Textual Situations: Three Medieval Manuscripts and Their Readers 9781512808001

Table of contents :
Contents
1: MEDIEVAL MATERIALS
2: BODLEIAN MS DIGBY 23
INTERSTICE: THE MINSTREL AND THE BOOK
3: BRITISH LIBRARY MS HARLEY 978
4: BRITISH LIBRARY MS ROYAL 10.E.4
5: THE MANUSCRIPT AS FETISH
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
NOTES
DISCOGRAPHY/BIBLIOGRAPHY
INDEX
A
B
C
D
E
F
G
H
I
J
K
L
M
N
O
P
Q
R
S
T
U
V
W
Y
Z
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Citation preview

Textual Situations

MATERIAL TEXTS Series Editors

Roger Chartier Joan Dejean Joseph Farrell

Anthony Grafton Janice A. Radway Peter Stallybrass

A complete list of books in the series is available from the publisher.

Textual Situations Three Medieval Manuscripts and Their Readers Andrew Taylor

PENN UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS

Philadelphia

Copyright © 2002 University of Pennsylvania Press All rights reserved Printed on acid-free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Published by University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Taylor, Andrew, 1958Textual situations : three medieval manuscripts and their readers / Andrew Taylor, p. cm. —(Material texts) ISBN 0-8122-3642-4 (alk. paper) Includes bibliographical references and index. i. Bodleian Library. Manuscript. Digby 23. 2. British Library. Manuscript. Harley 978. 3. Smithfield decretals. 4. Manuscripts, Medieval—England. 5. Books and reading—England—History—To 1500. 6. Literature, MedievalCriticism, Textual. 7. Transmission of texts. 8. England—Intellectual life—1066-1485. Zio6.5.G7 T39 2002 09i'.0942 dc2i 2001047551

Contents

1: MEDIEVAL MATERIALS 1 2: BODLEIAN MS DIGBY 23 26 INTERSTICE: THE MINSTREL AND THE BOOK 71 3: BRITISH LIBRARY MS HARLEY 978 76 4: BRITISH LIBRARY MS ROYAL 10.E.4 137 5: THE MANUSCRIPT AS FETISH 197 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS 209 NOTES 211 DISCOGRAPHY/BIBLIOGRAPHY 269 INDEX 287 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 299

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Chapter i Medieval Materials

In contrast to the representation of the ideal, abstract text—which is stable because it is detached from all materiality, a representation elaborated by literature itself—it is essential to remember that no text exists outside of the support that enables it to be read. —ROGER CHARTIER

Pour engager d'autres savants a faire des recherches de ce genre, en les etendant a tous les siecles et a toutes les varietes de sujets, il convient de parler a Pesprit et aux yeux, de decrire et montrer en meme temps les objets chantes et dessines. To incite other scholars to conduct research of this kind, reaching out to them across the centuries and in all manner of subjects, we must appeal to the spirit and to the eyes, describing and showing at the same time these sung and drawn objects. —ADOLPHE NAPOLEON DIDRON

The core of this book is devoted to an examination of three medieval manuscripts, the support that enabled a variety of texts to be read and performed. One is now in the Bodleian; the other two are now in the British Library. All three have been in southern England for centuries, but apart from this proximity they have little in common. The earliest, Bodleian MS Digby 23, is a small double volume consisting of two separate booklets, each dating from the twelfth century. One booklet contains Calcidius's translation of the Timaeus', the other the best-known version of the poem now called La Chanson de Roland. The second manuscript, British Library MS Harley 978, is a slightly thicker volume, a miscellany dating from the mid-thirteenth century that contains an amazing range of material, including the Middle English lyric "Sumer Is Icumen In," Latin satires and drinking songs, a long celebration of Simon de Montfort's victory over Henry III at the Battle of Lewes in 1264, and works by the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman poet Marie de France—her translation of Aesop's fables and her short romances, or lais, which explore the themes of amour courtois. The third manuscript, British Library MS Royal

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io.E.4, copied in the early fourteenth century in Italy but later acquired by St. Bartholomew's Priory in Smithfield, on what was then the outskirts of London, is by far the largest and most ornate, a handsome folio-sized copy of the Decretals of Pope Gregory IX, also known as the Liber extra, with an astonishing series of marginal illustrations that were added later in the century in England. Many of the works these manuscripts preserve are well known; some, such as the Song of Roland, the lais of Marie de France, or "Sumer Is Icumen In," are famous. The three manuscripts, however, have remained all but invisible, and it is part of my purpose to inquire why this should be so. Of course, editors may always choose to ignore one manuscript witness and concentrate on another, and the vast majority of medieval manuscripts languish unread for years. But this is not the problem here. "Sumer Is Icumen In" survives only in Harley 978, which also provides the base text for almost all editions of Marie's lais and most editions of her fables, while it is the version of the Roland in Digby 23 that has come to represent the poem. Why then has the editorial construction of the Song of Roland and the Lais of Marie de France been conducted with such comprehensive disregard for the manuscripts from which these poems were extracted? Or, to turn to the last manuscript, why do the marginal drawings from the Smithfield copy of the Decretals of Gregory IX, which crop up again and again as illustrations of medieval wayfaring life, circulate without any connection to the legal text whose borders they decorate? In examining this curious invisibility, I hope to suggest something of the way in which the material support of the medieval text, which is not just the manuscript but also the social conventions that surround it, differs from that of the printed book. It seems oddly fitting that the second epigraph that opens this chapter should come from such a peripheral position, the final sentence of a note by the editor, Adolphe Napoleon Didron, to an article by Viollet-Leduc, pere, in the second volume of the Annaks archeologiques, published in 1845 —scarcely the place for a manifesto. In setting out his program for iconographic studies of medieval sculpture, painting, and poetry, Didron makes three points that seem to me especially valuable. First, when he describes manuscripts as "drawn objects," he appeals to what will become a crucial principle of textual materialism well over a century later, that texts only exist in precise physical forms, whose design, script, and accompanying apparatus are all integral parts of the texts' meaning. This line of argument has been extensively developed in more recent years and expanded to cover modern printed editions, whose exact bibliographical format is now seen as a crucial compo-

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nent of a text's meaning. But Didron suggests a second line of inquiry as well, and one that has not been so widely pursued, when he invites us to conceive of manuscripts as sung objects, stressing their acoustic as well as just their visual materiality. Finally, Didron recognizes that the study of medieval manuscripts is a cumulative and collaborative venture, one that reaches across centuries. It is a generous vision, and I can only hope that I have managed to do it justice, acknowledging my innumerable debts—to those who have maintained the tradition of painstaking scholarship that is needed to read medieval manuscripts, to those who have opened up medieval studies to the bracing winds of contemporary theoretical and cultural debate, and to those who have done a little of both. Before proceeding any further, it will be useful to say a little more about these three manuscripts and the kinds of problems they present. All three juxtapose remarkably divergent material, and this was one of the reasons I chose them. Digby 23, as already mentioned, consists of two parts, both copied in the twelfth century. The first, Calcidius's fourth-century translation of Plato's Timaeus^ was one of the most important philosophical texts of the high Middle Ages. The Digby version was probably copied by a Norman or northern French scribe, and it includes numerous and substantial interlinear and marginal glosses from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Later and more informal marginalia show that this copy was still in use in the fourteenth century, by which time some would have considered it something closer to a literary classic than a work of rigorous contemporary philosophy. The second part of Digby 23, the Roland^ was copied either a little earlier or about the same time; most paleographers favor the second quarter of the twelfth century, although some would prefer a date as late as the nyos. It was copied by an AngloNorman scribe, perhaps one working in the household of a bishop or a great magnate. There are some signs that the two parts were gathered together (that is, either bound together or kept together in the same parchment wrapper) by the thirteenth century. The first identifiable owner of Digby 23 is an Oxford scholar, Master Henry Langley, known to have been alive in 1263, who donated the book, or one part of it, to the Augustinian canons at Oseney Abbey, on the edge of town. Henry might have owned both booklets, but it seems at least as likely that the Roland was added later. However, the two booklets do seem to have been gathered together as a single person's private collection within at most a few decades of Henry's death, because someone has added the word "Chalcidius" to the Roland section in what appears to be a thirteenthcentury hand. This would mean that the first reader of the Roland who can be even partially identified would be an anonymous canon of Oseney, pos-

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sibly one of Henry's friends. Whatever the arrangements by which the booklet came into the abbey's possession, one thing seems clear: by the end of the thirteenth century, the Oxford Roland had become reading matter for English clerics. This codicological information has been long known. But it has been largely, one might almost say systematically, ignored. Scholars have been remarkably slow to abandon the notion (for which there is not the slightest supporting evidence) that the Roland booklet belonged to a minstrel. Others have mounted a desperate rearguard action, assuring us that, even though the Roland booklet is found in the library of English canons, they did not actually read it and only kept it out of pious respect for their chivalric benefactors. And even now, when the idea of the minstrel manuscript has finally been laid to rest, nobody has shown more than the most passing interest in these thirteenth-century English readers. Henry Langley, it turns out, is more than just a name. There is a good deal we know about him, or at least about his father, arguably the most hated man in England in his day. But the world of thirteenth-century English clerics seems irrelevant to the prevailing understanding of what the real poem must be, an eleventh-century French sung epic. What has displaced the history of the manuscript is the modern editorial construction of La Chanson de Roland. The title of this work, which we inherit from its first editor, Francisque Michel, sums up the vision of the poem as a minstrel's song. I have dwelt on this editorial construction at some length because it furnishes a powerful example of the way a manuscript can be effectively ignored while the words in it, or in some part of it, are treated with scrupulous care. Each of the three manuscripts has presented different challenges, and for each I have taken a different approach. While I have grouped them in chronological order, I have also found that by good fortune they fall into a methodological order, so that the problems raised by the first are illustrated more forcefully by the second and more forcefully still by the third. In the case of Digby 23,1 have from time to time indulged a certain empiricist hubris, pitting hard facts and concrete objects against the free-floating fantasies of the old philology as I call into question the very existence of the Song of Roland before its publication by Michel in 1837. My encounter with the glosses in the Timaeus^ however, marks the beginning of a long erosion of that certainty, as the diversity of the manuscripts reveals the inadequacies of my knowledge. I have cast some lines from the world of Old French epic to that of the AngloNorman schools, but my treatment of the Timaeus remains limited and my reader must not hope for balanced coverage. If my account draws attention to

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some of the work that is being done in this area, work that will not be familiar to all literary scholars, it will have served its purpose. The challenge of diversity is even greater with the second manuscript, Harley 978, a trilingual, multidisciplinary miscellany whose separate sections have almost never been considered together. Harley 978 is a small portable collection, or "manual," to use a term current in thirteenth-century AngloNorman circles. Like other manuals of the period, the choice of items that were included reflects the social, intellectual, and spiritual ambitions of its owner, who would select them personally. This is a book to fashion an identity. From this single collection one reader might learn the language of amour courtois^ the technicalities of hawking, various treatments for imbalances of the body's four humors, and the arguments used against the king at the time of the Baron's War. Harley 978 is also an important manuscript for several modern fields of study. With the exception of the lais, the fables, and a few of the Goliardic poems, most of the works in Harley 978 survive nowhere else. This is true of both "Sumer Is Icumen In," one of the earliest and most famous of Middle English lyrics, and the Song of 'Lewes, the long encomium for the baronial leader Simon de Montfort, which sets out a theory on the limits of royal power, making it an important document in English constitutional history. Harley 978 is no less important for French literature. While there are numerous later copies of Marie's lais and fables, Harley 978 is the earliest surviving manuscript of either and begins to define her canon. There are actually a number of Anglo-Norman texts attributed to a woman or women identified only as Marie and other manuscripts that contain anonymous lais in a style at least somewhat similar to those in Harley 978. The first editor, Jean-Baptiste Bonaventure de Roquefort, for example, used a thirteenth-century Picardian manuscript, BN fr. 2168, and made up a somewhat different collection.1 And only one of the Harley lais, Guigemar^ actually mentions Marie by name, the eleven others being anonymous. Yet the elegant, early Harley 978 has carried the day. For modern readers, the Harley lais have taken on the stability of an authorized collection; they have become the Lais of Marie de France. Some scholars go so far as to claim the order of the lais is the very order Marie imposed in a final reworking or assembling of her work.2 Works that might be attributed to Marie but appear in other manuscripts receive far less attention.3 Despite the manuscript's preeminence, however, there has been a staggering indifference to its full contents or to the history of its readers. The debate on the identity of Marie de France offers a somewhat embarrassing illustration. Most scholars now accept that the author of the Lais^ who at the beginning of Gnigemar calls herself "Marie, ki en sun tens pas ne

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s'oblie" (Marie, who in her day should not be forgotten), is also the author of the translations of Aesop's fables, who tells us in the epilogue, "Marie ai nun, si sui de France" (Marie is my name and I am from France), and is also the author of the tale of a knight's descent into the otherworld, the Espurgatoire Seint Patriz, who tells us at the end, "Jo, Marie, ai mis en memoire/ le livre de PEspurgatoire" (I, Marie, have recorded for memory the book of the Purgatory).4 Marie obviously must have been born in France but later lived in England for her name to make any sense. It is generally assumed that she was an aristocrat, someone elevated enough to know a "Count William," for whom she translated the fables, and the "noble king," probably Henry II, for whom she wrote the lais. Her career spanned several decades. The poet Denis Piramus, believed to be writing in the uyos or even earlier, refers to her lais and their popularity scornfully, and a reference in the Espurgatoire to Saint Malachais, canonized in 1189, provides a terminus a quo for her later work. Her lais and fables suggest that she was well educated and apparently literate in Latin, at home in the court milieu, not at times unworldly in her attitudes (but also interested in the life of a convent), and proud of her success as an author. This description might fit, among others, the abbess of Shaftesbury, the abbess of Ramsey, the countess of Boulogne, and the daughter of Waleran II, count of Meulan (now often considered the most likely candidate).5 But it has also been suggested, precisely because of the manuscript's provenance, that Marie may have been a nun at Reading, perhaps even its abbess. If Marie had been at Reading in the late twelfth century, it would be quite in order that about half a century later the abbey should acquire or make another copy of her lais, either because its members happened to have an earlier copy to work from, perhaps even her autograph, or because they were proud of the connection, or both. This would mean that the historical reader of Harley 978 was very close indeed to Marie and might even have been her successor. The images in the lais of educated women, independent of spirit but often painfully immured, would be matched in the real world, where writer and reader walked the same cloister. Admittedly, most scholars of Marie de France seem uneasy at the identification of Marie as nun or abbess of Reading, but no one, to the best of my knowledge, has dismissed it out of hand. Somebody should have. There is a very simple reason why Marie cannot have been the abbess of Reading: by her day there was none. Before the Conquest there had been at least one and possibly two nunneries in Reading, but when the abbey was reestablished by Henry I in 1121 it was as an all-male house. There were no nuns and therefore no abbess.6 If this were simply a matter of a single critic advancing an ill-founded

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argument, it would be less alarming. But the failure to challenge this hypothesis reflects a general lack of historical information among literary critics about the texts' circulation. We are confronting a disciplinary gap. One group of scholars reads Anglo-Norman lais and another reads English ecclesiastical history, and the two remain in splendid isolation. As a result, modern scholars are a long way from understanding anything about the milieu of one particular reader, or group of readers, of Marie's work. Critics who do not know that there were no nuns at Reading after the Conquest probably do not know very much about Reading at all. They will not know that it was very nearly dissolved for bankruptcy in the 12805 or that the bishop chastized one of its dependent priories for keeping hunting dogs and birds of prey or that it was a center for avant-garde music or that one monk ran away from the abbey and joined a gang of brigands. The word "Reading" will not conjure up a detailed vision of a specific place for them, as it did for Jamieson Hurry, whose popular histories are always well illustrated (see fig. 10 below). In the commentary on Marie de France, "Reading" is merely a tag on which to project stereotypes of monasticism. So far, I might feel warranted to write in a tone of moral indignation. But as we pursue the variety of Harley 978, it will become apparent that blunders of this kind will be very difficult to avoid. Doubtless I have made many, just as I have in my efforts to transcribe glosses from the Digby Timaeus or Royal io.E.4. The sheer range of material, from medical texts to hawking manuals and from musical pieces to political satires, will defeat any single scholar. The lesson to be drawn, it seems to me, is that as medievalists we need to establish protocols for much more extensive collaboration, a question I shall return to in the final chapter. The challenge of these manuscripts is not just the range of the materials, however, but the tensions or hostilities they evoke. The gap between the hawking manual, a guide to a particular form of erotically charged conspicuous consumption, and the Song of Lewes ^ a panegyric for a saintly Christian warrior, is but one example. The problem becomes most acute with Royal io.E.4. This massive legal compendium demands a significant study of canon law from anyone who hopes to read it. My own rudimentary effort, as I piece my way through a single passage, draws heavily on the assistance of friends and on preliminary course work that I did years ago as part of a conservative training offered by the Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies in Toronto, whose scholars expended much time on students such as myself who must often have seemed mere dilettantes. The Institute's commitment to meticulous and traditional scholarship, to Latinity, and to a vision of the Middle

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Ages as a coherent period defined by certain well-recognized intellectual traditions was a good match for the demands of texts like those in the Royal manuscript. For many, the study of canon law is sustained by a vision of rational, and ultimately benevolent, order imposed upon human chaos or, to quote the title of a study by one of its most distinguished scholars, a vision of harmony from dissonance. The marginal images in Royal io.E.4 are, however, fundamentally at odds with these values. The bottom margin in particular offers a marvelous comic strip that runs the length of the manuscript, switching from one story to another and drawing on romances, fabliaux, saints' lives, and miracles of the Virgin. These images seem to celebrate dissonance and the resistance to higher authority, as do many of the best modern readers of marginalia. It would be far too reductionist simply to equate the legal text of the Decretals with authority and rational order and the images with populist resistance and the unconscious, but the tensions between the two do run somewhat along such lines, and scholars committed to one have so far, for the most part, had little to say about the other. If a proper investigation of Digby 23 would require at least two scholars, one specializing in medieval philosophy and one in the chansons de geste, a proper investigation of Harley 978 would require a team, and a proper investigation of Royal io.E.4 would require at least two scholars who were in fundamental disagreement on matters of principle. There may, then, be an important sense in which Royal io.E.4 is unreadable in the modern world, for no single modern person will be able to embrace the contradictions it contains. The material has imposed certain demands that may sometimes burden or irritate my readers, and I ask in advance for their patience. It has seemed to me important to capture as much information as possible about specific human beings known to have used these books. I do not wish to imply that the ones I have managed to discover, William of Winchester, who owned Harley 978, or Henry of Langley's friend, who owned Digby 23, hold the ultimate clue to what these works really mean or that they are in any sense definitive readers. But they were readers. And if more information survived and we could find other readers, even if we could find earlier readers from the "right55 century or the "right" social group—twelfth-century knights and ladies for twelfthcentury chivalric poems, for example—they too, if we knew them one by one, would prove no less idiosyncratic and elusive. It is the contact between these messy people and the more rarified order offered to them in books that I wish to explore. So I have pursued my Williams and my Henrys. My reader must suffer through a good deal of biographical minutiae, labored efforts to recon-

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struct lost chronologies, and a litter of words like "probably," "maybe" and "perhaps" and may still think at the end that the links between the books and the people are tenuous, the description of their reading patterns alarmingly speculative. Second, this study is painfully incomplete. I offer a good deal of information about each manuscript and explore some of the material at fair length, but my treatment is partial, in both senses of the word. I have but a little to say about the history of glossed copies of the Timaem. I only touch on the medical and Goliardic texts in Harley 978.1 cover only some of the marvelous marginal stories in Royal io.E.4. Nor, in general, do I offer the full, detailed textual analysis that is the glory of modern literary criticism. What I have tried to suggest is how a given collection of texts might have taken meaning in the mind of a particular reader, a real person, at a given moment. As part of this approach, I have explored the different modes of reception that might have been available and most readily brought to bear upon each manuscript: minstrel recitation, chant, or refectory reading for Digby 23(2), silent reading and fantasization for Harley 978, scholarly consultation for Digby 23(1) and Royal io.E.4. Such an exercise is, I think, a useful contribution to cultural history and one that has considerable bearing on how we choose to read medieval texts today. But it is not a substitute for sustained close readings; it is perhaps at best a powerful disruption. The internal diversity of these manuscripts also creates stylistic problems. Moving from one genre to another, and from one discipline to another, I have shifted tone and acknowledged different levels of proof. The voice used to discuss whether William of Winchester commissioned all of Harley 978 from the booksellers of Oxford and the voice used to discuss how he might have read one of Marie's lais cannot really be the same. Once more, the conclusion I draw from this is that for some kinds of scholarly project, including most of those that might wish to be considered historicist, single authorship has severe limitations. The field of manuscript studies has often been seen as an intensely conservative one, not least by its practitioners, who are much given to presenting it as a bastion of certainty against the rages of modernity and the over ingenuity of literary critics. But this is not how I would choose to justify my interest. The three manuscripts I examine offer not some absolute origin but rather a testimony to the complexity of textual production and a measure of the difference between our cultural categories and those of earlier times. They offer us, too, a measure of the gulf between the lives of medieval people and the roles their culture assigned them, whether as those who fought, those who worked,

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or those who prayed. By preserving traces of the activities of actual readers, who often did a little of all three, the manuscripts take us back to the complexities of human behavior and human desire, bringing us not firm answers but new questions.

Occluding the Material In the last two decades there has been a renewed attention on the part of philosophers, historians, and literary and cultural critics to the material state in which texts are preserved and disseminated.7 Once largely relegated to an ancillary discipline whose obscure calculations could be dispensed with the moment it had fulfilled its duty and produced an accurate version of the author's final intention, editing is now widely recognized as a field in which the historical construction of a work is brought to light. Texts, it is argued, exist only in specific material forms, or, to borrow Chartier's phrasing in the epigraph at the beginning of this chapter, they exist only in specific kinds of material support. Although the phrase "material support" is cumbersome, it has the advantage of leaving as open as possible the question of exactly what this support is. "Material support" can refer to a good deal more than just the physical book. It might, for example, be applied to the sounds of a text that is sung or to the singer's voice. It is to the physical book, however, that the term has most often been applied, and it makes sense to begin here, with the argument that the precise physical form of a particular manuscript or edition is a vital part of any given text's meaning and social function. An early and influential statement in the field of print bibliography is that of D. R McKenzie, who compares two early editions of William Congreve and argues that it is impossible "to divorce the substance of the text on the one hand from the physical form of its presentation on the other."8 According to McKenzie, the physical format of the 1710 three-volume octavo collected works, which was printed under Congreve's personal supervision, provided fundamental evidence of Congreve's vision of himself as a respectable neo-classical author. When in the same article McKenzie explained that the original 1678 edition of Pilgrim's Progress "was a duodecimo, set in pica roman, to a measure of only 14 ems" and therefore had a short prose line suited for the less literate reader, he demonstrated how the fine detail of textual criticism could feed into social history.9 Historians have advanced similar arguments for the social significance of particular formats.10 Robert Mandrou's study of the bibliotheque bleue established a fundamental link between the ma-

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terial support—in this case, cheap pamphlets suitable for sale by peddlers— and its social dissemination.11 Robert Darnton's work on booksellers' lists and indices of proscribed books in eighteenth-century France established a surprising connection between political radicalism and pornography, both falling under the heading otlibertinage and frequently being sold and condemned together.12 The effect of cheap printed forms such as serials or mass-market paperbacks on popular reading patterns during the last two centuries has been investigated extensively.13 These claims for the fundamental importance of the material support are neither trivial nor mere commonsense; indeed, they represent a major disruption of certain fundamental assumptions subtending much of the close reading of literature and even the very category "literature" itself. Social bibliography, history of the book, textual materialism—these overlapping approaches all call into question the self-contained, self-referential, and stable literary artifact, whether the well-wrought urn of New Criticism or the closed semiotic system of structuralism. Thus Jerome McGann objects to "the contemporary fashion of calling literary works 'texts'" on the grounds that it "suggests that poems and works of fiction possess their integrity as poems and works of fiction totally aside from the events and materials describable in their bibliographies. . . . This usage of the word text does not at all mean anything written or printed in an actual physical state; rather, it means the opposite: it points to an Ur-poem or meta-work whose existence is the Idea that can be abstracted out of all concrete and written texts which have ever existed or which ever will exist."14 Roger Chartier's rejection of the "ideal, abstract text" cited above runs along similar lines.15 If the ideal text is stable and unique, the material text is multiple. So far the implications of this insight for literary criticism have had perhaps their greatest impact on the study of Shakespeare. Bibliographic minutiae, once valued as evidence from which one could reconstruct a stemma and recapture "what Shakespeare actually wrote," have now become a mark of textual multiplicity. As Margreta de Grazia and Peter Stallybrass observe: "For over two hundred years, KING LEAR was one text; in 1986, with the Oxford Shakespeare, it became two; in 1989, with The Complete King Lear 1608-1623, it became four (at least). As a result of this multiplication, Shakespeare studies will never be the same."16 De Grazia's and Stallybrass's collaboration with Randall McLeod/Random Cloud/Random Clod demonstrates how apparently minor bibliographic details can problematize the categories of author, character, and work. If we return to the early printings of the folio and the quartos, we find no fixity but instead an almost scribal fluidity in which the famous "weird sis-

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ters" of Macbeth are more often "wayward" and the very identity of works such as Lear or Hamlet is in question (a fluidity McLeod extends to his own name). The bibliographic details of the early printings ultimately bring us back from "the solitary genius immanent in the text and removed from the means of mechanical and theatrical reproduction" to "the complex social practices that shaped, and still shape, the absorbent surface of the Shakespearean text."17 While strong claims for traditional recensional editing can still be made, the ultimate goal of recapturing a single authorial origin, whether of Shakespeare or anyone else, is increasingly recognized as a chimera. Fredson Bowers's hope that in the case of Shakespeare "in the end, one man may be able to digest the widely assorted technical and critical problems and unify them into a single great work of scholarship," leaving us a text "as close as mortal man can come to the original truth," seems to belong to another age.18 A similar confluence of "conservative" editing (which values the unique qualities of each manuscript rather than attempting reconstruction of a lost original) with structuralist and poststructuralist critical theory has flourished in romance philology.19 Here the crucial early study is Paul Zumthor's famous Essai depoetique medievale of 1972. Zumthor argues that the high degree of variation between manuscript copies is an essential quality of the medieval vernacular tradition and that the differing versions of a medieval poem, whether minstrel recitations or manuscript copies, should be seen not as corruptions of one original true version but as part of a continual process of recreation and modification he terms mouvance.2® This view has led to a new respect among manuscript scholars for the work of individual scribes, glossators, and correctors.21 Since manuscripts are inherently more open to alteration than printed books, they are also more likely to be polyvalent or dialogic, so that diverse forms of representation, both of text and image, may be enclosed within a single copy.22 Stephen Nichols thus sees the "manuscript matrix" as one that brings together heterogeneous or even conflicting systems of representation: Recalling that almost all manuscripts postdate the life of the author by decades or even centuries, one recognizes the manuscript matrix as a place of radical contingencies: of chronology, of anachronism, of conflicting subjects, of representation. The multiple forms of representation on the manuscript page can often provoke rupture between perception and consciousness, so that what we actually perceive may differ markedly from what poet, artist, or artisan intended to express or from what the medieval audience expected to find.23

The challenges posed by this conflicted multiplicity will be one of the recurring themes of this book.

