assuming that this couplet is taken from the poem, is likely a mistake by the Liang shu compilers. Another possible explanation is that nearly identical couplets appear in two different poems by Ren Fang, one written to Xie Ju and one to Liu Xiaochuo. The broadly applicable nature of the couplet makes this interpretation plausible. In Ren Fang’s collected writings, however, one searches in vain for a poem dedicated to Xie Ju. Here is his response to Liu Xiaochuo: A Poem in Reply to Liu Xiaochuo 答劉孝綽詩30

4

When all waters gather together, they form billows;31 One hides a boat in the gully, but unknowingly it is moved away.32 彼美洛陽子 This fine young talent of Luoyang, 投我懷秋作 Threw me a poem harboring thoughts of autumn. 閱水既成瀾 藏舟遂移壑

27 See Liang shu 33.480 and Nan shi 39.1010-11. 28 The couplet in Xie Ju’s biography in both official histories reads: 詎念耋嗟人/方深 老夫託. See Liang shu 37.529 and Nan shi 20.563. 29 Liang shu 14.254. 30 For the Chinese text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1598. Parts of the poem are also found in Liang shu 33.480; Nan shi 39.1010; Yiwen leiju 31.554; Wenyuan yinghua 240.5b; Gushi ji 88.5a. 31 Cf. Lu Ji’s 陸機 (261-303) “Tanshi fu” 歎逝賦 (Fu Lamenting the Passage of Time): “Water gathers to make a river;/ It flows torrentially and time passes, just like that” 川閱 水以成川, 水滔滔而日度. Wen xuan 16.725. 32 This line contains an allusion to the “Da zong shi” 大宗師 (Grand Master) chapter in the Zhuangzi: “One hides a boat in the gully or hides a mountain in the marsh. He regards it as secure. But at midnight, some Herculean man comes and carries it away, yet the one in the dark does not know” 藏舟於壑, 藏山於澤, 謂之固矣。然而夜半有力者 負之而走, 昧者不知也。This is an analogy to the changing status of things, which occurs faster and more drastically than one realizes. Zhuangzi jishi 3A.243.

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“Long respect” is close to a sincere comment; “Lavish praise” seems to be words of ridicule.33 There you say summer clouds have ended; Again you mention that autumn trees are withered. 8 Do you mean to console this man who sighs over old age?34 徒深老夫託 Uselessly sincere is this old man’s promise. 直史兼褒貶 An upright scribe gives forth both laudatory and derogatory comments; 12 轄司專疾惡 Those in charge focus on criticism and condemnation. 九折多美疹 Nine setbacks mostly lead to a fine diagnosis; 匪報庶良藥 Without immediate effect, that is very likely good medicine. 子其崇鋒穎 Make sure to polish your blade and tip;35 16 春耕勵秋穫 Spring hoeing encourages autumn harvest.

久敬類誠言 吹噓似嘲謔 兼稱夏雲盡 復陳秋樹索 詎慰耋嗟人

On close reading, it becomes difficult to understand how the Liang shu compilers could have understood this poem as redounding to Liu Xiaochuo’s credit. Drawing on an unnecessarily obscure allusion to convey a meaning as banal as “time flies,” Ren Fang begins his comment on Liu’s poem, which he characterizes as a poem about the harboring of autumn thoughts. Ever since the fu writer Song Yu had produced a landmark description of autumn as a “desolate and depressing” season in his “Jiu bian” 九辯, the image of autumn as the melancholy season had become a standard trope.36 Pan Yue, the famed Western Jin poet, reinforced this tradition through his portrayal of autumn in “Qiu xing fu” 秋興 賦 (Fu on Autumn Aspiration).37 The lament therein of autumn as the “falling” (luo 落) time of the year is tightly knitted with the sense of failure of the poetic persona, usually a frustrated scholar with whom the poet identifies. Both Song Yu’s “Jiu bian” preserved in the Chu ci and Pan Yue’s “Qiu xing fu” selected for the Wen xuan are exemplary works, which Liu 33 This couplet refers back to Liu Xiaochuo’s original poem. 34 The phrase qijie 耋嗟, sixty-year-old sigh, comes from Hexagram 30 in the Classic of Changes. Wang Bi’s commentary reads: “When one attains the age of sixty, one sighs. This is inauspicious” 至於耋老有嗟凶矣. See Zhouyi zhushu 3.74. 35 Fengying 鋒穎, “blade of a sword and tip of a brush,” here refers to a person’s skills in writing. 36 For “Jiu bian,” see Chuci buzhu 4.182-96. 37 For “Qiu xing fu,” see Wen xuan 13.585-89; Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2:13-20.

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Xiaochuo and Ren Fang must have studied by committing them to memory. The term huaiqiu 懷秋, “harboring thoughts of autumn,” begs to be read within this tradition. The motif of the autumn mood of a scholar, which Hellmut Willhelm called the “scholar’s frustration,” is successfully communicated to Ren Fang through Liu Xiaochuo’s poem.38 The senior poet compares Liu Xiaochuo to a “Luoyang Lad” (洛陽子), which I believe refers to Jia Yi 賈誼, a native of Luoyang who at an early age came to the attention of Emperor Wen 文帝 of the Former Han (179-157 bce) and dwarfed the senior officials at court with his brilliant talent.39 In addition, Jia Yi played a role in the formation of the tradition of writings by frustrated scholars, as he found himself at odds with others because of his outstanding talent and came to be banished to Changsha 長沙 in Qu Yuan’s home state of Chu. There, he wrote “Diao Qu Yuan fu” 吊屈原賦 (Fu Lamenting Qu Yuan), in which he openly charged Qu Yuan with impracticality and stubbornness, while at the same time offering a sympathetic sigh of utter despair. As sincere and serious as this common chronic melancholia was among the founders of this literary tradition such as Qu Yuan, Ren Fang’s comparison of Liu Xiaochuo to Jia Yi cannot but raise a slight feeling of sarcasm in the reader’s mind, given the privileges and prerogatives that the Liu clan and Liu Xiaochuo himself enjoyed. In the next few couplets, Ren Fang sharply points out the inappropriate aspects of Liu Xiaochuo’s poem. Ren Fang considers the phrase lan chuixu or “freely lavishing praise” to be an insult, and he does not stop there. He singles out Liu’s lines where an autumn scene is depicted and questions the young poet’s appropriateness in bringing up this topic in addressing an elder, as autumn is symbolic of old age: “Do you mean to console this man who sighs over old age?” In addition, it does not take the sensitivity of a Censor-in-Chief to feel offended at Liu Xiaochuo’s description of the withered and lifeless scene of autumn pagoda trees. As a poet, Ren has good reason to frown at this image, as pagoda trees usually symbolize a generous host and patron. The most pertinent text in which we find this association of the image of the pagoda tree is in Gongsun Gui’s 公 孫詭 (?-150 bc) “Wenlu fu” 文鹿賦, in which we read the following lines:

38 Wilhelm, “The Scholar’s Frustration: Notes on a Type of ‘Fu’,” in Chinese Thought and Institutions, ed. John K. Fairbank (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1957), pp. 31019, 398-403. 39 For Jia Yi’s biography, see Shi ji 84.2491-2503; Han shu 48.2221-65.

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chapter three 麀鹿濯濯 來我槐庭 食我槐葉 懷我槐德

Does and bucks, sleek and fat; They come to my pagoda tree yard. They eat the leaves on my pagoda trees; They long for the virtue of my pagoda trees.40

Gongsun Gui, together with Zou Yang 鄒陽 (?-120 bce) and Yang Sheng 羊 勝 (?-140 bce), was a courtier of Liu Wu 劉武, King Xiao of Liang 梁孝王

during the Former Han.41 Regardless of the authenticity of the poem attributed to him, the theme is undoubtedly a “typical banquet piece sung in praise of the ruler-host.”42 The image of does and bucks representing a harmonious relationship between the host and his guests may find its origin in two poems in the Book of Odes. The first is “Lingtai” 靈臺 (Ode 242), where the Zhou King Wen’s virtue of sharing his park and pond with the people is confirmed by the peaceful appearance of the doe in the park; the second is “Luming” 鹿鳴 Ode 161 in which deer represent guests graciously treated by their host. Likewise in Gongsun Gui’s fu, the deer refers to a guest and the pagoda tree symbolizes a generous host. In Liu Xiaochuo’s poem, however, at the same time the author attempts to gain patronage with Ren Fang, he uses the image of a pagoda tree as a figure of desolate autumn, which could not be farther removed from poetic convention. Ren Fang, as a writer with a keen sense concerning the proper use of allusions, could not have missed this faulty application of the image, be it intentional or mindless. Moreover, the phrase huaiting 槐庭, “Pagoda Tree Court,” is a common reference to the residences of such high officials as the sangong 三公 (“Three Ministers”), a rank Ren Fang held at the time.43 Liu Xiaochuo probably had not been aware of the mistakes he had made that are addressed in Ren Fang’s poem. Meanwhile Ren Fang, as his senior faced with this young man who demonstrated what was perhaps an excess of self-assurance, was magnanimous enough to overlook Liu’s insolence. In the next couplet he explains simply that in the evaluation process one’s mistakes cannot escape the scrutiny of the selection agency. At the end of the poem, Ren Fang exhorts the young man to be patient and continue to polish his virtue and talent further so that he will eventu40 Xijing zaji 西京雜記, SKQS, 4.5a. For discussion on dating and authenticity, Knecht­­ges, “The Fu in the Xijing zaji,” New Asia Academic Bulletin 13 (1994): 433-452. 41 See Shi ji 58.2083, 58.2085. 42 See Knechtges, “The Fu in the Xijing zaji.” 43 In the Zhouli, there is the following designation: “facing the three pagoda trees are the seats of the three ministers” 面三槐, 三公位焉. See Zhouli zhushu 35.532.

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ally receive a worthy appointment. This is an implicit refusal of Liu Xiaochuo’s request, and one with justification. What is most puzzling about this account in Liu Xiaochuo’s biography is that Ren Fang’s poem is taken as evidence of the value that was placed on Liu. It would be difficult to believe that Ren Fang’s contemporaries failed to apprehend the central point of this poem. Attending to the Emperor with Poems Sometime after the exchange of the above poems, Liu Xiaochuo was reappointed attendant (sheren 舍人) at the court of Crown Prince Xiao Tong.44 Instead of a promotion, this was a lateral transfer. Nevertheless, this position came with the benefit of proximity to the emperor through permission to attend palace banquets. On one such occasion where both Ren Fang and Shen Yue were also present, Liu Xiaochuo composed seven poems of which two are extant. Each of these poems was highly praised by Xiao Yan. Clearly this was a turning point in Liu Xiaochuo’s career. The historians’ remarks on this event are: “From this point on, people within and outside the court all changed their opinion [of Liu Xiaochuo]” 由是朝野 改觀焉.45 Emperor Wu’s favor proved to be a blessing for the remainder of Liu Xiaochuo’s life and career. But before discussing this, let us first look at the two extant “Attending at the Banquet” (shiyan 侍宴) poems that earned Liu such high praise from the emperor.46 #1



清宴延多士



鴻漸濫微薄 臨炎出蕙樓

At the emperor’s banquet, many a lofty man is invited; Mixed among the honorable is this humble person.47 In the summer heat, we go out of the Basil Tower;

44 Liang shu 33.480. 45 See Liang shu 33.480 and Nan shi 39.1011. 46 For the Chinese texts of the two poems, see Lu Qinli, pp. 1825-6. Also see Yiwen leiju 39.716; Wenyuan yinghua 169.3a; and Gushi ji 97.3a. 47 The phrase hong jian 鴻漸, literally “geese advancing,” refers to the gradual change in the formation and progression of a group of wild geese (The Classic of Changes, Hexagram 53), which signifies one’s success at court. See Zhouyi zhushu 5.117-18. Also see Pan Yue’s “Xizheng fu” 西征賦 (Fu on Westward Journey): “Fluttering their wings, egrets soar./ Teals fly, geese advance to the heights./ Riding clouds, they keep abreast of each other./ Along with waves, they bobble up and down” 振鷺于飛, 鳧躍鴻漸, 乘雲頡頏, 隨 波澹淡. Here the phrase refers to court officials, whose lineup according to rank is similar to the formation of a group of geese flying south. See Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 3, 82, LL. 5-6.

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Gazing at stars, we climb up the Mushroom Gallery.48 Its top slices into the Milky Way; Looking down, we behold Luoyang, the capital of Zhou.49 城寺鬱參差 Official residences are diversely disposed; 8 街衢紛漠漠 Streets and thoroughfares run crisscross. 禁林寒氣晚 The imperial park gives forth chilly air at night; 方秋未搖落 Autumn is around the corner, but the leaves are not fallen. 皇心重發志 The august mind values expression of intention; 12 賦詩追並作 The emperor writes a poem, and we all follow suit. 自昔承天寵 Long have I been embraced by heaven’s favor; 於茲被人爵 Now I receive official emolument. 選言非綺綃 My chosen words are not exquisite or elegant; 16 何以儷金艧 Not deserving to be written down with gold and red pigments.

望辰躋菌閣 上征切雲漢 俛眺周京洛

#2



4

兹堂乃峭嶠 伏檻臨曲池 樹中望流水 竹裏見攅枝 欄高景難蔽 岫隱雲易垂

8

邂逅逢休幸 朱蹕曳青規



丘山不可答 葵藿空自知



This hall is tall and towering; Leaning on the railing, we face the serpentine pond. Amidst the trees, we see flowing water; Among the bamboos, we spot clusters of branches. The bannister is tall, yet sunlight cannot be blocked; Mountain nooks are deep, still clouds easily droop over them. Unexpectedly, I encounter this blissful blessing; The vermilion procession pulls along the green rushes. Mountains and hills cannot answer; Only one himself knows about mallow and bean leaves.

A clear difference in tone can be sensed in the above two poems, as compared to Liu Xiaochuo’s earlier poem written to Ren Fang, and we can tell that he has learned his lesson about modesty, at least in poetic terms. 48 See Wang Bao’s 王褒 “Jiuhuai” 九懷 (Nine Cares): “Mushroom Gallery and Basil Tower; Observing the thoroughfares, they run hither and thither” 菌閣兮蕙樓, 觀道兮縱 橫. See Chuci buzhu 15.269. 49 Here Zhou jing Luo 周京洛, “Luoyang, the capital of Zhou,” refers to the Liang capital Jiankang.

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Poem #1, in its opening, acknowledges the hierarchical structure in the court official system and that promotion is a gradual process. This idea is concisely reflected through the phrase hongjian 鴻漸, with its origin found in the Classic of Changes. The gradual progression of a geese flock is used to depict the slow but steady advancement of an official’s promotion, whereas the formation of the geese resembles an array of court officials lined up according to their ranks. By employing this language, Liu Xiaochuo admits and accepts his junior status. In the next section, the southern capital Jiankang is referred to by the poetic names Luoyang and Zhoujing (the Zhou capital), in keeping with the tradition of borrowing names with associations with the Zhou and Han dynasties in the north to refer to locales in the south. The couplet about the autumn scene is almost an affected departure from the unwelcome images of desolate autumn scenes in the earlier poem. Even though the weather is cold and chilly, the leaves have not started to fall. Throughout the entire poem, the poet does not dwell on what he aspires to have, focusing instead on what blessings he has received so far. Toward the end, we find the poet expressing modesty about his own writing skills. There is a textual corruption here: the character huo 艧, “boat,” should be read as wo 雘, “blue dye.” Jinhuo 金艧 (golden boat), a type of wine cup that is floated along a serpentine river and used in drinking contests, was said to have been invented by Cao Zhi.50 Although all versions of the text of this poem are consistent in giving huo 艧 as the correct reading, that this rendering is flawed is evident from how Liu Xiaochuo’s line is derived clearly from a line in a poem by Jiang Yan 江淹. Writing in imitation of one of Cao Zhi’s well-known symposium poems titled “Zeng Ding Yi” 贈丁翼 (Presented to Ding Yi),51 Jiang Yan mimics the third-century prince-patron’s sincerity and generosity in praising his followers’ talent and enjoying their companionship. The couplet that Liu’s poem draws on reads: “Looking at my friends, the two or three of you;/ Your writings are fit to be written down with gold and red dye” 眷我 二三子/辭義麗金雘. Wo 雘, a kind of blue dye, as seen in the phrase danwo 丹雘, “cinnabar clay or pigment,” was used for the writing of histories and other important documents.52 I believe that danwo and jinwo, along 50 See Yu Zishan ji 3.72b. 51 Wen xuan 24.1126. The couplet that is most pertinent in Jiang Yan’s imitation reads: “Together with the two and three of you, I am hosting a private banquet here at the corner on the city wall” 吾與二三子/曲宴此城隅. 52 Danwo 丹雘 finds its locus classicus in the Shangshu. Kong Yingda’s commentary reads: “Wo is the name of a kind of dye or paint. It can be blue or red.” See Shangshu zhen-

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with the more commonly used term danqing 丹青, all are synonymous in their connotation of valuable and weighty writings. In the poem cited here, Liu Xiaochuo self-effacingly conveys the sentiment that although a member of the royal entourage, he does not possess literary talent comparable to that of the Jian’an masters. Poem #2 is a short ten-line verse, in which the first three couplets are devoted to landscape description. The opening couplet paints the backdrop of the banquet, on a tall gallery and facing the serpentine pond. The array of images in couplets 2 and 3 curiously share one particular trait: they are hidden yet found. The flowing stream hiding behind trees is nevertheless seen. The branches buried amidst bamboo can still be spotted. Sunlight shines on all including that which is blocked behind the tall bannister. Clouds find their way to the deepest nooks in the mountain. While sunlight and clouds are standard metaphors for imperial favor and blessing, comparing oneself to the hidden stream and trees waiting to be discovered is a reflection of Liu Xiaochuo’s innovative poetic imagination. Through such images, the poet sends a subtle yet gratifying message in praise of the emperor whose grace is so broadly encompassing that even a trivial person like the poet himself is not neglected. This tone of gratitude is conspicuously different from the complaint that Liu had previously addressed to Ren Fang. Even in Liu’s use of the rhetoric of reclusion, the poet here musters a contrastive overtone. In the poem to Ren Fang, the reclusive lifestyle is depicted as viable and enjoyable through the image of “drinking day-old wine over roasted fish.” In the above poem, however, the allusion to Bo Yi 伯夷 and Shu Qi 叔齊, two martyr-recluses of the Shang dynasty, reveals the more problematic aspect of reclusion. The two virtuous brothers found the military conquest of the Shang kingdom by King Wu of the Zhou to be illegitimate, and decided not to become subjects of the Zhou dynasty. They went into hiding on Mount Shouyang 首陽山 and sustained themselves with the mountain vegetables kuihuo 葵藿, “mallow and bean leaves,” before finally dying of starvation. That Bo Yi and Shu Qi starved themselves to death for their unbending principle was a heroic but tragic course of action that demands justification. At the end of the joint biography of Bo Yi and Shu Qi in the Records of the Historian, Sima Qian raises a series of thoughtgyi 14.26b-27a. A pertinent use of the phrase danwo is found in Yan Yannian’s poem “He Xie jian Lingyun” 和謝監靈運 (Responding to Inspector Xie Lingyun) selected in the Wen xuan (26.1206): 雖慚丹雘施, 未謂玄素睽. For the phrase, Li Shan annotates: “Danwo is a metaphor for ‘lord’s grace’” 丹雘比喻君恩.

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provoking questions which can be summarized in one sentence: “Is this worth it?”53 Liu Xiaochuo also has doubts about Bo Yi and Shu Qi’s chosen life. What were their last years in reclusion like? No one knows. The empty mountain as their only witness could not speak for them. The bitter taste of mallow and bean leaves was known only to the brothers. Ending his poem using the Bo Yi-Shu Qi allusion, Liu rejects the naïve vision of the reclusive lifestyle and rejoices at his own good fortune of being favored by the emperor. The emperor’s acknowledgement marked a turning point in Liu Xiaochuo’s career. Over the following years Liu Xiaochuo received a series of substantive appointments, among which Vice Director of the Imperial Library (mishu cheng 秘書丞) was the most prestigious. When the emperor made the appointment, he told Zhou She: “For the number one position, the number one person should be used” 第一官當用第一人.54 Of course, Liu Xiaochuo was singled out as the “number one person” in this case. Worthy with Words Although Liu Xiaochuo had by now secured Xiao Yan as his patron, his official career was anything but smooth, and he was still to experience a number of setbacks. Unlike his cousin Liu Ru who had an uneventful yet successful career, one of Liu Xiaochuo’s unsalutary habits was that of offending others. Among those people whose animosity Liu Xiaochuo recklessly incurred were the three Dao brothers (Dao Qia 到洽, Dao Gai 到溉, and Dao Hang 到沆) who were from Liu’s native place, and Liu Lan, who was Liu Xiaochuo’s cousin. The Dao brothers not only hailed from Liu’s own native place of Pengcheng, but had also been among his closest associates early on. Liu Xiaochuo’s insolent and arrogant character would turn these friends and relatives into his enemies. As one example, Dao Gai was an orphan and lived close to a Buddhist temple. Once Liu Xiaochuo paid him a visit and noticed that his bedding and household articles were of yellow hue. Thinking that these were the belongings of a Buddhist monk, Liu Xiaochuo clapped his hands and laughed at Dao Gai. Understanding full well Liu’s implication, Dao Gai 53 See Shi ji 61.2127. 54 Liang shu 33.480.

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became furious and threw a punch at Liu Xiaochuo, who then left with a bleeding mouth.55 Dao Qia was the most gifted among the Dao brothers, a general consensus most unambiguously expressed in the rating of the three men offered by Qiu Chi 丘遲 (464-508).56 Liu Xiaochuo, for his part, displayed a low opinion of Dao Qia. Reportedly out of jealousy and contempt, he often wrote poems mocking Dao when both attended imperial banquets.57 Such slight matters as these were serious enough to plant seeds of retribution in the minds of Liu’s friends and even relatives. After becoming Vice Censor-in-Chief, Dao Qia realized his retaliation against Liu Xiaochuo through an impeachment accusing Liu of bringing his concubine to live in his official residence while leaving his mother at the private residence. Emperor Wu tried to mitigate the scandal by changing the word in the accusation from “concubine” to “sister.”58 Even so Liu Xiaochuo, could not escape the punishment of dismissal from office. The only saving grace for Liu was his literary talent, which was fortunately, recognized and highly appreciated by Xiao Yan and subsequently by Xiao Tong and Xiao Gang, who would bring Liu Xiaochuo back from punitive appointments more than once. Even in his exile, Liu did not forget the grudge he bore Dao Qia. He would send his diatribes to Crown Prince Xiao Tong, who simply incinerated them in an attempt to put an end to the feud between his two close advisors.59 In 519 Xiao Tong established the Hall of Gathering Worthies (Jixian tang 集賢堂), a venue for meetings with his entourage.60 Upon its foundation, each scholar in the group was invited to a feast and have a portrait made of him. Liu Xiaochuo was the first to have his portrait done, and composed a poem to commemorate the banquet.61

55 See Nan shi 39.1011. 56 Once Emperor Wu inquired of Qiu Chi: “How is Dao Qia, as compared to Dao Gai and Dao Hang?” Qiu Chi answered: “Upright and pure, he is better than Dao Hang. In writing, he is not second to Dao Gai. In addition to his ability in pure conversation, those two are not Dao Qia’s match” 高祖問丘遲: 到洽何如沆溉？遲對曰: 正清過於沆, 文章不 減溉, 加以清言, 殆將難及. Liang shu 27.403-5. 57 Liang shu 33.480. 58 Nan shi 39.1011. On this subject, see Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫, “Ryōjo ‘Xi shaomei yu huasheng, qi laomu yu xiazhai’ kō” 『梁書』「攜少妹於華省、棄老母於下宅」 考. Gakurin 36–37 (2003): 233–51. 59 Liang shu 33.481. 60 Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 297. 61 Liang shu 33.480.

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Attending a Banquet at the Hall of Gathering Worthies: At the Crown Prince’s Command 侍宴集賢堂應令62 The north gallery has been established; The west garden now is opened.63 The palace bureau has invited officials of various ranks;64 4 朝行命金碧 The court calls forth gold and prase.65 伊臣獨何取 What qualification do I particularly have? 隆恩徒自昔 Exalted favor I have enjoyed from long before. 布武登玉墀 With mincing steps, we ascend the jade stairs; 8 委坐陪瑤席 Provided with seats, we take our places on jasper mats. 綢繆參宴笑 We join in heartfelt laughter at the banquet; 淹留奉觴醳 Incessantly, we raise our cups. 壺人告漏晚 The watchman reports that time is late; 12 煙霞起將夕 Mists and rose clouds rise as night falls. 反景入池林 Reflected sunlight enters the grove by the pond; 餘光映泉石 Lingering brightness shines on stones by the fountain.

北閣時既啓 西園又已闢 宮屬引鴻鷺

This is yet another poem in which Liu Xiaochuo shows his maturity and modesty as a poet. In couplet 3, he makes a deferential remark about himself being undeserving. A vivid depiction of the banquet scene is found in couplets 4, 5, and 6. The luxury of a royal banquet is embodied through “jade stairs” and “jasper mats.” The conviviality of host-lord and guests are reflected by their heartfelt laughter and non-stop toasting. Joyous hours pass quickly, and without their notice it is already night. The abrupt inter62 In Liu Xiaochuo’s biography, the name of the hall is Lexian 樂賢, “Delighting in Worthies,” rather than Jixian 集賢, “Gathering Worthies.” Liang shu 33.480. For the Chinese text of Liu’s poem, see Lu Qinli, p. 1827; Yiwen leiju 39.716; Wenyuan yinghua 179.3b; Gushi ji 97.4b. 63 Xiyuan西園, “west garden,” likely refers to the Western Park at Ye 鄴 where the Cao family hosted gatherings. See Cao Zhi’s “Gongyan” 公宴 (lord’s banquet) poems, Lu Qinli, p. 449 and Robert Joe Cutter, “Cao Zhi’s Symposium Poems” CLEAR 6 (1984), 1-32. 64 Honglu 鴻鷺, “geese and herons,” here refers to an array of officials. See above for the related term hongjian 鴻漸. That honglu instead of hongjian is used here is probably for the sake of rhyme. 65 Jinbi 金碧is the short form for jinma biji 金馬碧雞, horse-shaped gold and chicken-shaped prase, which are treasures from Yizhou 益州 (in modern Sichuan province). Here they refer to the literary treasure at court. See Hanshu 64B.2830.

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ruption by the watchman must have been unwelcome, as reminders of the passage of time always are. The ephemeral nature of life and joy has long troubled the Chinese poet, and had become a standard theme ever since Qu Yuan’s Li sao. The obsession with the short human lifespan as seen repeatedly in the “Nineteen Old Poems” continues to appear in medieval poetry, especially the symposium poems by the “Jian’an masters.” A discernable formula for such banquet poems comprises three elements: the happiness of being together and merry making, laments about the passage of time, and exhortative remarks to enjoy the moment. Liu Xiaochuo’s banquet poem lacks the lamentation, however. The poem ends instead on an optimistic tone by focusing not on what is gone but on what is still left, namely, the reflected sunlight and lingering brightness. This last couplet, the penultimate line in particular is, I believe, the spark of the poem. It may have lent inspiration to the Tang poet Wang Wei’s 王維 (701-761) famous quatrain “Luzhai” 鹿柴 (Deer Park Hermitage) in which the couplet “Reflected sunlight enters the deep grove;/ Once more, it shines on the green moss” 反景入深林/復照青苔上 has become the poet’s most recognizable image. Joined together with the “echo” in the first couplet, “In the empty mountain, no one is in sight;/ Yet the echo of human voice can be heard” 空山不見人/但聞人語響, “reflection of sunlight” epitomizes Wang Wei’s Buddhist meditation through poetry over the dichotomy of rūpa (se 色) vs. śūnyatā (kong 空). Yet it is little appreciated that it was a poem by Liu Xiaochuo that helped Wang Wei to create his most memorable couplet. Literary Camaraderie and Competition: A Historical Review Although Liu Xiaochuo could never boast great achievements in his political career, he was arguably the most illustrious poet at Xiao Tong’s court. The only other poet who could share Liu Xiaochuo’s glory and the Crown Prince’s favor was Wang Yun, the nephew of one of the three greatest Yongming poets, Wang Rong. However, most of Wang Yun’s writings were lost during the chaotic years of Hou Jing’s rebellion. It is therefore fortunate for us to have a large number of Liu Xiaochuo’s works extant for analysis of the poetic taste and production of Xiao Tong’s milieu. Among them is also a series of occasional poems by Liu that provide a window onto the activities pursued at the various literary courts of the early Liang.

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In order to examine these poems in light of the tradition of salon culture, a brief historical survey may be helpful. It is commonly held that the earliest notable literary court in Chinese history was that of King Xiang of Chu 楚襄王 (297-263 bce.) who had at his court famous fu writers such as Song Yu, Tang Le, and Jing Cuo. In fact there is little surviving historical record of these men, what remains being chiefly one brief passage in the Shi ji following the biography of Qu Yuan: “After Qu Yuan died, there were the likes of Song Yu, Tang Le, and Jing Cuo. They all were fond of writing and claimed fame in composing fu” 屈原既死之後, 楚有宋玉、唐勒、景差之徒者, 皆好辭而以賦見稱.66 A more detailed and vivid portrayal of the court of King Xiang is found in several of Song Yu’s fu, including, for instance, the “Feng fu” 風賦 (Fu on the Wind) and “Deng Tuzi haose fu” 登徒子好色賦 (Master Dengtu, the Lecher), which begin by laying out the court setting of the king who presides over literary composition and/or competition. A prime example of these figures writing together at King Xiang’s court is the dayan and xiaoyan writings recorded in the Yiwen leiju, which we have examined earlier. However, the authenticity of most of the fu pieces attributed to Song Yu has been questioned by recent scholarship.67 Alhough subsequent accounts may have been lacking in historical veracity, their depictions of King Xiang of Chu’s literary court gave it liveliness in the imagination and influence in the literary tradition. As such, it served as the source and model for later literary courts: a royal patron, surrounded by the best writers of the day who have come together for literary competition, passes out judgments and rewards to those whose writings most accord with his taste. During the Western Han dynasty, literary activities flourished at the princely courts of Liu An 劉安, the Prince of Huainan 淮南王 (r. 164-122 bce.), and Liu Wu 劉武, the Prince of Liang 梁王 (r. 168-144 bc). But it was Emperor Wu who made the greatest contribution in terms of gathering literary talents and promoting the composition of fu. Emperor Wu’s interest in and support of literature brought the development of Han fu to a consummation.68 And Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179?-117 bc) was at the top 66 Shi ji 84.2491. 67 See Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳, Song Yu zuopin zhen wei kao 宋玉作品真偽考 (Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1999). 68 David R. Knechtges, “The Literary Emperor: The Case of Emperor Wu of the Former Han,” in Imperial Rulership and Cultural Change in Traditional China (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1994), pp. 51-76; Also see “The Emperor and Literature: Emperor Wu of the Han,” in Court Culture and Literature.

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of this achievement. Liu Xiaochuo, as we will see in the following analysis, constantly aspired to the likeness of Sima Xiangru. The next milestone in literary court patronage was none other than the Cao family of the Three Kingdoms period. Its patriarch Cao Cao differed from previous literary patrons in being a first-class poet himself. He brought to his court at Ye 鄴 dozens of talented men, among whom the most famous were Kong Rong 孔融 (153-208), Xu Gan 徐幹 (170-217), Wang Can 王粲 (177-217), Chen Lin 陳琳 (160?-217), Ying Yang 應瑒 (170?217), Liu Zhen 劉楨 (170?-217), and Ruan Yu 阮瑀 (170?-212), known collectively as the “Seven Masters of Jian’an” (Jian’an qizi 建安七子), a title conferred in the “Discourse on Literature” (Lun wen 論文) by Crown Prince Cao Pi 曹丕 (187-226). If the Han Emperor Wu’s most important contribution to literature was his promotion of the fu, then Cao Cao’s patronage certainly prompted the development of pentasyllabic verse. Poems by Cao Cao and his son Cao Zhi 曹植 (192-232) played an important role in defining the intellectual spirit and literary style of the time, described with phrases such as kangkai 慷慨 (heroic and emotionally strong), bei er zhuang 悲而壯 (sorrowful but vigorous), and feng gu 風骨 (wind and bone). The Cao family members’ fervor for poetry and the favor they bestowed upon poets were unprecedented. Their competence in the art of versification and criticism furnished fertile soil for the production of literary writings. Their patronage of literature would have an immense influence on the literary minds of early medieval times. The names of the seven masters and the three Cao writers, the excursions described in Cao Pi’s letters to Wu Zhi 吳質 (177-230),69 the activities recorded therein, and the convivial sentiment expressed would be zealously imitated and faithfully reproduced by generations to come. But the literary aegis of the Cao family would not be matched until the ascension of the Xiao family during the Qi-Liang period. It is during these two southern dynasties that we encounter a major revival of literary courts and as a result another important development in poetry and poetics that would prepare this form of art for its eventual flourishing in the Tang. All of the Qi-Liang literary courts were sponsored by one family, the Xiao clan who ruled over two dynasties and produced many literary patrons and poetic talents. The first prominent group was hosted by Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460-494). Like the Jian’an masters whose collective appellation was taken from an imperial reign period, this group 69 Wen xuan 42.1894-8.

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of poets is known by the name Yongming 永明 (483–493), the reign period of Emperor Wu of Qi, Xiao Ze 蕭賾, Xiao Ziliang’s father.70 The History of the Southern Qi gives the following account of Xiao Ziliang’s literary salon. [Ziliang] was pure and high-minded from a young age. He treated gifted men with courtesy and was fond of men of integrity. He was not given to harboring suspicions, and associated with his guests sincerely. Learned and talented men from all over the realm came to gather [at his palace]. He was fond of hosting grand gatherings. In summer, when guests arrived, he would put out melons, beverages, and sweetmeats (compote) for them. They engaged in literary and moralistic writings … In the fifth year [of the Yongming reign, 487] …, the prince moved to his villa at Jilong Mountain. There he gathered scholars to copy the Five Classics and philosophical works of the Hundred Schools, and they compiled a thousand-juan Essential Digest in Four Categories following the format of the Imperial Survey.71 He summoned eminent monks to lecture on the Buddhist dharma and compose new sounds for the chanting of sutras. Such a flourishing of clerics and laymen had never been seen south of the Yangtze. 子良少有清尚, 禮才好士, 居不疑之地, 傾意賓客, 天下才學, 皆遊集焉。善立 勝事, 夏月客至, 為瓜飲及甘果, 著之文教, 士子文章及朝貴辭翰皆發教撰録 … 五年, 正位司徒給班劍二十人, 侍中如故, 移居雞籠山西邸, 集學士, 抄五經 百家, 依皇覽例, 為四部要畧千卷, 招致名僧, 講語佛法, 造經唄新聲, 道俗之 盛, 江左未有也。 72

When this is placed together with the following passage from Cao Pi’s ­letter to Wu Zhi written in 212, it is difficult to ignore their similarity. I often think of our past outings in Nanpi. They were genuinely unforgettable. Having given wondrous contemplation to the Six Classics and loitered among the Hundred Philosophers, pellet chess was then set up at intervals, and we finished with the game of liubo.73 Lofty conversation gladdened the heart, and the mournful music of zithers was pleasing to the ear. We galloped the fields to the north and feasted in the lodges to the south, floated sweet melons on clear springs and sank red plums in cold water. When the 70 On the Yongming poets and the “Eight Companions of Jingling,” see He Rong 何融, “Qi Jingling wang Xidi ji qi xueshi kaolue” 齊竟陵王西邸及其學士攷略, Guowen yuekan 77 (March 10, 1949): 22-25; Nie Dashou 聶大受, “‘Jingling bayou’ wenxue jituan de xingcheng ji qi tedian” “竟陵八友”文學集團的行成及其特點, Shandong daxue xuebao 1998.2: 24-29, 37; Ami Yūji 網祐次, Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū: Nan Sei Eimei jidai o chūshin to shite 中國中世文學研究: 南齊永明時代お中心として (Tokyo: Shinjusha, 1960); Liu Yuejin, Yongming wenxue yanjiu; Goh, Sound and Sight. 71 Huang lan was compiled at Cao Pi’s court. See Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire, pp. 96-8. 72 Nan Qi shu 40.694-8. 73 The game of liubo is first seen in “Zhaohun” 招魂 in the Chuci. See Chuci buzhu 4.211-2.

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chapter three white sun disappeared, we carried on by the bright moon. Riding together we roamed the rear gardens. The carriage wheels moved slowly, and the entourage was silent. Cool breezes arose in the night, and a sad reed whistle softly moaned. Happiness left and sorrow emerged in its stead, leaving us woeful and melancholic. I would look around and comment that such joy would not last. You and everybody else thought I was right.74 每念昔日南皮之遊, 誠不可望。既妙思漢書六經, 逍遙百氏, 彈碁間設, 終以 六博。高談娛心, 哀箏順耳, 馳騁北場, 旅食南館, 浮甘瓜於清泉, 沉朱李於寒 水, 白日既匿, 繼以朗月, 同乘並載, 以遊後園, 輿輪徐動, 參從無聲, 清風夜起, 悲笳微吟, 樂往哀來, 愴然傷懷, 余顧而言斯樂難常, 足下之徒咸以為然。 75

Cao Pi’s nostalgic account of the “good old days” appealed strongly to the pride of literary patrons of later times who not only followed suit, but tried their best to outdo their predecessor. Xiao Ziliang is an example of a patron who took great pains to engage in a larger range of activities that included even serious academic pursuits: copying the classics and works of philosophers, compiling a large literary compendium in four ­categories, and organizing Sanskrit chanting. Lying at the heart of all these is the composition of poetry. Versification is the window to an individual’s talent. Cao Pi gave an evaluation of each of the seven writers in both his “Lun wen” and “Yu Wu Zhi shu.”76 Although toward the end of the “Lun wen” Cao Pi stated that only Xu Gan was able to create the discourse for a distinct school and thus surpassed the rest who were merely poets, it was Jian’an poetry rather than Xu Gan’s Zhonglun 中論 that perpetuated the literary conviviality and competition of the era which by Xiao Ziliang’s time was already a legend.77 Likewise, members of Xiao Ziliang’s salon were keen on displaying their poetic talent, with the awareness that a good name in writing poetry was a key to social success. [Xiao] Ziliang, Prince of Jingling, opened up his Western Residence and summoned littérateurs. [Wang] Sengru, together with Imperial Academy students Yu Xi, Qiu Guobin, Xiao Wenyan, Qiu Lingkai, Jiang Hong, and Liu Xiaosun, all joined the salon due to their claim to eloquence … Ziliang, Prince of Jingling, used to gather scholars at night to write poems [within limited time kept] by candles carved with notches. For a poem with four rhyming couplets, they would carve a notch of one inch, which served 74 The translation is by Robert Joe Cutter with minor modification. See Cutter, “Cao Zhi’s Symposium Poems.” 75 For the Chinese text, see Wen xuan 42.1895. 76 See Wen xuan 42.1896-8. 77 See Wen xuan 52.2272.

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as a guideline of the time limit. [Xiao] Wenyan said: “To compose a poem within the time of burning one inch of the candle, what is so difficult about that?” Then, together with Lingkai and Jiang Hong, they struck a bronze bowl to set the time-limit for [completion of] the rhymes. As soon as the sound faded, a poem should have been finished and pleasant to read. Liu Xiaosun, a person from Pengcheng, was learned and quick-witted, but frequently felt unfulfilled. He would often sigh: “Among people in the past, some became ministers simply because they initiated a new discourse, and some were granted a white jade disc as they stood talking. [Ancient] books are indeed misleading.” 竟陵王子良開西邸, 招文學, 僧孺與太學生虞羲、邱國賓、蕭文琰、邱令 楷、江洪、劉孝孫, 並以善辭游焉 … 竟陵王子良嘗夜集學士, 刻燭為詩, 四韻者則刻一寸, 以此為率。文琰曰, 頓 燒一寸燭而成四韻詩, 何難之有？乃與令楷、江洪等共打銅鉢立韵, 響滅則 詩成, 皆可觀覽, 劉孝孫, 彭城人, 博學通敏而仕多不遂。常歎曰古人或開一 說而致卿相, 立談間而降白璧, 書籍妄耳。 78

Liu Xiaosun’s complaint reveals his understanding, shared by his contemporaries, that poetic talent should guarantee fame and gain. What he appears unaware of is that there were exceptions to such rules. Sometimes what kept a good poet from success in climbing the social ladder was incompatibility with his patron, a difficulty of which He Xun何遜 (469519) and Wu Jun are two examples.79 The fact that Liu Xiaosun was not successful may not necessarily have been because he was not good enough as a poet, but that he was faced with too fierce a competitive field. There was such a large group of poets present at Xiao Ziliang’s court that it was not possible for everyone to be recognized. We have already acquainted ourselves with some of the best poets of the Qi dynasty, but a complete list of the Eight Companions and other renowned members present at Xiao Ziliang’s court is found in both the Liang shu and Nan Qi shu. The Prince of Jingling [Xiao] Ziliang opened up his Western Residence and summoned littérateurs. Xiao Yan, Shen Yue, Xie Tiao, Wang Rong, Xiao Chen, Fan Yun, Ren Fang, and Lu Chui socialized together. They were called the “Eight Companions.” 竟陵王子良開西邸, 招文學, 高祖與沈約、謝朓、王融、蕭琛、范雲、任 昉、陸倕等並遊焉號曰八友。 80

78 Nan shi 59.1463. 79 Liang shu 33.871. 80 Liang shu 1.2.

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chapter three Toward the end of the Yongming reign, literati in the capital avidly engaged in writing and disquisitions on philosophical principles. They all gathered at the Prince of Jingling’s Western Residence. Liu Hui served as the leader among the younger generation, being quick-witted and talented. At the time Zhang Rong and Zhou Yong both wrote skillful pieces. Zhang Rong’s poetic voice was fine with relaxed cadence. Zhou Yong’s diction was exquisite and nimble. Liu Hui’s speech had rhythm and vigor. The contemporaries commented: “Like an attached room, Liu Hui opens his own door.” This meant that Liu Hui was in between the two. 81 永明末, 京邑人士盛為文章談義, 皆湊竟陵王西邸, 繪為後進領袖, 機悟多能, 時張融、周顒並有言工, 融音旨緩韻, 顒辭致綺捷。繪之言吐又頓挫有風 氣, 時人為之語曰, 劉繪貼宅, 別開一門, 言在二家之中也。

The dozen or so men mentioned above were all important as poets as well as political figures. Among them some were imperial relatives such as Xiao Yan and Xiao Chen, others such as Shen Yue, Wang Rong, Fan Yun and Ren Fang were important officials, and some such as Xie Tiao and Lu Chui were young aristocrats.82 In addition to literary endeavors, Xiao Ziliang’s salon members had political agendas to carry out. What ­happened toward the end of the Yongming era verifies this aspect of the group. Poets at Xiao Ziliang’s court voluntarily or involuntarily became involved in coups either supporting or subverting his ascension to the throne. This was particularly true of Xie Tiao and Wang Rong. Before Xie Tiao came to Xiao Ziliang’s court, he had served Xiao Zilong 蕭子隆 (474-494), the Prince of Sui 隋王, at Jingzhou. Although on good terms with Xiao Zilong, Xie Tiao had been suddenly recalled back to the capital on a charge that he was exerting improper influence over the prince. Several years later, in 494, Xie Tiao joined Xiao Ziliang’s staff. This would prove to be the true beginning of his ill fortune. First Xie Tiao’s father-in-law Wang Jingze 王敬則 (d. 498) attempted to involve him in a planned coup; when Xie Tiao reported this to the emperor, his father-inlaw was executed. In 497 a group of court officials approached Xie Tiao to join in another plot, which Xie Tiao again declined. This time, before Xie had the time to report the scheme to the emperor he himself was framed and then executed.83 Quite contrary to Xie Tiao who tried to avoid involvement in such dangerous coups, Wang Rong was the key figure in an attempt to make Xiao Ziliang the imperial heir. The prince himself, 81 Nan Qi shu 48.841. 82 For a comprehensive list of these literary men, see Jansen, Höfische Öffentlichkeit im frühmittelalterlichen China, pp. 254-6. 83 Nan Qi shu 47.825-8.

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however, was too timid to intercede on Wang Rong’s behalf when the plot was exposed, and Wang Rong was put to death.84 Despite the political cruelty of the Yongming era, literary activities at Xiao Ziliang’s court thrived. One of the interests of Xiao Ziliang’s literary court was the experimentation in tonal patterning and the poems composed with an awareness of the so-called sisheng babing rules were called the “Yongming Verse.” Toward the end of the Yongming reign, writing and composition were very popular. Shen Yue from Wuxing, Xie Tiao from Chenjun, and Wang Rong from Langye were on close terms thanks to their similarity of temperament. Zhou Yong from Runan was good at detecting tones and rhymes. Shen Yue and others all applied [the rules of] classical music theory (gongshang 宮 商 ) in their poetic composition and took “level, rising, departing, and entering” to be the four tones. Using these to restrict resonance that could not [randomly] be added or deleted. [Poetry composed like this] was called “Yongming verse.” 永明末, 盛為文章, 沈約, 陳郡謝朓, 琅邪王融, 以氣類相推轂。汝南周顒, 善 識聲韻, 約等文皆用宮商, 以平上去入為四聲, 以此制韻, 不可增減, 世呼為永 明體。 85

The Yongming era and Xiao Ziliang’s salon came to an abrupt end with the death of Xiao Ziliang and Wang Rong in 494. Xie Tiao and Fan Yun first were banished to Jingzhou 荊州 and Lingling 零陵 respectively, and then would die within the next decade. Of the remaining members, Shen Yue, Ren Fang, and Lu Chui remained active in the literary arena of the Liang, while Xiao Chen retreated into the life of a busy administrative official. Xiao Yan, who became the founding emperor of the Liang, was unrivalled as the main figure who fostered literary patronage and production in the new dynasty. At the capital in Jiankang, Xiao Yan welcomed poets to his imperial court. As he himself was both an accomplished writer and a connoisseur of literature, the now-emperor would frequently ask poets to compose on a certain subject and then himself mete out praise or criticism, as seen in the following Liang shu account. At the time, Emperor Wu wrote a poem titled “Revealing My Thoughts on a Spring Day,” five hundred characters in length. He ordered all those present, including Shen Yue and those below him in rank, to compose a poem

84 Ibid. 85 Nan Qi shu 52.898.

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chapter three on the same subject. [Among the poems] composed, he regarded Wang Sengru’s piece as the most accomplished. 是時, 武帝製春景明志詩, 五百字, 敕在朝詞人沈約以下同作, 帝以僧孺詩 為工。 86

Another anecdote about Xiao Yan is both amusing and informative about the patron who regarded himself as a competitor with the poets he hosted. Earlier, Shen Yue had been accompanying [Emperor Wu] at a banquet. It so happened that chestnuts from Yuzhou were presented to the court. And the size of the chestnuts were about two inches tall. Emperor Wu marveled at it, and then he and Shen Yue took turns to recount allusions about chestnuts. Shen Yue came up with three fewer than Emperor Wu. When Shen Yue left the court, he told people: “The Emperor is self-conscious about his weaknesses. If I had not yielded [first place] to him, he would have been very much insulted.” [When these words found their way to the throne,] the Emperor was going to punish Shen Yue for having made such insolent comments. Only on account of Xu Mian’s firm admonition did Emperor Wu drop the case. 先此, 約嘗侍讌, 值豫州獻栗, 徑寸半, 帝奇之, 問曰, 栗事多少？與約各疏所 憶, 少帝三事。出謂人曰, 此公護前, 不讓即羞死。帝以其言不遜, 欲抵其罪, 徐勉固諫乃止。 87

This anecdote shows how seriously the emperor took literary matters. Xiao Yan’s attitude is illustrative of the importance of literary capacity as a trait of the cultured man. At the same time his obsession to excel must have stimulated competition in literary production. Yet as the law-giver it was not necessary for Xiao Yan to play a fair game, as seen in the above example and other anecdotes. Remembering the North, a Repository of the Past The Liang emperor was not a typical writer for the age. Although he had been a close associate of the Yongming poets at Xiao Ziliang’s court, Emperor Wu was not himself an aficionado of Yongming prosody and did not understand the “four tones.”88 Personally he took an interest in the “Western Tunes” and also preferred ancient style poetry.89 His establish86 See Liang shu 33.1461. 87 Liang shu 13.243. 88 For a discussion on this subject, see Fu Gang, Xiao Tong pingzhuan, pp. 54-5. 89 See Hu Dehuai, Sixiao pingzhuan, pp. 158-161.

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ment of the Liang dynasty played a significant role in shifting the direction in which the Yongming poetry was developing, in a manner very similar to the way in which Cao Cao had as the patriarch of his own literary salon in the third century. Not surprisingly, a cultural hegemon often becomes the target of attack and ridicule.90 Nevertheless, Xiao Yan, for his part, liked to compare his sons to the talented lads of the Cao family. He once fondly compared his son Xiao Gang to Cao Zhi.91 Identification with the Cao family by the Liang ruling elite represents but the tip of the iceberg of a nostalgic admiration and imitation of the legendary Jian’an literary arena during the end of the fifth and beginning of the sixth century. It was a time when group identity constituted a considerable part of one’s cultural capital, especially of the sort one acquired posthumously. Many an outstanding individual fell behind the time, yet memories of shared experience and events remained enduring. The unfortunate demise of major members of Cao family literary group due to the plague of 217, after which they were fondly remembered and recounted by Cao Pi, left an indelible mark on the memory of later writers. The Cao family literary salon, real or imaginary, became the classic model for its future counterparts in both spirit and form. Descriptions of gatherings began to bear the watermark of Jian’an, as banquets and excursions were without fail described in comparison to their third-century models by evoking the names of places and persons of the third century. Such attachment was made ever stronger not only by the gap in time, but more importantly by the distance in space. The blissful past in a lost land, literally and figuratively, symbolizes an ideal that cannot be reached by the cultured elite. Cao Pi’s pleasure trips to the Bend of the Yellow River (He qu 河曲) and Nanpi 南皮 could never be replicated after the loss of the entire northern realm to the Xiongnu and other non-Han people in the fourth century. By the Liang dynasty, Chinese aristocrats and intellectuals had been uprooted from the north and transplanted in the south for almost two centuries. But the sense of humiliation over the loss of the northern heartland never subsided completely. Instead, it would sharpen on such occasions as spring excursions and seasonal festivals. When aristocrats took a pleasure excursion on a wonderful spring day and looked out at the mountains and rivers, they were reminded of the lost terrain. There was no longer the Chang’an whose grandeur Ban Gu and Zhang 90 Paul W. Kroll, “Portraits of Ts’ao Ts’ao: Literary Studies on the Man and the Myth.” (Ph.D. diss. University of Michigan, 1976.) 91 Liang shu 4.109.

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Heng had celebrated in their grand writing; there were no longer Luoyang or Nanyang, where dashing aristocrats and bewitching beauties had aroused the envy of all as recounted in yuefu poetry; there was no longer the Luo River whose goddess Cao Zhi had conjured up in his “Luoshen fu” 洛神賦. The favored destination for excursions was now Xinting 新亭, the New Post Station. The name, literally “New Stop,” is painfully self-evident—a new but temporary stop. This is where the northern refugee aristocrats went for their pleasure excursions. In the Shishuo xinyu there is an account that describes the emotional impact of Xinting as a place on the northerners. Whenever the day was fair, those who had crossed the Yangtze River would always gather at Xinting (a southern suburb of Jiankang) to drink and feast on the grass. On one occasion Zhou Yi, who was among the company, sighed and said, “The scene is not dissimilar to the old days in the North; it’s just that naturally there’s a difference between these mountains and rivers and those.” All those present looked at each other and wept. It was only Chancellor Wang Dao, who, looking very grave, remarked with deep emotion, “We should all unite our strength around the royal house and recover the sacred provinces. To what end do we sit here facing each other like so many ‘captives of Chu’?”92 過江諸人, 每至美日, 輒相邀新亭, 藉卉飲宴周侯。中坐而歎曰: 風景不殊, 正 自有山河之異。皆相視流淚, 唯王丞相, 愀然變色曰: 當共戮力王室, 克復神 州, 何至作楚囚相對。 93

Although Wang Dao’s heroic vow never materialized as action, after this there were no more “tears shed at Xinting,” probably because the northern emigres had gradually become accustomed to the southern landscape, or because they had come to realize that the recovery of the north was but a futile endeavor. After all, the south had its own divine mountains and numinous waters. Now, though, they were referred to with the names of northern geographical locales. Certainly, laying claim to the geography and culture of central China was certainly more attainable through poetic imagination than military maneuvers. The Yangtze River ( Jiang 江) was referred to as the Yellow River (He 河); Mount Zhong 鍾山 was referred to as Mount Zhongnan 終南山; the Qinhuai 秦淮 River was referred as the Yi and Luo 伊洛 rivers; and most important of all, the southern capital Jiankang was called the “Zhou capital.” Likewise, names 92 Mather, A New Account of Tales of the World, p. 47. 93 Yu Jiaxi, Shishuo xinyu jianshu, p. 92.

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of the northern provinces and counties were retained during the emigration to the south, with the minimal change of acquiring the prefix nan 南, “south.” It was through invoking the names associated with the north that a cultural past was preserved. Such preservation of the past created in turn an incentive to create a more powerful cultural present that surpassed the past through claiming that past. Finding Comfort in a Versified Present After two centuries’ relocation into the south, the thought of the north no longer aroused nostalgia or patriotic aspiration, but a crystallized tradition that was at the free disposal of the southerners, who had become comfortably and confidently settled in their present environs. As Crown Prince of the Liang, Xiao Tong like his predecessors took an excursion to Xinting. He was accompanied by his brother Xiao Gang and his poet laureate Liu Xiaochuo, both of whom wrote commemorative poems about the event. Let us first look at Liu Xiaochuo’s poem.

On a Spring Day Accompanying the Prince to “New Stop”: [Composed] on Command



春日從駕新亭應制



旭日輿輪動 言追河曲遊 紆餘出紫陌

4

迤邐度青樓

前驅掩蘭徑 後乘歷芳洲 春色江中滿 8 日華巖上留 江風傳葆吹 巖華映采斿 臨渦起睿作 12 駟馬暫停輈 侍從榮前阮



雍容慙昔劉

At sunrise the prince’s chariot wheels move; We will emulate the “Excursion at the River Bend.” Twisting and turning, we come out of the purple path; Winding and meandering, we pass by the blue mansions. Riders in the front cover the thoroughwort path; Chariots in the back travel by the fragrant islet. Springtime colors fill the Yangtze; Rays of the sun linger over the cliff. Breeze from the river spreads the sound of trumpets; The luster of the cliff reflects the colorful banners. Facing upon eddies, a sagacious piece is written; The four-horse chariot comes to a temporary stop. Attendants and followers are more honorable than Ruan Yu; Yet their grace and style fall short of Liu Zhen.

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16 非徒嗟未遒

In vain do we try to match them in chess and composition; Not simply do we sigh, “This is not vigorous!”

The spring excursion described here apparently invokes the pleasure outings taken by the Jian’an masters. In the first line, the phrase “wheels moving” (lundong 輪動) is found in Cao Pi’s letter written in 212, quoted earlier in this chapter. Then in the second line, Liu Xiaochuo makes this connection in subject and language even clearer with the phrase, “We will emulate the excursion taken at the River Bend.” In the same letter by Cao Pi, we read, “A summer breeze fans. The weather is warm. All kinds of fruits are available. At times we harness up and go on excursions. To the north, we follow the River Bend. The attendants, sounding the bells, clear the road for us. Men of letters ride in carriages behind.”94 This is the passage that is embedded in the simple phrase “Excursion at the River Bend,” which had come to stand for more than simply an outing, but rather an entire package of tradition surrounding literary patronage. A royal prince and his poets, stimulated by the arrival of the warm season, come out of hiding to enjoy nature. The excursion would be less enjoyable if there were no poets, whose sensitivity to the occasion and the landscape enhanced the collective experience. The two concrete factors that prompt a spring-day outing are seasonal change and the observation of tradition. According to traditional poetics these are the same reasons that poets write, as discussed previously. Our poet Liu Xiaochuo faithfully accomplishes both in his poem by describing the natural scenery in the middle couplets, 2 through 5, and alluding again to the names and compositions of the Jian’an writers. In couplet 7, Liu Xiaochuo compares himself and other poets of Xiao Tong’s group to Ruan Yu and Liu Zhen, the “Liu of the past.” Liu Zhen’s surname is not only a convenient rhyme word, but also matches that of Liu Xiaochuo. A less easily detectable allusion lies in the phrases shicong 侍從 and yongrong 雍容, which also appear side by side in a line of Wu Zhi’s “Memorandum in Reply to the Crown Prince of Wei” (吳季重答魏太子牋).95 That the memorandum is an evaluation of the members of Cao Pi’s coterie and a discussion of the proper relationship between patrons and writers makes Liu Xiaochuo’s allusion a self-conscious comparison. Though the allusion is not transparent to us, the inclusion of this piece by Wu Zhi in the Wen 94 Wen xuan 42.1895-6. 95 See Wen xuan 40.1825-27, 於雍容侍從, 實其人也.

