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Text Types and the History of English [Reprint 2013 ed.]
 9783110197167, 9783110173727

Table of contents :
List of figures
List of texts
List of facsimiles
1 Preface
2 A history of text types: A componential analysis
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Methods of classification
2.3 The inventory of text types and distinctive features
2.4 Procedure
2.5 Outlook
2.6 An alphabetical list of English text types
2.7 Analysis
2.8 A list of Old English text types
3 Text types and the linguistic history of modern English
3.1 Introductory
3.2 The concept of text types
3.3 Exemplification: the dedicatory epistle
3.4 Interpretation: factors conditioning the form of dedications
3.5 Linguistic features characteristic of dedications
3.6 Conclusion
4 Text types and language history: the cooking recipe
4.1 Introduction
4.2 The cooking recipe
4.3 The development after 1500
4.4 Cross-cultural comparisons
4.5 Conclusions
5 A linguistic history of advertising
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Linguistic analysis: the 18th century
5.3 The 19th century
5.4 Changes in advertising style
5.5 A text type exported
5.6 Conclusion
6 The church hymn
6.1 Introduction
6.2 The historical foundations of the text type
6.3 The hymn as a text type
7 Lexical entries
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Entries in monolingual dictionaries of modern English
8 Linguistic aspects of jokes
8.1 Approaching the topic
8.2 Types of jokes
8.3 Conclusion
9 Text types and the history of Scots
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Formal texts
9.3 Informal language
9.4 Literary texts
9.5 Conclusion
10 Text types and Indian English
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Newspaper reports and leaders
10.3 Book announcements and reviews
10.4 Dedications, forewords and endpieces in scholarly books
10.5 Scholarly expository prose
10.6 Advertisements of various types
10.7 Obituaries
10.8 Letters and essays
10.9 Cooking recipes
10.10 The language of literature
10.11 Conclusion
Index of persons
Index of topics, terms, places and anonymous works
Index of words and phrases

Citation preview

Text Types and the History of English


Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 139


Walter Bisang Hans Henrich Hock Werner Winter (main editor for this volume)

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Text Types and the History of English


Manfred Görlach

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin.

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication


Görlach, Manfred. Text types and the history of English / by Manfred Görlach. p. cm. — (Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs; 139) Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and indexes. ISBN 3-11-017372-7 (acid-free paper) 1. English language - History. 2. English language - Variation. 3. Literary form — History. I. Title. II. Series. PE1075.G58 2004 420'.9-dc22 2004040231

ISBN 3-11-017372-7 Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche


Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at .

© Copyright 2004 by Walter de Gruyter G m b H & Co. KG, D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Cover design: Christopher Schneider, Berlin. Printed in Germany.


List of List of texts List of facsimiles Abbreviations Foreword


ix χ xi xiii xv

1 Preface


2 A history of text types: A componential analysis


2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 2.6 2.7 2.8

Introduction Methods of classification The inventory of text types and distinctive features Procedure Outlook An alphabetical list of English text types Analysis A list of Old English text types

3 Text types and the linguistic history of modern English 3.1 3.2





Introductory The concept of text types 3.2.1 Survey of existing research 3.2.2 Definition Exemplification: the dedicatory epistle 3.3.1 Reasons for the choice of the particular type 3.3.2 The corpus Interpretation: factors conditioning the form of dedications . . . 3.4.1 Cultural history 3.4.2 Absence of dedications 3.4.3 Critical views of dedications Linguistic features characteristic of dedications 3.5.1 Introduction 3.5.2 Individual features Conclusion

3 7 8 14 21 23 88 91 99 99 102 102 105 109 109 110 112 112 113 114 115 115 117 119



4 Text types and language history: the cooking recipe 4.1 4.2




Introduction The cooking recipe 4.2.1 Preliminary 4.2.2 Old English 4.2.3 Middle English The development after 1500 4.3.1 Developments shared with other text types 4.3.2 Features of recipes 4.3.3 Isabella Beeton, The Book of Household Management 4.3.4 Charles E. Francatelli, A Plain Cookery Book 4.3.5 Anon., Good Things Made, Said and Done Cross-cultural comparisons 4.4.1 The text type exported 4.4.2 Scotland: Mrs McLintock's Receipts for Cookery 4.4.3 Indian examples 4.4.4 Hailans Kuk Buk Conclusions

5 A linguistic history of advertising 5.1


5.3 5.4

Introduction 5.1.1 General remarks 5.1.2 Text types and their names 5.1.3 Methodology 5.1.4 Periods in the history of advertising 5.1.5 The evidence provided by playful distortions 5.1.6 Contemporary criticism 5.1.7 The development of a new text type Linguistic analysis: the 18th century 5.2.1 The rhetorical background 5.2.2 Adjectives 5.2.3 Syntax and word formation 5.2.4 Other formulaic expressions 5.2.5 Summary The 19th century Changes in advertising style 5.4.1 Sociolinguistic changes 5.4.2 Contrasts with coexisting styles 5.4.3 Changes in lexis 5.4.4 Changes in syntax 5.4.5 Changes in seriousness

121 121 123 123 126 127 131 131 132 132 134 136 136 136 137 138 139 140 141 141 141 142 143 144 147 148 150 151 151 152 153 153 154 155 156 156 157 158 159 160

Contents 5.5 5.6

A text type exported Conclusion

6 The church hymn 6.1 6.2 6.3

Introduction The historical foundations of the text type The hymn as a text type

7 Lexical entries 7.1 7.2

Introduction Entries in monolingual dictionaries of modern English

8 Linguistic aspects of jokes 8.1 8.2


Approaching the topic Types of jokes 8.2.1 Situational and pragmatic features 8.2.2 Unintentional blunders 8.2.3 Jokes involving more than one language or dialect . . . . 8.2.4 Jokes combined with illustrations 8.2.5 Formulas 8.2.6 Jokes based on spelling 8.2.7 Jokes based on names 8.2.8 Jokes based on pronunciations 8.2.9 Jokes based on syntactical ambiguities 8.2.10 Jokes based on word-formation 8.2.11 Jokes based on meaning Conclusion

9 Text types and the history of Scots 9.1


Introduction 9.1.1 Definitions 9.1.2 Historical aspects of the range of Scots Formal texts 9.2.1 Introduction 9.2.2 Administrative texts 9.2.3 Scholarly prose 9.2.4 Grammar books and metalinguistic reflexion 9.2.5 The language of religion 9.2.6 Formal speech

vii 161 162

163 163 164 167

175 175 176

181 181 188 188 188 189 190 191 191 192 193 193 196 197 199

201 201 201 204 204 204 205 206 207 208 210


Contents 9.3



Informal language 9.3.1 Introduction 9.3.2 Private letters 9.3.3 Journalism 9.3.4 Cooking recipes 9.3.5 Advertisements 9.3.6 Humour Literary texts 9.4.1 Introduction 9.4.2 Narrative prose 9.4.3 Lyrical poems 9.4.4 Drama 9.4.5 Translation Conclusion

10 Text types and Indian English 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 10.7 10.8 10.9 10.10 10.11

Introduction Newspaper reports and leaders Book announcements and reviews Dedications, forewords and endpieces in scholarly books . . . . Scholarly expository prose Advertisements of various types Obituaries Letters and essays Cooking recipes The language of literature Conclusion

211 211 211 212 214 214 215 216 216 216 218 219 220 220 225 225 228 230 231 232 233 237 239 244 245 250





Indices Index of persons Index of topics, terms, places and anonymous works Index of words and phrases

323 326 331

List of figures

Fig. 1 : Fig. 2: Fig. 3: Fig. 4: Fig. 5: Fig. 6: Fig. 7: Fig. 8: Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

9: 10: 11 : 12: 13: 14: 15: 16: 17: 18: 19:

The functional distribution of English in various domains from 700 to 1800 Sources of names of text types Linguistic disciplines partially overlapping with, or contributing to, text type linguistics A first componential analysis of fifteen text types Categories of text type classification Analysis of seven religious genres The increase of text types from OE to 2000 The growth of English lexis compared with that of designations of text types Classification of registers and the position of text types Text types: the part:whole relationship Numbers of books included in Gebert and EL Numbers included in EL; absence of dedication is shown by empty box OE text types and their designations Numerical increase of cookery books 1500-1900 A possible classification of jokes based on feature analysis . . . Criteria in ascertaining types of humour Combination of verbal play and illustration Joke involving non-verbal communication The 'life cycle' of diglossia

4 10 12 13 15 16 90 91 101 107 Ill Ill 122 131 186 187 190 191 221

List of texts

Text 1: Text 2: Text 3: Text 4: Text 5: Text 6: Text 7: Text 8: Text 9:

OE medical recipe ME, 15th century ME rhymed General advice Roast Saddle of Mutton No. 13. Bacon and Cabbage Soup XCVIII. To make Geil of Rasps (rapsberry jelly) Chuare (dry dates) ka kheer (sweet milk) Mit na kumu sup (meat and vegetable soup)

126 127 128 132 133 135 137 138 139

List of facsimiles

Dedications (items 1-10) 1

Cotgrave, Randle. 1611. A Dictionarie of the French and English Tongues. London; facs. EL 82. 2 Florio, John. 1611. Queen Anna s New World of Words, or Dictionarie of the Italian and English Tongues. London; facs. EL 105. 3 Brinsley, John. 1612. Ludus Literarius: or, the Grammar Schoole; Shewing how to Proceede from the First Entrance into Learning, to the Highest Perfection. London; facs. EL 62. 4 Bullokar, John. 1616. An English Expositor: Teaching the Interpretation of the Hardest Words Used in Our Language. London; facs. EL 11. 5 Ray, John. 1691. A Collection of English Words not Generally Used; with their Significations and Original, in Two Alphabetical Catalogues. London; facs. EL 145. 6 Pujólas, J. 1690. The Key of the French Tongue; or, a New Method for Learning it Well, Easily, in Short Time and Almost Without a Master. London; facs. EL 284. 7 Lane, A. 1695. A Rational and Speedy Method of Attaining to the Latin Tongue. London; facs. EL 334. 8 Lane, A. 1700. A Key to the Art of Letters: or, English a Learned Language, Full of Art, Elegancy and Variety. London; facs. EL 171. 9 Bysshe, Edward. 1702. The Art of English Poetry. London; facs. EL 75. 10 Harris, John. 1704. Lexicon Technicum, or, An Universal English Dictionary of Arts and Sciences. London.

Cooking recipes (items 11-15) 11 Kettilby, Mary. 1724. A Collection of {...) Receipts in Cookery, Physick and Surgery (...). London: for the author. 12 Francateli!, Charles Elmé. 1852. A Plain Cookery Book for the Working Classes. London: Phillips and Co. 13 Beeton, Isabella. 1861. Mrs. Beeton 's Book of Household Management. London: for the author. 14 Anon. 1887. Good Things Made, Said and Done for Every Household, 24th ed. Leeds: Goodall, Backhouse and Co. 15 Reejhsinghani, Aroona. 1978. Cooking the Punjabi Way. Bombay: Jaico.