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The recognition that an early text exists diachronically in the different layers of its copying and glossing can also be extended to cover the text's printed history. The tendency had long been to see the printed edition as a reproduction of the manuscript's text, one that was either neutral or, as Didron argued, deficient. More recently we have come to recognize that the poem we read is in significant ways \htproduct of its editorial history. By stabilizing the textual tradition and isolating "literary" texts from the diversity of their earlier circulation, traditional textual editing has produced an origin for vernacular literature. It has excerpted texts from their codices in accordance with generic categories that are central to Romantic philology, concentrating on those vernacular texts that most readily conform to the category of "literature," secular poetry expressing the genius of a people and the creative imagination of the artist. Finally, it has grouped these works together around categories of authorship that often differ significantly from those of their original makers, whether poets, compilers, or scribes. Unless we were to revert to the world of eighteenth-century antiquarians like Thomas Tyrwhitt, one of the first editors of Chaucer, who appears to have read the entire Roland in the Oxford manuscript just to cull information on medieval literary traditions, what we read when we read a medieval poem will be some form of printed edition—and the form matters. Medieval poetry has been shaped into modern literary canons through the visual design and interpretive apparatus of modern editions. Taking as his example the Vie de Saint Alexis and comparing various editions to the illustrated manuscripts, Michael Camille demonstrates how nineteenth-century philologists "erased all aspects of enactment—sound, sight, and sense" from poems: "Carefully classified blocks of print and their footnoted apparatus, together with clearly demarcated beginnings and endings, remade texts written in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries into nineteenth century intellectual commodities."24 The choice of titles, the connotations of different fonts, the treatment of illustrations and musical notation, as well as the layout—all these details of print bibliography are therefore of concern for those who wish to study medieval texts. The full range of the material support of any given text across the centuries deserves attention. Why then is such attention so often wanting? Those who edit early materials, both manuscript and print, are eloquent in their condemnation of literary critics who accept a modern edition at face value without bothering to read its apparatus or give thought to its sources. Fredson Bowers laments that many readers show less concern for the sources of an edition than they would for the pedigree of their dog, while George Whalley warns us that "without scholarship the criticism of a poem may easily

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Chapter i

become a free fantasia on a non-existent theme," and textual scholars happily furnish examples.25 Siegfried Wenzel lays out three decades of elaborate close readings of the enigmatic Middle English "lyric" sometimes called "How Christ Shall Come," only to show that it is no lyric poem at all but a formal division of a Latin sermon into English rhymes.26 Jerome McGann has provided numerous instances in which a modern poem that critics think of as stable turns out to involve complex textual conundrums.27 However, the same reluctance to confront the material also extends to many editors. Classical stemmatic editing brought a curiously conflicted attitude to its sources, examining them in minuscule detail only to dismiss them in favor of a lost and hypothetical original. Bowers is characteristic in describing the work of the editor as "the recovery of Shakespeare's true text from the imperfect witnesses of the past."28 As we shall see, this attitude pervades the editorial history of the Song of Roland^ which endeavors to separate the pure, original French poem from the taint of its Anglo-Norman witness. Various explanations might be offered for this hostility or indifference to the material support. For some, it may simply be a frustration with the myopic interests of technical bibliography, whose learning is strung up like barbed wire to keep out the general reader.29 The suspicion is particularly strong among those reading medieval works that textual criticism, paleography, and the various associated disciplines serve as a professional rite of passage, guarding the old ways and excluding the new.30 For others the transcendental text is a principle of interpretive economy: the prospect of four or more Lears will dismay those who find the mastery of the Shakespearean canon a reassuring class marker or those who make their living teaching such mastery. Some see the editorial drive for a single correct text as a reflection of a humanist ideology in which literary discrimination is a mark of gentlemanly refinement and moral rectitude.31 For McKenzie, on the other hand, those who denigrate the material or physical book do so as part of an idealistic denigration of materiality in general, as he indicates in a brief but telling reference to the almost "Platonic distinction between idea or essence on the one hand and its ^forming, material embodiment on the other."32 McGann similarly classifies New Criticism as fundamentally Idealist.33 De Grazia sees indications of disgust at the carnal disorder of the early printed text, with its thick and smelly ink reminiscent of bodily secretions, and describes the efforts to redeem the book from its physicality as reflections of an incarnational need.34 Then too, to borrow a central theme from Shakespeare's sonnets, the enduring stability of the text is a guarantee of immortality for both writer and subject. When parchment and paper molders, it calls this vision into question.

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If "Le Livre is the proven talisman against death," then the physical book is a memento mori.35 Chartier suggests another reason for the hostility to the material support when he refers to the stable text as a representation elaborated by literature itself. Here it is not immortality but social order that literature offers, a world removed from the exigencies and compromises of daily life. "Gentle reader," the text whispers. "Listen Lordings," it cries. But the material witnesses tell a different story, their popular circulation or mass publication revealing the social situation of many a reader to have been anything but lordly or gentle. To turn to the textual materials is to break with the imaginary community of sympathetic kindred spirits and reinsert the text in the order of economic and cultural production, to "think it through as labour."36 It is in part the texts themselves, then, that offer the lines on which later editors will construct them, even at the expense of the material witnesses.37 With medieval texts these imaginary communities often bear strong nationalistic overtones. This is the case with two of the manuscripts I consider. The first, Digby 23, contains what is often considered the foundational text of the Old French literary canon, the poem known by its modern title as La Chanson de Roland, yet Digby 23 is an Anglo-Norman manuscript, copied and read in communities located in what is now called England. Marie de France, too, has been claimed for French literature as a writer who "gazes from the elegant window of a truly French castle upon a legendary and mythical landscape."38 But this French castle is no less mythical, hovering somewhere between the modern French nation and the medieval diaspora where some version of romans was the language of cultural prestige but not of national union. With works like the Song of Roland or Marie's lais, it is the perdurability of the nation and its literary heritage that is at stake, and this can only be undermined by a serious consideration of the manuscripts' earlier social milieux. To these varying explanations for the occlusion of the material, we must add one other: the condition of modern mechanical printing has so fused with our understanding of what constitutes a text that it has become difficult to untangle one from the other. The force of mechanical reproduction has allowed the printed text to approach both the stability of the transcendental text and the plenitude of human discourse. When I read a modern novel, I do so with an assumption so confident that I do not normally recognize it that the version I see before me is the one the author signed off on and the one that readers across the world will share. The physical accidents that distinguish one copy from another (such as whether the book is in paperback or hardback,

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Chapter i

the currency it is sold in, the nature of the cover illustrations, or whether it is second-hand) all appear trivial. The assumption of total stability can be seen clearly in the conventions of academic referencing. A footnote assumes that the essential text will be the same for all readers and distinguishes between the essential information required (which edition is being used, for example) and inessential information (such as whether the book is in hardback), which it simply omits. In this world, the materiality of the books fades before the order of print. In most cases involving works published during the last century, the assumption of textual stability is not wildly wrong. It would be harder for McGann, McKenzie, Chartier, or de Grazia and Stallybrass to make the case for the attention to textual materials of recent authors who appear only in modern printed editions. Although, to use one of McGann's examples, W. H. Auden's decision to revoke "September i, 1939" makes the editorial history of this one poem of critical moment, the majority of Auden's poems reappear in various editions with wording, spelling, capitalization, and even punctuation that are almost identical. This relative stability is surely part of the reason those who live in a world of modern printed editions find the arguments for textual criticism first trivial and then deeply frustrating. Referring to one sanguine critic of Emily Dickinson and his assurance that the words on the page before him were the absolute poem, McGann notes that "he could not even see such problems."39 As one moves away from the relative stability of modern printing, the challenge of textual variance becomes more pressing. The apparent stability of a mechanically printed text may on occasion be illusory (as McGann demonstrates, a reader who thinks there is no textual problem with regard to Dickinson or Auden is living in a fool's paradise), but only a few novels or poems of the last two centuries would approach the degree of fluidity, the continual mouvance^ that is the norm for vernacular texts in the Middle Ages. The stability of the modern printed text and its apparent existence as a self-contained object have set the limits of our understanding of what a text is. If we are to see the problem, we must try to understand how this has happened. This development did not happen quickly or easily. Printed books were not inherently reliable or stable and only became so within an elaborate system of regulation. As Adrian Johns has shown, it took several centuries to move from the slippery world of pirated editions and clandestine volumes of the early book trade and establish something approaching modern copyright, in which author and text have clear and stable identities.40 Into the eighteenth century, "Unauthorized translations, epitomes, imitations, and other varieties

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17

of "impropriety3 were . . . routine hazards."41 The tribulations of John Flamsteed (1646-1719), Astronomer Royal, at the hands of Grub Street pirates offer a case in point. Johns notes that an early modern reader "could not necessarily take for granted that something calling itself John Flamsteed's Historic C&kstis would be owned by Flamsteed himself as the product of his authorship."42 In England, under the direction of the powerful Stationers' Hall, a combination of commercial organization and government licensing gradually curtailed illicit copies and ensured reliable transmission. Only under these conditions could printed material inspire general trust, a precondition for the widespread dissemination of the new experimental philosophy to which Flamsteed was contributing.43 Once those conditions were established, however, it became very difficult to think outside them. As Johns notes, "We ourselves routinely rely on stable communications in our making and maintenance of knowledge. . . . That stability helps to underpin the confidence we feel in our impressions and beliefs. . . . Even the brisk skepticism we may express about certain printed materials—tabloid newspapers, say—rests on it, inasmuch as we feel confident that we can readily and consistently identify what it is we are scorning."44 Reliable print was not just a prerequisite for modern ways of knowing but became inseparable from them. An author was someone whose writings had been accredited by being printed; knowledge was what could be expressed in a printed book.45 To this day the term "publication" in academic parlance essentially means printing. As print became knowledge, all that was not print ceased to be knowledge, so that both handwritten documents and speech fell increasingly into a nebulous realm of untrustworthy ephemera. Not that print became more exclusive. On the contrary, one of the reasons it is difficult to think outside the norms of print is that print covers so much. While more prestigious texts would eventually circulate freely across much of the world in uniform and well-identified editions, cheaper forms of printed material would cover an ever wider range of social discourse. In Europe, steam-driven printing gave rise to a spate of cheap publications: posters, broadsheets, advertisements, political and religious pamphlets, billboards, journals, and newspapers, as well as popular novels, and these ventured into colloquial, erotic, and quotidian areas that had previously only been expressed in speech or private writings. By the time mechanical printing reaches its full force in the later nineteenth century, print almost seems coextensive with human discourse, as Marc Angenot demonstrates in his monumental study of the state of social discourse in Paris in a single year, 1889, a study based entirely on printed texts.46 The sheer volume of printed ma-

18

Chapter i

terial, combined with its expansion into almost every area of human activity, reinforces the impression that print covers all that can be known. In the Western tradition, the printed book sets the limits of our understanding of what a book is, and it is the printed book's apparent self-sufficiency that may be the most difficult limit to think beyond.47 As a commodity that circulates in a marketplace of strangers, a printed book appeals to a social contract that tells the reader either exactly what the book is and who wrote it or alternatively, as in the case of generic fiction such as mysteries, westerns, or romances, what kind of a book it is. A book can indeed be judged by its cover; readers demand this much predictability. This implicit social contract is contained in the paratextual material—the title, colophon, prologue, jacket blurbs, and the like—and in the design and typography of the text itself. From the single object, one can therefore potentially reconstruct much of the book's social status, as McKenzie demonstrates in the case of Congreve. These implicit contracts can then be assessed against the evidence of actual reading practice, the kinds of poaching and tinkering, or bmconqge and bricolctge^ that specific readers have inflicted upon their books.48 To express the problem in the terms used by Chattier, we might say that while the material support of the text can never be limited solely to its physical support in a concrete object, in the case of a printed book, the concrete object is broadly suggestive of the text's prevailing mode of social reception. A medieval manuscript, on the other hand, offers a readable text through a local social bond that in many cases will have left no discernible traces in the book itself.49 Devotional texts produced for lay readers were sometimes copied by the patron's personal religious adviser, for example, who would supervise the use of the book as well its production.50 There is a strong likelihood that the Dominican friars mentioned in the special prayers added to one of the earliest English Books of Hours, the thirteenth-century de Brailes Hours, also acted as guides to the various devotional practices this small private prayer book supported.51 In this case, the surviving book might be regarded as but one instrument in a small devotional community or as an incomplete script for a devotional performance. To take a very different example, medieval love poetry seems to have deliberately encouraged the audience's participation, casting the listeners in the role of judges while providing them with models they could draw on for their own flirtations, blurring the distinction between literary and social fictions or poem and courtly conversation.52 In each case, a complex set of skills—the ability to meditate upon a text or the ability to sing or chant verse or the ability to discuss the fine points of the art of love—was an essential part of the text's performance but often left

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no traces in the manuscript itself. Our understanding of what constitutes literature, however, based as it is on the conventions of print, has predisposed us to overlook or dismiss these broader discursive circles.53 Despite the close attention given to provenance, the social networks surrounding a medieval book are generally conceived of as extrinsic to it. The meaning of a text is assessed on the basis of the surviving physical object considered in isolation. Obviously, in many cases it will be very difficult to approach a manuscript in any other way, because most provide few clues of how they might have been performed. As we shall see, however, even when these clues are abundant, as is the case with Harley 978, they are often ignored.

The Voice as Material Support Modern bibliography has fought to call attention to the overlooked, the apparently trivial or insignificant details of a text's physical form that turn out to play a crucial role in defining a literary work and its readership. But among scholars working with printed materials, this physical form is most often taken to refer to the book as a tangible object and to its visual appearance. This is not because social bibliographers are indifferent to the myriad ways in which a book can be performed. On the contrary, the "history of the book" that has been written during the last few decades has been equally a history of reading. For those who work in these later centuries, there has been no shortage of material. The proliferation of petits papiers and the Romantic autobiographical impulse have meant that details of daily life survive in ever greater abundance and that early modern texts can be located within a plausible and detailed history of reading and performance practices. No history of eighteenth- or nineteenth-century reading forgets the oral dimension, the importance of reading circles, salons, or young couples linked by a shared pleasure in illicit books.54 Nevertheless, private and silent reading increasingly became the norm. Reading aloud, whether in the family circle, the salon, or a theater seating two thousand, was structured around widely available texts. At all social levels, people gathered together to read books that were already bestsellers and enjoy "the public acknowledgment of a shared private experience," Helen Small's characterization of the immensely popular readings offered by Dickens.55 Although the readings accounted for roughly half of Dickens's fortune, they remained, in his eyes and those of his friend and biographer Charles Kent, a slightly disreputable supplement to his printed works.56 The assumption that a book's public performance is never more than

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Chapter i

a supplement to its private reading is fundamental to modern publishing. Dickens's powerful dramatic readings, for example, depended on the widespread availability of standard printed editions to forge the sensibility of his listeners and provide them with common referents. These assumptions are reflected in a book's printed form. Any edition of Dickens, from the first serial installments on, serves in the first instance as a text that one person can read silently and then, and only occasionally and often after some physical preparation, as a script for public reading. The conventions governing medieval manuscripts are very different. First, silent reading cannot be assumed. The habit of silent reading was rare even in monastic communities before about A.D. 1000 and only gradually spread outward to clerics and then lay people, and from Latin texts to vernacular ones.57 As late as the fourteenth century, there seems an element of novelty in Chaucer's depiction of himself sitting "as dumb as any stone" when he retires to read. To use Didron's phrase, a manuscript must be recognized as a sung object, and singing covers a wide range of activities from solemn chanting to private mumbling. Furthermore, the conventions that now permit us to distinguish between a play script, a novel, and a piece of sheet music were yet to be defined. Musical notation was only partially developed, and few could read it, so medieval songs were not necessarily distinguished in manuscript from lyric poems. This means that a large body of medieval poetry, including the lais, romances, and chansons de geste, as well as short forms like the ballade, rondeau, or virelai, now exist in limbo as far as performance history is concerned, and in their own day may well have been presented in a variety of ways as manuscripts passed from one group of users to another. These claims for the importance of the oral aspect of medieval works are scarcely new. Paul Zumthor asserts that a medieval text is only the occasion for a vocal act.58 J. A. Burrow compares medieval books to a modern musical score.59 Walter Ong argues that, in comparison to print culture, "manuscript culture felt works of verbal art to be more in touch with the oral plenum, and never very effectively distinguished between poetry and rhetoric."60 Nevertheless, the challenges of addressing the sound of a manuscript are extreme, and the editorial and critical treatment of medieval texts has often failed to meet them, so that the vocalization of medieval texts has all too often been ignored, normalized, or consigned to unexamined stereotypes. Here too the mental habits induced by print have been harder to shake than is generally realized. There are numerous difficulties, but the most obvious and insoluble is the ephemeral nature of vocalization. It is not just that we have no audio

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recordings of medieval singers or storytellers; we have very few detailed contemporary reports either. The culture of the book provided few models for detailed accounts of popular oral performance. Developments in plainsong and polyphony, patterns of monastic lectio, the pious reading habits of saintly aristocrats, the power of a mendicant preacher or a court's designated reader— these are described in some detail. But for minstrel performance we have little to go on beyond the occasional allusion in a popular sermon or the highly conventionalized references in the lais, romances, or chansons de geste themselves, one of the trickiest of sources. Reconstructing minstrel performance involves us in speculation, generalization from a handful of examples, and a literalistic reading of literary texts as if they were social reportage. Such approaches are characteristic of the great antiquarians of the eighteenth century, Joseph Ritson and Bishop Percy prominent among them, who initiated the history of minstrelsy. On many points they did the job about as well as it can be done. Since then we have culled further references, but our methods for reading them remain much the same. This methodological crudity, which will offend the modern professional, whether historian or literary critic, may partially account for the cool reception accorded performance history. Edmond FaraPs Lesjongkurs en France au moyen age of 1910 still serves as a standard authority on minstrel performance, while more recent work has made surprisingly little impact on literary studies, at least in the field of Old French.61 In Chapter 2,1 will examine some of the evidence of performance practice, asking whether it was at all likely that a fulllength chanson de geste was ever performed by a minstrel, and in particular what evidence we have for the existence of sustained recitation or what Leon Gautier termed the "seance epique," in which a minstrel held an entire hall in his sway. For the moment, I wish merely to acknowledge the difficulty of reconstructing medieval performance, while insisting on the absolute necessity of making the attempt. There is very little we will ever be able to claim we actually know about any medieval performance, but overt speculation is better than unexamined assumption. The influence of print and its dominant mode, silent reading, may encourage us to think that questions of performance can be ignored and that it is possible to avoid the dirty work of speculative reconstruction and approach a medieval text in a neutral fashion without prejudging the way in which it was performed. The editorial history of the Song of Roland provides a particularly forceful example of why this is not so, showing how much is at stake in classifying this poem as a song. Here Chartier's formulation, with one slight modification, once again makes the point: no medieval text existed

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Chapter i

in its day outside the material support that enabled it to be read or heard. A medieval text might have existed as a monk's slow mumbling, as an ongoing courtly flirtation, as a regular daily ritual in a monastery or great household, or as a few snatches from a familiar story sung on street corners—but it never simply existed. Just as an eighteenth-century poem existed in some specific edition, so a medieval poem existed in some specific performance, and this performance was no less fundamental in determining what the text was.

The Edge of the Book "The idea of the book, which always refers to a natural totality, is profoundly alien to the sense of writing.5'62 So Jacques Derrida argues in the opening pages of his famous De lagmmmatolqgie. While his use of the terms "book" and "writing" continues to perplex, he suggests the extent to which our familiar habits of thought, founded upon long-standing traditions of written authority, predetermine our understanding. The "idea of the book" provides an all-encompassing frame of reference, and efforts to think outside it will inevitably falter. Whatever form of proliferating meaning Derrida evokes by the word "writing" will be difficult for us to grasp since it falls outside our familiar habits of mind. It will be as difficult for us to assess this frame of reference critically as it is for us to see air or for fish to see water. Nor is it clear to what extent this "idea of the book" to which Derrida alludes is grounded in the use of actual physical books at all. Is this sense of totality, the "idea of the book" as an idea of intellectual closure, linked to the salient visual totality of neatly laid-out pages bound between two covers, the books that let us always feel with our right hand where the end is as we read them? Is the idea of the book based on the use of the codex? No immediate answer is available. Historians have identified the development of literacy, the shift from roll to codex, the development of print, and the development of mechanical print as possible sources for profound epistemological shifts, and often described these shifts in remarkably similar terms, but they have been reluctant to compare accounts.63 But even if the idea of the book did not originate with the codex, it clearly drew reinforcement from it. For medieval Christianity, the book was the fundamental symbol of a universe that was ordered, filled with meaning, and enclosed within fixed limits. The metaphor of the book was ubiquitous, and increasingly, as the codex became the dominant form of textual preservation, the book was visualized specifically as a bound volume rather than as a roll or set of tablets.64

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While the mechanical advantages of the codex (chief among them that it could use lower quality parchment and permitted easier consultation of specific passages) must have played a significant role in its increased use, it was its association with Christianity that made it respectable. As Yvonne Johannot puts it, "it is the victory of Christianity in the Empire . . . that will assure the definitive victory of the codex over the roll."65 Parchment itself, in which the divine word was inscribed into flesh, became a symbol of the Incarnation. The symbolic authority of Scripture was such that it became almost synonymous with its contents. For medieval Christianity, "The text is Christ as much as it is about Christ."66 There was a fundamental association of creation, which God speaks into existence, and the Bible, the record of God's word and "map of divine reality."67 One thirteenth-century commentator classified the Bible and creation as two books "in which we can read and understand and learn more about God," suggesting how completely the book had become the model for a knowable universe.68 The book was not just a symbol of the world but a way of understanding it, a mode of thought, or what Jesse Gellerich calls a "structuring principle" in Western mentality.69 This vision of the book as a complete system of knowledge bears a close (and, so far, largely unexamined) relation to the vision of print as a complete system of knowledge. Both visions are based on the premise of the stability and universality of the text, although in the first case this text refers to the single sacred text of the Bible and in the second to the innumerable but effectively identical copies of a printed edition. Both reflect an underlying order that is equally bookish. Thus Sir Thomas Browne, in his Religio medici of 1673, echoes the medieval topos of the two books of God, calling creation "that universall and publik Manuscript, that lies expans'd unto the eyes of all."70 The use of this image by a seventeenth-century author might be taken as a symbolic moment of conjuncture when the order of the medieval book is subsumed into the order of print. Print reinforces the idea already well established in the Middle Ages that book knowledge is the only true knowledge, consigning alternate systems of understanding to a lower realm as "lore" or "folk wisdom" or "experience." In doing so, it marginalizes a vast range of human activity, past and present, most obviously popular oral and electronic culture, but also song, ritual, dance, gesture, and visual design. Ironically, then, it is the powerful legacy of the medieval book as an idea or structuring principle that has made the fluidity and acoustic and visual multiplicity of specific medieval books so difficult for us to recognize. We have read medieval texts as if they belonged to the world of print, divorcing the works from their codicological context and thus from the music and conversa-

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Chapter i

tion that once surrounded them, from their institutional situation, and from the lives they helped shape. In this way we have transformed these works into the isolated verbal icons of late print culture. The world of print is now deeply challenged, however, and the confident assumptions with which we once approached a text, dispensing with any consideration of its material support, are now becoming untenable and thus apparent.71 Electronic texts are recapturing something of the openness that characterized medieval manuscripts. As early as 1989, Bernard Cerquiglini suggested that we might find in the multidimensional and dialogic computer screen a counterpart to the fluidity of medieval writing, and in the last few years a spate of electronic editions has begun to fulfill this prophecy.72 And even the category "writing" may be too restrictive, overdetermined by the conventions that identify knowledge with that which can be captured in alphabetic graphisms. Digitalization is now expanding the range of writings, reducing pictures, sounds, and printed words to a common mathematical denominator. Music, which was harmony but never knowledge, is now information; its substance in the new electronic order is the same as that of typography. This may invite us to reconsider the extent to which we have consigned the musical dimension of early texts to oblivion not as unknowable (although indeed it is difficult to know much) but as insignificant. And in a world of intimidating new literacies, our dependence on "liveware," the friends who get us up and running, may help us understand the supporting role of earlier textual communities in making a book readable. This social transformation may make it both possible and useful to understand something of the textual materialities that came before us. Perhaps the end of the "Book" has made books visible. Have we truly come to the end of the book? It has often been suggested. From the 19608 on, there have been recurring laments that book culture is giving way to electronic noise. "If we pose the question of the viability of the book " wrote George Steiner in 1972, "it is because we find ourselves in a social, psychological, technical situation which gives this question substance."73 Others have greeted the new tomorrow with rapture. According to Brian Boigon, "People are watching more television than reading books, yet a bunch of academics missed those important ABCs on entertainment that Ed Sullivan used to give away every Sunday night. Let's face it, Disney and Nintendo have taken most of the attraction away from the educational system in North America."74 Most of us hover somewhere between. Derrida's frustratingly elusive account in the opening chapter of Grammatolqgy captures the ambivalence of our situation. Derrida writes under the millenarian slogan "The End of the Book and the Beginning of Writing" and alludes to the "death of the civilization of the book":

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It is therefore as if what we called language could have been in its origin and in its end only a moment, an essential but determined mode, a phenomenon, an aspect, a species of writing. And as if it has succeeded in making us forget this, and in wilfully misleading us [a donner le change}, only in the course of an adventure: as that adventure itself. All in all a short enough adventure. It merges with the history that has associated technics and logocentric metaphysics for nearly three millennia. And now it seems to be approaching what is really its own exhaustion', under the circumstances—and this is no more than one example among others—of this death of the civilization of the book, of which so much is said [dont on parle tant] and which manifests itself particularly through a convulsive proliferation of libraries.75

Perhaps we really are living on the edge of a total transformation of consciousness, a liminal situation that can only be understood partially, intermittently, and through the sallies of avant-garde philosophy. But even as Derrida evokes this millenarian transformation, the end of the book, the beginning of writing, he undercuts it, distancing himself from technological determinism, launching his paragraph from the starting point "as if" and reducing the commentary on this alleged death to predictable chatter with the dismissive occupatio^ "of which so much is said."76 So Derrida distances his metaphysical critique from historical causality and historical time—the end of the book is not the year 1967. Historians, on the other hand, have provided any number of precise moments for a decisive technological and epistemological break. The trouble is they have provided too many. Some point to the alphabet, some to the codex, some to the rise of textual communities, some to scholasticism, some to print as the key technological innovation that established book-based rationalism. Since we do not yet agree on when the "civilization of the book55 began, we cannot expect a simple consensus on whether it is coming to an end. Even if we can say with conviction that "the civilization of the book55 is approaching its own exhaustion, or "the culture of print55 is now deeply challenged, or that "the borders of what we call a text55 are now in question, or that the adventure that linked certain technologies to "logocentric metaphysics55 is coming to an end, it is not clear how these various transformations are connected, what they will mean, or how far we remain imbricated in the older orders of thought. For my purposes, however, it will be enough if the uncertainty about the future of our book-based culture helps us do better justice to the sung and drawn objects of the past.