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xuan suggests that Xiao Tong probably understood his poet‘s allusion immediately. The ending of Liu Xiaochuo’s poem echoes the opening by addressing the result of the “emulation.” Liu Xiaochuo gives a critical comparison between Xiao Tong’s entourage and the original Jian’an masters in the penultimate couplet. Although they are of more prominent social status than Ruan Yu, the one poet at the Cao court who was of a humble origin, Liu judges that his present company falls short of the Jian’an poets in grace and style, which apparently refers to poetic talent.96 The concluding couplet further laments the futility of their “emulation” of the past, prominently seen in the use of the two words kong 空 and tu 徒. The word fei 非 on its own stands for a grammatical structure, tantamount to the English “not only … but also,” that usually requires the clause to come before the main sentence. But in Liu’s couplet, the 非 clause comes after the main sentence, apparently for rhyming. The word qiu 遒 in the phrase weiqiu 未遒 is a rhyming word. Weiqiu or “this is not vigorous,” had been Cao Pi’s evaluation of Liu Zhen’s writing style: “The writing by Gonggan (Liu Zhen) demonstrates a carefree spirit, but it is not vigorous” 公幹有逸 氣, 但未遒耳.97 Liu Xiaochuo applies this comment to himself and the other poets in Xiao Tong’s entourage, and thereby declares their failure at emulating the past. It is least surprising that Liu Xiaochuo regards the poetry of his own generation as lacking in qiu 遒—vigor, the defining characteristic of the Jian’an era. Earlier in this chapter, I have introduced other phrases that are commonly used to describe the Jian’an literature such as “sad but heroic,” and “tragic but vigorous.” This heroic spirit of poetry, being a result and emblem of the chaotic era following the disintegration of the Eastern Han empire, was lost together with the death of the Jian’an poets, most of whom did not survive the 217 pandemic or the equally deadly politics of the time. Three hundred years later, the Chinese court, having comfortably situated and adjusted itself in the south, is far removed from the treacherous environment which was the requisite soil for nurturing the type of poetry the Jian’an writers had composed. Still, many aspects of the spring excursion commemorated by Liu Xiaochuo are different from the earlier model. The geographical icon is now the Yangtze instead of the Yellow River, while the political backdrop is one of a flourishing dynasty rather than a regime striving for domi96 About Ruan Yu’s humble status, see Shishuo xinyu 23/10. 97 Wen xuan 42.1897.

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nance. Most important of all, the members of Xiao Tong’s entourage were young aristocrats who enjoyed substantive privileges commensurate with their nominal status; this had not been the case for Wang Can or Liu Zhen, although they had likewise hailed from noble families. All of these factors led to a different type of poetry in the Liang circle, one that demanded more sensitivity to the physical world than to spiritual verve. It is seen in the painstaking efforts by the Yongming poets such as Xie Tiao in selecting words and arranging them precisely, through which a most enchanting moment in nature is captured. This level of attention to detail and subtlety may be seen as an attempt to compensate for the loss of spiritual vigor. Liu Xiaochuo, growing up among the Yongming poets, cannot but demonstrate similar attention to a careful delineation of natural scenery. The main body of the above poem, consisting of the four parallel couplets 2, 3, 4, and 5, shows an affiliation with one of Xie Tiao’s poems titled “Matching a Poem by Xu [Mian] of the Capital Ministry on ‘Departing from the Xinting Ferry” 和徐都曹出新亭渚.98 In this poem, Xie Tiao, while residing in Jiangling, Jingzhou,99 describes an imaginary scene at Xinting from where Xu Mian departed. In the poem, Xinting, the southerners’ favorite destination for excursions, is called “Yuan and Luo” 宛洛, “two northern metropolitans of Eastern Han and Western Jin dynasties, the former being Nanyang, and the latter, Luoyang.”100 As Richard Mather aptly points out, these two cities are associated with “pleasure jaunts” in one of the “Nineteen Old Poems.”101 Xie Tiao’s deliberate misnomer is his way of acknowledging the poetic tradition. By describing spring flowers and grass in moving sunlight and the dancing wind against the backdrop of the grand Yangtze River, Xie Tiao captures the essence of a fine spring day in the south. Liu Xiaochuo’s poem reproduces such a spring day magically transformed by the flowing water and mesmerizing breeze from the Yangtze River. Sun rays and spring colors jolted by the waves, instrumental music carried into the distance by the wind, and bright banners set off by the cliff indicate Liu Xiaochuo’s adoption and adaptation of Xie Tiao’s poem. The evidence of Liu Xiaochuo’s imitation of Xie Tiao can be seen in two lines that show prominent derivation. 98 For Chinese text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1442. For a translation, see Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance 2:93. Cf. note 9. 99 Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance 2:93. 100 Ibid. 101 See #3 of the “Nineteen Old Poems:” “Driving the chariot, spurring on the old horses, we roam and make joy in Yuan and Luo” 驅車策駑馬, 遊戲宛與洛. Wen xuan 29.1344.

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Table IV. Comparison of Xie Tiao and Liu Xiao’s poems on Xinting 謝朓 Xie Tiao 和徐都曹出新亭渚 “Matching a Poem by Xu [Mian] of the Capital Ministry on ‘Departing from Xinting Shoreline”

春色滿皇州 Springtime colors fill the royal domain.

日華川上動 Rays of the sun move over the river.

劉孝綽 Liu Xiaochuo 春日從駕新亭應制 “On a Spring Day Accompanying the Prince to Xinting, In Response to a Command”

春色江中滿 Springtime colors fill the Yangtze.

日華巖上留 Rays of the sun linger over the rocks.

To summarize, Liu’s account of Xiao Tong’s spring day excursion, on the one hand, reveals a failed attempt to relive the good old days of the Jian’an milieu in both physical experience and poetry; on the other hand, it succeeds in presenting a dream-like spring day with vivid light and sound, mesmerizing warmth and scent. Another poem, composed for the same occasion by Xiao Gang presents a rather different picture. Accompanying an Excursion to Xinting, At the Command of the Crown Prince102

侍遊新亭應令



神襟愍行邁



岐路愴徘徊



4

遙瞻十里陌 傍望九城臺



鳳管流虛谷



龍騎藉春荄 曉光浮野暎

The “Divine Mind” is concerned that the journey is far;103 At a fork in the road, he dolefully paces back and forth. Gazing into the distance, it is the ten-league path; Looking to the side, one can see the nine gates of the capital. [The sound of] the phoenix flute flows in the empty valley; The dragon steed tramples the spring grass. Floating over the fields, morning light glistens;

102 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1931; Wenyuan yinghua 179.1a; and Gushi ji 78.3b. 103 Shenjin 神襟, literally “divine lapel,” refers to Crown Prince Xiao Tong. The phrase hangmai 行邁 is found in Ode 65 “Shuli” 黍離. See Maoshi zhengyi 4.147.

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Dawn mists whirl around the sun. Patterns on the sandy beach accumulate in the waves; 春陰江上來 Spring clouds gather over the Yangtze. 柳葉帶風轉 Leaves on willow trees twist with the wind; 12 桃花含雨開 Flowers on peach trees bloom in the rain. 聖情蘊珠綺 Your sagacious sincerity cultivates pearls and brocade; 札命表英才 You order us to display our floriate talent. 顧憐碔砆質 I worry about my meager quality, which is like a coarse rock; 16 何以儷瓊環 With what could it match those jade rings?

朝煙承日迴 沙文浪中積

This poem, though written about the same occasion as Liu Xiaochuo’s poem, provides a different perspective on the excursion. The opening of Xiao Gang’s poem depicts the host’s concern about the long journey. It is fairly uncommon to comment on the patron’s mood in such direct terms, and Xiao Gang may have had special license to do so as younger brother of the Crown Prince. Nevertheless, the opening couplet sets a subdued tone for the entire poem. The music played by the prince’s entourage now sounds altered in the “empty valley.” Horses are described as “trampling” the spring grass. The sun is shrouded in morning mists, while clouds envelop the Yangtze River causing the sky to be overcast. Spring flowers and trees seem to be swaying helplessly in rain and wind. Unlike the bright spring day in Liu Xiaochuo’s poem, Xiao Gang’s paints the day in a melancholy shade. The omission from Liu Xiaochuo’s poem of any mention of inclement weather that day probably constitutes an effort on his part to write the poem in harmony with tradition, as a spring excursion was supposed to be a warm and pleasant occasion. This was an opportunity for the royal family to acknowledge and observe a long-shared practice, and a chance for poets to contemplate and compose on the tradition. What actually happened on that particular day was in consequence not as important. The poem is not about Xinting on that particular day; rather it is about Xinting the destination for outings, already known to everyone through a common cultural and literary tradition. Here Xinting is a surrogate for Hequ and Yuanluo, another way to say “pleasure jaunts.”

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Poems on the Third Day Festival: Celebrating the Curving Waters in a Water Land Another springtime favorite among aristocratic families was the Festival of Curving Waters or qushui 曲水, also known as the Third Day [of the Third Month] (sanyue sanri 三月三日, or simply sanri 三日). Regarding the festival, Mather provides the following description: The Festival of Curving Waters, or the Third Day, is rooted in an ancient spring lustration ceremony mentioned in Analects XI, 25 which in Han times was celebrated on the first ssu-day (shang-ssu 上巳 ) of the third month (between March 22 and April 30), and, later, more specifically limited to the third day of the third month (between March 24 and April 21). It was basically a purgative, or exorcistic festival which banished the evil of the past year, looking forward to renewed life in the new. But throughout the years it became more of a “springtime outing,” complete with picnics and the drinking games held near curving streams, where winecups were floated on the water and picked up further downstream to be drunk. Poems were composed to accompany the festivities.104

The earliest poem about this lustration festival is “Zhen Wei” 溱洧 (Ode 95), which describes a scene of men and women holding thoroughwort in their hands and flocking to the riverside for the ceremony. But the most well-known celebration of the festival is doubtless that hosted by the famous calligrapher Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321-361; alt. 303-361) in 353 at a resort known to us as the Lan Post Station (Lanting 蘭亭) in modern Zhejiang.105 Several dozen poems were written on this occasion, and are classified as examples of “xuanyan shi” 玄言詩 (poetry of arcane discourse).106 More poems on the lustration festival were written during the Song and Qi times. A group of Xie Tiao’s poems on this annual occasion is a good example. In 495, Xie Tiao was commissioned to write a total 104 Mather, The Age of Eternal Brillance, 2:157. Also see Bodde, pp. 273-88. 105 I have benefited from Professor Knechtges’s recent study on the Lanting, in which he argues that the place name Lanting has nothing to do with “Orchid Pavilion,” which is how it has been rendered in English. See David Knechtges, “Jinggu and Lan ting - Two (or Three?) Jin Dynasty Gardens” in Studies in Chinese Language and Culture: Festschrift in Honour of Christoph Harbsmeier on the Occasion of His 60th Birthday, ed. by Christoph Anderl and Halvor Eifring (Oslo: Hermes Academic Pub., 2006), 395-405. 106 For studies on the Lanting gathering and poems, see Sang Shichang 桑世昌 (fl. ca. 1224), Lanting kao 蘭亭考 (preface dated 1209), Congshu jicheng; Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一, “Rantei shi kō” 蘭亭詩考, Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 7 (1955): 224-49; Lan ting lun bian 蘭亭論辯 (Beijing: Wenwu chuban she, 1973); Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜, “You xiu xi shi lun Lan ting shi Lan ting xu ‘da’ yu ‘weida’ de yiyi” 由修禊事論蘭亭詩蘭亭序達與 未達的意義, Hanxue yanjiu 12 (1994): 251-73.

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of twenty-eight congratulatory poems celebrating the ascension to the throne by Emperor Ming 明帝 of the Qi dynasty, Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452-498; r. 494-498). Although the occasion was the “Third Day,” in Xie Tiao’s poetic language, the festival itself had to yield to some ceremonial, if not forced, political statements.107 In the third month of the year 505, four years after his ascension to the Liang throne, Xiao Yan held a lustration gathering at the same location as Xiao Luan’s celebration of 495, the Hall of Floriate Splendor (Huaguang Dian 華光殿).108 This hall, located in the north of Jiankang within the palace walls, took its name from a hall in the imperial palace of the Han dynasty. Shen Yue, Cao Jingzong 曹景宗 (457-508), and Zhang Shuai were among the literary eminences present, and several men gained heightened fame for their poetic performance on this occasion. Zhang Shuai took the opportunity to display his literary talent by writing a fu on several dancing horses that had been presented as gifts to the court.109 This occasion created also an opportunity for Dao Hang, one of the three prominent Dao brothers, to enhance his renown. The Liang shu account recounts that while all of the guests were asked to versify, Dao Hang was given a special challenge—writing a two hundred character poem within the time it took to burn down only two notches of a candle.110 Dao Hang’s successful completion of the task won him the emperor’s recognition. Liu Xiaochuo also participated in the celebration, from which a poem he composed is extant. On the Third Day: Attending the Curving Water Festival Banquet at Floriate Splendor Hall111



三日侍華光殿曲水宴



薰袚三陽暮



濯褉元巳初



皇心睠樂飲

Fumigating with basil, we dispel evil spirits at the end of spring; We perform purgation on the first si-day of the third month. The imperial mind yearns for a pleasant banquet;

107 Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, 2:157. 108 Nan shi 31.816; Liang shu 33.475, 49.686; 109 Liang shu 33.475. 110 Liang shu 49.686. 111 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1826; Yiwen leiju 4.68; Chuxue ji 4.11b; Gujin suishi zayong 古今歲時雜詠 16.8b; Wenyuan yinghua 172.10b; Gushi ji 97.3b.

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帳殿臨春渠 豫遊高夏諺



凱樂盛周居



復以焚林日

8

丰葺花樹舒

羽觴環階轉 清瀾傍席疏 妍歌已嘹亮 12 妙舞復紆餘 九成變絲竹



百戲起龍魚

143

We put up a tent by the spring waterway. This joyous occasion is superior to a Xia dynasty proverb;112 Its harmony and joy surpass that of the Zhou royal house. What’s more, this was the day on which a forest was burned;113 Now lush and luxuriant, flowering trees extend their branches. Feather-shaped winecups circle along the steps; Clear waves flow alongside seating mats. Wonderful songs are clear and resonant; Beautiful dances are gentle and graceful. For nine movements, strings and bamboo change the tune; The hundred entertainments include a fish-dragon procession.114

As recorded in Liu Xiaochuo’s poem, the royal celebration of the spring lustration festival incorporated every traditional element: driving away pernicious diseases with smoke from burning fragrant plants, exorcising evil spirits, drinking, feasting, and the writing of poems. The poet makes sure to mention the emperor’s generous patronage of men of letters, using an allusion from the Zuo zhuan in line 7. Entertainers skilled in singing, dancing, and acrobatics are brought to enhance the festivity. The last couplet mentions a fish-dragon procession of the kind first described in 112 The Xia dynasty saying is recorded in the Mencius: “If our King does not travel, how can we have rest? If our King does not go on tour, how can we have help? Every time he travels, he sets an example for the feudal lords” 夏諺曰: 吾王不遊, 吾何以休。吾王不 豫, 吾何以助。一遊一豫, 為諸侯度. D.C.Lau, Mencius (London: Penguin, 1970), p. 64. Mengzi zhushu 2A.33. 113 The phrase fenlin 焚林 alludes to a story recorded in the Zuozhuan (Duke Xi 24). Jie Zitui 介子推 followed Duke Wen of Jin into exile and cut flesh from his own thigh to feed Duke Wen. Later when Duke Wen of Jin returned from exile and recovered his throne, he gave out rewards to all those who had accompanied him in exile. Only Jie Zitui refused to accept any emoluments from the duke. Instead, he went to hide on a mountain. Duke Wen burned the forest on the mountain in order to force Jie Zitui out. Still Jie Zitui refused. Clinging to a tree, he was burned to death. The phrase fenlin later came to be used to refer to a ruler searching for worthy ministers. See Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhengyi, p. 255. 114 Longyu 龍魚 is probably the inverted, for rhyming, form of yulong 魚龍, a procession recorded as early as in Zhang Heng’s “Xi jing fu.” For a detailed explanation, see Knechtges, Wen xuan, 1: 232, L. 716n.

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Zhang Heng’s “Xijing fu,” depicting festivities in the Han dynasty capital at Chang’an.115 Such celebrations were held at the local courts as well. Another of Liu Xiaochuo’s poems tells of a celebration of the Curving Water Banquet at the court of Xiao Xiu, the Prince of Ancheng 安成 and seventh younger brother of Xiao Yan.116 In 507, Xiao Xiu was appointed Governor of Jiangzhou (modern Jiujiang, Jiangxi). The next year he was transferred to be the governor of Jingzhou (modern Jiangling, Hubei), overseeing the affairs of the nine western provinces of Jing 荊, Xiang 襄, Yong 雍, Yi 益, Ning 寧, North and South Liang 南北梁, and North and South Qin 南北秦. Liu Xiaochuo was among the group of eminent scholars who gathered at Xiao Xiu’s court, which also included such figures as Wang Sengru, Lu Chui, and Pei Ziye. Liu Xiaochuo’s initial appointment at Xiao Xiu’s court was as Recorder (jishi 記室). The geographic features described in the following poem all point to the location of Jiangzhou; we can thus infer that the composition date of the poem is 507, before Xiao Xiu was transferred to Jingzhou in 508.117 On the Third Day, Attending the Prince of Ancheng’s Curving Water Banquet 三日侍安成王曲水宴118

4

匯澤良孔殷 分區屏中縣 躡跨兼流采 襟喉邇封甸

The gathered waters here are abundant;119 This divided area shields off the middle land. Straddling rivers, gleaming and glinting, Like lapel is to throat, this area protects the capital closely.

115 Zhang Heng’s “Xijing fu” may be the first to document Chinese acrobatics or baixi (miscellaneous games). See Knechtges, Wen xuan, 2: 227-5. 116 For Xiao Xiu’s biography, see Liang shu 22.342-5. 117 Xiao Xiu’s transfer was probably a result of the rebellion that took place in the Northern Wei in 508. See Liang shu 12.224. 118 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1826; Yiwen leiju 4.68; Chuxue ji 4.11b-12a; Gujin suishi zayong 16.8a; Gushi ji 97.3b-4a. 119 In the “Yu gong” 禹貢 chapter of the Book of Documents, huize 匯澤 refers to the area around Lake Pengli in Jiangzhou, where Xiao Xiu was stationed in 507. Hui 匯 is glossed as hui 回, which means “a place where waters gather.” See Shangshu zhushu 6.89. The origin of the phrase kongyin 孔殷 is also found in the “Yu gong”: The Yangtze and Han rivers pay their tribute to the ocean, and nine rivers are abundant” 江漢朝宗于海, 九江 孔殷. The pseudo-Kong Anguo commentary explains: “The Yangtze, when flowing through this area, divides itself into nine channels. This area attains centrality in the topography” 孔殷, 江於此州界分為九道, 甚得地勢之中. See Shangshu zhushu 6.83. Yin here simply means “multiple” or “numerous.”

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吾王奄酆畢 析珪承羽傳 不資魯俗移 何待齊風變 東山富遊士 北土無遺彥

一言白璧輕 12 片善黃金賤 餘辰屬上巳 清袚追前諺 持此陽瀨遊

16 復展城隅宴

芳洲亙千里 遠近風光扇 方歡厚德重

20 誰言薄遊倦

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Our prince guards the areas of Feng and Bi;120 With a jade tablet, you hold the emperor’s dispatch. If one does not transform the customs of Lu, How could one expect to change practices in Qi? The Eastern Mountain has many roaming scholars;121 The northern land leaves no outstanding men behind. One utterance makes white jade lose its value;122 A slight merit devalues the gold. For now, we celebrate the prime si day; Cleansing and washing, we follow the old saying. Waiting upon this excursion on the north side of the river,123 Again we spread out a banquet at the corner of the city gate. Fragrant islets stretch for a thousand leagues; Near and far, everything is bathed in wind. I am simply grateful for the generous favor of the prince; Who says that a “trivial post” is laborious?

Although the ostensible subject of the above poem is the “Third Day” festival, a large portion of it, the first six couplets, is a eulogy to the prince Xiao Xiu and his assignment to the strategically important Jiangzhou area. In the middle reaches of the Yangtze River that branched into nine tributaries here, Jiangzhou was noted for its abundant resources, fertile 120 Feng 酆 and Bi 畢 were two of the sixteen towns in the surrounding area of the old Zhou capital Chang’an. Their function was similar to that of Jiangzhou, serving as a shield for the capital. The two place names stand for Jiangzhou here. See Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhengyi (Xi 24) 15.255. 121 The Eastern Mountain is in Guiji (modern Zhejiang) where Xie An once lived as an recluse. Only after repeated summons did Xie An agree to serve the court. There are also mountains with the same name in Lin’an 臨安 and Jinling 金陵 where Xie An also traveled. “Dongshan” thus became an allusion that designates a place of reclusion. Jin shu 79.2073, 2076, 2084. Taiping huanyu ji 太平寰宇記, SKQS, 90.13a-b. 122 Yiwen leiju has 壁 for 璧. There is a similarity of these two lines to Bao Zhao’s “Dai fang ge xing” 代放歌行: “With a single word one is granted jade and honor;/ A slight merit allows one to part with weeding and toiling” 一言分珪爵, 片善辭草萊. Wen xuan 28.1328. 123 For yang lai 陽瀨, Chuxue ji has pin yu 頻豫. For chi ci yang lai 持此陽瀨, Gujin suishi zayong has shi ci pin yu 侍此頻豫. I follow Lu Qinli in taking the Gujin suishi zayong to be correct.

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soil, and breathtaking landscape. Like a throat connecting the southeast and the west, this narrow passageway was critical in protecting the Liang heartland further down the Yangtze. That Xiao Yan entrusted this significant region to Xiao Xiu shows the prince’s influence at court. Among the emperor’s younger brothers, Xiao Xiu was the most capable and loyal. Like the emperor, Xiao Xiu promoted education and valued men of letters. For example, when he arrived in Jingzhou in 508, his first act was to establish schools and summon recluses, and he went on to send out an announcement welcoming all men to come and offer their skills in his administration. Even before this, Xiao Xiu had established a good reputation for treating worthy men with courtesy. In 507 when Xiao Xiu was stationed in Jiangzhou, the home area of Tao Qian, he offered Tao Qian’s great-grandson a position in the Western Section of Judicial Affairs (xicao 西曹), saying, “How could the virtue of Tao Qian not reach down to his descendants?”124 Liu Xiaochuo’s poem praises the prince’s effort to transform local customs and employ recluses, which left no worthy men neglected out in the mountains. In couplet 6, two allusions are applied to describe the value of such men whose words are likened to gold and jade discs. Liu Xiaochuo goes on to compare Xiao Xiu’s banquet of 507 to a private feast that Cao Zhi had hosted for his coterie. The phrase our poet uses to allude to the third-century banquet, chengyu yan 城隅宴 (banquet at the city wall), is taken from Cao Zhi’s poem “Zeng Ding Yi” 贈丁異.125 This phrase had subsequently come to stand for the generosity of a patron. By employing this allusion, Liu Xiaochuo purports to praise Xiao Xiu as a gracious host and generous patron whose favor is to be requited with whole-hearted service, rather than complaining that one occupies a “trivial post.” The rhetorical question at the end of the poem reflects Liu Xiaochuo’s positive attitude about his appointment to Jingzhou. Same River, Different View To some, the western provinces such as Jingzhou, Jiangzhou, and Yingzhou were not ideal places to develop one’s political career. For one thing, frequent traveling up and down the Yangtze River could be tiring 124 Liang shu 22.343. 125 Cutter, “Cao Zhi’s Symposium Poems,” 15. For the text, see Wen xuan 24.1126-7.

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and time-consuming. Moreover, being a secretary at local courts was at best an entry-level job. For a young man in his late twenties like Liu Xiaochuo, it required only minimal enthusiasm to overlook the drawbacks. Yet it would certainly not be easy for someone twelve years senior to Liu Xiaochuo to assume an optimistic outlook. He Xun (469-519), a poet who was traditionally named on a par with Liu for literary excellence, differed noticeably from Liu in expressing much “weariness of traveling as a minor officer” (bojuanyou 薄游倦) in his poetry. He Xun crossed paths with Liu Xiaochuo on a number of occasions in both Jingzhou and Jiangzhou.126 What is left of their shared days in the western provinces are a number of exchange poems which shed light on the life of poets at local courts and their versification of the experience. He Xun’s ancestral home was in Donghai 東海 (modern Tancheng 郯 城, Shandong). The Donghai He clan’s renown reached its apogee with He Xun’s great-grandfather He Chengtian 何承天 (370-447), who served as Vice Censor-in-Chief under the Liu Song. A child prodigy, He Xun was recommended as a xiucai (Outstanding Talent) in his home province of Nan Xuzhou 南徐州. After reading his exam essay, Fan Yun was deeply impressed with He Xun. He praised the youngster in the following terms: “Recently, I have observed that among poets those who value substance tend to be over-pedantic; those who attend to surface beauty suffer from vulgarity. Only this young man demonstrates the qualities of balancing ‘purity’ with ‘muddiness,’ and strikes a mean between past and present.”127 Such comments remind us of what Xiao Tong would call a “gentlemanly style.”128 He Xun’s name also became known to Shen Yue, who provided further testimony to He Xun’s unquestionable talent in poetry, telling him, “Every time I read a poem of yours, I always reread it three times a day, and still I cannot stop (reading it over again).”129 He Xun’s poetic reputation brought him to Xiao Yan’s court. But He Xun did not win approval from the emperor, who allegedly remarked punning on his name, “He Xun is not really xun 遜 (modest).”130 He Xun’s initial appointment was at the court of Xiao Wei 蕭偉 (476-533), the emperor’s eighth younger brother, where he bore the titles of Recorder and Acting Adjutant of the Water Bureau (shuicao xing canjun 水曹行 126 For He Xun’s biography, see Liang shu 49.693. 127 Ibid. 128 See Xiao Tong’s “Da Xiangdong wang,” Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 155. 129 Liang shu 49. 693. 130 Nan shi 33.871; Taiping guangji 246.1908.

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參軍). When Xiao Wei was appointed the Governor of Jiangzhou in 510,

He Xun joined that prince’s entourage. According to He Xun’s Liang shu biography, he returned to the capital with Xiao Wei in 513, and then was transferred to Xiao Xiu’s court. The brief Liang shu account states that He Xun’s service at Xiao Xiu’s court started only after his return from Jiangzhou, and he received his first promotion there as Court Gentleman of the Water Bureau (shangshu shuibu lang 尚書水部郎).131 But the exchange poems between He Xun and Liu Xiaochuo indicate the two poets met each other at a much earlier date, because the official history provides the exact years that Liu served at Xiao Xiu’s court, i.e., 507-512. There is not enough information in the Liang shu to allow us to pin down the precise time when Liu Xiaochuo and He Xun shared office in the western provinces, but an approximate time frame of 507-512 is a safe estimation. Cao Daoheng attempted to narrow the time frame of He Xun and Liu Xiaochuo’s encounter to sometime around 511 by analyzing clues found in He Xun’s poems.132 The exact dating of these events is beyond the scope of the current study, but some consideration of the question provides a time frame to work within and facilitates our reading of the following poems. One difficulty is that the two poets had periods of common experience as huanyou 宦游 or “traveling officers,” and they exchanged their different perspectives on their official careers. Below is a representative example, in which the two poets watch the sunset together upon mooring for the night. The location Taizi fu 太子洑, “Crown Prince Brook,” lies somewhere to the north of the Yangtze and south of modern Huangmei county 黃梅縣. It is from here that one would take the ferry to Xiaochi kou 小池口 (Small Pond Inlet) which then leads to the Yangtze.133

At Crown Prince Brook Gazing at the River at Sunset

太子洑落日望水134

by Liu Xiaochuo 131 For Xiao Xiu’s biography, see Liang shu 22.342-5. For Xiao Wei’s biography, see Liang shu 22.346-48. 132 See Cao Daoheng, “He Xun san ti” 何遜三題, in Zhonggu wenxueshi lunwen ji, pp. 412-13. 133 See Li Jifu 李吉甫 (758-814), Yuanhe junxian zhi 元和郡縣圖志, SKQS, 28.18b. Da Qing yitong zhi 大清一統志, SKQS, 263.26a. 134 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1831; Chuxue ji 6.4b-5a; Yiwen leiju 8.158; Wenyuan yinghua 163.8a-b; Gushi ji 97.7b.

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川平落日迥 落照滿川漲 復此淪波地 派別引沮漳 耿耿流長脈 熠熠動微光

寒烏逐查漾 饑鵜拂浪翔 臨泛自多美 況乃還故鄉 榜人夜理楫 12 櫂女闇成妝 欲待春江曙 14 爭塗向洛陽

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The river is peaceful and the setting sun is far away; Gloaming rays swell in the full river. This is again a place of rippling waves; The tributary leads from the Ju and Zhang. Bright and brilliant is the main stream flowing by; Gleaming and glinting are the faint lights stirred here and there. Cold crows chase the bobbing raft; A hungry pelican brushes along the wave, then soars. Facing the flow surely has much joy of its own; How much more so if one is returning home. The boatman is repairing his oars at night; The boatwoman stealthily puts her make-up on. I wish that when the spring river meets the dawn, I will be contending for that route to Luoyang.

As Xiao Xiu’s military consultant, Liu Xiaochuo traveled with him first to Jiangzhou, then to Jingzhou, and now to Yingzhou (Jiangxia or Xiakou). The administrative centers for all three provinces are water towns on the Yangtze. Rivers and lakes are key geographical features of this region, as seen in its name of Jiangzhou, literally meaning “province of the Yangtze River.” Jingzhou’s geographical features are known to us through the famous “Denglou fu” 登樓賦, in which Wang Can describes himself as a traveler forced to leave the capital and take up residence in Jingzhou, a place he could not call home even after living there for fifteen years. Jingzhou’s rich lowland and abundant waterways such as the Ju and Zhang receive a complete description in Wang Can’s fu. Liu Xiaochuo here describes a situation comparable to that in Wang Can’s poem. Just as the beautiful southern scenery could not keep Wang Can’s eyes from wandering north, Liu Xiaochuo’s heart follows a wintry bird whose freedom is not limited by the Yangtze. Seeing husband and wife on a boat attending to their mundane business, a common sight on the Yangtze, Liu Xiaochuo cannot help missing his own home a thousand li down the Yangtze, namely Jiankang, which he refers to by the name of the Eastern Han metropolitan capital of Luoyang. Sitting next to Liu Xiaochuo is his senior He Xun, who could not be more sympathetic with Liu Xiaochuo’s late afternoon melancholy; He Xun has had a longer journey in life, yet has been much less fortunate. Sunset on the Yangtze is by now an all too familiar scene to He Xun, who transforms it into a landscape painting in his poem.

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chapter three On a Spring Evening, I Moored Early and Composed [This Poem] Matching Councilor Liu’s “Gazing the River at Sunset”



春夕早泊和劉諮議落日望水



by He Xun



旅人嗟倦遊 結纜坐春洲 日暮江風靜 中川聞棹謳 草光天際合



霞影水中浮 單艫時向浦

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獨楫乍乘流 孌童泣垂釣 妖姬哭盪舟 客心自有緒 12 對此空復愁

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The traveler laments the toil of travel; I tie the hawser and sit on the spring islet. The sun has set, the river breeze is still; In the middle of the stream, I hear the boatman sing. The luster of grass merges with the sky in the distance; The reflection of rosy clouds floats in the water. From time to time a single ship sails toward the shoreline; A lonely skiff abruptly catches the current. A catamite sheds tears while fishing; A seductive beauty cries in the bobbing boat. This traveler has things that tug at his heart;. Facing this, he simply becomes more distressed.

While Liu Xiaochuo’s poem has seven couplets, He Xun’s poem has only six, a length more common for Yongming style poetry. The beginning and ending couplets provide an emotional frame in which the landscape is described in the middle four couplets. It is through the eyes of a weary and melancholy traveler that we see the river at sunset. Couplet 2 depicts quietude at dusk, with only the whispering wind carrying along the boatman’s singing. Light and shadow, intangibly transformed by water and sky, dance together with rosy clouds and green grass. With such a backdrop painted in couplet 3, as big boats slowly approach the shore, small skiffs appear all of a sudden. In one of them the poet focuses his lens on two young persons absorbed in their own world of sadness, unaware of being observed by others. Even though the source of their sadness must be very different from that of the poet, their melancholy accords well with the sojourner’s distress. He Xun’s poetic craft is particularly evident in couplet 3, where his presentation of colors and light, reflected and refracted in the water, captures the essence of sunset on the Yangtze. As we can see, He Xun’s matching poem speaks to Liu’s original in terms of imagery, but his words conjure up a young couple who are more glamorous. The harmony that Liu Xiaochuo sees in the boat couple is replaced with a sense of uneasiness. The slightly derogative terms luan-

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tong 孌童, a catamite, and yaoji 妖姬, a seductive beauty, given the context, should have specific references. Luantong probably refers to Lord Longyang 龍陽, a catamite of the King of Wei 魏 of the Warring States Period. A famous story tells of Lord Longyang who started to weep when the king caught a dozen fish on an outing. When asked why, Long Yang answered that he was afraid that he would be as insignificant and disposable as the fish that the king had caught, who could give his favor to any other beautiful man and would then discard him. Moved by Lord Longyang’s words, the king ordered that no other men of good looks were to be brought into his presence.135 Yaoji refers to a concubine of Duke Huan of Qi 齊桓公, who was the sister of the Marquis of Cai 蔡侯. Once she rocked the boat in the middle of a ride and refused to stop even after Duke Huan’s warning to desist. As a punishment, Duke Huan sent her back to the state of Cai without divorcing her properly, after which her brother the Marquis of Cai had her remarried to a new husband. The news brought Duke Huan’s army to Cai. The Marquis of Cai was captured and not released until after the various noble lords had intervened and apologized on his behalf.136 Both are stories of court favorites who, through manipulation, exerted improper influence upon their rulers. The poet might be making a political implication here, but even without this inference on our part, the negative perspective fits the downcast overall tone of He’s poem. Liu Xiaochuo, on the other hand, does seem to be hopeful and optimistic. At the end of Liu’s poem, the poet looks forward to a journey going back to the capital, while He Xun ends his poem with the phrase fuchou 復 愁, “more distressed.” The contrasting tone found in the above two poems represents the respective styles of their authors. He Xun’s literary collection is filled with poems of a similarly dejected mood, whereas Liu Xiaochuo does not seem easily distressed even while his life and career were not devoid of trouble. It must be admitted, however, that even with his career setbacks Liu Xiaochuo claimed a much more secure place at the Liang court than He Xun. After all, Xiao Yan, the emperor, had called Liu Xiaochuo “the Number One Person” (diyi ren 第一人), and dubbed He Xun “Not Modest” (bu xun 不遜). Liu Xiaochuo did not hesitate to use his license to do things as he wished. In this regard, we are fortunate to have a poem by He Xun that 135 Zhanguo ce (Shanghai: Shanghai guji, 1987), 25.917. 136 Shi ji 35.1566.

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allows a peek into the private aspect of Liu Xiaochuo’s life in the western provinces. Mocking Councilor Liu 嘲劉諮議137

房櫳滅夜火



窗戶映朝光 妖女褰帷去

4

躞蹀初下床 雀釵橫曉鬢



蛾眉艷宿妝



稍聞玉釧遠

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猶憐翠被香 寧和早朝客



差池已鴈行

Seen through the lattice, the night lamp is being put out; Reflected on the pane is the morning light. The seductive woman, lifting the curtain, is getting up; With mincing steps, she now gets out of her bed. A sparrow hairpin dangles across her sleep-matted hair; Her moth eyebrows are still fresh from last night’s makeup. Slowly the sound of her jade bracelet fades into distance; He still clings to the scent of the halcyon quilt. How could he know that those who come to the court early, Have all lined up neatly according to their ranks?

In this little poem, He Xun teases his colleague. Unlike everybody else who must attend court early, Liu Xiaochuo lingers at home with his consort and gets away with it. Liu’s freedom to do so rests with his strong family background and the personal favor he enjoys with Xiao Yan, who unquestioningly protects him. For He Xun and others at the local court, this level of favoritism was unthinkable and could not but arouse a sense of unfairness. Despite his poetic talent, He Xun only served at local courts. Such a career entailed multiple transfers and much travel—frequent rotations of the staff at the local courts were a measure to prevent potential coups against the imperial center, with Xie Tiao’s sudden transfer being a case in point. After some years’ service at the court of Xiao Zilong, the Prince of Sui, Xie Tiao was suspected of exerting bad influence on the prince and in consequence recalled to the capital. Upon arriving at the capital, Xie wrote a poem to his old colleagues in Jingzhou, complaining of the treacherous political environment: 137 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1692.

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Temporarily Called Back, Departing from Xinlin, Arriving at the Capital—[A Poem] Presented to my Colleagues at the Western Province 暫使下都夜發新林至京邑贈西府同僚

常恐鷹隼擊 時菊委嚴霜 寄言罻羅者 寥廓已高翔

Long I feared attacks by eagles and hawks; At times, chrysanthemums wither from severe frost. I send word to those who put up nets waiting for me; I now soar high in the vast sky.138

Xie Tiao was transferring out of Jingzhou when he wrote this poem, whereas He Xun once underwent a transfer to Jingzhou. Nonetheless, the nature of the two transfers is the same, and He Xun must have felt the same despair about his life and career. He, for his part, wrote a poem to his colleagues at the Jiangzhou court where he had served before the transfer. Entering the Western Fortress—[A Poem] to Show to My Colleagues at the Southern Court” 入西塞示南府同僚139

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霜清曉風冷 天曙江晃爽 薄雲巖際出 初月波中上 黯黯連嶂陰 騷騷急沫響 迴楂急礙浪

群飛爭戲廣 伊余本羈客 重暌復心賞 望鄉雖一路 12 懷歸成二想 在昔愛名山 自知懽獨往 情遊乃落魄 16 得性隨怡養 年事已蹉跎 生平任浩蕩

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The dew is pure, the dawn breeze chilly; The sky glows pale, the River is bright and glossy. Thin clouds emerge from the cliff edge; The crescent moon rises amidst the waves. Gloomy and dark, continuous peaks cast shadows; Sighing and hissing, rapid froth exudes sounds. A whirling wood-raft presses against the obstructive waves; A flock of birds vies for frisking space. I am only a tethered traveler; Having long parted, now we have this moment of joy. Though our longing for home follows the same path, Our yearning for return is of two kinds. In the past, I was attached to famous mountains; Only I myself know, and happily went on my own. My journeys in the past have made me downcast; To fulfill my nature, I will follow proper cultivation. The years have slipped by; My life has been uncertain as if I am tossed about.

138 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1426. 139 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1684.

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方還讓夷路 20 誰知羡魚網



Now I will yield on the level road; Who knows that I long for a fishing net?

This poem starts with a description of an early morning scene on the Yangtze, the new geographical center for emigrant northerners. Dewdrops and a breeze from the river make for a crisp and chilly dawn. The sun is not out yet, and the sky is still dark and gloomy. The deep-colored peaks are menacing and unsettling. The foam and froth formed by the rapid current produces a hissing sound. A small raft stalls in the torrents, while flying birds compete freely in the expansive sky. The image of the raft is a symbol of the poet whose official career is blocked, while free-flying birds represent his colleagues at the court. The contrast between himself and his colleagues is carried further in their respective longings for a return journey. Although both would travel down the Yangtze, the destination for his colleagues is without doubt the capital Jiankang, while for He Xun it is Jiangzhou, where the famous Mount Lu 廬山 gives shelter to recluses. While lamenting his own unfortunate fate as a tethered traveler, the poet is determined to follow his “nature” and “proper cultivation,” both hinting at a reclusive lifestyle. At the end of the poem, He Xun makes a clear statement that he would yield on the road of competition for name and fame; his heart yearns for a fishing net, a common motif of reclusion. It is with such a mindset that He Xun came to the Jingzhou court, where Liu Xiaochuo had already been serving. He Xun’s frustration may have been somewhat alleviated by making the acquaintance of Liu Xiaochuo, someone he could communicate with through poetry. Despite their differing personalities and backgrounds, they would come to be named together as the two best poets in the early Liang, with the twocharacter phrase, “He Liu.”140 Their shared experience and writing about that experience surely contributed to the stringing of their names to­­ gether. The next pair of poems written by He Xun and Liu Xiaochuo that we shall examine is about a boat journey delayed by a windstorm. First, Liu Xiaochuo’s poem:

櫟口守風

Waiting for the Wind to Subside at Likou141



春心已應豫 歸路復當歡

The spring heart is peaceful and joyous; The return journey should also be happy.



140 Liang shu 49.693. 141 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1832; Gushi ji 97.8a-b.

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8

如何此日風 霾曀駭波瀾 倏見搖心慘 俄瞻鄉路難 賴有同舟客 移宴息層巒

華茵藉初卉 芳樽散緒寒 謔浪誰云善 12 江流苦未安



何由入故園 詎即紉新蘭 寄謝浮丘子 16 暫欲假飛鸞





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Who would expect today’s wind? Hazy and cloudy, the waves pile up high. Seeing this suddenly, my shuddering heart is pained; Instantly, homebound anticipation faces a difficult road. Fortunately a companion shares my boat; Moving our banquet, we come to rest by layered peaks. Luscious grass cushions young flowers; Fragrant wine cups dispel remnant coldness. Who said this jesting and revelry are good? It is just that the river and current are not peaceful yet. For what reason do we enter our old garden? Isn’t it time to weave new thoroughwort? I will send a note to Master Fuqiu. Temporarily, I wish to borrow his flying simurgh.

And next, the poem by He Xun: Waiting for Wind to Subside at Likou, Matching Councilor Liu

和劉諮議守風142

For a full week, we suffer chaos and uncertainty; Measuring the sun’s shadow, we wait at the paths between the fields. 晝想汝陽津 By day, our thoughts are of Ruyang Ford; 4 夜夢邯鄲驛 At night, we dream of Handan Post Station. 憤風急驚岸 Gusts of wind suddenly dash onto the bank; 屯雲仍觸石 Massed clouds repeatedly strike the rocks. 蕭條疾帆流 Bleak and desolate, a rapid boat sails along; 8 磈礧衝波白 Heaped rocks break waves into froth. 息榜巳云久 Oars have been laid aside for long; 維梢晨已積 In the morning, tied rudders are many. 蒼蒼極浦潮 Glaucous tides extend to the end of the river bank; 12 杳杳長洲夕 Dim and dark, evening falls on the long sandbar. 本慚佽飛劍 I originally felt embarrassed by Ci Fei’s sword; 寧慕澹臺璧 How could I approximate Dantai’s jade disc? 纖羅若不御 If the goddess in delicate gauze does not arrive,

彌旬苦凌亂 揆景候阡陌

142 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1691; He shuibu ji 20a-b; Gushi ji 93.14a-b.

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chapter three Standing on our tiptoes, we expect her at the middleupper marsh.

The happy occasion of returning home on a spring day becomes a long delay due to shifting weather—a wind storm that lasts for an entire week, ten days in the ancient calendar. Angry winds and dark, low-hanging clouds make the Yangtze roar and render travel impossible. All boats are tied to the shore. Faced with the power of nature, all the two poets can do is to wait. With hopes of going home thwarted, disappointment and distress trouble the poets day and night. In dreams, they see a peaceful ford to be crossed, yet in daytime the sky still has not cleared. Fortunately the two friends have each other and, instead of counting the minutes of their waiting and suffering, they decide to make a drinking party out of it and write poems. Sipping the wine, they brood on the idea of using magic to get across. Liu calls for the help of Fuqiu, a Taoist transcendent who offered Wangzi Qiao a heavenly ride to Mount Song.143 He Xun first admits his inferiority to such ancient heroes as Ci Fei and Dantai. Ci Fei 佽飛 was a man of Chu in the Spring and Autumn period. When his boat became entangled by two flood dragons while traveling on the Yangtze, Ci Fei dived into the river and killed the creatures.144 Dantai Ziyu 澹臺子羽, also known as Dantai Mieming 澹臺滅明, was a disciple of Confucius.145 Once he carried a precious jade disc, intending to cross the Yellow River, and came upon two flood dragons that stalled his boat. Instead of killing them, Dantai tried to still the dragon spirits by throwing his jade disc into the river. Three times the disc was thrown back, and Dantai had to smash the disc before it was finally taken by the river. Alluding to the above stories, He Xun compares the severity of the weather to the havoc wreaked by pernicious dragons. Lacking the courage of ancient heroes, he invokes the assistance of a river goddess. The last line is an implicit reference to Qu Yuan’s poem “Lady of the Xiang,” which begins:

143 Prince Wangzi Qiao was fond of playing panpipes and imitating the sound of the phoenix. Lord Fuqiu brought him up to Mt. Song. See Liexian zhuan 2.12b. 144 See Lüshi chunqiu 20/3.2; Hou Han shu 60A.1965; Knoblock and Riegel, The Annals of Lü Buwei, pp. 518-9. 145 For the story, see Shi ji, “Zhongni dizi liezhuan” 仲尼弟子列傳, Pei Yin’s 裴駰 “Jijie” 集解 quoting Shuijing zhu 67.2205. This story is also found in the received text of Shuijing zhu. See Shuijing zhu shu 5.409. Taiping yulan cites a shorter version of the story from Zhang Hua’s Bowu zhi 博物志, which may have been the source for Shuijing zhu. See Taiping yulan 71.464a, 396.1958b, and 930.4266b.

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君不行兮夷猶 The lady does not proceed; 蹇誰留兮中洲 For whom does she dally in the middle of the islet? 美要眇兮宜修 With lovely glances, you are fit for adornments; 沛吾乘兮桂舟 Swiftly skimming the waters, I ride my cinnamon



令沅湘兮無波 Let the Yuan and Xiang Rivers be without waves; 使江水兮安流 Make the Yangtze peacefully flow.146

wood boat.

The Yangtze finally hears the call of the poet and reveals her charm of serenity for our poets who have been delayed for too long, not only by this unusual weather, but also by their “trivial” official duties. Finally going home on the peaceful river, are our poets now carefree and at ease? Returning from the South, On Our Way, Presented to Councilor Liu upon Parting 南還道中送贈劉諮議別147 He Xun

一官從府役



4

五稔去京華 遽逐春流返 歸帆得望家



天末靜波浪 日際斂煙霞 岸薺生寒葉

村梅落早花 遊魚上急水 獨鳥赴行楂 目想平陵柏 12 心憶青門瓜

8



曲陌背通垣 長墟抵狹斜 善鄰談榖稼

For my entire career, I have been engaged in the princes’ assignments; For five years, I have been away from the capital. Now I will chase spring waters on a return journey; On the returning boat, I will be able to gaze toward home. Out on the horizon, waves are peaceful Mists and rosy clouds gather around the sun. Shepherd’s purse on the riverbank grows frosty leaves; Village plum trees shed early blossoms. Swimming fish ascend the rapid current; A solitary bird rides on a floating wood raft. Closing my eyes, I envision the cypress of Pingling; My mind longs for the melons near the Dark Blue Gate. Winding paths hide behind open city walls; The long market spreads against alleys and lanes. Friendly neighbors chat about plantings and crops;

146 Chuci buzhu 2.85. 147 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1987; He shuibu ji 19b-20a; and Gushi ji 83.10a.

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16 故老述桑麻 寢興從間逸 視聽絕諠譁 夫君日高興 20 為樂坐驕奢





室墮傾城佩



門交接幰車



入塞長雲雨

24 出國暫泥沙

握手分岐路 臨川何怨嗟

Acquaintances talk about mulberry and hemp. All day I drift in ease and leisure; I sever my sight and hearing from clamor and din. You, Sir, daily are elated and exuberant; Making merry, one lapses into overbearing extravagance. In your home, there hang pendants of state-toppling beauties; A steady stream of curtained carriages comes to your gate. Once you enter the pass, you will receive clouds and rain; Upon departing the principality, I meet mud and sand. Our joined hands part at the forking roads; Facing the river, why should we sigh and lament?

Having sailed down the Yangtze, the two friends now come to the end of their shared journey and are faced with different futures ahead of them. In He Xun’s parting poem, two contrasting pictures are painted. The poet’s own projected lifestyle is that of a recluse, portrayed through paired allusions. The reference to the cypress of Pingling refers to a yuefu poem titled “East of Pingling,” supposedly written by followers of a young nobleman who was killed by Wang Mang 王莽 (45 bc–23 ad), who had attempted to overthrow the Han dynasty.148 The unfortunate fate of a young promising official is meant to contrast with the blissful retired life of a marquis in his old age after his dynasty was overthrown. A marquis of the Qin dynasty, Shao Ping returned home and grew melons beneath the city walls after Liu Bang 劉邦 (256-195 bc) overthrew the rule of Qin and founded the Han. Not only did he enjoy this peaceful lifestyle of a farmer, Shao Ping excelled in the art of growing melons, for his were famous for their delicious sweetness.149 In addition to these ancient personalities, He Xun speaks of admiring the lifestyle of the most renowned recluse of his own time—Tao Qian. Couplets 7, 8, and 9 clearly refer to poem # 2 of Tao Qian’s “Gui yuantian ju” 歸園田居.150 148 Lu Qinli, p. 259. 149 See Shi ji 53.2017. 150 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 991.

writing for the crown prince: worthy with words 野外罕人事 窮巷寡輪鞅 白日掩荊扉 4 虛室絕塵想 時復墟曲中 披草共來往 相見無雜言 8 但道桑麻長 桑麻日已長 我土日已廣 常恐霜霰至 12 零落同草莽

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Out in the wilds, human affairs are simple; In this deserted lane, rare are carriages. During the day, thorn gates are kept shut; In the empty room, mundane thoughts are cut off. At times, in the winding lanes of the village, Pushing through grass, we exchange visits. Meeting each other, lacking other things to say; We simply chat of the growth of mulberry and hemp. Day by day, mulberry and hemp trees grow; Day by day, my land broadens. I often fear the advent of frost and hail; Crops would wither and become ruined like grass.

As He Xun prepares for a life of retirement, returning to the capital means a bright future for Liu Xiaochuo. As far as He Xun understands, Liu will have a much better chance at the imperial court, and a promising career is in store for him. He Xun then compares Liu’s successful career to rain and clouds that freely move high up in the heavens, whereas his own fate is compared to mud and sand that lie low on the ground, stagnant and stalled. For him, departure does not mean a new beginning. Liu Xiaochuo wrote the following poem in reply, to console his disheartened friend. Replying to Recorder He

答何記室151

游子倦飄蓬 瞻途杳未窮 晨征凌迸水

4

暮宿犯頹風 出洲分去燕



8

向浦逐歸鴻 蘭芽隱陳葉 荻苖抽故叢 忽憶園間柳

This traveler is weary of drifting like a tumbleweed; Looking into the future, there is no end. Departing in the morning, he encounters bursting water; Lodging at night, he comes upon crushing wind. Sailing out of the sandbars, his boat breaks up a flock of departing swallows; Approaching the bank, it chases returning geese. Sprouts of thoroughwort hide old leaves; Shoots of reeds draw forth from the old bush. Suddenly I fancy willows in the garden;

151 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1835; Wenyuan yinghua 240.9a; Gushi ji 97.11a-b.

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猶傷江際楓 吾生棄武騎 12 高視獨辭雄 既殫孝王產 兼傾卓氏僮 罷籍睢陽囿 16 陪謁建章宮 紛余似鑿枘

Still I am pained by maple trees by the Yangtze.152 People like us give up martial arts and horsemanship; We only give high regard to wondrous diction. A fortune of King Xiao has been exhausted;153 The horde of Master Zhuo’s servants is depleted.154 Dismissed from the registry of Suiyang Garden,155 Now I go to visit the Jianzhang Palace.156 Incongruent and incompatible like a socket and a handle; 方圓殊未工 One round and the other square, they are not right for each other. 黑貂久自敝 The black sable coat has long been worn out; 20 黃金屢已空 My gold also has been repeatedly exhausted.157 去辭追楚穆 Taking leave, I will chase after [King] Mu of Chu;158 還耕耦漢馮 Returning to plowing, I model myself after Feng Yan of the Han.159 巧拙良為異 Skillful or awkward, people are widely different; 24 出處嗟莫同 Employment and withdrawal are not the same. 若厭蘭臺右 If I am tired of assisting at the Magnolia Terrace,160 見訪灞陵東 Come and visit me east of Baling.

In this poem, Liu Xiaochuo reveals his own perspective on a seeming success. First of all, the poet expresses his understanding of the hardship of frequent traveling, like the windstorm they have just experienced. The first part of the scenic description matches that of He Xun’s poem, yet the 152 For the image “maple by the Yangtze,” see my “Sound of the Maple on the Yangzi River: A Topos of Melancholia in Early to Medieval Chinese Poetic Writing,” TS 26 (2008): 13-38. 153 King Xiao is Liu Wu, a prince of the former Han. 154 Mr. Zhuo is Zhuo Wangsun, Sima Xiangru’s father-in-law. 155 Suiyang is where Liu Wu, the favorite son of King Wen, had his court. He built a luxury palace and hosted guests there. Its grand scale matched that of the imperial court. Han shu 47.2208. 156 Jianzhang Palace was a Han palace built by Emperor Wu outside Chang’an. See Han shu 6.199. In Jiankang, there was a construction named after this Han palace. See Song shu 7.166. 157 This is a reference to the Zhanguo ce account of Su Qin, who depleted his resources without succeeding in his mission. See Zhanguo ce 3.85. 158 There must be a relevant allusion concerning King Mu of Chu, but I have not been able to locate it. 159 “Feng 馮 of the Han 漢” refers to Feng Yan 馮衍, who refused to serve Wang Mang and retired to his estate near Chang’an in his old age. Hou Han shu 28A. 962-78. 160 The Orchid Terrace was the Han dynasty imperial library.

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tone is different. In He’s poem, the animated action of a school of competing fish contrasted to a solitary bird is an analogy counterposing ambitious men seeking success with the poet himself—a lonely person left behind by the group. Liu’s poem also employs bird imagery, only in a different way. Here departing swallows and returning geese appear in orderly formations. As we have discussed above, the image of the flock of geese in formation is common analogy for the official hierarchy, and the gradual change in that formation signifies the slow but systematic change in the bureaucratic system. In He Xun’s poem, flowers fall prematurely and the glaucous leaves of shepherd’s purse bring to the poet’s mind wilting caused by autumn frost. To this, Liu responds by describing more benign changes in nature. Young sprouts and tender leaves make the poet fancy the liveliness brought by spring. Willows of a spring garden are matched by maple trees on the bank of the Yangtze, a poetic image first used in the “finale” of Song Yu’s “Zhaohun” 招魂, in which according to traditional commentary maples on the river stand for either menacing nature untamed and unfit for a civilized prince or, on the contrary, an emblem of nourishment from the Yangtze River.161 I believe it is in the tradition of the latter that Liu Xiaochuo is applying his image of maple trees. Unlike He Xun, Liu Xiaochuo never wastes a moment dwelling on frustration, an attitude of which the tone of heroism in the next couplet is further evidence. Though no dashing warriors, men of letters like himself excel and conquer with “gold and jade” words, a theme we have already seen in the lustration festival poem Liu composed for Xiao Xiu. Su Qin 蘇秦 (d. 317 bc) is an archetype of Warring States retainers who use eloquence and wit to win battles. Though finally triumphant, Su Qin’s path to success was by no means smooth. In couplets 7, 8, and 9 the poet narrates his own career setbacks and, in particular the transfers he experienced due to personality conflicts and personnel problems. Despite what may appear to others to be a successful career, Liu says that he has depleted his family fortune and suffered demotion. The allusions in couplet 7 invoke stories of a king of the Han and the father-in-law of Sima Xiangru. Liu Wu 劉武 (?-144 bce), King Xiao 孝王 of Liang 梁, was the favored son of Emperor Wen of Han. His mother, the powerful Empress Dou 竇皇后, lavished affection and goods on him. Liu Wu accumulated so much wealth that the scale of his pleasure park matched that 161 See Chuci buzhu 9.215.

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of the emperor. It is said that when he was alive, no one could put an exact number on his wealth. Even after he died, there were four hundred thousand catties of gold in his household, and he held other properties of matching worth.162 The wealth of Sir Zhuo 卓王孫 of Linqiong 臨邛, Sima Xiangru’s father-in-law, was calculated by the eight hundred servants he owned. By referring to these two men, Liu Xiaochuo points out to his colleague that, as a man with a background as prominent as that of Liu Wu and Sir Zhuo, his failure can only be measured by how much he has lost. He attributes the cause of his less than perfect life to an incompatibility of himself and the world around him. This, again, is a common element in the rhetoric of reclusion. He will then share the aspiration of retiring to a more peaceful and gratifying life. What makes Liu Xiaochuo’s escapism less despairing than that of He Xun is that the former looks at retirement as freedom obtained by his own choice, rather than as a fate thrust on him. His confidence is clearly expressed in the final couplet, which seems to express a sentiment to the effect of “if I get tired of the city life, find me in the suburbs.” It was with the above parting poems that He Xun and Liu Xiaochuo went their separate ways. As he himself expected, He Xun was not to develop much of a career. He would soon resign in order to observe the three-year mourning period for his mother. When he finished the mourning, he joined the court of Xiao Xu 蕭續 (504-547) in 517, once again traveling to Jiangzhou, still in the capacity of a secretary. The poems composed during his last two years of life continued to reflect the same tone of frustration and despair. The Tone of “Gentleness and Ease” While the two poets’ separation in the early 510s marked the end of He Xun’s career, it was only the beginning for Liu Xiaochuo, who upon returning to the capital joined the Crown Prince’s court. For Liu Xiaochuo, the friendship with He Xun was only a short and insignificant episode in his life and career. Nonetheless, their names would always be mentioned together. We read in He Xun’s biography: “He Xun and Liu Xiaochuo, in literary composition, were both held in high regard by their contemporaries who named them collectively ‘He and Liu.’”163 162 See Shi ji 58.2087. 163 Liang shu 49.693.