List of facsimiles

Advertisements (items 16-28) 16 Anon. 1680-1720. Trade Cards', from: John Lewis, Printed Ephemera. London: Faber and Faber 1969. 17 Anon. 1705-1711. "Advertisements", from Defoe's Review. London. 18 Anon. 1840. "Advertisements", from The Newspaper, n.p.. 19 Anon. cl820. "Clothing", from Robert Wood, Victorian Delights. London: Evans 1967. 20 Anon. 1840? "Lottery", from Hindley and Hindley. London: Wayland 1972. 21 Anon. 1849. "Advertisement in form of a proclamation", from Robert Wood, Victorian Delights. London: Evans 1967. 22 Anon. 1860? "Bryant and May's Matches", from Hindley and Hindley. London: Wayland 1972. 23 Anon. 1887. "Advertising end pieces", from Good Things. Leeds. 24 Anon. 1880s. "Pears' soap, and Punch parody", from Hindley and Hindley; cl980. "The Present Perfect" and "Happy Ballantine's Day", from modern magazines. 25 Anon. cl900. "Bird's Custard Powder", from Scotch Haggis, n.p. 26 Anon. 1980. "Bilingual advertisements", from Manila Bulletin. 27 Anon. 1972. "Advertisements in Tok Pisin and Bislama", from Wantok (1972) and Nabanga (1980). 28 Anon. 1978-80. "Advertisements for sarees, banks and builders", from South Asian newspapers.

South Asian texts (items 29-34) 29 Newspaper report, 1980. "City's ponywallas hounded", from The Indian Express, 6 Oct. 30 Newspaper report, 1978. "Traffic nightmare", from The Skyline, Hyderabad, 23 June. 31 Essays, 1982. "Advertising". "Science in the service of man", from B.A. Chishty, R.A. Khan and S.A. Hamid, Polymer English Grammar and Composition for B.Sc. Students, with a Supplement on Text Book. Lahore, Urdu Bazar: Polymer. 32 Anon. 1980. "Matrimonial advertisements", from The Hindu. 33 Anon. 1981-2. "Book advertisements", from Sterling International Catalogue. London: Independent Publishing. 34 Anon. 1985. "Film advertisements", from Deccan Chronicle, 1 Oct.


Advanced Learner s Dictionary American English British English Dictionary of Contemporary English English Linguistics Early Modern English English as a native language English as a second language Indian English International (world) English Late Middle English Middle English Modern English manuscript New Testament Old English Oxford English Dictionary Present-day English Scottish Scottish English Shorter Oxford English Dictionary Short Title Catalogue

Foreword by Hans-Jürgen Diller

The foreword belongs to the fast diminishing number of text classes on which Manfred Görlach has not written extensively. Apart from one or two observations on forewords in Indian English scholarly books (ch. 10.4) he does not seem to have discussed the genre. The examples quoted there are of the greatest cultural and linguistic interest, but a sentence like "I crave the indulgence of my learned readers for the various shortcomings of the book." is hardly an appropriate model for the present writer. The reasons are directly related to a problem which Manfred Görlach has treated at some length: the polysemy or vagueness of the lexemes with which we refer to text classes. There are at least two kinds of foreword: one is written by the author of the book, the other by someone else. The latter belongs to a "notional or deep structure text type" which has been called "Eulogy" (Longacre 1996: 10), the former to one which we might call "captado benevolentiae".' In the presence of a book like the present one, the eulogist's task is easy. First of all, the growing tribe of scholars working in the field of diachronic text linguistics (including text typology) will be grateful to Manfred Görlach for gathering together papers which until now were scattered over a number of conference volumes and thus not easily accessible in all parts of the scholarly world. But above all they will admire, once more, the energy which has enabled him to address such a wide range of topics. Trying to divide this mass of learning into manageable portions, we may distinguish three major fields of interest. Two of them became apparent already in the first papers which he devoted to the subject: the lexicon of text class names and the exemplary analysis of selected text classes (chs. 2 and 3). A third group traces the development of text classes in the context of national varieties of English, such as Scots and Indian English; it thus combines an older interest with the new one (chs. 9 and 10).

1 To Longacre (as well as Biber and many others) text types are expert categories defined by internal, formal features, while genres are folk categories defined on external, contextual grounds. Görlach's text types are folk categories in whose definition internal and external criteria are combined (ch. 3.2.2). My use of text type follows Longacre. Whenever a distinction between genre and text type seems unnecessary, I use the superordinate term text class.



Since the study of Indian English has already been touched on, it is perhaps best to begin with the third group. That the number of text classes is an important measure of the social function of a language, and of the complexity of the society using that language, is an insight that has long been familiar to historians of the English language. What has been called the "reestablishment of English" is reflected in the growing number of text classes using English after the Norman Conquest. Görlach applies this insight to language varieties, noting a decrease in Scottish and an increase in Indian English. While the decrease in Scottish English merely shows one native variety giving way to another, Indian English is a variety with few if any native speakers (ch. 10.1). Much of the material offered by Görlach will cause amusement as well as guilty consciences. As linguists we like to think of our discipline as objective and value-free. With characteristic boldness, Görlach honours this principle in the breach rather than the observance, using naughty words like deviation, wrong, garbled or overuse in his description of a provincial Indian journalist's English (ch. 10.2, all in one paragraph). There is an awkward lesson to be learnt here: many linguists will argue that such qualifications simply reflect our Eurocentric arrogance and have no place in a truly scientific description of Indian English. We may even add, in a rather less valuefree vein, that to discriminate against the variety of English so characterized is to alienate its users from their own culture. But must we not keep in mind that accomplished Indian writers in English of world-wide repute will never use that kind of English and that, for instance, Arundhati Roy's justly fierce criticism of President Bush would never find a hearing if it were expressed in such language? Görlach 's epithets may raise some anti-prescriptivist eyebrows, but they do reflect the complex relationship between exogenous norms and endogenous practice which characterizes the use of English as a second language. Norms are an important facet of linguistic reality which sociolinguists and language teachers ignore at their own and others' peril. The growth of his collection of text class names is perhaps the most eloquent testimony to Görlach 's energy and the comprehensiveness of his approach. By 1990 he had already found more than 1,000 lexemes denoting text classes (Görlach 1991d: 203; 1992b: 743). That number has now grown to about 2,000 (Görlach 2001: 53, 56, 63-81, 2002c: 17; cf. this volume, ch. 2). The sheer numbers demonstrate the daunting dimensions of the field which he has opened for us. As I have tried to show with the example of foreword, many of these lexical items are polysemous. Polysemy or vagueness is a necessary condition for semantic change, a fact which Görlach illustrates, above all, with recipe (ch. 4) and advertisement (ch. 5). In recent years he has extended his approach to a more ambitious enterprise: a componential analysis of the entire lexicon of text class names. In the original



version of ch. 2 (Görlach 2001: 53) he admits that he had decided "with many qualms" to base his analysis on "more or less encyclopedic distinctions". In the present volume (ch. 2.3) the qualms have been reduced from "many" to "some". In my humble opinion that is a step in the right direction, and I am looking forward to the day when the qualms will have been entirely overcome. The distinction between "encyclopedia" and "lexicon" or "dictionary" is so uncertain (cf. Lyons 1995: 100-101) that it should not be allowed to stand in the way of an important and useful project. If a lexicon of text class names is to be of use to historical text linguists, it must draw on knowledge of the objects designated by those names, i.e. on encyclopedic knowledge. The example o f f o r e w o r d and its synonyms preface and introduction shows that a semantic analysis in terms of lexical distinctive features is insufficient: all three words may refer to texts written either by the author of the book or by someone else. The opposition [± by author] thus does not seem to be distinctive in the lexicon. But the linguistic characteristics of the texts concerned will vary greatly according to whether the feature in question is specified plus or minus. In Görlach 's work the study of text class names is intimately connected with that of individual text classes. The food recipe, the dedication and the advertisement have become the object of important case studies (chs. 3, 4, 5). They have a single, sharply defined purpose and are accordingly instantiated in short texts: the recipe tells us how to do something, the advert urges us to do, i.e. buy, something, and the dedication praises a person. This fact alone should make them ideal for a study of the nexus between form and function which is the basic Erkenntnisinteresse of all linguistic research. But since these genres represent non-expository, non-narrative text types sensu Longacre, they are seriously under-represented in the computer-readable corpora of both contemporary and historical English which have so far provided the basis for the best-known text-typological studies. The absence of a procedural text type from Biber's typology may well be a consequence of his sampling frame. A Biber-type feature analysis of these and similar genres as suggested by Manfred Görlach (ch. 2.6, 3.2.2) may indeed open exciting perspectives. Above all, it may tell us to what extent those genres remain limited to their original functions and thus to their original text types. Typologically, we think of the cookery book as a book telling us how to cook. But Görlach's analysis has shown that historically it may acquire other functions as well. The extent to which these other functions are reflected in linguistic form is a question which should be of interest to all linguists - not just historical ones. Our hope must be that in his new status as professor emeritus Manfred Görlach will find the time and the resources to extend his research in these promising directions.

1 Preface

The present book summarizes my reflexions on what I see as one of the most important - and most neglected - topics of synchronic and diachronic linguistics. I am convinced of the fact that the structural development of modern languages is closely bound to their functional range and the conventions that have been established for appropriate usage in the individual text types covered by the respective language. One of the most decisive factors is what other languages are available in a specific speech community for what purposes in spoken and written form, and how well-defined the conventions are for an individual text type. Proper definitions, and investigations including diachronic developments and diatopic contrasts seem to be indispensable before, for instance, corpus linguistics can claim to make reliable statements based on a representative text selection. The topic is, however, of a much wider relevance since text typology and the interpretation of individual representatives over time and geographical space promise to yield insights into cultural history and present-day variation as no other field of linguistics possibly can - in a way, such research is a partial rediscovery of the ancient discipline of rhetorics, whose major concern was to describe and teach what linguistic means were appropriate for individual contexts. Most of the chapters here included derive from contributions to festschriften, conferences and journals; the reprints are here revised with substantial changes in the form of corrections, updatings, cuts and adaptations to make a book in which (hopefully) tout se tient. Moreover, publication from camera-ready manuscript made it possible to complement the few texts quoted in support of my arguments in the original articles by selected facsimiles. These are provided in the appendix without further analysis, for self-study and as stimulating texts for readers particularly interested in the topic. Publishers have generously allowed me to re-use material from my earlier articles (see first footnotes to individual chapters) and to reproduce specimens used for illustration - however, most of my examples are from early sources no longer copyrighted. Many colleagues have been helpful in commenting on individual papers. Special thanks are due to John Davis who was kind enough to read through the entire book, to Hans-Jürgen Diller who contributed a foreword, to Sirka



Laass who produced a computer printout of the text with great care, to Werner Winter who accepted the book for publication and to experts at Mouton de Gruyter who advised me during the last stages of production. Cologne, July 2003

Manfred Görlach

2 A history of text types: A componential analysis

2.1 Introduction 2 As has been known for some time, linguistic investigations cannot be limited to the classic disciplines of phonology, morphology, syntax and lexicology, whether we approach the topic in a synchronic or a diachronic way. The correlation between types of situation, textual functions and conventionalized linguistic features, a discipline structured by what has been called register or style (cf. Crystal and Davy 1969), is certainly one of the most attractive fields available for future research. In the history of philology/ Sprachwissenschaft/ linguistics certain topics and periods have been prominent fields of investigation - the tradition concentrated on Laut- und Formenlehre in 19th-century comparative linguistics and philology, whereas syntax and semantics have been more prominent in diachronic investigations more recently. Such refocusing is not just a matter of changing methods and scholarly objectives, but should also - ideally - be guided by the salience of linguistic developments on a specific level in a particular period. Thus, it can be argued that OE is the ideal period for investigating inflexional morphology and caiques, the OE/ ME transition phase for the loss of inflexion and the resulting typological changes, ME for the impact of French/ Latin on the native vocabulary and societal triglossia, EModE for unmonitored homogenization in spelling and functional selection as well as borrowing necessitated by the expansion of domains affecting syntax and stylistic variation, the 18th century for attitudes on correctness and prescriptive grammar, and the 19th/20th centuries for phonetics and phonology, dialectology, sociolinguistics, and multilingualism, and so forth (cf. Görlach

This chapter is based on my contribution to the Bochum conference (= Görlach 2001). It is here greatly expanded to serve as an introduction to the present book and comprises a thoroughly revised list of text types, supplied with short definitions and dates taken from the SOED. The original paper has profited from comments of participants at the conference. I also gratefully acknowledge the intellectual debt to Peter von Polenz, who mentioned in a seminar some thirty years ago (!) that an analytical description of text types might well start with a componential analysis of types which have conventional names given to them - in German or in any other language. The same idea was followed up by Dimter (1981: 33), who counted entries designating everyday concepts of text types in German in Duden (1973); he found some 1642 names, of which 480 are basic (grundlegend) and 1162 derivative (abgeleitet·, mostly compounds), but thinks there may be as many as 5,000 categorizable in 120 classes (1981: 20).