Chapter 2 Bodleian MS Digby 23

In 1835 a young philologist named Francisque Michel was commissioned by the minister of public instruction, Francois Guizot, to visit England and transcribe a number of ancient works, including a poem on the Battle of Roncevaux that was known to exist in the Bodleian Library. Two years later Michel published La, Chanson de Roland ou de Roncevaux du Xlle siecle pttbliee pour la premiere fois d'apres le manuscrit de la Eibliotheque Bodleienne a Oxford^ and the poem entered French literary history.1 Henceforth the standard version of the poem would be the text of the Oxford manuscript, and it would bear the title Michel had given it. The Song of Roland had been born. Of course, the history of Roland's death had never been entirely forgotten, especially in France. It was known through Dante, Ariosto, and Cervantes and through a popular tradition still potent enough for Claude Joseph Rouget de Lisle, author of the "Marseillaise," to draw on it for another revolutionary song, "Roland a Ronceveaux," which had the defiant refrain "Mourons pour la patrie."2 Scholars knew of the account of the Pseudo-Turpin, the twelfth-century Latin chronicle allegedly composed by Charlemagne's heroic archbishop, and of numerous other medieval references to the exploits of Roland, Oliver, and Charlemagne, and they knew that these exploits had been the subject of chansons de geste, including one version allegedly sung at the Battle of Hastings by a member of Duke William's household, sometimes identified by the name Taillefer.3 The best-known account was that offered by the Anglo-Norman chronicler Wace in his Roman de Rou^ composed sometime between 1160 and 1174. Wace describes Taillefer leading the Normans into battle with his song: Taillefer, qui mult bien chantout, sor un cheval qui tost alout, devant le due alout chantant de Karlemaigne e de Rollant, e d'Oliver e des vassals qui morurent en Rencevals.4

Bodleian MS Digby 23

27

Taillefer, who sang very well, was mounted on a horse that raced along, and he went in front of the duke singing of Charlemagne, Roland, and Oliver and the knights who died at Roncevaux. Wace's story was noted by Claude Fauchet in his influential Recueil de I'origine de la langue et poesie fran$oise of 1581, by Voltaire, and by the British antiquarians Thomas Percy and Joseph Ritson, for whom it evoked the power and fascination of a lost oral tradition.5 Voltaire is perhaps the first to refer to Taillefer 5s performance as a single song: "The old histories tell us that in the front rank of the Norman army, a squire named Taillefer, mounted on an armoured horse, sang the song of Roland, that has been for so long in the mouths of the French without the slightest trace remaining.5'6 This lost work was what so many early scholars hoped to find, not just another poem about Charlemagne and his twelve peers, but the very song of Taillefer. By Michel's day, the search for this work had been going on for some time. In 1777 the Marquis de Paulmy, chief editor ofthcBibliotheque universelle des romans, a popular series devoted to summaries of "romances," published an account of the stories of Charlemagne and Roland based on the PseudoTurpin. In his account Paulmy speculated that French troops going into battle might have sung the lost Chanson de Roland, and he actually went so far as to offer a possible reconstruction. As Paulmy explained, the Chanson de Roland could scarcely deal with all of Roland's great deeds, and it therefore chose to present him as a model to imitate.7 The poem continues for eleven stanzas, praising Roland as a paragon: brave, modest, obedient, a good Christian, a moderate drinker, reluctant to seek a quarrel but a terror to his enemies—all in all, a perfect officer and gentleman ("Roland rut d'abord Officier, / Car il etoit bon Gentilhomme5').8 For the most part "Soldats Francois" won little praise; however, it may have provided inspiration for Rouget de Lisle when he composed his anthem "Roland a Roncevaux," and it certainly drew renewed attention to the story.9 In 1814 Charles Nodier speculated in the Journal des debats about the possible survival of a fragment of the epic in some library, and in 1831 Chateaubriand suggested more specifically that fragments might survive in one of the former royal libraries.10 The search to recover the work had begun in earnest. The earliest account of the story of Roland based on a specific medieval manuscript is that offered by Louis de Musset, marquis de Cogners, granduncle of the poet Alfred Musset, in his "Legende du bienheureux Roland, prince fran^ais" of 1817. Musset had access to what is now known as the Chateauroux manuscript and drew on it to retell the story of Charlemagne, Roland, and the Battle of Roncevaux.11 Guyot des Herbiers, a family rela-

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tion, began to prepare an edition of this manuscript, but died in 1828 without having finished.12 It was not until 1832, however, when Louis-Henri Monin, a student at the Ecole Normale, published his Dissertation sur k roman de Roncevaux that a full version of the poem at last appeared in print. Monin based his edition on the Paris text (now Bibliotheque Nationale de France, MS Fran$ais 860), which he compared with the Chateauroux manuscript, using the transcription of Herbiers. For some time, scholars had also been aware of the existence of an earlier version of a poem about Charlemagne and Roland in a manuscript in the Bodleian, although they were not quite sure what this poem was. It was known to Thomas Tyrwhitt, who appears to have read the entire work and mentions it in one of the notes to his Canterbury Tales of 1778; to Abbe Gervais de la Rue, who had worked in the Bodleian while in exile in England during the Terror; and to John Josias Conybeare, formerly professor of Anglo-Saxon at Oxford.13 De la Rue classified it as "un Roman de la bataille de Roncevaux qu'on appelle encore le Roman des douzepairs de France" and found it not without its interest, primarily because of its age. He even published a few excerpts in his Essais historiques sur les bardes, ks jongleurs et ks trouveres^ and it is here that the famous opening lines first appear in print, although publication was delayed until 1834, years after de la Rue had examined the manuscript.14 But de la Rue never connected the Oxford poem to Taillefer; indeed, he lamented that he had never been able to find even a fragment of Taillefer's song and poured scorn on those like Paulmy who claimed to have found traces of it in later romances.15 In short, when Michel came to Britain in 1835, both French and British scholars had been dreaming of discovering Taillefer's lost performance for at least half a century, but nobody yet believed he had found it. Guizot sent Michel to Britain as part of an extensive cultural mission to recuperate fragments of early French literature and history.16 As one of the many treatments of Charlemagne, the Oxford poem was numbered among these desired fragments and thus justified a trip up from London, where Michel was copying Gaimar's Estoire des Engkis and Benoit de Sainte-Maure's Chronique des dues de Normandie.17 On 13 July Michel announced the discovery that would eclipse the rest of his voyage in a triumphant letter to one of his patrons, Louis-Jean-Nicolas Monmerque, a member of the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, and Monmerque quotes from this "cry of exultation that burst out at the moment of a discovery" in his own letter to Guizot a week later. Michel believed he had found not just a poem about Roland that was older than any of the others that had survived but something far more precious, a copy of the great lost chanson de geste of Taillefer itself:

Bodleian MS Digby 23

29

I am writing to you from Alfred's city, a few steps away from the Bodleian, where I have just found... what? Guess! . . . The Song of Roland!! It was almost like squaring the circle. It is nothing less than the Roman de Roncevaux, rhyming through assonance, as marches, corages, vaille, homme . . . etc. but it is the Roman de Roncevaux in a manuscript from the beginning of the twelfth century, and each couplet ends with aoi, which you will explain for me; might it not be the cry away, a fervent battle cry (cri d'elan sur 1'ennemi) > 18 This letter was soon followed by a more cautious report to Guizot.19 Here, too, Michel suggested the "AOI" "might be a kind of battle cry, and in the title he adopted for his edition—a title that appears nowhere in the manuscript—he made the connection to Taillefer's lost battle song explicit: "One might also believe from the words Chanson de Roland that I wanted to create the impression that I think of the poem of Turold as being the one from which Taillefer sang fragments at the Battle of Hastings. I will not conceal that I am fully persuaded that the Norman minstrel's song was taken from a chanson de geste; I would even say that this song could well be that of Turold."20 Over the years the fascination with Taillefer and his performance has faded or lost much of its scholarly credibility, but in its broad outlines, Michel's understanding of the poem in the Oxford manuscript remains in force to this day. This particular version of the poem, in its entirety, is imagined as a song, something that a minstrel might sing, chant, or recite. As Michel noted when queried on his imposition of the title, the work is clearly a chanson de geste and Roland its chief hero; the tide is his addition but it fits.21 Michel realized that he had made an important discovery, but his scholarly edition was not intended for a general readership and gives little sense of the widespread excitement the Roland would generate or the role it would soon play in the canon of French literature. Others made the larger claims for it. The Roland was hailed both by scholars and by the popular press as a national epic—"perhaps our oldest, our true national epic."22 As such, the Roland filled a major lacuna: without its own epic, French literature could never match the classical tradition; with the publication of the Roland, it could. The need to reach a broader public was soon recognized, and in 1850 Francois Genin published a popular edition with a translation, the first major step toward enshrining the poem as a literary classic.23 As Genin declared, "Henceforth people will not reproach French literature for lacking a national epic: here is the Roland of Turold."24 The search for Taillefer's song was not just about establishing a literary canon; it was part of a broader quest for a national literature to renew a Ian-

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guishing France. The social conflict of the Revolution and the demise of the First Empire brought a strong demand, often explicitly articulated, for poetry that would revitalize the country, restoring political harmony by evoking the lost glories and the nobler conduct of earlier times.25 Most nineteenth-century philologists, conservative Catholics and staunch Republicans alike, saw the Middle Ages as a period of simpler, nobler virtues. For them, the vigor of the simple, youthful age was matched by the vigor of a simple, youthful language, French before it became sophisticated. They extolled Old French poetry as a kind of folk art, a direct expression of the national spirit in a pure and original state, free of the corrupting influence of later civilization.26 The Chanson de Roland would offer the preeminent example of such simplicity. In his edition of 1850, Genin expressed openly the qualities both critics and philologists were seeking: "The essential character of the epic is grandeur combined with naivete, virility, the energy of a man united with simplicity and the graceful ingenuity of a child: it is Homer."27 The Chanson de Roland was, then, more than just a literary monument. Its editorial construction was part of the quest for national origins that dominated French Romantic philology; its subject, as Genin put it, "touches the very heart of the fatherland."28 Gaston Paris insisted that while Old French literature could appeal to readers of the most diverse political temperaments, its recovery was nonetheless a unifying project inspired by piety toward the tradition of one's ancestors.29 For Gautier, "True epic poems do not always treat of the struggle between two races, but they do always depend on the unity of the fatherland, above all its religious unity."30 The Roland soon became a symbol of the very spirit of France. For Ludovic Vitet, writing in 1852, "Roland is France, in its blind and impetuous courage."31 As the century progressed, this totemic value increased. The threat of German scientific industrialism in both the military and scholarly fields, culminating in the humiliation of the FrancoPrussian War, strengthened the tendency to see the Roland as an expression of the French genius for doomed gallantry.32 During the siege of Paris of 1870, Gaston Paris lectured on "La Chanson de Roland et la nationalite fran^aise" and called to his audience, "Let us make ourselves known as the sons of the men who died at Roncevaux and of those who avenged them."33 Gautier in his edition of 1872 called the poem "France made man." Writing "in the midst of the fatherland's sorrows," he drew attention to the poem's early patriotism as a direct rebuke to the Germans: Never, never, has anyone so loved their native land. Listen carefully, ponder what I am about to say, you Germans who are listening. WE ARE TALKING ABOUT THE

Bodleian MS Digby 23

31

Xlth CENTURY. I have the right to tell those who today are choking my poor France just how great she was some eight centuries ago.34 The Roland was given the highest form of official sanction when in 1880 it was assigned to lycee students in seconded In 1900 a teacher from the prestigious Lycee Henri IV echoed the praise of three generations of French philologists when he told his audience at the academy for staff officers at Saint-Cyr, "La Chanson de Roland is our Iliad''36

Sung Epic and the Seance Epique From the moment of its rediscovery, the Song of Roland has been associated with minstrel performance; that is what it means to call it a song. Both its epic dignity as a French Iliad and its patriotic value as a repository of martial valor depend upon this classification. It has become an article of faith that the poem was recited by minstrels to largely illiterate knights in a series of linked sessions, so that over several days the audience might hear the poem in its entirety. Jean Rychner first suggested that these sessions might typically have extended for a thousand to two thousand lines, from dinner to dusk, and a figure in this range has been widely accepted.37 Ian Short, in a popular edition, sums up the consensus: Transmitted by singers who specialized in recitation (that is, by jongleurs) the epic poems were declaimed to musical accompaniment and before an audience, in sessions of about a thousand or 1300 lines. They were jongleurs5 epics (epopees jongleresques) and intended to be heard, not epic poems for reading.38 This epic dignity was closely associated with a vision of what the poem was, how it was received, and by whom. In his edition of 1872, Gautier described a wandering minstrel reciting a heroic epic at length while the isolated baron, a man of simple faith, and his knights listen enthralled: They saw themselves in these lines. This poetry was made in their image. It had the same passion for the Crusades, the same ideal or memory of French and Christian royalty, the same love for spilling blood and for a good thrust of a lance. Roland is nothing more, so to speak, than a sublime thrust of a lance (un coup de lance sublime) . . . in four thousand lines.39 Edmond Faral echoes the association of epic simplicity with oral delivery, describing the jongleur as a wandering light that illuminates the monotonous

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life of the knights.40 Faral recognizes that the jongleurs performed not just for knights but before all classes. He insists, however, that for that very reason they were obliged to stick to healthy old traditions and could not embellish, as later court-based minstrels could, so that their art retained its elemental simplicity.41 Later scholars such as Rychner, drawing on the work of Milman Parry, insist on the complexity of oral poetry rather than its simplicity but still maintain the connection between orality and epic. A major shift in the attitude to the poem comes with the work of Joseph Bedier and his insistence that the poem is primarily the work of a single artistic genius rather than the amalgamation of earlier materials. For Bedier, the beauty of the Chanson de Roland^ like the beauty of Racine's Iphigenie^ lies in its unity, and this unity came from the poet, Turold, who in a flash of genius discovered the central theme of the conflict between Roland and Oliver.42 Bedier envisaged Turold as a man of letters, one who writes "at his work bench," but his reassessment of the poem's composition did not cause him to reassess how it might have been delivered, a subject on which he is distressingly vague.43 No one seems to have directly challenged the notion that the Chanson de Roland was performed by jongleurs, although some may have harbored suspicions. Eugene Vance, for example, has shown how the figure of Charlemagne embodies textual attitudes and argued that the final poem documents "a historical transition from an oral episteme to one of writing."44 Hans-Erich Keller and Gabrielle Spiegel have argued persuasively that the latter part of the poem, especially the trial of Ganelon, reflects the ideology of the Capetian monarchs as formulated by Abbot Suger of Saint Denis, thus providing a possible milieu for a clerical writer.45 All this might raise questions about how the final work would have been delivered, but the prevailing assumption that as a chanson de geste, it was actually sung remains in force. The oral performance of the text is central in Paul Zumthor's account of mouvance, in which the regular alternation between oral performances and free copyings and reworkings produces the flowing tradition and "the text is but the moment of an act of the voice" (le texte n'est que 1'occasion du geste vocal).46 For Peter Haidu, Digby 23 "freezes one instant of a fluid, ongoing oral tradition."47 For many modern readers the vision of the chanting minstrel is a crucial part of the experience of reading the poem. Zumthor's account of his own response brings this out clearly: I take down from my library an edition of the Song of Roland. I know (or assume) that in the twelfth century this poem was sung to a tune that, for all intents and purposes, I have no means of reproducing. I read it. What I have before my eyes, printed

Bodleian MS Digby 23

33

or (in other situations) handwritten, is only a scrap of the past, immobilized in a space that is reduced to the page or the book.48

Here Zumthor acknowledges the unavoidable role that a highly speculative history plays in our appreciation of a medieval poem. We are "forced to come up with an event—a text event—and to perform the text-in-action, and integrate this representation with the pleasure that we experience in reading—and take this into account, if the need arises, in our study of the text."49 We hold a book in our hand, but we listen for a lost song. The reconstruction of this surmised oral tradition formed a crucial part in the early construction of the poem. In Les Epope'es fmncaises, for example, Gautier describes in some detail the life of a jongleur, who sings a chanson de geste in the square in front of the town church. Gautier speculates freely on how the jongleur might have played his audience, modifying his repertoire to win their attention.50 But it is in his 1895 study La Chevalerie that Gautier offers his fullest account of minstrel recitation. He describes a wedding feast: Three jongleurs who specialized in singing had been invited to the wedding feast, but on this day only one will perform. Admittedly, he is the best in the land and in his singing, as in his life, he is not like the others. He is a Christian (this word alone is the highest praise), and he looks on his profession as a kind of lower order of priesthood, still dignified and almost sacred. . . . "What would you like me to sing this evening:1" he says, striking a vigorous and resonant chord with his bow. The host thinks for a moment and replies, "I have an idea, which I'll propose to you. Instead of reciting a single song for us (which sometimes seems to go on a little long) I would ask you sing us the finest passages from our finest poems."51

Responding to this request, the jongleur works through a series of great moments in French epic. Finally, for the day is passing, he offers one last song, a song about Ogier the Dane recapturing Rome, but as the minstrel reaches the end and recounts the pope's triumphal entry, the barons are reminded of the religious politics of their own day. A voice cries out that Philip does not love Pope Innocent so well, the host speaks of their reconciliation, and this response brings the performance to a close: These words bring the long afternoon to an end. The lord gives the jongleur a mule from Arragon and a surcoat of red striped silk. The epic session (seance epique) is completed; night falls.52

Gautier's imagination conjures up a lengthy recitation, one that continues throughout the afternoon until dusk. Admittedly, Gautier sees this recitation as exceptional, but his account presupposes two situations as norms:

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the performance of the less exalted "others," who presumably offer more vulgar entertainment, command less strict attention, and play to humbler audiences, and whom Gautier's jongleur in no way resembles, and the performance of the normal "seance epique," in which a single jongleur would recite or sing a single epic in the great hall to an audience that might grow a little restless but would nonetheless provide him a reasonable chance to complete his song. Gautier draws support from references to performance in the chansons de geste themselves, but his "seance epique" is actually modeled upon an eighteenth-century work, Andre Chenier's L'Aveugle^ and its account of an extended performance by Homer in which the blind bard sings in succession the great moments of Hellenic epic. "I do not think that the French language, in all its rich treasury, has finer verses; they are the despair of anyone who tries to imitate them," writes Gautier of L'Aveugle^ "Nevertheless, this is the moment to remind ourselves of them, and repeat here the songs of our jongleur in a language worthy of the heroes it celebrates."53 Then, before returning to his account of the Middle Ages, Gautier quotes from the beginning of Homer's song. The simple shepherds welcome the stranger, and he repays their charity by singing while they listen rapt: Commen^ons par les Dieux: Souverain Jupiter; Soleil, qui vois, entends, connais tout; et toi, mer, Fleuves, terre, et noirs Dieux des vengeances trop lentes, Salut! Venez a moi, de 1'Olympe habitantes, Muses; vous savez tout, vous deesses, et nous, Mortels, ne savons rien qui ne vienne de vous.54 Let us begin with the Gods: Sovereign Jupiter, and you, O Sun, who see, hear, and know all; and you, sea, rivers, and dark Gods with your creeping vengeance. Hail! Come to me, you Muses, from your home in Olympus; you know all, you goddesses, and we mortals know nothing except what comes from you.

Gautier quotes Chenier no further, but the lines that immediately follow illustrate even more fully the Orphic power that Chenier attributes to Homer as he stills nature and unites man with his song. Gautier objects only to Chenier's underlying paganism and so casts himself as Chenier's Christian surrogate and offers an elaborate fantasy of an honored minstrel's sustained performance. Echoing Homer's opening prayer to Jupiter and his stilling of nature, Gautier's minstrel begins, after a short exposition, with Charlemagne praying to God to stop the sun. In the 1895 edition of La Chevalerie, the lines from Chenier appear directly beneath an engraving of this very scene, further

Bodleian MS Digby 23

35

Figure i. Leon Gautier, La Chevalerie^ 3rd ed. (Paris, 1895), 658.

emphasizing the parallel Gautier draws between the medieval and Homeric invocations (fig. i). Like Chenier, Gautier offers a vision of social and spiritual integration in which audience, song, and singer become one. In the chivalric tradition this unity is achieved when the knights5 valiant deeds are re-embodied in the poet's words, so that the two are "simultaneously reborn together, thanks to the memory and voice of the poet," to borrow the words of Eugene Vance.55 This continual cycle of chivalric narrative is figured in the Oxford poem itself when Roland says to his men: "Or guart chascuns que granz colps [i] empleit, Que malvaise cancun de nus chanteit ne seit!" (fol. ipr, lines 1013-14)56 "Now let each man take care to deal great blows, Lest a bad song be sung of us!"

But even before these lines were recovered from the Bodleian manuscript and brought into wider circulation, the image of the unified band of warriors linked in song was powerful. As we have seen, Paulmy, in one of the earliest modern evocations of the lost Song of Roland^ imagined it as the marching song of the Norman soldiers. The image remains strong through the nineteenth century and beyond. It is not just Gautier who sees the Roland as "a

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sublime lance thrust." In numerous accounts the epic material merges with the warrior class it celebrates in the full embodiment of oral tradition. In this vision of medieval culture, the orality of the epic is crucial. Gautier's baron, with his "simple, vigorous, almost brutal" faith and his simple pleasures, untainted by gallantry, cannot read. The epic, as Gautier understands it, matches its audience in the purity of its primitivism: The age that suits these works is exclusively that of primitive times, when Science and Critical Thinking do not yet exist, and an entire nation naively confuses History and Legend. Some sort of nebulous credulity permeates the atmosphere of the time, and encourages the development of this poetry that has not yet been examined by science or taken over by sophistry. The later centuries of writing are not made for these poetic narratives that circulate invisibly on the lips of a few popular singers. . . . One does not read these epics, one sings them.57 The grandeur of oral epic is thus part of the long history in which writing marks a fall from some lost state of primal unity. In the jongleur's song the national and spiritual body of early France is reconstituted.58 The epic is not read, it is sung.