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Half a century later, Yan Zhitui 顏之推 (531-591), in his Family Instructions for the Yan Clan (Yanshi jiaxun 顏氏家訓), devoted a paragraph to the two poets. He Xun’s poetry indeed is refreshing and well-crafted, and it is filled with phrases of verisimilitude. [Yet] critics at the southern capital [Jiankang] disliked how he frequently [expressed] worries about suffering and hardship and complained too much about poverty and low status, unlike Liu Xiaochuo whose [poetry] had a sense of gentleness and ease. Nevertheless, Liu was extremely jealous of He Xun. Often he would cite a line from one of He Xun’s poems and mock him: “When He Xun wrote the line ‘Qu Boyu’s chariot made a racket at the north gate,’ he turned Qu into one who knows no propriety.” In compiling the Shiyuan, Liu Xiaochuo only selected two of He’s poems. People faulted Liu for not being broad-minded. Liu Xiaochuo claimed an admirable reputation then and did not defer to anyone. He was convinced only of Xie Tiao’s eminence. He placed Xie Tiao’s poems on his desk so as to ruminate over them from time to time.164 何遜詩實為清巧, 多形似之言; 揚都論者, 恨其每病苦辛, 饒貧寒氣, 不及劉 孝綽之雍容也。雖然, 劉甚忌之, 平生誦何詩, 常云: 蘧車響北闕, 㦎㦎不道 車。又撰詩苑, 止取何兩篇, 時人譏其不廣。劉孝綽當時既有重名, 無所與 讓; 唯服謝朓, 常以謝詩置几案間, 動靜輒諷味。 165

This passage provides us with an invaluable perspective of a near contemporary of He Xun and Liu Xiaochuo. First of all, it corroborates the evaluations by Shen Yue and Fan Yun of He Xun’s poetry, and confirms the elevated status of He Xun as a poet during the Liang. The phrase qingqiao 清巧 or “refreshing and crafty” was first used by Zhong Rong to characterize Bao Linghui’s 鮑令暉 poetic style when he said: “Linghui’s ballads and poems are often distinguished and unrivaled, refreshing and well crafted” (zhanjue qingqiao 嶄絕清巧). “Verisimilitude” (xingsi 形似) is a quality for which poets like Zhang Xie and Xie Lingyun are commonly praised. Liu Xie in his Wenxin diaolong pointed out that xingsi had been a valued poetic quality since the Liu-Song period.166 This quality nonetheless did not seem to earn He Xun the acclaim of critics at the capital, a group which of course comprised the coterie at Xiao Tong’s court headed by Liu Xiaochuo. What they disliked about He Xun was his lack of yongrong, “gentleness and ease,” qualities that Liu Xiaochuo was said to possess. 164 Cf. Teng Ssu-yü trans., Family Instructions for the Yen Clan (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968). 165 Yanshi jiaxun jijie, p. 276. 166 See Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong yizheng 10.1747. Cf. Pauline Yu, The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 161.

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What exactly does yongrong mean in describing poetic quality? Lü Xiang’s 呂向 (fl. 718) gloss to Ban Gu’s 班固 “Liangdu fu” 兩都賦 says: “Yong is he (‘gentle’ and ‘harmonious’), and rong is huan (‘slow’ and ‘easy’)” 雍和容緩.167 By examining poems by Liu Xiaochuo and He Xun, we have also gained some insight into what Yan Zhitui meant by contrasting the two poets as pinhan 貧寒 vs. yongrong. While He Xun often bemoans his life, Liu Xiaochuo never fails to look on the bright side, which surfaces in lines such as “I am simply grateful for the deep grace of my king;/ Who would mention the labor of a ‘trivial post?’” The optimism expressed in his line of “borrowing a flying chariot from Master Fuqiu” is in sharp contrast with the hesitation He Xun expresses in his reply poem. At their parting, He Xun writes to vent his frustration over an unsuccessful life and expresses some bitterness about the fact that his colleague Liu Xiaochuo has a more enviable future. In his reply poem, Liu Xiaochuo displays a sense of high-mindedness when he says: “People like us give up martial arts and horsemanship;/ We only give high regard to eminent writings.” Though he may not be a knight-errant, a valiant spirit shines through Liu’s writing. Even the couplet about his depleted wealth gives off a sense of pride rather than regret. This tone was to find its echo two hundred years later in a line attributed to Li Bo: “A thousand catties of gold, once dispersed, surely will return to me again” 千金散盡還復來.168 Second, although Liu Xiaochuo only selected two of He Xun’s poems for inclusion in the Shiyuan yinghua, is jealousy truly the most likely explanation? Yan Zhitui bases his statement merely on the anecdote he reports in the passage above, that of Liu Xiaochuo mocking He Xun for not using an allusion properly. The source of the allusion is the Lienü zhuan 列女傳, and the story goes as follows.169 Qu Boyu 蘧伯玉 was a minister of Wei 衛, known and praised by the Duchess of Wei 衛靈夫人 for observing the etiquette of dismounting at the gate even during the night. When his chariot passes the gate, it makes no sound. He Xun’s line, however, depicts the chariot as making a sound while passing the gate, thus showing He’s faulty understanding of the story. In this way Liu Xiaochuo may indeed have mocked He Xun’s ignorance, but that is not enough to prove Liu’s jealousy. After all, we have seen above how He Xun wrote a poem poking fun at Liu’s weakness for women. Nevertheless, the accusation against Liu Xiaochuo does reflect the public opinion that 167 Liuchen zhu Wen xuan 六臣注文選, SKQS, 1.3b. 168 See “Jiang jin jiu” 將進酒, Quan Tang shi 17.170. 169 See Liu Xiang, Lienü zhuan, SKQS, 3.6b.

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between the two, He Xun was undeservingly less successful. Liu Xiaochuo is simply an easy scapegoat for He’s failure to ingratiate himself with the critics at Jiankang. To fully explain the course of events is a more complicated endeavor and would require a separate study. What we are able to determine here is Liu Xiaochuo’s writing style, and why it did meet favor among his contemporaries. As the crown prince’s poet laureate, Liu’s style was consistent with Xiao Tong’s chief desideratum, i.e., a moderate self-expression without going to excess. This tendency was not a continuation of the so-called xinbian 新變 or “New Change” trend advocated by the Yongming poets, which had three characteristics: tonal euphony, fresh and vivid imagery through clever usage of words, and curtailed length (two-couplet quatrains, three-couplet, four-couplet, and at most five-couplet short poems). Xiao Tong and his court poets did not take these as their standards, mainly because they were looking much farther beyond the Yongming era in their quest for a proper style. They were examining literary compositions available to them from at least the past eight hundred years, starting from the end of the Warring States. If anything, the Yongming era was at the bottom of their priority list. The conclusion drawn from Xiao Tong’s conversation with the ancients was that good literature should show a balance between “ornateness” (wen 文) and “substance” (zhi 質). Liu Xiaochuo was there to share and adhere to Xiao Tong’s criteria, and his theory is seen in the preface he wrote to Xiao Tong’s collection: I humbly believe that the form of writing can rarely be complete. Zhangqing [Sima Xiangru] excelled for nothing, as he was faulted for being slow. Though Shaoru [Mei Gao] wrote quickly, all he did was jest and joke. Ziyuan [Wang Bao] wrote excessively, resembling the “defect in women’s weaving;”170 Ziyun [Yang Xiong] wrote ornately, diverging from the principle of a shi writer.171 For Kongzhang’s fu, Cao Cao advised him to study contemporary diction.172 From Bojie’s giving away of books, Zhi Yu knew that he was an antiquarian.173 Ban Gu’s eulogy was criticized for resembling an encomium. Lu Ji’s stele inscription was disparaged for being like a fu. One who is experienced in writing is comprehensively good. If one could be classically faithful, but not crude; far-reaching, but not unrestrained; ornate, but not 170 The line alludes to Yang Xiong’s Fayan in which we read: “the gaudiness of misty gauze is like a bore in women’s weaving.” Fayan, SKQS, 2.2a. 171 This is again an allusion to Yang Xiong’s Fayan: “A fu written by a shi writer is ornate and observes principle. A fu written by a ci writer is ornate, yet goes to excess.” Ibid. 172 Kongzhang is Chen Lin’s style name. 173 Bojie is Cai Yong’s style name.

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chapter three excessively so; restrained, but not devoid, singularly, he would claim the spectrum of beauty. This is where belles-lettres lies. 竊以屬文之體鮮能周備。長卿徒善, 既累為遲; 少孺雖疾, 俳優而已。子淵 淫靡, 若女工之蠹; 子雲侈靡, 異詩人之則。孔璋詞賦, 曹祖勸其修今; 伯喈 笑贈, 摯虞知其頗古。孟堅之頌, 尚有似贊之譏; 士衡之碑, 猶聞類賦之貶。 深乎文者, 兼而善之: 能使典而不野, 遠而不放; 麗而不淫, 約而不儉, 獨擅眾 美, 斯文在斯!174

This discussion shows an idealistic view of the requisite elements of good writing: swiftness, moralization, restraint, contemporariness, classicism, and above all, writing in accordance with proper genre features. These concerns are not at the same level with those of the Yongming poets. They are broad and ambitiously comprehensive, while the Yongming criteria are detailed and concrete. A Long Exchange of Commiseration Our above examination of Liu Xiaochuo’s extant poems has demonstrated his distance from the Yongming standards. One obvious feature we can see is that Liu tends to write long poems. Of all the pentasyllabic verse by the Eight Companions of Yongming, twenty-eight percent are octaves, twenty-seven percent are quatrains, and nineteen percent are ten-line verses. That is to say, seventy-four percent of the poems by the Eight Companions are of less than ten lines, while only one out of every four poems written by the Yongming poets is more than ten lines long.175 Of Liu Xiaochuo’s sixty-nine extant poems, sixty-seven are pentasyllabic verse, of which twenty-three—one-third—are longer than ten lines. It is important to note that most of Liu’s short poems were probably written when he served at Xiao Gang’s court during the last decade of his life; it is safe to say, on the other hand, that his compositions at Xiao Tong’s court were dominantly in the ancient style. One remarkable poem by Liu Xiaochuo, a reply poem to Lu Chui, has one hundred and twenty-two lines. What triggered this exchange of poems between Lu Chui and Liu Xiaochuo was an impeachment brought against the latter.176 The person

174 Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi jijiaozhu, p. 245; Quan Liang wen 60.3112b. 175 See Liu Yuejin, Menfa shizu yu yongming wenxue 門閥世族與永明文學 (Beijing: Sanlian, 1996). 176 Fu Gang associates this impeachment with Dao Qia; see Xiao Tong pingzhuan, p. 234. I place Dao Qia’s impeachment happened at an earlier point.

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who instigated the impeachment was Liu Xiaochuo’s cousin, Liu Lan.177 The cause of the matter was an alleged act of bribery, of which the Liang shu and Nan shi give slightly different accounts. The former says that Liu Xiaochuo frequently accepted bribes in his capacity as Gentleman of the Personnel Section, while the Nan shi states the specific bribe, a bolt of silk.178 The year in which this incident took place was 525, three years into the Wen xuan compilation project. Besides Liu Xiaochuo, the circle at Xiao Tong’s court during this time included Dao Qia, Dao Gai, Lu Chui, Liu Ru, and Yin Yun. Lu Chui was the most senior and influential in this group. Before this, Lu Chui had hosted exclusive parties at his residence known as the Dragon Gate, and the small circle of friends invited to his residence comprised Yin Yun, Dao Gai, Liu Bao, Liu Ru, Liu Xian, Liu Xiaochuo, and no others. This enviable circle was known as the “Dragon Gate Associates.” Even aristocratic youngsters from good families were denied participation.179 The impeachment against Liu Xiaochuo in 525 was only the beginning of the dispersal of the group, whose members, all of whom served on Xiao Tong’s staff, were to pass away one after another in the years to come. Lu Chui’s poem, in eighty-four lines, comments on the impeachment, which seems to have affected others besides Liu Xiaochuo himself.180 A Poem Written as a Letter: Presenting to My Colleague after Parting 以詩代書別後寄贈京邑僚友181

余本水鄉士 閉門江海隅 時逢世道泰

4

蹇足步高衢 名成宦雖立



效功日漸疏

I am only a scholar from the land of rivers and lakes;182 Doors shut, I dwell in a corner of the world. I am happy to encounter a time when the world is at peace; Limping, I walk on the thoroughfare. Although my name is known and my official record is established, My days of attaining merit become less and less.

177 See Liang shu 41.592. 178 Liang shu 41.592, Nan shi 39.1012. 179 Nan shi 48.1193. 180 Fu Gang’s brief discussion of this poem ties it to the year 515, ten years earlier, which I believe is a mistake. See Xiao Tong pingzhuan, pp. 166-67. 181 For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 1775; Wenyuan yinghua 247.7b-9a; Gushi ji 100.7a-8a; Yiwen leiju 21. 182 This refers to Wu Jun, modern day Suzhou. Note the resemblance of this line to one in Lu Ji’s “Da Zhang shiran shi” 答張士然詩. Lu Qinli, p. 681.

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入仕乘肥馬 出守擁高車 關門遊昔吏



遷亭有故書



江派資賢牧



8

12 宗英出建旟 不勞王布鼓 無賴露田車 弼政非責實



16 求名已課虛 長卿病猶在 修齡疾未祛 詎知亭長肉 20 寧挂府丞魚 不能未能止 內訟慚諸已 僶俛從王事 24 纚舟出淮泗 朋故遠追尋 暝宿清江陰 明旦一分手 28 翻飛各異林

Going to my office, I ride a sleek horse; Sent out on a post, I am surrounded by tall chariots. At the gate of Hangu pass, officers of the past journey here; At the Transfer Station, there are writings from the past. The Nine Tributaries area produces worthy governors; Outstanding men emerge from the military review.183 There is no use for Wang Zun’s cloth drum;184 Or need for a hoodless cart. Assisting governance is not getting to the bottom facts; In order to seek fame, one has even resorted to falsehood. Zhangqing’s illness is still with him;185 Xiuling’s sickness has not yet healed.186 Doesn’t one know about “meat for managing clerk?”187 Why hang up “fish sent to the governor’s house?”188 One could not stop it, and it still has not ended; This internal case brings shame to various friends. Day in and day out, I attend to the king’s affairs; Tying a boat, I am about to leave for the Huaisi area. Friends and relatives follow me far; At night, we lodge on the southern bank of the river. Once we part in the morning, We fly away each to his own grove.

183 Jianyu is like dayue 大閱, the “Great Inspection.” For a detailed account of this, see Bodde, Festivals in Classical China, pp. 349-59. 184 See Han shu 76.3230, Wang Zun’s biography. Outside the city gate of Guiji was a large drum which, upon sounding, could be heard from Luoyang like a thunder clap. Accordingly the gate was named Thunder Gate. A cloth drum produces little sound. The allusion of holding a cloth drum and passing Thunder Gate was thus often used to refer to someone or something whose quality is far from optimal. 185 Zhangqing is the style name of Sima Xiangru, who retired on account of illness. 186 Xiuling is the style name of Wang Huzhi 王胡之 of the Langye Wang clan. He had breakouts of epilepsy quite frequently, yet did not lose his sanity. He declined an appointment as Governor of Sizhou 司州. See Jinshu 76.2005. 187 This line alludes to a story from the Hou Han shu 25.870 where a well-respected governor regarded gift-giving to local officials as ritually propriate. 188 The lines alludes to Yang Xu 羊續 (142-89), an extremely frugal governor who deterred gifts by hanging up fish sent to his house. Hou Han shu 37.1110.

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36

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44

歸舟隨岸曲 猶聞歌棹音 行者日超遠 誰見別離心 夕次洌洲岸 明登慈姥岑 水流多迴復 余歸良未尋 江關寒事早 夜露傷秋草 心屬姑蘇臺 目送邯鄲道 葭葦日蒼蒼 親知慎早涼 劉兄消渴病 休攝戒無良

殷弟癲眩疾 行止避風霜 劉侯有餘冷 48 宜餌陟釐方 伏子多風咳 門冬幸易將 率更愛雅體 52 體弱思自強 吏曹勉玉潤

169

Returning boats line up along the curve of the bank; Still we hear the singing of the boatman. Sojourners are farther away each day; Who can see my feeling of separation? At night, I will stop at the bank of Liezhou;189 The next morning, I will ascend Cimu Hill.190 The current abounds in turns and curves; Yet my date of return is still unknown. At the river pass, cold weather has arrived early; Evening dew wounds the autumn grass. My heart belongs to the terrace in Gusu;191 They see me off at the road to Handan.192 The reeds turn greener everyday;193 My dear kin watch out for the morning chill. Older brother Liu has diabetes; He should rest, nourish himself, and keep away from harm. Younger brother Yin has epilepsy; In his daily activities, he should avoid wind and frost. Marquis Liu still has chills from the past; He should take the prescription with “Stone Hair.”194 Sir Fu often has coughing from a cold; Luckily, asparagus tuber is easy to come by. Shuai should particularly care for his own health; He is physically weak, but his mind is certainly strong. In the Personnel Section, strive to be as smooth as jade;

189 洌洲, also known as 溧州, is an island in the Yangzi just north of modern Ma’an shan 馬鞍山. 190 慈姥 is a small mountain about twenty miles south of Liezhou. It is on the eastern bank of the Yangzi in modern Ma’an shan. 191 Gusu is the ancient Wu capital in the south. 192 For 邯鄲道, see Shi ji 102.2753. Emperor Wen, together with Lady Shen, went on an excursion. When they gazed at the road to Handan, Lady Shen was asked to play the large zither. The emperor leaned on it and sang to the mournful, nostalgic tune. 193 Cf. Ode 129 “Jianjia” 蒹葭. 194 陟釐 is a kind of fern that usually grows on rock surface and commony found in shady wetland of the south. 石發 is one of its popular names. See Bernard E. Read, Chinese Medicinal Plants from the Pen Ts’ao Kang Mu (Peking: Peking Natural History Bulletin, 1936), p. 283, #857.

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諷議勗金相 比部多暇日 56 奚用肆龍章



建德何為者 無墮無人鄉 記室朋從暇 60 露蝎附行商



議曹坐朝罷 尺板嗣徽芳 雙栖成獨宿 64 俱飛忽異翔





眷言思親友

沉思結中腸 追惟疇昔時 68 朝府多歡暇 薄暮塵埃靜 飛蓋遙相迓 李郭或同舟 72 潘夏時方駕 娛談終美景 敷文永清夜

促膝豈異人 76 戚戚皆朋婭 今者一乖離 漼然心事差 山川望猶近 80 便似隔天涯

In presenting advice, try to offer nuggets of gold.195 The Review Section offers many leisure days; Why not use it in displaying your writings of dragon pattern. Why does one establish his virtue? So as not to be thrown into a backwater place. Recorders pursue leisure together, Like open-air scorpions who attach themselves to traveling merchants. When the council finishes its meeting, On their wood strips, they record fine virtue. Nesting together now becomes sleeping alone; Flying side by side suddenly changes into soaring separately. With gentle sentiments, I think of my relatives and friends; Deep cares knot up inside me. I recall our past days together; Together at court, we had much pleasure. Approaching dusk, dust settles; Flying canopies follow one another in the distance. Li and Guo sometimes are in the same boat;196 Pan and Xia occasionally ride side-by-side.197 Joyful conversation lasts till the end of the day; Displaying literary talent gets us through the chilly night. Sitting next to each other, there are no strangers; Intimate and close, we all are friends and relatives. Now we once and for all separate from each other; Tears fall, and my inner cares are different. Looking at the mountains and rivers, they seem close; In fact, the separation puts you at a corner of the world.

195 See Wenxin diaolong yizheng 5.972. 196 Li is Li Ying 李膺 (?-169) and Guo is Guo Tai 郭泰 (128-169). Guo Tai, a scholar of humble origin, came to be recognized through Governor Li Ying’s support. Despite his fame and offer of posts in the capital, Guo Tai decided to return home and Li Ying saw him off by riding in the same boat with him. See Hou Han shu 68.2225. 197 Pan and Xia refers to Pan Yue 潘岳 (247-300) and Xiahou Zhan (243-291), who were on good terms and often rode in the same carriage. See Jin shu 55.1491.

writing for the crown prince: worthy with words 玉躬子加護 昭質余未虧 八行思自勉 84 一札望來儀



171

Take extra care of your jade person; My resplendent quality has not faded at all. The Eight Conducts are to be practiced on your own; A letter is all I expect to come my way.

In this long poem, Lu Chui first tells of his place of origin as a proud Wu (modern Suzhou) man and attributes his prominent career respectfully to the enlightened age he lives in. The poet does not make any effort to downplay the luxury and honor he enjoys. He praises the talents of the men and outstanding imperial relatives that come to his residence. Starting with line fifteen, the poet refers to the impeachment of Liu Xiaochuo. Lines fifteen and sixteen seem to be a criticism of the accuser for being too punctilious about official matters. Sima Xiangru, here referred to by the style name Zhangqing, stands in for Liu Xiaochuo in the poem. As the Former Han poet had been the favorite of Emperor Wu, Liu Che, and Liu Xiaochuo was similarly Xiao Tong’s poet laureate, the analogy is apt. Xiuling is the Eastern Jin figure Wang Huzhi, who suffered from epilepsy. Here the name Xiuling refers to Yin Jun, who also had the same disease. These lines indicate that Yin Jun is involved in this impeachment. From the viewpoint of a host and patron, Lu Chui defends the accused men, saying that since they are still lying in bed sick; how could they possibly be accepting bribes? The poet expresses regret that he has not been able to prevent this court impeachment from taking place. Next Lu Chui relates his own transfer to the north, the reason for which remains unknown to us. As his family members and relatives see him off by the Yangtze, he laments the hardship of separation and the uncertainty about when he will be able to return. Speaking in the voice of a senior leader of the group, Lu Chui addresses every friend individually, telling each one to take good care of himself. What is remarkable about this section is the information that is given about the health of each of these men, something we would have never known if not for this poem. “Elder brother Liu” must have been Liu Ru, who was older than Lu Chui but still alive at the time. “Sir Fu’s” identity is not clear, but “Shuai” no doubt is Zhang Shuai. Lu Chui tells each and every one of them what to do in order to keep fit. His concern goes beyond their physical well-being, as the senior official relates the differences of each bureaucratic section of the Liang court and thus instructs them about what to do in those different sections. For the Personnel Section, the poet urges his colleagues to maintain a “jadelike” purity, which may be a slight criticism of Liu Xiaochuo and those

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involved in the bribery impeachment. At the same time, he points out that another important skill to have in order to avoid establishing enemies is fengyi, “making tactful criticism.” The tone of the poet is so practical that in the next line we read that the reason for one to establish virtue is to avoid being sent away from the capital. The last twenty lines are devoted to a lament over separation and to a nostalgic description of their past pleasure. Both the poet’s encouragement and his simultaneous criticism show his sincere concern for his friends and colleagues. He expresses regret about what this case has cost the group and the distance that will now separate the friends, especially when the poet is faced with the prospect of their old age and ill health. In fact, it was in the very next year that Lu Chui passed away, and this poem is almost an ominous foretelling of his own death. Nevertheless, the poem did bring Liu Xiaochuo much consolation in his exile. Upon receipt of Lu Chui’s poem, Liu wrote the following, lengthy response. A Poem in Reply to Lu Chui

酬陸長史倕198

When Wang Can first made his departure, He lamented about wind and clouds. How much more do I, then, having trekked afar many times; 4 與子亟離群 Time and again, I have left you and my associates. 如何持此念 How could I bear such thoughts? 復為今日分 Given my current separation from you yet again. 分悲宛如昨 Our sadness at separation is as though it were yesterday; 8 弦望殊揮霍 Many nights of the full and half moon have been wasted. 行舟雖不見 Though your boat is nowhere to be seen, 行程猶可度 The distance can still be measured. 度君路應遠 I figure that the road is long; 12 期寄新詩返 And I expect your new poem to find its way here. 相望且相思 I long for you and I think of you, 勞朝復勞晚 In the morning and in the evening. 薄暮閽人進 Approaching dusk, the doorman comes in;

王粲始一別 猶且歎風雲 況余屢之遠

198 See Lu Qinli, p. 1833; Wenyuan yinghua 240.7a-9a; Gushi ji 97.9b-11a.

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16 果得承芳信 殷勤覽妙書 留連披雅韻 洌洲財賦總 20 慈山行旅鎮 已切臨眺情 遽動思歸引 歸與不可即 24 前途方未極 覽諷欲諼誚

28

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Indeed, I received your letter. Eagerly, I read through it; Slowly, I mull over your elegant rhymes. Liezhou is the center of goods and wealth; Mount Ci is a town for travelers. My mood to ascend high and gaze far is eager; My “yearning to return” is suddenly triggered.199 To return is not within reach; The road ahead has not yet shown an end. Reciting your poem, it sounds like sneering and ­­jeering; 研尋還慨息 Reading closely, I find deep sighs and lament in it. 來喻勗雕金 You encourage me to engage in carving gold; 比質非所任 The quality I possess is not up for such a task. 虛薄無時用 Feeble and lowly, I am of no use for the current age; 徘徊守故林 Pacing back and forth, I guard my old grove. 屏居青門外 Dwelling in solitude, I live outside the Dark Blue Gate; 結宇灞城陰 I make my house north of Bacheng.200 竹庭已南映 The bamboo courtyard gives shade on the south; 池牖復東臨 The window on the east opens onto the pond. 喬柯貫簷上 Tall boughs arch above the eaves; 垂條拂戶陰 Drooping twigs brush and shade the windows. 條開風暫入 Branches part and the wind briefly enters; 葉合影還沉 Leaves join and the shade again drops. 帷屏溽早露 Curtains are soaked in the morning dew; 階霤擾昏禽 At dusk, birds chatter on the steps outside the house. 衡門謝車馬 My gate barred, I turn away chariots and horses; 賓席簡衣簪 Guests at my table are simple in trappings. 雖愧陽陵曲 Although we are shy of the Yangling tune,201

199 “Sigui yin” 思歸引 is a famous piece by Shi Chong 石崇 (249-300). For the text, see Lu Qinli, p. 643. 200 This couplet alludes to the story of Shao Ping 召平, a marquis of the Qin who ended up growing melons outside the eastern gate of the Han capital Chang’an. Chang’an’s estern gate is also known as the qingmen or “black gate” and bamen. Zhao Ping’s melons are popular for their sweet taste. See Han shu 39.2010. 201 The tune of Yangling is more famously known as the tune of Yang’e 陽阿 mentioned by Song Yu as one of the moderately popular songs in Chu. 客有歌於郢中者, 其 始曰下里巴人, 國中屬而和者數千人; 其為陽阿薤露, 國中屬而和者數百人; 其為 陽春白雪, 國中屬而和者不過數十人. See Wen xuan 45.1999. The phrase 陽阿薤露

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44 寧無流水琴 蕭條聊屬和 寂寞少知音 平生竟何託 48 懷抱共君深 一朝四美廢 方見百憂侵

曰余濫官守 52 因之泝廬久 水接淺原陰 山帶荊門右 從容少職事 56 疲病疏僚友 命駕獨尋幽 淹留宿廬阜 廬阜擅高名 60 岧岧凌太清 舒雲類紫府 標霞同赤城



北上輪難進

64 東封馬易驚 未若茲山險



How could we not have a zither of flowing water.202 Scarce and few are those who follow in harmony;203 By myself, I lack those who know the tone. After all, to what do I commit my life? With you, my lord, I share my innermost thoughts. On one day, all “four joys” are wasted;204 Now I have seen the increment of a hundred troubles. They say that I have been derelict of duty; So I have traveled upstream to Mount Lu for long. The river connects to the narrow plain to its south; The mountain encircles to the east of Jingmen. Free and easy, I have few duties; Afflicted with sickness, I have no associates. I order a chariot and by myself seek for the hidden; I tarry and stay over night at Mount Lu. The Mount Lu boasts a lofty name; Standing high, it encroaches into the Grand Purity.205 Unfolding clouds recall the Purple Abode;206 Rose clouds at its peak equal those in the Scarlet Wall.207 Going up to the north mountain, wheels advance with difficulty;208 Going to the east mound, horses are easily startled. No mountain is as precipitous as this;

appears as 陽陵採薇 in Liu Xiang’s Xin xu 新序. See Xin xu jin zhu jin yi 新序今注今譯 (Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1991), p. 30. 202 When Boya played the zither, Ziqi commented that the sound was like flowing water. For the well-known story of Bo Ya and Zi Qi, see Lüshi chuqiu, 14/2.3, also see ­Knoblock and Riegel, p. 308. 203 I follow Wenyuan yinghua reading of 聊 as 寡, considering the semantic parallelism it forms with 少 in the next line. 204 The four joys are music (yin 音), food (wei 味), writings (wen 文), and speech (yan 言). See Liu Kun’s 劉琨 “Da Lu chen shi” 答盧諶詩 in Wen xuan 25.1173. 205 Grand Purity may refer to heaven in a general sense or the highest of the three layers of heaven in Taoist texts such as the Baopuzi where Grant Purity is above Jade Purity and Upper Purity. See Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi 15.184. 206 紫府 is a chamber that one would pass on the way to heaven. It houses gold couches and jade tables. See Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi 20.321. 207 For the image of chicheng 赤城 (“scarlet city”) and biaoxia 標霞 (“rosy clouds”), see Sun Chuo’s “You Tiantai shan fu,” Wen xuan 11.496. 208 For shang 上, Wenyuan yinghua has shan 山, which I adopt here.

writing for the crown prince: worthy with words

車騎息逢迎 山橫路似絕

68 徑側樹如傾 蒙籠乍一啟 磥硊無暫平 倚巖忽迴望 72 援蘿遂上征 乍觀秦帝石 復憩周王城 交峰隱玉霤 76 對澗距金楹 風傳鳳臺琯



雲渡洛賓笙

紫書時不至 80 丹爐且未成 無因追羽翮 及爾宴蓬瀛

175

Chariot and horses rest midway. With mountains ahead, the road seems to have ended; At the side of the path, the tree seems to collapse. Dim and dark, the sky occasionally opens up; Rugged and stony, the road is never flat. Leaning against a crag, I suddenly turn my gaze; Grabbing vines, I climb upward. All at once, I see the rock of the Qin Emperor;209 And rest at the city of the Zhou King.210 Joined peaks hide jade eaves;211 Facing the ravine, the golden doorsill is beneath me.212 The wind carries along the sound of a flute from the Phoenix Terrace;213 Clouds transport music from the panpipe by the Luo River.214 The purple register still has not arrived; The Cinnabar Stove has yet to be finished.215 I lack the means to pursue the winged men; With you, I will hold a banquet at Penglai and Yingzhou.216

209 The “rock of the Qin emperor” is where the First Emperor gazed at the ocean (modern Bohai 渤海) and yearned for the three immortal islands: Penglai 蓬萊, Yingzhou 瀛 洲, and Fangzhang 方丈. See Shi ji 6.251-2. 210 The “city of the Zhou King” refers to Luoyang, the eastern capital that King Ping of Zhou 周平王 established in 770 bce. See Shi ji 4.111. 211 霤 refers to icicles that drip down from the eaves. Here it is a mytonymy for the architecture. 212 In this couplet and those that follow, the buildings in the immortal land are described in hyperbolic terms. The material is often of precious stone or metal, and the locations are invariably high and precipitous. 213 This alludes to the story of Xiao Shi 蕭史. Xiao Shi was a man who lived in the time of Duke Mu 穆公 of Qin 秦. Xiao excelled at playing the flute, and its sound would attract the peacock and white crane to his court. Duke Mu had a daughter named Nongyu 弄玉 who fell in love with Xiao Shi. Duke Mu allowed them to marry and built the Phoenix Terrace for them. Liexian zhuan 1. 17a. 214 This alludes to the story of Wang Ziqiao, a prince who played panpipes and rode a phoenix by the Luo River. See Liexian zhuan 1.13b-14a. 215 “Purple register” and “Cinnabar Stove” are mytonymy for Taoist cultivation in pursuit of immortality. The couplet indicates his attempts at it are not successful. 216 Two of the three immortal mountains in Bohai. See note on the “rock of the Qin emperor.”

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We cannot entrust ourselves to Penglai and Yingzhou; 84 悵然返城郭 Sadly, I return to the city. 時過馬鳴院 At times, I pass the Aśvaghoṣa Courtyard; 偶憩鹿園閣 Occasionally, I rest at the Deer Garden Gallery.217 既異人世勞 This is not only different from worldly toil; 88 聊比化城樂 It is somewhat comparable to the joy of the conjured city.218 影塔圖花樹 In the pagoda, flower trees are painted; 經臺總香藥 On the sutra table are gathered incense and herbs. 月殿曜朱旛 In the moon hall, red banners are brilliant; 92 風輪和寶鐸 Wind chimes harmonize with precious bells. 園楥即重嶺 The park enclosure consists of layered peaks; 階基仍巨壑 The stairs and steps are grand ravines. 朝猿響甍棟 In the morning, gibbons cry on the rafters; 96 夜水聲帷薄 At night, the sound of water is heard through the thin curtain. 餘景騖登臨 In the lingering sunlight, we expect to climb high; 方宵盡談謔 In the middle of the night, we freely talk and chat. 談謔有名僧 Talking and chatting are famous monks; 100 慧義似傳燈 The wisdom of Prajñā is like a bright light. 遠師教逾闡 Preaching by teachers from afar is even more elaborate; 生公道復弘 The way of Master Sheng is again glorified.219 小乘非汲引 Though the Lesser Vehicle does not preach for delivery, 104 法善招報能 Abiding by goodness is able to bring good karma. 積迷頓已悟 Accumulated confusion has suddenly been eliminated; 為懽得未曾 Making merry is not yet possible. 為懽誠已往 Making merry indeed is a thing of the past;

蓬瀛不可託

217 “Aśvaghoṣa Courtyard” and “Deer Garden” refer to Buddhist temples where sutras are chanted and studied. 218 The “conjured city” is a temporary stop on the long and difficult journey to Buddhist enlightment. This place of happiness and abundance was conjured up to console followers. See Zheng Fahua jing 正法華經, T 9: 4.92. 219 “Master Sheng” refers to the Eastern Jin monk Zhu Daosheng 竺道生 (355-434). His original name was Wei 魏 and he hailed from Pingxiang, Hebei. He was one of the more important disciples of Kumārajīva (Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什, 344-413). For his biography, see Gaoseng zhuan, T 50: 7.366b-367a.

writing for the crown prince: worthy with words 108 坐臥猶懷想 況復心所積 茲地多諧賞 惜哉無輕軸 112 更泛輪湖上 可思不可見 離念空盈蕩 賈生傳南國 116 平子相東阿 優游匡贊罷 縱橫辭賦多 方才幸同貫 120 無令絕詠歌 幽谷雖云阻 煩君計吏過

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Sitting and reclining, I still long for it. What’s more, what my heart has long yearned for,220 I am able to appreciate and enjoy at this place. It is a shame that I do not have a light cart, That could carry me and run its wheels on the lake. I can only think of you, not see you; Cares of separation in vain brim up and stir in my heart. Scholar Jia served as a tutor in the south;221 Zhang Heng was the minister in the east. After their association and assistance, Robust and free, their writings were many. Now I am fortunate to be their compeer; Let the chanting and singing not stop. Although this hidden valley is far away, I trouble you, my lord, to send a clerk along.

Liu’s poem recounts his anxious anticipation of his friend’s letter and immediate reading of it once it arrived. In lines 19 through 21, Liu expresses his concern about his friend’s transfer and all that travel entailed. Having sensed Lu Chui’s mild criticism, Liu is well aware of his deep sympathy, as we can see in lines 25-26. He then gives a description of his life before the impeachment, trying to defend his innocence. The lyrical portrayal of his life as a recluse is hardly a successful defense. The residence he built outside the capital, supposedly a retreat for reclusion, provided the meeting place for his friends such as Lu Chui. Here they enjoyed the four pleasures of music, food, literature, and lofty talk. But in one day when news of the impeachment arrived, their revelry came to a sudden end. The remainder of the poem is a detailed description of the poet’s life in the Jiangzhou area where the Yangtze divides into nine branches, and Mount Lu has nine peaks. Here, the poet travels to Mount Lu, famed for both Taoist retreats and Buddhist temples. The precipitous peaks, perpendicular mountain paths, clouds and mists, and deep ravines all make this place an ideal locale for immortals and recluses. In fact, the poet likens the entire mountain to a city of transcendental beings. He seems to be hearing music played by ancient immortals, but his visit is not complete, for he meets not a single 220 I follow Wenyuan yinghua in reading  ji 積 as qin 親. 221 As a demotion, Jia Yi was sent to Changsha to tutor the King.

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one of them. As the poet returns disappointed to the town, he stops at a Buddhist temple where he finds good accommodations. There are no worldly worries here, and the place offers the same pleasures as the immortal realm, only in this place they are actually attainable. Here in the shadow of the pagoda, amid the fragrance of burning incense and the sound of wind chimes, secluded by temple walls and elevated by towering stairs, the poet spends his time day and night discussing Buddhist teachings with eminent monks. Finally the message of doing good is found by the poet to be essential, while making merry is not part of the teaching. Though finding it illuminating, our poet, who has been used to a life of comfort and luxury, cannot make Buddhism his final destination. So on he travels, but not knowing what exactly to seek. At this moment, he thinks of Jia Yi’s banishment in the Former Han, and how during his exile he was able to compose memorable literary pieces. Inspired by him, our poet decides to continue writing and to exchange poems with his zhiyin Lu Chui. Little did he know that even this literary friend, and indeed several others, would not be present for long. Lu Chui died in 526, and in the winter of the same year Xiao Tong’s mother Lady Ding also passed away. Her death dealt a heavy blow to the prince both physically and spiritually. The next few years were dotted with notices of deaths at Xiao Tong’s court. In 527, Ming Shanbin passed away at 85, and in the same year Dao Qia died at 51. Shortly thereafter, Zhang Shuai passed away at 53. Xiao Tong wrote to Xiao Gang, lamenting the loss of so many of his entourage.222 But he would not know that two years later in 529 his close advisor Yin Yun would also pass away. The cloud of death did not clear until finally in 531 the prince himself died, the causes of which we are still uncertain. It was in the same year that still another member of his entourage, Zhang Mian passed away. By 527, Liu Xiaochuo had already been recalled to the capital. He was first appointed to serve as a councilor to Xiao Yi and then reappointed to Xiao Tong’s court. He must have felt the power of nature, for in addition to all the losses mentioned above, his own mother passed away in 529. Liu Xiaochuo himself would live another ten years, serving the second Crown Prince of Liang, Xiao Gang, from 531 to 539. With Xiao Tong’s death came the end of his literary court and the literary theory that he and Liu Xiaochuo had shared and advanced. Their ide222 Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 185-6.

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alist pursuit of gentlemanly writing and a balanced style of comprehensive refinement was to be shelved away, as full attention in poetic practice now came to be given to the controversial palace-style poetry. To a certain degree, the manner in which Xiao Tong’s coterie met its end is similar to the disbanding of the Jian’an masters. The works and spirit of the Jian’an masters were revived through their canonization in the Wen xuan compiled by Xiao Tong and Liu Xiaochuo, whose own literary ideas and pursuits took far longer than three hundred years before finally finding appreciation.

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Chapter Four

Xiao Tong’s Encounters with Buddhism Buddhism permeated every aspect of Chinese life in both the Northern and Southern Dynasties, and especially in the fifth century.1 Prominent families as well as the less privileged classes showed devotion to Buddhism for different reasons and in various ways.2 The first Liang emperor’s fondness for this foreign religion is now remembered in the Tang poet Du Mu’s 杜牧 (803-852) famous line “in the [capital] of the Southern Dynasties, there were 480 Buddhist temples,” from a poem called “Springtime in the South” (江南春).3 Although not an accurate enumeration, that number is enough to offer a glimpse of the religious fervor toward Buddhism at the time. Modern historians believe that during the Liang there were as many as 2,846 temples in the entire state, with 700 temples in the capital alone. The population of the Buddhist clergy was estimated at 82,700.4 The threats that such a prevalence of Buddhism brought were proclaimed by Guo Zushen 郭祖深 (fl. 520s) in a memorial: Currently, within the capital area only, there are over 500 Buddhist temples, all extremely majestic, and over 10,000 monks and nuns who invariably possess abundant assets and land. Those that are in the provinces and counties cannot be completely enumerated … [with due measures], I am afraid soon all land will turn into Buddhist temples and all households have Buddhist converts. There will not be one inch of land or a single person that belongs to the state.

1 See Zurcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China; Tang Yongtong, Han Wei Liang Jin ­ anbeichao fojiao shi; Fang Litian, Wei Jin Nanbeichao fojiao luncong and Zhongguo fojiao N yu chuantong wenhua; Ch’en, The Chinese Transformation of Buddhism; Liu Hsin-ju, Ancient India and Ancient China; Leon Hurvitz, “Chih Tun’s Notions of Prajñā,” JAOS 88.2 (1968): 243-61. 2 On the Wujun Zhangs’ interest in Buddhism, see Gao Lintao 郜林濤, “Wujun ­Zhangshi ji Nanchao shizu de fojiao xinyang” 吳郡張氏及南朝士族的佛教信仰, ­Xinzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao 17.1 (2001): 26-28, 72. 3 See Quan Tang shi 522.5964. The entire poem reads: “In a thousand li of orioles’ chirping, green and red set off each other;/ in water towns and mountain villages, pub signs flutter in wind./ The 480 temples from the Southern Dynasties/ now have become countless towers and terraces in mist and rain” 千里鶯啼綠映江/水村山郭酒旗風/南 朝四百八十寺/多少樓臺煙雨中. 4 See Wang Zhongluo, p. 790.

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chapter four 都下佛寺五百餘所 , 窮極宏麗 , 僧尼十餘萬 , 資產豐沃。所在郡縣 , 不可勝 言。 。 。恐方來處處成寺, 家家剃落, 尺土一人, 非復國有。 5

Emperor Wu of the Liang, the intended audience of the memorial, had practiced religious Taoism before converting to Buddhism shortly after taking the throne.6 The following excerpt from an edict titled “Renouncing Taoism and Returning to Buddhism” gives a glimpse of affairs. For long, this disciple has been detained and befuddled, indulging in service to Laozi. For generations, his family has passed it on, and he was afflicted by this deviant law. Volitional formation (saṃskāra) geminates due to goodness. Abandoned and lost, one knows to return. Today I will give up on [my] old cures and return to the correct realization. I pray that in future generations all young males will devote themselves to the Buddha, widely propagate the teachings of the s­ūtras, transform and transfer the enlightened, together achieve Buddhahood, reside in the true teachings, and forever discard the odious way. Without affiliating oneself with the teachings of Laozi, one can for the meantime gain a rebirth in one of the heavens.” 弟子經遲迷荒耽事老子, 歷葉相承, 染此邪法。習因善發, 棄迷知返, 今捨舊 醫, 歸憑正覺, 願使未來生世童男出家, 廣弘經教, 化度含識, 同共成佛, 寧在 正法中, 長淪惡道, 不樂依老子教, 暫得生天。 7

This edict was purportedly given on the Buddha’s birthday (the eighteenth day of the fourth month) in 504, three years into the founding of the Liang. Recent scholarship has challenged this dating, however.8 Zhao Yiwu argues that the date of this edict, which accompanied the actual ceremony in which Emperor Wu received the Buddhist precepts, should properly be 519.9 Zhao’s argument furnishes an important angle for understanding the flurry of Buddhist-related activities associated with crown prince Xiao Tong during the two or three years around 519. In addition, it explains why texts concerning these matters are well preserved. This is 5 See Nan shi 70. 1721-2. 6 Liang shu 1.1 and Yanshi jiaxun jijie, p. 74. The emperor’s baby name contains the character lian 練, which refers to the two main activities associated with religious Taoism: self-cultivation (xiulian 修練) and concoction of elixirs (liandan 煉丹). For a discussion on the association of the name A’lian 阿練 or Lian’er 練兒 with Taoism, see Zhou Yiliang, “Lun Liang Wudi ji qi shidai.” 7 See Daoxuan 道宣 (596-667), Guang hongming ji 廣弘明集, T 52: 4.112a. 8 See Xiong Qingyuan, “Liang Wudi Tianjian sannian ‘she shi Li laodao fa’ shi zheng wei.” 9 Zhao Yiwu, “Guanyu Liang Wudi ‘she dao shi fo’ de Shi jian ji qi yuanyin” and “Guanyu Liang Wudi ‘she dao’ yu ‘shi fo.’” Also see Liang shu 2.59 and Nan shi 6.197. The former mentions a general amnesty, while the latter accounts for Emperor Wu’s receiving of Buddhist precepts.

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the period in which Emperor Wu began his most intense devotion to Buddhism. He promoted and practiced vegetarianism and devoted himself to building Buddhist temples, going out of his way to gather monetary support for them. An oft-quoted story tells of how the emperor gave himself up to the Temple of Universal Tranquility (Tongtai si 同泰寺) four times, in each instance forcing the court to ransom him at the cost of a hundred million cash. Amidst all these efforts to transform himself into an Emperor-Bodhisattva, it would not be surprising should he attempt to convert his future heir.10 Current research on the role of Buddhism in Xiao Tong’s life remains at a preliminary stage, either assuming his religious dependence on his father or dismissing the matter entirely by calling him a Confucian, which has its own problems, as we shall see below. Through an examination of his works and his activities related to Xiao Yan’s promotion of Buddhism in the late 510s, it will be evident that Xiao Tong, under the influence and guidance of his father, launched an extensive and intensive exploration of this by then very popular religion and in the end, very much to the emperor’s disappointment, rejected it and instead maintained a sober view on the harm and danger of religious indulgence. In Xiao Tong’s biography, there is a short passage about his connection to Buddhism. It reads as follows: Emperor Wu greatly propagated Buddhism and personally gave lectures [on the Buddhist teachings]. The crown prince also reverently believed in the “Three Treasures” (triratna; sanbao).11 He completely read a multitude of sutras. In his palace, he separately established the Hall of Meaning of Wisdom (huiyi), which was exclusively used for the purpose of Buddhist meetings. There he summoned and invited famous monks. Discussions and talks about Buddhism never ceased. The prince himself established interpretations of the “Two Truths” (erdi; satya-dvaya) and the “Dharma body” (fashen; Dharmakāya), each demonstrating new ways of understanding [these concepts]. In the fourth month of the first year of the Putong reign (520), sweet dew gathered on the Hall of Meaning of Wisdom. All regarded this as a response to the prince’s ultimate virtue. 10 For Xiao Yan’s devotion to Buddhism, see Fang Litian, “Liang wudi Xiao Yan yu fojiao” 梁武帝蕭衍與佛教, Shi jie zongjiao yanjiu 世界宗教研究 1981.4; rpt. in Wei Jin Nanbeichao fojiao luncong, pp. 188-219; Adreas Janousch, “Emperor as bodhisattva,” in State and Court Ritual in China ed. Joseph P. McDermott (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 112-49; Liang Mancang, “Lun Liang wudi ning fo;” Yan Shangwen, Liang Wudi; Kathy Ku Cheng Mei, “The Buddharāja image of Emperor Wu of the Liang,” a conference paper provided to me by David Knechtges. 11 The “Three Treasures” refers to the Buddha, Dharma, and Sangha.

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chapter four 高祖大弘佛教, 親自講說; 太子亦崇信三寶, 遍覽眾經。乃於宮內別立慧義 殿, 專為法集之所。招引名僧, 談論不絕。太子自立二諦、法身義, 並有新 意。普通元年四月, 甘露降于慧義殿, 咸以為至德所感焉。 12

What this short paragraph describes of Xiao Tong’s Buddhist activities took place in a concentrated period of four years from 518 through 521. Xiao Tong’s extant Buddhist writings about these activities can be divided into three groups. In the following discussion we shall consider them in chronological order. Hosting Lectures on Buddhism in the Hanging Garden The first group of writings by Xiao Tong surrounds a series of activities held at the Hanging Garden 玄圃 in the Eastern Palace. Emperor Wu had issued an edict calling for the study of Buddhist texts, and the monk Fayun 法雲 was invited to serve as Xiao Tong’s religious advisor. Fayun came from an official family and was the seventh generation descendant of Zhou Chu 周處 (236-297), General Pacifying the West (平西將軍) under the Jin dynasty. At the age of seven Fayun took Buddhist vows and very quickly made a name for himself as a monk. In 497 he was invited at age 30 to lecture at the Miaoyin si 妙音寺 (Temple of Wondrous Sounds) and associated with scholars and poets such as Zhou Yong, Wang Rong, Liu Hui, and Xu Xiaosi 徐孝嗣 (453-499).13 When Xiao Yan selected Fayun to be the abbot of Guangzhai Monastery 光宅寺 (Temple of the Brilliant Abode), it seemed a natural choice. A structure that had originally been the emperor’s own residence, the temple became a site for the study of Buddhism. Xiao Tong was drawn into the center of these activities when Fayun, together with ten other monks, was invited by the emperor to reside in Xiao Tong’s Hanging Garden. For the summers of 517 and 518 the group devoted themselves to explicating Buddhist texts and related matters.14 Lectures were given by both the Buddhist master and the Liang heir apparent. The following is a poem by Xiao Tong marking one such event.

12 Liang shu 8.166. 13 For Fayun’s biography, see Daoxuan, Xu gao seng zhuan, T 50: 5.463c-465a. For a discussion of Fayun’s opinion about Emperor Wu’s ordination, see Janousch, “The Emperor as Bodhisattva,” pp. 133-5. For For Xu Xiaosi’s biography, see Nan Qi Shu 44.771-75. 14 Xu gao seng zhuan, T 50: 5.464b.

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Attending Lectures in the Eastern Residence 東齋聽講詩15 In the past, I heard about the value of Confucius’ teaching; 今睹釋化珍 Today, I witness the worth of Buddhist conversion. 至理乃悟寂 The ultimate principle is to realize the quiescence of nirvana;16 4 承稟實能仁 Following it reverently, one indeed is capable of benevolence. 示教雖三徹 Despite the three laws of instructing,17 妙法信平均 The wondrous dharma truly is universal. 信言一鄙俗 Words of faith are common and familiar; 8 延情方慕真 Only devotion shows an admiration of truth. 庶幾祛八倒 May it dispel the Eight Inverted Views;18 冀此遣六塵 I hope it will drive away the Six Impurities.19 良思大車道 Long I contemplate the Way of the Greater Vehicle;20 12 方願寶船津 At this moment, I yearn for the ford of Jeweled Boat. 長延永生肇 On the long mat are members of the sangha like Sengzhao;21 庶席諒徐陳 On the seats for laymen are truly the ranks of Xu Gan and Chen Lin.22

昔聞孔道貴

15 For the text, see Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 7-9; Lu Qinli, p. 1798; Zhaoming taizi wenji 2.4a-b; Zhaoming taizi ji 1.7b-8a; and an abbreviated version in Yiwen leiju 76.1297. 16 Ji 寂 here refers to nirvana. 17 三徹, also sangui 三軌, refers to the Law of the Absolute and Real (zhenxing gui 真性軌), the Law of Meditating and Understanding (guanzhao gui 觀照軌), and the Law of the Extending of Such Understanding (zicheng gui 資成軌). See Zong jing lu 宗鏡錄, T 48: 90.906b. 18 Badao 八倒, or badian 八顛, or badiandiao 八顛倒 are the eight heretical beliefs in permanence, pleasure, purity, and self of this world and the lack of permanence, pleasure, purity, and self in nirvana. 19 Liuchen 六塵, also liugen 六根 or liuru 六入, refers to six impurities brought about by the six senses: eyes, ears, nose, tongue, body, and mind. 20 The Way of the Greater Vehicle refers to Mahāyāna Buddhism that promotes universal salvation in constrast to Hīnayāna, or the Smaller Vehicle, which allows for individual deliverance. See Miaofa lianhua jing 妙法蓮華經 T 9: 3.13b. 21 Zhao or Sengzhao (383-414) was an eminent monk of the Eastern Jin. His name is used here to represent monks present at the lecture. 22 Xu Gan 徐幹 (170-217) and Chen Lin 陳琳 (160?-217) were two of the seven Jian’an writers who were part of the Cao family’s literary coterie.

186 是節朱明季 16 灼爍治渠新 霏雲出翠嶺 涼風起青蘋 既餐甘露旨 20 方欲書諸紳

chapter four This season is that of vermilion brightness;23 Glistening and shining is the newly-dug canal. Gathering clouds emerge from the halcyon ridge; Cool wind rises from the green duckweed. Having feasted on the essence of sweet dew,24 Now I will inscribe it on my sash.

The opening of the poem implies that this is Xiao Tong’s first exposure to Buddhist teachings. He compares it to something he has studied since the age of five—the Confucian way--and finds a connection between the two ways: seeking nirvana (quiescence) makes one benevolent (ren 仁), a personal trait stressed by Confucius. In addition, Xiao comments on how the Buddhist teachings advocate treating all human beings equally, that only through sincere devotion can one be rid of the Eight Heretical Views and Six Impurities, and that the ultimate goal of Buddhist deliverance appeals to him. The poem also furnishes some information about the setting and participants of the lecture. Famous monks and literary writers attended the meeting. A new waterway had just been finished in the prince’s garden, bringing a cool breeze much needed on a hot summer day. A mountain scene is mentioned, though no certainty is given as to whether it is an actual mountain or an artificial one that rises in the prince’s garden. At the end of the poem an allusion is used to describe the experience of listening to lectures on Buddhism. As recounted in the Analects, Zizhang 子 張, a disciple of Confucius, would often write down the master’s words on his sash in order to have them always at hand to study.25 Throughout Xiao’s poem, a palpable tendency can be seen for Xiao Tong to compare attending a lecture on Buddhism to studying the Confucian classics, something he had been since a very young age. However, the act of writing a poem about this lecture distinguishes the two learning experiences; one is an everyday matter and the other is a special occasion. In this, there is something alien to the present occasion. Another, longer poem for this occasion, supposedly written near the end of a lecture, provides further insight.

23 朱明, “vermilion brightness,” is a kenning for summer. “Spring is Green Energy, summer is Vermilion Brightness, autumn is White Storing, winter is Fuscous Essence” 春為青陽, 夏為朱明, 秋為白藏, 冬為玄英. See Erya zhushu 6.5a. 24 甘露, “sweet dew,” here refers to the teachings of Buddhism. 25 See Analects 15/5.

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A Poem of Thirty Rhymed Couplets Composed As the Lecture Was About to End 講席將訖賦三十韻詩依次用26 Our Dharma Garden matches the fine Mango Park;27 This Mercy Retreat is the envy of the Tall Bamboo.28 [Here] those with spiritual sentience keep company with each other; 4 神仙共栖宿 And transcendent ones together dwell. 慧義比瓊瑤 The message of prajñā is a match for jasper and jade; 薰染等蘭菊 Its suffusing effect equals that of thoroughwort and mums. 理玄方十算 Its principle is as profound as ten-fold calculation; 8 功深似九築 Its merit is as deep as nine-fold pounding. 華水警銀舟 On the floriate waterway sounded the silver boat’s bell; 方衢列金軸 Along the broad highway, there were arrayed golden hubs. 微言絕巳久 Subtle words have long gone unheard; 12 煩勞多累蓄 Vexation and toil accumulate and gather. 因茲闡慧雲 Thereupon, the teachings of prajñā are expounded; 欲使心塵伏 To settle the dust of the mind. 八水潤焦芽 The Eight Waters moisten withered sprouts;29 16 三明啟群目 The Three Insights open the eyes of the multitude.30 寶鐸旦參差 Jeweled bells in uneven array are played in daytime; 名香晚芬郁 Famed incense is burned in profusion at night.

法苑稱嘉柰 慈園羨修竹 靈覺相招影

26 For the text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 9-10; Lu Qinli, pp. 1798-99; Zhaoming taizi wenji 2.7a-8a; Guang Hongming ji 30.16a-b. 27 嘉柰 here refers to the Naiyuan (Skt. Āmrapāli), lit. “Mango Garden,” where Tathāgata 如來 expounded on the Vimalakīrti Sutra 維摩詰經. 28 Tall Bamboo stands for Bamboo Garden, another location where Tathāgata lectured to his disciples. 29 Bashui 八水 is an abbreviation for ba gongde shui 八功德水 or the Waters of Eight Merits: clean water, cold water, sweet water, soft water, moistening water, water that dispels hunger, thirst, and other endless troubles, and water that nourishes the various roots. For variant versions of the “Eight Waters,” see Amituo jing shu 阿彌陀經疏 (Amitābha Sutra with Annotations) T 37: 1.320a. Jiaoya, “withered sprouts,” refers to the multitude of beings that have not obtained the nourishing teachings of Buddha. See also Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, 2:378, n.5. 30 The Three Insights of Arhats are insight into the mortal conditions of self and others in previous lives, supernatural insight into future mortal conditions, and nirvāna insight into present mortal suffering so as to overcome all passions or temptations.