A history of text types: A componential


1995a). In particular, the history of European 'vernaculars' after 1500 is characterized by a dramatic increase of functions in tandem with the decline of international languages - Latin in western Europe, and French for many societies - from the Middle Ages onwards. As a consequence, the national languages were elaborated, refined and regularized in order to make them fit for standard functions in written and spoken forms and for use in all possible situations, which makes the time after 1500 the obvious period for research into the development of conventionalized text types. A greatly simplified graph can serve to illustrate this radical functional expansion for English in the course of some 1100 years of its history:

Figure 1. The functional distribution of English in various domains from 700 to 1800 (adapted from Görlach 1992b)

From the 15th century onwards, various linguistic innovations accordingly helped to refine the barren and inadequate vernacular. Since the deficiencies of English were then seen quite clearly by educated users, who compared their native tongue with the excellence of Latin, the measures undertaken to improve the English language were largely deliberate (although not supported by any kind of offical language planning). Many prominent writers, who felt responsible for the barren vulgar tongue, dealt with lexical and syntactical gaps as well as with what was widely felt as a lack of elegance and they created conventions for a great number of text types, either by making existing variation functional or by borrowing or inventing new distinctions. Stylistic adequacy, not restricted to literary genres, was measured



against the buzz-word of classical rhetoric, decorum (itself modelled on the Greek tò prepon). Accordingly, the EModE period is the first in the history of the language in which material for text typology is both plentiful and, because text production was to a greater extent guided by concepts of appropriateness than in any earlier period, fruitful for investigations of how the conventionalization of text types progressed. As with the expansion of lexis, there were, in principle, three methods to achieve this, all used in the process of the standardization of English: 1. The continuation of earlier types. This might include a more specific delimitation in order to distinguish them from similar types, possibly by semantic differentiation of formerly synonymous terms, or even a split into two different types - as happened to the dedication which developed out of the (dedicatory) letter (cf. ch. 3). 2. The transfer of features from one category to a new type - as occurred (partly) with the cooking recipe, for which conventions could build on the earlier medical recipe (cf. ch. 4). 3. The borrowing of text types (and their concomitant features) from another language and culture; this method was widely employed in scholarly registers and literary genres, especially since the latter relied on the principle of imitatio and thus required formal imitation of the characteristics of genres. Compare the vernacular beginnings of genres such as bucolic or epic poetry (as in Spenser or Milton), and the numerical rise of text types in the Renaissance period (cf. fig. 7 below). That the opposite development, the functional reduction of a language, can also happen, is well illustrated by the functional history of Scots (ch. 7). Destandardization in fact tends to be accompanied by a loss of functional range, that is, a shrinking number of text types in which the language is employed. The variety thus becomes dialectalized and dominated by another standard language and is in consequence impoverished with regard to its linguistic expressiveness. Finally, the expansion of English around the world has created various forms of language contact. As a consequence, individual text types used in non-native English speech communities have either remained alien, that is, restricted to expatriate ENL forms, or they were imitated in the respective ESL varieties. Other text types were translated, thus enriching the number of functional categories in the receiving language. (An extreme example of this procedure is the existence of a cookery book in the Tok Pisin of New Guinea where it created a new genre in a culture which has no use for it,


A history of text types: A componential


because oral traditions predominate, cf. 4.4; also note the unusual type of Philippine advertisements employing English and Filipino in the same item, facs. 26). Alternatively, existing native categories were often transferred to the nationalized varieties of English in the country. Compare my analysis of the situation in India (ch. 10): if we wish to explain why a certain text in IndE strikes us as peculiar, we will have to determine: 1. Which text types are not found in English and never have been 2. Which text types are represented locally only by IntE - either because such books are always imported, or written by expatriates 3. If local Englishes are used, what present-day regional and social variation there is (as in the metropolitan vs. provincial contrast in many anglophone countries' daily newspapers, which combines with the tabloid vs. quality distinction to form very intricate patterns) 4. If there has been a historical development within the genre, in what ways existing deficiencies have been filled (indigenous developments, or through borrowing of styles from BrE, AmE or other forms of English) 5. How conspicuous 'misuses' of register found in the individual category are, and whether these are to be explained by the carry-over of features from related text types. How important stylistic traditions and expectations in the local languages are, i.e. how far deviances from IntE can be explained as stylistic caiques 6. What new text types have developed in regional Englishes to satisfy communicative needs, and how (5.) features in old and new text types compare 7. What evidence of stylistic 'colonial lag' is found in individual text types in different varieties, i.e. why some local traditions strike us as markedly 'Victorian'. (quoted from Görlach 1998a: 130) For scholars it is therefore important to settle various basic sociohistorical questions before they start a more narrowly linguistic analysis. It is also interesting to observe that the cultural and linguistic situation in India as indicated above represents a mirror image of Renaissance England (fig. 1), English having now become the dominant prestige language and developed from a borrower to a lender, from a large-scale importer to the world-wide exporter of linguistic and cultural assets, including text types.

Methods of classification


2.2 Methods of classification 3 My remarks above will have intimated that I prefer an analytical approach that looks to the function and the situation as the determining factors for the emergence of conventionalized types individualized by a specific designation and, when available, the appropriate selection of linguistic features. This method does not, however, exhaust the possibilities, and it may be useful to reflect on available alternatives which can help us to correct or complement the approach here chosen. It might be added that the study of text types is a comparatively new discipline and that there are still far too few labourers in the vineyard 4 . Moreover, the national scholarly traditions diverge a great deal: Germany has seen a boost of relevant research from around 1970, but the results of these efforts found insufficient attention abroad in the 1970s and 1980s (cf. the publications by Adamzik 1995; Dimter 1981; Frier 1979; Große and Wellmann 1996; Gülich and Raíble 1972, 1977; Hempfer 1977; Hinck 1977; Koch 1971; Lux 1981; Reichmann and Wegera 1988; Steger 1984/1998; Werlich 1975; Wimmer 1984). The lack of scholarly transfer at least partially explains why the Anglo-Saxon tradition (mainly represented by Biber and Finegan) is so different. Also compare Besch's Sprachgeschichte (1984/21998), in which the sections devoted to each period of the historical development of German are rounded off with a chapter on text types, whereas the Cambridge History of the English Language (= CHEL, Hogg 1994-2001) has no equivalent. If such chapters had been included in the English collection, they would have provided a natural complement or continuation to the treatment of 'syntax' and usefully contributed to a functional history of English including its standardization on various levels and in different domains. 5 On the other hand, the relevant chapters even in the

One of the most ambitious attempts at establishing methodical foundations of the discipline by comparison of the major tenets of scholars writing on genre/ text type is provided by Diller (2001). His results are, however, difficult to apply to an empirical study such as mine. Lee (2001) has recently attempted to sort out the problem of text types for the classification of genres in computer-readable corpora, but his results are not totally convincing, and not applicable to problems treated in my study 4

For the rhetorical tradition which correlated stylistic appropriateness with functions and situations, and thus provides a kind of prehistory of the discipline, with an enormous time depth and substantial impact in the formation of new text types and the elaboration of old ones, especially in the Renaissance, see below. 5

In one of the first redactional conferences at Cambridge I strongly urged (without any success) that each volume should have a chapter on text types rather than merely on 'literary language' so that readers might become aware of what types made use of English (rather than Latin or French, cf. graph 1 above). The restriction to literature in the CHEL now means that the special position of the literary language is less clear than it might have been and that many text types are excluded (or dubbed 'literary'with dubious claims to that qualification).


A history of text types: A componential analysis

recent second edition of the Sprachgeschichte any mention of Biber's research.

(Vol. 1, 21998) do not make

2.3 The inventory of text types and distinctive features Analysis should then, I suggest, start with the compilation of a list of words designating specific text types. The assumption is that although not all conventionalized uses of a language have a term relating to them, those that have can probably be correlated with specific functions and recurring linguistic features as well as writers' intentions and readers' expectations 6 . However, a decision on which terms qualify for inclusion is quite problematic, as it is with exhaustive listings of members in other semantic fields; the difficulties of such a delimitation are here caused by the following points in particular: 1. The polysémie nature of many terms, especially where a specific speech act or an action is accompanied by a spoken utterance or a written statement, which can then metonymically acquire the name (cf. my category C below). In many cases the noun is clearly related to a verb {the rebuke+0, resign+ation, agree+ment) clearly showing the semantic process behind the coinage. 2. The semantic vagueness of many words means that they can serve for names of text types in specific contexts without becoming terminological. As will be shown below, vagueness is a particular problem for early stages of English, the specification of terms being a characteristic feature of the development of the English standard language - and this goes hand in hand with salient linguistic features becoming expected or obligatory for these re(de)fined types. 3. By contrast, the usage and reference of many terms are highly specialized; they do not belong to the common vocabulary, but are restricted to individual domains, such as literature, law, administration and the church in particular. As a consequence, they do not contrast with everyday designations of text types, and can be analysed only as members of specific terminological fields.

As a consequence my approach excludes research aimed at establishing universal categories derived from communicational, pragmatic, speech-act and logical classifications (cf. Große 1974).