The Manuscript and Its Anglo-Norman Readers The simplest means of connecting the 4,002 verses preserved in Digby 23 to this putative performance history is to claim that Digby 23 itself once belonged to a minstrel or jongleur.59 This is exactly what Leon Gautier did when he distinguished between the great illuminated manuscripts of the late Middle Ages and the earlier and simpler ones of the twelfth century, which he called "manuscrits de jongleur," a category in which he included Digby 23. The manuscript was thus classified as a reference tool for a professional performer of some kind. What is striking about this classification is how widely it has been accepted when even a cursory examination of the codex raises the gravest doubts. The classification of Digby 23 as a "manuscrit de jongleur" went unchallenged until 1932, when Charles Samaran, in his introduction to the facsimile edition, offered the first full codicological description of the manuscript, in the process raising grave doubts about Gautier's identification. Samaran agreed with Gautier that Digby 23 is a cheap and somewhat worn manuscript, composed of poorly prepared parchment that was carelessly ruled, but he also pointed out that careless compilation, small size, and the

Bodleian MS Digby 23

37

wear and tear that suggests widespread circulation are not sufficient grounds on their own for associating a manuscript with a jongleur. There are numerous Latin manuscripts that are equally carelessly executed and equally battered. Samaran noted as well that the Digby copyist shows little familiarity with French epic material, frequently confusing the names of the great heroes, and that the unknown reviser shows even less, which tends to suggest that neither the copyist nor the reviser was a jongleur.60 This leaves the possibility that the book was written by a cleric for the use of a jongleur. The difficulty here is that Digby 23 is in fact a composite volume; the second half is the Roland but the first half is a glossed copy of Calcidius's translation of the Timaeus. Since the Timaeus scarcely seems likely reading material for a jongleur, it is of some importance to establish when the two sections were brought together. Both date from roughly the same period, sometime in the twelfth century, but earlier commentators believed that the two had circulated separately until they came into the possession of Sir Kenneth Digby in the seventeenth century.61 Samaran, however, noted the presence on the last page of the Roland of what he believed to be the word "Chalcidius" in a thirteenth-century hand on folio [?2]r. The same hand also adds several verses from Juvenal's eighth satire to one of the flyleaves (folio [74]r).62 The implication is that at this point in its history, the Roland was in the hands of someone who could read and write Latin and this person also owned the Timaeus. As Samaran points out, Juvenal's Satires and the Timaeus are hardly the reading material one would expect of a jongleur. The possibility that at some point the manuscript might have belonged to a jongleur cannot be entirely ruled out, of course. The first century or more of the manuscript's history is unaccounted for, and it is possible that during this time it passed into the hands of a jongleur, as Maurice Delbouille has suggested.63 But there is nothing about the manuscript to encourage such a speculation. It is a cheap, portable volume; jongleurs were itinerant and were not wealthy—those circumstances, and the prevailing assumption that the poem must be associated with a jongleur are all the basis there has ever been for Gautier's classification of Digby 23 as a jongleur's manuscript. In comparison to many of the richly illuminated romances of later centuries, the Digby Roland is plain and humble, but considerable care has been taken to ensure that the manuscript is agreeable to the eye. It is ruled (although not always entirely consistently), and the margins are generous. The initial letter of each line is offset and there is at least one colored initial for each page; corrections are few and neat. Digby 23(2) wa not just a rough draft or private copybook. It has been quite heavily used, and the ink is badly faded in places. The first and last folios are dog-eared, and

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half a quire is discolored at the beginning and the end, suggesting that it lay for a while unbound, but otherwise the Roland is in reasonable condition. It has not been folded, torn, stained, or scribbled in. The classification "minstrel manuscript" cannot be disproved, but it is based not on a consideration, but on an almost willful dismissal, of the codicological evidence. A closer investigation of the manuscript can provide glimpses of the world in which the poem probably circulated and can suggest some of the ways in which it might have been enjoyed. It will also illustrate the sophistication of at least one baron and the interpenetration of clerical and chivalric culture—all points the traditional understanding of the poem tends to deny or at least to minimize. The first approach is through the copyist, who writes a hand that has often been criticized for its awkwardness (fig. 2). Earlier readers, such as Gautier, took this awkwardness as a sign of the copy's low social status and therefore of its association with a jongleur. But it might also be seen as a sign that the copyist was engaged in cultural negotiation, modifying a traditional script to meet new demands. This suggestion might seem highly speculative, but it is advanced by no less an authority than M. B. Parkes, who attributes the awkwardness to the scribe's attempts to modify a large bookhand, of the kind used for Bibles and Psalters, to the demands of the smaller reading text. Parkes provides other examples of comparable hands in small single-column manuscripts, many of which seem to have emanated from the Norman or AngloNorman schools. On this basis, Parkes suggests the scribe may well have been "someone trained in the schools, who found service as chaplain or clerk in a bishop's familia or a baronial household."64 The conjunction of "worldly oriented clerics and a sophisticated urbane baronry" that was particularly marked in England and has been offered as one reason for the strength of the AngloNorman hagiographic tradition ensured that there were households where the Roland might have found an audience.65 Orderic Vitalis has left us a picture of one such household, that of Hugh of Avranches, earl of Chester and one of William the Conqueror's chief supporters, who surrounded himself with "swarms of boys of both high and humble birth."66 At many of these courts it was the custom when the knights and squires were gathered to have selected members read aloud from some suitable and improving book. At Hugh's court this was the responsibility of the chaplain, Gerold: To great lords, simple knights, and noble boys alike he gave salutary counsel; and he made a great collection of tales of the combats of holy knights, drawn from the Old Testament and more recent records of Christian achievements, for them to imitate. He

Figure 2. MS Bodleian Digby 23(2), fol. 24V (with permission of the Bodleian Library).

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told them vivid stories of the conflicts of Demetrius and George, of Theodore and Sebastian, of the Theban legion and Maurice its leader, and of Eustace, supreme commander of the army and his companions, who won the crown of martyrdom in heaven. He also told them of the holy champion, William, who after long service in war renounced the world and fought gloriously for the Lord under the monastic rule. And many profited from his exhortations, for he brought them from the wide ocean of the world to the safe harbour of life under the Rule.67

As Marjorie Chibnall notes, these legends represent "a point in eleventhcentury culture where hagiography shaded into epic and even romance.5'68 Numerous legends circulated about the deeds of the warrior saints Demetrius, George, and Theodore, and there was a chanson de geste of the life of St. Eustace.69 The "holy champion William" can only be Guillaume d'Orange, also known as Guillaume Courtnez, second only to Charlemagne and Roland among the heroes of Old French epic. The story of Roland would have suited a similar collection admirably. Roland, too, was a "holy champion," implacable in his hostility to pagans and often regarded as a saint.70 He dies for his faith willingly, telling his companions "Ci recevrums ma[r]tyrie" (Here we will receive martyrdom, fol. 35r, line 1922). If the twelfth-century Digby copyist was indeed "someone trained in the schools, who found service as chaplain or clerk in a bishop's familia or a baronial household," his career would have been very similar to that of Gerold, and he might well have used the Digby Roland to entertain and improve his own patron's household, just as Gerold used his "great collection of tales" to entertain and improve Hugh's knights and squires. Certainly there are numerous passages in the poem that deliver an emphatic moral, like Archbishop Turpin's address to the knights before their last battle, which the poet appropriately enough calls a sermon: Franceis apelet, un sermun lur ad dit. "Seignurs baruns, Carles nus laissat ci Pur nostre rei devum nus ben murir. Chrestientet aidez a sustenir. Bataille avrez, vos en estes tuz fiz, Kar a voz oilz veez les Sarrazins. Clamez voz culpes, si preiez Deu mm:it. Asoldrai vos pur voz anmes guarir Se vos murez, esterez seinz martirs, Sieges avrez el greignor parei's"

MS Xpientet MS auoz

MS awrrez (fol. 2ir, lines 1126-35)

Turpin addressed the Franks and gave them a sermon. "Charles has placed us here. It is our duty to die well for our king. Help Christianity to survive! There will be a battle,

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41

you may be sure, for you can see the Saracens with your own eyes. Confess your sins and call on God for mercy! I will absolve you to save your souls. If you die, you will be holy martyrs and will have a seat in paradise."

Here the poem might present the twelfth-century Anglo-Norman baronial household—lords, knights, and boys alike—with an exalted vision of those who fight while ensuring that religious counsel was incorporated into this vision in the figure of Turpin, a prince of the church who was also a mighty warrior and combined the two roles with absolute moral certainty. There are numerous other passages in which one can easily hear a chaplain's voice ringing out with moral conviction, reciting lines that tell of the triumph of militant Christianity and attribute the final defeat of the Saracens to divine intervention: "Pur Karlemagne fist Deus vertuz mult granz / Car li soleilz est remes en estant" (For Charlemagne God performed a great deed, for he stopped the sun, fol. 44V, lines 2458-59). Like the saints' lives, the Roland tells of miracles, faith tested through violence, and the triumph of bellicose Christianity over its opponents. What is harder to imagine is a chaplain delivering one of the innumerable blow-by-blow descriptions of slaughter, such as laisse 104, in which Roland finally draws Durendal: La bataille est merveilluse e cumune. Li quens Rolkwf mie ne s'asoiiret. Fiert de Fespiet tant cum hanste li duret, A XV. cols Fad fraite e pmiue Trait Durendal, sa bone espee, nue, Sun cheval brochet, si vait ferir Chernuble: L'elme li freint u li carbuncle luisent Trenchet le chef e la cheveleiire, Si li trenchat les oilz e la faiture, Le blac osbm: dunt la maile est menue, En tut le cors tresqu'en la furcheure. Enz en la sele, ki est a or batue, El cheval est Fespee aresteiie: Trenchet Feschine, unc n'i out qz/is [joijnture, Tut abat mort el pred sur Ferbe drue. Apres li dist: "Culwrt, mar i moiistes! De Mahumet ja n'i avrez aiiide. Par tel glutun n'ert bataille oi vencue."

Segre emends to rumpue;

MS au/rez? (fol. 24V, lines 1320-37, see fig. 2)

The battle was fierce, and all were engaged. Count Roland did not hold back. He struck with his spear as long as its shaft remained, but he broke it completely by the fifteenth blow. He drew out the naked blade of Durendal, his good sword, spurred on his horse, and struck Chernuble. He cut through his helmet, where the carbuncles shone, and

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through his head and his hair. Cut through his eyes and his face, his shining mail hauberk, and all his body, to the trunk, and then into his saddle, which was decorated with gold, and into his horse and through its spine, without looking for the joints. He left both dead in the thick grass. Then he said, "Wretch, you did wrong to come. You will never have aid from Mohammed. Battle will never be won by such a coward."

It is much easier to imagine these lines being delivered by a minstrel or jongleur, who could supply appropriately histrionic gestures and perhaps even go so far as to twirl a sword (as Taillefer is said to have done in one account).71 As we shall see, however, there are grounds for serious doubt about whether minstrels or jongleurs ever had much opportunity to deliver more than short fragments, while there are lines written by clerics, and even by a canon at Oseney, that have something of this brutality. If we are trying to imagine the conditions under which the poem might have been delivered more or less in its entirety, we must think in terms of someone like the chaplain Gerold, however much this may clash with the cliches of medieval culture we have inherited. So far, we have been considering how the poem might have been delivered during the period when it was copied. At least a century must pass, however, until we get evidence that allows us to link the manuscript to a specific owner. On an opening leaf of the Timaeus^ folio [2]r, there is an inscription in what appears to be at least a late thirteenth-century, or more likely a fourteenth-century, hand informing us that one Master Henry of Langley bequeathed it to the Augustinian canons of St. Mary of Oseney ("liber ecckrie sanctt marie de osenya ex le/gato magw£ri henrici de langelya53).72 Master Henry is in all probability the Henry Langley who was a canon and prebendary of the king's free chapel in Bridgnorth Castle, Shropshire, and is last mentioned in a record of 1263.73 Admittedly, the lapse of time between the last reference to Henry and the probable date of the inscription is a little troubling. Abbeys were generally expected to keep track of donations. At Barnwell Priory, for example, which happens to be the one Augustinian house whose custumal survives, all the books were laid out at the beginning of every Lent so that the brothers might pray for the benefactors.74 At Oseney donations to the abbey were sometimes even noted in its chronicle or in its cartulary, and presumably the books were supposed to be inscribed at the same time, but one simply has to compare the chronicle to the Ker's list of surviving books from the abbey to see that the record keeping was not perfect.75 If the owner of the Digby Timaeus was this Henry Langley, he was a lucky man. The prebends of Bridgnorth were worth in the neighborhood of twelve pounds a year and were often used for rewarding valued royal servants such as the king's physician or the clerks of the Wardrobe, who held at least five of them dur-

Bodleian MS Digby 23

43

ing the mid-thirteenth century. This attractive sinecure was one that Henry would have acquired through the influence of his father, Geoffrey.76 While Henry remains largely a cipher, his father was notorious. Geoffrey Langley was chief justice of the King's Forest, one of the king's most trusted counsellors, an infamous purchaser of land, and at one point possibly the most hated man in England. According to Matthew Paris, he was stingy and "lessened as far as possible the bounty and accustomed generosity (dapsilitatem et consuetam curialitatem) of the royal table."77 Geoffrey fought in the campaign in Gascony in 1242-43 and was promoted on his return, rising to chief justice of the forest in the year 1250. In this position he enforced the harsh forest laws with unusual vigor78 In 1254, as a senior member of the king's council, he was put in charge of the English and Welsh lands of Prince Edward. His high-handed treatment of the Welsh has often been cited as one of the causes of the rebellion of I256.79 It would have been Geoffrey's influence that would have won his son the lucrative prebendary. There is no direct connection between Geoffrey Langley and the Digby manuscript (and even his son probably owned only the Timaeus), but Geoffrey is an interesting figure in his own right, in part because he stands in such stark contrast to the recurring image of the medieval baron as a semiliterate noble savage. Geoffrey was skilled not just in political and legal machinations but also in the business of land speculation in an inflationary economy. He was one of those larger landholders who made a fortune by lending money to lesser knights who were living off fixed rents and then acquiring their lands through foreclosure, a practice that led to increased social tensions culminating in the Barons' Revolt of 1263, when Langley's lands were among the first to be pillaged.80 The money generated by this aggressive speculation was presumably part of what supported his son in his comfortable prebendary at Bridgnorth, where he could read of the celestial harmonies described in the Timaeus. What do we know about the first half of this manuscript, Digby 23(1)? The first question to consider is where it came from. One might suppose, as J. H. Waszink did, that a text that at one point belonged to an Oxford scholar had originally been copied there, but O. Pacht and J. J. G. Alexander listed Digby 23(1) among French manuscripts on the basis of its decoration. Their account, however, is summary ("Good initials, diagrams"), and in their introduction they draw attention to the difficulty of distinguishing Norman from Anglo-Norman manuscripts.81 It would seem, then, that the manuscript could have been copied on either side of the Channel. More important is the intellectual milieu in which Digby 23(1) was first copied and read, particularly

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its relation to the School of Chartres. It is possible that some of the glossators had actually studied there, taking lessons from the great Bernard of Chartres himself (probably d. 1124) or from masters such as Gilbert of Poitiers (d. 1154) or Ivo of Chartres (d. 1165), although they might also have been from some other center, such as Orleans, or from one of the schools in Paris, which by the end of the century were beginning to coalesce into the university.82 At least one of the glossators draws heavily on the work of William of Conches (d. ca. 1154), who studied at Chartres and taught at Paris.83 Oxford, too, was flourishing as a university by the n8os, and the manuscript could conceivably have been copied there or brought back to Oxford by a wandering scholar soon after it was copied.84 Pacht and Alexander date the core text to the first half of the twelfth century, an opinion seconded by Malcolm Parkes, but this may be a little early.85 The script resembles that found in some English documents from about 1140 to 1160, while Paul Dutton has suggested that it might date from the third quarter of the century.86 The entire text has been carefully glossed over many years. A full account of these glosses would be of great value to literary scholars, who regularly invoke "glossing" as a theoretical model but have had relatively few opportunities to observe the practice up close and in the flesh of the medieval page.87 We need a better sense of how glossing worked, not just as an intellectual tradition but as a material practice, and of what we might call the time of the manuscript, that is, the rhythms of its commentary. It would require a better knowledge of medieval philosophy and twelfth-century paleography than mine, however, to offer a proper account. The glosses do not yield easily to the casual passerby. The modern scholars who have transcribed them, Tullio Gregory, Edouard Jeauneau, and Paul Dutton, are steeped in Chartrian commentary. What I hope to offer is a point of interdisciplinary contact to the labor of scholars who have made the Digby glosses the subject of years of careful study. Unlike the Roland, which attracted only a few brief jottings, many of them no more than pen tests, Digby 23(1) was glossed carefully and extensively, especially during the first two or three generations of its copying. At least four principal hands contribute numerous glosses, both interlinear and marginal, many of them of considerable length. Some of the glosses are early, and one of them has been identified by Dutton as the work of the main scribe.88 Others, on both paleographical grounds and because of their more elaborate content, would seem to date from later in the twelfth century or even from early in the thirteenth century, and there are other glosses that are later still. The glosses range in complexity. Many are brief and relatively

Bodleian MS Digby 23 45

45

straightforward, but others take advantage of the space in the margins and explore at considerable length crucial interpretive issues of the period, such as Plato's use of myth. The early marginal glosses are written as well-spaced text blocks and are what we would now call left and right justified, with regular margins on both sides. The later ones are longer and more cramped and zigzag in and out as they follow the edge of the text. The growth of commentary is straining the limits of the page, but the overall appearance of the pages is still quite elegant. These are not just hasty notes. It would seem, at first glance, that Digby 23(1) was not just a scholar's book but a master's book, or at the very least the book of a student who aspired to be master, and that it was passed from one serious commentator to another, who might have used it for the duration of his teaching career.89 In reconciling the elaborate cosmology and mythology of the Timaeus ^ "the most important philosophical text of the early twelfth century," with Christianity the glossators confronted a formidable intellectual task.90 The central points of the text, as understood in the twelfth century, are well summarized by M. D. Chenu: The world was order and beauty; in all its multiplicity and for all successive generations, it constituted a whole. . . . The world was necessarily patterned upon a model, a changeless and eternal exemplar, a self-subsistent Living Being, comprehending in itself the natures of all things. . . . The world's construction (its creation, as Christian commentators called it) was the work of an Artisan, Efficient Cause, or Demiurge, who acted out of self-diffusing goodness. . . . The world had a soul, the ordered principle of its movements and cause of life. Underlying the organization of the world was matter (itself also created, said Christian commentators). Man, center of this universe, reflected in himself all its elements and was a "microcosm" in order that he might dominate it all by his intelligence Finally the Timaeus furnished twelfth-century authors with assorted elements of physics—the heavenly spheres, the elements, the concept of space—which provided competition for the Ptolemaic ideas that translators had been bringing into circulation since the beginning of the century.91

But this cosmic vision had been given the most perplexing form. As Winthrop Wetherbee notes, to "read the Timaeus as philosophy or science requires that one should come to terms with its surface of literary myth."92 Unless one did so, it could easily seem a tissue of lies. For the twelfth century, the mythical surface of the Timaeus was an incentive to glossing perhaps second only to the erotic surface of the Song of Songs, and glossing the Timaeus would be one of the School of Chartres's great intellectual accomplishments.93 Key terms in this reclamation were involucrum or integumentum^ a wrapping or veiling that concealed a deeper meaning under a mythological narrative or

46 Chapter 2

Chapter 2

literary fiction. Bernard of Chartres writes that "Plato per inuolucrum cuiusdam conuiuii tractat praedictam materiam" (Plato treats the aforementioned material through the involucrum of a certain gathering), while William of Conches refers to "Plato more suo per integumenta loquens" (Plato, in his usual manner, speaking through integumenta)?* Both Bernard and William respected Plato's wisdom, however, despite the anxieties many of their contemporaries felt at deferring to a pagan author. As Button argues, "Bernard tended to remain fairly faithful to what he took to be the meaning of Plato, refusing, for instance, to Christianize the Timaeus. The Bible is virtually absent from Bernard's sources, and he did not associate the world soul with the Holy Spirit, as even Abelard had done."95 At the same time, glossing provided a relatively straightforward exposition of the text's grammatical meaning, ensuring that the students could actually read the text at more elementary levels. The first great practitioner of this method was Bernard of Chartres, whose teaching style is described, probably with some nostalgia, by John of Salisbury: Bernard of Chartres, the greatest font of literary learning in Gaul in recent times, used to teach grammar in the following way. He would point out, in reading the authors, what was simple and according to rule. On the other hand, he would explain grammatical figures, rhetorical embellishments, and sophistical quibbling, as well as the relation of given passages to other studies. He would do so, however, without trying to teach everything at one time. On the contrary, he would dispense his instruction to his hearers gradually, in a manner commensurate with their powers of assimilation. . . . And since memory is strengthened and the mind sharpened by practice, Bernard would bend every effort to bring his students to imitate what they were hearing. In some cases he would rely on exhortation, in others he would resort to punishments, such as flogging. Each student was daily required to recite part of what he had heard on the previous day. Some would recite more, others less. Each succeeding day thus became the disciple of its predecessor. The evening exercise, known as the "declination," was so replete with grammatical instruction that if anyone were to take part in it for an entire year, provided he were not a dullard, he would become thoroughly familiar with the [correct] method of speaking and writing.96

Bernard was obviously offering instruction to a class of various levels, whose more junior members needed basic grammatical and rhetorical instruction, line by line and word by word.97 This was glossing. As Jeauneau puts it, "While the commentary only shows the ideas in the text, the gloss, without losing sight of the ideas, also concerns itself with the letter of the text. To gloss a text is to follow the letter, sentence by sentence and even word by word, and it is also to show the chain of expressions and of ideas (continiwtio littevae) in such a way that the analysis of the most minute details does not cause the

Bodleian MS Digby 23

47

reader to lose sight of the overall picture."98 Jeaneau's definition echoes that of Bernard's famous pupil, William of Conches, whose commentary on the Timaeus dates from the 11408." Glossing, in other words, was initially an oral practice, although masters preparing their lectures would write key glosses in the margins and students listening to them would copy key points down, so that there must have been a large number of informal or partially glossed texts in circulation. From this extensive classroom instruction, a master might compile a set of written glosses, first as cca kind of cwork in progress3 on a particular text," which would not circulate widely, and then as a more polished composition that would.100 This comprehensive gloss would still follow the pattern of the lectures, working through the text phrase by phrase, as does the gloss of Bernard on the Timaeus^ identified by Button in 1984, which explores the mysteries of philosophical mythology but also comments on the text's grammatical structure. As Button puts it, "the comprehensive gloss pioneered by Bernard wedded the best features of the soaring commentary with the chief virtues of the grounded gloss, providing a middle way of steady progress in the critical study of philosophical texts."101 The glosses on the Timaeus normally circulated independently from the text so that a scholar who wished to use them would normally need to compare two books. A book like Bigby 23(1) would provide assistance at crucial points for those who did not have access to the full glosses or did not want to carry them around. Bigby 23(1) begins with Calcidius's introduction, its initial letter ££I" set out as a greyhound whose tongue flowers out onto a field of blue speckled in red: "Isocrates in exhortationibus/ suis uirtutem laudans; cum omnium bonomm tociusque pr0spmta/tis consistcre causam penes earn dice/ret; addidit solam earn essc que/ res inpossibiles redig^ret ad possibi/lem facilitates" (Isocrates, in his speeches, praises virtue, since he says that it is the cause of almost all good things and all fortunate conditions, and adds that it alone is what makes impossible things possible and even easy, fol. 3r, fig. 3).102 Various interlinear glosses have been added. Since the form "Isocrates" was not that familiar, one gloss clarifies that he was a certain philosopher. The first large marginal gloss is on the right-hand column and explains the identity of Calcidius, archdeacon of Cordova.103 Many of the glosses are marked by sigla. It appears that each glossator uses a different one: a diagonal line with two dots, a small triangle that suggests a harp, two parallel check marks, a wavy line with three dots, and a squiggly line rather like a pothook. In some cases these function as insertion marks or signes de renvoi^ indicating where in the main text the gloss should be applied. In other cases, where there is no corresponding siglum in the text,

Figure 3. MS Bodleian Digby 23(1), fol. 3r (with permission of the Bodleian Library).

Bodleian MS Digby 23

49

they might be interpreted as versions of paraph signs, marking the beginning of the gloss. Since each glossator appears to uses a single distinctive mark, they also can serve to distinguish the glossators, marking each man's individual contribution to the ongoing tradition.104 Some of the glosses have no siglum, however, and a few, bafflingly, have two.105 The earliest glosses are generally less ambitious and less heavily abbreviated. On folio i4v, for example, a glossator whose hand Button has identified as that of the main scribe explains the associations of Pallas Athena: "Vere bellicosa pallas dicitur Cum dea ra/tionis et etiam discret/ionis sit\ que considerari oportet. et eniw maxi/me necessarie sunt in / bellicis negotiis" (Truly Pallas is said to be warlike since she is the goddess of reason and discretion, which ought to be considered, and indeed are essential, in the business of war). Similarly, on folio 5V, there is a gloss marked by a harp and two check marks that provides a simple summary of a key point: "Duo ornammta assigaui/mus militib^ scilicet forti/tudinew et mansuetudinew/ fortitudinem contra adversaries man/suetudin^m contra. obedientes" (We assign two distinctions to soldiers: strength and mildness: strength against enemies and mildness for those they govern). In comparison, the pothook glossator, whose hand dates from the late twelfth or early thirteenth century, makes longer and more complex contributions.106 The dialogue proper begins on folio 4V (fig. 4), with Socrates counting the number who come together to continue the previous day's discussion: "Vnus, duo, £res; quartuw enumero/ vestro thimee require, qui hestmii quidcm/ epuli conuiue fueritis; hodierni pra^bi/tores inuitatoresq//^ ex condicto residea/tis" (One, two, three, but I ask you, Timaeus, where is the fourth who had agreed yesterday to be part of our banquet? You don't make up the agreed upon number of guests or providers).107 On this page there are two large glosses, one across the top and one on the left-hand column. The latter gloss, by the same man who on the previous folio tells us who Calcidius was, here gives a good sense of the allegoresis that could be brought to bear on the text. Vtitur dialogo et ponit sena/rium numerum ut opms de/signet p^rfectionew que sicut/ ille numerus est p^rfectus/ et constat ex suis partibus ita/ hoc opus perfectum est et sic cow/stat ex suis partibus ut nichz/ infra sit quod non sit necessariuw/ nee aliquid exorscat quod non sit su/p^rfluum. In pn'mis pm^mittit q^asi q^dam ludicra quedam ficticia quedaw leuiora ut quodam modo assuefaciawt animum audito/ris ad suscipienda graviora [Plato] uses the form of a dialogue and he inserts the number six so that the work will represent perfection, for just as this number is perfect and is made up of its parts, so this work is perfect and is made up of its parts, so that there is nothing below that is not necessary nor does he remove anything that is not superfluous. First of all, he sets

Figure 4. MS Bodleian Digby 23(1), fol. 4v (with permission of the Bodleian Library).

Bodleian MS Digby 23

51

things out, as if they were jokes, or a fiction, or something casually amusing, as if in a certain way they were to prepare the mind of his listener to take up heavier matters.