188 暫捨六龍駕 20 微祛二鼠蹙 意樹發空花 心蓮吐輕馥 喻斯滄海變

24 譬彼菴羅熟 妙智方縟錦 深辭同霧縠 善學同梵爪



chapter four For now, let us curb the six-dragon carriage;31 Let the urgency of the two rats slightly ease.32 On the tree of mind, flowers bloom in the void; From the lotus of heart, there emitted light scent. A comparison of the transformation of vast ocean is made;33 The analogy of the fruiting of the āmra tree is drawn.34 Wondrous wisdom is like colorful brocade; Profound words resemble misty gauze.35 We are as eager to learn as the brahmacārin Long Nails;36

31 The six-dragon carriage is said to pull the sun, hence a metaphor for time. 32 The “two rats” are black and white rats symbolizing night and day, found in a story in Gunabhadra’s fourth-century translation of the Sūtra Preached by Pindola-bharadjāva for King Udayana (Baotoulutuweige wei Youtuoyan Wang shuo fa jing 寶頭盧突羅閣為優 陀延王說法經; T 32: 1.787a-b). There was a man who traveled in the fields and was chased by a vicious elephant. He saw a dry well and lowered himself into the well by tree roots. In the well he saw two rats, one black and one white, constantly chewing on the roots. The symbolism of the story is that the open fields represent life and death, the man represents an ordinary layman, and the dry well represents the human body, while the tree roots represent the human lifespan. The black and white rats represent night and day, and their constant gnawing symbolizes how human life is expiring every moment. Mather notes the similarity between this couplet and that in Shen Yue’s poem “The Four City Gates,” where a couplet reads: “The sixfold dragon team has bolted with the chariot [of the sun],/ And the two rats [of night and day] have in their turn hastened its light.” Mather provides a translation of Xiao Tong’s couplet which reads: “For a moment we may disregard the sixfold dragon chariot,/ Or weakly fend off the two rats’ harassment.” See Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, 1:254, n.2. 33 The story about the evanescence of the world is found in Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳, where the Taoist transcendent Magu 麻姑 supposedly said to Wang Fangping 王方平, a practitioner: “since you arrived here, I have thrice witnessed the transformation of the ocean into a mulberry field.” Shenxian zhuan, SKQS, 3.9b. For a detailed treatment of this story, see Campany, To Live as Long as Heaven and Earth, pp. 259-71. 34 The āmra (mango) tree, is known for producing beautiful and bountiful flowers, yet very few fruits. 35 Wuhu 霧縠 is silk or gauze that is light and transparent as mist. See Song Yu’s “Shennü fu” 神女賦 and Sima Xiangru’s “Zixu fu” 子虛賦 in Wen xuan 19.888 and 7.353. 36 Fanzhua 梵爪 (“Sacred Claws”) or Changzhua 長爪 (“Long Claws”) alludes to the story of a Buddhist disciple who was an avid learner. As a brahmacārin he went to India to study Buddhist sutras. When asked which one he wanted to learn, he replied that he wished to study all eighteen kinds of them. After he was told that this would be impossible even by exhausting his entire life, he vowed to stop clipping his nails so as to have more time to learn. He eventually realized his wish and outlearned all his teachers, along the way earning the nickname “Long Nails.” See Da zhidu lun 大智度論 (Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra by Nāgārjuna, trans. by Kumārajīva, ad 397-415), T 25: 11.61b.

xiao tong’s encounters with buddhism 28 真言異銅腹

逶迤合蓋城 葳蕤布金郁

珠華蔭八溪 32 玉流通九谷 青禽乍下上 雲雁飛翻覆 青談屬時勝 36 寡聞終自恧 日麗鴛鴦瓦 風度蜘蛛屋 落蘤散遠香 40 浮雲卷遙族 曠濟同象園

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Words of truth are different from those of Copper Abdomen.37 Sinuously stretching, there is the covered city;38 Luxuriantly and lushly, there spreads the scent of tumeric.39 Trees with pearl-like flowers shade the eight streams; Jade-like creeks lead to nine gullies.40 Birds in the blue [sky] dart up and down; Geese in the clouds flitter and flutter. Lofty interlocutors are among the time’s best; Ill-informed, I, for my part, feel ashamed. The sun shines on tiles of mandarin ducks;41 Wind brushes over houses of spiders.42 Fallen petals spread the scent afar; Floating clouds roll away flying birds. Widespread succor is equal to that in the Elephant Garden;43

37 “Bronze Abdomen” refers to another Buddhist disciple who boasted of profound learning. There was so much knowledge in him that he had to pad his stomach with copper for fear that what he knew would explode in him 以銅鍱腹。。。所學經書甚多, 恐腹破裂, 是故鍱之. See Da zhidu lun, T 25: 11.137b. 38 Gaicheng refers to a worldly city, presumably covered in the dust of confusion. Here it probably refers to the capital Jiankang. 39 Jinyu 金郁 is an inversion of the word yujin, turmeric. When yujin designates an aroma, it refers to the crocus. However, Yu Shaochu construes yu 郁 as yuli 郁李, “flowering almond.” See Laufer, Sino-Iranica, pp. 309-23; Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi jijiaozhu, p. 13. 40 The “eight streams” and “nine gullies” form one phrase used in Zhang Heng’s “Fu on the Eastern Metropolis” to refer to the manmade rivers and ponds in the emperor’s pleasure park. See Wen xuan 3.104. 41 The so-called “tiles of mandarin ducks” refers to the way in which tiles are laid alternating between downward-facing and upward-facing patterns. Usually this was a way to tell the social-economic status of the residents of a house. Cf. Wu Jun 吳均, “Da Xiao Xinpu shi” 答蕭新浦詩: “From his elbow, there hung a seal for dispelling illness; / On his roof, mandarin duck tiles shine” 肘懸避邪印, 屋曜鴛鴦瓦. Lu Qinli, p. 1732. 42 “Houses of spiders” refers to the residences of common people. Cf. Zhang Xie 張協, “Zashi shishou” 雜詩十首: “Green moss grows on the empty wall;/ Spiders form their webs in every room” 青苔依空墻, 蜘蛛網四屋. Lu Qinli, p. 745. Also see Wang Sengru 王僧儒, “Chunyuan” 春怨: “Through the curtain, one sees the house with lichens; / It is as if one sees a house of spiders” 帷對昔邪房, 如見蜘蛛屋. Lu Qinli, p. 1770. 43 Elephant Garden is another name for Jetavana, a monastery in Śrāvastī, India, where the Buddha Śakyamuni lived. It was donated by Crown Prince Jeta, son of Prasenajit, who was ruler of the Kośala kingdom in ancient India. The prince was later killed by his younger brother, Virūdhaka, because Jetri disapproved of Virūdhaka’s massacre of the Śākyas, the tribe to which Śhakyamuni belonged.

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中乘如佇獨



後焰難堅明

44 初心易驚縮 應當離華水 無令乖漆木 投巖不足貴 48 棘林安可宿 器月希留影

The middle conveyance reminds one of Anātha­ pinndada’s daughter.44 It is hard for the phenomenal radiance of Buddha to be strong and bright;45 It is easy for a young mind to take fright and retract.46 One should first be immersed in floriate water;47 Let not the order go astray in painting the wood.48 Going to live on the crags is not to be valued; How can a thorn grove be one’s dwelling place?49 Let [the heart] be a vessel on which the moon casts its shadow;50

44 Sheng 乘, vehicle or conveyance, is used to refer to the Buddhist teachings; there are three of them, i.e., sansheng 三乘 (triyāna), respectively styled as the Great, Middle, and Lesser Vehicles. Another version has the three vehicles defined in a slightly different mannter. Shengwen 聲聞 (śrāvaka), that of the hearer or obedient disciple, and yuanjue 緣覺 (Pratyeka-buddha), that of the self-enlightened, are both referred to as the Lesser Vehicle or hinayana (xiaosheng 小乘) because the objective of both is personal salvation. The third is pusa 菩薩 (Bodhisattva), considered the Greater Vehicle or mahāyāna (dasheng 大乘), because its objective is the salvation of all living things. The three are also depicted as sanche 三車 (three wains), drawn by a goat, a deer, an ox. See Lotus sutra 法華經, T 9: 2.75b-c. The meaning of zhudu 佇獨 in this context is not clear to me and I choose to follow Yu Shaochu’s explanation which takes the phrase as a reference to Anāthapindada 給孤獨長者, the “Elder Who Provides for Orphans and the Childless,” also known as Sudatta, who was a wealthy merchant of Śrāvastī in Kośala. He, with the assistance of Prince Jeta built the Jetavana Monastery as an offering to Śakyamuni. His daughter stayed home and served the Buddha, but eventually was able to join her father. See Yu Shaochu, p. 14. Also see Fo shuo Jiguzhangzhe nü dedu yinyuan jing 佛說給孤長者 女得度因緣經, T 2: 2.845c. 45 There are two kinds of radiance from the Buddha. One is called changguang 常光, “constant radiance,” and the other is called jianqi guang 間隙光, “intermittent radiance.” 46 Chuxin 初心 is another name for routuanxin 肉團心 (hrdaya), the physical heart that has not undergone the process of cultivation. Thus it is neither firm nor profound. 47 This probably refers to arghya water, a scented water that Buddhists applied to their heads as blessing. It was believed to have the function of cleansing one of all kinds of vexation and troubles. See Shiba qiyin 十八契印 (The Eighteen Emblems), T 18: 1.783b. 48 Here the sequence of lacquering is used as a metaphor for the procedure of a person’s acquisition of Buddhist beliefs. See Huainan zi 淮南子 16.533-4. 49 The “thorn grove” refers to the execution grounds. See Wang Rong 王融 “Yongming jiunian ce xiucai wen” 永明九年策秀才文, Wen xuan 36.1647. 50 The heart is the vessel for receiving the Buddhist teachings, while the moon is a metaphor for the Buddha. See Mahāparinirvana sutra 大般涅槃經, T 12: 18.724b. “This is as if all living beings yearn for moonlight in the midst of heat. The moment the moon shines on them, accumulated heat is dispelled” 譬如盛熱之時一切眾生常思月光。月 光既照鬱熱即除。月愛三昧亦復如是。能令眾生除貪惱熱.

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心灰庶方撲

視愛同荓蜂 52 遊善如原菽





八邑僊人山 四寶神龍澳



藥樹永繁稠

56 禪枝詎凋摵 以茲悅聞道 庶此優馳逐



願追露寶車 60 脫屣親推轂



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Perhaps the dust of the mind can then be wiped away.51 Attachment is considered a barrier and burden;52 Make kindness your association and harvest it like bean leaves.53 The Eight Townships are the immortals’ mountain;54 In the Palace of Four Treasures hides a divine dragon.55 The tree of healing herbs forever grow lush and dense;56 How could the branches of dhyāna wither and dry?57 With this, I was pleased to hear of the teachings; Maybe this is better than galloping and chasing about. I wish to follow the jeweled carriage; Taking off my shoes, I will push the wheels in person.

In this poem densely packed with Buddhist terms and images, Xiao Tong overwhelms the reader with his enthusiasm and earnestness in learning about what must have been a relatively new matter. Despite the profusion of jargon, Xiao Tong’s understanding of Buddhism seems appropriate for a novice. No profound or complex religious or scholastic issues are tack51 Xinhui 心灰 is xingou 心垢, which refers to vexation and troubles. See Wuliang shoujing lianyi shuwen zan 無量壽經連義述文贊, T 37: 2.157a. 52 The locus classicus for pingfeng 荓蜂 is Ode 289 “Xiaobi” 小毖. Kong Yingda’s commentary gives the following gloss to the phrase: “to drag and lead each other into evil doings” 相掣曳入於惡也. See Maoshi zhengyi 19.745. 53 The phrase yuanshu 原菽 alludes to Ode 196 “Xiaoyuan” 小宛. See Maoshi zhengyi 12.419. 54 Ba yi 八邑 or “Eight Townships” refers to the eight administrative towns under Danyang commandery 丹陽郡 in Yangzhou 揚州; they were Jiankang 建康, Moling 秣陵, Danyang 丹陽, Liyang 溧陽, Yongshi 永世, Hushu 湖熟, Jiangning 江寧, and Jurong 句容. As these were towns surrounding the capital area, the term refers to Jiankang. The “immortal mountain” refers to Vulture Peak, a metaphor for a site for Buddhist lectures. See Nan Qi Shu 14.245. 55 Sibao 四寶, “Four Treasures,” is an allusion to the Cinnamon Palace of Emperor Wu in the Han dynasty, which contained a seven-treasure couch, multi-treasure desk, treasure screen, and treasure tent. These were placed in the Cinnamon Palace, which was then called the Palace of Four Treasures. Here the phrase Sibao is likely a metonym for the Liang imperial palace. 56 The tree of healing herbs belongs to Bhaisajya-samudgata (Medicine King), the bodhisattva of healing. He is said to possess the power to cure all physical and mental illnesses. 57 Dhyāna means meditation.

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led here. In the first four couplets, there are still vestiges of comparing Buddhism to something more familiar. The profuse use of similes in this poem suggests a natural approach for someone to deal with new ideas. Altogether sixteen verbs or co-verbs with a comparative function are used in six instances in couplets 1, 3, 4, 12, 13, 14, 21, and 26. The first two lines liken the setting of this Buddhist gathering to those held by the Tathāgata. Almost every line is a string of Buddhist terms, with one per line or two connected with a verb. Such an inundation of Buddhist terms somewhat mars the quality of the poem, as certain parts of it read like lecture notes listing key concepts. However, understanding all the terms does not guarantee the mastery of meaning. The challenge presented by these lectures is mentioned in couplet 13, and starting shortly afterward in couplet 15 the poet turns to describing the natural scenery, an indispensable element in pentasyllabic poetry, over the next three couplets. This is followed by another admission of insecurity regarding the subject matter before the poet continues the scenic depiction. It almost seems as if the poet has been distracted by the beautiful landscape from the density of a long and desultory lecture on Buddhism. In the concluding section of the last ten couplets, the prince reiterates the challenges encountered in learning about Buddhism, but nevertheless acknowledges the moral efficacy of the religion. The idea of conveyance and delivery, helping to move ordinary people beyond frantic everyday pursuits, encourages the prince to take up the challenge of spreading the Dharma, as indicated in the phrase “pushing the wheels [of the carriage].” By hosting Buddhist lectures, Xiao Tong did indeed contribute to the development of Buddhism. His action was conspicuously parallel to the Indian crown prince Jeta, who gave his garden in the beginning to Śākyamuni as his monastery. Although the literary value of the poem is perhaps undermined by the repetitive use of comparison verbs and the piling up of Buddhist terms, it provides us with some infromation about Xiao Tong’s understanding of and attitude toward Buddhism. Xiao Tong honestly reflects on his learning experience in Buddhism, furthering the impression gained from reading the shorter “Dongzhai jiangjie shi” above that he was still not at home with it. As a conscientious student and a filial son, Xiao Tong vowed to try his best at this endeavor, as his devout Buddhist father, the emperor, enthusiastically watched and urged him on.

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Notes between Emperor Wu and Xiao Tong on Buddhist Lectures There are a series of thank-you notes in Xiao Tong’s collection that may very well speak to the Liang emperor’s active involvement in this campaign of promoting the study of Buddhism. The emperor bestowed a number of study aids on Xiao Tong, among which there were two interpretive commentaries composed by the emperor himself, one on the Mahā-parinirvāna sūtra 大般涅磐經,58 and the other on the Mahāvaipulyamahāsamnipāta-sūtra 大方等大集經.59 Upon receipt of the Nirvāna sūtra, the prince wrote a thank-you note, from which we know that the scripture he had received comprised ten books in 101 juan. Xiao Tong raved about the rarity of such a gift: Seeing the sun appearing in a cold land is nothing marvelous; encountering an immortal on a herb-gathering excursion is not as joyful. Relying on what is explicated in the hexagrams,60 I have attained a deep understanding of the motive force and emblems of the cosmos.61 What is summarized in all four categories of books allows me to carry out governance limited to this realm.62 Never before have I encountered teachings that encompass “cause and effect” and explicate the “Jeweled City.” 63 Nor have I read texts that analyze the twofold truth64 and expound on the mind of the full moon.65 58 This is commonly known as the Nirvana sutra, and is said to have been delivered by Śākyamuni just before his death. There are two Chinese versions, one in 40 juan, and the other in 36 juan. See Soothill, p. 94. What Xiao Yan had was probably the latter. 59 See Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 118-127. 60 Liuyao 六爻 here refers to the Yijing. 61 Ji 幾, “incipience,” “infinitesimally small beginning” or “subtlety” (wei 微), refers to prophetic signs. It is the subtle increment of a motion, portending auspiciousness. See Zhouyi zhengyi 8.171. Xiang 象 refers to images and signs represented by the trigrams that make up the top and bottom halves of a hexagram and the images of individual lines. See Lynn, The Classic of Changes, pp. 84-85. 62 Sishu 四書, the “Four Books,” should be taken here simply to mean all writings grouped under the four categories: jing 經 classics, shi 史 histories, zi 子 philosophies, and ji 集 literary collections. 63 Yinguo 因果 is the Buddhist concept of cause and effect, which is the impetus behind the three worlds: the past, the present, and the future. Retributions of good and evil follow each other like shadow following form. The cause and effect for three lives go in cycles and never cease. See Nirvana sutra, T 12: 32.821a. Baocheng, “Jeweled City,” is a metaphor for Buddhist teachings. See Nirvana sutra, T 12: 2.616a. 64 Zhensu 真俗 is an abbreviation for zhensu erdi 真俗二諦, or “two truths:” the “ultimate truth” and “apparent truth,” respectively. 65 The bright full moon is a metaphor for one’s Buddha-mind being pure and clean without dust. See Puti xin lun 菩提心論 (Exposition on the Buddha-Mind), T 32: 573c. Also see Dasheng bensheng xidi guan jing 大乘本生心地觀經, T 3: 8.328c. “The full moon, without dust or dirt, is bright and clean. Both inside and outside are transparent and cool. The moon is the heart and the heart is the moon. The moon is not tainted by dirt. Deviant

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chapter four Now the [Buddhist] Way is about to permeate the major chiliocosm,66 transformation will pervade the myriad things; it will spread like clouds over all sentient beings, and cover like rain the field of the self.67 Why would we still mention the turtle texts of Yao or the library of King Mu of Zhou?68 Why would we inscribe and store the sacrificial vessels? Why do we still wait to discard the Baqiu and Jiusuo?69 Sweet dew and the wondrous sūtra are special blessings bestowed on me. Yet I am afraid that my person is too dull to bear this felicity. 寒鄉睹日, 未足稱奇; 採藥逢仙, 曾何譬喜？臣伏以六爻所明, 至邃窮於幾象; 四書所總, 施命止於域中。豈有牢籠因果, 辨斯寶城之教; 網羅真俗, 開茲月 滿之文？方當道洽大千, 化均百億, 雲彌識種, 雨遍身田。豈復論唐帝龜書, 周王策府？何待刊寢盤盂, 屏黜丘索？甘露妙典, 先降殊恩。揣已循愚, 不勝 荷慶, 不任頂戴之至! 謹啟。 70

The laudatory remarks found in this passage focus on a comparison between Buddhist texts and indigenous classical texts. The Buddhist sūtra, being something new to the prince, comes close to being described as possessing a magic power that supersedes all the indigenous tradition has to offer. However, Xiao Tong’s professed enthusiasm may be somewhat exaggerated, as he would have been obliged to praise a gift bestowed by the emperor. The series of rhetorical questions about the inferiority of texts in the Chinese canon leaves room for ambiguity, as the answers do thoughts do not emerge. It allows all living beings to be pure and clean in mind 是滿月輪 五十由旬無垢明淨。內外澄澈最極清涼。月即是心。心即是月。塵翳無染妄想 不生。能令眾生身心清淨. 66 Daqian 大千, also daqian shijie 大千世界 or sanqian daqian shijie 三千大千世界, a great chiliocosm (mahā-sahāsra-loka-dhātu), refers to the Buddhist universe. A great chiliocosmos or universe is composed of three kinds of thousands of worlds. Each world consists of its central mountain Sumeru, surrounded by four continents, its seas being surrounded by a girdle or wall of iron; 1,000 such worlds constitute a small chiliocosmos; 1,000 of these in turn make a medium chiliocosmos, and 1,000 of these are called a great chiliocosmos, comprising in total 1,000,000,000 worlds. See Kroll, Dharma Bell and Dhāranī Pillar, p. 13. 67 Cloud and rain both are metaphor for blessings. Shentian 身田, “field of self,” is a term denoting that the body is seen as a field which produces good and evil fruits for future existence. See Soothill, p. 245. Also see Zhuanjing xingdao yuan wangsheng jingtu fashi zan 轉經行道願往生淨土法事讚, T 47: 1.424c. 68 It is said that on an excursion to a river, the mythical sage-king Yao was presented with a chart carried by a great tortoise. See Yiwen leiju 99.1717. King Mu of Zhou, on his expedition, came across a mountain that was flat. Its four sides were open and allowed entry, and the center was straight. Guo Pu’s annotation says that this is the famous mountain where scrolls and documents were stored. See Mutianzi zhuan 2.4b-5a. 69 These are titles of ancient texts. See Zuozhuan (Duke Zhao 12), which lists the sanfen 三墳, wudian 五典, basuo 八索, and jiuqiu 九丘. Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhengyi 45.795. 70 For the text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 118-19; Zhaoming taizi wenji 3. 17b-18b; Guang Hongming ji 21.17b-18a.

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not necessarily have to be positive. The final expression of modesty can also serve as a flexible excuse if needed for a prince who may not be totally convinced by his father. A similar enthusiastic tone is detected in another note by Xiao Tong thanking the emperor for giving him two books in sixteen juan containing a commentary by the emperor on the Mahāvaipulya-mahāsamnipātasūtra (Da fangdeng daji jing 大方等大集經). It is as if sweet dew is poured onto my head, the water of wisdom is washing my heart, a person in the dark suddenly comes upon brightness, and a hungry man eats his fill. Physical form is to be denied, and desire is to be denied. The two realms are both to be guarded against.71 [Buddhist sūtras contain] splendid words and complex arguments, and trifold explications gather like clouds.72 [Even] with the Four Uninhibited Arguments, discourses have not yet brought me to the bottom of the meaning [of the Mahāvaipulya-mahāsamnipāta-sūtra]. With the Eight Tones, explications cannot expose its meaning to me.73 Responding from below to the motive force of Heaven, Your Majesty has handed down this sagacious work. It is the same as the real and constant,74 but there is more. It will hang as high as the sun and moon. It is as if I am observing the treasures in Mount Chong and obtaining pearls from the ocean. What virtue does this vassal of yours have to earn your constant guidance? Even if I could write petitions like Zhang Heng or presentations like Gu Yong, how could I adequately express my gratitude? Raising my sleeves, I prolong my speech. I haven’t extended it into singing and dancing.75 This extreme joy is more than I can bear. 71 界 is dhātu; erjie 二界 or the “two realms” refers to the realm of desire, yujie 欲界 (kāmadhātu), and the realm of form, sejie 色界 (rūpadhātu). There is a third realm beyond form called wusejie 無色界 (arūpadhātu). A Buddha has the boundless and divine power to create a world between rūpadhātu and arūpadhātu that is similar to the great chilicosmos (trisāhasramahāsāhasralokadhātu). See Da fangdeng da ji jing (Mahāvaipulya-mahā­ samnipāta-sūtra), T 13: 3.1a. 72 In this line, Xiao Tong describes the difficulty of reading Buddhist texts. “Trifold explications” refer to interpretations of teachings, principles, and texts. See Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 122. 73 The Four Uninhibited Arguments refer to the uninhibited explanation of the Dharma, the meaning, the diction, and the argument. The Eight Tones refer to the eight qualities of Tathāgata’s voice in delivering his lecture: beautiful, flexible, harmonious, respect-producing, not effeminate, unerring, deep and resonant. What these two lines mean here is that even with Buddha’s explanation can not completely clarify the meaning of the sutra. 74 Zhenru 真如 is bhūtatathatā, or the real and constant, i.e., the ultimate reality. 75 This is an allusion to the Liji: “As for song serving as speech, it is [a matter] of prolonging the speech. One takes delight in it, and then speaks about it. When speech fails it, one chants about it in prolonged tone. When chanting fails it, one then laments and sighs over it. When sighing and lamenting fail it, one unknowingly dances with hands and feet [in order to express it]” 故歌之為言也, 長言之也, 說之故言之, 言之不足, 故長言之,

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chapter four 甘露入頂, 慧水灌心, 似暗遇明, 如饑獲飽。伏以非色非欲, 二界同坊; 匪文匪 理, 三詮雲集。四辯言而未極, 八聲闡而莫窮。俯應天機, 垂茲聖作。同真 如而無盡, 與日月而俱懸。但觀寶舂山, 獲珠大海。臣實何能, 恆蒙誘被？張 奏含筆, 豈足陳心？抗袖長言, 未伸歌舞。不任喜荷之至! 謹奉啟謝聞。謹 啟。 76

In addition to commentaries on sūtras, Emperor Wu also bestowed on the crown prince a rhinoceros horn ruyi 如意.77 It was given to Xiao Tong to use when giving lectures on Buddhism. Exchanges between Monk Fayun and Xiao Tong In addition to the above notes, there were some additional exchanges between Xiao Tong and the resident monk Fayun that address the crown prince’s learning of and lecturing on Buddhism. In one note, the renowned master Fayun invited Xiao Tong to “expound on the [Buddhist] meaning”78 in order to enlighten those in the dark and thus “forever dispel the narrowness of the lowly” (yongqu bilin 永袪鄙吝).79 In Xiao Tong’s reply, he described the teachings of Buddhism as “concentrated and deep” (ningshen 凝深), “broad and pure” (yuancui 淵粹), “remote and unfathomable” (yaorannance 杳然難測), and “serene and soundless” (jiranwusheng 寂然無聲), and protested that he was not yet proficient in them. The prince particularly expressed his concern over serving as an advocate of Buddhism: As for propagating an orthodox religion, the purport lies in benefiting the people. As a disciple I am indeed fond of the inner meaning of Buddhist principles. Yet in terms of digging into the depths and reaching afar, this is mostly unfamiliar to me. How could I even be able to discuss principles and benefits? The various monks all have entered the gate of dharma, and the 長言之不足, 故嗟歎之, 嗟歎之不足, 故不知手之舞之、足之蹈之也. See Liji zhushu 39.702. 76 For the text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiao zhu pp. 121-3; Zhaoming taizi wenji 3. 18b-19a; Guang Hongming ji 21.18a. 77 Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu pp. 123-4. Ruyi 如意 can be made of bamboo, wood, horn, or iron. There are two main uses of the ruyi. The common use is for scratching the back. It is possible that Buddhist lectors used it as a pointer or baton. See Wu Zeng 吳曾 (fl. 11271160), Neng gai zhai man lu 能改齋漫錄 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), p. 33. See John Kieschnick, The Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Material Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), pp. 139-56. Kieschnick points out the ruyi sceper took on “emblematic significance as the mark of a ruler” in the beginning of the sixth century. 78 See Guang hongming ji, T 52: 21.247b. 79 Ibid.

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days have been many since they were first immersed in Buddhism. And as for you, Dharma Master, I need not mention [what an expert you are]. When I hear that you wish to hear me lecture, it is truly something I do not understand. The above is what I think, and I wish to say no more about it. 至於宣揚正教, 在乎利物耳。弟子之於內義, 誠自好之樂之。然鉤深致遠, 多 所未悉; 為利之理。蓋何足論？諸僧並入法門, 遊道日廣。至於法師, 彌不俟 說。云欲見餐稟, 良所未喻。想得此意, 不復多云。 80

The direct, verging on abrupt, tone in this letter is rather uncommon for Xiao Tong, who seems uncomfortable and unwilling to take on the request to give a lecture on Buddhism. Yet as history has it, those lectures did materialize. This reversal may have taken place at the urging of the emperor, who upon hearing of the rejection note arrived with gifts of study and teaching aids for Xiao Tong. A second response was hence issued from Xiao Tong, informing Fayun of his acceptance of the request to give a lecture: I have read your note again and now see that you wish for me to interpret the meaning instead of expounding on the benefits, as was said before. The opening of the sweet dew of dharma is not to be discussed. If it is simply outlining the origin of the meaning, then I cannot but do it. I simply feel ashamed about using my fisheye to match your night-glow pearl. 重覽來示, 知猶欲令述義。不辨為利, 具如前言, 甘露之開, 彌慚來說。若止 是略標義宗, 無為不爾, 但愧以魚目擬法師之夜光耳。統和南。 81

Here Xiao Tong makes it clear that he would reject being used to promote Buddhism as a religion, though he could accept treating it as an academic discipline. Still, he felt he was not equipped with the knowledge or expertise to do even this. The event of Xiao Tong’s lecture was carried out in the manner of a seminar or symposium discussing two Buddhist terms, erdi 二諦 and fashen 法身 (dhmamakāya or “embodiment of Truth and Law”). Erdi, literally meaning “Twofold Truth” or “Two Kinds of Truths: the Ultimate Truth and the Apparent Truth,” is a term that appears in many Buddhist sūtras, yet its exact meaning was elusive and much debated, and this was probably why it was found a worthy topic for Xiao Tong’s lecture. Xiao Tong 80 Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 115. 81 Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 117. The comparison of fisheye to night-glow pearl can be found in Lu Chen’s 盧諶 letter to Liu Kun 劉琨. Wen xuan 25.1179. 若公肆大惠, 遂其 厚恩錫。以咳唾之音, 慰其違離之意。則所謂咸池酬於北里, 夜光報於魚目。諶 之願也, 非所敢望也。

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­ resented his own understanding of the two terms. Those who were at the p symposium included 14 monks from 12 monasteries, 8 royal family ­members, and some court writers including Liu Xiaochuo. Though names of the scholars are not readily available, names of the monks present were completely recorded: Huichao 慧超 from Nanjian Temple 南澗寺,82 Huiyan 慧琰 from Zhaoti Temple 招提寺,83 Tanzong 曇宗 from Qixuan Temple 栖玄寺,84 Sengqian 僧遷85 and Huiling 慧令 from Linggen Temple 靈根寺, Senghui 僧慧 from Zhongxing Temple 中興寺, Huiling 慧令 from Songxi Temple 宋熙寺, Faxuan 法宣 from Xinghuang Temple 興皇寺, Huixing 慧興 from Xianggong Temple 湘宮寺, Sengmin 僧旻 from Zhuangyan Temple 莊嚴寺,86 Fachong 法寵 from Xuanwu Temple 宣武寺,87 Sengmin 僧憫 from Jianye Temple 建業寺, Fayun and Jingtuo 敬脫 from Guangzhai Temple 光宅寺. We also know that the nobles in attendance were Xiao Gang the Prince of Jin’an, Wang Gui,88 the Marquis of Luoping 羅平侯 Xiao Zhengli 蕭正立,89 the Marquis of Hengshan 衡山侯 Xiao Gong 蕭恭,90 Xiao Ying 蕭映,91 Xiao Li 蕭勵,92

82 The abbot of Nanjian Temple, Huichao was made the Buddhist Chief (Sengzheng) in the early years of the Liang. Around 510, he was made Resident Monk of the Xiao family. For his biography, see Xu gaoseng zhuan T 50: 6.468a-b. 83 There is no biography found of Huiyan, but he has a work expounding on Buddhism called Chan pin yi 禪品義. See Xu gaoseng zhuan, T 50: 6.476a. 84 For Tanzong’s biography, see Xu gaoseng zhuan, T 50: 6.416a-419a. 85 Being the abbot of Linggen Temple in the capital, Sengqian was invited as the Resident Monk of the Xiao family. For his biography, see Xu gaoseng zhuan, T 50: 6.461c. 86 Sengmin was initially the abbot of Xishan Temple 西山寺 in Huqiu 虎丘 (modern Suzhou). In 506, he came to the capital area and was made Resident Monk by Xiao Yan. For his biography, see Xu gaoseng zhuan, T 50: 6.461c-463c. 87 Fachong was the abbot of Qilong Temple and was a high-rank Resident Monk of Xiao Yan, dying in 524. For his biography, see Xu gaoseng zhuan, T 50: 6.461a-c. 88 Wang Gui was grandson to Wang Jian, the Qi Secretariat of State. 89 Xiao Zhengli was Emperor Wu’s nephew; his father Xiao Hong 蕭宏 was the Prince of Linchuan 臨川王. He was also the younger brother of Xiao Zhengde 蕭正德, the archvillain of the Liang. In 526 when Xiao Hong died, Xiao Zhengli was made Marquis of Jian’an. For his biography see Nan shi 51.1283. 90 Xiao Gong was the second son of King of Nanping Xiao Wei, a younger brother of Emperor Wu. For his biography, see Nan shi 52.1293. 91 Xiao Ying was the son of Xiao Dan 蕭憺, the Prince of Shixing 始興王. He became a graduate of the Imperial Academy in 519 and then a librarian for Xiao Tong. He was enfeoffed as the Marquis of Guangxin 廣信 in 521 and ended up as the Governor of Guangzhou. For his biography see Nan shi 52.1302. 92 Xiao Li was the eldest son of Xiao Jing 蕭景, Emperor Wu’s cousin. He was made a librarian for Xiao Tong in 521. In 523, he was conferred the title of Marquis of Wuping 吳平, Grand Protector of Huainan 淮南, and ended as the Governor of Guangzhou 廣州. See Nan shi 51.1261-3.

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Xiao Ye 蕭曄,93 and the Marquis of Chengxiang 程鄉侯 Xiao Zhi 蕭祇.94 During each lecture, Xiao Tong first provided his definition of the term to be explicated, and then held a question and answer period with the audience. His lectures on both terms were recorded in their entirety.95 The emperor not only sent out a representative to listen to the lecture on his behalf, he also sent a messenger to extend his regards to the prince when the lecture ended. The scribe Zhou Ang 周昂 was sent to attend the lecture and probably served as the note-keeper. There are two notes written by the prince to express his gratitude as well as displaying his humility at his professed ineptitude.96 The significance of the entire matter is attested to by the obvious presence of the emperor’s support from beginning to end. The completeness of the records kept is also a result of the imperial will and of the importance placed on the occasion. Commemorating with Verse In addition to the many thank-you notes written by the prince before and after the lecture, as well as the exchange of notes with Fayun, there is also a poem written by Xiao Tong to commemorate this lecture, “Xuanpu jiangshi.”97 Lecture Held at the Hanging Garden

玄圃講詩98

93 Xiao Ye was a younger brother of Xiao Ying. He was titled the Marquis of Anlu 安陸, and then the Marquis of Shanghuang 上黃, and ended up as Grand Protector of Jinling 晉陵. See his biography in Nan shi 52.1303-4. 94 Xiao Zhi was Xiao Gong’s younger brother, the fourth son of Xiao Wei. For his biography see Nan shi 52.1294. 95 For the texts of these two lectures, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 130-52; Zhaoming taizi wenji 5.45a-66b and 5.66b-74a; Guang hongming ji 21.2b-13b and 21.13a-16b; Zhaoming taizi ji 6.1a-17b and 6.17b-23a. 96 Zhaoming taizi ji jiao zhu, pp. 126-8. 97 For the text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu pp. 16-8; Lu Qinli, p. 1797; Zhaoming taizi wenji 2.10b-11a; Zhaoming taizi ji 1.7a-7b; Yiwen leiju 76.1297. 98 Guang Hongming ji 廣弘明集 (T 52: 20.242a) records a eulogy by Xiao Gang, “Shang huangtaizi Xuanpu jiang song qi” 上皇太子玄圃講頌啟, noting that the poem was composed after Prince Zhaoming gave the lecture on the two Buddhism terms. A fu piece by the title “Xuanpu yuan jiang fu” 玄圃園講賦 by Xiao Ziyun 蕭子雲 says: “in the seventeenth year of the Tianjian 天監 era, as the continued propagation of the virtue of Crown Prince …” This helps us to estimate the composition date for the current poem to be 517. See Guang Hongming ji, T 52: 29:340c.

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白藏氣已暮 玄英序方及 稍寬螿聲悽 轉聞鳴鴈急 穿池狀浩汗 築峰形嶪岋 旰雲緣宇陰

8

晚景乘軒入

4



風來幔影轉 霜流樹沬濕 林際素羽翾 12 漪間赬尾吸 試欲遊寶山 庶使信根立 名利白巾談

The breath of autumn now has come to its end; The turn of winter is about to arrive.99 Amidst the chilly chirping by cicadas,100 There is geese’s urgent call. We dig ponds that are broad and vast; We construct peaks that are tall and towering.101 Evening clouds along the eaves become darker and darker; The setting sun, through the lattice, is entering the room. Wind rises, and the shadow of the curtains revolves; Frost melts, and the froth on tree tips is moist. Around the grove, white feathers flutter; Amid the waves, red-tailed fish breathe in and out. We set out to roam the Divine Mountain;102 Hoping to establish the root of faith.103 White-turbaned students discuss fame and gain;104

99 In the “Shitian” 釋天 (Glosses on Heaven) section of the Erya 爾雅, it says: “Autumn is called baicang 白藏 (white storing), and winter is called xuanying 玄英 (fuscous essence).” The commentary by Guo Pu reads: “The air [of autumn] is white and it is time to collect and store. The air [of winter] is black and it is pure and essential” 氣白而收藏, 氣黑而清英. See Erya zhushu 6.95. 100 Jiang 螿, cicada, is also known as hanjiang 寒螿 or hanchan 寒蟬. A quotation of Tao Hongjing 陶宏景 (452-563) in the Bencao gangmu 本草綱目 reads: “Cicadas chirp in the ninth and tenth months. Their sounds are extremely chilly and urgent.” Li Shizhen 李時珍 (1518-1593), Bencao gangmu (Beijing: Renmin weisheng chubanshe, 1975), 42.8267b. 101 Here I have adopted David Knechtges’s translation of these lines. Note the language here is written in the hyperbolic tradition of the Han fu. The “peaks” are not tall mountains, but artificial mounds. The words translated as “broad and vast” (haohan 浩汗) and “tall and towering” (yeji 嶪岋) are typical fu terms that are usually applied to much larger entities, namely the ocean and mountains respectively. 102 The Divine Mountain is a reference to the residence of Buddhist monks. 103 In the Dasheng zhangyi 大乘章義, xin 信 is defined as “having no doubt about such ideas as the sanbao 三寶,” while gen 根 is “the ability to produce and propagate.” Xin’gen is one of the five roots that help to dispel deviant beliefs, and thus it is faith (śraddhendriya). The other four are: jingjin gen 精進根 or zeal (vīryendriya), nian gen 念根 or memory (smṛtīndriya), dinggen 定根 or meditation (samādhīndriya), and huigen 慧根 or wisdom (prajñendriya) . See Chang a’han shibao fa jing 長阿含十報法經, T 1: 1.235a. 104 Baijin 白巾 or “white turbans,” was the headdress of students in the National Academy. It is used here as a synecdoche for the students. Mingli 名利 is nāman and patu. Ming 名 refers to mingxiang 名相 or “name and appearance,” the tangible aspects of things such as sound and appearance. It is unreal and gives rise to delusion. Li 利 refers to liwu

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16 筆札劉王給 Brushes and writing tablets were supplied to LiuWang.105 茲樂踰笙磬 Such joy surpasses that of panpipe and chime stone; 寧止消悁邑 Who says that it only dispels ennui and boredom? 唯娛惠有三 As I enjoy the idea that “wisdom has three kinds;”106 20 終寡聞知十 Still I lack “hearing-knowing of [Buddha] in ten ways.”107 The poem begins by establishing the time and circumstance of the lecture; the scene described is around the end of fall and beginning of winter. Night is falling. Xiao Tong provides a detailed description of his Hanging Garden in which the lecture was held. The purpose of the lecture is said, in the seventh couplet, to be “roaming the Divine Mountain,” a metaphor for engaging in Buddhist discussions. Yet “hoping to establish the root of faith” was probably even more important for both the emperor and the monk Fayun. Attendants at the lecture range from students of the National Academy to famous scholars and writers, who in the poem are referred to by the names of their predecessors in the Jian’an period. Even though this is ostensibly a Buddhist gathering, Xiao Tong compares it to the usual literary meetings he would have with his men of letters. A piece by Xiao Gang provides further commemoration of this lecture at the Hanging Garden. It is a three-part composition, with the main body being a eulogy titled “Eulogy on the Lecture Held at the Hanging Garden” (Xuanpu yuan jiangsong 玄圃園講頌). Preceding this eulogy is a preface providing background information about the lecture. In addition, there is a memorandum by Xiao Gang addressing his brother the crown prince. The considerable volume of writings available concerning the lecture 利物 or lita 利他 (parahita), “benefit or profit (other) men.” The bodhisattva-mind is to improve oneself for the purpose of improving or benefiting all living beings. 105 It is not exactly clear to whom “Liu-Wang” refers here, but at least there are two possibilities. Yu Shaochu believes that it refers to Liu Zhen 劉楨 and Wang Can 王粲, two of the Seven Worthies of Jian’an. Their names then would be a comparison to the poets at Xiao Tong’s court. Yu also suspects that this line implies that the poets wrote on behalf of the prince. If this is true, then Liu may refer to Liu Xiaochuo and Wang refer to Wang Gui. In any case, the term refers to those literary men present at the lecture. 106 Buddhism takes wenhui 聞慧, sihui 思慧, and xiuhui 修慧 to be three kinds of wisdom. Wenhui emerges along with one’s experiences and teachings from the canon. Sihui comes about through thinking and reasoning, the wisdom attained by meditating on the principles and doctrines of Buddhism. See Chengshi lun 成實論, T 32: 1.250a. 107 Ten is the number of completion in Buddhism, and the number ten is used to manifest infinity. See Dafangguangfo huayanjing sui shu yanyi chao 大方廣佛華嚴經隨疏演 義鈔, T 36: 1.5c.

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held in the Hanging Garden cannot but point to the design of the imperial hand. This was at the time a concerted endeavor by Xiao Yan not only to convert Xiao Tong, but also to recruit the crown prince to act as a major proponent of the emperor’s overall Buddhist policy. The effect it eventually had on the young prince was at best meager, however, and Xiao Tong was not transformed into a fervent Buddhist. Judging from the portrayal given by Xiao Tong in his “Xuanpu jiangshi,” the event that purports to “establish the root of faith” turned out to be nothing more than a gathering for the abstract discussion of Buddhism. One constant and important message present in all the documents cited above is that Buddhist teachings are too profound to be grasped easily. At the end of “Xuanpu jiangshi,” Xiao Tong again confesses his less than thorough understanding of the subject. The gathering served no greater function than that of an occasion to be marked by literary writings. Excursions to Buddhist Sites Other major Buddhist activities in which Xiao Tong participated included one that took place at the Kaishan Temple 開善寺 on Mount Zhong 鐘山. When the renowned monk Baozhi 寶志 passed away in 515, the temple, together with a pagoda, was built at Baozhi’s tomb site.108 Emperor Wu subsequently named Zhizang 智藏 (458-522) the resident monk at the temple, and in the autumn of 521 Zhizang held a gathering at Kaishan Temple where he lectured on the Nirvana Sūtra. Together with his entourage, Xiao Tong made an excursion to Mount Zhong to attend this lecture. The group composed a set of poems on the event. The first poem I shall present here is by Xiao Tong himself. Poem on the Buddhist Gathering Held at Kaishan Temple

開善寺法會詩109

栖烏猶未翔 命駕出山莊



詰屈登馬嶺 迴互入羊腸

4

Resting crows have not yet flown; I ordered my chariot to set out from the mountain villa. Twining and twisting, we ascend the Horse Ridge; Winding and bending, we enter the Sheep-gut Pass.

108 See Zhang Dunyi, Liuchao shiji bianlei, p. 11. 109 For the text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu pp. 29-32; Zhaoming taizi wenji 2.13b-14a; Zhaoming taizi ji 1.9a-10b; Yiwen leiju 76.1297-98.

xiao tong’s encounters with buddhism

稍看原藹藹

漸見岫蒼蒼 落星埋遠樹 8 新霧起朝陽 陰池宿早雁 寒風催夜霜 玆地信閑寂 12 清曠唯道場 玉樹琉璃水 羽帳鬱金床

紫柱珊瑚地 16 神幢明月璫 牽蘿下石磴 攀桂陟松梁

澗斜日欲隱 20 煙生樓半藏 千祀終何邁 百代歸我皇 神功照不極 24 睿鏡湛無方 法輪明暗室 慧海渡慈航



塵根久未洗

203

Gradually we can see the plain with luxuriant vegetation; After a while, dark blue peaks are in sight. Falling stars are buried among distant trees;110 New fog arises with the morning sun. In the shaded pond, there roost morning geese; Cold wind urges on the night frost. This location is indeed serene and secluded; Quiet and spacious, there is only the dharma retreat. On the jade tree, is colored glass like water;111 Feather canopies cover couches scented with crocus.112 Purple pillars are made of coral; Divine screens are decorated with luminous pearls. Clasping to creepers, we descend the stone steps; Grasping cinnamon branches, we climb the pine ridge.113 The gully is slanted, the sun about to hide; Mist rises, and the building is half concealed. How distant and far is a thousand years? A hundred generations all return to our emperor. The divine power shines through without limit; The mirror of wisdom is clear without compeer.114 The dharma wheel brightens the dark room; Across the ocean of Buddha-wisdom, barques of mercy are ferried. My roots to the world have long lacked cleansing;

110 Yu Shaochu suggests that luoxing here actually refers to the name of a tower, which was located on Mount Zhong to the northeast of Jiankang. The three-story building was build by the first Wu emperor. In Zuo Si’s 左思 “Wudu fu” 吳都賦, this “Falling Star Tower” is mentioned. See Zhaoming taizi ji jiao zhu, p. 31. Liuchao shji bianlei, p. 4; Wen xuan 5.230. See Knechtges, Wen xuan, 1:420, n.LL.673-74. 111 Liuli is a type of colored glass which has a crystalline quality and is often compared to water. See Schafer, Golden Peaches of Samarkand, pp. 235-37. 112 Berthold Laufer identifies the yujin that was offered to the Buddha as crocus. See Sino-Iranica, p. 317. 113 For the phrase pangui 攀桂, see “Zhao yin shi” 招隱士 in Chuci buzhu 12.376. 114 睿鏡, also 智鏡 and 惠鏡, or “mirror of wisdom,” is metaphor for Buddhist wisdom that reflects truth.

204 28 希霑垂露光

chapter four They wish to be moistened by bestowed luster of dew.115

This poem records an early morning excursion to Mount Zhong. Most of the poem focuses on a landscape description. Before birds have flown out of their nests that morning, the prince’s entourage has already set out. The mountain paths, winding and twisting, are compared to the intestines of goats, a favored figure made famous by Cao Cao’s poem “Kuhan xing” 苦寒行 (Ballad of Bitterly Cold), which is included in the Wen xuan: “The goat-gut slope is twining and twisting;/The wheels of my chariot are torn apart” 羊腸阪詰屈, 車輪為之摧.116 But the Liang prince and his entourage do not experience the same adversity, and make a rather smooth journey. They come closer to the mountain and leave the rich plains behind, as morning begins to veil itself in fog. These images conjure up a scene of autumn. The chilly cold morning constitutes a suitable mood for visiting a Buddhist retreat, which is wrapped in a canopy of purity and cleanness. A description of the temple as viewed from close by consists of images of jade, colored glass, coral, and pearls, an assortment of precious stones commonly found in Buddhist temples. Tracing the movement of creepers in couplet 9 not only complements the scene with dynamics, but also enhances its otherworldliness. Sitting in a valley, the temple is screened off by the mountains surrounding it. In the tenth couplet, the personification of “the sun” that seems to be “hiding itself” as a result of the slanted gulley brings out vividly the image of the temple as a protected haven. The sense of shelter and mysticism is furthered by the mist wrapping around the tower in line 20. In the next section, the poet praises the supreme majesty of his father’s reign that has made this religious retreat possible, and which in turn is to be protected by the aura of Buddha. The prince announces the utility of the Dharma, Buddha-wisdom of enlightenment, and salvation. The poem concludes on a note about the purpose of the trip: to “cleanse dusty roots” with the Buddha’s sweet dew. The term chen’gen or “dusty roots” is a compound of liuchen 六塵 and liugen 六根. The latter, “six organs” or “six indriyas,” refers to the six sense-organs: eye, ear, nose, tongue, body, and mind. As for the former, liuchen, “Six Dusts” or “six guṇas,” are perceptions or qualities produced by the organs of sense, and 115 Sweet dew or dew is often a metaphor of the blessing of Buddha. 116 Wen xuan 27.1283.

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they are sight, sound, smell, taste, touch, and idea. Liugen is also known as the liuru 六入, liuchu 六處, and liuchen is the same as liushi 六識. All these terms speak to an important Buddhist concept associating this world and experience therein as illusory, mediated, and secondary. Chen, “dust,” is but a metaphor for the human experience in connection to and contact with the world. Xiao Tong’s description of the excursion verges on presenting it as a religious pilgrimage. At the end of the gathering, another poem is written commemorating and commenting on the experience. Lecture Adjourned at Mount Zhong117 鍾山解講詩

4

At clear dawn, we leave the Vista Garden;118 At daybreak, we arrive at Mount Zhong. Wheels moving, literary companions mount carriages; 笳鳴賓從靜 Bells rung, guests follow quietly.119 暾出岩隱光 The sun has risen, yet cliffs still block the light; 清宵出望園 詰晨屆鍾嶺 輪動文學乘

117 For the Chinese text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 32-34; Lu Qinli, p. 1796; ­ haoming taizi wenji 12b-13a; Zhaoming taizi ji 1.8b-9a; Yiwen leiju 76.1297. Zhongshan 鍾 Z 山, also known as Zhongfu 鍾阜 or Jiangshan 蔣山, is in the northeast suburbs of Jiankang, modern Nanjing. See Zhang Dunyi, Liuchao shiji bianlei, pp. 34-35. The phrase jiejiang 解講 literally means “to dismiss a lecture.” On this point, I agree with Yu Shaochu. But Mather translates this phrase as “Expository Lecture.” For example, poem 165 in the volume one of The Age of Eternal Brilliance, p. 252. 118 It is not clear what Wangyuan 望園 here refers to exactly, but Yu Shaochu posits that it is another name for Xuanpu, the Hanging Garden. Yu bases this reading on an account in the Mutianzi zhuan: “King Mu went north to ascend Mount Chong. Gazing about, he remarked that Mount Chong is the highest mountain in the world; its moisture comes from clear spring water; its climate is mild without wind; this is where birds and beasts live out their lives; and this is what the previous kings called the ‘Hanging Garden’” 天子北升于舂山之上, 以望四野。曰: “舂山是唯天下之高山也。 。 。舂山之澤, 清水 出泉, 溫和無風, 飛鳥百獸之所飲食, 先王所謂縣圃. Mutianzi zhuan 2.2b. Also see Bao Zhi 鮑至 of the Liang dynasty, “Shanchi yingling shi” 山池應令詩, where a couplet reads: “The sun is setting at the Vista Garden; / Mist and dust now settle at the abbey in the grove 望園光景暮, 林觀歇霧埃.” Lu Qinli, p. 2024. 119 These two lines allude to a part in Cao Pi’s “Yu Zhaoge ling Wu Zhi shu” 與朝歌令 吳質書: “Riding in the same carriage, together we roamed the rear garden. Wheels slowly started to move, guests followed quietly … At times, we roamed riding carriages. To the north, we followed the bend of the River. Those who followed rang the bell to open the road for us, and literary companions rode in carts that followed us” 同乘並載, 以遊後園, 輿輪徐動, 參從無聲, 清風夜起, 悲笳微吟, 樂往哀來, 愴然傷懷. See Wen xuan 42.1895. The literary companions of Xiao Tong on this excursion include Xiao Zixian, Lu Chui, Liu Xiaochuo, and Liu Xiaoyi 劉孝儀 (484-550).

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月落林餘影 糾紛八桂密

8

坡陀再城永



伊予愛丘壑 登高至節景 迢遞睹千室 12 迤邐觀萬頃 即事已如斯 重茲遊勝境 精理既已詳 16 玄言亦兼逞 方知蕙帶人 囂虛成易屏 眺瞻情未終





20 龍鏡忽遊騁

非曰樂逸遊 意欲識箕潁

The moon has fallen into shadows of the grove. Twisting and twining, the eight cinnamon trees densely grow; Rugged and rough, the road to the Second City is now far away.120 I am fond of mountains and rivers; Ascending high, I have reached the lofty site. Into the distance, I see a thousand chambers; Meandering and extending, ten-thousand qing of land is in sight.121 The current gathering has now come to closure;122 Once again, we roam this splendid place. Essential principles have already been expounded; Mystic words also have been displayed. Now I realize that the melilotus-belted person, Has made the “noisy marketplace” his easy hideout. Roaming my gaze, I have not yet enjoyed myself completely; But the Dragon Mirror123 has suddenly galloped away. It is not that I take pleasure in dallying and roaming; My true intention is to know the recluse.124

In her discussion of “how landscapes are made Buddhist,” Cynthia Chennault argues that a key feature of the process is the “mention of Buddhist concepts, and also the transposing of Buddhism’s sacred sites onto the Chinese landscape.”125 In the poem by Xiao Tong above, commemorating a Buddhist occasion, the key feature is how Buddhist terms are avoided and the Buddhist event is transformed into an excursion 120 Zaicheng, the Second City, is another name for the Hanging Garden, which is the second highest peak of the Kunlun mountain. 121 Qing is a unit of area equal to 6.6667 hectares. 122 For a discussion of the phrase jishi, see Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire, p. 122. 123 “Dragon Mirror” literally refers to the type of bronze mirror which as dragon designs engraved on its back. Here I believe it is a metaphor for the sun. 124 Ji Ying 箕潁 here refers to the Ji mountain 箕山 and the Ying river 穎水, places where the famous recluse Xu You 許由 went into hiding. It is in the area of Mount Song 嵩山 in present day Henan province. Yu Shaochu points out this is the same location where the monk Zhizang 釋智藏 had lived. 125 Cynthia L. Chennault, “The Making of Buddhist Landscapes in Poetry of the Liang to Sui Dynasty.” Conference paper, January, 2006. I am indebted to David Knechtges for providing me with a copy of this paper.

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whose undertaking is accorded more importance than the purpose of the Buddhist convocation itself. We are told in “Poem on the Buddhist Gathering Held at Kaishan Temple” that the purpose of this journey was to rinse the six dusty roots with Buddhist teachings. Yet at the end of the gathering when the prince looks back and versifies about the event, there is hardly a trace of Buddhist teachings. Instead the poem is a typical landscape description that celebrates a gathering in and of itself. In the middle of the poem, couplet 6, the poet avows his mountain-loving nature, about which we have read more than once in his biography. As readers who have certain expectations about the poem, we cannot help but search for Buddhist terms. The search ends up with a number of ambiguous words that are general enough to apply to any of the three teachings co-existing during this time. For example, the term “melilotusbelted person” evidently has its origin in the poem “Shao siming” 少司命 in the “Jiuge” 九歌 section of the Chuci, where fragrant plants like melilotus and thoroughwort are common tropes for a person’s virtue, and wearing aromatic herbs designates a superior personality. In the “Shaosi ming,” it is a description of an evasive lord whose descent is momentary and whose itinerary is forever changing.126 The archetype of an incorruptible man of honor who self-consciously cultivates his integrity through practices of planting and wearing fragrant plants is certainly Qu Yuan, who is the more famous persona in the Chuci poems than the deity Shaosi ming. Although the exact phrase “melilotus-belted person” is not found in the “Li sao,” there are two phrases that convey the same sense: “weaving melilotus to make a belt” renhui 紉蕙 and “melilotus sash” huixiang 蕙纕.127 With these precedents to draw on, it is highly likely that Xiao Tong is trying to invoke the image of a lofty man whose final resolution to come to terms with the world is to escape it. Just as Qu Yuan resolves at the end of the “Lisao” to follow the path of the two ancient recluses Peng and Xian, the monk Zhizang, who is the object of the phrase “melilotus-belted person” in Xiao Tong’s poem, pursues a lifestyle comparable to that of a recluse. This aspect of the life of a Buddhist monk is what appeals to the Liang crown prince. This reading is corroborated in the next line. The type of recluse who could “find peace in the middle of all the hustle and bustle” is readily represented by Tao Qian. But this ideal, summarized in the phrase 126 Chuci buzhu 2.104. 127 Chuci buzhu 1.17, 1.19.