The inventory of text types and distinctive features


4. A few terms are obviously foreign and their applicability to English contexts is doubtful; often the foreign nature combines with their occurrence in historical contexts or extremely specialized jargon. 5. There is an old controversy as to whether compounds should be included in the analysis of lexical fields. There is, in the field under discussion, no limit to the possible specifications which make a term applicable to individual domains: consider here the combinations of bill of x, or compounds with writ, book, etc. as first or second elements. The degree of lexicalization, that is, of the loss of transparency, can indicate whether designations should be listed, but the criterion is impossible to apply in an objective way (cf. the detailed discussion of bill and letter below). Literary scholars tend to distinguish between different kinds of stories and tales, but it is uncertain which of these qualify as text types, and on the basis of which criteria. 6. Many expressions relate to certain portions of individual text types (a dedication) or, by contrast, collections of items (a newspaper)·, these terms should all be included since they can be described in a kind of 'syntax' of text types. 7. By contrast, the following terms do not qualify for inclusion in a list of text types as I define the concept: a) names of styles (headlinese, euphuism) b) names of rhetorical figures (such as anadiplosis, ... zeugma) and syntactical structures {anaphora, parataxis) c) expressions relating to ways of speaking and writing in a non-specific manner, or to differences in the production of texts {scribbling, stuttering etc.) In sum, we can state that when text types become conventionalized, the need for specific designations arises. These names will be in the form of new items - ad-hoc compounds or paraphrases which in due course will become lexicalized - or consist in existing terms applied to the new textspecific context, or derive by metonymy from the object on which the text is placed or (more frequently) the name of an action/activity being transferred to the result in form of a written text, and finally speech acts coming to be also used as text types (cf. figure 2). While these restrictions are comparatively easy to formulate in principle, they are very difficult to apply to specific instances. This becomes quite evident when a list of potentially relevant terms and their distinctive features is put to the test. Ephemera present a special problem for text-type classification. Categories offered in relevant studies or encyclopedias (Richards 1988,


A history of text types: A componential analysis

ad hoc compounds


paraphrases objects with inscriptions

activities > results

Figure 2. Sources of names of text types 2000; Allen and Hoverstadt 1983; Lewis 1962; Makepeace 1985; Curties 1994) are based on encyclopedic criteria and leave open how far specific types of text are constitutive for, or contribute to, the classification. I have here chosen Richards' Encyclopedia of Ephemera (2000) - all 1,100 entries conveniently listed on the fly-papers. The headwords provided very few additions to my earlier list (such as equivoque) - most are subclasses (at best) defined by specific applications (mostly in form of compounds) or they designate items which may have a text on them rather than constituting text types. Thus Richards details under Funer alia alone: invitations to funerals, undertakers' papers, monumental masons' papers, mourning outfitters' papers, funeral meeting announcement, burial card, mourning stationary, memorial card, cemetery papers, mortuary and coroner's cards and state funeral papers (Richards 2000: 155-8). Finally, the variability of individual texts (so to speak a parole feature of their 'realization') can provide serious problems of classification. How much change by copyists can be tolerated to accept the view that the text has remained 'the same'? Such revisions are particularly conspicuous in certain text types. In ME, romances were frequently tailored to the situation, region and specific audience, or revised according to the singer's literary or social preferences, or affected by memorial transmission, or rewritten as prose. Obviously, there is here a mixture of unintentional and deliberate adaption, determined by a framework of oral traditions. By contrast, the

The inventory of text types and distinctive features


drastic changes in the transmission of church hymns are mostly intentional (ch. 6), representing accommodations to different denominations, specific uses in individual services, or changing tastes7. Another major problem is that terms may either not have acquired sufficiently precise reference, or are deliberately used with non-terminological vagueness. Special problems of understanding are caused by the language used in OE poetry, where the principle of variation forced distinct terms into the function of quasi-synonyms (cf. 1.8 below; semantic vagueness also led to the large-scale interchangeability of terms relating to narratives in ME, such as Iif legend, romaunt, geste etc.). According to the methods of structuralist analysis we should expect the following categorical relations organizing the semantic field: 1. The contents of words, or rather the individual senses which function in the field, can be the same - which makes them synonyms, or they can be differentiated by distinctive components; these include in my analysis, in contrast to other semantic studies, encyclopedic features (such as ones like 'legal, poetical' (cf. category A below) and their functioning in different varieties (such as regional forms of English, cf. category L; styles and attitudes/connotations). Note that intralinguistic features (dialect, archaism) can in principle be distinguished from those with encyclopedic reference (foreignisms, historical items). 2. Text types can be free or bound (cf. category H below). Minimal free items can be combined to form new entities; the resulting composite items (cf. G) on the complex level can be orderly/predictable (as in a dictionary), or conglomerates (cf. I), organized according to historical conventions (as in a newspaper) or be idiosyncratic (as in a private letter). Bound types have regular functions in a greater whole. Note that generic items will group related text types together (ephemera, news) without necessarily making them parts of larger units; such items consequently lack proper singulars (? ephemeren, news item). 3. Words denoting text types undergo semantic developments, as other words and concepts do, as a consequence of cultural change; their referents often alter their form over time, and it is desirable that such linguistic and encyclopedic changes are kept apart. There can be mergers of

For other types of revision cf. bowdlerization, rewriting ad usum Delphini or 'easy readers' produced for use in language learning. They share the intentionality of the rewriting, and the fact that they do not transcend the boundaries of the text types (in contrast to, say, librettos based on prose works). All these types, it is needless to say, provide serious problems for textual editing.


A history of text types: A componential


types and semantic splits occasioned by new features introduced to distinguish new types. 4. Text types can be borrowed, and many of course were, usually together with methods and terminologies, as in the domains of law, literature and academic/scientific writing in many European Renaissance societies; such text types can be nativized (in forms and functions) or remain aliens, cf. category K. It is quite obvious that many text types remain national; the fact becomes apparent in entries in bilingual dictionaries. We will find that

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Figure 3. A first componential analysis of fifteen text types (quoted from Görlach 1999): topics: L = legal, Lt = literature, R = religion, Ρ = politics; speech acts (in a general understanding): C = commissives, D = declarations, Dr = directives, E = expressives, Rp = representatives; intention: A = amuse, Af = affirm, Cd = codify, I = inform, Pu = publicize, Rm = remind, Τ = teach; O = indistinct or various

The inventory of text types and distinctive features


many terms are translated by paraphrases (as the proposed translation of Krankenschein is medical insurance record card or Rentenbescheid which is paraphrased notice of the amount of one s pension - the harmonization of European law will here lead to terminological innovation). The componential analysis of lexical items should ideally start from comparisons of senses establishing the minimal semantic differences. The method has been fruitfully applied to smaller lexical fields, especially where the number of distinctive features is limited and fields are organized in obvious patterns. A tentative feature analysis of a few text types will be useful to illustrate the method here described (cf. figure 3 above). Such a comprehensive description was out of the question in a field comprising some 2,000 terms. (There are even more if we count the individual senses of polysemous items separately.) I have therefore decided, with some qualms, to start from more or less encyclopedic distinctions, which have been impressionistically postulated in the hope that they will turn out to reflect semantic contrasts. If we want to visualize the position of text type linguistics, the obviously closest disciplines are rhetoric (dealing with appropriateness of expression) and stylistics (treating the choice of linguistic alternatives) - two disciplines that are very close to each other and for some scholars in fact largely identical; text linguistics investigating coherence and cohesion as constitutive features

Figure 4. Linguistic disciplines partially overlapping with, or contributing to, text type linguistics


A history of text types: A componential


of textuality; pragmatics offering the situation-related explanation; sociolinguistics correlating text types with sociohistorical reality; and English for special purposes accounting for the specialized registers necessitated by topic and form especially in (but not restricted to) the jargon of specific trades. 2.4 Procedure As my sample analysis of selected items taken from letter C (cf. figure 5) serves to show, it is theoretically possible to describe the contents of terms which appear to belong to the field under investigation as clusters of distinctive features. A next consideration might be to test whether any specific feature combination occurs more than once and then to decide whether this is so because the terms can indeed be regarded as synonymous or whether we have to add more features to our description - possibly now starting indeed from semantic contrasts rather than predetermined notional components. I have been working on the problem, starting with 'simple' items and progressing towards more complex ones: ideally, all 2,000 items should be subjected to such a test. Distinctions used for text types in figure 5 include (bold letters signifying categories are further explained below): A (field) a law, b religion, c science, d literature, e politics/econ., f war, g education, h biography, i history, j journalism, k rhetoric, 1 personal life, Β (intention) a to document, describe, b teach, instruct, c edify, d entertain, e bind, f warn, agitate, persuade, g invoke, h justify, i declare, accuse, j judge, k disguise, 1 insult, C (action) a = with/ b = without, D (music) a = with/ b = without, E (illustration) a = with/ b = without, F (conglomerate) a = yes/ b = pure/ c = part of series/ d = reply, G (composite) a = yes/ b = minimal, H (status) a = free/ b = bound, I (textuality) a = proper text/ b = non-text (list etc.), J (original) a = yes/ b = dependent (copy), c = translation/ d = imitation, Κ (nativeness) a = English/ b = foreign, L (standardness) a = BrE/ b = BrE non-standard/ c = US/ d = other, M (time) a = present-day/ b = historical, Ν (medium) a = written/ b = spoken/ c = written to be spoken/ d = performed, O (formality) a = formal/ b = informal/ c = neutral, Ρ (form) a = prose/ b = verse, Q (formula) a = formulaic/ b = free, R (orientation) a = contents-oriented/ b = form-oriented, S (specialization) a = technical/ b = common, Τ (communication) a = interactive/ b = non-interactive, monologic, U (truth) a = true/ b = fictional, V (spontaneity) a = spontaneous/ b = revised, W (publicness) a = public/ b = non-public, X (extent) a = short/ b = long, Y (ofificialness) a = official, binding/ b = not binding


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Text types and the linguistic history of modern


The concept of text types


3.2.1 Survey of existing research The concept of text types is a fairly recent addition to the Instrumentarium of synchronic and historical linguistics. True, certain categories of texts have always been used in their everyday meaning, for instance by compilers of anthologies. However, even in our times, terms such as 'letter', 'hymn', 'obituary' or 'joke' have normally not been analysed with sufficient precision or with a view to comprehensiveness. In consequence we have never got close to understanding which or how many text types there are in a particular culture nor with what distinctive features they can be delimited from each other (cf. ch. 2). Only literary genres have, for obvious reasons, found a greater amount of attention. They have not only been defined as to their synchronic (or time-less) properties (definitions of the type of "a sonnet is a poem of 14 lines of 10-11 syllables rhyming abba abba cdc cdc or ababcdcdefefgg, with variants"), but their changes over time have also been carefully documented. However, literary genres make up only a very small part of textual conventions, and the functions of literary texts are normally quite different from the instrumental ones of most other types (cf. Suerbaum 1971, who tries to bridge the gap between linguistics and literature). Also note that the standard books used for my survey of varieties in Figure 9 (Halliday et al. 1964; Crystal and Davy 1969; Gregory and Carroll 1978; O'Donnell and Todd 1980 and Quirk et al. 1985) make no explicit mention of the category of text type10. However, the field is beginning to receive due attention: German linguists of the 1970s came to be fascinated with the concept, and this tradition continues to the present day. It is no surprise that in English studies it has been particularly scholars from German-speaking countries, such as Fries and Markus, who have investigated the field for many years, a terra that remains incognita for most linguists in Anglo-Saxon universities. Whereas the most comprehensive survey of methods of historical linguistics, the two-volume Sprachgeschichte (Besch et al. 1984-85) has a chapter on Textsorten for every single period in the history of the German language (chapters 84, 92,101,112,125,146 - more or less retained in the recent sec-


The definition of text types in Fachsprachen (cf. Gläser 1990) is easier than the fuzzy categories used in everyday speech; also, many of the designations of these are standardised - Gläser (p.c.) has counted 130 of these (in German). However, since there are obvious connections between the two categorizations, any discussion of text types should include both.