Why one, two, three, and four should make up six, or why six should be considered perfect may not be immediately apparent. Here the glosses of Bernard are helpful: "Socrates .. . requirit unum quern sentit abesse, non forsitan realiter, sed sub significatione. Nam subtracto quarto, remanent partes quae coniunctae faciunt primum perfectum numerum, id est sex, et ideo a perfecto incipit" (Socrates . . . asks after one whom he feels is missing, not perhaps realistically, but under a deeper meaning. For if you take away four, the parts that remain together make the first perfect number, that is, six, and therefore the work starts from a perfect number).108 In other words, if, having removed four, we add one plus two plus three, we get six, which is a perfect number because it combines the first three prime numbers. It is because the gloss is so succinct that it is slightly cryptic. It assumes familiarity with a tradition of mathematical commentary and would make sense to another master who was equally familiar both with the text and with certain approaches to its interpretation. One of the most striking contributions of the pothook glossator comes on folio 5r. The gloss begins "Socrates tmctmus de positive wticia non inuenit regnum nee rew publicam aliqu#w disporitam secundum mtioncm/ positive i^rticie. Proposuit *rgo rew publicam/ quamdam et eaw ordinau^ secundum dispositioncm quamdam " that most of the revisions could have been the work of one man, possibly William of Winchester. 191. A. G. Rigg, ed., Gawain on Marriage: TheDe Coniuge non ducenda (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1986), 23-24. 192. See, for example, the caution expressed by the pro-Royalist chronicler at Oseney, Thomas Wykes, discussed in Chapter 2, who remarked in 1264 that he would say no more about the magnates who fled or were captured at the Battle of Lewes because "on account of the malice of the times, it is not safe to say everything that is true" (propter temporum maliciam non est tutum omnia vera loqui, Annales monastic^ ed. Henry Richards Luard, 5 vols., Rolls Series 36, [London, 1864-69], 4:149). 193. Harley 978, fols. n6v-ii7r, ed. Gunnar Tilander, "Fragment d'un traite de fauconnerie anglo-normand en vers," Studier IModern Sprakvetenskap/Stockholm Studies in Modern Philology 15 (1943): 26-44. On the symbolic associations of falconry, see Baudoin van den Abeele, La fauconnerie dans les lettres fran$aises du Xlle au XWe siecle (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1983), 221-48. 194. Dobson (Origins of Ancrene Wisse, 192-94) notes that Limebrook had ties going back to its earliest days to the Mortimers and the Herefordshire and Shropshire family of Lingen and that it benefited from a series of donations in the second half of the thirteenth century, chiefly from the estates of three heiresses, Margery de Say, Margery de Lacy, and the wife of Sir Richard Mortimer, Maude de Braose (who was brought Simon de Montfort's head after the Battle of Evesham). Allison Fizzard has suggested to me that Avenbury might be a mistake for Aconbury, some four miles to the south of Hereford, where Margery's grandmother, Margaret de Lacy, established a priory in 1216. See H. J. Nicholson, "Margaret de Lacy and the Hospital of St John at Aconbury, Herefordshire," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 50 (1999): 629-51. 195. Cited in Abbot Gasquet, English Monastic Life, 3rd ed. (London: Methuen, 1905), 155-58. 196. Gasquet, English Monastic Life, 156. 197. English Monastic Life, 158-76, citing from an unedited and unidentified PRO document. 198. Dobson traces the particular legal tangle surrounding the estate of Walter de Muscegros (Origins of Ancrene Wisse, 181-84).

Notes to Pages 134-139

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199. Gasquet, English Monastic Life, 164. 200. Nicholson notes that a priest who had been appointed to hear the confessions of the nuns at Aconbury acted inappropriately and the nuns turned against him ("Margaret de Lacy," 641). Chapter 4: British Library MS Royal io.E.4 1. Jean Gaudemet, "Decretals," in Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages, ed. Andre Vauchez (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2000). See also Stanley Chodorow, "Decretals," in Joseph Strayer, ed. The Dictionary of the Middle Ages, 10 vols. (New York: Scribner, 1982-84), 4:122-24, and James A. Brundage's convenient guide, Medieval Canon Law (London: Longman, 1995), 53. 2. Gaudemet, "Decretals." See further, Gerard Fransen, Les Decretales et Us collections de decretales, Typologie des sources du moyen age occidental, fasc. 2 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1972), and Jean Gaudemet, Les sources du droit de Veglise en accident (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1993). 3. George F. Warner and Julius P. Gilson, eds., Catalogue of the Western Manuscripts in the Old Royal and King's Collections in the British Museum, 4 vols. (London: British Museum, 1921), i: 334. See, however, Alexandra Bovey, "Didactic Distractions Framing the Law: The Smithfield Decretals (London, BL Royal MS ic.E.iv)" (D.Phil.diss., Cortauld Institute, University of London, 2000), who suggests the manuscript could equally well have been copied in France. 4. Stanley Chodorow, "Law, Canon: After Gratian," in The Dictionary of the Middle Ages, ed. Joseph R. Strayer, 10 vols. (New York; Scribner's, 1986), 7: 416. 5. E. A. Webb, The Records of St. Bartholomew^ Priory and of the Church and Parish of St. Bartholomew the Great, West Smithfield, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1921), i: 59. Other basic sources for the history of Smithfield include John Stow, A Survey of London in the Tear 1598, ed. Henry Morley (London: Alan Sutton, 1994); Walter Besant's The Survey of London, especially Medieval London, vol. 2., Ecclesiastical (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1906), and his London in the Eighteenth Century (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1903); and Henry Morley, Memoirs of Bartholomew Fair, 4th ed. (London, 1892). On the later history of the Smithfield fair, see Peter Stallybrass and Allon White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression (London: Methuen, 1986), esp. 111-24, and on various fairs, including that at Smithfield, see 31-43. 6. Besant, Medieval London, vol. 2, Ecclesiastical, 250-51. 7. Besant, London in the Eighteenth Century, 465-66. See also Webb, Records of St. Bartholomew's Priory, 2: 181, on the arrangements of the priory close. 8. Webb, Records of St. Bartholomew's Priory, 304. John Stow, in his Survey of London, 351-54, lists many of these events, not always with complete accuracy. A fuller account will soon be available with the publication of the Records of Early English Drama volumes for London. Woodville's joust is described in Samuel Bentley, ed. Excerpta Historica, or, Illustrations of English History (London, 1831), 208-9, and is discussed in G. A. Lester, "Fifteenth-Century English Heraldic Narrative," Yearbook of English Studies 22 (1992): 211, and Sydney Anglo, "Anglo-Burgundian Feats of Arms: Smithfield, June 1467," Guildhall Miscellany 2 (1965): 271-83.

252

Notes to Pages 139-141

9. Morley, Memoirs of Bartholomew Fair, 61. Stow also tells the story but dates it to 1446. 10. Peter McNiven, Heresy and Politics in the Reign of Henry IV: The Burning of John Badby (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1987), and Paul Strohm, England's Empty Throne: Usurpation and the Language of Legitimation, 1399-1422 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998), 32-62. 11. The manuscript is listed in the Royal Catalogue of 1666 according to Warner and Gilson. 12. Corpus iuris canonici, ed. JE. Friedberg, 2 vols. (Leipsig, 1879-81), 2: 1-2. This introduction is drawn from Justinian's Corpus. See Giulio Silano, "Of Sleep and Sleeplessness: The Papacy and Law, 1150-1300," in The Religious Roles of the Papacy: Ideals and Realities, 1150-1300, ed. Christopher Ryan, Papers in Mediaeval Studies 8 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1989), 355 n. 49. 13. Gabriel Le Bras, "Le droit classique de PEglise au service de 1'homme," Congres de Droit Canonique Medieval, Louvain and Brussels 22-26July 1958 (Louvain: Bibliothique de PUniversite, Bureaux de la Revue, 1959), 104-11. 14. Arthur Lionel Smith, Church and State in the Middle Ages: The Ford Lectures Delivered at Oxford in 1905 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1913), 51, quoted in Walter Ullmann, Medieval Papalism: The Political Theories of the Medieval Canonists (London: Methuen, 1949), i. 15. Stephan Kutrner, "Harmony from Dissonance: An Interpretation of Medieval Canon Law," Wimmer Lecture X, St. Vincent College (Latrobe, Pa.: Archabbey Press, 1960), reprinted in The History of Ideas and Doctrines of Canon Law in the Middle Ages, ed. Stephan Kutrner (London: Variorum Reprints, 1980), 2. 16. Kutrner, "Harmony from Dissonance," 3. 17. R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950-1250 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), 5, emphasis in original. 18. Bernard Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1981), 57 argues that the medieval inquisition "substituted the rule of law for mob violence in the persecution of heresy." This view is criticized by earlier writers, including John Baldwin, "The Intellectual Preparation for the Canon of 1215 Against Ordeals," Speculum 36 (1961): 613-36, and Rebecca V. Colman, "Reason and Unreason in Early Medieval Law" Journal of Interdisciplinary History 4 (1974): 571-91. 19. Richard M. Fraher, "Preventing Crime in the High Middle Ages: The Medieval Lawyers' Search for Deterrence," in Popes, Teachers, and Canon Law in the Middle Ages^ ed. James Ross Sweeney and Stanley Chodorow (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989), 226, citing Sext 5.2.4, 5.2.8.3, 5.2.8.7, and 5.2.7. 20. Moore, Persecuting Society^ 103. 21. Persecuting Society', 153, drawing on the analysis of Brian Stock in Implications of Literacy (see n. 82 below). 22. Ullmann, Medieval Papalism, 18-19. On the multiplication of canonical texts from the eleventh century on, see Gaudemet, Sources du droit. 23. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law^ 53-54. 24. On Penafort's exact role and that of possible collaborators, see Stephan Kuttner, "Raymond of Penafort as Editor: The 'Decretales' and cConstitutiones5 of Gregory IX," Bulletin of Medieval Canon Law n.s. 12 (1982): 65-80.

Notes to Pages 142-148

253

25. I use the translation offered by Jacqueline Tarrant, now Jacqueline Brown, in her course Introduction to Medieval Law (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1980), 88. 26. Stephan Kuttner, "Quelques observations sur 1'autorite des collections canoniques dans le droit classique de PEglise," Actes du Congres de droit canonique: cinquantenaire de la Faculte de droit canonique, Paris, 22-26 avril 1947 (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1950), 305-12, reprinted in Medieval Councils., Decretals and Collections of Canon Law: Selected Essays (London and Brookfield, Vt.: Variorum Reprints, 1992), 305-12. 27. This is, at any rate, a common interpretation of the Liber extra and one found in many basic manuals. See, for example, Johannes Baptist Sagmuller, Lehrbuch des katholischen Kirchenrechts (Freiburg: Herder, 1926), i: 243, and Constant Van de Wiel, History of Canon Law (Louvain: Peeters, 1991), 106. As Abigail Firey has pointed out to me in private correspondence, however, recent work in canon law paints a more complicated picture. The Liber extra was sent to the schools, but there was no explicit mandate for its use in ecclesiastical courts. Some canon lawyers continued to use decretals that it did not include, and the collection itself was subject to revision and development, witness the recent discovery of an earlier and simpler recension by Anders Winroth, which he discusses in The Making of Gratian's Decretum (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000). 28. Corpus luris Canonici, 2: 933-34. For the convenience of readers not familiar with the conventions of citation in canon law, I have provided volume and column numbers in parentheses. 29. Corpus luris Canonici^ i: 27 (2: 155). 30. "Capitulum vero, illorum absentiam admirantes^ quum tota die ilia ipsorum praesentiam expectassent, subsequenti die campanam pulsari fecerunt" (Corpus luris Canonici^ 2: 75). The text in italics is supplied by Friedberg. 31. Corpus luris Canonici^ i.i.io (i: 3). 32. See further James A. Brundage, "The Rise of Professional Canonists and Development of the lus Commune," Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftungfur Rechstgeschichte 81 (1995): 26-63, "From Classroom to Courtroom: Parisian Canonists and Their Careers," Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung fur Rechstgeschichte 83 (1997): 342-61, and "The Rise of the Professional Jurist in the Thirteenth Century," Syracuse Journal of International Law and Commerce 20 (1994): 185-90. 33. Malcolm Beckwith Parkes, "The Influence of the Concepts oiOrdinatio and Compilatio on the Development of the Book," in Medieval Literature and Learning: Essays Presented to Richard William Hunt^ ed. J. J. G. Alexander and M. T. Gibson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 121. 34. Parkes's argument here is significantly more challenging than the most famous comparison between scholastic logic and visual order, that offered by Erwin Panofsky in Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism (1951; reprint New York: New American Library, 1957). Panofsky sees Gothic architecture as a reflection of the drive for clarity and subdivision inherent in scholastic attitudes. Parkes's argument, on the other hand, would seem to imply that scholastic thought was dependent upon visual clarity as well as making it possible. It is this interdependence that justifies the use of the term "ordinatio" as something other than just a fancy word for either layout or organization, despite the trenchant remarks of Richard H. Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, "Ordi-

254

Notes to Pages 148-154

natio and Compilatio Revisited," in AdLittemm: Authoritative Texts and Their Medieval Readers, ed. Mark D. Jordan and Kent Emery, Jr. (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 113-34. 35. Parkes, "Ordinatio and Compilatio? 116. 36. "Ordinatio and Compilatio? 119. 37. "Ordinatio and Compilation 135. 38. See the essays gathered together in J. I. Catto, ed., The History of the University of Oxford, vol. i, The Early Oxford Schools (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984), especially M. B. Hackett, "The University as a Corporate Body," and J. M. Fletcher, "The Faculty of Arts." 39. See Chapter 3, 94 and n. 42. 40. J. Destrez, La "Pecia" dans les manuscrits Universitaires du XIII et du XIV siecle (Paris: Editions Jacques Vautrain, 1935). Mary A. Rouse and Richard H. Rouse provide some useful corrections in "The Book Trade at the University of Paris," 267, locating the development of the pecia system in the 12508 and 12605, somewhat later than Destrez. 41. Marcel Thomas, "Manuscripts," a prefatory essay in Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing, 1450-1800, trans. David Gerard (London: Verso, 1990), 21. 42. Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd. ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983), 46-66. 43. All quotations from Piers Plowman are from The Vision of Piers Plowman: A Critical Edition of the B-Text Based on Trinity College, Cambridge MSB.15.17, ed. A. V. C. Schmidt, 2nd ed. (London: Everyman, 1995). 44. All quotations from Chaucer are from The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry Benson, 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987). 45. Robert W. Harming, " 'I Shal Finde It in a Maner Close': Versions of Textual Harassment in Medieval Literature," in Medieval Texts and Contemporary Readers, ed. Laurie A. Finke and Martin B. Shichtman (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987), 40. 46. The Wife's critique of glossing might be attributed to what Lee Patterson describes as "Chaucer's own practice of articulating but finally containing the voice of political protest" (Chaucer and the Subject of History [Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991], 321). 47. Lucy Freeman Sandier, Gothic Manuscripts, 1285-1385, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 2: 111-12. 48. Gothic Manuscripts, 2: 111-12. 49. I am most grateful to Susan L'Engle for allowing me to consult a copy of her paper "Picturing Gregory: Decretals Illumination in Medieval Bologna," delivered at the nth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Catania, Sicily, July-August 2000, in which she discusses this tradition. 50. Sandier, Gothic Manuscripts, 2: 111-12. 51. C. Paul Christiansen, "London's Late Medieval Manuscript-Book Trade," in Book Production and Publishing in Britain, 1375-1475, ed. Jeremy Griffiths and Derek Pearsall (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), esp. 96-97.

Notes to Pages 154-162

255

52. The Book of Margery Kempe, ed. Sanford Brown Meech, EETS OS 212 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1940), 36. 53. Webb, Records of St.Bartholomewys, 393. 54. Elizabeth Holt, A Documentary History of Art (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1957), 21. Lucy Freeman Sandier provides a judicious assessment of these various approaches in "The Study of Marginal Imagery: Past, Present, and Future," Studies in Iconography 18 (1997): 1-49. 55. Emile Male, The Gothic Image: Religious Art in France of the Thirteenth Century', trans. Dora Nussey (New York: Harper, 1958), 59, 60, 60-61. 56. Male, Gothic Image, 49. 57. Carruthers, Book of Memory, 9. 58. Book of Memory', 246. 59. Book of Memory, 246. 60. Sandier points out that the techniques advocated by Thomas Bradwardine in his fourteenth-century mnemonic treatise would entail constructing your own mental images of the words, as opposed to using those that were already provided ("Study of Marginal Imagery," 40), but common experience would suggest that many readers do indeed find their memory of a particular passage is linked to its physical appearance. 61. Kathryn Kerby-Fulton and Denise L. Despres, Iconography and the Professional Reader: The Politics of Book Production in the Douce Piers Plowman (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), 42-50, provide several persuasive instances of images in legal collections and legal documents that reinforce authority. 62. Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1984), 19. 63. Rabelais and His World, 20, 474. 64. Rabelais and His World, 22. 65. See Julia Kristeva, Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art, ed. Leon S. Roudiez, trans. Thomas Gora, Alice Jardine, and Leon S. Roudiez (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980), 65, andMathew Roberts, "Poetics, Hermeneutics, Dialogics: Bakhtin and Paul de Man," in Rethinking Bakhtin, ed. Gary Saul Morson and Caryl Emerson (Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1989), 134. 66. Meyer Schapiro, "On the Aesthetic Attitude in Romanesque Art," in Romanesque Art: Sekcted Papers (New York: George Braziller, 1977), 6-7. 67. Michael Camille, "The Book of Signs: Writing and Visual Difference in Gothic Manuscript Illumination," Word and Image i (1985): 142. 68. The problem is acutely summarized by Stallybrass and White (Politics and Poetics of Transgression, 59-60), who offer a powerful analysis of Bakhtin's model, cautioning against his Utopian tendencies and broadening the category "carnival" to cover a range of symbolic inversion and transgression. 69. Stephen G. Nichols, "Introduction: Philology in a Manuscript Culture," Speculum 65 (1990): 8. 70. The extent to which such artists were free to exercise their wit or express their personal fantasies remains controversial. As Jeffrey Hamburger notes in a review of Michael Camille's Image on the Edge: "Recent commentators on the working meth-

256

Notes to Pages 162-163

ods of medieval illuminators have drastically circumscribed their freedom, a justifiable reaction to romantic assumptions of creative autonomy55 (Art Bulletin 75 [1993]: 324). See further, Sandra L. Hindman, "The Roles of Author and Artist in the Procedure of Illustrating Late Medieval Texts,55 Text and Image^ State University of New York at Binghamton, Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Acta 10 (1983): 27-62, and for further bibliography see Hamburgers review, n. 43. 71. Michael Camille, Image on the Edge: The Margins of Medieval Art (London: Reaktion, 1992), esp. 36. 72. Michael Camille, Image on the Edge^ and Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 245. The arguments Camille makes are not always successful, and Image on the Edge has been sharply criticized by Jeffrey Hamburger. In one case, however, Hamburger^ objection misses the point; there is no reason why the artist who inserted a two-legged gryllus next to the line "legge domini55 in the Bardolf-Vaux Psalter might not have been making a bilingual pun, assuming he could read the text at all. That the Latin "legge55 does not mean "legs55 is irrelevant. For other examples of bilingual puns, see Sandier, "Study of Marginal Imagery,55 40. 73. H. W. Janson, Apes and Ape Lore in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (London: Warburg Institute, 1952). 74. Carla Casagrande and Silvana Vecchio, "Clercs et jongleurs dans la societe medievale [xiie et xiiie siecles],55 Annales; Economies, Societes, Civilisations 34 (1979): 91328; cf. J. D. A. Ogilvy, "Mimi^ Scurrae^ Histriones: Entertainers of the Early Middle Ages,55 Speculum 38 (1963): 603-19, who treats the condemnations as a direct reflection of contemporary practice. 75. John of Salisbury, The Statesman's Book of John of Salisbury, Being the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Books and Selections from the Seventh and Eight Books of the "Policraticus"^ ed, and trans. John Dickinson (New York: Knopf, 1927), 16 (Policraticus^ 4.4). 76. On the minstrels as marginal figures, see further Bronislaw Geremek, The Margins of Society in Late Medieval Paris, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 159-66. For a contrasting view stressing the relative acceptance of minstrels in the urban milieu of the later Middle Ages, see Christopher Page, The Owl and the Nightingale: Musical Life and Ideas in France, 1100-1300 (London: Dent, 1989), esp. 61-69. 77. D. W. Robertson, A Preface to Chaucer: Studies in Medieval Perspectives (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1962), 136. See also Karl P. Wentersdorf, "The Symbolic Significance oiFigurae Scatalqgicae in Gothic Manuscripts,55 in Word, Picture, and Spectacle^ ed. Clifford Davidson (Kalamzoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications, 1984), 1-19. 78. Pseudo-Haimo, PL, cxvi, I96C-D, cited in Alistair J. Minnis, Medieval Theory of Authorship: Scholastic Literary Attitudes in the Later Middle Ages^ 2nd ed. (Aldershot: Wildwood, 1988), 55, and see 240 n. 73 for a discussion of Haimo5s identity. 79. Lucy Freeman Sandier, "Reflections on the Constructions of Hybrids in English Gothic Marginal Illustration,55 Art, the Ape of Nature: Studies in Honor of H. W. Janson^ ed. Moshe Barasch and Lucy Freeman Sandier (New York: Abrams, 1981), 62. 80. Camille, "Book of Signs,55142-43, fig. n.

Notes to Pages 167-169

257

81. John Bromyard, Summapraedicantium (Venice, 1581), i: 2, "Liber," cap. 4, fols. 444v-44sr. 82. Brian Stock, The Implications of Literacy: Written Language and Models of'Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983), 34-38. 83. M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England., 1066-1307, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), 34, contesting the earlier view that the Domesday survey was an immediately practical measure and the book a functional administrative tool. For examples of the earlier position, see John Horace Round, Feudal England: Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (London: Allen and Unwin, 1964), 120-23, and Marjorie Chibnall, Anglo-Norman England, 1066-1166 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1986), 114. 84. Clanchy, Memory to Written Record^ 58-59, measures the increase in such concrete terms as the increase in the use of sealing wax in the royal chancellery. 85. Memory to Written Record, 49. 86. Jacques Le Goff, Intellectuals in the Middle Ages, trans. Teresa Lavender Fagan (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993), xvi, emphasis in original. 87. Alexander Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), 264-65. 88. Christopher Dyer, "The Social and Economic Background to the Rural Revolt of 1381," in The English Rising 0/1381, ed. R. H. Hilton and T. H. Aston (Cambridge; Cambridge University Press, 1984), 9-42; David Aers, "Justice and WageLabor After the Black Death: Some Perplexities for William Langland," in The Work of Work: Servitude, Slavery, and Labor in Medieval England, ed. Allen J. Frantzen and Douglas Moffat (Glasgow: Cruithne Press, 1994), 169-90. 89. N. Ritchie, "Labour Conditions in Essex in the Reign of Richard II," in Essays in Economic History^ ed. E. M. Cams-Wilson (London: E. Arnold, 1962), 2: 91n provides evidence of both wage rates and the prosecutions that attempted to enforce them. 90. Nigel Saul, Richard II (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1997), 60-61. Saul goes so far as to describe the Rising of 1381 as "an intensification of these localized episodes of unrest." 91. L. R. Poos, A Rural Society After the Black Death: Essex, 1350-1525 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 220-21. 92. Dyer, "Social and Economic Background," 11-12; Steven Justice, Writing and Rebellion: England in 1381 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 15051. Andre Reville and C. Petit-Dutaillis, Le soulevement des travailleurs d'Angleterre en 1381 (Paris, 1898), identify 107 attacks on records. As Dyer notes, the rebels often succeeded in burning the records kept in the local manor house but failed to reach central archives, such as that of Barking Abbey (12, n. 9). 93. Thomae Walsingham, quondam monachi S. Albani, historia anglicana^ ed. Henry Thomas Riley, Rolls Series 28, Part i (London, 1863-64), 2: 9. The passage is translated by R. B. Dobson in his collection of documents The Peasants* Revolt of 1381 ^ 2nd ed. (London: Macmillan, 1983), 364. 94. Dyer, "Social and Economic Background," 17. 95. For evidence of the rebels' organization, see Nicholas Brooks, "The Organi-

258

Notes to Pages 169-172

zation and Achievement of the Peasants of Kent and Essex in 1381," Studies in Medieval History Presented toR. H. C. Davis, ed. Henry Mayr-Harting and R. I. Moore (London: Hambledon Press, 1985), 247-70. 96. See Richard Firth Green, "John Ball's Letters: Literary History and Historical Literature," in Chaucer's England: Literature in Historical Context, ed. Barbara A. Hanawalt (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1992), 176-200, and Steven Justice's chapter "Insurgent Literacy" in Justice, Writing and Rebellion, esp. 21, n. 25. 97. Brian Stock has shown how, from the eleventh century on, small communities coalesced around a single authoritative text and a charismatic interpreter, so that in a heretical sect such as the Paterenes all the members, many of whom were illiterate, were united in a community formed around a written text rather than local traditions. In time this pattern became the norm for society as a whole. Stock notes, "As texts gradually invaded the institutional sphere of life, experience in all domains was restructured to conform to external norms of behaviour, and these were almost invariably independent of the individual" (Implications of Literacy', 529). 98. Justice, Writing and Rebellion, 41. 99. Brooks, "Organization and Achievement of the Peasants," 260. 100. Justice, Writing and Rebellion, 46. 101. Writing and Rebellion, 41. 102. Writing and Rebellion, 188, emphasis in original. For further analysis of the concept of "truth" at the time and its relation to written law, see Richard Firth Green, A Crisis of Truth: Literature and Law in Ricardian England (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), esp. 201. 103. The Anonimalle Chronicle, ed. V. H. Galbraith (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1927), 146. 104. Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, 2:3-4; 1-474-77. 105. Rosamond Faith, "The 'Great Rumour' of 1377 and Peasant Ideology," in The English Rising 0/1381, ed. R. H. Hilton and T. H. Aston (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 45, citing Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1377-81, 20. 106. "[DJemaunderent del dit Abbe un Chartre de lours libertez, com ilz dissoient, dount une lettre fuit dor, et une autre dasor; la ou le dit Abbe navoit nulle tiel; unques nulle tiel foist" (Thomas Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum Monasterii SanctiAlbani a Thoma Walsingham, ed. Henry Thomas Riley, 3 vols., Rolls Series 28 [London, 1869], 3: 291). 107. Walsingham, Historia Anglicana, 2: 32-33; Henry Knighton, Chronicon Henrici Knighton, ed. Joseph Rawson Lumby, Rolls Series 92, 2 vols. (London, 1895), i: 320-22; Fasiculi zizaniorum magistri Johannis Wyclif cum tritico, ed. W. W. Shirley, Rolls Series 5 (London, 1858), 272-74; Anne Hudson, The Premature Reformation: Wyclijfite Texts and Lollard History (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 66-67. 108. MS Bodley 158, f. 202, cited in Hudson, Premature Reformation, 68 n. 49. 109. Hudson, Premature Reformation, 66. no. Anne Hudson, "Wyclif and the English Language," in Wyclif in His Times, ed. Anthony Kenny (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 90. in. Justice, Writing and Rebellion, 79-80; for Justice's use of the term and other terms in use at the time, such as "escrowez" or "schedulae," see 29. 112. Anonimalle Chronicle, 147.