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“hiding in court” chao yin 朝隱, may have had its roots as early as the Western Han.128 An explicit poetic treatment of the motif of this type of counter-intuitive escape is found in Wang Kangju’s 王康琚 “Fan zhaoyin shi” 反招隱詩 (Counter Recluse-Summoning): “An inferior recluse dwells in mountains and forests;/ A superior recluse dwells in the court and marketplace” 小隱隱陵藪, 大隱隱朝市.129 This idea would later be epitomized in Tao Qian’s “Drinking Poem #5:” “I built my house in the human realm,/ yet there is no noise of carts and horses./ Pray tell, how can you do this?/ When a heart is remote, the place naturally is secluded” 結廬在人 境/而無車馬喧/問君何能爾/心遠地自偏.130 By invoking archetypal reclusive personae in literature, Xiao Tong sends an unmistakable message about his understanding and appreciation of Buddhism in practice and theory. To him, the Buddhist temple is a reclusive retreat. The lifestyle of a Buddhist monk is desirable for spiritual escape, as he declares: “It is not that I take pleasure in dallying and roaming;/ My true intention is to know the recluse.” By referring to the Buddhist master Monk Zhizang as a recluse, Xiao Tong subjugates the foreign religion in indigenous terms. This is a departure from the poems analyzed earlier in this chapter that can be characterized as “transposing Buddhism’s sacred sites onto the Chinese landscape”; in this poem the Chinese landscape is restored and the foreign religion is reshaped to fit into it. Such a change seems to be a necessary yet natural step in Xiao Tong’s absorption of Buddhism, when taken as a variant of the familiar pursuit of spiritual fulfillment rather than worldly achievement as seen in the trope of reclusion. Unlike his previous approach that centered on the listing of specific Buddhist terms, Xiao Tong now generalizes the teaching as “essential principles” and “mystic words.” By referring to the lecturing monk as a “melilotus-belted person,” Xiao Tong strips the event of a sense of religiosity and solemnity. Matching Poems by Xiao Tong’s Literary Companion The presence of Xiao Tong’s literary companions and their giving voice to the occasion in a manner that much resembles the commemoration of any other gathering, with or without a religious function, is worth 128 See Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, pp. 140-45. Also Vervoorn, Men of Cliffs and Caves, pp. 108-11. 129 Wen xuan 22.1030. 130 See Tao Yuanming ji jiao jian, 219.

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­con­sidering. Like Xiao Tong, his writers value this occasion for its conviviality and inspiration that does not necessarily have its source in Buddhist teachings. Instead the aspiration for escape and quietitude seems all the more universal than specific to the religious event associated with it. The following poems are those written in reply to the prince’s. The first is by Lu Chui. After the Lecture Is Adjourned at Mount Zhong, Matching a Poem by the Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance131 和昭明太子鍾山解講



終南鄰漢闕 高掌跨周京 復此虧山嶺 穹窿距帝城 當衢啟珠館 臨下搆山楹



南望窮淮漵

8

北眺盡滄溟 步檐時中宿



4



飛階或上征 網戶圖雲氣 12 龕室畫仙靈 副君憐世網

Mount Zhongnan neighbors the Han watchtower; Its high palm spans the old Zhou capital.132 This ridge eclipses all other peaks; Arching high, it squats by the imperial city. Facing the thoroughfare, a pearly lodge is open; Looking downward, a mansion is constructed in the mountain. Gazing southward, one sees as far as the banks of the Huai; Peering north, the vast ocean is in sight. [Long] are the covered walkways where one must halt midway;133 Flights of stairs ascend on high.134 Carved lattices have patterns of clouds; Niches on the wall have paintings of divine beings. Our lord cares for the world below;

131 For the text, see Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 35; Lu Qinli, p. 1775. 132 Mount Hua is near Chang’an. One of its peaks is called Xianren zhang 仙人掌, “Immortal’s Palm.” Mt. Hua was said to have blocked the course of the Yellow River. The God of the Yellow River split open the top of the peak with his hands and kicked the base apart with his feet. Mt. Hua then broke into two parts, allowing the Yellow River to flow straight through. The deity’s handprints were reportedly left on top of Mt. Hua, while his footprints could be seen at the base of Mt. Shouyang 首陽山. See Wen xuan, Zhang Heng’s “Xi jing fu,” 2.49; Knechtges, vol. 1, 182. Cf. Pan Yue’s “Xi zheng fu” 西征賦: “Gazing on the north slopes of the Hua peaks;/ I espy the traces of handprints reaching high” 眺華岳之 陰崖, 覿高掌之遺蹤. See Wen xuan 10.453; Knechtges, vol. 2: 203. 133 This couplet bears a similarity to one in Sima Xiangru’s “Shanglin fu”: “In the covered walkways to walk completely around,/ Long is the course and midway one must halt for the night” 步檐周流/長途中宿. See Wen xuan 8.367 and Knechtges, vol. 1: 89. 134 Wang Yanshou, “Lu Lingguang dian fu” 魯靈光殿賦: “Its soaring staircase, tall and towering,/ Climbing the clouds, journeys aloft” 飛階揭孽, 緣雲上征. Wen xuan 11.516; Knechtges, vol. 2: 275.

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He widely summons and gathers men of outstanding talent. 道筵終後說 The dharma lecture has now finished; 16 鑾轡出郊坰 The prince’s carriage comes out to the outskirts. 雲峰響流吹 The sound of pipes echoes among the cloud-covered peaks; 松野映風旌 Expanses of pine reflect fluttering banners. 睿心嘉杜若 His discerning mind praises fine virtue; 20 神藻茂琳瓊 His divine composition stands out among jade and jasper. 多謝先成敏 He declines praise for finishing first; 空頒後乘榮 He merely distributes honors to those who follow.

廣命萃人英

In Lu Chui’s composition, only one line makes a reference to the lecture itself, while the rest of the poem is a careful depiction of scenic surroundings. At first, the location of Mount Zhong upon which Kaishan Temple was constructed is spoken of in grandiose terms, with a vision of the southern capital being a copy of its northern counterpart, which has here merely been transposed onto the southern topography. As an integral part of the imperial landscape, the Buddhist construction is befittingly presented through a highly stylized language, which preserves the grandeurs of palaces and chambers from the Han dynasty. When the Liang capital city is compared to Chang’an, Mount Zhong is naturally paralleled to the Zhongnan Mountains south of the Former Han capital. From the summit of Mount Zhong, rivers and even the ocean can be seen. The language here is hyperbolic, appropriate in depicting royal affairs. The religious function of the journey is subsumed under the imperial glory and fanfare, which this poem seems to celebrate more than piety toward Buddhism. The second half of the poem reinforces such a reading. It first mentions the lecture briefly and then shifts to describe the prince’s entourage, in its pageantry. Banners raised and bells sounding, they now come out to the city outskirts for an excursion, where pleasant and propitious sights encourage a literary celebration. In sum, Lu Chui’s portrayal of Xiao Tong’s trip to Mount Zhong is more about a grandiose journey on which the crown prince sees and is seen. The focus is certainly on Xiao Tong instead of Buddhism. The discussion of Buddhism and its function in the above poem is miniscule. Another writer present at this occasion was Xiao Zixian, younger brother of the Qi prince Xiao Zike 蕭子恪 (478-529), who was successfully persuaded by Xiao Yan to serve the Liang dynasty after many of his kins-

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men had been killed off. Among his sixteen siblings, Xiao Zixian was the most talented writer. He is mainly known for compiling the Nan Qi shu, especially a monograph on “literary writers” (wenxue).135 Although senior to Xiao Tong, Xiao Zixian nevertheless saw eye to eye with the new crown prince when it came to the role “natural tendencies” (xingqing) played in literary composition. On one occasion, Xiao Zixian expressed the following about writing: Looking back on my life, I was rather fond of writing. Although I have not achieved a name for myself, having the intention is enough. Ascending high, we look into the distance; coming to the riverbank, we send friends off; wind stirs on a spring dawn; the moon shines on an autumn night. There are early geese and young orioles, blooming blossoms and fallen leaves. When someone writes me, I will then reply. These are all occasions on which I cannot refrain from writing. 追尋平生, 頗好辭藻, 雖在名無成, 求心已足。若乃登高目極, 臨水送歸, 風動 春朝, 月 明秋夜, 早雁初鶯, 開花落葉, 有來斯應, 每不能已也。 136

This view, by which writing is taken as a natural response to one’s surroundings, resonates well with what Xiao Tong expresses in his letter to Xiao Yi. The following is Xiao Zixian’s reply poem to Xiao Tong on the lecture at Mount Zhong. After the Lecture Was Adjourned at Mount Zhong, Matching a Poem by the Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance 奉和昭明太子鍾山講解137

嵩岳基舊宇



盤嶺跨南京 叡心重禪室

Marchmount Song formed the foundation for our old capital; Coiling mountains span the southern capital.138 His discerning mind cherishes the meditation chamber;

135 See Nan Qi Shu 52.907-9. Cf. Zhou Xunchu, “Liangdai wenlun sanpai shuyao,” pp. 230-4. 136 Liang shu 35.512. 137 For the text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 35; Lu Qinli, p. 1818. 138 Both longpan 龍蟠 and nanjing are references to Jiankang. The former is a name that possibly comes from a comment by Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 who supposedly marveled at the strategic importance of the mountains in the surrounding area: “Mount Zhong coils like a dragon, while the Stone Fort crouches like a tiger.” See Taiping yulan 193.1a.

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8

遊駕陟層城 金輅徐既動 龍驂躍且鳴 塗方後塵合 地迥前笳清



邐迤因臺榭



參差憩羽旌



高隨閬風極 12 勢與元天并 氣歇連松遠

雲昇秋野平 徘徊臨井邑 16 表裡見淮瀛 祈果尊常住 渴慧在無生 暫留石山軌 20 欲知芳杜情 鞠躬荷嘉慶 瞻道聞頌聲

His roaming carriage ascends the storied peaks.139 Golden chariots slowly start to move; Dragon steeds gallop and neigh. Before the dust is about to settle in the rear; The road far ahead has already been cleared with ringing bells. Sinuously snaking, terraces and pavilions lean against each other; Diversely disposed, plumes and pennants rest to­gether. Its height reaches that of Langfeng; Its form matches that of Primal Heaven.140 Morning fog has lifted and a pine grove extends into the distance; Clouds ascend and the autumn fields are flat. Connected and conjoined are the houses in the city;141 Inside and outside lie the Huai River and the ocean. Praying for phala, one honors the eternal reality;142 Desiring dharma-wisdom, one resides in nirvana. For a moment, halt your chariot on this stone path; So as to understand the genuine essence of fragrance. Bowing and saluting, we offer felicitations; Gazing upon the road, we hear songs of praise.

This poem, giving a description of the landscape of the capital and Mount Zhong, is in accord with Lu Chui’s poem. In addition, the poet uses rhyme words from the same rhyme group as those used in Lu’s poem, the geng 庚 rhyme in the ping (“level”) tone (yangpingsheng gengyun 陽平聲庚韻).

139 Ruixin 叡心, “discerning mind,” refers to Xiao Tong. Chanshi 禪室, “meditation chamber,” refers to Kaishan Temple, whereas Zengcheng (the Second City), the highest peak on Mount Kunlun, refers to Mount Zhong. 140 These two lines describe the mountain in exaggerated terms. Langfeng is another peak on Mount Kunlun. 141 The phrase paihuai 徘徊, which usually describes the lingering manner of living beings, here is used to depict the continuous line of joined houses as seen from above. Such usage is found in the Xijing zaji: “Houses are all connected and conjoined, with layered stories and long corridors. Even after spending a long time, one cannot view them all” 屋皆徘徊連屬重閣修廊行之移晷不能遍也. Xijing zaji 3.2b. 142 果, literally “fruit,” means “effects” or “outcome” in relation to “cause” 因 yin (hetu). 常住, the “constant reality” or “eternal reality,” opposite of 無常 “lacking constancy,” often refers to Buddhist wisdom.

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Xiao Tong’s original poem has a different rhyme group, the geng 梗 rhyme in the shang (“rising”) tone (shangsheng gengyun 上聲梗韻). The next poem, written by Liu Xiaochuo, uses the xian 先rhyme in the ping tone (yangping xianyun 陽平先韻), whereas his brother Liu Xiaoyi will after this try his hand at the most difficult rhyme group, the yuan 元 rhyme in the ping tone (yinping yuanyun 陰平元韻). We shall take a look at the two poems by the Liu brothers in their response to Xiao Tong on the same topic. First is Liao Xiaochuo’s piece. After the Lecture Was Adjourned at Mount Zhong, Matching a Poem by the Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance 奉和昭明太子鍾山解講143

4

8

御鶴翔伊水 策馬出王田 我后遊祗鷲 比事實光前 翠蓋承朝景 朱旗曳曉煙 樓帳縈巖谷 緹組曜林阡 況在登臨地 復及秋風年 喬柯變夏葉

12 幽澗潔涼泉 停鑾對寶座 辯論悅人天

淹塵資海滴

16 昭暗仰燈然

法朋一已散 笳劍儼將旋 邂逅逢優渥 20 託乘侶才賢

Riding on a crane, his majesty soars over the Yi River; Spurring on his horse, he departs the capital. My lord roams to this Divine Vulture Peak;144 Compared to previous times, this is indeed more glorious. The turquoise canopy is bathed in morning sun; Cinnabar banners trail in the dawn mist. Awnings of the tower wreathe the craggy valley; Streams of red silk shine through forest paths. At this place where we ascend the heights, It has reached the season of autumn. On tall branches, summer leaves have changed their color; In the secluded gulley, cool spring water is clean. Having halted our carriages, we sit at the lecture; Discussions and debates please both men and devas. Dousing the dust depends on drops of ocean water; Illuminating darkness relies on the lighting of the lamp. The dharma companions have already departed; The sound of the bell solemnly announces for return. By chance, we meet this generous hospitality; Riding along are talented and worthy companions.

143 See Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 36; Lu Qinli, p. 1829. 144 Divine Vulture (Ling jiu 靈鷲) is the famous Gṛdharakūṭa (Vulture Peak) in Rājagrha. This is where Buddha was said to have preached the Prajñāpāramtā sutra and the Saddharmapuṇdanka sutra.

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chapter four Although we write together under the same command, 遺恨獨終篇 I regret that my piece is the least accomplished. 摛辭雖並命

And here is the Liu Xiaoyi’s piece: After the Lecture Was Adjourned at Mount Zhong, Matching a Poem by the Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance 和昭明太子鍾山解講145

4

Shao music is played in front of the Eastern Palace;146 Now our carriages set out from the West Park.147 Although the excursion to probe the ultimate truth is splendid, 終為塵俗喧 Yet, we hear the din of the profane world. 豈如弘七覺 Why not promulgate all Seven Enlightenments?148 揚鸞啟四門 Urging on our carriage, we will pry open the Four Gates.149 夜氣清簫管 Night air purifies the sound of panpipes; 韶樂臨東序 時駕出西園 雖窮理遊盛

145 See Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 36; Lu Qinli, p. 1893 146 There is a variant here: shao 韶 for zhao 詔. Shao 韶, as in the phrase shaoyue 韶樂, makes better sense. Shao or jiushao 九韶 was a ceremonial music performance about the legendary ruler Shun, including the “Song of Nine Virtues” and “Dance of Nine Shao.” Sima Qian noted that the jiushao music was performed by Yu in praise of Shun’s virtue. Sima Zhen’s commentary says that the reason for the number nine is that the music comprised nine pieces. See Zhouli zhushu 22.342, Zhuangzi jishi, p. 152, and Shi ji 1.43. 147 Cao Cao built the “West Park” in his capital Ye for the purpose of naval training. The name “West Park” here refers to Xiao Tong’s “Hanging Garden.” 148 Qijue 七覺 (sapta bodhyaṅga), also qi puti fen 七菩提分, qi puti bao 七菩提寶, qi juefen 七覺分, qi juezhi 七覺支, or qideng juezhi 七等覺支, refers to the seven characteristics of bodhi. These are: zefa juezhi 擇法覺支 or zefa puti fen 擇法菩提分 (dharmapravicaya-saṃbodhyaṇga), which is the wisdom of discriminating the true from the false; jingjin juezhi 精進覺支 (vīrya-saṃbodhyaṇga), which is zeal or undeflected progress; xi juezhi 喜覺支 (prīti-saṃbodhyaṇga), which is joy and delight; 輕安覺支 praśrabdhisaṃbodhyaṇga, which is riddance of all grossness or weight of body or mind, so that they may be light, free, and at ease; nian juezhi 念覺支 (smrti-saṃbodhyaṇga), which is power of remembering the various states passed through in contemplation; and ding juezhi 定覺支 (samādhi-saṃbodhyaṇga), which is the power to keep the mind undiverted in a given realm; and xingshe juezhi 行捨覺支 or she juezhi 捨覺支 (upekṣā-saṃbodhyaṇga or upekṣaka), which is complete abandonment, auto-hypnosis, or indifference to all disturbances of the sub-conscious or ecstatic mind. 149 The four city gates are the gates of the city of Kapilavastu through which Prince Siddhārtha passed on four separate excursions, when he saw for the first time the four distresses of human condition: disease (through the East Gate), old age (through the South Gate), death (through the West Gate), and deliverance (through the North Gate).

xiao tong’s encounters with buddhism 8

曉陣爍郊原



山風亂采眊 初景麗文轅 林開前騎騁 12 逕曲羽旄屯 煙壁浮青翠 石瀨響飛奔 迴輿下重閣

16 降道訪真源

談空匹泉涌 綴藻邁絃繁



輕生逢遇誤

20 並作輩龍鵷

顧已同偏爵



何用挹衢樽

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In early morning, our retinue brightens the suburban plain. A mountain breeze disturbs colorful banners; Early sunrays brighten patterned crossbars. The forest opens up in the front, and we ride along; Upon a zigzagging path, feathered pennants gather. On misty cliffs floats greenish hues; Stony shallows resound as if in fleet flight. Turning our carriage, we descend from the layered gallery; Taking to the road, we visit the source of truth. Our discourse on emptiness bubbles up like a spring; Our woven compositions surpass the intricacy of brocade. Humble men like us by chance come upon [good fortune]; Together we become a group of dragon-birds.150 Looking at myself, I have already exchanged cups with you; Why do I again pour from the roadside goblet?

The above group composition, focusing on the excursion to a Buddhist temple in Mount Zhong, celebrates the event in and of itself rather than the purpose of the trip, that is, to listen to an exposition on Buddhism. Such literary treatment obfuscates the difference between this trip and any other jaunts that the royal prince and his entourage may take, and thus fails to set out the religious significance of this particular event. All five poems may be placed squarely in the sub-genre of “travel and sightseeing.” The scenery of mountains and rivers approximates the grandeur of the empire, and the crown prince is praised whole-heartedly for hosting the excursion. The homage paid to the temple is considered a trace of Xiao Tong’s virtue and care for the worldly.

150 The Dragon Bird is also known as the feilian 飛廉, “a supernatural bird that had the power to attract wind and vapors. ‘Its body resembled that of a deer. Its head was like a bird. It had horns and a snake’s tail. It was spotted like a leopard.” See Zhang Heng “Dongjing fu” 東京賦 in Wen xuan 3.105; Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol.1: 136, L.330 and vol.1: 260, L.223.

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chapter four Between Filial Piety and Religious Identity

Compared to the crown prince’s earlier poems with their denser Buddhist terminology, the above group implies a transition of Xiao Tong’s role in various Buddhist endeavors that took place around the 520s. In the beginning, the young prince, at the exhortation of the emperor, demonstrated an eagerness to grasp Buddhism as a scholarly pursuit. What is reflected in the Mount Zhong poems, written in 521, indicates that the prince now comfortably assumes a role as patron. One year later in the fall of 522, the monk Zhizang, the honored speaker at this gathering despite having received virtually no mention in these poems, passed away. The Hanging Garden and Mount Zhong poems are the only writings that bear evidence to Xiao Tong’s Buddhist endeavors. One would be hard pressed to find any trace of the religious fervor that characterized his father, the Liang emperor. These two groups of Buddhist poems stand out in Xiao Tong’s collection, yet they somehow are isolated proof of Xiao Tong’s involvement in Buddhism. The poems themselves speak of both an effort on the part of the emperor to instill Buddhist devotion in his son, and a lack of evidence that there has been a religious conversion on Xiao Tong’s part. The Liang prince’s encounter with Buddhism did not result in complete devotion which was probably not in line with the expectation of the devout emperor. The following exchange of poems between the father and son show a consistent pattern of persuasion versus resistance. In 520, the Liang emperor had the Grand Temple of Filial Piety constructed in the Bamboo Valley of Mount Zhong, in honor of his father Xiao Shunzhi 蕭順之, a cousin of the Qi founding emperor Xiao Daocheng. Upon the completion of the temple, Xiao Yan personally visited it and wrote a poem commemorating the event. Excursion to the Grand Temple of Filial Piety on Mount Zhong

遊鍾山大愛敬寺151

曰予受塵縛 未得留蓋纏

Oh I have suffered the world’s entanglements! I am not able to be rid of the “five covers” or “ten bonds.”152

151 For the text, see Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, p. 21; Lu Qinli, p. 1531; Zhaoming taizi wenji 1.5a-6a. For the event, see Liuchao shi ji bianlei, p. 112. 152 The Buddhist term gaichan 蓋纏 refers to “fiver covers” (wugai 五蓋) and “ten bonds” (shichan 十纏): the “five covers” are the five mental and moral hindrances that

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The “three states” of mortal existence are an eternal night; 4 六道等長眠 The “six conditions” equal perpetual sleep.153 才性乏方便 By nature, I lack the ability to know convenience; 智力非善權 My intelligence keeps me from utilizing expediency.154 生仕無停相 Upon birth, my service to this world has not stopped; 8 剎那既徂遷 But in an instant I am transported away. 歎逝比悠稔 I lament all those years long gone; 交臂乃奢年 Passing me quickly are too many seasons.155 從流既嘆反 Following the current, sometimes I wonder if I could return; 12 溺喪謂不然 Being lost, I would not think so. 二苦常追隨 Two kinds of suffering156 constantly follow me; 三毒自燒然 Three poisons157 on their own burn. 貪癡養憂畏 Greed and obsession nourish worry and fear; 16 熱惱坐焦煎 In anxiety, one endures torture and torment. 道心理歸終 To a heart seeking enlightenment, the principle hinges on death; 信首故宜先 The mind of the devoted, therefore, should be with his ancestor.158 駕言追善友 Riding the carriage, I seek my fellow devotees; 20 回輿尋勝緣 Turning the cart, I look for wondrous pratyaya.159 面勢周大塊 It [the temple] faces the great territory of Zhou; 縈帶極長川 [Rivers like] winding belts all pour into the long river.

三有同永夜

include desire, anger, drowsiness, excitability, and doubt, while the “ten bonds” that bind men to mortality are: to be shameless, unblushing, envious, mean, regretful, torpid, busy, absorbed, angry, and secretive. The Sanskrit term for gaichan is sarva-kleśa, which literally means “all afflictions.” 153 Sanyou 三有 or tri-bhava are three kinds of existence—those of desire, of form, and beyond form. Liudao 六道 refers to the six destinations of sentient existence—those of heaven, the human realm, asuras, beasts, hungry ghosts, and hell. 154 Fangbian 方便 (upāya) and shanquan 善權 are two synonymous terms, referring to the use of convenient and expedient ways to convey Buddhist ideas and to enlighten various kinds of followers. 155 Another way to render the line is: “My boon companions have wasted their years.” 156 Here the term erku, or tri-duhkhatā, refers to suffering produced by direct causes, by loss or deprivation and by the passing or impermanence of things. 157 The “three poisons” refers to tan 貪 greed (rāga), chen 嗔 anger (dvesa), and chi 痴 obsession (moha). 158 The meaning of these two lines needs further consideration; it pivots on how the word xian 先 in the second line is understood. 159 緣 pratyaya, in comparison to 因 hetu which is the direct cause, is the circumstantial or secondary cause.

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稜層疊嶂遠 24 迤邐高蹬懸 朝日照花林 光風起香山 飛鳥發差池 28 出雲去連綿



落英分綺色 墜露散珠圓 當道蘭藿靡

32 臨階竹便娟 幽谷響嚶嚶 石瀨鳴濺濺 蘿短未申攔 36 葛嫩不在牽 攀緣傍玉澗 褰陟度金泉 長途弘翠微

40 香樓間紫煙 慧居超七淨



梵住踰八禪

始得展身敬 44 方乃遂心虔 菩提聖種子 十力良福田

Layers of ridges and peaks extend far; Twisting and turning, stone steps hang on high. The morning sun shines upon the flower grove; Wind in the light rises in the fragrant mountain. Flying birds come out in uneven lines; Gathering clouds depart, lingering and wandering along. Falling petals spread a colorful luster; Dripping dew scatters like pearls. The path is overgrown with thoroughwort and peavines; Along the steps, bamboo leaves are soft and supple. In this secluded ravine, echoes rumble on and on; Stony shallows swish and splash. The creeping fig is still too short to grasp; The kudzu is too tender to hold on to. We climb by the side of the jade stream; Lifting our skirts, we cross the golden spring. The long road extends to the great halcyon mountain; The fragrant gallery is entwined by purple mists. Where the Wise One dwells surpasses seven kinds of purity; Where the Buddha resides transcends the eight reflections.160 Only now can I display my reverent person; And fulfill my pious heart. The divine seeds of bodhi, With the tenfold power of Buddha, will produce a blessed field.161

160 In Buddhist texts, hui 慧 always stands for prañjā, transcendental wisdom that leads to enlightenment. 161 The “Tenfold Powers” (daśa-balāni), or attributes of Buddhahood are, according to Fo shuo taizi ruiying benqi jing 佛說太子瑞應本起經, T 3: 2.478b-c: (1) knowledge of things hidden and remote; (2) knowledge of all past, present, and future deeds of all beings, together with their consequences; (3) knowledge of the thoughts of other beings; (4) understanding of all languages; (5) perceptions of the feelings and attitudes of other beings; (6) the power to end all suffering and conflict; (7) understanding of the appropriate time to bind, or to release; (8) omniscience—i.e., the ability to trace the course of every being’s existence from its former state through all its later transformations; (9) knowledge of all births and deaths; and (10) knowledge of when all birth and delusion will end.

xiao tong’s encounters with buddhism

正趣果上果

48 歸依天中天 一道出死生 有無離二邊



何待同空后

52 豈羨汾陽前



以我初覺意 貽爾後來賢

219

One is destined for the right to achieve the fruit of fruits;162 One returns to the deva of devas.163 Through the One Way, one transcends mortality;164 Existence and nonexistence are separate as two sides. Why would I be the same as those who come after me? Or envy the one who was at Fenyang before my time?165 Allow me to take my initial awakening; To present it to you—the late-coming worthy.

This long poem can be read in three parts. The first ten couplets give a vivid description about the troubles and vexations of life that the poet has long experienced personally. Buddhist terminology is applied throughout to conceptualize human sufferings. Deeply steeped in life, the poet laments how he cannot escape the quandary of human existence and finds Buddhism the only way out. The next ten couplets depict the landscape of a journey that eventually brings the poet to the temple, a place of purity and serenity. Xiao Yan then depicts the scenery that composes the temple’s surroundings. Built on the northern ridge of Mount Zhong, the temple offers a good view of the capital area, which is in turn described in grandiose terms. Formidable mountains and great rivers stand guard around the Liang capital. This geographical suitability is further matched by a propitious climate. A close-up sight of the land then follows. Burbling springs 162 The Buddhist term zhengqu 正趣 is only found in the name of a Buddha called Zhengqu puti 正趣菩薩. There are several similar terms, however, that may provide us clues about the meaning of the phrase. These include wuqu 五趣, liuqu 六趣, qiju 七趣, jiuqu 九趣, san equ 三惡趣, and wu equ 五惡趣; the word qu 趣 in all the above phrases may be translated as “way,” “road,” “destination,” and even “world.” These various “worlds” or “destinations” are in contrast to the right world or world of right destination, zhengqu 正趣. The phrase guoguo 果果 or chongguo 重果 is found in a Sui dynasty commentary on the Nirvana Sūtra: “Double fruits refer to the fruit of fruit. Fruit is bodhi and Double Fruit is nirvana, the fruit of bodhi” 兩果者謂果果果。 。 。果是菩提重果是涅槃. See Guanding 灌頂, Dapan Niepan jing shu 大般涅磐經疏, T 38: 24.176c12-c16. 163 Guiyi 歸依, or śarana, means to commit oneself to the triratna, i.e. Buddha, dharma, and saṅgha, i.e., the Buddha, his truth, and his institution. 164 Yidao 一道, or “the one way,” refers to the way of deliverance from mortality by the Mahāyāna. 165 Fenyang 汾陽 is where the legendary King Yao roamed and traveled.

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and gurgling shallows come into sight as if to refresh the emperor’s exhausted mind and cleanse his worldly cares. Young and tender vegetation signifies uncontaminated life force. Hidden in this pure land is the Buddhist temple, which to the poet promises a better place for the mind to inhabit. The poet devotes the last section, a rather substantial part, to eulogizing the divine power of the Buddha in an enthusiastic and ambitious tone. The ending of the poem reveals that the emperor aspires not only to his own salvation, but also that of the future generation. The role of proponent of Buddhism that Xiao Yan assumes has profound implications for Xiao Tong, the future inheritor of his empire. Although he did not accompany his father to the temple, Xiao Tong nevertheless wrote a poem matching that which the emperor composed for this occasion. Reading the poem provides further insight into Xiao Tong’s attitude toward Buddhism and its gradual integration into the Liang empire under the emperor’s patronage. Matching the Emperor’s Poem, “Excursion to Grand Temple of Filial Piety on Mount Zhong” 和上遊鍾山大愛敬寺詩166

唐游薄汾水 周載集瑤池



豈若欽明后

4

迴鸞鷲嶺岐 神心鑒無相 仁化育有為 以茲慧日照 復見法雨垂



8

Tang Yao traveled to the Fen River; King Mu of Zhou halted his chariot at the Jasper Pond. How can they be comparable to this reverent and perspicacious lord?167 He turned his simurgh at the byway of Vulture Peak.168 His divine mind reflects upon formlessness; His benevolent transformation cultivates action. Thereby, the Sun of Wisdom shines forth; Again the rain of dharma falls down.169

166 For the text, see Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 18-21; Lu Qinli, pp. 179596; Zhaoming taizi wenji 1.4a-5a; Zhaoming taizi ji 1.4b-5b; Yiwen leiju 76.1297. 167 The phrase Qinming 欽明 is one of the two epithets applied to sage king Yao, Shangshu zhushu 2.19. 168 Jiuling 鷲嶺, also known as Lingshan 靈山 or Lingjiu shan 靈鷲山, is where Buddha gave his lectures. 169 Huiri 慧日, the Sun of Wisdom, is a metaphor for Buddha’s wisdom, which gives light to the world like the sun. “The Sun of Wisdom shines over the world and it cleanses clouds of rebirth and death” 慧日照世間清除生死雲. See Wuliangshou jing 無量壽經, T 12: 2.272c. Fayu 法雨, the rain of dharma, is a metaphor for the wisdom of Buddha that moistens and nurtures the myriad beings. It is often used together with the phrase ganlu

xiao tong’s encounters with buddhism

萬邦躋仁壽



兆庶滌塵羈 望雲雖可識

12 日用豈能知

鴻名冠子姒 德澤邁軒羲 斑斑仁獸集

16 足足翔鳳儀 善遊茲勝地 茲岳信靈奇 嘉木互紛糾 20 層峰鬱蔽虧 丹藤繞垂幹 綠竹蔭清池

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The entire realm advances to benevolence and longevity; The multitudes wash away their dusty bonds. Although by gazing at the clouds, I know of my lord’s path, How could the common people understand [the purpose of his travel]?170 His magnificent name surpasses that of Zi and Si; His virtue and grace exceed that of Xuan and Xi.171 Slowly and steadily, Beasts of Benevolence gather around; Chirping and singing, the soaring phoenix perches here.172 With kindness, he comes upon this wondrous place; This mountain truly is magical and marvelous. Beautiful trees twist and twine together; Layers of peaks blot out the sun.173 Cinnabar vines ravel around drooping branches; Green bamboo shades a limpid pond.174

甘露, “sweet dew.” For example, the phrase “sweet dew and rain of dharma” ganlu fayu 甘露法雨 in Dapan Niepan jing 大般涅磐經, T 12: 2.371c. Also see Da Baojijing 大寶積 經, where we read “rain the sweet dew and rain of the Law to extinguish and remove the flames of the Three Poisons” 雨甘露法雨滅除三毒焰. T 11: 35.198a. 170 The meaning of these two lines is rather difficult to construe. Here my translation reflects Yu Shaochu’s interpretation of them. As auspicious clouds are believed to follow and gather around wherever an emperor travels, they are signs of the whereabouts of an emperor, but only to knowing eyes. For example, when an emperor goes on excursion, his family members will be able to track his path by looking at the clouds. When Liu Bang, the founding emperor of the Han traveled east, Empress Lü was able to know of his whereabouts by looking at the clouds. See Ban Biao’s 班彪 “Wangming lun” 王命論, in Wen xuan 52.2268. 171 Zi 子 and Si 姒, surnames of the Yin 殷 and Xia 夏 dynasties’ founding fathers, refer to Xie 契 and Yu 禹 respectively. Xuan and Xi refer to Xuanyuan 軒轅 and Fuxi 伏羲, two other mythical sage-rulers of antiquity. 172 Beast of Benevolence refers to the unicorn, a divine animal that only appears upon the emergence of a virtuous ruler. Phoenixes also descend upon benevolent rulers. See Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan zhushu 春秋公羊傳註疏 (Duke Ai 15) 28.355. According to Liu Xiang’s 劉向 Shuoyuan 說苑, SBCK, 18.11a, unicorns walk gracefully and are selective about their path. 173 Bikui 蔽虧, literally, “shade and block,” describes the height of peaks that seem to pierce into the sky and block out the sun. 174 Cf. Xie Tiao’s 謝朓 “Chu Xiaguan shi” 出下館詩 (Lu Qinli, p. 1450) and “Qiu zhu qu” 秋竹曲 (Lu Qinli, p. 1418). “Cinnabar vines ravel around young bamboos” 丹藤繞新 竹, and “Young shoots shade the serpentine pond” 貞心蔭曲池 respectively.

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舒華匝長阪 24 好鳥鳴喬枝 霏霏慶雲動 靡靡祥風吹 谷虛流鳳管

Blooming flowers spread over the long slope; Wonderful birds chirp in lofty branches.175 Cumulating and drifting, clouds of felicity move; Balmily and warmly, an auspicious wind blows. The valley, being empty, diffuses the sound from the phoenix panpipes; 28 野綠映丹麾 The green of the field sets off the red pennants. 帷宮設廛外 A tent chamber is erected outside the city; 帳殿臨郊垂 A canopy hall stands on the outskirts. 俯同南風作 Respectfully, Your Majesty echoed the “Southern Air;” 32 斯文良在斯 Indeed this is where civility is found.176 伊臣限監國 Your vassal is confined to “Supervising the State;” 即事阻陪隨 Attending to affairs prevents me from keeping your company.177 顧惟實庸菲 My service is slight indeed; 36 沖薄竟奚施 As youthful and weak as I am, of what use can I be? 至理徒興羨 The ultimate truth, in vain, arouses my admiration; 終然類管窺 In fact, [my understanding] is but a tunnel vision. 上聖良善誘 Your Majesty truly excels at guidance. 40 下愚慚不移 However, I am too ignorant to be transformed.

Xiao Tong begins this poem by referring to two ancient sage-kings, and he invokes them in the context of their aspiration for reclusive ideals. He draws on well-known accounts depicting how the ancient ruler Yao was said to have traveled to the north of the Fen River, while King Mu of the Zhou dynasty arrived by chariot at the Jasper Pond. Both locations are Taoist retreats whose otherworldly appeal was said to have had an impact 175 Cf. Cao Zhi’s “Gongyan shi” 公宴詩, Wen xuan 20.943. “Autumn thoroughwort blankets the long slope; / Vermilion blossoms cover the green pond./ Submerged fish jump from clear ripples;/ Pretty birds sing from high limbs” 秋蘭披長坂, 朱華冒綠池. 潛魚躍 清波, 好鳥鳴高枝. See Robert Joe Cutter’s translation of the poem in “Cao Zhi’s Symposium Poems,” CLEAR 6 (1984): 1-32. 176 “Nanfeng,” the “Southern Air,” is a song about filial piety. The southern wind nourishes the myriad things, and the filial son sings of it to show his gratitude toward his parents. It means that children’s being born of and raised by their parents is similar to the myriad things’ being nourished by the southern wind. See Shi ji 24.1197. 177 The Crown Prince supervised state affairs when the emperor left the capital. If there was supervision already provided by someone else, then the Crown Prince would follow the emperor. To follow the emperor was called “pacifying the army,” while remaining in the capital to provide supervision was called “supervising the state.” See Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhengyi (Min 2) 11.192.

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on the sage-kings who encountered them. The account in the Zhuangzi asserts that King Yao lost interest in governance after meeting the Four Recluses of Mt. Guye 姑射山, located north of the Fen River 汾水. According to the Biography of King Mu (Mu tianzi zhuan), the king went west to be the guest of the Queen Mother of the West. These stories offer an alternative angle for Xiao Tong to present the Liang emperor’s visit to the newly constructed Buddhist temple. Unlike Yao and King Mu who were drawn to sites of Daoist tranquility, Emperor Wu’s fascination is with Buddhist enlightenment. In contrast to the reclusive pathos of the two cited examples, both running counter to a ruler’s calling, in this form patronage of Buddhism may serve as an emblem of compassion and thus contribute to Xiao Yan’s worldly rule. The next section, citing signs of felicity and harmony, is a eulogy to the Liang emperor. Amidst the rich imagery, a jarring rhetorical question is posed in line 12: “How could the common people understand your intention?” It is possible that the poet is questioning, even if unintentionally, the actual effect of the emperor’s religious endeavor. When the first eight couplets in Xiao Tong’s poem are compared with the first section of the poem by his father, divergent focuses come into view. Xiao Yan’s abundant use of Buddhist terminology stands in contrast to the prince’s employment of allusions to Confucian sage-kings and numinous signs of good rule. If their use of poetic language is seen as illustrative of their political beliefs, Xiao Tong might appear to be in sharp disagreement with his father on the topic of Buddhism. The sincerity of Xiao Tong’s eulogizing of his father’s religious quest is mitigated by the two rhetorical questions in couplets 1 and 5, especially the latter. If the common people cannot comprehend the purpose of the emperor’s actions, how could he achieve benevolent governance? The next section of Xiao Tong’s poem matches the scenic description presented by Xiao Yan. Judging from the content of the poem, Xiao Tong was not present at the excursion, and his poetic lines can only be read as describing an imagined landscape of bliss and harmony. Since the temple was constructed for Xiao Yan’s father, Xiao Tong alludes to the “Southern Wind,” a song about filial piety. The southern wind symbolizes one’s parents, for the warm breeze from the south nourishes myriad things and makes them grow. In ending the poem, Xiao Tong explains the reason why he is absent from this Buddhist event. In addition to administrative business, he expresses what could have been discord with the emperor: “I am too igno-

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rant to be transformed.” In staggeringly frank terms, Xiao Tong reveals a gap between the father’s and son’s attitudes toward Buddhism. After several years of engagement in Buddhist activities promoted by his father, Xiao Tong now explicitly announces his adherence to what might be labeled traditional principles. His rejection of Buddhist doctrine as part of statecraft probably results from a different world view and different life experience. The crown prince, after all, has very much grown up within the palace walls, immersed in learning the classics. The emperor’s conversion to a new doctrine could not have appealed to the prince. This poem thus helps to demonstrate why Xiao Tong’s encounter with Buddhism was brief. Distancing from Buddhist Activities There is further evidence that Xiao Tong was not an ardent Buddhist. In 525, several years after Fayun’s Buddhist gathering in the Hanging Garden, the cleric was promoted by the emperor to be the Director of Monks (Sengzheng 僧正) for the Buddhist monasteries in the capital area. To commemorate the event, Tongtai Temple was constructed, upon completion of which Fayun hosted a thousand-monk convention which Xiao Tong was also invited to attend.178 Surprisingly, Xiao Tong declined the invitation. In a belated reply poem, Xiao Tong appears too tired even to explain the reason for his absence. In the preface of the poem, the prince recalls the two summers when he studied with the master and provides some background information about more recent circumstances: “This spring, the Director of Monks gave a lecture at the Tongtai Temple. Only after the Dharma Wheel had rolled halfway (meaning the convention had progressed to its midpoint) did I complete this poem. Therefore, the seasonal phenomena described here may be different, and events may not be the same.” Given our knowledge of the prince, this is probably as cavalier an attitude as Xiao Tong could ever assume toward such an important event. Matching the Poem by the Director of Monks on His Lecture 同大僧正講詩179

178 See Xu Gaoseng zhuan, T 50: 5.464c. 179 For the text, see Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 42-46; Lu Qinli, p. 1797; Zhaoming taizi wenji 2.11b-12a; Zhaoming taizi ji 1.8a-8b; Yiwen leiju 76.1297.

xiao tong’s encounters with buddhism

放光開鷲岳



金牒秘香城



窮源絕有際

4

離照歸無名 若人聆至寂 寄說表且冥 能令梵志遣 亦使群魔驚 寶珠分水相 須彌會色形



8

學徒均染㲲 12 遊士譬春英 伊予寡空智 徒深愛吝情 舒金起祗苑

225

Emitting an auspicious aura, you initiate the convention at Vulture Peak;180 Golden sūtras are secretly stored in the Fragrant City.181 Seeking the origin, one cuts himself off from the phenomenal world;182 Encountering brilliance, one returns to the nameless. This man hears the ultimate silence; His expository remarks are manifest and mystic. They help Buddhist ascetics settle their will;183 And frighten the demon throngs. The precious pearl shines forth the image of water;184 The Mountain of Wonderful Brilliance gathers colors and forms of all sorts.185 Students and disciples all wear dyed kapok robes; Roaming scholars are like spring flowers. I myself lack wisdom about śūnyatā;186 In vain, I am deeply confined by indecisive concerns.187 Gold is scattered, and a Buddhist monastery is erect­ ed;188

180 Fangguang, “Emitting an Aura,” is one of the six auspicious signs attributed to the Buddha as a preliminary to his delivery of the Lotus Sūtra. The other five signs were his opening address on the infinite, his samadhi, the rain of flowers, the earthquake, and the great delight. In addition, the Buddha’s forehead was said to emit an aura of wisdom that shone completely throughout the entire world. See Miaofa lianhua jing, T 9: 1.4a. 181 Both Jiuyue and Xiangcheng are places where Buddha gave lectures, but here they may refer to the Tongtai Temple. 182 Youji 有際 is the phenomenal world or the realm of existence. 183 Fanzhi 梵志 (brahmacarin) is the first stage of cultivation by a Buddhist ascetic who hopes to achieve nirvana. 184 Yu Shaochu has a different interpretation here, with which I find it hard to agree. He takes baozhu 寶珠 as baochi 寶池, the precious pond filled with water that is pure, fragrant, and sweet. Yu argues that the pond matches well with the mountain in the next line. 185 Xumi 須彌, Sumeru, is the name of a mountain that is central to all worlds. It is also known as miaogao 妙高 or miaoguang 妙光, “wonderful height” or “wonderful brilliance.” Here it is a description of the scene at Kaishan Temple. 186 空 void or śunyatā is a key concept in Buddhism. 187 For the use of linqing 吝情, see Tao Qian’s “Wuliu xiansheng zhuan:” “He never had hesitant feelings about his leaving or staying” 曾不吝情去留. Quan Jin wen 112.2102b. Also see Fan Zhen’s 范縝 “Shen mie lun” 神滅論: “Indecision can be seen in his expression” 吝情動於顏色. See Quan Liang wen 24.3094b. 188 祗苑 is Jetavana, a park near Śrāvastī, said to have been obtained from Prince Jeta by the elder Anathapindada, in which monasteries were built. It was where the Buddha Śākyamuni preached some of his sermons.

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16 開筵慕肅成

年鍾儵從變



弦望聚舒盈



今開大林聚

20 淨土接承明

掖影連高塔

法鼓亂嚴更 雷聲芳樹長 24 月出地芝生 已知法味樂 復悅玄言清 何因動飛轡 28 暫使塵勞輕

Feast mats emulate gatherings at [the Gate of] Solemn Accomplishment.189 The years, with the chiming of the bell, have quickly passed; Waxing and waning, the moon has been full for many times. Now you have initiated a gathering in the grand forest;190 The Pure Land is joined with [the Gate of] Receiving Brilliance.191 Shadows of the Lateral Chambers join that of the high stupa; The dharma drum disrupts the watchman’s beat. Thunder rumbles, and fragrant trees grow; The moon rises, and the mushroom of earth appears. I have already known the joy of dharma; And delighted in the loftiness of mystic words. Why would I stir flying reins? For now, let the toil of travel lessen.

The first four couplets of the poem praise the eminent cleric and his lectures. The poet then recalls the establishment of Buddhist lecture halls in his own palace, where monks and scholars both attended. With couplet 7, however, Xiao Tong’s ambivalence toward Buddhism reappears. Nevertheless, he did host the gathering described earlier in the poem, comparing it to Cao Pi’s literary salon at Ye. When the poet turns to comment on Master Fayun’s recent invitation, Xiao Tong expresses disinterest. Couplets 11 and 12 may even convey disapproval of the fanfare that disrupts the tranquility that the religion ostensibly promotes. Kaishan Temple was located due north of the palace gate, and in this connection the poet tells of how the shadow of the city gate extends to the temple. If this is not a clear enough accusation that Buddhism interferes with life in 189 Sucheng 肅成 (“Solemn Accomplishment”), a gate of the Wei dynasty palace in its capital city of Ye, is where Cao Pi gathered his entourage and held gatherings of scholars and poets. See Weishu 2.88. 190 Dalin ju 大林聚 also refers to a Buddhist gathering. It probably refers to the Dalin jingshe 大林精舍 or Zhulin jingshe 竹林精舍, the Chinese name for the Veṇuvanavihāra, which is the earliest Buddhist temple where Tathāgata preached some of his ­sermons. 191 Gate of Receiving Brilliance refers to a gate of the Liang palace.

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the capital city, then the next line more plainly denounces the disruptive effect that Buddhist activities of such large scale and extended duration have on civic life by using the word luan 亂, “disrupt” or “disorder.” The last part of the poem seems to indicate that Buddhism has penetrated the palace life so thoroughly that without even leaving the palace, the prince can sense its influence. With this the case, he seems to suggest, why bother traveling to the temple? This last statement demands to be read with an ironic tone. As far as Xiao Tong’s extant works are concerned, this poem is the last one concerned with Buddhism. For Xiao Tong, Buddhism was useful for the state in that it had a didactic function of confirming the good and transforming the evil (lines 7 and 8). He appears to have enjoyed these Buddhist lectures and excursions as gatherings (lines 11 and 12) with his literary companions. In all his writings dealing with the subject of Buddhism, however, Xiao Tong never expresses a feeling of religious devotion. Instead, he remains cool-minded throughout the course of events, and when he finds the growing influence of Buddhist institutions impinging on the state, as seen in the images of their increasing use of land, the encroachment of religious architecture, and the disconcerting sound of the temple drums, Xiao Tong can not but make his position clear.

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pondering on reclusion and rulership

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Chapter Five

Pondering on Reclusion and Rulership Reclusion was a perennial topic in Chinese intellectual life, treated already in the early Confucian classics.1 In the Classic of Changes, the legiti­mization of reclusion is expressed in the following language: “As for the way of a gentleman, sometimes one would serve and other times would stay [at home]; sometimes one would be reticent and other times would speak” 君子之道, 或出或處, 或默或語.2 In the Analects, we can find ample acknowledgment by the master of reclusion as a valid course.3 If we accept Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130-1200) gloss of the phrase kaopan 考槃 in the Book of Odes as “ambling about” (panhuan 槃桓), then Ode 56 would be

1 For studies on medieval Chinese reclusion, see Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement; Vervoorn, Men of the Cliffs and Caves; Bauer, “The Hidden Hero: Creation and Disintegration of the Ideal of Eremitism,” in Individualism and Holism: Studies in Confucian and Taoist Values, ed. Donald Munro (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1985), pp. 157-197; Jiang Xingyu 蔣星煜, Zhongguo yinshi yu Zhongguo wenhua 中國隱士與中國文化 (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1947); Wang Yao, “Lun xiqi yinyi zhi feng” 論希企隱逸之風 in idem Zhonggu wenren shenghuo, pp. 77-109; Li Chi (Li Qi) 李祁, “The Changing Concept of the Recluse in Chinese Literature,” HJAS 24 (1962-1963): 234247; Liu Jiyao 劉紀曜, “Shi yu yin: chuantong Zhongguo zhengzhi wenhua de liang ji” 仕 與隱—傳統中國文化的兩極 in Zhongguo wenhua xinlun: Lixiang yu xianshi 中國文化 新論—理想與現實, ed. Liu Dai 劉岱 (Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1982), vol. 4:291-343; Wu Biyong 吳璧雍, “Ren yu shehui: wenren shengming de erchong zou: shi yu yin” 人與社會—文人生命的二重奏: 仕與隱 in Zhongguo wenhua xinlun: Shuqing de jingjie 中國文化新論—抒情的境界 (Taipei: Lienjin chuban shiye gongsi, 1982), vol.9: 163-201; Liu Yeqiu 劉葉秋, “Shilun Zhongguo gudai de yinshi” 試論中國古代的隱士, Wenshi zhishi 1986.2: 16-22; Fu Jin 傅謹, Shi yin zhi si 仕隱之思 (Xi’an: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1996); Wang Debao 王德保, Shi yu yin 仕與隱 (Beijing: Huawen chubanshe, 1997); Leng Chenglin 冷成金, Yinshi yu jietuo 隱士與解脫 (Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1997); Zhang Nan 張南, Yinshi shengya 隱士生涯 (Taipei: Hanxin wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1994); Bill Porter, Road to Heaven: Encounters with Chinese Hermits (San Francisco: Mercury House, 1993). Valérie Lavoix, “À l’école des collines – L’enseignement des lettrés reclus sous les Dynasties du Sud,” in Christine Nguyen Tri and Catherine Despeux eds., Éducation et instruction en Chine, vol. II: Les formations spécialisées (Paris: Peeters, 2003), pp. 43-65. For an extensive list, see Berkowitz, “Reclusion in Traditional China: A Selected List of References,” MS 40 (1992): 33-46. 2 See Zhouyi zhengyi 7.151. 3 See Lunyu 8.13: “If there is a proper way in the world, then one shows himself. If the world lacks the proper way, then one hides himself” 天下有道則見, 無道則隱.

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the first Chinese poem to depict the contented and happy life of a recluse.4 The poem “Summoning the Recluse” in the Chuci calls a recluse back to participate in society by depicting the unfriendly atmosphere in the mountains. The Hou Han shu is the first dynastic history to have a section dedicated to recluses who, in Fan Ye’s opinion, chose this way of life for different reasons.5 By the Six Dynasties, reclusion had developed into a multi-faceted phenomenon both in its literary depictions and the active or inactive lives of medieval intellectuals. The prevalence and popularity of reclusion as an ideal, an actual way of life, or simply an aesthetic pursuit had reached such a stage that a consensus of what is authentic, acceptable, and acknowledgeable as reclusion needs to be reached to make any meaningful discussion possible. Reclusion as a Key Topic in the Six Dyansties In his book Patterns of Disengagement, Alan Berkowitz aptly points out: “During the Six Dynasties, however, the vestiges of the lives of the individuals are found throughout all facets of society.”6 He also lays down a number of useful “general characteristics” of reclusion and some of its specifics in the fifth and sixth centuries, enumerating three in particular that can be applied to all types of reclusion: 1) the individuals deliberately and habitually shunned a life of service to the state; 2) they did not compromise their principles; and 3) they displayed commendable conduct.7 The effort to establish even such basic criteria of traditional reclusion may be problematic, however, especially in the case of the third characteristic above. When reclusion is equated with virtuous conduct, as it commonly has been, and can be used as a criterion for selecting government officials, the fundamental purpose and aim of living an asocial life are stripped away. If the rulers of the Han empire intended by giving symbolic nods to recluses to propagate an image of their governance as benevolent and illustrious and to make known the grandness of their dynasty, the found4 Zhu Xi also cites Chen Fuliang’s 陳傅良 interpretation, which takes kaopan to mean “playing some kind of music instrument.” This reading would also lead to a reading of the poem as depicting the joy of a recluse who vows not to inform others of this pleasure. See Shi ji zhuan 詩集傳, SBCK, 3.17a. 5 For an excellent discussion of Fan Ye’s treatment of reclusion, see Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, pp. 152-153, 162-167. 6 Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, p. 15. 7 Berkowitz, pp. 227-28.

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ers of the Southern Dynasties had a different but more serious agenda. Leaving virtuous men wandering in the mountains and valleys was seen as detrimental to the reputation of a regime. Military rulers whose ascension to power was ineluctably marked by bloodshed were in particular need for the moral validation that recluses could lend. If these moral paragons could be persuaded to emerge and serve the new regime, the ruler would be empowered and his reign strengthened in symbolic and in practical terms. Even the act merely of summoning recluses to the imperial court contributed to such an end. Despite the paradox inherent in the phenomenon of reclusion,8 the founding of the Liang dynasty brought about another wave of fascination with it. Xiao Tong was born into an age permeated with discussions and arguments about the idea and ideal of reclusion, encompassing both its uses and abuses. Kong Zhigui 孔稚珪 (447-501), the man who wrote the most forceful satire against feigned reclusion, “Proclamation on North Mountain” (Beishan yiwen 北山移文), died in the year Xiao Tong was born.9 Yet Kong’s essay was probably on the tip of the tongue of Liang intellectuals. The complexity and evasiveness of the phenomenon of reclusion were well understood by all who lived in the fifth and sixth centuries, yet an educated man’s search for a “true” and “truly reclusive” mind was never thwarted. It is a subject very much comparable to our modern concept of love. Everyone has something to say and some kind of understanding, yet no one can put forth the final word on it. The beauty of such a concept is its openness to sincere as well as cynical exploration and interpretation, while the very fact that it was such a heated topic proves its attraction.

8 Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, p. 175. 9 The man often named as the target of Kong’s criticism is Zhou Yong 周顒 (?-485). For Zhou Yong’s biography, see Nan Qi shu 41.730-34, Nan shi 34.894-95. Zhou had originally been a recluse on Mt. Zhong (also called Beishan) before he answered an official summon and became the prefect of Haiyan 海鹽 (modern Haiyan, Zhejiang). Such is the traditional interpretation of this well-known Wen xuan piece. Cao Daoheng disagrees with this interpretation, based on the observations that 1) Zhou Yong never served as prefect of Haiyan, and 2) Zhou and Kong Zhigui were good friends. According to Cao, the piece is probably a literary exercise. See Han Wei Liuchao wen jingxuan 漢魏六朝文精選, ed., Cao Daoheng (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji, 1992), pp. 307-8. For the text of “Beishan yiwen,” see Quan Qi wen 19.2900a-b and Wen xuan 43.1957-61. For a translation, see Hightower, “Some Characteristics of Parallel Prose.”

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chapter five Reclusion as a Powerful Rhetoric: The Case of Zhang Chong

Among Xiao Tong’s first teachers were several who either practiced or wrote about reclusion. Shen Yue, the mentor who exerted the greatest influence on Xiao Tong, was said to have become something of a recluse in his later years, and even his posthumous title is yin 隱, the word for “recluse.”10 Zhang Chong 張充 (449-514), a lesser-known mentor of Xiao Tong, wrote a letter which caused quite a sensation due to the caustic tone with which it lambasted a contemporary notable, deploying the rhetoric of reclusion to do so. At first this abrasive letter cost Zhang Chong his office and titles, but eventually it earned Shen Yue’s acclaim and gained reputation for its author. The honor he later received at the Liang court is mentioned in the official history.11 Appointed Libationer at the National Academy (guozi jijiu 國子祭酒), he served the crown prince by personally holding the scrolls of the classics for him to study together with Xu Mian, the prominent Minister of Personnel.12 In the year 510, Zhang Chong, considered a leading expert in studies of the Confucian classics, was invited to give a lecture to an elite audience in which Xiao Tong was present.13 To a large degree, Zhang Chong’s illustrious career can be attributed to the fame brought by a letter in which he declared himself to be a recluse, someone who shies away from public service.14 An examination of Zhang Chong’s letter sheds light on what constituted the ideal of reclusion and its use during this particular historical moment when south met north. The letter was provoked by a northerner’s rash comments on the promotion of a southerner. Both parties involved in this matter were magnates in their respective political and cultural realms. Wang Jian 王儉 (452-489), the northerner, came from the prestigious Wang family of Langye.15 During the Southern Dynasties, the enduring prominence of the Langye Wang family was expressed in a well10 See Richard Mather, “Shen Yüeh’s Poems of Reclusion: From Total Withdrawal to Living in the Suburbs,” CLEAR 5 (1983): 53-66; The Poet Shen Yue (441-513); Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, p. 185. 11 Liang shu 21.378 and 21.330. 12 Liang shu 25.378. 13 Liang shu 21.330. 14 The letter is also found in the Nan shi 31.811 and Cefu yuangui 冊府元龜, SKQS, 905.16b-18a. Also see Gao Buying’s 高步瀛 annotation in Nanbeichao wen juyao 南北朝文 举要 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998), pp. 498-504. 15 For Wang Jian’s chronology, see Xia Dongmei 夏冬梅, “Wang Jian nianpu” 王儉年 譜, Yibin xueyuan xuebao 宜賓學院學報 2.2 (2005): 74–81.