The concept of text types


ond edition), this structural feature has not been repeated in the individual volumes of the Cambridge History of the English Language (Hogg 1992— 2001). Another classification of historical text types based on German conditions is that of Reichmann and Wegera (1988). They group Early German texts in nine sections (texts with socially binding force; legitimation; documentation, education; edification; entertainment; information; instruction; agitation), and enumerate characteristics of each, including prominent linguistic features and a list of individual types. However, their attempt is less than convincing, for they place undue weight on psychological features such as attitudes, intentions, and responses. In the same tradition, although more directed towards a classification of features of text linguistics than to (EModE) text types proper are my attempts at listing selected factors which determine the structure of a sentence and the entire text, namely (cf. section 6.1.2. in Görlach 1991b: 96): 1. the subject matter; 2. the degree to which rhetorical conventions have been adopted; 3. whether the text was meant for publication and whether it was originally a written text at all; 4. the function of a text (e.g. instructions, a public address or a proclamation); 5. formal differences (metrical, rhymed, prose); 6. differences between various literary genres such as lyrical poetry, epic poetry, the drama, expository prose, and the related question of stylistic levels; 7. differences between an original text and a translation; 8. the influence of certain stylistic traditions (types of rhetorical elements and structures employed; the use of archaisms and quotations etc.). Such functions have obvious consequences for the micro- and macro-structure of a text. Some of these possible correlations are tentatively formulated as follows (1991b: 131-2): 1. Medium: was the text meant to be read or to be delivered? Does, therefore, written or oral (oratorical) style predominate? 2. Dependence on certain traditions (e.g. on Cicero or on Tacitus in expository prose). 3. Intended level of style (grand, medium, low). 4. Predominance of logical argumentation or association.


Text types and the linguistic history of modern English

5. Relevance of symmetry and rhythm; length and complexity of constituents on different levels. 6. Relevance of purely ornamental form and predominance of specific rhetorical figures. 7. Predominance of parataxis or hypotaxis. 8. Explicitness of relations between constituents of the sentence and beyond (in particular, choice of prepositions, conjunctions, tense and mood). 9. Transfer of Latin syntactical patterns. 10. Delimitations of the sentence as a syntactical unit, and means of integrating sentences into higher units (paragraph). 11. Typographical lay-out (titles, marginalia, sizes and forms of typefaces used, paragraphs, numberings, drawings and other forms of illustration, and punctuation). 12. Consistency in points 1-11 or specific variations, and naturalness of expression. In addition to all these more traditional approaches the second major impulse has come from corpus linguistics. Scholars have long been dissatisfied with the way the best-known corpora are compiled, and with the information that Francis/Kucera provide about their selection principles (cf. Görlach 1988 and Lee 2001). Some scholars have argued that the 'established' categories and their proportional representation should be retained for easier comparison; but others have insisted that we need a less impressionistic basis to achieve a truly representative corpus. The most promising linguistic approach to the problem is probably Biber's (1988); he takes over the contextually defined features of the LOB Corpus, complementing them by similar categories, such as personal and business letters and applying the system to his own ARCHER corpus. These genres are then tested for 67 features in order to establish a new categorization in eight text types (Biber 1995: 3 2 4 ^ 4 , cf. Diller 2001: 1 3 ^ ) . Biber's grid (after a necessary expansion of the 67 features used and after a great deal of modification of the 23 genres and their subtypes) promises to provide an excellent tool for complementing other approaches to text typology and to compare historical and geographic varieties of the same language. His approach is therefore likely to be of great help to those scholars who have rightly argued that not even a well selected corpus which is representative of one variety can provide a perfect match for another speech community separated by time or space. Work done for the Helsinki Corpus of historical stages of English and for the London-based International Corpus of English has shown the inadequacy of categories derived from present-day

The concept of text types


BrE, and tentative suggestions have been offered to remedy the situation (cf. Meurman-Solin 1989 and Schmied, 1989 respectively). One of the basic questions is what text types there are in an individual community - and which of these are sometimes/normally/always in English, a topic for which it will be useful to return to Figure 1 above and to ch. 10 below. 3.2.2 Definition A text type is a specific linguistic pattern in which formal/structural characteristics have been conventionalized in a specific culture for certain welldefined and standardized uses of language so that a speaker/hearer or writer/ reader can judge: a) the correct use of linguistic features obligatory or expected in a specific text type (including the choice of the appropriate language and register); b) the adequate use of the formula with regard to topic, situation, addressee, medium, register, etc.; c) the identification of intentionally or inadvertently mixed types, or their misuse; d) the designation of the text type (speakers not only know what features characterize a telegram but also know the name). All this is apparently part of the speakers' individual communicative competence; the lack of knowledge of textual conventions can carry the same degree of stigmatization as the incorrect use of syntax or pronunciation. Since the use of a certain text type in a given situation is a matter of deliberate choice, the category must be part of the "varieties according to uses" branch in Halliday's classic distinction (cf. figure 9 above, complemented by the column 'text types'). It is obvious that a particular kind of text can be included in the text type column only if there is an established convention. If there is none, the text can be categorized satisfactorily according to its specific selection of variants from each of the 'uses' categories. If a text type has a conventional form and application, it follows that the compatibility with variants of both users and uses categories is restricted: an obituary, according to the OED, is "a notice or announcement of a death or deaths, especially in a newspaper; usually comprising a brief biography of the deceased" (1738). This definition quite expectedly provides the category {announcement) and its specifications {of a death) and its locale {a newspaper). What the OED does not say, but is well understood by competent users of English, is that obituary prose not


Text types and the linguistic history of modern English

only requires standard language, of a formal/literary/ religious type, but that there is also a certain typography and layout, and a conventional space reserved on a specific page - it is no coincidence that the emergence of this text type developed with the rise of the newspaper. To sum up: a definition of a text type must specify what variation is part of the definition or at least compatible with its correct use, making explicit the writer's knowledge and reader's expectation of the conventions. As with other categories of varieties according to uses there are problems of delimitation of text types, in particular the following: a) Features of text types are necessary to define a specific category, but are themselves not text types: 'religious language' - whatever that means comes into the definition of 'sermon', 'church hymn', 'prayer' etc. (as 'voiced-ness' comes into the definition of a class of phonemes), but features are not -emes in either application. b) Text types can be 'bound' or 'free', as morphemes can: a 'dedication' always forms part of a larger unit, a book, and is therefore similar to a prefix in morphology; compare the status of a headline, a footnote, or even a reply as part of a conversation. c) Conglomerate forms allow the incorporation of smaller types (within a convention regulating the compilation).11 Apparently we will have to distinguish minimal text types from composite ones - as we distinguish morphemes from higher-level lexical items on various ranks. Figure 10 attempts to illustrate the problem of, for instance, an individual poem in the works of an author. Note that the conglomerate 'newspaper' is different from the types of books listed in fig. 10: it has no introductory section and end-pieces, but the 'collection' is nevertheless made up of an orderly variety of types, often allocated to individual pages (leader, comment, sports report, weather forecast, classifieds, death notices etc.). d) As realizations of text types, individual texts conform with the emic type to a greater or lesser degree, according to the writer's awareness of the conventions and his linguistic/stylistic competence.12

As will become clear from the analysis of hymn books in ch. 6 orderly structure in complex text types is a matter of degree; John Wesley was the first to insist on the well-planned structure of his hymnbook (cf. note 30). 12 The alternative method of analysis might be based on prototypes; however, such classifications restrict the comparability of synchronically determined types, and can disguise the regularities of their historical development.

The concept of text types a

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As a modest start in this direction I have collected some 2,000 established English terms (ch. 2 above), some of them polysemous, that is, referring to more than one text type. No thorough analysis for OE text types has ever been attempted; my fig. 13 opposite can therefore only be regarded as a provisional step applied to a restricted field (cf. the comprehensive list of putative OE text types in 2.8 above). The problems arising with this limited set can be expected in later periods, too, although the scarcity of sociolinguistic information makes the OE set of words particularly patchy and vague. Note extensive synonymity, especially in poetical style, which could mean that none of the lexical items involved is likely to be a technical term (figure 13). Not even where we have a context that relates to an unambiguous situation can we be certain of the terminological character of the word: Does sorhleoö, recorded only twice in the Dream of the Rood (2) and Beowulf (2460, in collocation with galan refer to a ritual form of mourning for the dead? Do compounds such as soögiedd, hearmcwide, lofsang refer to well-defined text types, or are they instances of free compounds determined by metrical needs and the principle of variation? On the other hand, some well-defined types have no names. For instance, the form of a medical or cooking recipe exists, but we have no OE words for the concept - a lexical gap that is filled only when Romance receipt was borrowed. (There is a word lœceboc 'book of prescriptions'.)


The cooking recipe

4.2.1 Preliminary The recipe offers itself as a test case for an investigation into the emergence of conventional forms and their relation to sociohistorical change because it represents a category a) that is well-defined as far as function is concerned - the instruction on how to prepare a dish; b) whose basic function has remained stable over the centuries - however much ingredients, utensils and the people involved in the process may have changed; c) that has had an age-old name designating the particular text type (recipe, receipt)',


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

d) that used to be collected in books of certain types - typical titles are Book of Carving, of Household Management, Dietary of Health, The Good Housewife's Closet of Provision {The Accomplished Cook, The Art and Mystery of Cookery, etc.); from these the proper Cookery book, restricted to a collection of recipes, developed rather late, mixed types surviving well into our times; e) that has had similar types coexisting with it (the medical recipe) so that the history of contact/diversification can be followed up; f) a text type that has had a vernacular tradition in Britain for a very long time, but also permits cross-cultural and interlinguistic comparisons, e.g. through translations, and adaptations to new English-speaking communities overseas, ranging from colonial America to ESL in India and Pidgin in Papua New Guinea (4.4.3 and 4). The purpose of this investigation is, then, to find the functional and linguistic features that make up the text type 'cooking recipe', and to document its sociohistorical development. The following considerations can, tentatively, be assumed to be of relevance. Features relating to text type: A

Well-definedness on macro- and microlevel

1. Is the text found, together with others of its kind, in a collection exclusively meant as a collection of recipes, and possibly called so explicitly, (a) or is at least a section of the book devoted to recipes? (b) What is the order of entries (grouped according to subject matter? alphabetically?) 2. analysis of terms: when did the expressions book of art of system of cookery occur in book titles (and what alternatives were used?) Analysis of the words receipt and recipe. Β Social 3. Language used 4. readers addressed (normally on the title page, in blurbs/flaps, forewords), especially the noble/genteel/court vs. 'middling', family contexts, and the professional vs. amateur/housewife; C Linguistic 5. Analysis of eight main features, and their development through time (and correlation with the type of user):

The cooking recipe

a) b) c) d) e) f) g) h)


form of the heading full sentences or telegram style use of imperative or other verbal forms (Haegeman 1987) use of possessive pronouns with ingredients and implements deletion of objects temporal sequence, and possible adverbs used complexity of sentences marked use of loanwords and of genteel diction

D Technical 6. Specification (especially weights, measures, aspects: types of instruments/ovens used, temperatures and times) 7. standardization of arrangement (e.g. subsections 'title', 'ingredients', 'procedure', 'how to serve up'). Correlation: How does the fact that the contents of a book are restricted to cooking recipes determine the standardization of the form of the individual item? As regards social changes, the following can be expected to have had an impact on the linguistic structure: ME:










dominance of French language recipes (the sparse English recipes being in close-to-oral style, memorandum form [incomplete], imprecise and variable in form [including some rhymed recipes]); orality largely displaced by written traditions: establishment of text conventions and their popularization in the 15th/16th centuries; housewives addressed rather than exclusively cooks; social distinctions make themselves felt more strongly in the 18th century; social class differences become even more apparent in the 19th century (low vs. genteel); from Rationalism onwards, an increasing number of books have the term system in their title which could suggest more coherent, systematic and exhaustive treatment of the matter (and possibly exclusion of everything that is not a cooking recipe).