Notes to Pages 172-174

259

113. The demands echo the resolution formed by the rebels at Bocking, Essex, on June 2, when according to indictments drawn up at Kings Bench, they swore, "to destroy clivers lieges of the king and to have no law in England except only those which they themselves moved to be ordained." See N. Brooks, "The Organization and Achievement of the Peasants," 252; Saul, Richard II, 62; and Justice, Writing and Rebellion , 145. 114. Michael Prestwich, Edward I (London: Methuen, 1988), 280-81, and more generally Helen M. Cam, "The Community of the Vill," in Law-Finders and LawMakers in Medieval England: Collected Studies in Legal and Constitutional History (London: Merlin Press, 1962), 71-84. On the evocation of this statute in 1381, see R. H. Hilton and H. Pagan, The English Rising of 1381 (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1950), 156-57, and Justice, Writing and Rebellion, 172-73. 115. Anonimalle Chronicle, 149. 116. According to the Anonimalle Chronicle, when the mayor of London went hunting for Tyler, he found him in the chamber of the Master of the hospital, a detail that could be interpreted in many ways. 117. Gerard Caspary notes that according to Adam of Usk the deposition of Richard II in 1399 was justified on the basis of the chapter Ad apostolice dignitatis sedem of the titleZte rejudicata of the Sext (2.14.2), which records Innocent IV's sentence of deposition against Frederick II ("The Deposition of Richard II and the Canon Law," Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, Boston College, 12-16 August 1963, ed. Stephan Kuttner and J. Joseph Ryan, Monumenta Juris Canonici, Series C., Subsidia, I [Vatican, 1965], 189-201). ii 8. Marina Warner, Alone of All Her Sex: The Myth and Cult of the Virgin Mary (New York: Random House, 1976), 285. 119. Damian, Serm. 46 (76ib), cited in Hilda Graef, Mary: A History of Doctrine and Devotion, 2 vols. (London: Sheed and Ward, 1963), i: 207. 120. Eadmer, Liber de excellentia Virginis Mariae, PL 159, cap. 6, 57ob, cited in Graef, Mary, i: 216. 121. Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy East: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), 262; Warner, Alone of All Her Sex, 286. The Virgin is associated with the body, with the mother's breast and milk. She was the source of Christ's humanity; his body was from her body, according to Saint Bonaventure. See Bynum, Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone, 1992), 210-12, citing Bonaventure, De asumftione B. Virginis Mariae, sermon i, sect. 2, in S. Bonaventurae opera omnia, ed. Collegium S. Bonaventurae, vol. 9 (Quarrachi: Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 1901), 690. 122. Guy Philippart, "Le recit miraculaire marial dans 1'Occident medieval," in Marie: Le Culte de la Vierge dans la societe medievale, ed. Dominique logna-Prat, Eric Palazzo, and Daniel Russo (Paris: Beauchesne, 1996), 575. 123. Orationes, ed. Schmitt, VII, cited in Graef, Mary, i: 212. 124. Webb, Records of St. Bartholomew's Priory, i: 416, 419, 420, 424-26. 125. Edmund College and James Walsh, eds., A Book of Showings to the Anchoress Julian of Norwich (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1978), 2: 447. See also Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England., c. 1400-

260

Notes to Pages 174-177

c. is$o (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1992), 180, and the story of Saint Walstan of Bawburgh, who worked as a reaper in Norfolk (200-205). 126. Gurevich, Medieval Popular Culture (n.i78 below), 50. 127. Aviad M. Kleinberg, Prophets in Their Own Country: Living Saints and the Making of Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), 163. 128. Andre Vauchez, La Saintete en Occident aux derniers siecles du Moyen Age (Rome: Ecole francaise de Rome, 1988), translated by Jean Birrell as Sainthood in the Later Middk Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). Kleinberg provides a useful corrective to some of Vauchez's more sweeping generalizations in Prophets in Their Own Country, 10-13. On the implications for popular narrative, see Sherry Reames, The Legenda Aurea: A Reexamination of Its Paradoxical History (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985). 129. Innocent IV, In quinque libros decretalium, quoted by Vauchez, Sainthood, 515 n. 51. 130. "Vita eius non fuit solum vita hominis sed supra hominem" (Vauchez, Sainthood, 519 n. 67). 131. Vauchez, Sainthood, 346. 132. Sainthood, 138. 133. Sharon Farmer, Communities of Saint Martin: Legend and Ritual in Medieval Times (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991); Kleinberg, Prophets in Their Own Country, Patrick J. Geary, Purta sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1978). J 34- J- J- Jusserand, English Wayfaring Life in the Middle Ages (XlVth Century), rev. ed., trans. Lucy Toulmin Smith (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1912), 20-21. 135. This is number 29 in the Miracles de Nostre-Dame de Chartres, ed. G. Duplessis (Chartres, 1855), 184. 136. Richard Hamer and Vida Russel, eds. Supplementary Lives in Some Manuscripts of the GilteLegende, EETS OS 315 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 19198. 137. Gautier de Coinci, Les Miracles de Nostre Dame, ed. V. Frederic Koenig, 2 vols. (Geneva: Droz, 1955), lines 159-165. 138. Pace Gustave Cohen's stage directions for Le Miracle de Theophile (Paris: Delagrave, 1948), there is no specific indication in Rutebeuf's text that Salatin is a Jew, and his name suggests that of the great Moslem general, Saladin. Nancy Regalado, Poetic Patterns in Rutebeuf (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1970), 39-54, argues persuasively that Rutebeuf was a consistent supporter of the Crusades, which might account for this transformation of the villain into a Moslem, but the two groups were often fused by medieval Christian writers. 139. Michael Camille discusses the role of such beast-headed images of Jews and Moslems, especially Saladin, in Gothic Idol, 138-39 and plate 77, and the extension of this treatment to other enemies in the chapter "The Lord's Enemies: Saracens, Scotsmen and the Biped Beast," in his Mirror in Parchment. 140. Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999), 9, describes the wide circulation of this story and the crucial role of the Jewish boy, vulnerable and innocent, who bears wit-

Notes to Pages 178-181

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ness to the truth his father denies. See also her "The Eucharist and the Construction of Medieval Identities," in Culture and History, 1350-1600: Essays on English Communities, Identities, and Writing, ed. David Aers (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 54-55141. Rubin, "Eucharist," 62 n. 30, citing Salisbury Cathedral MS 97v; P. N. Carter, "An Edition of William of Malmesbury's Treatise on the Miracles of the Virgin Mary" 2 vols. (D. Phil.diss., Oxford, 1959), and the version of Honorius Augustodinensis, PL 172, col. 852. 142. Rubin, Gentile Tales, 8-22 and figs, i, 2, 3, and 6. 143. Hardy Long Frank, "Chaucer's Prioress and the Blessed Virgin," Chaucer Review 13 (1978): 356. See also Hedwig Rockelein, "Marie, 1'Eglise, et la Synagogue: Culte de la Vierge et lutte centre les juifs en Allemagne a la fin du moyen age," in Marie: le Culte de la Vierge, 513-32. 144. Solomon Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the Xlllth Century: A Study of Their Relations During the Years 1198-1254, Eased on the Papal Letters and the Conciliar Decrees of the Period (New York: Hermon Press, 1966). 145. "Sensus autem carnis est, non credere spiritalia, id est, sine commixtione viri virginem peperisse, et ex aqua et Spiritu sancto hominem denouo nasci, et solutam animam a copula carnis rursus in carne surgere"; the passage is quoted by Rabanus Maurus, PL no: 1411, and in Hawkins, "Chaucer's Prioress," 605 n.i6. 146. Hawkins, "Chaucer's Prioress," 605 n.i6. 147. Gavin I. Langmuir, Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), n. 148. Langmuir, Definition of 'Antisemitism, 122, drawing on Jaroslav Pelikan, The Growth of Medieval Theology (600-1300), vol. 3 of The Christian Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1978), 186-99. 149. Stock, Implications of Literacy, 523. 150. Implications of Literacy, 279. 151. Implications of Literacy, 318. 152. Leah Sinanoglou, "The Christ Child as Sacrifice: A Medieval Tradition and the Corpus Christi Plays," Speculum 48 (1973): 491-509, esp 491-93,496. Eamon Duffy provides several examples of Eucharistic miracle stories used to repudiate doubts attributed to Lollards (Stripping of the Altars, 102-7). See also Sarah Beckwith, "Ritual, Church and Theatre: Medieval Dramas of the Sacramental Body," in Aers, Culture and History, 65-89. 153. Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval AntiJudaism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1982), 254-55. 154. R. I. Moore acknowledges that there was widespread hostility to Jews in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries and attributes it in part to general anxiety at social and economic change, as seen in the frequent objections to Jewish money lending. Moore concludes, however, that "heretics and Jews owed their persecution in the first place not to the hatred of the people, but to the decisions of princes and prelates" (Persecuting Society, 123). 155. Louise O. Fradenburg, "Criticism, Anti-Semitism, and the Prioresses Tale" Exemplaria i (1989): 88, drawing on Warner, Alone of All Her Sex, 17-18, 22. 156. Rubin, Corpus Christi, 347, 348.

262

Notes to Pages 181-182

157. Corpus Christi^ 348. 158. Eamon Duffy, The Stripping of the Altars', 110-14, stresses the extent to which lay people, through precise directions in their wills and other measures, "called the shots" in Eucharistic worship. 159. Mervyn James, "Ritual, Drama and Social Body in the Late Medieval Town," Past and Present 98 (1983): 3-29. Sarah Beckwith provides a useful reassessment stressing the fissures within this social body in "Ritual, Theater, and Social Space in the York Corpus Christi Cycle," in Bodies and Disciplines: Intersections of Literature and History in Fifteenth-Century England, ed. Barbara A. Hanawalt and David Wallace (Minneapolis: Minnesota University Press, 1996), 63-86. 160. Kathleen Biddick, "Gender, Bodies, Borders: Technologies of the Visible," Speculum 68 (1993), revised and reprinted in her The Shock of Medievalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1998), 146. 161. Readers will recognize the evocation of Biddick's critique as a hot point in current scholarship and may consider my treatment wishy-washy. Certainly, I find I can neither ignore nor fully endorse her method. Antisemitism, as an irrational and widespread fear, demands a psychoanalytic approach, but psychoanalysis remains one of the most problematic of historical methods. Peter Gay's eloquent defense of psychohistory, Freud for Historians (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985), for example, does not address the extent to which psychoanalysis, as a form of allegoresis, functions at a level that is largely removed from counter-argument. Biddick's postmodern historiography, which often advances by rhetorical segue as it explores a pan-European unconscious, is an extreme instance of this challenge. On the one hand, her approach does seem to preclude "research into the specifities, singularities, specific conjunctures and contingencies" of the past, the critique offered by David Aers in his response (in the same volume at 39) to Biddick's "Becoming Ethnographic: Reading Inquisitorial Authority in The Hammer of Witches" Essays in Medieval Studies: Proceedings of the Illinois Medieval Association n, Figures of Speech: The Body in Medieval Art, History, and Literature, ed. Allen J. Frantzen and David A. Robertson (1995), 21-41, available at . On the other hand, Biddick's method allows us at least to raise vital questions that more cautious historiography often avoids. 162. Louise Fradenburg, for example, advances the argument of Julia Kristeva that antisemitism is "a replica of primary narcissism," the desire for a "self-contemplative, conservative, self-sufficient, haven" (Kristeva, Powers of Horror, 179, 14, the first cited by Fradenburg, "Criticism, Anti-Semitism, and the Prioress' Tale," 90). In this analysis of the antisemitic pamphlets of Paul Celine, Kristeva follows Freud in locating the fundamental hostility to Judaism in the strictures of monotheism: "Jewish monotheism is not only the most rigorous application of Unicity of the Law and the Symbolic; it is also the one that wears with the greatest assurance" (186). Kristeva finds two common elements in Celine's pamphlets. The first is "rage against the Symbolic, which is represented here by religious, para-religious, and moral establishments (Church, Freemasonry, School, intellectual Elite, communist Ideology); it culminates in what Celine hallucinates and knows to be their foundation and forbear—Jewish monotheism." The second is "the attempt to substitute another Law for the constraining and frustrating symbolic one" that drives him to seek what she terms "material positivity": "Beyond

Notes to Pages 182-189

263

politics, and yet taking it into account, material positivity, a full, tangible, reassuring, and happy substance, will be embodied in the Family, the Nation, the Race, and the Body" (178, emphasis in original). As Fradenburg argues, "the nostalgia for the mother and the sentimentalization of childhood which inform the Prioress* Tale bespeak the desire for undifferentiated union and dissolution of boundaries" threatened by the figure of the outsider ("Criticism, Anti-Semitism," 90). Miri Rubin suggestively describes late medieval critiques of the overuse of the Eucharist, such as that of Jean Gerson, as attempts to "reclaim its lost symbolic innocence" (Corpus Christi, 349). 163. As Fradenburg observes, the final trial in the Prioress3 Tale is conducted improperly, that is, by an abbot rather than a royal justice (76). 164. Emile Male, Religious Art in France', the Late Middle Ages: A Study of Medieval Iconography and Its Sources, ed. Harry Bober, trans. Marthiel Mathews (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1986), 147. 165. Duncan Robertson, "Poem and Spirit. The Twelfth-Century French 'Life' of Saint Mary the Egyptian," Medioevo Romanzo 7 (1980): 305-27. On the origins of the poem, see Peter F. Dembowski, ed., La vie de Sainte Marie I'Egyptienne: versions en ancien et en moyen fmnfais (Geneva: Droz, 1977), 29-30, and his lengthier treatment "Le poeme anonyme sur sainte Marie 1'Egyptienne est-il anglo-normand?" XIV Congresso internazionale di linguistica efilohgia romanza, Napoli 15-20 aprile 1974^ s vols. (Naples: G. Macchiaroli, 1976-1981), 5: 445-61, rejecting the argument of A. T. Baker, "La Vie de sainte Marie PEgyptienne," Revue des Langues Romanes 59 (1916-17): 146-49. 166. Robertson, "Poem and Spirit," 313-16. i6j.Jacobi a Vorqgine, Legenda aurea vulgo historia lombardica dicta, ed. Th. Graesse, 3rd ed. (1890; reproduction Osnabruck: Otto Zeller, 1969), 249. Of all the vernacular versions, that of Cambrai, copied in the early fifteenth century, is the closest to that in the Smithfield Decretals, geographically, chronologically, and in its treatment of the legend. In this version, Zozimas prays for assistance to dig the grave and only then does the lion appear. Zozimas hides in fright but is reassured when he sees the lion licking Mary's feet. Then the lion actually helps Zozimas place her in the grave, taking her by the feet while the saint takes her head (Dembowski, Vie de Sainte Marie PEgyptienne, Version V, 149, lines 7-16). 168. Male, Gothic Image, 274-77 and 277 n. i. On the circulation of the Eustace legend and analogous romances in England, see Lillian Herlands Hornstein, "Eustace Constance-Florence-Griselda Legends," in A Manual of the Writings in Middle English, 1050-1500, ed. Burke Severs, vol i., Romances (New Haven: Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences, 1967), 120-32. 169. Jacobi a Voragine, Legenda aurea, 712-18. See also Male, Gothic Image, 27477. Warner and Gilson take the first four panels of this sequence (fols. 229r-23ov), in which the saint sees Christ between the stag's horns, to depict the legend of Saint Hubert, which borrowed this crucial episode from the earlier legends of Eustace. Since neither story can really stand without this episode, it seems more likely that the artist considered this a single story. The confusion would arise, however, for any reader familiar with both saints. On Hubert, see further M. Coens, "Notes sur la legende de S. Hubert," Analecta Eollondiana 45 (1927): 345-62. 170. Camille, Image on the Edge, 151. 171. Linda Brownrigg, The Taymouth Hours and the Romance of Beves of

264

Notes to Pages 190-191

Hampton? in English Manuscript Studies., 1100-1700, ed. Peter Beal and Jeremy Griffiths (Oxford: Blackwell, 1989), i: 222-41. 172. See E. A. Webb, Records of St. Bartholomew^ Priory, xxxii-xxxiii, and N. R. Ker, Medieval Libraries of Great Britain: A List of Surviving Books. Supplement to the Second Edition, ed. Andrew G. Watson (London: Offices of the Royal Historical Society, 1987), 104 listing British Library MS Additional 10392, copied by Fr. Johannes Cok. 173. Webb, Records of St. Bartholomew's, xxxii. 174. Perceval Horton-Smith Hartley and Harold Reginald Aldridge, Johannes de Mirfeld of St. Bartholomew's, Smithfield: His Life and Works (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1936), 38, date the composition of the Brevarium to between 1380 and 1395. The Elorarium survives in ten copies, many of defective or incomplete (98), and has not been edited. 175. Montague Rhodes James, The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1903), Ixxiii, and items 898, 927, 934,1518, 1526-32. James Westfall Thompson gives a good general account of the library at St. Augustine's in The Medieval Library (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939), 27177. Thomas of Arnold's copy of the Polychronicon actually survives; it is Cambridge University Library Ii.ii.24 and shows Arnold in prayer before Saint Catherine. James's description of the manuscript is cursory. There is a slightly fuller one by Joseph Rawson Lumby in his edition, Polychronicon., Together with the English Translations of John Trevisa and of an Unknown Writer of the Fifteenth Century, 9 vols. (London, 1865-86), i: xlvii. The text of this copy of the Polychronicon ends in 1381, but Lumby dates the manuscript to the early fifteenth century on paleographical grounds. 176. Walsingham, Gesta Abbatum Monasterii Sancti Albani, 3: 303. 177. For examples of such lost episodes, see Roger Sherman Loomis, "A Phantom Tale of Female Ingratitude," Modern Philology 14 (1916-17): 751-55, and Kenneth Varty, "Reynard the Fox and the Smithfield Decretals," Journal of the Warburg and Cortauld Institutes 26 (1963): 347-54, but cf. the objections raised by H. W. Janson, Apes and Ape-Lore in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (London: Warburg Institute, 1952), 233 n. 89. For the use of preaching exempla as a possible source, see Lilian M. C. Randall, "Exempla as a Source of Gothic Marginal Illumination," Art Bulletin 39 (1957): 97-109. Some of the illustrations of Theophilus and St. Mary of Egypt also appear to depict episodes that are unattested in the standard versions of their lives in the Legenda aurea. On the popular circulation of legends of Mary of Egypt, see further Robertson, "Saint Mary of Egypt," esp. 307, and on the use of episodes from popular romances in both the Smithfield Decretals and the roughly contemporaneous Taymouth Hours, see Brownrigg, "Taymouth Hours." 178. Whether this constituted a co-option of popular culture by clerical authority or the reverse is open to debate. Aron Gurevich, for instance, argues that "Latin writings of scholars and teachers contain substantial elements of the non-literate folklore tradition almost against their authors' will" (Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception, trans. Janos M. Bak and Paul A. Hollingsworth [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988], xvii). 179. Thomas Wright, A History of Domestic Manners and Sentiments in England During the Middle Ages / by Thomas Wright. . . ; with Illustrations from the Illumina-

Notes to Pages 191-194

265

tions in Contemporary Manuscripts and Other Sources, Drawn & Engraved by F. W. fairbolt (London, 1863). Curiously, although he drew on several other manuscripts in the Royal collection, Joseph Strutt made no use of the Smithfield images in his Sports and Pastimes of the People of England of 1801. Morley's discussion in his Memoirs of Bartholomew Fair of 1892 appears to be independent of Jusserand. 180. Jusserand, English Wayfaring Life, 215. 181. English Wayfaring Life, 143, 221. 182. The Smithfield Decretals have been used extensively in this way; see, for example, Peter Murray Jones, Medieval Medical Miniatures (London: British Library in Association with the Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1984) and D. D. R. Owen, Noble Lovers (New York: New York University Press, 1975). 183.1 discuss this case in "The Curious Eye and the Alternative Endings of the Canterbury Tales" in Pan Two: Reflections on the Sequel, ed. Paul Budra and Betty A. Schellenberg (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998), 34-52. 184. Jeffrey L. Singman and Will McLean, Daily Life in Chaucer's England (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1995), 13, and the appendix "The Medieval Event," which gives some sense of the extent of medieval "living history." One of the more severe critics of the desire to use the pretty pictures in medieval books as a window into medieval life has been Michael Camille. See Camille, "Art History in the Past and Future of Medieval Studies," in John van Engen, ed. The Past and Future of Medieval Studies (Notre Dame, Ind.: Notre Dame University Press, 1994), 369-70, and Mirror in Parchment, "Introduction: The Manuscript as Mirror." Yet even in Camille's own work the desire peeps out, and we find traces of that recurring fascination with what it was really like on the streets of medieval London. Camille asks, for example, "Can we find in the pictures the same kinds of relations between social centres and margins that are explored in Bronislaw Geremek's important study, The Margins of Society in Late Medieval Paris, which deals with those men and women existing on the fringes of society—prostitutes, pimps, petty criminals, the unemployed and, most visibly, beggars?" Similarly, he notes that the Smithfield collection "sensationalizes the capital's low-life as much as any current tabloid" (Image on the Edge, 130-31,152). Here as surely as in Jusserand's work the margins become a means of access to the lost medieval street life. 185. Morley, Memoirs, 49. 186. Justice, Writing and Rebellion, 260. 187. Victor Hugo, Notre Dame de Paris., 1482: les travailleurs de la mer, ed. Jacques Sebacher and Yves Gohin (Paris: Gallimard, 1975), 82. 188. Henry Mayhew, London Labour and the London Poor: The Condition and Earnings of Those That Will Work, Cannot Work, and Will Not Work, 4 vols. (London: C. Griffin, 1864-1865). Gertrude Himmelfarb provides a powerful critique of Mayhew's construction of a "culture of poverty" in The Idea of Poverty: England in the Early Industrial Age (New York: Knopf, 1984), 312-70. See also the discussion in Stallybrass and White, Politics and Poetics of Transgression, 125-29,139. 189. I echo here Edward Said's account of the construction of the Orient as a reservoir of "infinite peculiarity" to be gazed on by the detached European in Orientalism (New York: Random House, 1979), 102-3.

266

Notes to Pages 194-201

190. Stallybrass and White, Politics and Poetics of Transgression. 191. E. P. Thompson, "The Political Education of Henry Mayhew," Victorian Studies ii (1967), 42, cited in Himmelfarb, Culture of'Poverty, 323. 192. As Madeline H. Caviness has persuasively argued, the tradition that sees in the marginalia images of sexual license and comedy rather than sexual mockery and misogyny reflects a masculinist perspective ("Patron or Matron? A Capetian Bride and a Vade Mecum for Her Marriage Bed." Speculum 68 [1993] • 333~62). This perspective can be seen in the work of both those who promote this license, such as Bakhtin, and those who condemn it, such as Robertson, and indeed in the reading I have offered so far. As Caviness notes, "Though not exclusively, for the most part it is women who, recognizing the license given (male) artists to deform them, refuse to ridicule themselves and view the laughter of others as an instrument of control over them" (361). Chapter $: The Manuscript as Fetish 1. Paul Zumthor, Parler du moyen age (Paris: Editions du Minuit, 1980), 31. 2. Domink LaCapra, History and Criticism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985), 92. 3. Kathleen Biddick, The Shock of Medievalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1998), 43. Her critique is directed in the first instance at Steven Justice's Writing and Rebellion: England in 1381 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), but is easily generalized. It owes much to Louise Fradenburg's "'Voice Memorial': Loss and Reparation in Chaucer's Poetry," Exemplaria 2 (March 1990): 169-202. 4. Jonathan Goldberg, Writing Matter: From the Hands of the English Renaissance (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1990), 2. 5. LaCapra, History and Criticism^ 91 n.i6, discussing Robert Darnton, "In Search of the Enlightenment: Recent Attempts to Create a Social History of Ideas," Journal of Modern History 43 (1971): 132. 6. Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, vol. i, An Introduction^ trans. Robert Hurley (New York: Vintage, 1980), 154. 7. LaCapra, History and Criticism^ 92 n. 17. 8. History and Criticism^ 92 n. 17. 9. M. J. Petry, ed., Hegel's Philosophy of Subjective Spirit^ vol. 2, Anthroplogy (Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 1978), 53. The text can also be found in Hegel's Philosophy of Mind^ trans. A. V. Miller (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 42. 10. As Stallybrass and White note, in treating low domains such as the theater, the fair, or the slum," 'rigorous theory3 has tended to look down upon 'mere content' as obvious, crude and vulgar, redeemable only through a process of abstraction and refinement [just as] [cjontemporary analysis has tended either to fetishize or repress the contents of these [low] domains. In so doing, academic work clearly reveals its discursive mirroring of the subject-formation of the middle classes" (Stallybrass and White, The Politics and Poetics of Transgression [Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1986], 192, emphasis in original). 11. Stephen G. Nichols, "Introduction: Philology in a Manuscript Culture," Speculum 65 (1990): 8.