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known ditty: “The Wangs and [Si]mas shared the realm” 王與馬共天下. The “Mas,” short for Sima, refers to the Jin imperial clan, which after the fall of Loyang was able to establish a regime south of the Yangtze only with the assistance of Wang Dao 王導 (276-339) and Wang Dun 王敦 (266-324), who thereafter held considerable influence at the imperial court. Wang Jian, a fifth generation grandson of Wang Dao, had served as Secretary of State (shangshu ling 尚書令) at the Qi court. Not to his ancestors’ discredit, Wang Jian exerted enormous influence over both Xiao Daocheng and Xiao Ze, the first two emperors of the Qi dynasty. They were said to “have taken their decisions entirely from Wang Jian.”16 Wang’s favor with the rulers of Qi was probably not undeserved. Besides the prestige his family enjoyed as a result of the important role they had played in founding the Qi, Wang Jian was well-learned and promoted the spread of Confucian ideology and rituals.17 He had a reputation for being upright and a stickler for principles. In his memorials to Emperor Wu of the Qi, Wang Jian remonstrated without concession. He was also known for lacking superfluous desires in life and remaining uncorrupted in spite of his power. There is an anecdote that speaks to Wang Jian’s personal qualities. On one occasion, Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 held a small private party for his close officials where each demonstrated his artistic talent. Chu Yuan 褚淵 (435-482) played the pipa, Wang Jian’s uncle Wang Sengqian 王僧虔 (426485) played the zither, Shen Wenji 沈文季 (d. 499) sang the popular Wu song (Wu ge 吳歌) “Ziye” 子夜, and Zhang Jing’er 張敬兒 (d. 483) danced. Wang Jingze demonstrated a form of martial art called paizhang 拍張 which required him to bare his chest. A more detailed and entertaining description is found in the Nan shi about Wang Jingze’s “artistic talent”: “Wang Jingze took off his court attire and bared his upper body. He let loose his hair. Waving his arms, he performed the paizhang. He called out to the guests and challenged people at the table.” The emperor was unhappy about this, and said: “I have not heard that a duke would do this.” The reply from Wang Jingze was: “It is because of paizhang that I have received the status of a duke. I would never abandon it.”18 As a foil to Wang Jingze’s 16 See Liang shu 21.328 and Nan Qi shu 23.434: 太祖恩禮隆密專見任用. 17 Sun Li 孫麗, “Wang Jian yu Nan Qi chu de ruxue fuxing” 王儉與南齊初的儒學復 興, Linyi shifan xueyuan xuebao 臨沂師範學院學報 26.5 (2004): 23–26. 18 See Nan shi 22.593-94.

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behavior, Wang Jian reportedly said: “I lack knowledge in any [artistic skills]. The only thing I know is how to recite writings.” Upon this, he knelt down and recited Sima Xiangru’s 司馬相如 “Fengshan wen” 封禪文,19 a panegyric piece urging Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty to carry out the solemn Feng and Shan sacrifices. Given Wang Jian’s reputation, it is less a wonder that he vetoed many appointment proposals with his usually reasonable but sometimes insensitive and brusque comments. For example, the renowned poet Jiang Yan fell victim to Wang Jian’s severity when the entries Jiang submitted as the designated historian for a chronicle of the Liu-Song dynasty were completely rejected by Wang Jian.20 Wang Jian’s perceived self-righteousness and arrogance can also be seen in his attitude toward Zhang Xu 張緒 (ca. 433–ca. 490), Zhang Chong’s father. A few words on the Zhang family background are first in order. One of the top five clans in the south, the Zhangs were both deep-rooted and well-connected in Wu commandery.21 Zhang Xu had claimed a respectable career at the southern court since Liu-Song times, being honored by both Liu Yu 劉裕 (363-422, r. 420-422) and Liu Jun 劉駿 (430-464, r. 453464), the first and fourth Song emperors. Upon the founding of the Qi state, Zhang Xu was appointed Secretariat Director (zhongshu ling中書 令). Soon after that, Xiao Daocheng considered promoting him to be Vice Director of the Bureau of State Affairs, and asked for the opinion of Wang Jian, who was then the Director. Wang Jian, in a reply meant to be tactful, 19 For the “Fengshan wen,” see Shi ji 117.3063. This essay was presented to Emperor Wu only after Sima Xiangru’s death. It provides lavish praise of the Han accomplishments, and above all those of Emperor Wu. Sima urges the ruler to celebrate his achievements by performing the Feng sacrifice on Mount Tai and the Shan sacrifice at Liangfu 梁父. Seven years after Sima Xiangru’s death, Emperor Wu performed these two sacrifices. For a good study of this piece, see Yves Hervouet, Un Poéte de cour sous les Han: Sseu-ma Siangjou (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964), pp. 198-209. For translations of “Fengshan wen,” see Yves Hervouet, Le Chapitre 117 du Che-ki (Biographie de Sseu-ma Siang-jou) (Paris: Presses Universitaries de France, 1972), pp. 91-225; Burton Watson, Records of the Grand Historian (Hong Kong: Rendition-Columbia University Press, 1993), 2:3-52. 20 On Wang Jian’s criticism of Jiang Yan 江淹, see John Marney, Chiang Yen (Boston: Twayne, 1981), pp. 57–59; Fan Rong 樊榮, “Wang Jian, Zhong Rong yu Jiang Yan guanxi kao” 王儉、鍾嶸與江淹關係考, Xinxiang shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 新鄉 師範高等專科學校學報 12.4 (1998): 21–28. 21 Regarding the prestige of the Zhang family of Wu commandery, see Cheng Zhangcan, Shizu yu Liuchao wenxue, pp. 89–119. See also Wang Yongping, “Lüe lun Liuchao shiqi Wu jun Zhangshi de jiaxue yu jiafeng” 略論六朝時期吳郡張氏的家學与家風, Xuzhou shifan daxue xuebao 徐州師範大學學報 28.1 (2002): 116–20 and Liuchao Jiangdong shizu zhi jiafeng jiaxue yanjiu 六朝江東世族之家風家學研究.

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said: “Southerners have seldom held this position in the past.” Chu Yuan, a senior of Wang Jian, felt the need to intercede: “Jian is too young to remember that Lu Wan 陸玩 (278-341) and Gu He 顧和 (288-351), who were both native southerners, occupied the position at the Eastern Jin court.” Wang Jian quickly retorted: “Jin had a deteriorating reign. It may not be referred to as the standard for this matter.” Xiao Daocheng then followed Wang Jian’s advice. This account in the Nan Qi shu is cited by historians as a demonstration of Wang Jian’s prejudice against the south.22 The Liang shu furnishes further information on this topic. In the version of the affair presented there, Wang Jian is recorded as saying: “From a young age Zhang Xu has boasted a fine reputation and would indeed be a good candidate, but there is no precedent for men from Wu to hold this position. In addition, his several sons have displayed despicable behavior. I think this [decision] leaves much to be desired.” In addition to Zhang Xu’s southern origin, then, in this account Wang Jian pointed out another factor militating against his promotion, i.e, his infamously obstreperous three sons. His eldest son Zhang Ke 張克 was favored by Liu Yu 劉昱 (r. 473-477), the deposed emperor of the Liu-Song, for some rather suspect deeds but was eventually driven out of the court.23 His youngest son Zhang Yun 張允 was executed as an adulterer and murderer.24 Neither warranted an independent biography in the Liang history. The situation with the second son Zhang Chong 張充, the author of the letter to be examined here, is more complicated. As a youth he was unruly and fond of carefree roving. His Liang shu biography gives a lively account on an episode of his youthful years. On one occasion, Chong’s father Zhang Xu was returning to Wu on leave. Just as he drew near the western outskirts, he came upon his son Chong who was out hunting. On his left arm was perched a hawk, while with his right hand he led a dog on a leash. Seeing his father’s boat approaching and docking, Chong let go of the leash, stripped off the leather armband [on which the hawk was perching], and threw himself down by the water to make obeisance. Zhang Xu said: “With your single person, you serve two [meaning the dog and the hawk]. Are you not exhausted?” Chong knelt down and replied: “I have heard that one establishes himself at the age of

22 Nan Qi shu 33.601. Also see Thomas Jansen, Höfische Öffentlichkeit im frühmittel­ alterlichen China, pp. 47–48. 23 Nan Qi shu 33.602. 24 Ibid.

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chapter five thirty.25 Now I am already twenty-nine. Please allow me to wait until next year, and then I will dutifully change my ways.” Zhang Xu said: “‘To err and then be able to mend one’s ways’; even Yan Hui had behavior of that kind.” As he promised, Zhang Chong indeed cultivated his person, changed his conduct, and engaged in learning. Within the space of one year he was able to acquaint himself with a wide range of readings and become well-versed in the Laozi and Classic of Changes. In addition, he was competent at “Pure Conversation.”26 緒嘗請假還吳, 始入西郭, 值充出獵, 左手臂鷹, 右手牽狗, 遇緒船至, 便放紲 脫韝, 拜於水次。緒曰: “一身兩役, 無乃勞乎？”充跪對曰:“充聞三十而 立, 今二十九矣, 請至來歲而敬易之。”緒曰:“‘過而能改’, 顏氏子有焉。 ”及 明年, 便脩身改節。學不盈載, 多所該覽, 尤明老、易, 能清言。 27

By the time Zhang Xu was denied his promotion in 484, six years had elapsed. His son Chong was now thirty-six years old and had held an assortment of such low-ranked positions as Acting Adjutant, Secretary, and Court Gentleman.28 These positions may not have been entirely commensurate with Chong’s capability. Upon hearing of Wang Jian’s words about his father and himself, Zhang Chong is reported to have written a letter in retort. From the very beginning of the letter, where Zhang Chong refers to himself as “a man from Wu” or Wu guo nanzi 吳國男子 and addresses Wang Jian as “an attendant from the Langye Wang family who serves lords and marquises” or Langye Wang junhou shizhe 琅邪王君侯侍 者, the letter has a satirical tone. Thus worded, the letter is a challenge by a southerner to a northern court dignitary. Zhang Chong’s specification of the opposed origins of the two men, Wu versus Langye, indicates that the conflict between the pair represents one between the south and the north, which by then was hardly a new phenomenon. During the Three Kingdoms period, when the Sun family established a court in the Yangtze delta to counterbalance the powerful warlord Cao Cao, cultural conflicts between the north and the south went side by side with military battles. During the Western Jin, the Lu brothers Lu Ji 陸機 (261-303) and Lu Yun 陸 雲 (262-303) went north to Luoyang to serve the Jin imperial court and found themselves the target of ridicule for their place of origin, while for 25 This alludes to Lunyu 2/4. 26 Qingtan, or “pure conversation,” was a family tradition of the Wu commandery Zhangs. See Cheng Zhangcan’s discussion of this in Shizu yu Liuchao wenxue, pp. 106-12. 27 Liang shu 21.327-28. 28 Based on Zhang Chong’s declaration of his own age in the letter, we are able to place the text in the year 484, the second year of the Yongming reign.

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their part they were shocked by the northern court officials’ lack of adherence to classical rituals.29 The year 317 marked the fall of the North China Plain into the hands of non-Han peoples and the exodus of the Jin ruling house. The Sima family crossed southward over the Yangtze River and settled around what is now Nanjing, there establishing their new regime with the help of the Wang family from Langye. Along with the establishment of the Sima court in the south, a large number of other northern gentry families moved south of the Huai River. Yan Zhitui’s 顏之推 (531-591) own commentary to his “Guan wo sheng fu” 觀我生賦 (Fu Reflecting on My Life) says: When the caps and sashes of the middle kingdom crossed the Yangtze with the Jin court, there were hundreds of them and as a result there was the Hundred Families Genealogy in the southeast. 中原冠帶隨晉渡江者百家, 故江東有百譜。 30

Unavoidably, the emigrants came into conflict with the southern gentry clans who owned the fertile land of the south.31 At court, the ruling house strove on the one hand to gain the support of the southern gentry, yet on the other hand was unwilling to entrust the southerners with real power. Family origin became a criterion in appointing officials. Many southerners, even those from prestigious families, were thwarted in their careers simply for the reason of being a nanren 南人 or “southerner”; they could not but hold grudges against the arrogant northerners, who not only spoke differently but also acted unpredictably. Merely sharing their own land and natural resources with the northerners did not seem sufficient to gain their trust, and the very term for them that the newcomers employed, “southerner,” was heavily loaded with prejudice. The city of Wu was the cultural center of the south. Ever since the Three Kingdoms period, many influential figures had hailed from this area. The Zhangs were one of the four eminent families from Wu.32 Their 29 For a detailed discussion on the matter of cultural clashes between the north and the south as reflected in the writings of Lu Ji and Pan Yue, refer to David R. Knechtges’ “Sweet-Peel Orange or Southern Gold?” in Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History, pp. 27-79. 30 For the history of this period, see Wang Zhongluo, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, pp. 296320. For the text of “Guan wo sheng fu,” see Bei Qi shu 45.621. For a translation, see Albert Dien, Pei Ch’i shu 45: Biography of Yen Chih-t’ui (Bern: Herbert Lang, 1976). 31 For a good discussion on this topic, see Liu Shufen, Liuchao de chengshi yu shehui. 32 The other three families are the Gus 顧, the Lus 陸, and the Zhus 朱. According to Wang Zhongluo, these four families from Wu commandery near the Taihu region were far

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family’s wealth and status can be traced back to the Western Jin, and they remained illustrious with no known setbacks to the fortunes of their clan. The Zhangs were once neighbors with such eminences as Guo Pu 郭璞 (276-324) and Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384-456) who, amusingly, were found less than neighborly by the Zhangs.33 Zhang Xu’s grandfather had been esteemed at the Liu-Song court but later, relying on personal wealth, he cut himself off from the outside world and went up to Mount Hua, residing there for seven years.34 Zhang Xu’s five uncles all enjoyed good reputation, and together they were given the sobriquet “the Five Dragons of the Zhang family.”35 The third brother Zhang Yong (d. 467) 張永 was appointed by Emperor Wen of the Liu-Song dynasty (Liu Yilong 劉義隆, r. 425-453) to reconstruct the famous Hualin yuan 華林苑 (Floriate Grove Park) and Xuanwu hu 玄武湖 (Mystic Snake-Turtle Lake).36 Illustrative of the renown of Zhang family is the following anecdote, in which Yan Yanzhi played the foil to the youngsters of the Zhang family. Yan is said to have found his own rowdy behavior at a banquet embarrassing after overhearing the elegant and profound talk of a young man from the Zhang family.

more powerful than the four families from the Guiji area, the Kongs 孔, the Weis 魏, the Yus 虞, and the Xies 謝. See Wang Zhongluo, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, p. 306. 33 See Nan shi 31.804. Guo Pu had been hired as a geomancer by Zhang Cheng who was selecting a burial location for his father. Guo Pu said: “If you bury him at place A, then you will live beyond a hundred years and your position will reach that of the three ministries. But your offspring will not prosper. If on the other hand you bury at place B, then your years of life will be cut in half and your position will only reach that of lieutenant. Yet for generations your family will become prominent.” Zhang Cheng then picked one of the two supposedly inauspicious places, only in different ways, and buried his father there. Nonetheless, Zhang Cheng became Grand Master of Splendid Happiness (guanglu dafu 光祿 大夫) and died at the age of 64. All his sons and grandsons also became prosperous. See Nan shi 31.804. 34 Zhang Xu’s grandfather was Zhang Yu 張裕. As his personal name was the same as that of the founding emperor of the Liu-Song dynasty, he is often known by his style name Maodu 茂度. See Nan shi 31.804. 35 Zhang Dai had four brothers. Zhang Yin, Secretary to the Crown Prince, was the eldest. Zhang Jing, the second brother, was Grand Protector of Xin’an, while Zhang Yong was General of the Northern Expedition and the youngest brother Zhang Bian was Governor of Guangzhou. See Nan Qi shu 32.579; Nan shi 31.804. 36 Zhang Yong is quite famous. Some scholars credit him with introducing the literati style into the imperial garden. See Zhou Weiquan 周圍權, Zhongguo gudian yuanlin shi 中國古典園林史 (Taipei: Mingwen shuju, 1991), p. 99; Zhu Dawei, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shehui shenghuo shi, p. 164. For Zhang Yong’s reconstruction of the imperial garden, see Nan shi 31.805.

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In his youth, (Zhang) Jing [the uncle of Zhuang Xu] was a neighbor to Yan Yanzhi, the Imperial Household Grandee. While engaged in intense discussion and drinking, Yan became extremely rowdy. In contrast, Jing was quiet and did not utter a sound. Later Jing was conversing with his guests when Yan Yanzhi happened to pass by and overheard their talk. He then took a folding chair and sat outside the fence listening to Zhang Jing. He found Jing’s words pure and his principles profound. Even since that time, he admired the Zhangs in his heart and would tell his guests: “They have [outstanding] persons.” Never again would he engage in drunken shouting. 鏡少與光祿大夫顏延之鄰居, 顏談義飲酒, 喧呼不絕, 而鏡靜默無言聲。後 鏡與客談, 延之從籬邊聞之, 取胡床坐聽, 辭義清玄。延之心服, 謂客曰: 彼有 人焉。由是不復酣叫。 37

Coming from a family of this distinction, Zhang Chong certainly did not feel that he fell short of his northern competitors. On the one hand, he was perfectly content in his southern heritage. On the other, his acquisition and awareness of northern culture allowed him to express himself in the accepted “official” rhetoric. Zhang did not feel embarrassed or uneasy in front of Wang Jian, as he knew exactly how to dissipate the power of Wang Jian’s imposing position. He achieved this simply by addressing Wang Jian as an “attendant” and called himself a “man from Wu.” Gao Buying 高步瀛 (1873-1940) points out that this self-reference is likely an imitation of Kong Rong’s 孔融 letter to Cao Cao 曹操 after the powerful warlord had killed the talented yet somewhat conceited Yang Xiu 楊修: “Tomorrow [I] Kong Rong, a man from Lu, will shake my sleeves and exit; I will never return to court” 孔融魯國男子, 明日便當拂衣而去, 不復 朝矣.38 In the remainder of his letter, Zhang Chong goes on to discuss the ways of “activity and inactivity,” and the roads to “ascent and descent” in office—different terms meaning “life at court” in opposition to “life as a recluse.” He theorizes about reclusion, delineating the difference between “official life” and “reclusive life.” By Zhang’s account, one who is free of court obligations gains in fact the high ground in terms of morality and personal integrity, because his material independence grants him spiritual and ideological freedom. Zhang also stresses that the choice of freedom cannot be feigned, as it is a matter of natural inclination. Some have an inherent enjoyment of official life while others possess an innate appreciation for quietude, and the wise man does not go against his 37 See Nan Qi shu 32.579-80. Also see Nan shi 31.804. 38 See Gao Buying, Nanbeichao wen juyao, p. 499. See Hou Han shu 54.1788.

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nature. Zhang makes reference to reclusive exemplars to support his argument. When I am fortunate enough to take a break from fishing, or have leisure time after harvesting with sickle, I have amused myself with scrolls. I roamed through past histories, crisscrossing the myriad ages. Multifarious paths lead to action or quietude. Over the countless centuries, the ways leading to promotion and demotion are not merely one. Therefore, that circular things move and square ones stay still is a matter of difference in the vessel. That metal is solid and water is liquid is a distinction in nature. Those who excel at moving with their nature do not violate the quality of metal or water; those who are good at fashioning vessels do not change the utility of circle and square. Therefore, how lofty that Mr. Beihai hung up his hairpin and sash, and how noble that Mr. Henan turned down the imperial insignia. 充幸以魚釣之閑。鎌採之暇。時復以卷軸自娛。逍遙前史。從橫萬古。動默 之路多端。紛綸百年。昇降之徒不一。故以圓行方止。用之異也。金剛水 柔。性之別也。善御性者。不違金石之質。善為器者。不易方圓之用。所以 北海掛簪帶之高。河南降璽言之貴。 39

“Mr. Beihai” refers to the Eastern Han recluse Pang Meng 龐萌, a native of Beihai (modern Changle county 昌樂 in Shandong). After the usurper Wang Mang killed his son, Pang Meng took off his official cap and left it hanging on the East City Gate.40 The identity of “Mr. Henan” is not entirely clear. One possibility is that this term refers not to one person but to the “Two Elders from Yewang” (Yewang erlao 野王二老). As recorded in Fan Ye’s Hou Han shu, they had turned down Emperor Guangwu’s (r. 25-57) offer of office, only providing the emperor with cryptic instructions regarding governance.41 The problem with this identification, however, is that Yewang does not in fact lie south of the River. Gao Buying has offered an alternative explanation for “Henan,” identifying its referent as an Eastern Han personage named Huang Ba 黃霸. This figure’s biography is recorded in the “Commendable Officials” (xunli 循吏) section of the Hou Han shu: “Ba’s style name was Cigong 次公, a native of Yangjia 陽夏 in Huaiyang 淮陽. He served as Aide to the Grand Protector of Henan (Henan taishou cheng 河南太守丞). Officials and people alike respected him. 39 Liang shu 21.328; Quan Liang wen 54.3268. 40 See Hou Han shu 83.2759-60 and Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, p. 164 n.67, p. 89 n.98, p. 166 n.82, and p. 183. 41 See Hou Han shu 83.2758. Yewang was north of the Yellow River near Qinyang 沁陽 in modern Henan province.

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Later, when he served as Grand Protector of Yingchuan 潁川, the emperor sent down an edict commending him and bestowed on him the title Marquis (hou 侯) of Guannei 關內.”42 In the subsequent section of Zhang Chong’s letter, he identifies himself as falling among those who by nature enjoy a life free of any official trappings. I, throughout my life, have lacked company and wish not to trouble myself with gain or fame. For the thirty-six years in my life, I have been able to remain unperturbed living in poverty. With unwavering determination, I dwell alone on a precipitous frosty cliff. With steadfast resolve, I traverse the peaks near the ocean. 充生平少偶, 不以利欲干懷, 三十六年, 差得以棲貧自澹。介然之志, 峭聳霜 崖; 確乎之情, 峰橫海岸。 43

Zhang Chong goes on to comment on the periods when he did serve the court. Once I wore streaming tassels at the Gallery of Heavenly Emolument.44 Now I have cast off the glory of “palace and temple.” In the past, I wore an embellished sash at Cloud Terrace.45 In the end I regret the gaudiness of gown and cap. 彯纓天閣。既謝廊廟之華。綴組雲臺。終慚衣冠之秀。 46

Next, he alludes to further examples of recluses to illustrate how and why these people have been at odds with the world around them, and how the world has rejected them despite their integrity. Therefore, some people leave their tracks along the river bank; some feign madness along the edge of the field ridge. This is truly due to a proud spirit, unconventional and obstinate. Their disposition leads to aloofness and alienation. In solitude do they practice their principles. Never receive approval from the common crowd. Alone, they stand out on a divine cliff; often they find themselves deterred and distressed by the world. Thus did 42 See Nanbeichao wen juyao, p. 499. See Han shu 89.3627. 43 Liang shu 21.328; Quan Liang wen 54.3268. 44 Here Tiange refers to Tianlu ge 天祿閣 which was the Former Han imperial library; see Hanshu 87B.3584. Zhang Chong served as a drafter for the Crown Prince (Taizi Sheren 太子舍人). See Liang shu 21.328. 45 Yuntai, “Cloud Terrace,” was a terrace in the Eastern Han capital of Luoyang where Emperor Guangwu held his court assemblies. See Hou Han shu 6.250, 36.1236. Here it refers to the Qi court, where Zhang Chong once served as a Court Gentleman (shangshu dian zhonglang 尚書殿中郎). See Liang shu 21.328. 46 Liang shu 21.328; Quan Liang wen 54.3268.

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chapter five Huan Tan, with his direct remonstrations become straitened in his prime years.47 Zhu Bo, despite his noble disquisition, was frustrated for a thousand years.48 所以擯跡江皋, 徉狂隴畔者, 實由氣岸疏凝, 情塗狷隔。獨師懷抱, 不見許於 俗人。孤秀神崖, 每邅回於在世。故君山直上, 蹙壓於當年。叔陽敻舉, 堪秉 乎千載。 49

Following a long list of other men frustrated in life despite their nobility of character, Zhang Chong proceeds to justify certain aspects of his own behavior, outlandish as they may seem to others. This is also why I have long kept company with the fish and birds. Fully shaded in the pine-covered cove, I have a half-qing of fields.50 It is enough to pay my taxes.51 A housing compound covering five mu52 is planted with mulberry and hemp.53 I whistle and chant on rivers and marshes. Above Lake Mian, I mull over writings from the past. I let my boat float on the lake where the “Fisherman” roamed. I recline and

47 Junshan 君山 was the style name of Huan Tan 桓談 of the Former Han dynasty. See Hou Han shu, 28A.950-961. During the reign of Emperor Ai (bc 6-ad 1) and Emperor Ping (ad 1-6), Huan Tan’s position did not exceed that of Gentleman-Attendant. When Emperor Guangwu ascended the throne, Huan Tan was made Court Gentleman for Consultation. Huan often criticized and derided apocryphal texts. Once the emperor summoned an assembly to decide the location for the construction of the Lingtai (“Divine Terrace”) and he asked Huan Tan: “I’d like to base my decision on the apocryphal texts. What do you think?” Huan Tan, after a long silence, said: “I, for my life, do not read apocryphal texts.” When the emperor asked the reason, Huan began to criticize apocryphal texts as belonging outside the orthodox canon. The emperor became angry, saying: “Huan Tan condemns the sage and neglects the law. I will have him beheaded.” Huan Tan kowtowed, unable to gain excusal until blood streamed from his forehead. Even after the issue had been settled, Huan Tan fell out of favor with the emperor and received no further promotions. 48 “Shuyang” is the style name of Zhu Bo 朱勃 of the Former Han, noted for his loyal support to the high official Ma Yuan 馬援 even when the latter suffered from the slander of his opponents. See Hou Han shu 24.850. 49 Liang shu 21.328-29; Quan Liang wen 54.3268. 50 This is about three or four hectares. 51 Gao Buying points out the verbatim reference here to Jiang Yan’s “Discussing Reclusion with Friends” (Yu youren lunyin shu” 與友人論隱書). See Quan Liang wen 38.3171ab: “With a half-qing of fields, birds flying onto the eaves, and water flowing around the steps, I will beg leave to live in reclusion here and bid a lasting farewell to my friends” 半 頃之田, 鳥赴簷上, 水匝階下, 則請從此隱, 長謝故人。 52 This is roughly one acre. 53 This line contains a verbatim reference to the Mencius: “When a residential compound of five mu is surrounded by mulberry and hemp, then when over fifty year of age one can wear silk” 五畝之宅, 樹之以桑, 五十者可以衣帛矣. See Mengzi zhushu 1A.9.

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rest beneath the “Divined Residence.”54 This is it. What else can I ask for?55 充所以長群魚鳥, 畢影松阿。半頃之田, 足以輸稅; 五畝之宅, 樹以桑麻。嘯 歌於川澤之間, 諷味於澠池之上, 泛濫於漁父之遊, 偃息於卜居之下。如此 而已, 充何謝焉。 56

This passage discusses in idealistic terms the desirable aspects of living in reclusion. Here we see the shadows of such classic representatives of the eremitic personality as Tao Qian, Qu Yuan, Zhuangzi, and Sun Deng, the latter being an accomplished whistler.57 By subscribing to these reclusive lifestyles of farming, whistling, boating, and fishing, Zhang Chong elevates and justifies his own way of life. In the subsequent section he adds the element of the ocean to the traditional landscape associated with a retired gentleman. Thereupon, a projecting crag blocks the sun; roaring waves beat against the sky;58 protruding rocks collapse into the deep chasm; split defiles plummet for thousands of feet. Cinnamon and thoroughwort are bright and supple, intermingling in the nooks of the mountain. Pine and cypress are solemn and stately, growing together at the bends of the gulley. Thereupon, Yuanqing does not return [home];59 Boxiu, since then, has been gone for ever.60 54 “The Fisherman” and “Divined Residence” are titles of two sections in the Chuci. See Chuci buzhu 6.267-7.280. Both pieces were supposedly written by Qu Yuan during his exile. The “Fisherman” records Qu Yuan’s uncertainty about what the future holds and where to go after meeting with slander despite his loyalty and integrity. While wandering in the marshland of the Jiang and Xiang Rivers, Qu Yuan encounters a fisherman who enjoys peace in reclusion. The “Divined Residence” tells of how Qu Yuan sought direction from a diviner. 55 The second part contains some variant readings. The Liang shu version reads xie 謝, while the Cefu yuangui reads qiu 求, and Gao Buying’s text reads shi 識. Xie and qiu amount to the same in meaning. Hence my translation. 56 Liang shu 21.329; Quan Liang wen 54.3268. 57 Whistling is a Taoist breathing exercise. See Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 3: 315. For Sun Deng’s official biography, see Jin shu 94.2426. For an account of Sun Deng in English see Holzman, Poetry and Politics, p. 149. 58 Nan shi reads zhuang 壯 as tu 吐. See Nan shi 31.812. Cefu yuangui reads feng 逢 as lian 連. The former is probably a graphic error. 59 Yuanqing 元卿 was the style name of the Eastern Han figure Jiang Xu 蔣詡 who sought reclusion in Duling 杜陵 (on the southern outskirts of modern Xi’an). In his yard, there were three paths, and only Yangzhong 羊仲 and Qiuzhong 求仲 followed him. Sanfu juelu 三輔決錄, Congshu jicheng chubian, 15. It is quoted by Li Shan in Wen xuan 30.1397. This story is also referenced in Tao Yuanming’s “Gui qu lai ci” where an extra line is added which reads: “They both had setbacks connected with their incorruptibility and could not escape fame.” See Wen xuan 45.2026. For Jiang Xu, also see Dongguan Hanji 東觀漢記, SKQS, 21.11b. Jiang Xu’s stepmother once attempted to murder him with an axe when he was going to the outhouse. 60 Boxiu refers to Han Kang 韓康. Although his family was prominent, he would go

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chapter five 若夫驚巖罩日, 壯海逢天; 竦石崩尋, 分危落仞。桂蘭綺靡, 叢雜於山幽; 松柏 森 陰, 相繚於澗曲。元卿於是乎不歸, 伯休亦以茲長往。 61

The scene described here is well-balanced with dynamic and static effects. The first few lines bring to life the sensational movement of the tidal bore and rock slides, while a contrasting picture follows of plants of various kinds growing in perfect harmony. The conclusion is that such wonders in nature keep worthy men from going back to society. With this passage, the letter reaches a climax in describing the ideal and admirable lifestyle of reclusion. However, the mood in the next section suddenly changes, as Zhang Chong laments the lack of companions to share his joy. Often I would go fishing by the river, cleanse my feet in the Cang River.62 Alone I let myself go among the mists; I rest at ease under the wind and moon. Casually, I play the zither; slowly I drink wine. My cave is remote. Who would come [to join me]? Brilliant conversations, elegant as they are, have no purpose but to exhaust my mind. Unawares, I have come far away a thousand leagues. My road is blocked by rivers and streams. Every time the west wind rises, how could I not look back? As I take leave due to illness, I intend to make known some of my thoughts. These few words of mine might well be a waste of your attention. 若迺飛竿釣渚, 濯足滄洲; 獨浪煙霞, 高臥風月。悠悠琴酒, 岫遠誰來; 灼灼文 談, 空罷方寸。不覺鬱然千里, 路阻江川。每至西風, 何嘗不眷？聊因疾隙, 略舉諸襟; 持此片言, 輕枉高聽。 63

The sentimental tone in the above paragraph reveals a fundamental problem that Zhang Chong found with reclusion—“lacking the one who knows the tone” to share the joy one finds when living away from the crowd. This is the dilemma of a reclusive life: Isolation is the condition for both finding and ruining joy. Chong is well aware of this unsolvable contradiction, which is why he ends this exploration on reclusion with a question. The effect of this passage seems to bring an earlier enthusiasm into a more sober perspective. If previous fanciful depictions of reclusion into the mountains to search for herbs. He sold the herbs in the marketplace. See Hou Han shu 83.2770; also Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, p. 117. 61 Liang shu 21.329; Quan Liang wen 54.3268. 62 This is another allusion to the fisherman in the eponymous section of the Chuci. The fisherman that Qu Yuan met while wandering the banks of the Xiang River sang a song that mentioned a certain Canglang River or Glaucous River: “If the water of the Cang River is clear, I will use it to wash my cap-string. If the water of the Cang River is muddy, I will use it to wash my feet.” This short saying exemplifies the wisdom of the fisherman who can follow the flow of the world. See Chuci buzhu 7.278. 63 Liang shu 21.329; Quan Liang wen 54.3268.

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purport to entertain, this melancholic philosophy touches a chord in those who have meditated on the same issue. Through a competent and sophisticated illustration of reclusion, Zhang Chong successfully defends his unconventional behavior. At the same time, an implicit belittlement is sensed toward the likes of Wang Jian who does not share his perspective. In the next part, Zhang Chong focuses his satire directly on Wang Jian. You, my honorable senior, before becoming advanced in age, you have already served [the court] because of your excellence. Your Way assists the subsistence of the common people. You merit covers all under heaven. Entering the court, you carry loyalty matching that of Zhangqian.64 Leaving on assignment, you maintain an integrity as that of Zhongzi.65 One can say that your exuberant virtue reigns in the current era and stands out like a single pine. My unblemished shoes have not traveled far. The road is still long for me. A mere student from Mao Mound,66 I for long gaze for your canopy and yearn. A commoner from Mt. Ba,67 I stop my covered chariot and heave a sigh. Isn’t this a shame? Were only I equipped with a chariot of goose’s garment or a crane cart to soar in the sky, then I would not shun an arid bank. Mountains blanketed in moisture. Rare birds and marvelous feathered kin stand here and there on cliffs in welcome. Wisps of fog and tenuous smoke appear above forests and linger like clouds. The Eastern Capital is hardly an attraction. How would the Southern Mountain be a wonder? 丈人歲路未強, 學優而仕; 道佐蒼生, 功橫海望。入朝則協長倩之誠, 出議則 抗仲子之節。可謂盛德維時, 孤松獨秀者也。素履未詳, 斯旅尚眇。茂陵之 彥, 望冠蓋而長懷; 霸山之氓, 佇衣車而聳歎。得無惜乎？若鴻裝撰御, 鶴駕 軒空, 則岸不辭枯, 山被其潤。奇禽異羽, 或巖際而逢迎; 弱霧輕煙, 乍林端 而菴藹。東都不足奇, 南山豈為貴。 68 64 Zhangqian was the style name of Xiao Wangzhi 蕭望之, the sixth generation grandson of Xiao He 蕭何. See Hou Han shu 78.3271-3. 65 Zhongzi 仲子 is variably known as Zizhong 子仲, Chen Zhongzi 陳仲子, Wuling Zhongzi 於陵仲子, or Wuling Zizhong 於陵子仲. He is best known for self-denying purity ( jie 節). Though his family is very wealthy, Zhongzi leaves home to avoid any material ties, because he considers his brother’s emolument unrighteous. Living in poverty, Zhongzi starves himself until his eyes can’t see and his ears hear no more. Then he survives on those fallen fruits that have already been bitten by worms. See Mengzi zhushu 6B.21; see also Lienü zhuan 2.47. 66 This refers to the famous Han fu writer Sima Xiangru who in his old age, following a dismissal from the court, lived in Maoling (modern Xingping 興平 25 miles northwest of Xi’an, this is Emperor Wu of Han’s burial site). Shi ji 117.3063. 67 This refers to Liang Hong 梁鴻, an Eastern Han recluse, who lives with his ugly but virtuous wife Meng Guang 孟光 in the mountains outside the capital. See Hou Han shu 83.2766. 68 Liang shu 21.329; Quan Liang wen 54.3268.

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According to Gao Buying, “Eastern Capital” connotes the site where high officials and ministers have their gatherings, whereas the Southern Mountain is the abode of the Four Hoaryheads (si hao 四皓), the most revered recluses.69 The two allusions are employed as a conclusion to the passage in which Wang Jian is praised in highly exaggerated terms. Such praise should be read with an ironic tone, one with which Zhang Chong continues his letter as he goes on to deliberately underrate himself: I, Chong, am a commoner from the west of Mount Kun,70 and an ordinary man from south of Mount Tai. I raise silkworms and thereby I have clothes; I plough and so I have food. I am not capable of serving lords and marquises, seeking like-minded friends, visiting contemporaries, or flaunting my eloquence. Instead, I have tumbled about among butchers and gamblers, yet the pleasure of which has been extreme. 充昆西之百姓, 岱表之一民。蠶而衣, 耕且食, 不能事王侯, 覓知己, 造時人, 騁遊說, 蓬轉於屠博之間, 其歡甚矣。 71

The purpose of these passages is to form a contrast between the glorious life of Wang Jian and the banal existence that Zhang Chong himself leads. The sarcastic tone is meant to bring out the understanding that reclusion or disengagement claims higher moral ground than an official career. In other words, lack of acknowledgement or acceptance by the world is paradoxically a mark of honor. It is in personal fulfillment and moral integrity that Zhang Chong relishes his “unremarkable” life. The final part of the letter displays further sarcasm: You, Sir, in your early years served at Receiving Splendor.72 Then you were commissioned with ritual affairs. Relying on the Superior One’s care,73 your repurtation is known from early on. Words from a rustic like me are surely erroneous and reckless. If the entire realm takes me, Chong, to be insane, how could I argue with all of you? Hereby, I divulge what I have seen and heard, pour out my innermost thought, make known my life experience, and expound on speech or reticence. And so, to whom I can communicate through dream and soul, and present my deepest thoughts, is only you, my honorable sir, and no one else. The mountain road is long and difficult. After I finish my letter, I have no one to entrust it to. If I happen to meet a woodcutter, I will trouble him to deliver the letter. 69 See Nanbeichao wen juyao, p. 503. For the Four Hoaryheads, see Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, pp. 64-80. 70 Mt. Kun lay in the suburbs of Wu commandery, in modern northwest of Songjiang 松江 county, Shanghai. 71 Liang shu 21.329; Quan Liang wen 54.3268. 72 “Receiving Splendor” refers to Crown Prince’s Eastern Palace. 73 “Superiror One” refers to the emperor.

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丈人早遇承華 , 中逢崇禮。肆上之眷 , 望溢於早辰 ; 鄉下之言 , 謬延於造 次。然舉世皆謂充為狂, 充亦何能與諸君道之哉？是以披聞見, 掃心胸, 述 平生, 論語默, 所以通夢交魂, 推衿送抱者, 其惟丈人而已。關山敻阻, 書罷莫 因, 儻遇樵者, 妄塵執事。 74

As a man supposedly living a life of “reticence,” Zhong Chong found it necessary to make the above monologue in order to justify this same reticence. No act of speech is made without consequence. There is an ample supply of examples in Chinese history where words moved mountains for the state, cost lives, and sometimes brought good fortune. For Zhang Chong this letter would eventually prove one of the latter cases. Upon reading Zhang Chong’s letter, Wang Jian, out of anger, passed the letter to Zhang Chong’s father, who was obliged to punish Zhang Chong with a flogging of one hundred strokes. In addition, Zhang Chong forfeited his official rank.75 Still, not everyone saw an outcome so disastrous as completely hopeless. Shen Yue was said to have made a notable comment on this event by saying: “For this letter, Chong will first suffer; but eventually Chong will succeed because of this letter.”76 And he was right: Zhang Chong would later join Xiao Ziliang’s literary salon, of which the would-be Liang emperor was also a member.77 After Xiao Yan established the Liang dynasty, he appointed Zhang Chong as Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs (shangshu puye 尚書僕射), the position that Zhang Chong’s father had been denied. Although Zhang Chong’s letter reflects the clash between two proud clans, one from the south and the other from the north, it also reveals the cultural meaning of reclusion and serves as an example of how powerful this concept could be when employed effectively. Reclusion, metaphorically and literally known as “speech or reticence” (yumo 語默), is a central issue in Chinese cultural, intellectual, and political life. The educated class branded with the Confucian outlook of serving the state often finds life to be a quandary. From the very beginning, an alternative ideal serving as an escape, though only illusory, is necessary to compensate and sustain the choice of an official career, with its inherent boundaries and restrictions. Zhang Chong, born into a southern family of prestige and means, had nearly all that was needed for a prominent career at court. Yet 74 Liang shu 21.329-30; Quan Liang wen 54.3268. 75 Nan shi 31.812. 76 Ibid. 77 See the list of members in Jansen, Höfische Öffentlichkeit im frühmittelalterlichen China, p. 256.

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he was attacked on two bases: family origin and suspicious reputation. Zhang Chong’s utilization of the discourse of reclusion is powerful due to its tone of resistance, made possible because reclusion was the only rhetoric that could rise above the court system. Political detachment and freedom from the court granted the speaker power. An emphasis on spontaneity gave rise to authenticity and hence persuasiveness. This is seen in Zhang Chong’s expression that choice of reclusion comes from a disposition that determines who people are and what they do. His presentation of the charm of reclusive life is genuine and fresh, incorporating a scene unique to the southern coastal area. However, Zhang Chong’s projection of himself as a recluse is only fictional and playful. From his biography it is evident that he never actually lived a life of reclusion. Nonetheless, a verbalization of the ideal of reclusion allows Zhang Chong to defend his notoriety by rising above a court official and poking fun at him. Certainly his success had to rely on an audience that shared his view of reclusion. He was applauded for a mastery of the essence of a cultural ideal and skillful application of it against someone who lacked exactly what reclusion was all about, imagination. A Genuine Recluse and His Rejection of the Crown Prince In addition to mentors such as Shen Yue and Zhang Chong who were commended and admired for their distinctive modes of associating with and demonstrating the ideal of reclusion, Xiao Tong also sought out the help of a recluse who never served at the Liang court and was yet honored by it. This man was He Yin, the youngest brother of the famous He clan recluses known as the “Three Eminences of the He Clan”—He Qiu 何求 (d. 489), He Dian 何點 (437–504), and He Yin.78 Shen Yue corresponded with both He Yin and his elder brother He Dian.79 The He brothers are what Berkowitz calls “Gentlemen of Private Persuasion,” namely “eminent individuals of independent means, and often of prominent families, whose vocation was the avocation of genteel retirement. While not accepting public service, they nonetheless led a socially active life of retirement, maintaining close relations and interacting freely with the official elite. They were epitomes of the image of the ‘retired gentleman,’ and these individuals often were prestigious men of the arts.”80 78 On He Dian, see Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, pp. 356–57. 79 See Yinwen leiju 37.663-64. 80 Berkowitz, Patters of Disengagement, pp. 207-8.

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These descriptions aptly fit the He brothers, whose grandfather He Shangzhi 何尚之 (382-460) had served as Minister of Works at the LiuSong court. While dwelling at Mount Fang 方山, He Shangzhi wrote the “Tuiju fu” 退居賦 , “Fu on Withdrawing,” in 452 at the age of seventy to express his intent to retire.81 Yet the critics of the time regarded this as mere rhetoric and suspected He Shangzhi of lacking firm belief behind his pronouncement. Emperor Wen of the Liu-Song (r. 425-453), refused to approve He Shangzhi’s retirement, and thus He Shangzhi had to stay at the court, there fore treated with more deference than before.82 That probably drove Yuan Shu 袁淑 (408-453) to write Traditions of Genuine Reclusion (Zhenyin zhuan 真隱傳) as a jibe at He Shangzhi.83 Nevertheless, historians portrayed He Shangzhi as a man of lofty ideals with a proclivity toward reclusion, which influenced his offspring. Recluses became a distinguishing feature of what had been originally a powerful political family. The He ancestral home was in Lujiang 廬江 (modern Anhui province), and the family was ranked as jiazu 甲族, or first grade.84 The He family concluded marriages with the imperial family and with such other prominent clans as the Langye Wang clan.85 After a family tragedy,86 He Dian went to Mt. Huqiu 虎丘山 in Wujun to become a recluse, persistently refusing the Qi rulers’ invitations to serve at their court, although he did befriend politically prominent men from important families, such as members of the Xie clan of Chenjun, the Zhang clan of Wujun, and the Kong clan of Guiji.87 Qiu Chi 丘遲 (464-508) was among those brought to recognition by He Dian.88 As emperor of the Liang, Xiao Yan issued two edicts to summon He Dian to court, and the recluse rejected both requests before dying in 504.89 81 See Song shu 66.1736 and Nan shi 30.783. 82 See Nan shi 30.784. 83 Ibid. For Yuan Shu’s biography, see Song shu 70.1835-40. 84 See Liang shu 51.732. 85 He Ji 何戢, He Shangzhi’s grandson, was married to the Princess of Shanyin 山陰 公主, eldest daughter to Liu Jun, (Emperor Xiaowu of the Liu-Song). See Nan shi 30.786. He Shangzhi also forced He Dian, another of his grandsons, to marry a daughter of the Langye Wang family (Nan shi 30.787). He Jingrong 何敬容, a cousin of He Qiu and He Dian, was married to the Princess of Changcheng 長城公主, the daughter of Emperor Wu of the Qi dynasty (Nan shi 30.795). 86 He Dian’s father, in a fit of derangement, killed Dian’s mother, a Langye Wang daughter. The account in the Nan Qi shu refers to the mother as née Wang, and we know that the He family and Wang family had a history of intermarriage. See Nan Qi shu 54.938. 87 Liang shu 51.732. 88 Liang shu 51.733. 89 See Liang shu 51.732-33.

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His elder brother He Qiu, who had died fifteen years earlier in 489, spent most of his life under the Liu-Song and Qi dynasties. Earlier in life, He Qiu had held a number of minor court positions, ranging from Tomb Attendant (wanlang 挽郎) to Military Adjutant for the Pacification of the South (pingnan canjun 平南參軍).90 After the death of his wife around the late 460s, He Qiu rejected court appointment and retired to Wu, where he lived in a Buddhist temple.91 He remained elusive and seldom presented himself to others. Later he was appointed Governor of Yongjia 永嘉, but refused to go to the official residence to accept his appointment. Later in life he was said to have left the Buddhist temple and sailed off in a boat to live out the rest of his life as a recluse on Mount Huqiu.92 Unlike his two brothers, He Yin did have an illustrious career at the Qi court. His initial appointment was as Imperial Librarian and Attendant to the Heir Apparent, both of which were posts reserved for men from prestigious families.93 His status was comparable to that of Wang Jian and Zhang Xu, and he was once commissioned to compile the new ritual works of the Qi.94 At the beginning of the Jianwu reign (494-498), He Yin built an estate in the suburbs of the capital and named it Xiaoshan 小山 (small mountain), where he roamed with his disciples. Somewhere around 495, He Yin sold his garden and house to take up residence in the Eastern Mountains (Dongshan 東山).95 Before he could depart, He Yin heard that Xie Fei 謝朏 (441-506) had already resigned from Wuxing commandery and not returned home. Afraid that Xie Fei would reach the Eastern Mountains before him, He Yin immediately drafted his resignation letter and left the capital before even submitting it to the emperor. Emperor Ming was furious and had the censor Yuan Ang 袁昂 (d. 540) send for 90 Nan Qi shu 54.937. 91 Ibid. 92 Nan Qi shu 54.938. 93 See Wang Zhongluo, Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, pp. 372-73. 94 Liang shu 51.735, 25.380-81. Also see Jansen, Höfische Öffentlichkeit im frühmittelalterlichen China, p. 109. 95 The Eastern Mountains in Guiji were a famous location for reclusion because of their association with the Jin dynasty minister Xie An 謝安 (320-385). Before Xie An became the Jin Minister of War, he had rejected numerous appointments. Uninterested in official life, Xie An took up residence in the Eastern Mountains, where he associated with eminent contemporaries such as Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321-379), Xu Xun 許詢 (ca. fl. 330360), and Zhi Daolin 支道林 (314-366). The actual location is thought to have been the Liu-Song dynasty Guoqing Monastery 國慶寺, which was fifty-four li southwest of Shangyu 上虞. See Zhejiang tongzhi 浙江通志, SKQS, 45.31a–b.

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him. Eventually however, the emperor granted He Yin permission to retire.96 Having retreated to the Eastern Mountains, He Yin first lived at Yunmen Monastery 雲門寺 on Mount Ruoye若邪山. As the terrain of Mount Ruoye was rugged and not convenient for gathering disciples, He Yin next moved to Mount Qinwang 秦望山.97 High on the mountain was a waterfall; He Yin had a study constructed right next to it so that the forests formed natural handrails, and the rocks formed natural living spaces. He then built a small separate chamber where he could retire to sleep. Only he could open or close the door to this chamber, and even his servants were not allowed to enter. The house he built there became legendary after it survived a disastrous rockslide. By the side of the mountain, He Yan had a field of twelve/thirteen hectares cleared for use. Between lectures, He Yin and his students roamed around the area. He Yin probably left Mount Qinwang around 517 when he reached the age of seventy-two. Afterwards he returned to Mount Huqiu in Wu, where his two elder brothers had lived as recluses. He Yin wrote a poem “Bieshan shi” 別山詩 or “Departing the Mountain” to commemorate his departure from Mount Qinwang. For the rest of his life, he resided at the Western Temple and gave lectures on Buddhist sūtras.98 When Xiao Yan established his regime in Xiangyang in 497, he sent out an edict to summon He Yin, but the recluse did not respond.99 In 502 when Xiao Yan ascended the throne and established the Liang, he again summoned He Yin, with the title of Specially Advanced Grand Master of the Right for Splendid Happiness (tejin you guanglu dafu 特進右光祿大 夫). He Yin’s Liang shu biography contains a detailed account of his response to Xiao Yan’s letter. When [Wang] Guo arrived with the edict, He Yin, wearing a thin one-layer shirt, a deer-skin headcloth and holding in his hand a scroll of a canonical text, got off the couch, knelt, and received the edict. After he had finished reading it on a mat, he addressed Guo: “In the past, when I served the Qi, I 96 Liang shu 51.735. For Yuan Ang’s biography, see Liang shu 31.451-57. 97 Mt. Qinwang is due south of Guiji county. It is the most majestic of all peaks of the Guiji Mountains. Legend has it that this is where the First Emperor of Qin ascended and gazed out to the Southern Sea. From the base of the mountain, one walks for seven li before reaching the topic. it is reportedly so precipitous that only by holding onto the vines can one ascend the mountain. See Zhejiang tongzhi 15.19a. 在州城正南, 為眾峰之 傑, 秦始皇登之, 以望南海, 自平地以取山頂七里, 縣蹬孤危, 徑路險絕。記云, 扳 蘿捫葛, 然後能升山。 98 For the above account, see Nan Qi shu 54.938; Liang shu 51.738; Nan shi 30.792. 99 Liang shu 51.736.

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chapter five had a few things that I wished to present: first, I wished to rectify the Circular Mound;100 second, I wished to re-cast the Nine Cauldrons;101 third, I wished to erect two watchtowers. I was told that the Jin House was going to erect watchtowers, but Prime Minister Wang Dao, pointing to Mount Oxhead, commented: ‘That is the Heavenly tower.’ He said this because he didn’t comprehend the real significance of erecting a tower. A que 闕, also called xiangwei 象魏, is where laws and regulations are hung. Every ten days you take them down. Xiang refers to fa (laws). Wei refers to the prominence of something that is in the middle of a road. Cauldrons are divine vessels and a prerequisite to rulership. Thus, after their scolding by Wangsun Man, the men of Chu were quickly defeated.102 Building the circular mound in the southern suburb is a different practice from what is stipulated in the old canons. In the southern suburb, a temple should be built to make offerings to Lingweiyang of the Five Lords on High.103 The Circular Mound is reserved for the Grand Emperor of Heaven and the Great Asterism of the North Pole.104 The preceding dynasties combined the two, and this was a grave mistake of former scholars. Now the Liang’s virtue is just at its beginning, and should not follow previous mistakes. You should report to the court about all of this.” Guo said: “I am an insignificant person; how am I in a position to rashly discuss the institutions of state? For this, we must wait respectfully for a Scholar Shusun!”105 Yin said: “Why don’t you send the edict-bearer back to the court and send a petition to the emperor requesting to stay here and accompany me?” Guo, greatly surprised, said: “I have never heard of such a precedent.” Yin replied: “The first two juan of ‘Tan gong’ both discuss the beginning of things. This can start with you. And why would you need a precedent?” Guo said: “You will then certainly cut yourself off from the world, but do you still have any

100 The Circular Mound was a Han altar where sacrifices to Heaven was carried out. 101 The Nine Cauldrons were ritual vessels of the Zhou and they symbolized the Zhou House. 102 King Zhuang of the state of Chu, on his expedition to the north, stopped at Luoyang and had the envoy ask about the nine cauldrons. Wangsun Man, on behalf of the Zhou royal house, chastised the Chu King for the impropriety of this inquiry. See Shi ji 4.155. 103 靈威仰, the Blue Lord, is the name of one of the Five Lords (wudi 五帝). He is the Lord of the East and corresponds to the season of spring. Zheng Xuan’s commentary to the Liji gives the names of the Five Lords: the Blue Lord Lingweiyang, the Red Lord Chibiaonu 赤熛怒, the Yellow Lord Hanshuniu 含樞紐, the White Lord Baizhaoju 白招拒, and the Black Lord Zhiguangji 汁光紀. See Liji zhushu, SKQS, 34.1a-b. The monograph on “Rites and Rituals” in the Sui shu says: “In spring, [the reason] that Lingweiyang needs to be welcomed is because at the beginning of the three months of spring the myriad things, relying on him to grow, all look up for his divine virtue, admire him, and hold him in awe.” Sui shu 7.128. 104 The “Great Asterism of the North Pole” is a symbol for the emperor who is surrounded and supported by his followers, who are like myriad stars in the sky. See Lunyu 2/1. 105 For Shusun Tong 叔孫通, the early Former Han ritual expert, see Han shu 43.2124.

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reason to offer your person to the court?” Yin said: “You can simply judge by yourself. I am fifty-seven years old now. Each month I cannot even consume twelve liters of (four dou) of grain. How would I harbor an intention for officialdom? In the past, I was paid regard and recognition by the perspicacious lord. Now I again receive this honor. Though I wish to go to court and show my gratitude, with my body and feet having greatly weakened, I cannot fulfill this wish.” 果至, 胤單衣鹿巾, 執經卷, 下床跪受詔書, 就席伏讀。胤因謂果曰: “吾昔於 齊朝欲陳兩三條事, 一者欲正郊丘, 二者欲更鑄九鼎 , 三者欲樹雙闕。世傳 晉室欲立闕 , 王丞相指牛頭山云: “此天闕也 , 是則未明立闕之意。闕者 , 謂之象魏。縣象法於其上 , 浹日而收之。象者 , 法也 ; 魏者 , 當塗而高大貌 也。鼎者神器, 有國所先, 故王孫滿斥言, 楚子頓盡。圓丘國郊, 舊典不同。 南郊祠五帝靈威仰之類, 圓丘祠天皇大帝、北極大星是也。往代合之郊丘, 先儒之巨失。今梁德告始, 不宜遂因前謬。卿宜詣闕陳之。 ”果曰:“僕之鄙 劣, 豈敢輕議國典, 此當敬俟叔孫生耳。 ”胤曰:“卿詎不遣傳詔還朝拜表, 留 與我同遊邪？”果愕然曰:“古今不聞此例。”胤曰: “檀弓兩卷 , 皆言物 始。自卿而始, 何必有例。果曰:“今君遂當邈然絕世, 猶有致身理不？”胤 曰:“卿但以事見推, 吾年已五十七, 月食四斗米不盡, 何容得有宦情。昔荷 聖王眄識, 今又蒙旌賁, 甚願詣闕謝恩; 但比腰腳大惡, 此心不遂耳。 ”106

With this, Wang Guo returned to the court. Xiao Yan conferred more titles and salary on Yin, but they were declined. The emperor then issued another edict praising Yin’s erudition in the Confucian classics and lamented the lack of such a person at his court. Eventually, he dispatched six students including He Zilang 何子朗 and Kong Shou 孔壽 to study with him in the Eastern Mountains. 107 He Yin would die in 531 at the age of eighty-six. From his biography, we can see that He Yin had nothing against government per se. The exact reason for his reclusion is not clearly stated; his biographers suggest only that by nature he was so drawn to the mountain as to suffer anxiety that someone else would occupy it before him. Like Zhang Chong, He Yin pursued a life of “reclusion” that in practice was filled with social gatherings and the study of texts, including the classics. We are told that Crown Prince Xiao Tong deeply admired He Yin, and once tried to seek him out in order to gain advice in a difficult situation. The Liang shu reports the death of Xiao Tong’s mother, Lady Ding, as a turning point in the relationship between the crown prince and his father. 106 See Liang shu 51.736-37. 107 See Liang shu 51.738. Of these two figures, He Zilang is relatively more well-known for being one of the three Donghai He brothers, the other two being He Xun and He Sicheng (fl. 500-531) 何思澄. See his brief Liang shu biography 50.714.