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

H o w much the pattern o f a cooking recipe has become general knowledge is illustrated by playful misuses. Alexander Scott used the text type in his "Recipe: To Mak a Ballant": To mak a ballant: tak onie image sclents frae the dark o your mind, sieve it through twal years' skill i the fewest words can haud it (meantime steeran in your hert's bluid), spice wi wit, saut wi passion, bile i the hettest fire your love can kindle, and serve at the scaud of your strangmaist stanza (the haill process aa to be dune at aince) Syne rin like hell afore the result explodes!

4.2.2 Old English A s in the German tradition, no OE cookery recipe appears to be extant. However, if w e accept that the formal identity o f medical and cooking 'receipts' in M E and EModE reflects the historical development, then OE medical recipes can serve to illustrate the type. Plinius, the great doctor, advises the following proceeding to cure baldness: Text 1: OE medical recipe Gif man calu sie, Plinius se micia lasce segj) {)isne lascedom. Genim deade beon; gebaerne to ahsan; and linsasd eac; do ele to on {jaet. SeoJ)e swijje lange ofer gledum. Aseoh jjonne and awringe; and nime welies leaf, gecnuwige, geote on Jjone ele. Wylle eft hwile on gledum. Aseoh; bonne smire mid aefter baj)e. 'If a man is bald, Plinius, the great doctor, gives the following recipe: Take dead bees, burn them to ashes, and also linseed, do oil on that. Boil for quite a long time on glowing coals. Then strain and wring; and take a willow leaf, pound it, pour the oil on. Boil again for some time on glowing coals. Strain; then smear with after bath.'

The cooking recipe


The structure of the recipe, with translations, is as follows: Genim ('take') Ν (dead bees); gebasme ('burn') 0 them to ashes; and also linseed; do ('put') oil on that; seoôe ('boil') 0 long over glowing coals; aseoh ('strain') 0 then and a wringe ('wring') 0 and nime ('take') Ν (willow leaves); gecnuwige 'pound' 0 ('them'); geote ('pour') 0 'on the oil'; wylle 0 ('let boil') again for a while on gleeds (glowing coals); aseoh 0 ('strain'); then smire ('smear', 'anoint') with 0 after bath. Twelve imperatives (sg.) appear in chronological sequence twice supported by ponne ('then'). Note that transitive verbs ('burn to ashes', 'boil', 'strain', 'wring', 'pound') have no object if this is to be understood from the context; only if a new object is introduced is this named - but there is not a single anaphoric pronoun! The result is significant in that it fulfils our expectations as to the form of an instruction - but the regularity of the three criteria mentioned is much greater than in many ME - or 19th-century texts.


Middle English


The recipe came too late to be fully affected by the dominance of rhymed form in the 12th—14th centuries - possibly it was also a text for which rhyme was not considered appropriate. Thus, only two surviving MSS have rhymed recipes in them: 1. Sloane 1986 (following a section "Boke on Nurture", Text 2) 2. Pepys 1047 (late 15th century, Hodgett 1972) (medical and cooking recipes, only four of these rhymed). Text 2: ME, 15th century (from MS Sloane 468, Hieatt and Butler 1985: 88) To make a mawmene. Tak figges and resynes and wasch hem in ale and braye hem wel in a mortere, and do Jjerto wyn, and braye J>e flesch of hennes


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

or capounes and do Jjerto. and do good almound melk in a pot, and do J>erto |}yn thynges, and stere wel togedere and make it for to sej»e. and coloure it with blod of a goot or of a pygg and lok it be sothe and grounde and streyned, and put f)erto poudere of gyngere and of galyngale and clowes and greyn de parys, and sesen it with sugre and salt it, and do it fro J)e feere. 'To make a malmeny. Take figs and raisins and wash them in ale and pound them well in a mortar and add wine, and pound the flesh of hens or capons, and add. And put good almond milk in a pot, and add your things, and stir well together and let it boil. And colour it with the blood of a goat or of a pig and look it is cooked and ground and strained, and add powder of ginger and sedge and clove and grain of Paris, and season it with sugar and salt it, and remove it from the fire.' Text 3: ME rhymed (from MS Pepys 1047, ca. 1480, Hodgett 1972: 32) ffor frytures With egges and flowr a batour thow make Put barme therto I vndertake Collour hit with saferon or thow more do Take poudur of pepur and cast therto Kerve appyls evyn A thorte cast {jeryn ffry ham in swete grece no more I myn Cast sugur therto yf thow be gynne. 'For fritters. With eggs and flour make a batter/ Add yeast, I advise/ Colour it with saffron before you proceed/ Take powder of pepper and add/ Slice apples evenly. Throw in unleavened bread/ Fry them in sweet fat no more, I remind you/ Add sugar [over them] when you begin.' The rhymed versions exhibit all kinds of patchwork, which proves that they were ad-hoc versifications, and did not constitute a proper tradition - they represent last reflexes of an earlier fashion. Collections of recipes (if they were not written in commonplace books or in the margins of manuscripts) normally came in collections containing advice on household management. They were especially close in form to, and often found mixed with, recipes for drugs (but also advice on making ink, etc.).

The cooking recipe

129 Linguistic features: forms of verbs The Latin recipes collected by Apicius in the 3rd century exhibit variation in the verb forms used: all are finite (no imperatives are used), but the forms, all 2nd ps. sg., are most frequently in the future tense, often in the present indicative, and sometimes in the present subjunctive. Dependent clauses show a variety of forms, including the future perfect. The Anglo-Norman recipes that form the immediate sources of the ME tradition have plural imperatives (in -ez) throughout. No distinction between sg. and pi. imperatives is made in the late 14th and the 15th centuries. Although the imperative is almost invariable in the texts, minority forms with shall do occur, such as hou me schal make, hou pe schalt maken or schul/schullyn be V-yd, or what is possibly best interpreted as subjunctive: Nou greype we x. It appears, then, that the English tradition was modelled on Norman conventions and became stable quite early on; modifications of the pattern are likely to be intentional deviations (to produce a more informal atmosphere etc.) - cf. use of thy/your hare (below). Possessive pronouns The corpus (Hieatt and Butler 1985) is not extensive enough to permit one to base sociolinguistic conclusions on this feature - they are much better drawn from other characteristics (including content). However, there is an obvious cline involving formality, social status of author/addressee - and diachronic developments: a) absence of a pronoun in the context: "take a hare and put it in a pot" (80+%) b) use of the singular: "take thy hare and put it/him in thy pot". c) use of the plural: "take your hare and put it/him in your pot". b) and c) are minority forms, neither having more than 10-20% frequency in any individual text. Whereas in early texts, degree of formality can be expressed by use of 01your vs. thy, the sg. form tends to be replaced more or less mechanically by your from 1500 onwards, so that your possibly


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

becomes an indicator of informal, close-to-oral, reader-friendly style vs. use of zero. The later history of this feature seems to indicate that your became old-fashioned (or socially stigmatized) in the 18th century. Objects More than 90% of the transitive verbs are accompanied by an object, whether a full noun or it/him/hem; zero is quite uncommon, and restricted to an object placed between two verbs, or to the verbs serve, messe, dresse at the end of recipes. However, the 'modern' pattern (as shown in the OE text above) is found in isolated cases. Complex sentences There is rarely any degree of complexity beyond temporal clauses. Quantifications Normally, no quantities are mentioned in the recipes; it is left to the experienced cook to decide how much to take of specific ingredients, as is indicated by phrases like: an(d) salt a quantyte / hony, nowt to moche, pat it be nowt to swete / take ynow ofpowder of canel, a good quantyte / and a lytil of Rys. However, quantities are explicitly mentioned in: "a potelle, a pounde, ii galouns", or the proportion in: "}>e .ii. dele schalle ben wyne, and ii. Sugre or hony". Lack of explicitness and absence of proper quantifications are obviously the rule; this makes Hieatt's (1985: 8-9) statement appear universally correct: The earliest English recipes, then, are terse, leaving a great deal to the cook's basic knowledge, but nevertheless precise and discriminating in their directions for seasoning and colouring. As these recipes were passed down through succeeding generations, however, there was a tendency to spell out procedures at greater and greater length and to add or vary ingredients.

The development after 1500



The development after 1500

4.3.1 Developments shared with other text types The cooking recipe shares the development of other text types in the following respects: 1. Recipes tend to be collected in books devoted to the purpose of cooking, or household management. The number of such books increases dramatically after 1700 (Oxford 1913, Quayle 1978, and cf. fig. 14). 2. Authors often copy from existing collections so that their compilations tend to be 'improvements' of earlier cookery books. Such improvements involve the number of recipes, explicitness of instruction, detail of marginal matter, and pragmatic criteria such as better arrangement etc. 3. The establishment of written traditions means for most cookery books a consolidation of the central elements of the recipe form. 4. The identity of form with the medical recipe continues intermittently, as does the combination of the two types, right into the 18th century - an indication that the systematic character of so-named cookery books so often stressed on title pages is not always carried through in the text. -J300









V 1500









Figure 14. Numerical increase of cookery books 1500-1900 (from Görlach 1992:750)


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

4.3.2 Features of recipes No quantificational analysis of features of recipes contained in the several hundred cookery books has been made to date; it is not even certain whether the linguistic features tentatively listed above are diagnostic for the specific type of cookery book, and for the development over time. Rather than lose myself in huge amounts of data, I will contrast the beginnings of the tradition as outlined above with the features of recipes in two representative works of the 19th-century, the books by Mrs Beeton and by Francatelli, the one written for the genteel bourgeoisie and the other for the working-classes.

4.3.3 Isabella Beeton, The Book of Household Management Mrs Beeton's book, originally published in monthly supplements to The Englishwoman s Domestic Magazine, is not only the most famous Victorian cookery book, it is also the most typical product of the time. However, there are divergences from what we might expect: one is that cookery is only one, if the most important, topic of the book: Recipes - more than 1350 of them - make up pp. 55-904, which is just over three quarters of a book of 1112 pages (plus 38 pages of prefatory matter). Mrs Beeton's advice is clearly directed not at a professional cook, but at the middle class mistress, who has a housekeeper, a cook, a kitchen maid and a scullery maid and possibly many other servants at her disposal. Mrs Beeton, born into a large Southern English family in 1836, married the publisher Sam Beeton when she was twenty. She compiled the huge work within four years and died at the age of 28, after giving birth to her fourth child. Whereas the systematic planning of her book must have greatly helped her to arrange the huge masses of material, her way of writing is a clear indicator of her upwardly mobile Victorian aspirations: Her presentation, and in consequence the individual recipe, can be illustrated by facs. 13 and texts 4 and 5:

Text 4: General advice (Beeton 1861: 55) It will be seen, by reference to the following Recipes, that an entirely original and most intelligible system has been pursued in explaining the preparation of each dish. We would recommend the young housekeeper, cook, or

The development after 1500


whoever may be engaged in the important task of "getting ready" the dinner, or other meal, to follow precisely the order in which the recipes are given. Thus, let them first place on their table all the INGREDIENTS necessary; then the modus operandi, or MODE of preparation, will be easily managed. By a careful reading, too, of the recipes, there will not be the slightest difficulty in arranging a repast for any number of persons, and an accurate notion will be gained of the TIME the cooking of each dish will occupy, of the periods at which it is SEASONABLE, as also of its AVERAGE COST.