Notes to Pages 201-207

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12. In some cases such claims are expressed in ways that suggest a certain condescension to our predecessors, as if a new philology might be able to largely dispense with the work of the old. For criticism of such attitudes, see Rupert T. Pickens, "The Future of Old French Studies in America: The 'Old' Philology and the Crisis of the 'New,'" in The Future of the Middle Ages: Medieval Literature in the 1990$^ ed. William D. Paden (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 1994), 53-86, and Keith Busby, " 'Neither Flesh nor Fish nor Good Red Herring': The Case of Anglo-Norman Literature," in Studies in Honor of Hans-Erich Keller: Medieval French and Occitan Literature and Romance Linguistics', ed. Rupert T. Pickens (Kalamazoo, Mich.: Medieval Institute Publications, 1993), 399-417. 13. Italo Calvino, If on a Winter's Night a Traveler', trans. William Weaver (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1981), 72. 14. Pietz, "The Problem of the Fetish, I," Res 9 (Spring 1985): 5, continued in parts II, Res 13 (1987): 23-45; Ilia, Res 16 (1998): 105-24, and Fetishism as Cultural Discourse^ ed. Emily Apter and William Pietz (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993)15. Pietz, "Problem of the Fetish, I," 5. 16. "Problem of the Fetish, I," 16. 17. "Problem of the Fetish, I," 6. 18. "Problem of the Fetish, I," 12. 19. "Problem of the Fetish, I," 6. 20. Apter, introduction to Apter and Pietz, Fetishism as Cultural Discourse, 3. 21. Pietz, "Problem of the Fetish, II," 23. 22. See, for example, John Dagenais' critique in The Ethics of Reading in Manuscript Culture: Glossing the Libro de buen amor (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton New Jersey, 1994), 12-13. 23. Richard Rouse's warning that "for paleography as a discipline, myopia is a mortal sin" is very much to the point here ("Medieval Manuscripts in the Modern Curriculum," in The Past and Future of Medieval Studies, ed. John van Engen [Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994], 303). 24. In Professional Correctness: Literary Studies and Political Change (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995), Stanley Fish reflects on one particular instance of this paradox: A second-generation American Jew and the first in my family to attend college, it can hardly be an accident that I have made my life's work non-dramatic literature of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, with a special emphasis on the relationship between Christian theology and aesthetic structures. Nor am I alone. I remember looking around my department at Berkeley in the late 19608 and saying (to myself), "My God, all the Christian humanists are Jews." How is this phenomenon to be read? What does it mean? Presumably it means that for many young Jews of my generation the process of assimilation included a decision, less than consciously made, to identify with that part of the field most invested in the assumptions, both cultural and theological, of the mainstream tradition. (94) 25. Stephen G. Nichols, "Philology and Its Discontents," in The Future of the Middle Ages, ed. Paden, 116.

268

Notes to Pages 207-208

26. John Dagenais, "The Bothersome Residue: Toward a Theory of the Physical Text," in Vox intexta: Omlity and Textuality in the Middle Ages^ ed. A. N. Doane and Carol Braun Pasternack (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), 252. 27. Judson Boyce Allen, The Ethical Poetic of the Later Middle Ages: A Decorum of Convenient Distinction (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), ix. 28. Allen, Ethical Poetic^ ix. 29. The position was attributed satirically to the Master of Balliol, Benjamin Jowett, famous for his translation of Plato: "First come I, my name is J-W-TT There's no knowledge but I know it I am Master of this College What I don't know isn't knowledge." See John Jones, Balliol College: A History, 1263-1939 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 221.

Discography/Bibliography

DlSCOGRAPHY

La Chanson de Roland. 2yoEo47. Record. Musical Director Georges Hacquard. "L'Encyclopedie Sonore." Paris: Hachette, n.d. The Song of Roland. 2 cassettes. Dramatic reading in modern English. Produced by Kathleen Watson. Ashland, Ore.: Blackstone Audio Books, 1998. "Sumer Is Icumen In": Chants medievaux anglais. Cassette. The Milliard Ensemble. Saint-Michel de Provence: Harmonia Mundi, 1985. Tristan andlseult. CD. Boston Camerata. New York: Erato, 1989. Worcester Fragments: English Sacred Music of the Late Middk Ages. CD. Orlando Consort. Wotton-Under-Edge, Gloucestershire: Amon Ra Records, 1993.

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Bedier, Joseph, ed. La Chanson de Roland. Paris: UEdition d'Art, 1922. Brault, Gerard, ed. and trans. The Song of Roland: An Analytical Edition. 2 vols. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1978. Cledat, L., ed. La Chanson de Roland. Paris, 1886. Gautier, Leon, ed. La Chanson de Roland, texte critique accompagne d'une traduction nouvelle et precede d^une introduction historique. Tours, 1872. –. La Chanson de Roland, edition classique a I'usqge des eleves de seconde. Tours, 1887. Genin, F[rancois], ed. La Chanson de Roland: Poeme de Theroulde. Paris, 1850.

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Michel, Francisque. La Chanson de Roland ou de Roncevaux du Xlle siecle publiee pour la premiere fois d'apres le manuscrit de la Eibliotheque Bodleienne a Oxford. 1837. Reprint, Geneva: Slatkine, 1974Moignet, Gerard, ed. La Chanson de Roland^ 3rd ed. Paris: Bordas, 1969. Monin, H. [Louis-Henri]. Dissertation sur k roman de Roncevaux. Paris, 1832. Short, Ian, ed. and trans. La Chanson de Roland. Paris: Livre de Poche, 1990. Stengel, Edmund. Das altfranzosische Rolandslied: Genauer Abdruck der Oxforder Hs. Digby 23. Heilbronn, 1878. SELECTED PRIMARY SOURCES RELATING TO BRITISH LIBRARY MS HARLEY 978 Hunt, Tony, ed. Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-Century England. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1990. Map, Walter. The Latin Poems Commonly Attributed to Walter Mapes. Ed. Thomas Wright. Camden Society 16. London, 1841. The Song of Lewes. Ed. C. L. Kingsford. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1890. Tilander, Gunnar. "Fragment d'un traite de fauconnerie anglo-normand en vers." Studier I Modern Sprakvetenskap/Stockholm Studies in Modern Phikktgy 15 (1943): 2644Whicher, George F. The Goliard Poets: Medieval Latin Songs and Satires. New York: New Directions, 1949. LAIS OF MARIE DE FRANCE

Ewert, Alfred, ed. Marie de France, Lais. Oxford: Blackwell, 1947. Lods, Jeane, ed. Les Lais de Marie de France. Paris: Champion, 1959. Rouquefort, Jean-Baptiste Bonaventure Baron de, ed. Poesies de Marie de France. 2 vols. Paris, 1819-25. Rychner, Jean, ed. Les Lais de Marie de France. Paris: H. Champion, 1966. Warnke, Karl, ed. Die Lais der Marie de France. Halle, 1885. Reproduced in Lais de Marie de France, trans. Laurence Harf-Lancer. Paris: Livre de Poche, 1990. SELECTED PRIMARY SOURCES RELATING TO BRITISH LIBRARY ROYAL IO.E.4

Cohen, Gustave. Le Miracle de Theophile. Paris: Delagrave, 1948. Corpus iuris canonici. Ed. AL. Friedberg, 2 vols. Leipsig: 1879-81. Gautier de Coinci. Les Miracles deNostre Dame. Ed. V. Frederic Koenig. 2 vols. Geneva: Droz, 1955Hammer, Richard and Vida Russel, eds. Supplementary Lives in Some Manuscripts of the GilteLegende. EETS OS 315. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Jacobi a Voragine, Legenda aurea vulgo historia lombardica dicta. Ed. Th. Graesse. 3rd ed. 1890; reprint Osnabruck: Otto Zeller, 1969.

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Index

Page numbers in italics refer to figures. Abelard, Peter, 46,107; Historic calamitatum, 120; Sic et non, 107 Aers, David, 182 Aesop, Fables, translated by Marie de France, 5-6, 83, 88, 95 Africa, 202-4 Agnes, Dame, of Avenbury of Limebrook, in, 134,136; identity of, 133 Akan, 202 Alan of Lille: Anticlaudianus, 102; Summa de arte praedictoria, 118 Alcher of Clairvaux, 119 Alexander IV, pope, 141 Alexander, J. J. G., 43-44 Allegoresis, 49-50,105-6,120,136 Alleluias, 115-16 Allen, Judson, 207 Ambrose, 130,178 Amiens Missal, 163 Amour courtois, i, 5,136, 204 Anagnorisis, 187 Androcles, 186 Angenot, Marc, 17 Anglo-Norman, 63, 95, 98, 131, 204; exemplars of romances, 149; manuscripts difficult to distinguish from Norman manuscripts, 43; medical texts, 83, 92; poetry, 74, 122; satire, 85; sermons, 119 Anglo-Normans, 41, 64, 76,183; scribes, 3, 38, 58, 70. See also Marie de France AnonimaUe Chronicle, 171 Anselm of Canterbury, Saint, 118, 173 Anselm of Havelburg, 61 Antisemitism, 178-79,181, 262-63; in Smithfield Decretals, 177 Apter, Emily, 203-4 Aquinas, Thomas, Saint, 55 Arab traders, 202 Archimbaud, count of, 65 Ariosto, Ludovico, 16

Aristotle, 117,148 Ark, Noah's, 105; as metaphor for reader's heart, 118 Arnold, Thomas, 59,190 Ars praedicandi, 119 Ashanti, 202 Aspremont, 59 Auchinleck manuscript. See Manuscripts Auden,W.H., 16 Audience, 12, 31, 35, 65, 68-69; chivalric, 63; of Marie de France, 100,109,121,136; of Roland, 38, 69; ofTimaeus, 37; participation in poetry, 18; women as, 104, no. See also Readers; Seance epiqw Augustine, Saint, 117,118,130; DeDoctrina Christiana, 103,107 Augustinian canonesses, at Limebrook Priory, in, 133-34 Augustinian canons, 60-61,190; intellectual interests of, 63; interest in Roland, 57; in Latin Quarter of Paris, 130; at Oseney Abbey, 3, 42, 56, 58-61,130,133, 204; privately owning books, 58-60; as readers of Roland, 68-69; at St. Bartholomew's Priory, 142-44, 154, i?5, 190 Augustinian friars, 134 Augustinian nuns, at Grace Dieu Priory, 134 Augustinian rule, 61 Augustodunensis, Honorius, Lucidarius, 118 Authority: of the book, 73, 156, 167, 170; of clerics, 109, 151, 173; of glosses, 150; of Scripture, 23; of Smithfield Decretals, 137, 156; textual, 148,159,170; of those who could read glosses, 172; of writing, 22,168 Authorship, n, 13; Marie de France and, 5, 102; and print, 17; Song of Lewes and, 124. See also Books Auxerre Cathedral, 187 Avenbury, 134 Aymer de Valence, 85

288

Index

Badby, John, 139 Bakhtin, Mikhail, 158-59,163,194. See also Carnival Ball, John, 169, 171 Barnwell Priory, 42 Baron's War, 5, in. See also Battle of Evesham; Battle of Lewes Barons' Revolt of 1263, 43 Bartholomew Fair, 138-39,154 Bartholomew, Saint, 154,174 Battle of Evesham of 1265, 59, 85,112,125 Battle of Hastings, 26, 29 Battle of Lewes of 1264, i, 83,122. See also Song of Lewes Battle of Roncevaux, 26, 59. See also Roland; Song of Roland Baum, Richard, 88 Beast fables, 158 Becket, Thomas, 113, 125; alleluia for, 115; laments for, 83,126 Bedier, Joseph, 32, 63-64, 71 Benedict, Saint, 115 Benedicts et venerabilis for our Lady, 115 Benedictine rule, 73, 107 Benedictines, 95,117, 119, 130, 206; as copyists, at Reading, 99; nuns at Wherwell, 133; at Peterborough, 59,123; privately owning books, 93; reading habits of, at Reading, 92-93; at Reading, 84, 89, 94, 98, 124-26 Bennet, Adelaide, 95 Benoit de Sainte-Maure, Chronique des dues de Normandie, 28 Berengar, canon of Tours, 180 Berkshire, lawyer from, 95-96,149 Berksted, Stephen, bishop of Chichester, 124, 126 Bernard of Chartres, 44, 46, 102; glosses on Timaeus^ 47, 51, 54,106,108. See also Digby 23(1) Bernard of Clairvaux, Saint, 106-7,136, 155, 159, 167; Degradibus humilitatis et superbiae^ 117-18; sermons of, 107; "Twelve Steps of Pride," 120 Bernard of Parma, 138; glosses to Gregory IX's Decretals, 148 Besant, Walter, 138 Besturne^ 85 Beves of Hampton, 190 Bible, 23, 46,169, 191; drawings of scenes from, 152; Ecclesiastes, 106; glossing of,

104, 148; Matthew, 102; Old Testament, 119; Proverbs, 106; Psalms, 163; Song of Songs, 45,103,106-7, H9,136; translation into vernacular of, 171. See also Exegesis; Psalters Bibles, 23, 92, 95; copying of, 73; illustrated, 94 Bibliotheque bleue, 10 Biddick, Kathleen, 182,197-99 Black Death, 168-69 Board, E., 81, 82, 86 Bodleian Library, 28, 72, 207; Summary Catalogue^ 116-17 Bodleian MS Digby 23. See Digby 23 Bodley 848. See Manuscripts Boethius, 58,117 Boigon, Brian, 24 Bologna, 141, 142; illuminators in, 152 Bonaventure de Roquefort, Jean-Baptiste, 5 Boniface VIII, pope, 174; Liber sextus, 142 Book design, 13,18,129-30,148-49 Book trade, 74, 94; academic, 148, 150. See also Catte Street Bookhands, 38; Gothic, 83,144 Booklets, 88, 95, 98; gathered in Bodley 848, 116; gathered in Digby 23, 3; gathered in Harley 978, 84, 98; role in publishing, 98 Books, 19-25, 94, 204; as commodity, 18; end of, 24-25; history of, n, 19, idea of, 22, 75; as luxury item, 121, 133; materiality of, 16, 19; as memento mori, 15; production, 129-30, 149; as reflection of the divine, 107; as system of knowledge, 23; as visual representation of an idea, 129. See also Authority Books of Hours, 56, 95; English, 19, 94; in England, 18 Bosch, Hieronymous, 158 Boulogne, countess of, 6 Bourges, Jew of, 178 Bowers, Fredson, 12,13-14 Brevarium Bartholomei^ 190 Bridgnorth Castle, Shropshire, 42-43 British Library, 81 British Library MS Harley 978. See Harley 978 British Library MS Royal io.E.4. See Smithfield Decretals British Museum, 81 Broadsides, 171

Index Bromyard, John, Summa praedicantium, 167 Browne, Thomas, Sir, 23 Bunyan, John, Pilgrim's Progress, 10 Burgate, Robert, abbot of Reading Abbey, 93, iii-i2,115-17, 121,132 Burgundy, Bastard of, 139 Burrow, J. A., 20 Bury St. Edmunds, 170 Caesarius of Esterbach, 191 Calcidius, archdeacon of Cordova, 37; introduction to Timaeus, 47. See also Digby 23

(i)

Caldwell, John, 114 Calendars: in Harley 978, 89; liturgical, 137 Calvino, Italo, 202 Cambridge University, Corpus Christi College, 169; libraries at, 170 Camille, Michael, 13,159-63 Canon law, 137-42, 148,170,172, 175; as commentary, 150; required for reading glosses of Smithfield Decretals, 7,144-45; scholars of, 195; study of, 8 Canon lawyers, 168 Canonization, standards for, 174 Canterbury Cathedral, 169 Cantilupe, Thomas de, bishop of Hereford, 110-13,121,134; register of, 133 Cantilupe, Walter, uncle of Thomas Cantilupe, 125 Capetian monarchs, 32 Carmelite friars, 134 Carnival, 158-59,162,165,182,191-94,196 Carruthers, Mary, 155-56,162 Cartoons, illustrating "Sumer Is Icumen In," 76,7* Catherine, Saint, 115 Cator, William, armorer, 139 Catte Street, Oxford, 94, 98, 121, 130, 149 Caxton, William, 216; Golden Legend, 177 Celtic: fairy stories, 105, no; romance, 186 Cerquiglini, Bernard, 24 Cervantes, Miguel de, 26,158 Chailley, Jacques, 59-60 Chanson de Roland. See Song of Roland Chansons de geste, 20-21, 26, 34, 67-68, 75 Chant, 115; liturgical, 59-60; monophonic, 114 Charlemagne, 26-28, 41, 58,175; as embodiment of textual attitudes, 32

289

Chartier, Roger, i, u, 15,18, 21,127-28 Chartres Cathedral, 187; musicians at, 114 Chartres, Clerk of, 175 Chartres, School of. See School of Chartres Chateau d'amour. See Grosseteste, Robert Chateaubriand, Francis Rene de, 27 Chateauroux manuscript. See Manuscripts Chaucer, Geoffrey, 20, 76; Canterbury Tales, 133,135,151,178,183,193; House of Fame, 72. See also Tyrwhitt, Thomas Chenier, Andre, 34, 69, 71 Chenu, M. D., 45, 75 Chibnall, Marjorie, 40 Chivalry, 35, 38, 62, 70, 74~75,122, 205-6; chivalric poems, 8 Chretien de Troyes, 65-66; Eric etEnide, 67 Christ, illustrations of, 156,157 Chronicle of Melrose, 122-23 Cicero, 58 Cistercians, 61 Cledat, L., 63 Clerics, 37, 57, 94,120,150,168,175,195; hostility toward, 168-69; and record-keeping, 168; and sainthood, 174-75; writing lines delivered by minstrels, 42 Coates, Alan, 85, 94 Codex, 22-23, 25,148 Cohen, Jeremy, 180-81 Coleman, Joyce, 127 Collaboration, 7, 94,102,162, 205; in Harley 978, 93-94,132; musical, 132; needed for study of medieval manuscripts, 3, 7, 8 Collation, of Harley 978, 89 Comestor, Peter, 119 Common law, 172 Commonplace books. See Miscellanies Concordances, 119,129 Congreve, William, 10,18 Conscience, 121,126 Conybeare, John Josias, 28 Copyists, 37, 63, 128, 130. See also Scribes Copyright, 16 Corpus Christi drama, 182 Cotton, Robert, 89 Council of Vercelli, 180 Court of Miracles, Paris, 193 Courtesy books, 133 Cross-references in books, 147,150 "Cuckoo Song," 74-78; nostalgia in, 79. See also "Sumer Is Icumen In"

290

Index

Culler, Jonathan, 197 Cursive hands, 93

Durendal, 41 Dutton, Paul, 44, 46, 47, 49, 51, 55

Dagenais, John, 207 Damian, Peter, Saint, 173 Dante (Dante Alighieri), 26 Darnton, Robert, n, 197-99 David, John, 139 De Brailes Hours, 18 De Cobham, Thomas, 56 De Grazia, Margreta, n, 14 De spiritu et anima^ 117,118 Decretals: definition of, 137; forged, 141. See also Gregory DC; Smithfield Decretals Decretum. See Gratian Delbouille, Maurice, 37, 57 Derrida, Jacques, 22, 24-25, 75, 195 Des Herbiers, Guyot, 27-28 Design. See Book design; Page layout Dickens, Charles, 19-20 Dickinson, Emily, 16 Dickinson, J. Q, 61 Didron, Adolphe Napoleon, 1-3,13, 20 Digby 23, i, 3, 26-70; dating of compilation, 37; digitalization of, 72; as gift, 204; joining of two parts of manuscript, 3, 5658, 71, 75, 204; ownership of, 4, 36-38, 42; physical description of, 36-38; as private book, 60 Digby 23 (i) (Calcidius' translation of Timaeus), i, 43-55, 204; dating of, 3, 44; glosses of, 4, 44-45, 47~56, 75; inscription of ownership in, 42; origins of, 43-44; page design of, 47,148,149. See also Digby 23; Bernard of Chartres; William of Conches Digby 23 (2) (Roland) 39, 128, 202, 204; dating of, 3; glosses of, 44, 62-63; physical description of, 37-38; as saint's life, 59, 73. See also Digby 23 Digby, Kenneth, Sir, 37 Digitalization, 24, 72 D'Oilli, Robert, Sir, 57 Domesday Book, 168,170 Dominican friars, 18 Dominicans, 137; at University of Paris, 128 Doyle, A. I., 99 Dragonetti, Roger, 103 Duggan, Joseph, 60 Dunstan, Saint, 152,187,189

Eadmer, twelfth-century theologian, 173 "Early Manuscripts at Oxford University" , 72 Editing, 10-14, 208; privileging text over manuscript, 2. See also Song of Roland Edmund, king, 189 Edward I, in, 112; as Prince Edward, 43, 59, 85 Edward II, as Prince Edward, 66 Edward III, 139 Edward IV, 139 Electronic texts, 24 Ellis, A. J., 85, 93 Encomium, chivalric, 5, 74 England, 2, 38, 94,112,114,138, 151,168; constitutional history, 122 English, 121,150, 208; lyrics, 76; sermons, 119; theological discussion in, 171. See also Middle English Epic, 30-36, 58, 63, 71; clerics' knowledge of, 58; Hellenic, 34; orality of, 32, 36; sung, 4, 36,65 Erectheus, 55 Erotica, 127 Essex, in Rising of 1381,169-70 Ethelreda, queen of Northumbria, 211 Ethelwod, 114 Eucharist, 177-82 Euphemia, abbess of Wherwell Abbey, 133-34 Eustace, Saint, 152,187,190; life of, 40 Ewert, A., 103 Exegesis, 105,107, 136, 163, 167 Eye, church of, 112 Faral, Edmond, 21, 31-32, 77 Fasiculi zizianorum, 171 Faucher, Claude, 27 Feasts, 66. See also Wedding feasts Fetishism, 197-208; etymology of, 202-3; as pejorative, 199 Flamenca^ 65-66, 69 Flamenca, Flemish princess, 65 Flamsteed, John, Astronomer Royal, 17 Flemish, aristocracy, 65, 70; weavers, 169 Florarium Bartholomew 190 Folk: art, 30; culture, 158, 174; song, 81; wisdom, 23

Index Fornset, John, 99 Foucault, Michel, 200 Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, 120, 126, 140-41, 180 Fraher, Richard, 141 France, n, 89,139,168. See also Nationalism; French Franciscans, 226; at Oxford, 125-26; hymns, 124 Franco-Prussian War, 30 Frank, Hardy Long, 178 Freeman, Edward Augustus, 122 French, 34, 63,190, 208; romances, 59, 93, 133, 190; scribes, 58. See also AngloNorman; Old French French Revolution, 30 Fresne, 105 Freud, Sigmund, 195,198, 202 Friedberg, Emil, 149 Fulbert, 177 Fulbert of Chartres, 177,180 Gaimar, Geoffrey, Estoire des Engleis, 28 Ganelon, 32 Gascony, campaign of 1242-43, 43 Gaudemet, Jean, 137 Gaudry, bishop of Laon, 58, 61 Gautier de Coinci, 177-78 Gautier, Leon, 21, 30, 31, 33-37, 62-66, 69-72; La chevalerie, 34,35 Gellerich, Jesse, 23 Genin, Francois, 29-30 Geraud, John, prior of Leominster, HI Germany, 30 Gerold, chaplain to Hugh of Avranches, 38-40, 42 Gervais, de la Rue, Abbe, 28 Gilbert of Poitiers, 44 Gilbertine canons, at Wigmore Abbey, 134 Gilson, Julius, 138,189 Gilte Legende, 177. See also Jacobus de Voragine Glanville, Ranulph, legal treatise of, 95 Glosses, 207; circulating apart from text, 47; difficulty of reading, 44,150,195; as integral to text, 148. See also Authority, Digby 23 (i); Smithfield Decretals Glossing, 100, 104-5, 107; definition of, 46-47; as eliciting deeper truth, 108; as exposition of text's grammatical meaning,

291

46; as form of textual appropriation, 106; need for greater understanding of, 44; as misrepresentation, 150-51 Gold leaf, 56 Goldberg, Jonathan, 197 Golden Legend. See Jacobus de Voragine; Legenda aurea; Caxton Goliardic: poetry, 92; satires, 93, 94; songs, 89,132 Goliards, 89 Golias, 83,122 Gower, John, 169 Graal romance, 190 Grace Dieu Priory, Leicestershire, 134 Gratian, 141,150; Decretum, 137,142,147 Gregory IX, pope, 137; Decretals (Liber extra or Extravagantes), 2,137,142,146,148; 172-74,181; difficulty of reading Decretals, 194-95; 1584 Lyons edition of Decretals, 149; illustrations of, 152,153,156; Rex pacificus, 141-42 Gregory, Tullio, 44 Grosseteste, Robert, 125; Chateau d'amour, 95, 98,126; tract on Ten Commandments, 117 Grotesque realism, 158-59,163 Grub Street, 17 Guibert de Nogent, 58, 61 Guido de Colonna, Historia de bello Troiae, 190 Guigemar, 105,108,135 Guigemar. See Marie de France Guillaume d'Orange (Guillaume Courtnez), 40 Guillaume le Clerc, Bestiary, 95 Guizot, Francois, 26, 28-29 Gurevich, Aron, 174 Guslars, Serbo-Croatian, 74 Guy of Warwick, 190 Hadrian, 187 Hagiography, 38-40,174,187 Haidu, Peter, 32, 62 Handschin, Jacques, 92 Harming, Robert, 151 Harley 978, i, 73, 76-136, 204; as courtesy book, 133; dating of, 85; design of, 87-88; Hand A and Hand B in, 98-99, 240; as miscellany, i, 4, 88, 99; physical description of, 83-84; privacy of, 93,132-33; as sole

292

Index

Harley 978 (continued) witness of several works, 5; as songbook, 83,132. See also Collaboration Harley, Robert, 89 Harp, 100 Hawking, 121; manual in Harley 978, 5, 7, 83, 94, 126, 132-33 Hawkins, Sherman, 178 Hegel, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich, 199-200 Henry de Bracton, De legibus, 124 Henry I, 6, 58 Henry II, 6,125,138; sister of, 100 Henry III, 125 Henry V, 139 Heresy, 141 Heteroglossia, 158-59 Higden, Ranulph, Polychronicon^ 190 Highet, Gilbert, 62 Hohler, Christopher, 88, 93,116 Homer, 30, 34, 69, 72; Iliad^ 31 Homoeroticism, 136 Homosocial bonding, 132 Horace, Epistles^ 93 Horn, 60, 95, 98, 149 "How Christ Shall Come," 14 Hubert, Saint, 152 Hudson, Anne, 171 Hugh of Avranches, earl of Chester, 38 Hugh of St. Victor, 60, 129-30, 136; AUegoriae, 119; De area Noe morali, 118; Didascalicon, 129 Hugh of Wicumbe, 115 Hughes, Anselm, 114 Hugo, Victor, 193-94 Hunt, Tony, 102-3 Huon de Bordeaux, 67-68 Hurry, Jamieson, 7, 81,193 Iconography, 2-3 Illich, Ivan, 129-30 Illumination of manuscripts, 56-57 Improvisation, 68-69 India, 154 Indices, 145; in medieval manuscripts, 116, 119,129,147 Inn of the Hospitallers of St. John, London, 169 Innocent IV, pope, 174 Integumentum and involucrum, 45 Isold, 131,135