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The birth mother to both Xiao Tong and Xiao Gang, Lady Ding passed away in 526.108 Before her death, Xiao Tong had stayed by his mother’s sickbed day and night to care for her. Once Lady Ding had passed away, Xiao Tong accompanied her body back to the Imperial Palace on foot. After her funeral, Xiao Tong went through a difficult mourning period and was said to have lost so much weight that his waist size was reduced to half its former extent. Fang Yixin 方一新 notes that the prince had previously been of a sturdy physique.109 Xiao Tong’s own death lay only five years away, in 531.110 Xiao Tong’s death at the age of only thirty-one was not expected. The Liang shu mentions an unspecified illness that Xiao Tong persistently hid from his father so as not to alarm him.111 It is understandable that the death of Lady Ding must have taken a toll on Xiao Tong emotionally as well as physically. Still, the perplexing question remains as to what led to the death of a thirty-year-old man who lived in a well-protected environment. The Nan shi hints at Xiao Tong’s troubled later years and the possible causes of his death. The crown prince had earlier selected an appropriate gravesite for Lady Ding, which would eventually become the burial ground for the entire royal family. As the tomb was about to be constructed, a land trader was able to throw in through a eunuch named Yu Sanfu 俞三副 a bid for a different site. Reportedly, the terms of the deal were such that the trader promised Yu Sanfu one million cash if he could arrange for the trader’s plot of land to be bought for three million by the state. Yu Sanfu secretly contacted Xiao Yan and said the new site would be most auspicious for the emperor, who then rejected the site Xiao Tong had chosen. After the burial, a Taoist necromancer reported to Xiao Tong that the new site was not auspicious for the Crown Prince, but that the disadvantage could be overcome by burying wax geese and some other objects at the site reserved for the eldest son. Xiao Tong did this as instructed. When the emperor found out about this action, he was furious and prepared to conduct a thorough investigation, relenting only when dissuaded by Xu Mian 徐勉. We remember Xu Mian’s special status at the Liang court: he had been one of the earliest followers of Xiao Yan, and always occupied important 108 Liang shu 4.103. We have earlier noted Xiao Tong’s own discussion of the ritual protocol for mourning in his situation. 109 Fang Yixin, Dong Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shishu ciyu jianshi, p. 187. 110 See Liang shu 8.167. 111 Liang shu 8.169.

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positions such as Secretary of the Department of State Affairs, Minister of the Personnel Bureau, and Court Gentleman.112 Xu Mian was also a ritual expert, and submitted a memorial specifically concerning the implementation of mourning and burial rituals.113 He had also developed a special relationship with Xiao Tong by serving as one of his earlier mentors, personally teaching the Classic of Filial Piety to the prince. As a result, he was the most appropriate person to defend the prince from the emperor on the dispute concerning Lady Ding’s burial site. Although Xiao Tong was exonerated at the time, it is reported that he felt guilty and was ashamed of the implication that he had placed his own interest before those of the emperor. Lacking any clear statement about the prince’s cause of death is probably why suspicion as to its reason grew. The fact that after Xiao Tong’s death, the emperor appointed Xiao Gang as his successor, rather than Xiao Tong’s own son, also provided fuel for a theory suggesting a previous alienation of Xiao Tong from his father. The Nan shi records the following cryptic folksong by which its authors implicitly makes clear their own view of the situation.114 鹿子開城門 城門鹿子開 當開復未開 使我心徘徊 城中諸少年 逐歡歸去來

The shaft opens the city gate; The city gate is opened by the shaft. When it is about to open, not yet open, It makes my heart begin to waver. The many youngsters in the city, All chased after joy [Huan] and left.

The connection between this song and the gossip about the royal family lies in a pun found in the last line, huan 歡, which can be read as both the personal name of Xiao Tong’s eldest son, Xiao Huan 蕭歡 and simply the word “joy.”115 The function of this children’s ditty in the Nan shi narrative lies in the politically sensitive message buried inside it. The song was supposedly written from Xiao Huan’s perspective about what was literally a zhu 逐, or “demotion.” The Nan shi historians offer their own interpretation for the song’s cryptic message: 112 Liang shu 25.377. 113 Liang shu 25.378. 114 Nan shi 53.1312-13. 115 Information about Xiao Huan is curiously limited in the histories; the Liang shu does not contain a biography, while Nan shi only gives a brief account for him. Nan shi 53.1313.

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chapter five “Luzikai” is a code word [chiasmas] for “laiziku,” and it means “the emperor weeps.” [Xiao] Huan had been Governor of Southern Xuzhou when [his father] Crown Prince passed away. [The emperor] dispatched Secretariat Drafter Zang Jue to summon Huan to the Chongzheng [Propagating Othodoxy] Hall, where [Xiao Huan] untied his hair and wailed for his father. Since [Huan] was the [emperor’s] grandson by lineal descent, he should, following the order of succession, inherit the position. However, [the emperor] was hesitant and indecisive. The emperor had newly obtained the realm and was concerned that it would not be feasible for a young emperor to be put in charge of the grand enterprise. Additionally, because of a previous resentment, he had his mind set on the Prince of Jin’an. He vacillated from the first week of the fourth month to the twenty-first day of the fifth month and did not make a decision until then. Xiao Huan was only enfeoffed as the Prince of Yuzhang and then sent back to his original post. The old song saying “heart wandering” refers to the emperor’s indecisiveness. “The many youngsters in the city,/All chased after joy [Huan] and left” is a description of Huan’s returning to Southern Xuzhou. 鹿子開者, 反語為來子哭, 云帝哭也。歡前為南徐州, 太子果薨, 遣中書舍人 臧厥追歡於崇正殿解髮臨哭。歡既嫡孫, 次應嗣位, 而遲疑未決。帝既新有 天下, 恐不可以少主主大業, 又以心銜故, 意在晉安王, 猶豫自四月上旬至五 月二十一日方決。歡止封豫章王還任。往謠言“心徘徊”者, 未定也。 “城 中諸少年, 逐歡歸去來,”復還徐方之象也。 116

There are several curious elements to the Nan shi interpretation. First, the term luzi 鹿子, referring to the gate-opening mechanism, is explained as coded and is then further interpreted as “the emperor.” Second, in the line where it mentions Xiao Tong’s death, there is an adverb guo 果, which means “indeed” or “turned out as expected.” This indicates that Xiao Tong’s death was not accidental. Third, the phrase xinxian 心銜 or “previous resentment” suggests some difficulty between Xiao Yan and Xiao Tong. Yet because the nature of the problem remains unspecified, readers have only been able to relate it to the “incident of the wax geese.” Much information is provided in this account, yet it is not clear and reasonable doubts remain about it.117 There is even more doubt about the illness that finally led to Xiao Tong’s death. According to the account in the Nan shi, “In the third month of the third year, Xiao Tong was enjoying himself in the back pond, riding in a carved boat picking lotus flowers. One of the palace ladies rocked the boat, and he fell into the lake.”118 There are points about this account that 116 Nan shi 53.1313. 117 See Fu Gang, Xiao Tong ping zhuan, pp. 85-86. 118 Nan shi 53.1311.

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raise questions. First of all, the third month is not the season for picking lotus blossoms.119 Second, the suggestion of erotic involvement with the palace ladies sounds much like a standard trope found in early cautionary tales about virtuous rule. It is probably best not to take this as a reliable account of Xiao Tong’s death. Given all of the implications of its account, the Nan shi appears to convey certain suggestions regarding the course of events. For one, the death of Lady Ding was a turning point in Xiao Tong’s life and possibly in Xiao Tong’s relations with his father, the emperor. For another, Xiao Tong had certain physical and/or emotional troubles toward the end of his life, and was unwilling to share them with his father. Third, the problem was grave enough to lead to his death. Fourth, although Xiao Yan lamented the loss of his eldest son, he did not allow Xiao Huan to succeed as the Crown Prince, naming instead Xiao Gang as heir. All this seems to imply that the misfortune of the Liang crown prince hinged on a deteriorating relationship with the emperor.120 Xiao Tong’s long-standing reputation as an exceptionally filial and loyal son makes such a conclusion rather shocking. He had, starting at age fifteen, been given a high degree of administrative authority in the court. Both Liang shu and Nan shi stress his filial piety and loyalty to the emperor. Even when he lived in the inner quarters of his own court, they record, he would always face the direction of his father. Sometimes when he received a summon at night for audience the next day with the emperor, he would sit straight and wait till morning.121 All accounts depict Xiao Tong as a strictly self-disciplined person, and as such he was probably more troubled by the ritual “mistake” regarding his mother’s gravesite than was Xiao Yan. If he had acted wrongly in any way, it would have to be over this affair of the tomb site selection. This seems to be the only matter we know of with which Xiao Tong was so emotionally involved that a mistake on his part could ave been grave enough to threaten his status as crown prince. In this regard, the beginning of his letter to He Yin may offer a telltale sign. It says: “The Lords of the Eastern Garden excelled in the Dao, and Liu 119 See Fu Gang, Xiao Tong pingzhuan, p. 83. 120 See Cao Daoheng 曹道衡, “Zhaoming taizi he Liang Wudi de jianchu wenti” 昭明 太子和梁武帝的建儲問題, Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1994:1): 47–53; Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, 201, 213; and Lin Dazhi 林大志 and Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江, “‘La’e Shi jian’ zhenwei yu Zhaoming taizu houqi chujing” “臘鵝事 件” 真偽與昭明太子後期處境, Wenxue yichan (2004: 6): 117–19. 121 Liang shu 8.169.

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Ying of the Han bowed to them. Chunqing elucidated the Classics, and Liu Zhuang of Han became his disciple.”122 Liu Ying 劉盈 (213-188 bc) had been the son of Liu Bang 劉邦, the founding emperor of the Han, and he succeeded Liu Bang to reign as Emperor Hui 惠帝 (r. 194 - 188 bc). Liu Zhuang 劉莊 (28-75) had in turn been the son of the Eastern Han founder, Liu Xiu 劉秀, and he succeeded Liu Xiu to become Emperor Ming 明帝 (r. 57-75). Chunqing 春卿 is the style name of Huan Rong 桓榮 who was summoned to teach prince Liu Zhuang the Classic of Documents.123 The Lords of the Eastern Garden, also known as the sihao 四皓 or the “Four Hoaryheads,” were, as we have seen, legendary recluses. The relevance of this goes beyond the surface, if we recall that Liu Ying’s status as Crown Prince had once been threatened due to the fact that Liu Bang considered naming another son, Lady Qi’s 戚夫人 son Liu Ruyi 劉如意, as his designated heir. The notoriously manipulative Han Empress Lü 呂, Liu Ying’s birth mother, sought advice from Zhang Liang 張良 (?-186 bc) regarding how to protect the position of her own son. Zhang suggested that the prince summon the four worthy recluses. Following his advice, Liu Ying wrote a letter inviting these four men to his court. He served them reverently and with great courtesy. When the emperor saw the four octogenarians with their white eyebrows and beards, all in grand apparel, following the prince, he inquired about them. It happened that the emperor himself had been seeking these men, but they had avoided him. When asked why they had come to follow the prince, the four men supposedly reported: “We have heard that the prince is benevolent and filial. Reverent and respectful, he admires worthy men. The entire world crane it neck and wishes to die for the prince. Therefore, we have come to him.” Liu Bang then abandoned his plan to have the crown prince replaced, and Liu Ying eventually succeeded to the Han throne in 194 bc124 The parallel between Liu Ying’s story and that of Xiao Tong perhaps give more substance to the likelihood of Xiao Tong’s friction with the emperor here suggested from the prince’s own perspective. This conflict was serious enough for him to seek outside help, probably not with the knowledge of the emperor. The rest of the letter to He Yin reads: Even more so, my devotion to you equals that of the two men to their princes. Yet, looking at myself, I am not as worthy. The distance from here to your mountain is a thousand li. It is far, and I lack a means to reach you. 122 See Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi jijiao zhu, p. 212. 123 Hou Han shu 2.95. 124 See “Liuhou Shi jia,” Shi ji 55.2044-47.

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How many times is it that when I dream of Mount Guxu, my heart is de­lighted; when I think of Lake Juqu,125 I become uneasy. My mind has gone forth, but my person is left here. Such has it been for some years. Now summer has gradually receded. A cool breeze warns of cold season.126 I hope you have been well, happy and agreeable with the season. Engrossed in subtle discourse, you savor abstruse principles. Stilling dust and din, you dally with springs and stones. Praising the erudite, you also encourage younger scholars. Their aspirations compete in loftiness with the autumn sky; and their arguments match the overflowing fullness of spring water. How can such pleasure be described in words? How can such pleasure be described in words? As for the pleasures of mouth savoring grass-fed and grain-fed animals, and ears listening to strings and reeds, how could they be mentioned the same way as your elevated pursuits?127 In this age, the Grand Stairway is even and smooth.128 The realm is at peace. Cultivating and nourishing myself day and night, I can attain some ease and rest. While examining the Six Classics, I browse the Hundred Philosophers. I search for principles of things and try to comprehend pure conversation. Not only do these console me, they also keep me alert. Still my talent is limited and my intelligence is not boundless. Heat stroke befuddles my spirit; severe headaches debilitate my body. I am ashamed that for things that I read through, I forget them once I put the scrolls down. For this reason, I have intended to seek you as my teacher. Now this wish is even stronger. I am sending the library clerk Chen Xianzong to explain about the complicated situation … Still, how could I fully express my thoughts? I kowtow in respect. 況乃義兼乎此。而顧揆不肖哉。但經途千里。眇焉莫因。何嘗不夢姑胥而 鬱陶, 想具區而杼軸, 心往形留, 於茲有年載矣。方今朱明在謝, 清風戒寒, 想 125 Guxu is another name for Gusu 姑蘇, a mountain forty-nine li to the north of Wu county. Juqu is the archaic name used in the Zhouli for Lake Tai (Taihu 太湖). See­ Zhejiang tongzhi 12.25a and 12.17a. Lake Tai, the great lake of the lower Yangtze region, is known by several different names: Zhenze 震澤, Juqu 具區, Lize 笠澤, Wuhu 五湖. It is part of the Wu commandery. Both Mount Guxu and Lake Juqu are landmarks of the Wu area, and thus Xiao Tong uses the names here to refer to He Yin’s place of residence. 126 Note that the phrase qing feng jie han 清風戒寒 is taken verbatim from the Guo yu 國語, SKQS, 2.13b. It designates the time after the first fall of the frost; the cool breeze is a sign for the advent of winter. 127 The locus classicus of the idea that learning and knowledge are to the mind as food and nutrients are to the body is likely the following passage in the Mencius (11A/7): “That principles and doctrines give pleasure to my mind is like that of grass-fed and grain-fed animals is to my mouth” 理義之悅我心, 猶芻豢之悅我口. 128 The Grand Stairway is another name for the Three Platforms (San tai 三台), a sixstar constellation signifying the three levels of the realm, i.e., the emperor, the officials, and the common people. When these three levels are in good order, the yin and yang are in balance, and the empire enjoys great security. See Han shu 65.2851. Cf. Knechtges, Wen xuan, vol. 1: 464, L. 611n.

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chapter five 攝養得宜, 與時休適。耽精義, 味玄理, 息囂塵, 翫泉石, 激揚碩學, 誘接後進, 志與秋天競高, 理與春泉爭溢。樂可言乎! 樂可言乎! 豈與口厭芻豢, 耳聆絲 竹者之娛, 同年語哉! 方今泰階端平, 天下無事, 修日養夕, 差得從容。每鑽閱 六經 , 汎濫百氏 , 研尋物理 , 顧略清言 , 既以自慰 , 且以自警。而才性有限 , 思力匪長。熱疾憒其 神 , 風眩弊其體。多慚過目 , 釋卷便忘。是以蒙求之 懷 , 於茲彌軫。聊遣典書陳顯宗申其蘊結 , 敬想□宜。129 此豈盡意。某叩 頭。 130

This letter includes a section describing the imagined pleasure of a reclusive lifestyle, which shares a number of similarities with how the same topic is described in Zhang Chong’s letter: living in a secluded area, selfsufficiency (here not through agricultural production, but through He Yin’s private means), the wonders of nature, lofty talk, and socializing with like-minded men. One thing distinctive about He Yin’s social life in reclusion is that he serves as a mentor to young scholars. Xiao Tong never actually visited He Yin, so his vision of He Yin’s reclusive life was no more than his own imagination. This constructed image of He Yin’s reclusive life reflects one ideal about reclusion current during the Liang dynasty, but this ideal was not easily attainable, as it would take the means and status of a man like He Yin to accomplish it. For Xiao Tong, it was out of reach for a different reason. Even his invitation to the recluse, unlike those of the two Han princes--Liu Ying and Liu Zhuang--was tactfully declined by He Yin. In the latter’s reply letter we are permitted a glimpse of He Yin’s reclusive life from his own point of view. I, by nature, am fond of mountains and springs. My heart is devoted to fish and birds. However, when chasing after the gulls I cannot get close;131 approaching beasts, I scare them away. In addition, I am getting on in years. On my deserted paths covered with brambles, there are neither guests talking about crops nor visitors discussing the classics with me. Silently, I spend my days living in the fields and dwelling among mountains and knolls. There is a fine river and clear ponds. Here I will dwell forever.

129 There is a textual corruption here in all editions. The third character is missing. 130 Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiao zhu, p. 212; Yiwen leiju 37.667-68; Quan Liang wen 20.3064. 131 The story of gull-chaser is from the Liezi. It tells of a man living by the sea who is fond of the gulls who in turn fly in droves to be close to him, presumably treat him as one of their own. When his father tries to do the same, no birds would come down. See Liezi jishi 2.67-8.

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胤性愛山泉, 情篤魚鳥, 而從鷗未狎, 入獸相驚。兼年齒衰暮, 荒徑榛梗, 既無 語稼之客, 寧有論書之賓？緘嘿畎畝, 栖息丘壑, 秀木清潭, 於茲永已。 132

In contrast to Xiao Tong’s enthusiasm, He Yin’s letter seems cold, a depiction of a quiet life. He also seems to deny all of the bliss imagined in Xiao Tong’s letter. The tone is tangibly evasive, and the reading of this note must have been a tremendous disappointment for Xiao Tong when he received it. Writing Tao Qian to Explain Himself: Xiao Tong’s Last Piece Upon failing to befriend a contemporary recluse, Xiao Tong tured to the past instead. The figure he focused on was Tao Qian (365-437). Alan Berkowitz has pointed out that Tao Qian had introduced an entirely new pattern of reclusion, and in light of this break is not to be grouped with any of the recluses previous to his time.133 “He [Tao Qian] was largely responsible for both a new and appealing mien for the scholar-official in retirement, and for a new and enduring formulation of the topos of reclusion.”134 Tao Qian’s idea and practice of reclusion has penetrated Chinese tradition and been perpetuated through time. Tao Qian is also widely regarded now as the greatest poet before the Tang.135 It is through his poetry that posterity has attempted to gain an acquaintance with this great writer, and Tao Qian’s poetry has in consequence largely been read as a time capsule of the mind of this great literary hero.136 During his own time and even for many years after his death, however, Tao Qian’s reputation as a poet was not as great as his fame as a man of reclusion. The famous scholar and official Yan Yanzhi was a friend of Tao Qian. Upon Tao’s death, Yan wrote a dirge for him, “Tao zhengshi lei” 陶徵 士誄. In this beautifully crafted work of parallel prose, Yan Yanzhi chiefly praised Tao Qian’s personal qualities and made no mention of his poetry. We find only one line referring to Tao Qian’s writing, which states: “His 132 Yu Shaochu, Zhaoming taizi ji jiaozhu, pp. 215-16; Yiwen leiju 37.665; Quan Liang wen 40.3158. 133 Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, p. 209. 134 Ibid, p. 221. 135 See Swartz, Reading Tao Yuanming: Shifting Paradigms of Historical Reception (4271900); Li Jianfeng, Yuan qian Tao Yuanming jieshou shi; Feng Xiaoli, “Shi lun Tao Yuanming zai Nanbeichao shiqi de shiming.” 136 Charles Yim-tze Kwong, Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Tradition: The Quest for Cultural Identity (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1994).

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writings opt for getting the meaning across” 文取指達.137 The Jin shu includes Tao Qian’s biography in the section for recluses (Yinyi 隱逸, juan 94) rather than that for writers (Wenyuan 文苑, juan 92). Liu Xie in his Wenxin diaolong made no mention of Tao Qian. Almost ninety years after Tao Qian’s death, Zhong Rong, the sixth-century judge of poetry, ranked Tao Qian as a middle-grade poet in his Gradings of Poets.138 In addition, Zhong Rong called Tao Qian the “paragon recluse-poet of all time” (yinyi shiren zhi zong 隱逸詩人之宗). These probably marked the first step of Tao Qian’s ascension to an unprecedented and exceptional position in Chinese literary history.139 A century after Tao’s death, the Liang Crown Prince Xiao Tong was the first to give the greatest attention and the highest evaluation both to Tao Qian the person as well as Tao Qian the poet. Xiao Tong, in his role as compiler of the Wen xuan, had already showed his appreciation of Tao Qian by including nine of Tao Qian’s writings, eight of which are poems. This alone did not seem to be satisfactory for Xiao Tong, however, because he then produced an individual collection of Tao Qian’s writings—the Collected Works of Tao Qian (Tao Yuanming ji). This compilation was probably created in the summer of 527, according to a note in one of the old manuscript versions seen by Hashikawa Tokio 橋川時雄.140 This year is later than the compilation dates of all three major literary compilations of the Liang dynasty, the Wen xuan, the Shi pin, and the Wenxin diaolong. The fact that Xiao Tong made a special effort to compile an individual collection for Tao Qian implies in itself at least two things about Xiao Tong’s view of Tao Qian. First, Xiao Tong read all of Tao Qian’s works and felt that his writings were important enough to deserve an individual compilation; second, the crown prince felt that Tao Qian’s writings had not received their due attention. In addition to compiling the Collected Works of Tao Qian, Xiao Tong wrote a preface for it and an accompanying biography of Tao Qian. Several 137 Wen xuan 56.2469-76. 138 Considered in the context of Zhong Rong’s standard of evaluation, middlegrade should be considered an excellent attribution. See Swartz, Reading Tao Yuanming, p. 155-6. 139 Shi pin ji zhu, p. 260. 140 In his Tō shū hanbon genryū kō 陶集版本源流考 (Peking: Wen zi tong meng she, 1931), 4a, Hashikawa Tokio informs us of a Song edition at the end of the preface, in which there is a line reading: 梁大通丁未年夏季六月昭明太子蕭統撰. If this is correct, then it points to Xiao Tong’s composition of the preface in the year 527. Also see Mu Kehong and Guo Dan, Wei Jin Nanbeichao wen lun quanbian, p. 465.

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recent studies have compared the biography authored by Xiao Tong with various other versions of Tao Qian’s biography found in the Song shu, the Nan shi, and the Jin shu.141 Let us not forget, however, that much of the information found in Tao Qian’s biography is, after all, based upon what Tao Qian presented about himself, not only in his pseudo-autobiography “Wuliu xiansheng zhuan” 五柳先生傳, but also his highly autobiographical poems. Since Xiao Tong biography on Tao Yuanming has been considered in great detail by several recent studies, I will now look at the understudied preface which I believe is a significant source for us to understand why the prince placed such importance on Tao Qian’s life and work. We shall therefore need to focus on the preface and make a close reading of it. This important document is constructed largely in parallel prose and includes many allusions that will need to be explains. It reads as follows: 夫 自衒自謀者 士女之醜行 不忮不求者 明達之用心 是以 聖人韜光 賢人遁世 其故何也 含德之至 莫踰於道

Self-promotion is despicable conduct for a man; Self-matching is deplorable behavior for a woman.142 Those who are not envious or acquisitive, Have a heart of perspicacity and astuteness.143 Therefore, A sage conceals his light; A worthy man escapes the world.144 Why is this so? As for harboring virtue to the utmost, Nothing surpasses the Dao.

141 See Tian Xiaofei, Tao Yuanming and Manuscript Culture, pp. 56-94; Swartz, Reading Tao Yuanming, pp. 23-47; Kang-i Sun Chang 孫康宜, “The Unmasking of Tao Qian and the Indeterminacy of Interpretation,” in Chinese Aesthetics, pp. 169-90. 142 See Guanzi 管子, “Xingshi” 形勢, “A woman who serves as her own match-maker is despicable and not trustworthy” 自媒之女丑而不信. SBCK ed., 1.7a. Also see Mozi 墨子, SBCK ed., 12.8b. “It is similar to the case of a beautiful woman. When staying in her boudoir, she refuses to go out in public. But when people strive to woo her, gradually she becomes self-promoting” 譬如美女, 處而不出. 人爭求之, 行而自炫. Also note the resemblance of these lines to lines in Cao Zhi’s “Qiu zi shi biao” 求自試表: 夫自衒自 媒者, 士女之醜行也, in Wen xuan 37.1682. 143 The line buzhi buqiu 不忮不求 is found in the last section of Ode 33 “Male Pheasant” (“Xiongzhi” 雄雉): “All you gentlemen/ know not of my virtuous conduct./ I am neither envious nor acquisitive./ What is it that is not good about me?” 百爾君子, 不知德 行。不忮不求, 何用不臧. 144 Kong Rong’s 孔融 “Lihe zuojun xingming zi shi” 離合作郡姓名字詩 has a line that reads: “Patterned jade hides its shine;/ Fine jade obscures its light” 玟琁隱曜美玉韜 光. See Guwen yuan, SBCK ed., 8.8b.

264 親巳之切 無重於身 故 道存而身安 道亡而身害 處百齡之内 居一世之中 倐忽比之白駒 寄寓謂之逆旅 宜乎 與大塊而盈虛 隨中和而任放 豈能 戚戚勞於憂畏 汲汲役于人間 齊謳趙舞之娛 八珍九鼎之食 結駟連騎之榮 侈袂執圭之貴 樂則樂矣 憂則隨之 何倚伏之難量

chapter five As for caring for oneself to the extreme, Nothing is weightier than his own life. Therefore If the Dao exists, then his life is secured; If the Dao perishes, then one’s life is threatened. One lives within the limit of a hundred years; One resides in the midst of this one world. The swift course of one’s life is like a white colt seen darting past a crack in the wall; The temporary stay of one’s life is like a sojourner traveling briefly.145 How fitting that One accords with nature in waxing and waning; One follows central harmony, setting oneself free and unfettered. How could one Fretfully be weighed down by worries and fears; Hustle and bustle in the world?146 The pleasure of Qi songs and Zhao dances, The food of the eight delicacies and nine cauldrons, The glory of multiple horse teams with joined bridles, The honor of wearing wide sleeves and holding jade tablets: All are truly enjoyable, But when pleasure is over, grief follows. How hard it is to predict the fluctuations of fortune!147

145 The locus classicus of the white colt metaphor can be traced back to Zhuangzi, “Zhibeiyou” 知北游, in which we read: “That human beings live between heaven and earth is similar to a white horse crossing a small passageway. It is but an instant moment.” Zhuangzi jishi, 7B.746. The sojourner metaphor is best known from poem #10 of the “Nineteen Old Poems”, “Qu ju shang dongmen” 驅車上東門, in which one couplet reads: “Life is brief as a sojourn,/ and it lacks the firmness of metal or rock” 人生忽如寄, 壽無金 石固. 146 The use of these phrases bears a similarity to Yang Xiong’s autobiography in the Han shu as well as Tao Qian’s use of them in his “Wuliu xiansheng zhuan,” “[He did not] hustle and bustle for wealth and honor. He didn’t fret and frown for poverty and lowliness” 不汲汲於富貴, 不戚戚於貧賤. See Han shu, 87A.3514 and Tao Yuanming jijiao jian, p. 421. Tao Qian credits the phrase to Qianlou’s 黔婁 wife, an account of whose life is recorded in Liu Xiang’s Lienü zhuan, SKQS, 2.12b. 147 The locus classicus of the phrase yifu 倚伏 is the famous Laozi 老子 passage which reads: “Disaster is where good fortune derives. Good fortune is where disaster hides” 禍兮, 福之所倚; 福兮, 禍之所伏. Laozi, SBCK ed., 2.10b.

pondering on reclusion and rulership 亦慶吊之相及 智者賢人居之 甚履薄冰 愚夫貪士競此 若泄尾閭 玉之在山 以見珍之終破 蘭之生谷 雖無人而自芳 故 莊周垂釣於濠 伯成躬耕於野 或貨海東之藥草 或紡江南之落毛

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Celebration and lamentation often follow each other. The way sagacious and worthy people treat them Is like walking on thin ice.148 The manner in which foolish and greedy men compete in life Is similar to going down the drain of the Eastern Sea.149 Jade is found in the mountain; It gets broken because it is valued. Thoroughwort grows in the valley; It emits fragrance even with no person present.150 Therefore Zhuang Zhou went fishing on the Hao River; Bocheng ploughed the fields.151 Some sold herbs east of the ocean; Others wove fallen bird feathers south of the river.152

148 The textual lineage of the phrase “treading on thin ice” is found in Ode 195 “Xiaomin” 小旻 and 196 “Xiaoyuan” 小宛 which ends with the following stanza: “We should be apprehensive and careful, as if we were treading on thin ice” 戰戰兢兢, 如履薄冰. 149 The locus classicus of the phrase weilű 尾閭, which I translate as “the drain of the Eastern Sea,” is found in the “Qiushui” 秋水 chapter of Zhuangzi. The passage that contains this phrase reads: “Of all the waters in the world, none is greater than the sea. All streams flow into it. No one has heard of the stopping of the streams, but the sea is still not filled. Through weilű, the sea drains its water. No one has heard of the stopping of the process, yet the sea is never empty” 天下之水, 莫大於海: 萬川歸之, 不知何時止而不 盈; 尾閭泄之, 不知何時已而不虛. Zhuangzi jishi, 6B.563. 150 These two couplets allude to Huainanzi 淮南子, “Shuoshan xun” 說山訓 (Discussions on the Mountain), where we read: “If jade is found in the mountain, then plants are sleek and moist (vegetation is nurtured therein). If ponds produce pearls, then grass by the bank does not wither … Thoroughwort grows in a secluded valley, and it does not stop emitting fragrance because no one wears it. A boat is found on the ocean and it does not stop floating because no one rides it. A gentleman practices propriety and he does not stop because no one knows him...The jade disc of Mr. He and the pearl owned by the Marquis of Sui are produced from the essence of the mountain and deep pool respectively. When a gentleman wears them, they bring auspiciousness and serenity. When kings and marquises treasure them, they rectify the world” 玉在山而草木潤, 淵生珠而草不枯。。 蘭生幽谷, 不為莫服而不芳, 舟在江海, 不為莫乘而不浮, 君子行義, 不為莫知而止 休。。。故和氏之璧, 隨侯之珠, 出于山淵之精, 君子服之, 順祥以安寧侯王寶之 為天下正。 Huainanzi, SBCK ed., 16.1b-3b. 151 This allusion comes from the “Qiushui” chapter of Zhuangzi. The word hao 濠 may be a copist’s error for 濮, the river on which Zhuangzi did his fishing. Zhuangzi jishi, 6B.603-604. Bocheng 伯成, also known as Bocheng Zigao 伯成子高, was a minister to the sage king Yao 堯. When Yao abdicated his throne to Shun 舜 who then abdicated to Yu 禹, Bocheng resigned his position and took up farming. See Zhuangzi jishi 5A.423. 152 This line alludes to two famous recluses Anqi Sheng 安期生 and Laolaizi. There are a number of different stories about Anqi Sheng, who was sometimes portrayed as a Taoist immortal and sometimes as a hermit. According to Huangfu Mi’s 皇甫謐 Gaoshi

266 譬彼鴛鶵 豈兢鳶鴟之肉 猶斯雜縣 寧勞文仲之牲 至於 子常、寧喜之倫 蘇秦、衛鞅之匹 死之而不疑 甘之而不悔 主父偃言: 生不五鼎食 死則五鼎烹

chapter five As for the Yuanchu bird,153 How could it vie for the owl’s meat! Like to the Zaxuan, How could he accept the sacrificial offering of Wenzhong!154 As for People such as Zichang and Ningxi, The kind of Su Qin and Wei Yang: They died for it and did not have qualms; They enjoyed it and never regretted.155 Zhufu Yan once said: “If I do not eat from five tripods in this life, I shall die from being cooked in five tripods.”156

zhuan 高士傳, Anqi sheng, a person from Langye, sold herbs by the Eastern Sea. For his entire life, he did not take any employment. Stories about him are also found in Shi ji and Liexian zhuan 列仙傳. Laolaizi was a recluse engaged in agriculture before the King of Chu came to seek his advice. Laolaizi gave his consent to the envoys, but then his wife returned and talked him out of it. They left and settled down to the south of the river. There, they made a living by weaving birds’ feathers. See Gaoshi zhuan, SKQS, A.10b-11a and B. 11a-b. 153 Yuanchu 鵷雛, a phoenix-like bird, selects where it stays and what it eats. Once an owl obtained a rotten rat and the Yuanchu happened to pass by and exclaimed: “Oh, my!” Zhuangzi told this story to his friend Huizi, who was concerned that Zhuangzi might replace him at the Liang court, a position Zhuangzi likened to a rotten rat. Zhuangzi jishi 6B.605-606. 154 Zaxuan 雜縣 is the name of a seabird that is also known as Yuanju 爰居. Once the Yuanju came to perch outside the Lu city gate, (Zang) Wenzhong 臧文忠 had people make sacrifice to the bird. This action of Wenzhong was regarded as excessive. See Guo yu, SKQS, 4.8b. 155 Zichang 子常 was a corrupt prime minister of Chu, who was forced to flee his state due to warfare. See Guo yu, “Chu yu” 楚語, SBCK ed., 18.6b. Ning Xi 寧喜 killed Duke Shang 殤公 of Wey 衛 in an effort to reinstate Duke Xian 獻公 to the throne. Although the attempt was successful, Ning Xi was eventually executed for appropriation of state power. Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhengyi 32.560 and 36.635. Su Qin 蘇秦, the famous Warring States period persuader, was killed by his jealous colleagues. See Shi ji, 69.2241-2277. Shang Yang 商鞅, the reformer who assisted Duke Xiao 孝公 of Qin 秦, became prominent and influential because of his contributions to that state’s governance. However, during his ten years of serving the Qin, his family and relatives all held grudges against him. After Duke Xiao died, King Hui sentenced him to the most severe punishment—being pulled apart by four carts. In addition, his entire family was executed. See Shi ji, 68.2227-2239. 156 Zhufu Yan 主父偃 was an important official at the court of Emperor Wen 文帝 of the Han dynasty. One of his well-known quotations was, “Since I tied up my hair to travel around for learning, it has been over forty years. Still I am not fulfilled. My parents do not regard me as their son, and my brothers do not take me in. My guests and retainers have left me. The days since I have been caught in such calamities are many. As a grandee, if I am not going to dine from the five tripods, I shall die of being cooked in them.” In the end, Zhufu Yan, together with his family members, was put to death. See Han shu 64A.2803.

pondering on reclusion and rulership 卒如其言 豈不痛哉 又 楚子觀周 受折於孫滿 霍侯驂乘 禍起于負芒 饕餮之徒 其流甚眾 唐堯四海之主 而有汾陽之心 子晉天下之儲 而有洛濱之志 輕之若脫屣 視之若鴻毛 而況於他乎 是以聖人達士 因以晦跡 或懷玉而謁帝

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He died as he himself had predicted. Isn’t this a shame! Also, The Viscount of Chu reviewed [the troops] at Zhou, Only to be thwarted by Wangsun Man. Marquis Huo accompanied the emperor in a chariot; His disaster originated at making the emperor feel as if he had a thorn in his back.157 Those who are greedy for food or money Come in throngs. Tang Yao was a ruler of the world, But he harbored a longing for Fenyang.158 Zijin was Crown Prince of the Zhou royal house, Yet he intended to travel along the Luo River.159 They took it as easy as taking off shoes, They regarded it as light as a goose feather,160 Not to speak of ordinary people. Therefore, sagacious persons and perspicacious men Obscure their tracks. Some embraced great talent and came to see the emperor;

157 Huo Guang 霍光 served as the Great General at the court of Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty, and was enfeoffed as Marquis of Bolu 博陸侯 in 87 ad Huo Guang’s influence at court reached such a degree that he was able to decide who would be the next emperor after Emperor Wu died; he was also suspected of having been involved in the death of Emperor Zhao 昭帝. When Emperor Xuan 宣帝 was first installed on the throne, he went to pay a visit to Emperor Wu’s temple. Huo Guang accompanied him riding in the same carriage. Emperor Xuan, in his heart, was extremely afraid of Huo Guang, and he felt as if he had a thorn growing in his back. Not long after Huo Guang died, his entire family was put to death by Emperor Xuan. See Huo Gang’s biography in Han shu 68.2931-2956. 158 Fenyang 汾陽 means “north of the Fen River,” which flows out from Taiyuan 太原 and west to join the Yellow River. The terms Fenshui 汾水, Fenyang, and Fenye 汾射 have taken on the connotation of references to the reclusive lifestyle. “North of the Fen River” is mentioned together with Mount Guye 姑射 in a Zhuangzi 莊子 passage which reads: “Yao governed the people of the world and pacified the affairs within the borders. However, when he went to see the four masters in Guye Mountain, to the north of the Fen River, listlessly, he lost his hold to the world” 堯治天下之民,平海內之政, 往見四子於姑射之 山, 汾水之陽, 窅然喪其天下焉. See Zhuangzi jishi 1.31. 159 Zijin 子晉 refers to the well-known prince of King Ling 靈王 of the Zhou 周 dynasty; this figure is also known as Wangzi Qiao 王子喬. He roamed along the Luo River, riding a phoenix and playing a panpipe. Lord Fuqiu 浮丘, a Taoist master, brought him up to Moung Song 嵩山. After thirty-some years, the prince transformed into an immortal. His biography can be found in Liu Xiang’s Liexian zhuan, SKQS, A.13b-14a. 160 These lines continue the reference to the sage-king Tang Yao and to the Zhou prince Wangzi Qiao.

268 或披褐而負薪 鼓楫清潭 棄機漢曲 情不在於眾事 寄眾事以忘情者也 有疑陶淵明之詩 篇篇有酒 吾觀其意不在酒 亦寄酒為跡者也 其文章不群 辭采精拔 跌宕昭彰 獨超眾類 抑揚爽朗 莫之與京 橫素波而傍流 干青雲而直上 語時事則指而可想 論懷抱則曠而且真 加以貞志不休

chapter five Some wore coarse clothes and carried firewood on their backs.161 Some tapped the gunwales of their boat on clear pools;162 Some abandoned machines by the bank of the Han River.163 Their real intention did not lie in the multitude of things, But they used the multitude of things to forget their real intention. Some people surmised that of Tao Yuanming’s poems, Each and every one involves drinking. I observed that his real intention does not lie in drinking; He relied on drinking to make his track. His writing is singular; His use of words is vigorous and distinctive. Dynamic and clear, He surpasses all other writers. Rhythmic and refreshing, None can compare with him. It traverses white waves and follows the current; It flies into the cerulean clouds and rises straight up. When he talks about seasonal matters, his intent is easily understood; When he discusses his innermost feelings, it is clear and sincere. In addition, his firm intention was never abandoned;

161 Laozi (Chapter 70): “A sage wears coarse clothes, yet holding jade inside” 聖人被褐 懷玉. See Laozi, SBCK ed., 17a. 162 This is a reference to the fisherman in Chu ci. 163 In Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳, there is a mention of a “Hanyin Zhangren” 漢陰丈人 whom Zigong 子貢 encountered on his trip to Chu. This old gardener refused to take advantage of the water-fetching system because the term “mechanical heart” or jixin 機心 also means “a machine heart.” The story is also found in the “Tiandi” chapter of Zhuangzi. See Zhuangzi jishi 5A.433-34.

pondering on reclusion and rulership 安道苦節 不以躬耕為恥 不以無財為病 自非大賢篤志 與道污隆 孰能如此乎 余愛嗜其文 不能釋手 尚想其德 恨不同時 故加搜求 粗為區目 白壁微瑕 惟在閒情一賦 楊雄所謂 勸百而諷一者 卒無諷諫 何足搖其筆端 惜哉 忘是可也 并粗點定其傳 編之於錄 常謂有能觀淵明之文者 馳競之情遣 鄙吝之意祛 貪夫可以廉 懦夫可以立 豈止仁義可蹈 抑乃爵祿可辭

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He was content with the Way, maintaining integrity through hardship. He did not take plowing as disgraceful; Or consider lack of assets shameful. If he were not a great sage who held a firm belief, Following the rising and falling of the Way, Who could be like this? I am addicted to his writing; I cannot stop reading it. I admire his virtue; I regret that we are not of the same era. Therefore, I have collected and collated his writings; I have made a rough categorization. The only blemish among his writings, Is the “Fu on Stilling the Passions.” It is what Yang Xiong called “One hundred encouragements and one admonition.” Since there after all is no admonition in this piece, Why did he ply his brush and write such a piece? What a pity! It is permissible to exclude this piece. I have also roughly edited his biography, And included it in the collection. In the past, people who were able to read Yuanming’s writings Became relieved of their competitive desire, Dispelled of narrow-mindedness and stinginess. A greedy person can be made abstinent; A cowardly person can be made steadfast. Not only will one be able to tread the realm of benevolence and propriety, He can also relinquish his position and salary.

270 不必傍游泰華 遠求柱史 此亦有助於風教也

chapter five One does not need to travel to Taihua Mountain, Nor does one need to seek the advice of the Pillar Scribe.164 This is, for its part, contributive to moral teaching.

In the opening paragraph of this tribute, Xiao Tong sets a Taoist tone for his essay. He rationalizes escapism by pointing out the importance of preserving one’s person and achieving harmony with the Way. Any aspiration or endeavor would counter the natural course of the Way and thus harm a person. Instead of living in worries, fears, and constant toil, a man of understanding should find his accord with nature in order to achieve freedom and ease. Xiao Tong next presents a list of desirable yet harmful things pursued by common people: beautiful women, delicious food, respectable status, and honorable position. He draws an analogy between two divergent attitudes toward things of this sort: “the way sagacious and worthy men treat them is like walking on thin ice. However, the manner in which foolish and greedy men compete in life is similar to [rivers] going down the drain of the Eastern Sea.” Calamities follow those who seek and search, while men of virtue preserve their integrity by avoiding worldly involvement. Specific examples of both types of men are provided in the following paragraph. Men like Zhuangzi maintained their independence by engaging in activities such as fishing, farming, collecting herbs, and weaving. The other type, men of aggressive nature, would die in pursuit of their own ambitions. Xiao Tong expresses his sympathy with men such as Zhufu Yan who made an oath that turned out to be an ominous prediction of his own death. About this Xiao Tong simply exclaims: “Is this not sad!” At the end of this section, Xiao Tong reveals his particular admiration for Tang Yao and Zijin, an emperor and an heir apparent, who were able to divest themselves effortlessly of their status as rulers. Xiao Tong marvels at their resolution: “They took it [their obligation of ruling the state] as easy as taking off shoes, and regarded it as light as a goose feather!” Xiao Tong’s admiration of two people of his own status implies the prince’s own penchant for a reclusive lifestyle. 164 Mount Taihua here refers to Mount Hua. The term zhushi 柱史, “Pillar Scribe,” refers to Laozi.

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The following paragraph, containing several key statements, serves as an important transition. For Xiao Tong, to choose a reclusive lifestyle is a virtue. In this regard, he says: “Therefore, a sagacious person and perspicacious man obscure their tracks.” The term huiji 晦跡, “obscuring one’s tracks,” is introduced and then a number of different activities are listed to illustrate various means of doing so. At the end of this short paragraph, Xiao Tong summarizes the shared function of these activities: “The true intention [of these men of disengagement] did not lie in the various matters, rather they used these various matters to forget their true intention.” In this closing statement, qing 情 and wangqing 忘情 are two key phrases. For fear that readers might focus on the variety of activities described in his preface, Xiao Tong warns us that the activities are not important in themselves; they are merely the means for pursuing a goal, and the danger of forgetting this is expressed with the phrase wangqing, “forgetting one’s real intention.” This last sentence bears a clear echo of the well-known Zhuangzi passage which reads: A fishing basket is the means for catching fish. When one catches the fish, he forgets about the basket. A trap is the means to catch a hare. When one catches the hare, one forgets about the trap. Words are the means to locate the meaning. When one gets the meaning, one forgets about the words. 荃者, 所以在魚, 得魚而忘荃; 蹄者, 所以在兔, 得兔而忘蹄; 言者, 所以在意, 得意而忘言。 165

Having established a Taoist rationale for reclusive motives and means, Xiao Tong turns to his evaluation of Tao Qian, the recluse-poet: “There are those who suspect that in each and every one of Tao Yuanming’s poems, there is [a trace of] drinking. I suppose that his real intention (qiyi 其意) does not lie in drinking, but he depends on drinking to make his track (weiji 為跡).” This statement hints that in Xiao Tong’s time drinking was regarded as a key element of Tao Qian’s poetry. Xiao Tong disagrees with this interpretation and tries to defend Tao Qian. To him, drinking, while something that Tao Qian is often associated with, is not the poet’s real intention. What Xiao Tong means by the phrase weiji or “to make a track” is not entirely clear. Following his discussion of various activities mentioned in the previous sentence, Xiao Tong seems to place Tao Qian’s drinking in the same category with the more conventional reclusive activities such as fishing and farming. In this paragraph in which Xiao Tong discusses Tao Qian as a recluse, several key terms are worth noting: huiji, 165 Zhuangzi jishi 9A.944.

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wangqing, and weiji. In order to gain an accurate understanding of these phrases, we need to look more closely into the two concepts ji 跡 and qing 情. As we have noticed so far, this preface is filled with Taoist ideas and in particular is permeated with references to the Zhuangzi. We find around two dozen occurrences of the word ji in the Zhuangzi. A concentrated discussion of ji (“track”), is offered in the “Tianyun” chapter (“The Turning of Heaven”). There Laozi is shown addressing Confucius, saying: The Six Classics are the past tracks (ji) of the former kings. How could they be that which makes the tracks (suoyi ji)? The speech you made a moment ago is also like a track. A track is that which is left by a shoe. Therefore, how could the track be the same as the shoe? 夫六經, 先王之陳跡也。豈其所以跡哉? 今子之所言, 猶跡也。夫跡, 履之所 出, 而跡豈履哉？166

According to Zhuangzi’s shoe analogy, “that which makes a track” is the entity itself, while the “track” is the mark made by the entity. Zhuangzi’s proposition here is that an entity is that which produces a track. Now let us look at Guo Xiang’s 郭象 (d. 312) commentary to this passage, which reads: “That which makes the track is ‘true nature’” 所以跡者 真性也.167 The Zhuangzi passage introduces a pair of concepts: “that which makes a track” (suoyi ji) and “the track” ( ji). Guo Xiang explains the term “that which makes a track” as “true nature.” Therefore, “track,” being the other in the pair with “that which makes a track” forms a contrast with “true nature” as well. In other words, the “track” is overt and explicit, while “true nature” is innate and implicit. This is not the end of Guo Xiang’s interpretations of ji, however. Elsewhere in Guo Xiang’s metaphysical discourse, he disputes Zhuangzi’s proposition that “an entity makes a track” or “‘that which makes the track’ makes a track,” when he says: “That which makes the track has no track” 所以跡者無跡也.168 In following Guo Xiang’s philosophy we notice a seeming opposition between his commentary and Zhuangzi’s text. The apparent contradiction can be solved if we understand that there are two levels of a single entity involved here. There is the physical aspect of an 166 Zhuangzi jishi 5B.532. 167 Ibid. Ji was a central term in the philosophy of Guo Xiang, whose work was wellknown to the medieval literati. For a good discussion of this, see Brook Ziporyn, The Penumbra Unbound: The Neo-Taoist Philosophy of Guo Xiang (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003). 168 Zhuangzi jishi 3B.288.

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entity that creates a track, and there is also the ineffable nature or true nature of an entity that makes no traces. Therefore, Guo Xiang’s statement, “that which makes a track has no track” 所以跡者無跡也 can actually be understood as “true nature has no track” 真性者無跡也. The “track” comes from the physical aspect of an entity, not from the ineffable natural aspect of an entity. In Tao Qian’s case, for Xiao Tong these “tracks” include his speech, deeds, and poetry. But “true nature” (zhenxing) is not part of this list, and thus the recluse leaves no track and therefore is not traceable. The phrase huiji used in the medieval period is simply a synonym for “reclusion.” The fifth-century poet and historian Shen Yue discusses reclusion using the term huiji in his foreword to the “Biographies of Recluses” in the Song shu:169 The word ‘being in reclusion’ means that one’s tracks are not externally visible and that one’s way cannot be known [by others]. 夫隱之為言, 跡不外見, 道不可知之謂也。

Shen Yue’s words tell us that the central concern for traditional reclusion up to his time had been huiji, “obscuring one’s overt tracks.” But huiji is not what Xiao Tong says of Tao Qian in the preface. Here, Tao Qian is described with a phrase that is opposite to “obscuring his tracks.” Instead, the practice of “making tracks” (weiji) through drinking and writing about drinking is the heart of Xiao Tong’s characterization of Tao Qian. This is a rather accurate observation of Tao Qian’s difference from more typical recluses. Unlike these others, Tao never attempted to hide himself away. While it is true that he retired to his farm, he did not retreat from society but rather built his house in the midst of human activity. He maintained associations with diverse groups of people: farmers, closeminded friends, or simply someone with whom he could drink a few cups of ale. Mount Lu, usually taken as a symbol of his reclusive lifestyle, was only something that Tao Qian would “gaze at” or “catch a glimpse of” from afar. Moreover, from no earlier period do we have an autobiography of any recluse. But in the case of Tao Qian, we have not only his pseudoautobiography but also his highly autobiographical poetic oeuvre, in which he was not hesitant to reveal his innermost fears, irresolution, and contradictions. In a word, Tao Qian did not fall into the category of 169 See discussion of the word ji and the significance of hiding one’s traces in a reclusive life in Song shu 93.2275-76. See also Berkowitz, Patterns of Disengagement, pp. 178-184; and Tian Xiaofei, Tao Yuanming and Manuscript Culture, pp. 62-67.

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c­ onventional recluses who sever themselves from society by hiding in the mountains. It is in light of this quality of Tao’s behavior that Xiao Tong, his earliest “zhiyin and Bo Le,” labeled his eccentricity with the phrase weiji rather than huiji. The other key phrase in Xiao Tong’s evaluation of Tao Qian as a recluse is wangqing. Qing is a loaded term in the Chinese language that defies a definitive translation.170 It is helpful to begin with a look at how qing is used in classical texts. In the widely read “Gaozi” 告子 chapter of the Mencius, we find a quotation that may shed light in this regard. As far as what is genuinely in him is concerned, a man is capable of becoming good. This is what I mean by good. 乃若其情, 則可以為善矣, 乃所謂善也。 171

We recall that it is in this “Gaozi” chapter that Mencius’ central argument about xing 性 or human nature is found. Although in the above-quoted line, there is no reference to the word xing, “human nature” is the topic under discussion. The statement is Mencius’s answer to the question posed by Gong Duzi as to whether human nature is originally good or bad. What Lau translates here as “genuinely in him” is the word qing, which is used here in place of xing. In this context, qing refers to the substance or essence of xing, and therefore qing is xing. The renowned Qing scholar of the Mencius, Dai Zhen 戴震 (1724-1777), confirms this definition in his commentary by saying: “Qing is like undyed silk. It is the substance of [things]” 情猶素也。實也。172 Thus, qing is the fundamental nature or xing of a matter or a person. Wangqing, “forgetting one’s own nature” is the other key aspect of Xiao Tong’s interpretation of Tao Qian’s new way of reclusion. To forget one’s nature is the best way to hide it. Being capable of both wangqing and weiji, Tao Qian truly changed the concept of reclusion. The definition of reclusion no longer hinged upon hiding one’s physical existence, which by this time was already too easy to fabricate and too hard to implement. Therefore, instead of undertaking the futile attempt to hide his physical activities, Tao Qian tells us through poetry about himself and his 170 For a discussion of the early history of the term qing, see A. C. Graham’s Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (La Salle, Ill.: Open Court, 1989). Also see Halvor Eifring, ed., Love and Emotions in Traditional Chinese Literature (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2004) 171 Mencius 11/6. The translation is by D.C. Lau, Mencius (London: Penguin Classics, 1970), p. 163. 172 Dai Zhen, Mengzi ziyi shuzheng 孟子字義疏證 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961).

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drinking. He even tells us that “his writings are meant to reflect his intention.” Yet Xiao Tong regards Tao’s writing as a means to “forget his true intention.” If Tao Qian himself has forgotten his own true intention, how can we rely on him to tell us about it? Nevertheless this perhaps purposefully misleading statement leads all of us to search frenetically but in vain for who the master really is. Tao Qian’s apparent fondness for wine has fooled his close friend Yan Yanzhi, who writes in his elegy: “By nature (xing) he enjoyed the virtues of wine.”173 Xiao Tong questions such claims and believes that the true nature of the master never left a track for us to follow. Now we may be reminded of Tao Qian’s most mysterious couplet in the fifth of his “Drinking Poems”: “There is a true meaning in this./ But just as I am about to articulate it, I have already forgotten my words for it.”174 Such is Xiao Tong’s evaluation of Tao Qian as a recluse. He finds Tao Qian’s new type of reclusion appealing because it is free of all the defining and confining factors that had surrounded previous ideas about reclusion. Now a person who wishes to pursue this new type of reclusion can avoid the troublesome complex of restrictions that once would have held. First, he does not need to be physically hidden or removed from the human world. Second, he does not need to avoid government office. And third, he did not need to “demonstrate” virtuous conduct. “Preserving one’s nature” remains the purpose of this new type of eremitism, but one simply pursues it through a different means. The model supplied by Tao Qian is to “forget one’s nature.” Such freedom provides solutions to the various problems of medieval reclusion. In addition, it can be practiced by anyone, a Taoist, a Buddhist, a scholar-official, or a prince whose physical whereabouts are confined within the high walls of a palace, such as in the situation of Xiao Tong. In the next section of his preface, Xiao Tong gives an extensive evaluation of Tao Qian’s writing. Since his subject was a unique person, Xiao Tong emphasizes the distinctiveness of Tao Qian’s writing, characterizing it with such terms as buqun 不群 (singular), ba 拔 (distinctive), zhaozhang 昭彰 (conspicuous), duchao 獨超 (alone surpasses [others]), and mozhi yujing 莫之與京 (none can be compared [to it]). Xiao Tong also points out the readability of Tao Qian’s poetry, which makes its didactic function easily accessible. 173 Wen xuan 57.2471. 174 See Tao Yuanming ji jiao jian, pp. 219-220.

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Consideration of Tao Qian’s literary excellence combined with his moral virtues leads the Crown Prince to lavish praise on him. By this point, we can be confident in addressing the question of why Xiao Tong gave Tao Qian such a high evaluation. The admiration expressed by him is rooted in three aspects. First, as an individual who had an aspiration for self-preservation, Xiao Tong found Tao Qian’s mode of reclusion appealing. Second, as a compiler of literary collections, Xiao Tong found Tao Qian’s writings undervalued and thus sought to restore their proper status. Third, in his position as Crown Prince with a public duty to promote paragons of moral excellence, he found in Tao Qian an unmatched character whom he crowned with the title daxian 大賢, “great worthy.” The only reservation that Xiao Tong appears to have harbored regarding Tao Qian concerned the poet’s “Xianqing fu,” “Fu on Stilling Passion.” Even this criticism did not do harm to Tao Qian’s poetic reputation, however. Rather, it attracted attention to this particular fu. Critics such as Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037-1101) of the Northern Song dynasty, Chen Hang 陳沆 (17851826) of the Qing dynasty, and Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873-1929) in the twentieth century would all give special attention to this work and praised it highly.175 Xiao Tong’s evaluation of Tao Qian is the first important stage in the reception history of Tao Qian as a recluse-poet. His compilation of Tao Yuanming’s collected works helped preserv a gem of Chinese poetry. But the preface by Xiao Tong tells us as much about the crown prince himself as about the recluse he described. Although Xiao’s life reflected the exemplar of a Confucian prince in nearly every aspect, he also admired the reclusive lifestyle, which was in general not considered appropriate or permissible for a prince. His Liang shu biography makes only a brief mention of the reclusive intention of the prince, saying that “by nature [the prince] liked mountains and rivers.”176 The unstated criticism hidden in the historian’s “subtle words” (weiyan 微 言) was made explicit by Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602-1641) of the Ming dynasty. In his foreword to Xiao Tong’s literary collection, Zhang Pu wrote: “With the Prime Excellence of Ten Thousand Chariots, Xiao Tong recklessly discusses mountains and ponds. As for Tang Yao at Fenyang and Zijin at

175 See Chen Hang 陳沆, Shi bi xing jian 詩比興箋 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 2.78. 176 Liang shu 8.168.