Text 5: Roast Saddle of Mutton (Beeton 1861: 348) Ingredients : Saddle of mutton; a little salt. Mode. - To insure this joint being tender, let it hang for ten days or a fortnight, if the weather permits. Cut off the tail and flaps, and trim away every part that has not indisputable pretensions to be eaten, and have the skin taken off and skewered on again. Put it down to a bright, clear fire, and, when the joint has been cooking for an hour, remove the skin and dredge it with flour. It should not be placed too near the fire, as the fat should not be in the slightest degree burnt. Keep constantly basting, both before and after the skin is removed; sprinkle some salt over the joint. Make a little gravy in the dripping pan; pour it over the meat, which send to table with a tureen of made gravy and red-currant jelly. Time. - A saddle of mutton weighing 10 lbs., 2 '/2 hours; 14 lbs., 3 V4 hours. When liked underdone, allow rather less time. Average cost, lOd. per lb. Sufficient. - A moderate-sized saddle of 10 lbs. for 7 or 8 persons. Seasonable all the year; not so good when lamb is in fiill season.

Her style is obviously characterized by: 1. explicitness, which leaves nothing to chance (Text 4): quantity of ingredients, types of implements used, preparation and cooking, with detailed advice to sequence of actions, and with illustrations in the text; 2. genteel diction in which the longer, more Latinate and more respectable word is often preferred to the modest everyday expression (Text 5/4 indisputable pretensions)·, 3. a quasi-scientific approach in which botanical, geographical, historical and etymological information is lavishly supplied with a view to educating the reader.


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

An analysis of the linguistic features provides the following results: 1. Title: name of dish only (as is usual from the 19th century). 2. Some telegraphese, which can result in cramped diction (Text 5/13 "when liked underdone"). 3. Imperatives, but some use of should not be V- ed; may be W-ed; also note let and have constructions (have the skin taken o f f , Τ 5/4). 4. No possessive pronouns; address of the third person is found (p. 394 the inexperienced cook... she should bear in mind). 5. Objects (nouns or pronouns) are more frequently expressed than omitted; no general rule is apparent. 6. Temporal sequence is often quite complex, as is sentence structure in general. Note constructions like "to which add...," or "into which pour..." (cf. which send Τ 5/10) and the great frequency of semicolons. 7. Mrs Beeton strives for genteel diction, as in: Τ 5/4 (quoted above) or p. 99: "the natural green of the fish (turtle!) is preferred by every epicure and true connoisseur." 497: "a chestnut force meat ... is, by many persons, much esteemed as an accompaniment to this favourite dish." 501 : "for a sudden tilt of the dish may eventuate in the placing a quantity of the gravy in the lap of the right or left-hand supporter of the host." 504: "this dish bodes a great deal of happiness."

4.3.4 Charles E. Francatelli, A Plain Cookery Book Francatelli (1805-76) rose to the position of maître d'hôtel to Queen Victoria, chef de cuisine at the Reform Club and manager of the Freemason's Tavern (DNB - there is no entry for Mrs Beeton). He wrote various cookery books (such as The Modern Cook 1845) - but his Plain Cookery Book for the Working Classes (1852) is unique. There is no indication why Francatelli 'stooped' so to speak to the social classes diametrically opposed to the court. We can only guess that he intended to provide some practical guidance to those who severely needed such advice. In contrast to his other books and to Mrs Beeton his language shows obvious accommodation to the class of the expected readers; the most striking feature is probably the extreme variation in form, as if he were intentionally flouting the conventions firmly entrenched in the culinary handbook of the time. His style can best be illustrated by facs. 12 and the following recipe:

The development after 1500


Text 6: No. 13. Bacon and Cabbage Soup (Francatelli 1852: 18) When it happens that you have a dinner consisting of bacon and cabbages, you invariably throw away the liquor in which they have been boiled, or, at the best, give it to the pigs, if you possess any; this is wrong, for it is easy to turn it to a better account for your own use, by paying attention to the following instructions, viz.: - Put your piece of bacon on to boil in a pot with two gallons (more or less, according to the number you have to provide for) of water, when it has boiled up, and has been well skimmed, add the cabbages, kale, greens, or sprouts, whichever may be used, well washed and split down, and also some parsnips and carrots; season with pepper, but no salt, as the bacon will season the soup sufficiently; and when the whole has boiled together very gently for about two hours, take up the bacon surrounded with the cabbage, parsnips, and carrots, leaving a small portion of the vegetables in the soup, and pour this into a large bowl containing slices of bread; eat the soup first, and make it a rule that those who eat most soup are entitled to the largest share of bacon.

An application of the eight diagnostic criteria to a greater number of Francatelli's texts yields the following results: 1. Titles vary between how to (cook, prepare, make) and the name of the dish; 2. Full sentences; semicolons frequent. 3. Imperatives predominate, but passives are frequent (sth. must, should, may be W-ed). 4. Your is only rarely used with ingredients and implements and there are a few addresses to the reader (patronizing?): "You do not require that I should tell you that when you have no oven you can easily roast your potatoes by ..." (p. 71). 5. Objects are normally expressed; it/them/this is normal, or the full noun is often repeated - possibly in an attempt at explicitness thought appropriate for inexperienced readers. 6. Temporal structure is made explicit by sequence of sentences, indication of time needed and occasional now, then; or first... next... then. 7. Some sentences are more complex than the context would lead one to expect - possibly a carry-over from his normal style and manner of thinking. 8. Although Francatelli talks down to his readers, he is not free of inkhornisms (p. 91 mucilaginous).


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

The arrangement of his information varies much more than in Mrs Beeton it may be that Francatelli regarded this looseness and the informal style as appropriate for his intended readers (compare "Ingredients, ..." / "Put, prepare, pick etc." and 0 at beginning of recipes). A comparison of Beeton and Francatelli, both published in the heyday of the Victorian period, shows that there is period style as well as individual features which can be correlated with the class of the expected readers as possibly - with the authors' idiolects. However, there is less in general features that can be interpreted as part of a more regular historical development: the frequency of object pronouns is higher and of systematic arrangement there is less, at least in Francatelli, than would be expected.

4.3.5 Anon., Good Things Made, Said and Done (241887) This is a remarkable book for its combination of recipes, advertising and proverbial wisdom (cf. facs. 14, 23). Whereas the instruction for the cook is quite traditional, the text is interspersed with many references to Goodall's products claimed to improve the dishes, and typographically offset by the use of italics and caps: the book was possibly distributed free of charge by the producer-cMw-publisher to potential customers. The four borders of each page also provide gratis advice and encouragement in form of maxims and proverbs. On the data base here analysed it is impossible to say whether the general structural development of the recipe is more regular, and whether features not agreeing with this pattern are deliberate deviations. Moreover, similar investigations of other text types are necessary before we can form hypotheses on how period style and Zeitgeist affected different text types in similar ways.


Cross-cultural comparisons

4.4.1 The text type exported A comparison of recipes from English-speaking communities outside England can be expected to show continuities of tradition as well as local or national innovation. Let us put the hypothesis to a test with specimens from Scotland, India and Papua New Guinea. (To date, it is uncertain which text

Cross-cultural comparisons

13 7

types have an indigenous ESL/ESD tradition in which countries; I will therefore analyse three cookery books that I happen to have available).

4.4.2 Scotland: Mrs McLintock's Receipts for Cookery and Pastry-Work. Glasgow (1736) The work is the first cookery book written by a Scotswoman for a Scottish audience and published in Scotland. Although it has been praised for its Scottish character, there appears to be nothing 'dialectal' in the book apart from a few lexical items. Whether this is because no local traditions of cooking recipes with distinctive linguistic traits ever evolved in Scotland, or because the cookery book was taken over wholesale from England in the 18th century seems impossible to say. McLintock's work can therefore stand for a common 18th-century British cookery book; specific features are owing to the period rather than the region. Consider the following recipe:

Text 7: XCVIII. To make Geil of Rasps (raspberry jelly) Break them with the Back of a Spoon, wring them through a clean Cloth, to every Mutchkin (3/4 pints) of the Juice of Rasps, take half a Mutchkin of the Juice of red Rizers (redcurrants) to make it geil, and to every Mutchkin of Juice 1 lib. of Sugar, clarifie it with the White of an Egg, boil it up to Sugar again, put in your Juice, set it on a clear Fire, skim it well, boil it half a Quarter of an Hour, and put it into your Geil-glasses.

An analysis of a greater number of items shows the following features: 1. Title: normally To make (to pot, pickle, dress...)·, How to make, and Fori0 (A) Sauce, 0 Syrop of... are rare. 2. Imperatives are used exclusively; there are no passives or modal verbs. 3. Your is frequent (1-2 tokens per recipe, but some have 3-6), especially with utensils (your pot). 4. Objects are always expressed. 5. then is normal to highlight consecutive actions. 6.-7. Sentence structure and lexis is simple; the text is apparently adapted to less educated readers.


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

4.4.3 Indian examples (cf. ch. 10) The pattern of the British cookery book was of course also transported to the former colonies: whereas the ingredients, and partly the details of their preparation, differ from British conditions, the structure of the recipe is very similar. Consider the following item from Reejhsinghani (1989: 7):

Text 8: Chuare (dry dates) ka kheer (sweet milk) 6 dry dates or chuaras. '/2 litre milk. 3 tblsps. sugar. 25 grams each of almonds, pistachios, charoli and walnuts. 1 tsp. ground cardamon seeds. Soak dates in water for half an hour. Drain and stone and grind to a paste with almonds, walnuts and charoli. Pound the pistachios coarsely. Heat milk and sugar together, when the sugar dissolves add the chuara paste and keep on stirring until the mixture turns thick and cream coloured. Serve hot garnished with pistachios. This kheer is not only very delicious, but it is full of energy and is given to women who have recently conceived or to anemic people.

On the basis of a larger sample from two modern Indian cookery books written in English, the following remarks are in order: a) The English cookery book is a minority affair in India. Although the two paperbacks mentioned have gone through several editions within a few years, and the use of English for this text type is likely to be supported by prestige considerations, the number of comparable books in Hindi is likely to be much greater (and in Punjabi, Bengali, Urdu, Tamil etc.). b) Recurring conventions which look quite un-English: b l ) 'partitive' of is normally omitted. Although this is a general feature of telegram style, it would not happen in BrE (2 cups milk, 125 grams potatoes, or, in combination with typical abbreviations, 4 tblsps ground sugar; 1/2 tsp. essence of Kewda). b2) As in many other Indian texts, the use of the articles is unpredictable. b3) The use of loanwords is marked - not surprisingly with items that have no English names (cf. the glossary prefixed to the book). b4) A few collocational oddities: mix nicely, pound Ν coarsely, p. 72 liquidizer (mixi) and compounds: fingerchips, p. 73 double-boiler, egg-beater, deep fry/shallow fry.