Italy, 2,138,148 Ivo of Chartres, 44 Jacobus de Voragine, Legenda aurea (Golden Legend), 177,187,191 James, Richard, 89 James, Saint, 115,125 Jeauneau, Edouard, 44, 46-47 Jerome, Saint, 186 Jerusalem, 183 Jews, 140,175,178,181-82, 267; Cantilupe's hostility to, 112; as projection of religious doubt, 180; seen as outsiders, 141; in Smithfield Decretals, 138,173,177-78. See also Antisemitism Johannot, Yvonne, 23 John de Gynes, in John of Beverley, St., 174 John of Brabant, marriage to Princess Margaret, 66 John of Exeter, 85 John of Forn', 85 John of Mirfield, 190 John of Salisbury, 46, 163, 167 Johns, Adrian, 16-17 Jongleurs, 31-34, 37, 58, 65-67, 71. See also Minstrels Jonson, Ben, 139 Joseph, 152 Jousts, 139 Julian of Norwich, 174 Julian the Apostate, 103 Jusserand, J. J., 191-94 Justice, Steven, 170-71, 193 Juvenal, 58, 62, 93; in Digby 23 (i), 37, 56 Kalendarium. See Lists of contents Keller, Hans-Erich, 32 Kempe, Margery, 154 Kent, Charles, 19 Ker, Neil R., 42,116 Kingsford, C. L., 85, 88, 124 Kleinberg, Aviad, 174 Knighton, Henry, 171 Knights, 31, 38, 43,100,135-36,152 Knowles, David, 114 Kuttner, Stephan, 140,195 Lacan, Jacques, 159-62 LaCapra, Dominic, 197-201, 203

Index "Lais de Cabrefoil," 66 Lambeth Palace, 169 Langland, William, Piers Plowman^ 150 Langley, Geoffrey, father of Henry Langley, 43 Langley, Henry, Master, first identifiable owner of Digby 23, 3-4, 56, 58,121, 204; friend of, 8, 56, 60; identity of, 42-43 Langmuir, Gavin, 180 Lapworth, Edward, early owner of Harley 978, 89 Lateran Council, canons of, 112. See also Fourth Lateran Council Latin, 37, 73, 79~8i, 98, 131, 162, 175, 195, 202, 204, 207-8; accounts of battles, 124; cursus^ 128; drinking songs, i; hymns, 79; law and accountancy texts, 95; medical texts, 83, 92; poetry, 83, 88,102; sermons, 14, ii9 Launcelot^ 190 Law, 124, 139-40; providing apparatus for defining outsiders, 182; written, 172. See also Canon law; Common law Le Goff, Jacques, 168,175 Le Mans Cathedral, 187 Lefevre, Yves, 118 Legge, M. Dominica, 57 Lent, 42 Leominster Priory, Herefordshire, 93, 94, 110-17, 119, 120, 133, 134 Leoninus, Magnus liber, 114 Leupin, Alexandre, 104-5 Liber extra. See Gregory IX, pope Liber Fundacionis, 190. See also Manuscripts Limebrook Priory. See Augustinian nuns Limoges, 59 Lincoln Cathedral, 178 Lincolnshire, 95 Lists of contents, 116, 152 Literacy, 22, 71,168-71 Logocentrism, 25, 72 Lollardy, 139,154,172; anti-Lollard polemic, 180 Lombard, Peter, Sentences^ 92 London, 2, 138-39,169; artists in, 154,168, 169; bishop of, 124; streets of, 194 Losseff, Nicky, 116 Louis of Anjou, Saint, 174 Ludlow Fair, 134 Lycee Henri IV, Paris, 31

293

Maddicott, J. R., 124 Makeweights, 57 Malachais, Saint, 6 Male, Emile, 155,183,187 Mandrou, Robert, 10 Manuals, 5, 74, 95,126; pastoral, 120. See also Preaching Manuel despeches^ 95 Manuscripts, as cultural artifact, 207; difficulty of reading, 204-5; methods of reading, 201-2; open to alteration, 12; owned by individual monks, 58-59; as repository of lost oral culture, 193; social bonds of, 18; as sung objects, 3, 20,131-32 Cambridge, University Library MS Kk.4.2o, 125 Chateauroux, Bibliotheque municipale (Chanson de Roland), 27-28 Edinburgh, National Library of Scotland, Advocates' MS 19.2.1 (Auchinleck manuscript), 94 London, British Library Cotton Vespasian B.IX (Liber fundacionis)^ 190 London, British Library MS Egerton 3031, 92 London, British Library MS Harley 978. See Harley 978 London, British Library MS Royal io.E.4. See Smithfield Decretals Madrid, Biblioteca Nacional, MS Vitrina 7-17 (Poema de mio Cid), 207 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodley 125,115 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodley 848, 116-21 Oxford, Bodleian Library MSS Douce 137, 95 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Digby 23. See Digby 23, Digby 23 (i); Digby 23

w

Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Digby 166, 98 Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Digby 217, 56 Oxford, Bodleian Library MSS Douce 132, 95,97, 98,149 Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, MS fransais 860, 28 Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, MS fran9ais 2168, 5

294

Index

Manuscripts (continued) Paris, Bibliotheque nationale de France, MS lat. 1139 (St. Martial MS), 59 Princeton, Princeton Taylor MS I, 95 Worcester, Worcester Cathedral Library MS 160 (Worcester Antiphonal and Gradual), 114 Margaret, Princess, 66 Margaret, St., history of, 115 Marginalia, 208; circulating apart from text, 2, 191,192; as mnemonic icon, 155; as repository of unconscious, 8, 159-62; as reprieve from world's ugliness, 183; purpose of, 155-56,190-91; subversion in, 159, 162-63, 165, 167,190. See also Smithfield Decretals Marie de France, i, 84, 94, 99, 104-5, 107, 121; Le Chativel^ 135; Chevrefoil, 66, 135; Espurgatoire SeintPatriz^ 6; exemplars of, 149; Guigenwr^ 5,100-101,103-4,108-9; identity of, 5-6,100; Lais, 2, 5, 74, 83, 88, 93, 100, 103,109,126,131,132,136, 206; Laustic^ 103; as source of French pride, 15; Tonec^ 109-10,127, 133, 136. See also Aesop; Audience Marsh, Adam, 125 Marshall, William, 190 Martin, Saint, 189 Marx, Karl, 202 Mary of Egypt, St., 152,183, 186-89 Mary, Virgin, 89, 133,164^ 165, 173, 175, 17881, 189; Marie de France as, 105. See also Miracles of the Virgin Masters, Bernadette, 131 Material support, of texts, 2, 10-14, 18-22, 65, 71, 130. See also Chattier, Roger Matrix, of manuscripts, 12,159, 200-201, 205 Mayhew, Henry, 194 McGann, Jerome, n, 14,16 McKenzie, D. F., 10,14,18 McLeod, Randall (Random Cloud, Random Clod), 11-12 Memorization, 107,148,155-56 Memory, 35, 46, 69,118,147,169 Meriaduc, 108 Michel, Francisque, 4, 26, 28-29, 64, 202 Middle English, 98; poetry, 57, 74 Midelton, Katherine, Dame, 134 Minstrels, 92, 206; depiction in Patristic and clerical commentary, 162-63; as guarantors of cultural continuity, 71; as musicians, 66;

as owner of Digby 23, 36-38; performance, 21, 31, 42, 64-69; as thieves, 72; stereotypes of, 32, 76-79. See also Jongleurs Miracles of the Virgin, 8, 92, 152,178, 180-81, 189,190 Mirk, John, prior of Lilleshall Abbey, Shropshire, 58 Miscellanies, 93, 207; assembly of, 95-96; commercial production of, 94. See also Harley 978 Mnemonics, 155-56,162 Monin, Louis-Henri, 28 Monmerque, Louis-Jean-Nicolas, 28 Moore, R. I., 140-41,175,181 Morley, Henry, 137,154,193 Mouvance, 12,16, 32 Murray, Alexander, 168 Music, 7, 23, 93, 114-16; as information, 24. See also Chant; Polyphony; "Summer Canon" Musical notation, 13, 20, 83, 98-99,131-32, 204 Musset, Louis de, marquis de Cogners, 27 Nationalism, 205, 208; English, 76; French, 15, 29-30, 63-64; and literary canons, 206 Nicholas, St., 115 Nichols, Stephen, 12,104,159,182, 200, 207 Noah's Ark. See Ark Nodier, Charles, 27 Normandy, 112 Normans, 35, 168; scribes, 3, 38 Nostalgia, 70, 79, 206 Notation, musical. See Musical notation Notre Dame de Paris, 114 Noveau recueil Acs fabliaux^ 191 Oberon, 68 Ogier the Dane, 33 Old French, 21, 73,103,131; epic, 40; lais, 66; poetry, 30; scholars of, 63 "Omnibus in Gallia," 89, 92 Ong, Walter, 20 Oral delivery or recitation, 65-66, 70, 75. See also Performance; Seance epique Orality: of eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury texts, 19; of medieval manuscripts, 20; power of, 128 Ordinance of 1349, 168 Orleans, 44 Orpheus, 72, 186

Index Oseney Abbey, Oxfordshire, 3, 57, 59, 121; donations to, 42. See also Augustinian canons Otto of Cluny, Collationes (Oxford, Bodleian Library MS Bodleian 125), 115. Ovid, 104 Oxford, 63, 94,149; scriveners in, 84, 98-99, 149. See also Catte Street Oxford University, 28, 44, 55-56,121,126, 130; Benedictine curriculum at Oxford, 119; Cantilupe as Chancellor of, 112; curriculum, 117,149; Gloucester College, 121; Magdalen College, 89; scholars at, 43, 58, 61, 74, H7 Pacht, O., 43-44 Page headers, 147-48 Page layout, 13, 88, 98,129, 148-49; electronic, 218 Page numbering, 147 Paleography, 44, 56, 88,197; as professional rite of passage, 14 Pallas Athena, 49, 54 Parchment, 14, 23, 36, 58, 74, H5,129 Paris, 17,114,130, 142,149; market of les Halles, 193; 1870 siege of, 30 Paris, Gaston, 30, 62, 71, 73 Paris, Matthew, 43 Paris, University of, 44, 56, 107,131; arts curriculum, 55; Dominican house, 128 Parkes, Malcolm B., 38, 44, 73, 127,129, 148-49 Parry, Milman, 32 Partes, Robert, 125 Pater Noster, 95 Patrons, 18, 57, 74, 95, 98 105,133 Paul the Deacon, 175,183 Paulmy, Marquis de (Antoine-Rene de Voyer d'Argenson), 27, 28, 35 Pecia, 149 Per lepatois (Perceval), 190 Peraldus, Guillelmus, Summa de vitiis et virtutibus^ 118 Percy, Thomas, bishop, 21, 27 Performance, 18-22, 65, 69; of Gnigemar^ 100; transcription of, 68. See also Minstrels; Seance epique Perrers, Alice, mistress of Edward III, 139 "Perspice Christicola" ("See, O Christian"), 79 Peter the Chanter, 67

295

Peterborough Abbey. See Benedictines Petronilla, Dame, 134 Peyraut (Perrault), Guillaume. See Peraldus, Guillelmus Phaethon, 53 Picardian manuscripts, 5 Pietz, William, 202-5 Pilgrimages, 183; to Reading Abbey, 125 Piramus, Denis, 6,100,104 Plainte de la Vierge^ 95 Plato, Timaeus,, 3, 55, 58, 73; date of copying in Digby 23, 3; popularity of, 75; use of cosmology and mythology in, 45, 53-54. See also Digby 23 (i) Poema de mio Cid. See Manuscripts Polyphony, liturgical, 21, 93,114,116 Pontifical Institute for Mediaeval Studies, Toronto, 7-8 Popes. See names of individual popes Portuguese, 202 Pothook glossator, of Digby 23 (i), 49-55, 108 Powicke, Maurice, 122 Preachers, 58, 61 Preaching, 116-21,171,190-91; aids, 181; Augustinian canonesses and, 134; Benedictine monks and, 119; friars, 119; manuals, 119 Printing, 15-18; effect on reading patterns, u, 201; as system of knowledge, 23 Priscian, 102-3 Privacy. See Harley 978 Psalter, 92,150,162 Pseudo-Turpin, 26, 70 Psychoanalytic reading, 182, 198-99 Psychopathology, 199 Quiller-Couch, Arthur, Sir, 76 Rabelais, Francois, 158,162 Racine, Jean, 32 Radulfus, priest from Witchurch, 92-93 Rahere, 138,154 Ralph of Longchamp, commentary on Anticlaudianus^ 102 Ramsey Abbey, abbess of, 6,100 Raymond de Penaforte, chaplain to Gregory IX, 137,141-42; illustration of, 156 Readers, and allegory, 105; medieval, 15, 94-95, loo. See also Audience Reading Abbey, Berkshire, 6-7, 79, 8485,110-16,124-25; drawing of, 86, 193;

296

Index

Reading Abbey, Berkshire (continued) library at, 92, 106, 117; monks at, 82\ ties to Oxford University, 94,121; music at, 98, 116; tradition of musical collaboration, 132. See also Benedictines Reading: aloud, 19, 73; allegories of, 109-10; as act of desire, 201; as form of solace, 136; manuscripts, 206-7; for moral instruction, 73; practices, 107,126-29, 201-2; silently, 20, 21, 127-28

Reading Fragments, 116 Reception theory, 9 Recitation. See Oral delivery Rees, Gustave, 81 Reformation, in England, 79 Repetition, in marginalia, 189 Repington, John, prior of St. Bartholomew's, 190 Richard II, 172,191 Richard of Thetford, 117,120 Rigg, A. G., 98 Rising of 1381, 167-72, 193 Ritson, Joseph, 21, 27 Robertson, D. W., 104,107, 163 Roland, 26-27, 58 Roland^ 41, 57, 61, 73, 131, 204; oral tradition of, 74; search for, 26-31. See also Digby 23 (2); Song of Roland Roland de Harley, Sir, in Roman de Renart, 183,191 Roman des romans^ 95 Rome, in, 113, 122,191 Rouen Cathedral, 155 Rouget, Claude Joseph, de Lisle, 26; "Roland a Ronceveaux," 27 Royal io.E.4. See Smithfield Decretals Rubin, Miri, 177-78, 181 Rubrication, 144,148 Rule of Saint Benedict. See Benedictine Rule Ruling, in Harley 978, 88-89, 99 Rutebeuf, 177 Rychner, Jean, 31-32,102, no Saenger, Paul, 127-31 Saints, 173-74. See also names of individual saints Saints' lives, 41, 73, 92,152,190; singing of 59-60 Salatin, 177 Salome, 191 Salve Regina^ 173

Samaran, Charles, 36-37, 56-57, 64, 72 Samson, 122,152 Sandier, Lucy, 152-54,163 Saracens, 41,177 Sautre, William, priest of Lynne, 139,172 Schapiro, Meyer, 159,162 School of Chartres, 44-45,102 Scotland, 112,139 Scotus, Marianus, 190 Scribes, 73, 197; copying Digby 23, 3, 37-38, 40, 58; copying Harley 978, 83-84, 88, 93, 98-99 Scriptoria, monastic, 94,128 Scriveners, 94, 130. See also Oxford; Scribes Seance epique^ 21, 31-36, 67-69, 71 Semiotics, 105 Seneca, 58; Letters, 92 Sens Cathedral, 187 Serbo-Croatians, 74 Serfs, 168-69,172 Sermons, 117,120-21,190; allusions to minstrels in, 21; exempla, 191; guides for writing, 119; in Digby 23 (i), 56; reportationes of, 68 Seven deadly sins, 118 Shaftesbury Abbey, abbess of, 6,100 Shakespeare, William, 11-12,14, 76 Short, Ian, 31, 56 Shorthand, 68 Shrovetide, 158 Sigla, 47-48 Silent reading. See Reading, silently Silvestris, Bernard, 55 Simon de Montfort, 83, 85, 122-23, 126; cult of, 124-25; portrayal in Song of Lewes, 123-24 Singing, 79-81. See also Manuscripts Site: of resistance or conflict, 159, 163, 175, 194; as metaphor for textual matrix, 200201

Small, Helen, 19 Smithfield, 138-39,154-55,171 Smithfield Decretals, 1-2,137-96, 206; artists of marginalia, 152; dating of, 2,138,148; dating of marginal illustrations, 154; difficulty of reading, 7,194-95; glosses, 144-51; marginalia, 8,142-44,145,151-56, 159, 17374,186; as site of ideological conflict, 159, 175,194. See also Gregory IX; Marginalia Smithfield Priory. See St. Bartholomew's Priory

Index Socrates, 49 "Soldats Francois." See Paulmy, Marquis de Solon, 53-54 Song of Lewes, 5, 7, 83-85, 98, 121-26, 132; authorship, 124-26; legal discussion in, 124; place in English constitutional history, 5,122; xenophobia in, 123-24 Song of Roland (Chanson de Roland) 2, 4,15, 35; date of copying in Digby 23, 3; editorial history of, 14, 21, 33, 63-64, 71-73, 81, 206; as foundation of Old French literary canon, 15; as French national epic, 29, 31, 63-64; as a song, 29, 32-33, 36, 64, 7071; nineteenth-century publication of, 26; recovery of, 26-28; title of, 4, 26. See also Digby 23 (2) Song of the Barons, 122 Songbooks, 83 Souillac, 177 South English Legendary-, 177,186,187 Spaces between words. See Word division Spearing, A. C, 120 Spelling, Anglo-Norman, 131 Spiegel, Gabrielle, 32, 70 Spitzer, Leo, 104,107 St. Albans Abbey, Hertfordshire, 169-70, 172,190 St. Augustine's Abbey, Canterbury, 59,190, 193 St. Bartholomew's Priory, Smithfield, 2, 72,138,155; hospital at, 172; intellectual culture of, 190. See also Augustinian canons St. George, collegiate chapel of, 57 St. Mary of Oseney. See Oseney Abbey St. Paul's Cathedral, London, 94,154,189 St. Wulstan's Day (January 19), 85 Stability of the text. See Textual stability Stallybrass, Peter, n, 194 Stationers, 149 Stationers' Hall, 17 Statute of Labourers of 1351, 169 Statute of Winchester of 1285,172 Steiner, George, 24 Stengel, Edmund, 60 Stevens, John, 60,132 Stock, Brian, 180, 214 n. 63, Stratford Abbey, 169 Studium (moral exercise of reading), 130 Sturges, Robert S., no Subversion. See Marginalia Subvocalization,i07,128-29

297

Suger, Abbot, of Saint Denis, 32, 58 "Sumer Is Icumen In," 1-2, 5, 76, 77, 7#, 132, 206; scribal blunder in, 99. See also "Cuckoo Song"; "Summer Canon" "Summer Canon," 79-84,132. See also "Sumer Is Icumen In" Susannah of Oxford, 94-95 Tables of Contents. See Lists of contents Taillefer, 26-27, 29, 42, 67, 72, 202, 206 Talbot, Hugh, baron of Cleuville, 100 Tale ofEeryn, 193 Tateshal, Joan, wife of Robert Tateshal, Lincolnshire baron, 95 Taxation, 168-69 Taymouth Hours, 154,189 Textual communities, 24 Textual corruption, 107 Textual stability, u, 13-14, 23, 69, 71, 74; printing and 15-17 Theophilus, 152,175-77; as Jew, Muslim, or magician, 178 Thomas, an official of Cantilupe, in Thomas, Marcel, 149 Thomas de Cantilupe. See Cantilupe, Thomas Thomas, St., 125 Thompson, E. P., 194 Timaeus. See Digby 23 (i); Plato Tironian notes. See Shorthand Toulouse, 147 Tournaments, 162; royal, 139 Tours Cathedral, 187 Trajan, 187 Tristan, 131,135-36 "Tu Autem" formula, 59-60* Turold, 29, 32 Turpin, Archbishop, 40-41 Tuve, Rosamund, 105 Tyler, Wat, 171-72 Tyrwhitt, Thomas, early editor of Chaucer, 13, 28 Uguccio, 137 Ullmann, Walter, 175 Uncial, 88 Unconscious, medieval, 159-62,178,182,193. See also Marginalia Universities, expansion of, 149 Vance, Eugene, 32, 35, 74 Vauchez, Andre, 174-75

298

Index

Vernacular, 12, 73-74,128,130, 207; authorship, 102; scripts, 131; texts not in Reading library, 92; "unstylised," 154; use of in preaching, 171,191; writing of, 73-74 Vie de Saint Alexis, 13 Villeins, 168 Viol, 75 Viollet-Leduc, Emmanuel, pere, 2 Virgil, 93 Virgin Mary. See Mary Vitalis, Orderic, 38, 58 Vitet, Ludovic, 30 Vocalization, 20-21. See also Reading Voltaire, Francois Marie Arouet, 27 Wace, Roman de Rou^ 26-27 Waleran II, count of Meulan, 6,100 Wales, 43, no Wallace, William, 139 Walsingham, Thomas, monk at St. Albans, 169-71 Walter of Henley, 95 Waltham Abbey, 169 Warner, George, 138, 189 Warner, Marina, 173 Warnke, Karl, 102 Waszink, J. H., 43 Wedding feasts, 65 Wenzel, Siegfried, 14 West Africa, 202 Wetherbee, Winthrop, 45 Whalley, George, 13-14 Wherwell Abbey, Hampshire, 133 White, Allon, 194 Wigmore Abbey, 134 William, count for whom Marie translated Aesop, 6 William de Brailes, scrivener, 94-95 William I (the Conqueror), 38

William of Conches, 44; glosses on Timaeus^ 46, 47, 51-56, 106, 108. See also Digby 23 (i) William of Malmesbury, 178 William of Rymington, 171 William of Wicumbe, precentor at Leominster, 93, 94,115-16,132; identified with W. de Wic', 115 William of Winchester, owner of Harley 978, 8, 93, 99, 110-22, 125-26, 128, 130, 13236, 149; appointed subprior at Leominster, 121; identity of, no-n William the Templar, abbot of Reading Abbey, 125 Winchester, bishop of, 85 Witchurch, 93 Women, 151. See also Audience Woodville, Anthony, Lord Scales, 139 Worcester Antiphoner and Gradual. See Manuscripts Worcester, bishop of, 124 Worcester Fragments, 114 Word division, 127-28,130-31, 148 Wright, Thomas, 191 Writing, vernacular, 73-74 Wulstan, David, 99,132 Wycliffe, John, 171 Wycombe, William. See William of Wicumbe Wykes, Thomas, 59, 250 Young, William, friar, 134 Ypomdeon, 190 Yudkin, Jeremy, 115 Yvain, Knight of the Lion, 65-66, 190 Zink, Michel, 68 Zozimas, 183, 187,188 Zumthor, Paul, 12, 20, 32-33, 59, 63, 71-72, 197, 199

Acknowledgments

I first began to explore some of these ideas in the seminar on textual materials run by Margreta de Grazia and Peter Stallybrass in 1992/93, a seminar that remains for me an example of interdisciplinary generosity. Since then, many friends and colleagues have helped me with this book. I would like to thank in particular David Aers, Jon Bath, John Baldwin, Michael Camille (who introduced me to the work of Didron), David Carlson, Michael Chesnutt, Alan Coates, Edison del Canto, Ian Doyle, Sian Echard, Len Findlay, Isobel Findlay, Kathryn Pinter, Allison Fizzard, Allen Frantzen, Thomas Farrell, Roberta Frank, Joseph Goering, Ralph Hanna, Richard Harris, Sean Kane, Susan UEngle, Nicky Losseff, Michael Maranda, Michael McCulloch, Brian Merrilees, Allison Muri, Kay Openshaw, Richard Rastall, George Rigg, Randall Rosenfeld, Giulio Silano, Lesley Smith, Andrew Spears, David Townsend, Peter Stoicheff, Siegfried Wenzel, Ruth Whelau, and Judith Wright. Alexandra Bovey's fine dissertation on the Smithfield Decretals only became available to me when this book was in proof, and I regret not having been able to draw on it earlier. Nicholas Watson, and my sister, Pegatha Taylor, read the entire manuscript. I value both their support and their criticisms. Helen Solterer asked two of the critical questions. Barbara Klaw, Steve Gores, and the members of the Northern Kentucky University writing group responded generously to an early draft of Chapter 3. David Wulstan shared his enthusiasm for William of Winchester and offered many valuable suggestions on the music of Harley 978. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne gave me the benefit of her knowledge of AngloNorman religious culture. Abigail Firey challenged my simplistic notions of the authority of canon law. Paul Dutton responded to innumerable inquiries about Digby 23 and helped me to a better understanding of medieval glossing. Deborah Schlow generously provided emergency research assistance as well as advice on several paleographical matters. My colleagues at the University of Saskatchewan, and the department chair, Paul Bidwell, took good care of me. Pamela Giles prepared the index and saved me from several blunders. Richard Gyug and Ron Cooley have listened to me patiently over the years. Gaye Nixon supported me through the most difficult revisions.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to acknowledge the generous support of the Mellon Foundation, for a year's fellowship at the University of Pennsylvania; the British Academy, whose Neil Ker fund helped subsidize my time with Harley 978; and the Social Sciences and Research Council of Canada for a three-year Research Grant, without which I could never have finished this project. Reading in the Bodleian, the British Library, and the library of the Pontifical Institute for Medieval Studies has been a great joy for me, thanks in part to the kind people who work there. A version of the second chapter first appeared in Speculum^ and has benefited from the responses of several anonymous reviewers, the sound advice of Richard Emmerson, and the copyediting of Jacqueline Brown. To Jacqueline Brown I also owe my interest in canon law, which was piqued by her remarkable introductory course. A version of the fourth chapter first appeared in the collection Bakhtin find Medieval Voices^ edited by Thomas Farrell. I would like to thank Speculum and the University Press of Florida respectively for permission to reprint this material.