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Luobing, he seems to be of the same mind” 以萬乘元良, 恣論山澤, 唐堯汾 陽, 子晉洛濱, 若有同心。177 “The Prime Excellence of Ten Thousand Chariots” is an archaic and formal reference to the position of crown prince, derived from a statement in the Record of Rites: “One possesses prime excellence and ten thousand states are rectified thereby. This is a reference to the Heir Apparent” 一有 元良, 萬國以貞, 世子之謂也。178 By referring to Xiao Tong by this title, Zhang Pu brings to our attention the grave seriousness of Xiao Tong’s public role. As crown prince, every aspect of his conduct and each statement that he utters is under scrutiny. Revealing an interest in the reclusive lifestyle would certainly have been considered too “reckless” an expression for Xiao Tong. Rightfully, the historian leaves no room in the prince’s official biography for such a depiction. It is only through Xiao Tong’s own communication with eminent recluses both of his age and before his time, such as He Yin and Tao Qian, that we are able to discover the eremitic prince. But this aspect of the prince should not come as a surprise to us, given the pervasiveness of reclusive discourse and practice during Xiao Tong’s time. Zhang Chong and Shen Yue, as Xiao Tong’s mentors at an early age, must have exerted personal influence on the young prince as well. After all, reclusion was the alternative for a frustrated Confucian, which I believe Xiao Tong had become toward the end of his life. His systematic study and recognition of the master Tao Qian confirms Xiao Tong’s intention of resorting to reclusion. He Yin’s rejection of Xiao Tong’s summons, without doubt a serious disappointment to the prince, nevertheless brought to a conclusion the prince’s “reckless” pursuit of a reclusive lifestyle.

177 Zhang Pu, Han Wei Liuchao bai san jia ji 漢魏六朝百三家集, SKQS, 81.1a. 178 Liji zhushu 20.398b.

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Conclusion The southern capital Jiankang, since its establishment in 317, witnessed the ascension of thirty-nine emperors in a time span of two hundred and seventy-nine years. The average reign of these rulers was only eight years each. It was not until after almost two centuries had passed that a sense of stability and prosperity was established in the south. Large urban centers had by then formed along the Yangtze River and the capital area had become a hub for cultural as well as commercial activities. The southern court had gained considerable strength through integration of local gentries into the administration. Most importantly, the court was now ruled by local-born plebeian generals, to whom the north was a past instead of the future. Recovering and returning to the north was a noble aspiration only of their predecessors, the exiled aristocrats from Luoyang. The time was now ripe to turn Jiankang into a capital of an everlasting dynasty, rather than the temporary refuge of a bygone age. This political urgency was by no accident reflected in an oft-quoted comment about how to achieve literary excellence: “If there were no innovation, [poets today] could not surpass eminent poets of the past” 若無新變不可代雄. Indeed striving for exception through transformation was a political undertaking as well. Emperor Wu of Liang’s policy of favoring Buddhism, a new and alien form of rulership, was by and large to solidify his autocratic rule. Likewise, various attempts at “new changes,” including the innovation in prosody and the invention of a palace-style poetry, in elite culture were efforts to establish new tastes for and models of social prestige. Historians retrospectively often blame these as “deviations” and/or “decadence” that led to the downfall of the Liang and eventually the loss of the south. Xiao Tong’s exemption from such chastisement is both cause and effect of a lack of understanding of the crown prince. He was thought, due to the dominant influence of historical biographies, to be a proper Confucian. But this is a double-patterned political cloak, implying political safety and lethargy at the same time. Even this, however, was far from the truth about Xiao Tong who did have political ambition as well as strong ideas about what constitutes a good piece of literature. As we have seen, the texts that remain to us show that Xiao Tong had political visions dis-

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tinctive from his father and he could also be adamant about them. Such a direct expression of disagreement might have led to disgrace with the emperor and a less involved role in the Liang politics, Xiao Tong, nevertheless, found a way to lay out his vision of an empire, through the compilation of the Wen xuan. This great literary anthology showcased in a hierarchical order a series of models of perfection that would not only determine the literary viewpoints of generations of successors, but also their cultural identity. This same comprehensiveness and eclecticism is echoed in Xiao Tong’s other writings. Always mindful of his political incumbency, Xiao Tong stressed the importance of “balance” (zhonghe 中和) or dualism in literary thinking, promoting a writing style that was dubbed “gentlemanly.” This circumspect and moderate attitude responds to the kind of political strategy revealed, for instance, in the group of da/xiao poems we examined. The underlying “philosophical relativism” and striving for “balance and harmony,” reflected the remaining popularity and even prevalence of “Arcane Learning” (xuanxue 玄學) at the Liang court. The elderly Shen Yue and Zhang Chong, as mentors of Xiao Tong, certainly exerted huge influence on the young prince. Liu Xiaochuo, the most important figure in Xiao Tong’s court, though imprudent early on, had to learn his way with words, if not action. Restraint and circumspection, principles too familiar to be championed, however, was the underlying norm in court life. This is where reclusion as an abstract exercise or a way of thinking shares common ground with rulership. Disengagement, in its constituting resistence, is a form of engagement. What is “acrane,” “mysterious,” or “opaque,” no matter how the word xuan 玄 may be rendered, is the golden principle that governed the age between the Han and Tang in a profound way. And this is the doctrince of the “mean,” which means “middle ground,” “moderation,” or simply “balance.” In the writings by Xiao Tong and those around him, we see the careful balance that these men try to strike between content and form, feelings and etiquette, commaraderie and competition, and most importantly, self and court. Although a complete and exact picture of Liang court life may never be possible, what we see here as expressed in their own writings prove the traditional portrayal of Xiao Tong, his court, or the lackthereof, to contribute to a greatly oversimplied picture of the artistic and political life of the Southern Dynasties. The complexity and sophistication with which Xiao Tong and his men write is also true of the political vision of a “balanced and restraint” rule that is lacking amidst the Liang emperor’s religious fevor.

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Xiao Tong did not live to inherit the Liang throne to realize his political ambition, but his literary anthology, an embodiment of the empire, shows us what is courtly and serves as a canon for courtly writing.

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index Note: Translated poems are indicated with italic face. The word passim is used to refer to scattered references within a lengthy block of pages. Major discussions are indicated by bold face. aesthetics, literary form differentiated from other fields by, 56; reclusion as an aesthetic pursuit, 230; ziwei (“savor”) associated with the pentasyllabic form, 85-87 Analects (Lunyu 論語), 186; legitimation of reclusion in, 229; story about Confucius lecturing his son Li, 68n54; Xiao Tong’s instruction in, 13; Zizang on youshi, 37n69, See also Confucius anthologies. See literary collections Anthology of Three Hundred Tang Poems (Tang shi sanbai shou 唐詩三百首), 51 “Arcane Learning” (xuanxue 玄學), 10-12, 280 autumn, as “desolate and depressing” in fu 賦 (rhapsodic poetry), 114-115, See also seasonal changes balance (zhonghe 中和): and da/xiao 大／ 小 (“big versus small”), 18-20, 22-23, 280; and Daoist ideas about the original state of formlessness, 34 Ban Gu 班固 (32-92), 23n34, 133, 164, 165 Bao Zhao 鮑照 (405-466) (yuefu poet), 62-63 benevolence and compassion (jen 仁), 48, 186 Berkowitz, Alan, 230, 248, 261 bieji 別集 (collected writings by individual writers), 59-61 “big versus small”. See da/xiao 大／小 biographical writing: constructed nature of Chinese official biography, 4; personal writing as a source for, 5 Book of Odes (Shi jing 詩經): as a storehouse of meaning, 91n129; legitimation of reclusion in, 229-230; literary potency traced to, 64, 67-68; and tetrasyllabic meter, 27, 92, 94 Ode 10 “Ru fen,” 92n130; Ode 14 “Caochong,” 91n125; Ode 33 “Xiongzhi,” 263n143; Ode 56 “Kaopan,” 229-230; Ode

65 “Shuli,” 139n103; Ode 95 “Zhen Wei,” 141; Ode 129 “Jianjia,” 169n193; Ode 156 “Dongshan,” 90n123; Ode 161 “Luming,” 116; Ode 176 “Jing jing zhe e,” 92n134; Ode 195 “Xiaomin,” 191n53, 265n148; Ode 196 “Xiaoyuan,” 191n53, 265n148; Ode 207 “Xiaoming,” 90n116; Ode 226 “Cai lu,” 107; Ode 236 “Danming,” 90n119; Ode 242 “Lingtai,” 116; Ode 289 “Xiaobi,” 191n52; Ode 299 “Panshui,” 42n89, See also Confucius Book of Odes (Shi jing)—”Great Preface” (Daxu 大序): and expressive theory, 54, 68n52, 70-71, 75; and political-literary theory, 67-70 Buddhism: as a disruptive force, 183-184, 223, 226-227; and reclusive life style choices, 207-208, 250-251; related to Confucianism by Xiao Tong, 186; Xiao Tong’s rejection of, 9, 183-184; Xiao Tong’s resistance to promote, 196-197, 201-202; Xiao Yan legitimation and, 9-10 Buddhist concepts of note: cosmology, 194n66, 195n71; fashen 法身 (“Dharma body”), 183, 197; listing of as feature in Xiao Tong’s poetry, 191-192, 206-207; liuchen/liugen 六塵／六根 (“six dusty roots”, “six indriyas”), 185n19, 204-205, 207; nirvana (quiescence), 185nn16,18, 186, 187n30, 219n162; sansheng 三乘 (three vehicles), 185n20, 190n44; śūn­ yatā, 124, 225; “Twofold Truth” (erdi 二 諦, satya-dvaya ), 183, 193n64, 197-199; in Wang Wei’s 王維 “Luzhai” 鹿柴 (Deer Park Hermitage), 124 Buddhist texts: compared to indigenous classical texts, 194; Mahāvaipulyamahāsamnipāta-sūtra (Da fangdeng daji jing), 193, 195; Nirvāna sūtra, 193, 202, 219n162

298

index

Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133-192), (a.k.a. Bojie 伯喈), 41, 67, 165 Cao family of the Three Kingdoms: compared to the Xiao family, 83-84; literary aegis of, 126 Cao Cao 曹操 (155-220) (Emperor Wu of Wei): literary production of, 60-61; “Nine Ranks and Rectifiers” (Jiupin zhongzheng 九品中正) established by, 44; reference to “Kuhan Xing” 苦寒行 (Ballad of Bitterly Cold) by, 204; “Seven Masters of Jian’an” (Jian’an qizi 建安七子), 126 Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 (1998-2005), 2, 53, 73, 148 Cao Pi 曹丕 (187-226): literary salon at Ye of, 226n189; and the phrase “Excursion at the River Bend,” 133, 136; political-literary theory of, 55, 56, 78; on versification as a window to an individual’s talent, 128; “Yu Zhaoge ling Wu Zhi shu” 與朝歌令吳質書 of, 92n132, 126, 127128, 136, 205n119 Cao Zhi 曹植 (192-232) (brother of Cao Pi), 83, 108n10, 134, 146 Chen Lin 陳琳 (d. 217) (a.k.a. Kongzhang 孔璋): curative effect of proclamation written by, 100n158, 102; and the “Seven Masters of Jian’an,” 126, 128, 185n22; and Xiao Tong’s criteria for good literature, 165 Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元, 82 Chennault, Cynthia, 206 Chuci 楚辭 (Elegies of Chu): echoed in the style of two exchange poems by the Xiao brothers, 96-97, 99-100; legendary turtles described in, 28n45; Qu Yuan’s “The Fisherman,” 243n54, 244n62; “Shao siming,” 207; and the source of literary potency, 64; “Yuanyou” section of, 33-34, See also Qu Yuan Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhengyi: Ji Zha’s observations of music and governance, 68n53, 69-70; story of Jie Zitui and the Duke Wen, 143n113 Ci Fei 佽飛 (man of Chu) and the flood dragons, 156 The Classic of Changes (Zhouyi zhengyi): and the literary and political embodiment of da/xiao, 22-24, 193n61; reclusion legitimized in, 229; Xiao Tong’s professed reliance on, 193, 193nn60-62; Xu Mian’s allusions to, 16-17

hexagram 11: tai 泰 (peace), 22n33; hexagram 23: bo 剝 (splitting), 22n33; hexagram 23: fu 復 (return), 22n33; hexagram 30: li 離 (cohesion), 16-17, 39n76, 114n34; hexagram 51: zhen 震 (quake), 16-17; hexagram 53: jian 漸 (gradual advance), 117n47, 119, 161 classical tradition distinguished from “literature,” 64, See also wen 文 (literature) A Comprehensive Canon for Administration (Tongdian 通典), 66 Comprehensive Digest of the Institute of the Floriate Grove (Hualin bianlüe 華林遍 略), 58, 59 Confucius: on the “gentleman,” 77; on ­spiritual roaming and applying the mind (yongxin 用心), 76-77; veneration of writings of, 64; Xiao Tong as an exemplary Confucian prince, 44, 103, 276-277; Xiao Tong’s Confucian ­relationship with Xiao Gang, 93-94, 100n159, 102, See also Analects (Lunyu); Book of Odes (Shi jing); political-literary theory crown prince: as “Bright Double,” 14, 17; and the phrase “strengthened trunk and weakened branches” (qianggan ruozhi 強幹弱枝), 15-16; Prince Jeta as model of, 189n43, 190n44, 192, 225n198; and the story of Han princes Liu Ying and Liu Zhang, 258, 260; as “The Prime Excellence of Ten Thousand Chariots,” 277; Xiao Gang named as, 255-256, 257 cultural capital of northern aristocrats, 5-6, 133 da/xiao (“big versus small”): and “balance” (zhonghe), 18-20, 23, 280; and The Classic of Changes, 22-24, 193n61; and Daoist ideas about the original state of formlessness, 34; a as literary exercise with political implications, 11, 20-25, 27-31, 31-35; playful aspects of, 26-27, See also hyperbolic diction Dai Zhen 戴震 (1724-1777), Mengzi zi yi shuzheng 孟子字義疏證, 274 Dantai Ziyu 澹台子羽 (a.k.a. Dantai Mieming 澹台滅明, and the flood dragons), 156 danwo 丹雘 (cinnabar clay or pigment), 119-120

index dao 道: defined as yi yin yi yang 一陰一陽, 22n32; ineffability of compared to ideal rulership, 33 Daoism distinguished from Confucianism, 32 Dao brothers (Dao Qia 到洽, Dao Gai 到溉, and Dao Hang 到沆), 121-122 Dao Gai 到溉 (477-548), and the “Dragon Gate Associates” (circle of friends associated with Lu Chui), 167 Dao Hang 到沆 (477-506), two hundred character poem speedily composed by, 142 Dao Qia 到洽 (490-527): death of, 178; and Liu Xiaochuo, 48, 121-122, 166n176, See also “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace” Ding Lingguang 丁令光 (485-525). See Lady Ding (mother of Xiao Tong and Xiao Gang) “Dragon Gate Associates” 龍門遊 (circle of friends associated with Lu Chui), 167 Dragon Tower, 16 drinking, associated with reclusive lifestyles, 112, 120; and Tao Qian’s poetry, 208, 271, 273, 274-275 Du Fu 杜甫 and the Wen xuan, 52 Du Mu’s 杜牧 “Springtime in the South,” 181, 181n3 Duke Huan of Qi 齊桓公, 151 Duke of Zhou venerated for his works, 64 Eastern Han 東漢 (25-220), bieji (collections of writing) during, 60 Eastern Mountain (“Dongshan” 東山): as a place of reclusion, 145n121, 250n95; He Yin’s retreat to, 250-251, 253 Eastern Palace 東宮 (Crown Prince’s residence), 13-17; and the Broad Vista Garden (Bowang yuan 博望苑) of the Han, 16, 17; the “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace” (Donggong shi xueshi 東宮十學 士), 41-42; Xiao Gang’s literary gatherings at, 78-79, 80, See also Hanging Garden (Xuanpu 玄圃) “Eight Companions of Jingling” 竟陵八友 (Yongming circle of poets), 106, 107, 129130, 166; and the literary salon of Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (Prince of Jingling of Qi), 126-127; “New Change” (xinbian 新變) as criteria for good writing, 165-166; short length of poems by, 166, See also Fan

299

Yun; Lu Chui; palace-style poetry (gongti shi); Ren Fang; Shen Yue; Wang Rong; Xiao Chen; Xiao Yan (Emperor Wu of Liang); Xie Tiao Elegies of Chu. See Chuci emotional expression. See qing 情 (expression of emotions) Emperor Wu of the Han 漢武帝 (Liu Che 劉徹), 234 Emperor Wu of Liang 梁武帝. See Xiao Yan Emperor Wu of the Qi 齊武帝, Xiao Ze 蕭賾 (r. 483-493), 105 Emperor Wu of Wei 魏武帝. See Cao Cao “emulation” of the past: and the futile efforts of the “Seven Masters of Jian’an,” 137; literary collections and, 55, 80 epochal significance (shiyi 時義), 53 erotic imagination associated with palacestyle poetry, 85 family lineage: and social status in the southern court, 5-6, 133; Zhou and Han dynasty ideas of qianggan ruozhi (“strengthened trunk and weakened branches”), 14-17 Fan Yun: biographical details, 18, 106, 109, 130, 131; praise of He Xun, 147, 163, See also “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Yongming circle of poets) Fayun 法雲 (Buddhist monk): biographical details, 184; exchanges with Xiao Tong, 196-199 fenyang (“north of the Fen River”), 219n165, 220, 267n158, 276 Festival of Curving Waters (qushui 曲水 a.k.a. sanyue sanri 三日), 141-146 filial piety: Xiao Tong’s instruction in, 13, 44, 255; and Xiao Tong’s study of Buddhism, 192, 216-224 Four Hoaryheads (si hao 四皓, celebrated recluses), 246, 258 Fu Gang, 39, 42n87, 49, 73 fu 賦 (rhapsodic poetry): and autumn as “desolate and depressing,” 114-115; during the Han, 53-54, 100n158, 125-126; and the expression of “scholar’s frustration,” 116; Lu Ji’s “Rhapsody on Literature” (“Wen Fu”), 75-76; Zhang Shuai’s “Fu on Waiting for Appointment,” 42-43 Fu Xian 傅咸 (239-294), “Xiaoyan Fu” by, 26-27

300

index

Fuxi 伏羲 (a.k.a. Xihuang Shangren 羲皇 上人), 62-63n31, 221n171 Gao Buying 高步瀛, 239, 240, 246 Ge Hong 葛洪 (284-364), Baopu zi 抱朴子, 28n44, 34, 174nn205-206 gentlemanly style, 51-103; balance and eclecticism of, 11, 76, 77-78; expressed in Xiao Tong’s “Letter Responding to the Prince of Jin’an,” 87, 100-103; expressed in Xiao Tong’s “Shown to My Younger Brother–Governor of Xuzhou,” 93-94; and the writing of He Xun and Liu Xiaochuo, 74, 147, 162-166, See also yongrong 雍容 “gentleness and ease” “Gentlemen of Private Persuasion” (retired gentlemen), 248 “gold and jade,” 146, 161 Gongsun Gui 公孫詭 (?-150 BC), “Wen lu fu” 文鹿賦, 115-116 Gradation of Poets (Shi pin 詩品). See Zhong Rong “Great Preface” See Book of Odes (Shi jing) —”Great Preface” (Daxu) Guanzi jinzhu jinyi 管子今注今譯, 31-32, 263n142 Guo Pu 郭璞 (276-324), “Transcendent Roaming Poems” (youxian shi 遊仙詩), 34-35 Guo Xiang 郭象 (d. 312), 272-273 Han dynasty: exemplary role of, 16-17; fu (rhapsodic poetry) during, 53-54, 125126; Liu Bang 劉邦 (founding em­peror of the Han), 158, 221n170, 258 Hanging Garden: Buddhist lectures held at, 184-192, 199-202, 216; described, 40n79, 44, 205n118, 205n120, 214n147, See also Eastern Palace He family, 248-249; He Qiu 何求 (d. 489), 248-250; He Dian 何點 (437-504), 248250 He Xun 何遜 (469-519): and Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481-539), 74, 146-162, 162-165; and Xiao Yan’s court, 151, 152 He Xun–poems: “Entering the Western Fortress–[A Poem] to Show to My Colleagues at the Southern Court,” 153-154, 154; “Mocking Councilor Liu,” 152; “On a Spring Evening, I Moored Early and Composed [This Poem] Matching Coun-

cilor Liu’s “Gazing the River at Sunset”,” 150-151, 150; “Returning from the South, On Our Way, Presented to Councilor Liu upon Parting,” 157-158, 159; “Waiting for Wind to Subside at Likou, Matching Councilor Liu,” 155-156, 156 He Yin 何胤 (446-531) (celebrated recluse), 248-261; biographical details, 248, 250251; letter to Xiao Tong, 260-261; Xiao Tong’s letter to, 253, 257-260; Xiao Yan’s summoning refused by, 251-253 History of the Liang Dynasty (Liang shu 梁書): Xiao Tong portrayed as ideal ruler in, 44; Xiao Tong’s literary salon described in, 43 host/guest harmony: and Cao Zhi’s “Zeng Ding Yi and Wang Can,” 108n10, 146; portrayed the Book of Odes, 116, See also Festival of Curving Waters (qushui a.k.a. sanyue sanri) Hou Han shu 後漢書, reclusion described in dedicated section of, 230 Huainanzi 淮南子, 100n158, 265n150 huaiqiu 懷秋 “harboring thoughts of au­tumn,” 115 huiji 晦跡 (“reclusion”), 273 “human nature”. See xing 性 hyperbolic diction: associated with the Han fu, 200n101; and the merging of political and literary power, 20, 22; in the “Xiaoyao you” chapter in the Zhuangzi, 19, 28n42, See also da/xiao (“big versus small”) imagery: and the generation of pleasure, 86; symbolism of pagoda trees, 115-116 imagination: as the essence of reclusion, 248; Xiao Tong’s vision of He Yin’s reclusive life, 260 immortals: and the Jiangzhou 江州 landscape, 97; reference to Anqi Sheng 安期 生 and Laolaizi 老萊子, 265-266n152 imperial family, literary production by members of, 60-61, and the tradition of salon culture, 125-132 imperial library: imperial librarians, 35, 37, 198nn91-92, 250; Liang imperial library holdings, 57-58 Jetavana, 189n43, 190n44, 192, 225n198 Jia Yi 賈誼 (200-168 BC): banishment of, 178; and the phrase muyi, 100-101n159; and writing by frustrated scholars, 115

index Jiangzhou: landscape surrounding, 96-99, 149; and Tao Qian 陶潛, 146; Xiao Xiu’s assignment to, 145-146, See also landscape description Jiankang 建康 (Liang capital): Luoyang 洛陽 and Zhoujing 周京 as parallel with, 89n114, 118n49, 119, 149, 209n132, 210; transformation of, 279, See also Xinting 新亭 (New Post Station) Jing Cuo 景差, 20-25, 26, 125 King Xiang of Chu 楚襄王, 20-25, 26, 125 King Xiao of Liang 梁孝王. See Liu Wu 劉武 Knechtges, David: on poetry as divertissement, 80; on the Wen xuan, 52 Kong Rong 孔融 (153-208): letter to Cao Cao, 239; “Lihe zuojun xingming zi shi,” 263n144; and the “Seven Masters of Jian’an,” 126 Kong Zhigui 孔稚珪 (447-501), 231 Lady Ding (Xiao Tong’s mother), 7; death of, 45-46, 178, 253-255, 257 landscape description: and emotional expression, 98, 99; and pentasyllabic (wuyan) verse form, 192; and the process of reshaping Buddhism to fit indigenous sites, 208-210, 215; taking an “Excursion at the River Bend” and literary patronage, 133, 136; and the transposition of Buddhist sacred sites onto indigenous sites, 204-205, 206, 208, 210, 219-220, 223, See also Jiangzhou; nature Langye Wang family 琅琊王. See Wang family of Langye Laozi 老子, 12, 25, 32, 182, 264n147, 268n161 Li Bo 李白 (701-762): imitation of poems from the Wen xuan, 51-52; line from “Jiang jin jiu,” 164 Li Shan 李善 (630-689), 3, 21n29, 24n37, 95n142, 119-120n52, 243n59 Liang dynasty 梁代: Qi-Liang style poetry, 2; role of literary accomplishments in, 9-10 Liang Eastern Palace. See Eastern Palace Liang shu 梁書: on Xiao Tong’s intellectual capacity, 8; on Xiao Tong’s jen (benevolence and compassion), 48; on Xiao Tong’s patronage of literature and learning, 43; on Xiao Yan’s competitive spirit

301

in literary matters, 131-132; on Zhang Chong’s satire of Wang Jian, 245 libraries. See imperial library Lienü zhuan 列女傳: He Xun’s faulty allusion to story of Qu Boyu 蘧伯玉 from, 164; story of Zhongzi (celebrated recluse, a.k.a. Ch en Zhongzi), 245n65 Liji zhu shu 禮記註疏 See Record of Rites literary collections: bieji (collected writings by individual writers), 59-61; Guwen yuan 古文苑 (Song dynasty literary anthology) compiled by Zhang Qiao, 19; Liang dynasty compilation projects, 57-61; and the need to regulate literary production, 61-64; recorded in the Sui shu, 57, See also imperial library; Xiao Tong–literary collections Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons (Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍). See Liu Xie 劉勰 literary writing: and finding a zhiyin 知音 (one who “understands the tone”), 102103, 174n202, 178, 244, 274; by leading royal literary families, 60-61; Pei Ziye’s Confucian literary ideas, 66-69, 70-71, 80; Xiao Tong’s gentlemanly style, 11, 53-56, 61-62, See also political-literary theory; wen 文 (literature) Liu family of Pengcheng 彭城劉氏, 105-106 Liu An 劉安 (179-122 BC) (King of Huainan), 75, 100n158, 125 Liu Bang (founding emperor of the Han), 158, 221n170, 258 Liu Bao 劉苞 (482-551) (Liu Ru’s cousin) and the “Dragon Gate Associates” (circle of friends associated with Lu Chui), 167 Liu Hui 劉繪 (458-502) (style name Shizhang 士章, father of Liu Xiaochuo): attempt to compile a Gradation of Poets, 63-64; biographic details, 106 Liu Kun 劉琨 (270-317), and the zengda poems in the Wen Xuan, 93 Liu Lan 劉覽 (fl. 485-530) (Liu Xiaochuo’s cousin), 106, 121, 167 Liu Ru 劉孺 (483-541) (Liu Xiaochuo’s cousin), 105-106, 121, 167, 171 Liu Shanming 劉善明 (432-480) (envoy from Wei), 36-37 Liu Xian 劉顯 and the “Dragon Gate Associates” (circle of friends associated with Lu Chui), 167

302

index

Liu Xiaobiao 劉孝標 (a.k.a. Liu Jun (462521), compiler of the Leiyuan 類苑), 58-59 Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (a.k.a. A’shi) (481539): and Dao Qia, 48, 121-122; and the “Dragon Gate Associates” (circle of friends associated with Lu Chui), 167; on the elements of good writing, 165-166; and He Xun, 74, 146-162, 162-165; impeachment of, 122, 166-167, 171-172; mentioned, 9, 11; and Wang Yun, 40, 201n105; and the Wen xuan, 52-53; writing style of, 162-166; and Xiao Gang’s court, 166, 178; and Xiao Yan’s court, 151152, See also “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace” Liu Xiaochuo (a.k.a. A’shi)—poems: “A Poem in Reply to Lu Chui,” 172-177, 177178; “After the Lecture Was Adjourned at Mount Zhong, Matching a Poem by the Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance,” 213-214, 215; “At Crown Prince Brook Gazing at the River at Sunset,” 148149, 149; “Off Duty, Presented to Vice Censor-in-Chief Ren Fang,” 107-109, 109112; “On a Spring Day Accompanying the Prince to “New Stop”: [Composed] on Command,” 135-136, 136-139; “On the Third Day: Attending the Curving Water Festival Banquet at Floriat Splendor Hall,” 142-143, 143-144; “On the Third Day: Attending the Prince of Ancheng’s Curving Water Banquet,” 144-145, 145-146, 161; “Replying to Recorder He,” 159-162; Waiting for the Wind to Subside at Likou; Waiting forth Wind to Subside at Likou, 154-155 Liu Xiaosun 劉孝孫, 129 Liu Xiaoyi 劉孝儀, “After the Lecture Was Adjourned at Mount Zhong, Matching a Poem by the Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance,” 213, 214-215 Liu Xie 劉勰 (465-522), Wenxin diaolong (Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons), 1, 62, 76-77, 102-103, 163, 262 Liu Yao 劉杳 (487-536) (compiler of the Shouguang shu yuan 壽光書苑), 58 Liu Ying 劉盈 (213-188 BC), status as Crown Prince, 258 Liu Yu 劉昱 (deposed emperor of the LiuSong), 105, 234, 235 Liu Zhen 劉楨 (a.k.a. Liu Gonggan) (?-217): Cao Pi’s evaluation of is writing style,

137; and the “Seven Masters of Jian’an” (Jian’an qizi), 126; and the zengda poems in the Wen Xuan, 93 Liu Zhuang 劉莊 (28-75) (Han prince, son of Liu Xiu), 258, 260 Lord Longyang 龍陽君 (catamite of the King of Wei), 151 Lu Chen 盧諶 (284-350) and the zengda poems in the Wen Xuan, 93 Lu Chui 陸倕 (470-526) : biographical details, 42; and the Dragon Gate Associates, 167; inclusion of poetry by in the Wen xuan, 42; poems exchanged with Ren Fang of Le’an, 42, 110, See also “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Yongming circle of poets); “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace” Lu Chui—poems: “A Poem written as a Letter: Presenting to My Colleagues after Parting,” 167-171, 171-172; “After the Lecture Is Adjourned at Mount Zhong, Matching a Poem by the Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance,” 209-210, 210; celebratory poem written on behalf of Xiao Zong, 14 Lu Ji 陸機 (261-303): and culturally distinguished southern officials, 42n89, 67-68, 236-237; “Rhapsody on Literature” (“Wen Fu”), 75-76; in the zengda poems in the Wen Xuan, 93 Lü Xiang 呂向: gloss to Ban Gu’s “Liangdu fu,” 164; and mourning rituals, 47 Lu You 陸游 (1125-1210), on the Wen xuan, 52 Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋, xiao/da juxtaposed with nei/wai in, 32-33 Lüshi chuqiu, story of Ziqi listening to Boya play the zither in, 102, 174n202 lyrical poetry, Xiao Tong on evolutionary changes of, 54-55 maple trees, 160n152, 161 Mather, Richard: on the Festival of Curving Waters (qushui a.k.a. sanyue sanri), 141; on pleasure jaunts in Nanyang and Luoyang, 128 Mei Gao 枚皋 (a.k.a. Shaoru 少孺) (153-? BC), 43, 165melancholy: associated with autumn, 114-115; and the power of landscapes, 99; and sunset on the Yangtze, 149-150

index Mencius: on housing compound of five mu planted with mulberry and hemp, 242; on the idea that learning and knowledge are to the mind as food and nutrients are to the body, 259; on the inseparability of authors and their works, 77; qing (substance) and “xing” (human nature) in, 274; Xia dynasty saying about royal touring in, 143n112 Ming Shanbin 明山賓 (443-527), 47, 178 moon imagery: in Buddhism, 190n50, 193n65; the crown prince as “Bright Double,” 17 Mount Lu 廬山, 97, 154, 174, 177, 273 Mount Zhong 鍾山 (a.k.a. Beishan 北山): as site of reclusion, 231n9; Xiao Tong and Xiao Yan’s excursions to, 202-224 passim mourning rituals: abstinence from music during periods of mourning, 46-47; and the demonstration of filial devotion, 44-47, 162 music: classical music theory (gongshang) and the sisheng babing rules of “Yongming Verse,” 131; finding a zhiyin 知音 (one who “understands the tone”), 102103, 174n202; and the “four joys,” 174n204, 177; jiushao 九韶 ­ceremonial music performance, 214n146; New Year’s Day performance of the liuyi 六佾, 46-47; state governance reflected in according to Ji Zha 季札, 68, 69-70; Xiao Tong’s attitudes towards musical entertainers, 44; Xunzi, Chapter “On Music,” 68n55 Nan shi 南史 (History of the Southern Dy­nasties): on the birth of Xiao Tong, 6-7; on the death of Xiao Tong, 255-257 nature: and the appeal of reclusion, 219n165, 243-244, 267n158, 270; and the expression of human feeling, 71-72, 75-76, 98, See also landscape description nei/wai 內／外 (inside/outside), 31-33 “New Change” (xinbian 新變): as an ideal upheld by the Yongming poets, 164, 165; Xiao Tong’s disinterest in, 81-82; Xiao Zixian’s championing of, 81n95, See also palace-style poetry new style poetry. See palace-style poetry (gongti shi 宮體詩) “Nineteen Old Poems” (Gushi shijiu shou): idea of roaming in Yuan and Luo, 128; obsession with ephemeral nature of life

303

in, 124, 264n145; role of the Wen xuan in popularizing of, 51 Nirvāna sūtra, 193, 202, 219n162 nostalgia: and the creation of a powerful cultural present, 134-135, 139-141; “emulation” of the past and the futile efforts of the “Seven Masters of Jian’an,” 137; expressed by Cao Pi, 69, 92n131, 127-128, 133, 136 Owen, Stephen, 76 pagoda tree imagery, 115-116 palace-style poetry (gongti shi): disparagement of, 1-3, 80-82, 84-87, 279; poetic form and prosody of, 81, 85-86, 131, 132, 279; and the setting of new tastes for and models of social prestige, 279; Xiao Gang’s promotion of, 2-3, 78-84, See also “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Yongming circle of poets) parallelism: extended to prosody in new style poetry, 85-86; Jiankang associated with Luoyang and Zhoujing, 89n114, 118n49, 119, 149, 209n132, 210; in Liu Xiaochuo’s “On a Spring Day,” 138; in Xiao Tong’s “Shi Yunhui di shi,” 95-96; and Xiao Tong’s Preface to Tao Yuanming ji, 263 Pei Ziye 裴子野 (469-530), 64-70; biographical details, 64-66; Confucian literary ideas of, 66-69, 70-71, 80 pentasyllabic (wuyan 五言) verse form: aesthetic appeal of, 85-87; Cao family promotion of, 67, 85, 126; distinguished from other forms of poetry, 54, 73; and the Finest Blossoms of the Garden of Poetry (Shiyuan Yinghua shu), 72-75; Liu Xiaochuo’s use of, 166; and new style poetry, 81, 82n98, 85; and scenic depiction, 192; tetrasyllabic form compared with, 85 poetic talent, and social success, 128-129 political-literary theory: Cao Pi’s championing of, 55, 56, 78; in the “Great Preface” to the Book of Odes (Shi jing), 67-70; Ji Zha’s evaluation of state governance as reflected in its music, 68, 69-70; Pei Ziye’s championing of, 67-69, 70-71, 80; wen (literature) as state enterprise of moral excellence, 11, 54-56; Xiao Zixian on declining interest in classical studies,

304

index

70; and Xunzi’s discourse associating art and politics, 69, See also Confucius; literary writing; wen (literature) Prince Jeta, 189n43, 190n44, 192, 225n198 Prince of Jin’an 晉安王. See Xiao Gang prosody: “Four Tones and Eight Defects” (Sisheng babing), 81-82, 132; and parallelism in new style poetry, 85-86, See also rhyming Qi Dynasty 齊: rebuilding of imperial library collection of, 57; Xiao Yan’s overthrow of, 109-110; Xiao Ze (Emperor Wu 483-493), 105, See also Xiao Ziliang (Prince of Jingling of Qi) qing 情 (expression of emotions): and poetic production, 70-72; and Xiao Tong’s letters, 47, 87 Qu Shouyuan 屈守元, 53 Qu Yuan 屈原 (ca. 343 BC-ca.277 BC): “Divined Residence,” 243n54; Jia Yi’s “Diao Qu Yuan fu,” 115; “Lady of the Xiang,” 156, 157; mentioned, 60, 125; “The Fisherman,” 243n54; and “writings by saoren” (disenchanted persons), 54, 124, See also Chuci (Elegies of Chu); sao-style poetry rats symbolizing night and day, 188 recluse-summoning: He Dian’s refusal of Xiao Yan’s request, 249-250; He Yin’s refusal of Xiao Yan’s request, 251-253; and “hiding in court” (chao yin), 207-208; Jie Jitui’s refusal of the Duke of Wen’s request, 143n113; by Xiao Xiu, 146 reclusion: as a matter of natural inclination, 239-240; idealized by Zhang Chong, 239244; loneliness of, 244-245; moral integrity of, 245-246; as reckless to rulership, 223, 267n158, 270, 276-277; Tao Qian’s reformulation of, 261, 271-275; and wangqing 忘情, “forgetting one’s own nature,” 271-275; Xiao Tong’s vision of He Yin’s reclusive life, 260-261; and Xiao Yan’s pursuit of enlightenment, 183, 223; and Ying Qu’s “Bai yi shi,” 109n18, 112, See also Zhang Chong Record of Rites (Liji zhushu 禮記註疏): “Tan gong” 檀弓 chapter of, 45n101; and the title “The Prime Excellence of Ten Thousand Chariots,” 277; “Xueji” 學記 chap-

ter of, 68n49; Zhongyong 中庸 (Doctrine of the Mean) passage from, 19-20 Records of the Historian (Shiji 史記), and the lesson of Bo Yi and Shu Qi’s reclusion, 120-121 Ren Fang 任昉 (460-508): “A Poem in Reply to Liu Xiaochuo,” 113-114, 114-117; Liu Xiaochuo’s Exchange Poems with, 107-117; poems exchanged with Lu Chui, 42, 110; and Xiao Yan, 109-110 rhyming: and Sisheng babing 四聲八病, 81-82, 132; yang 陽 group word choice associated the palace-style, 99; yangping xianyun 陽平先韻, 213; yangpingsheng geng yun 陽平聲庚韻, 212-213; yinping yuanyun 陰平元韻 used in poem by Liu Xiaoyi, 213, 214-215, See also prosody ritual: Xiao Tong’s effort to conform to orthodoxy regarding, 44-47; Zhang Jing’s Record of Ceremonies for the Eastern Palace of Song (Song Donggong yiji 宋東 宮儀記), 46, 47 roaming: “Nineteen Old Poems” as a source for theme of, 128; roaming in the universe as a literary theme, 33-35, 101n163; spiritual roaming and applying the mind (yongxin 用心), 76-77 Ruan Yu 阮瑀 (170?-212), 126, 136-137 sao-style poetry: and Qu Yuan’s Li Sao 離騷, 124; and Xiao Tong’s interest in, 27, 54, See also Qu Yuan seasonal changes: autumn depicted as melancholy, 114-115; and human production of literature, 71-72, 75-76, 136; and scholarly frustration expressed by Liu Xiaochuo, 111-112 “Seven Masters of Jian’an” (Jian’an qizi 建安七子), 126, 136-138; disbanding of, 178-179; ephemeral nature of life and joy in symposium poems by, 124 Shen Yucheng 沈玉成, 2, 53, 73 Shen Yue 沈約 (441-513): da/xiao (“big versus small”) in the political thought of, 11, 30-31, 33, 35; “Four Tones and Eight Defects” (Sisheng babing) formulated by, 81-82, 132; mentioned, 9, 10, 60; mentoring of Xiao Tong, 232, 277, 280 Shen Yue—poems by, dayan/xiaoyan poems, 18, 30 Shi jing 詩經. See Book of Odes

index Shi pin 詩品 (Gradation of Poets). See Zhong Rong Shuijing zhu 水經註, 98-99, 156n145 Sima family 司馬氏 (Jin imperial clan), 233, 237 Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (ca. 179-117 BCE) (a.k.a. Zhangqing 長卿): “Daren fu” 大 人賦 (Rhapsody on the Great Man), 34, 102; reclusion of, 245n66; and Xiao Tong’s criteria for good literature, 165 six-dragon carriage, 125 social success, and literary talent, 18, 128-129 Song Yu 宋玉: autumn depicted as “desolate and depressing” in “Jiu bian” 九辯 by, 114-115; dayan/xiaoyan 大言／小言 poems, 19, 20-25; “Fu of Diminiloquence” by, 22-25; “Fu of Magniloquence” by, 20-22 Southern Dynasties, Qi-Liang style poetry, 2 southern gentry: four eminent families from Wu, 237-238n32; northern gentry prejudice against, 235, 236-237, See also Zhang family of Wu commandery “Southern Gold” (nanjin 南金), 42n89 spring lustration festival. See Festival of Curving Waters (qushui a.k.a. sanyue sanri) sweet dew (ganlu 甘露), 186n24, 204n115, 220-221n169 Tang Le 唐勒, 20-25, 26, 125 Tang Yao 唐堯, 219n165, 220, 267n160, 270, 276, 277 Tao Qian 陶潛 (a.k.a. Tao Yuanming) (365427): drinking as an element in poetry of, 208, 271; He Xun’s admiration of, 158; Xiao Tong’s biography of, 262-263; Xiao Tong’s Preface to Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵 明集序, 262-263, 263-270, 270-277; as Xihuang Shangren (“Honorable Thearch Fuxi”), 62-63n31; “Drinking Poem #5,” 208; opening of “Hovering Clouds” (“Ting yun” 停雲), 92n131; reference to “Gui qu lai ci” 歸去來辭 of, 243n59 Tao Yuanming 陶淵明. See Tao Qian “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace” (Donggong shi xueshi), 38-43 tetrasyllabic (siyan 四言) verse form: and the Book of Odes, 27, 92, 94; and other genres praised by Xiao Tong, 54-55; and Xiao Tong’s “Shown to My Younger

305

Brother–Governor of Xu­zhou,” 92-94; Zhong Rong on, 64, 85, 93 thoroughwort (lan 蘭): in classical sources, 141, 207; references in poems to, 108, 135, 155, 159, 187, 218, 222n175, 265 Tian Xiaofei, 9 “true nature” (zhenxing 真性), 272-273 turtles, 28n45, 194n68 Wang family of Langye 琅琊王氏: compared to the Xie family, 40; Jin dynasty rise of, 35n58, 232-233; Wang Bao 王褒 (a.k.a. Ziyuan 子淵), 118n48, 165; Wang Tai 王泰 (475?-520?), 40, See also Wang Gui; Wang Jian; Wang Xi; Wang Yun Wang Can 王粲 (177-217) (Jian’an period literary figure): biographical details, 41; “Denglou Fu” 登樓賦, 149; and the “Seven Masters of Jian’an” (Jian’an qizi)., 126; and the zengda poems in the Wen Xuan, 93, See also “Seven Masters of Jian’an” Wang Gui 王規 (492-536): biographical details, 35-36, 198, 201n105; dayan/ xiaoyan tradition, 18, 29, See also “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace”; Wang family of Langye Wang Jian 王儉 (452-489) (Qi Secretariat of State): prejudice against native southerners, 235; and Zhang Chong, 35, 232235, 239, 245-247, See also Wang family of Langye Wang Jingze 王敬則 (d. 498), 130, 233-234 Wang Kangju 王康琚, “Counter RecluseSummoning” (“Fan zhaoyin shi” 反招隱詩), 208 Wang Rong 王融 (467-493): associates of, 184; death of, 130-131, See also “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Yongming circle of poets) Wang Wei 王維 (701-761), “Luzhai” 鹿柴 (Deer Park Hermitage), 124 Wang Xi 王錫 (499-534): biographical details, 36-37; dayan/xiaoyan poems, 18, 29, See also Wang family of Langye Wang Yun 王筠 (481-549): literary achievement of, 40-41, 60, 124, See also “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace”; Wang family of Langye Wangqing 忘情, “forgetting one’s own nature”, and reclusion, 271-275

306

index

Wei Zheng 魏徵 (580-643) (Sui Shu compiler), 1-2, 57, 59-60, 81 wen 文 (literature): and aesthetic appeal, 56; distinguished from classics, history, and philosophy, 55-56; 64, and the “four joys,” 174n204; as state enterprise of moral excellence, 11, 54-56, See also literary writing; political-literary theory Wen xuan 文選 (Selections of Refined Literature): Lu Chui’s exceptional inclusion in, 42; overview of contents of, 51; scholarly interest in, 3-5, 51-52, See also Xiao Tong Wen xuan (Selections of Refined Literature)—preface to: available poetic genres discussed in, 54-55; and Liu Xiaochuo, 52-53; and Xiao Tong’s literary views, 11, 53-56, 61 Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 (Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons). See Liu Xie Wenyuan yinghua 文苑英華, 66-67 Willhelm, Hellmut, 115 Wu Zhi 吳質: “Memorandum in Reply to the Crown Prince of Wei” 吳季重答魏 太子箋, 136-137; nostalgia for the past expressed in Cao Pi’s letters to, 92n131, 126, 127-128, 133, 136 Xiao family: compared to Cao family, 83-84; patronage of Qi-Liang literary courts, 126 Xiao Chen 蕭琛 (476-512), 130, 131, See also “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Yongming circle of poets) Xiao Gai 蕭該 (ca. 535-ca. 610), 3 Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503-551) (Prince of Jin’an): appointed heir to the throne, 255-256, 257; brotherly affection ex­changed with Xiao Tong, 83-84, 87, 93-94, 96, 99-102; letter to Xiao Yi, 81n95; palace-style poetry promoted by, 2-3, 78-83; post­ humous reputation of, 83-84; “unrestrained” (fangdang 放蕩) attitude toward literary composition, 80-81; “Ac­companying an Excursion to Xinting, At the Command of the Crown Prince” 侍 遊新亭應令, 139-140, 140; “On a Palace Lady Taking a Nap during the Day-time” 詠內人晝眠, 84-87, See also imperial family; Xiao family Xiao Huan 蕭歡 (?-534) (Xiao Tong’s eldest son), 255-256, 257

Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501-531): name and style name of, 13; “Bright Double” as reference to, 14, 17, 39n76; posthumous title Zhaoming taizi, 4; auspicious birth of, 6-7; dayan/xiaoyan poems, 18, 28; emotional expression’s importance to, 47, 71-72, 83-84, 87, 93-97; Confucian relationship with Xiao Gang, 93-94, 100n159, 102; as an exemplary Confucian prince, 44, 103, 276-277; filial piety of, 44, 223, 257; on good writing, 56, 77; “goose burying” incident, 49, 254, 256; literary talent assessed by contemporaries, 53; political ambitions of, 279-280; premature death of, 49-50, 254-257; and “Wen Xuan studies,” 3-5, See also Wen Xuan Xiao Tong–letters: and the expression of emotion, 47, 87, 100-101; to He Yin, 257260; “Letter Responding to the Prince of Jin’an” 答晉安王書, 87, 100-103; letter to Zhang Zuan, 38; to monk Fayun, 196-197; “Replying to the Prince of Xiangdong’s Letter Requesting My Collected Writings and Finest Blossoms of the Garden of Poetry” (“Da Xiangdong Wang qiu Wenji ji Shiyuan yinghua shu” 答湘東王求文 集及詩苑英華書), 71-72, 73 Xiao Tong–literary collections: Collected writings, 72; Finest Blossoms of Literary Writings (Wenzhang Yinghua 文章英 華), 73-74; Finest Blossoms of the Garden of Poetry (Shiyuan Yinghua 詩苑英華), 72-75; Preface to Tao Yuanming ji, 262263, 263-270, 270-277, See also literary collections Xiao Tong–poems by: “A Poem of Thirty Rhymed Couplets Composed As the Lecture Was About to End” 講席將訖賦三 十韻詩依次用, 187-191, 191-192; “Attending Lectures in the Eastern Residence” 東齋聽講詩, 185-186, 186; “Eulogy on the Lecture Held at the Hanging Garden” 玄圃園講頌, 201-202; “Lecture Ad­­ journed at Mount Zhong” 鍾山解講詩, 205-206, 206-208; “Lecture Held at the Hanging Garden” 玄圃講詩, 199-201, 201-202; “Matching the Emperor’s Poem, ‘Excursion to Grand Temple of Filial Piety on Mount Zhong’” 和上遊鍾山大 愛敬寺詩, 220-222, 222-224; “Matching the Poem by the Director of Monks on His Lecture” 同大僧正講詩, 224-226,

index 226-227; “Poem on the Buddhist Gathering Held at Kaishan Temple” 開善寺法 會詩, 202-204, 204-205, 207; “Shown to My Younger Brother, the Cloud Banner General” (“Shi Yunhui di” 示雲麾弟詩), 87n107, 94-96, 95; “Shown to My Younger Brother–Governor of Xuzhou” (“Shi Xuzhou di” 示徐州弟), 87, 88-92, 92-94 Xiao Tong’s staff of Imperial Librarians, 25, 37, 198nn91-92, 250 Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (475-518) (Prince of Ancheng, younger brother of Xiao Yan), 143-144, 146 Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464-549) (Emperor Wu of Liang): competitive spirit in literary matters of, 58-59, 59n20, 60, 105-106n2, 131-132, 142; court favorites of, 18, 37, 109110, 151-152; devotion to Buddhism, 9, 181184; edict “Renouncing Taoism and Returning to Buddhism,” 182; legitimation of, 6-7, 9; Princess Yongxing (eldest daughter), 35; Princess Fuyang (fourth daughter of), 37; Princess Yixing (younger sister of), 36; promotion of Buddhism to Xiao Tong, 193-196, 201-202, 216-224; Xiao Gang appointed as heir by, 257; Xiao Tong’s falling out with, 257, See also “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Yongming circle of poets); Fayun 法雲 (Buddhist monk) Xiao Yan–poems by, “Excursion to the Grand Temple of Filial Piety on Mount Zhong,” 遊鍾山大愛敬寺詩, 216-219, 219-220, 223 Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508-554) (Prince of Xiangdong): burning of books possessed by, 59; on the need to regulate literary productions, 61-62; Xiao Tong’s letter to, 71-72, See also imperial family Xiao Zhengde 蕭正德 (d. 549), 7 Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460-494) (Prince of Jingling of Qi), literary production by, 60; Yongming poets associated with literary salon of, 106, 126-131, 247 Xiao Zilong 蕭子隆 (474-494) (Prince of Sui), 130, 152 Xiao Zixian 蕭子顯 (489-537): “After the Lecture is Adjourned at Mount Zhong, Matching a Poem by the Crown Prince of Resplendent Brilliance,” 211-212, 212213; biographical details, 210-211; on declining interest in classical studies, 70;

307

on the need for new changes in literary composition, 81n95; on the role of xingqing in literary composition, 211-213 Xiao Zong 蕭綜 (502-532), 7-8 Xie family, compared to Wang family of Langye, 40 Xie Fei 謝腓 (441-506), 250-251 Xie Ju 謝舉 (481?-549): poem by Ren Fang dedicated to, 113, See also “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace” Xie Tiao 謝脁 (464-499), 130, 152, See also “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Yongming circle of poets) Xie Tiao–poems: compared with poetry by Liu Xiaochuo, 138-139; “Jade Steps Lament” (“Yujie yuan” 玉階怨), 63n34; “Song of Entering the Court” (“Ru chao qu” 入朝曲), 108n10; “Temporarily Called Back, Departing from Xinlin, Arriving at the Capital–[A Poem] Presented to my Colleagues at the Western Province,” 153; on the “Third Day” festival, 141-142 xingqing 性情 (“natural tendencies”): in the “Gaozi” chapter of Mencius, 274; in literary composition, 211; and reclusion, 239243, 248 Xinting 新亭 (New Post Station), as a destination for excursions, 134, 135-141 Xu Chi 徐摛 (474-551) (court advisor to Xiao Gang), 79 Xu Gan 徐幹 (170-217), and the “Seven Masters of Jian’an” (Jian’an qizi), 126, 128, 185n22 Xu Ling 徐陵 (507-583) (compiler of the Yutai xinyong 玉台新詠), 79-80 Xu Mian (Minister of Personnel): compilation of the Comprehensive Digest of the Institute of the Floriate Grove (Hualin bianlüe 華林遍略), 58, 59; excerpt from poem by, 16; special status at the Liang court, 16, 254-255; as Xiao Tong’s advisor/teacher, 16, 49 “Xuanpu Jiangshi” 玄圃講詩, 202 xuanxue 玄學 (“Arcane Learning”), 10-12, 280 xuanyan shi 玄言詩 (“poetry of arcane discourse”), 141 Xunzi 荀子: Chapter “On Music,” 68n55; discourse associating art and politics, 69; “Growing among hemp, fleabane is straight...,” 89n113

308

index

Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384-456): on northern gentry migration in his “Guan wo sheng fu,” 237; and the southern aristocracy, 67, 81n95, 238-239; on Tao Qian, 261, 275; works by, 39n75, 60-61 Yan Zhitui 顏之推 (531-591), on Liu Xiaochuo and He Xun, 74, 163, 164 Yang Xiong 揚雄 (a.k.a. Ziyun 子雲) (53 BC-18 AD), and Xiao Tong’s criteria for good literature, 165 Yijing 易經. See The Classic of Changes Yin Jun 殷鈞 (484-532): dayan/xiaoyan poems, 18, 28-29; family background, 35; and the impeachment of Liu Xiaochuo, 171; Xiao Tong’s concern for, 38 Yin Yun 殷芸 (471-529): death of, 178; and the “Dragon Gate Associates” (circle of friends associated with Lu Chui), 167 Ying Qu’s “Bai yi shi” 應璩 百一詩, 109n18, 112 Yongming poets. See “Eight Companions of Jingling” (Yongming circle of poets) yongrong 雍容 “gentleness and ease,” as a judgement of as a poetic quality, 162-165, See also gentlemanly style Yoshio, Shimizu, 52 Yu Jianwu 庾肩吾 (487-551) (court advisor to Xiao Gang), 79 Yu Qianlou 庾黔婁 (ca. 470-510), 13 Yu Shaochu 俞紹初: annotated edition of Xiao Tong’s collected works, 4; on distinguishing titles of Xiao Tong’s collected works, 73 Yu Xin 庾信 (513-581), 79 yuefu poetry: nostalgia for, 134; story of the recluse Shao Ping in “East of Pingling,” 158; Zhong Rong on imitators of Bao Zhao, 62-63 Yuefu shiji 樂府詩集, Yu Yan’s 虞炎 “Jade Steps Lament” (“Yujie yuan” 玉階怨), 63n34 yumo 語默 (“speech or reticence”). See reclusion zengda 贈答 (“presentation and response” poems), 93 Zhang family of Wu commandery 吳郡張 氏, 234, 237-239, See also southern gentry; Zhang Chong; Zhang Shuai; Zhang Xu Zhang Chong 張充 (449-514) (celebrated recluse): biographical details, 235-236,

247; letter to Wang Jian, 239-248; mentoring of Xiao Tong, 16, 232, 277, 280; reclusion as an ideal celebrated by, 32, 242-244, 247-248, See also Zhang family of Wu Commandery Zhang Hongce 張弘策 (457?-503?), 37 Zhang Mian 張緬 (490-531): biographical details, 37, 38; death of, 38-39, 178, See also “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace” Zhang Pu, 276-277 Zhang Shuai 張率 (475-527), 42-43, 105106n2, 142, 171, 178, See also “Ten Scholars of the Eastern Palace”; Zhang family of Wu Commandery Zhang Xu 張緒 (ca.433-ca.490) (Zhang Chong’s father), 234, 235-236, 238, 247 Zhang Zuan 張纘 (499-549): biographical details, 36-37, 38-40; dayan/xiaoyan poems, 18, 28-29; “Fu on Traveling South” (“Nanzheng fu” 南征賦), 39 Zhaoming taizi 昭明太子 (posthumous title of Xiao Tong), 4 Zhaoming Wen Xuan 昭明文選. See Wen xuan (Selections of Refined Literature) zhenxing 真性 (“true nature”), 272-273 zhiyin 知音 (one who “understands the tone”), 102-103, 174n202, 178, 244, 274 Zhong Rong 鍾嶸 (468-518): on the aesthetics of pentasyllabic meter, 85; Shi pin (Gradation of Poets), 1, 62-64; on tetrasyllabic verse form, 93; on Bao Linghui 鮑令輝, 163; on Tao Qian, 262 Zhongzi 仲子 (celebrated recluse, a.k.a. Chen Zhongzi 陳仲子), 245 Zhou Yong 周顒 (d. 485), 106, 130, 131, 184, 231n9 Zhu Yi 朱異 (487-549) (Liang Drafter in the Secretariat), 36-37, 47 Zhuangzi 莊子: and the appeal of nature, 270; balanced treatment of duality in, 32; dayan/xiaoyan in “On Making Things Equal” (“QiWu Lun”), 18-20; discussion of ji (“track”) from “Turning of Heaven” (“Tianyun”), 272-273; “drain of the Eastern Sea” in “Qiushi” chapter of, 265n149, 270; fishing basket and hare trap simile from compared with concept of wangqing (“forgetting one’s own nature”), 271; hyperbolic diction in “Xiaoyao you” chapter, 19, 28n42; reference to abandoning machines in the “Tiandi” chapter, 268n163; reference to golden carp in

index “Waiwu” chapter, 28n43; reference to Li Zhu’s superior eyesight in the “Pianmu” chapter, 25n39; reference to “north of the Fen River in,” 219n165, 267n158, 276; reference to stories of sage-kings Yao and Mu from, 222-223; reference to story of the Yuanchu from, 266n153; on spiri-

309

tual roaming, 101n163; state nestled in a snail’s antenna image from, 30-31; white colt metaphor from, 264n145 Zhufu Yan 主父偃 (?-126 BC), 266n156, 270 Zijin 子晉 (a.k.a. Wangzi Qiao 王子喬) (celebrated recluse), 267n159, 270, 276277