Cross-cultural comparisons


4.4.4 Hailans Kuk Buk (Becker-Tietze 1978, Tok Pisin, Papua New Guinea) Whereas the Punjabi cookery book was undoubtedly written by Indians and for Indians, the character of the Tok Pisin book is less clear. It looks like an educational attempt by white Americans - whether missionaries or Peace Corps workers - to supply Highland people with culinary instruction, as can be illustrated by the following text:

Text 9: Mit na kumu sup (meat and vegetable soup) Putim sampela gris ... long sospen na hatim. Kisim hap mit bilong bulmakau no pik, no ating bun i gat liklik mit i stap yet. Kukim long gris inap i kamap braun. Nau yu ken putim liklik sol no kawawar no galik samting long dispela sospen wantaim wara na boilim. Orait bihain putim kango (warakres) no sampela arapela kumu na kukim wantaim arapela samting yu putim pinis long sospen. Kukim inap long kumu i tan pinis na yu ken kaikai. Sapos yu no gat mit, orait yu ken wokim dispela sup long kumu tasol, em tu i guípela. 'Put some fat ... in the pan and heat it. Take a portion of beef or pork, or possibly bones with a little meat remaining. Fry it in the fat until brown. Now you can put salt or ginger root or some garlic in the pan together with water and boil it. Well, afterwards put kango [water cress] or some other edible greens and cook together with what other thing you've put in the pan. Cook until the greens are done and you can eat them. If you have no meat, then you can do the soup with vegetables only; this is also good.'

The text type may well have seemed (or still seems) strange to the potential readers. The structural similarity of the text with American norms may therefore be owing to close translation. (Note that the very title of the book would sound more idiomatic if expressed in something like Buk bilong Kuk bilong


Note transference of titles, use of imperatives (omission of objects does not apply), address of reader (yu). A native structural element is orait (from 'all right', roughly equivalent to then, well).

My remarks imply that the structure of the recipes supplied a model for a domain hitherto not connected with written or printed texts in Tok Pisin. If there has never been a written tradition for the field in a specific culture, then a foreign pattern is likely to be taken over once a need for it is felt.


Text types and language history: The cooking recipe

4.5 Conclusions Although the texts analysed may well be insufficient for generalizations as regards quantity or quality, it appears likely that the text type 'cooking recipe' has seen less development than many other types have. For one thing, this is certainly because the factual variation in what is to be done has not changed so much over the centuries, at least not before the age of deepfreezes and microwaves. But there has also been less standardization then might have been expected, which still leaves a great deal of variation to a writer of a textbook, whether the deviance from a more common pattern is intentional or not. Period style has of course affected the form of the recipe (and still does), but the centuries have added only few permanent features. This is particularly obvious with regard to individual linguistic characteristics: the imperative has always been dominant for verbs, but never exclusive; the object pronouns (it, them) have always been missing to a certain extent, and although the latter feature has sometimes been regarded as the hallmark of the recipe, it has never had universal currency. Finally, although there have been correlations between the social history and stylistic features, it is difficult to say whether the evidence from recipes is more conclusive than that gathered from other text types.


A linguistic history of advertising16



5.1.1 General remarks My intention in this chapter is to explore the stages by which the modern commercial advertisement has developed, concentrating on the time before 1900 and on specimens in which texts predominate rather than illustrations; the fascinating interrelations between the two, so fruitful for semiotic analysis, are therefore excluded. I will rather focus on the formation period when the advertisement developed into a well-defined text type and then take a closer look at the salient linguistic and rhetorical features on various levels which are characteristic of the genre, set off from particular traits of period style which act across individual text types. My analysis is related as closely as possible to the cultural and sociolinguistic background of the respective era. The modern period of English has created a large number of new types of communication; this is an obvious consequence of new media, of the increase and international differentiation of written or printed texts and of the effects of a growing (social and geographical) mobility of people and the numerical expansion of the messages transmitted. In the course of events, some text types have entirely disappeared, their functions and names having been superseded by modern developments and thereby become historical, as has recently happened to the telegram. On the other hand, the emergence of new text types is a much more frequent phenomenon and it is also in many ways more remarkable (cf. fig. 4 above). One of the most striking instances of the emergence of new text types is the rise of the modern newspaper. This can be seen as a conglomerate supertype as well as a cluster of more or less clearly distinct individual text types which have come to form a symbiotic ecosystem. Each individual type tends to acquire a definite position in the larger whole and to have formed, over the last three centuries, specific conventions shared by writers/

16 A drastically shortened form of this paper was first presented at the Santiago ICEHL conference in 2000 and published in the proceedings (= Görlach 2002a). For interesting comparisons with the early history of German advertising see Bendel (1998).


A linguistic history of advertising

compilers and readers. Instances of such individual bound types are the leader, political comment, news report, weather forecast, letter to the editor, astrological prognostication, birth and death notices, obituary, cartoon, crossword puzzle, classified, and of course the commercial advertisement (cf. Ungerer 2000). Research into what defines a text type functionally and with which linguistic features the type is correlated (and why) and how the form and concept have changed over time, have been among the most rewarding fields of recent linguistic investigation, a quest that is only beginning to provide a comprehensive view of the discipline in its synchronic and diachronic, national and international perspectives, especially when we contrast the rich tradition of research into literary genres already available.

5.1.2 Text types and their names When a conventional link becomes established between a textual function and a certain form, this combination will normally be given a name designating the genre. Therefore, legal forms of written documents like a law, bill, last will, etc. have well-defined conventions attached to them, and though in non-technical speech text types may be less well-defined, they are normally describable with a set of features which can be extracted from the semantic contrasts of their signifiés (ch. 1 above). As with most other lexical items, forms and contents can change over time. Thus, types can split (a cooking recipe now being named differently from a medical prescription), new meanings can become distinct by clipping (as a dedicatory letter developed into a dedication), and new types can be designated by an older term which has been specialized in the process. The latter change has obviously affected the advertisement. The word, borrowed from French in the 15th century, clearly relates to an action intended to draw someone's attention, which by métonymie extension then came to designate the object that serves this purpose, i.e. a 'notice'. Accordingly, many 18th-century books have advertisements right at the beginning, a text type which in modern diction we prefer to call a preface, foreword or introduction. What these obviously share with the modern meaning of the term 'advertisement' is the address to the reader phrased in a way that raises and keeps his attention, a shared element that also serves to explain how it was possible for the modern content to evolve.



5.1.3 Methodology Among the great wealth of literature on the topic of advertising, only a few books are relevant for linguistic investigations, many works dealing exclusively with commercial aspects, others presenting an incoherent amalgam of various themes without providing a systematic or comprehensive account. I found the following books most enlightening: Elliott's History of English Advertising (1962), Sampson's History of Advertising from the Earliest Times (1874 - and, largely based on this slightly rambling account, Turner's Shocking History of Advertising of 1965). The only consistently linguistic interpretation in book form (which is, however, largely based on 20th-century material) is Leech's English in Advertising (1966); more recently, Gieszinger's (2001) monograph has broken new ground, especially with regard to statistical analysis of the changing patterns in The Times. A historical linguist will for his diachronic analysis, then, have to piece various bits together and attempt to correlate 1. evidence from social and cultural history, such as: a) the topics advertised, b) the audience addressed, c) the place of advertisements (for instance in newspapers, posters, hoardings - and modern radio and television advertisements), d) the legal/financial/commercial conditions of advertising, e) the expectations of readers, f) the strategies employed by advertisers to reach an intended audience, and g) the role of non-verbal constituents of the advertisement, especially illustrations, and 2. the properly linguistic components selected for the purpose, such as a) spelling and typography, b) vocabulary (including collocations and meaning), c) syntax (especially the use of block language), d) style (text type, formality, intelligibility, expressiveness), and e) traditions, intertextuality, quotations and allusions. Occasionally, the advertiser will concede the inadequacy of linguistic description. In 1857, an advertisement for "Dr Torrens' Herbal Pills" started with the words: "No language can convey an adequate idea of the immediate and almost miraculous change produced by making use of these Pills in the diseased, debilitated, and shattered nervous system." The advertiser has


A linguistic history of advertising

to use language, however, and employs greatly exaggerated diction in painting the horror of the diseases and glorying the effects of the medicine, ending with: "Well may this preparation be called The Medical Wonder of the Nineteenth Century" (Oxford, John Johnson collections). Although for advertising informal style might be expected, the use of dialect is very rare. I have found a single example in a printed text advertising valentines (from Chater 's Tyneside Comic Alminack, Newcastle-on-Tyne, 1870): A D V I C E GRATIS! B Y A N IRISH P O E T

Biddy, mavourneen, if it's buying you're afther A Valentine, got it from CHATER; The pictures are neat and the wording so sweet, The cheapness proves him no CHATER.

5.1.4 Periods in the history of advertising 17 Starting from the first advertisements in the Mercuries of ca. 1625, the frequency and commercial importance of the genre greatly increased by 1700; topics like lost horses and patent medicines appearing from 1650 onwards. The appropriate style did not take long to develop. In the Mercurius Politicus of 20 Dec. 1660 we find an advertisement in which the medicine in question is already praised as the "most excellent and approved dentifrice" (Elliott 1962: 18). Also, critical statements on excesses were soon provoked. Addison's essay in the Tatler (14 Sept. 1710) summarized the first fifty years of intensive advertising (for which, in the final phase, those published in Defoe's Review (facs. 17,1705-11) can be compared). It seems appropriate to divide the topic into four periods, of which the second and third will be dealt with below:

17 All period boundaries in historical disciplines are open to objections. The one here suggested has no particular claim to originality or validity, and may well have to be refined by future research. I have found 1700 a useful borderline because the date includes Defoe's data in the second, major phase of fullfledged texts, because it fits with the publication of the first regular newspapers from 1702 on and because it agrees with the division I have accepted in my other books. Gieszinger (2001: 8), summarizing the existing literature, found a general consensus about 1890 (and 1920) being "turning points" in the history of advertising. She claims for her own study that 1788,1825, 1860, 1896, 1917, 1937,1956,1980 and 1997 "reflect significant historical and economic changes which may have influenced advertising strategies" (2001: 19-20), but the correctness of this assumption is not tested in a pilot study.

Introduction 1. 2. 3. 4.


The beginnings of advertising to 1700, the first heyday of the discipline to 1830, the expansion phase to 1890, the period in which newspaper specimens coexisted with radio and, later, film and television advertisements, and in which the function of the relevant texts changed dramatically.

The second phase in the 18th century is characterized by a limited readership, an important mediating function of coffee houses, fashionable and expensive articles offered, and a notable restraint in typographical means. Although typical exaggerations of puffing (as it was called) are obvious, these are still part of typographically inconspicuous texts largely relying on lengthy exposition, with only the excessive praise of the (allegedly) unique quality of the product diverging from 'normal' descriptive texts. Typical themes include the praise of commodities like coffee, tea, tobacco; cloths; medicines; transport (horse-coaches), books (often disguised in the form of reviews), amusements, jobs, matrimonial affairs and commercial lotteries. Then as now the selection of goods offered depended on the expected readership. It is no surprise that in Defoe's Review (1705-11, my main source for the first text corpus) advertisements for books and patent medicines predominate; the types of advertisements in later 18thcentury newspapers (typically assembled on the front pages) diverge considerably as far as topics and diction are concerned. 18 However, what these have in common with their predecessors of eighty years before is the total absence of graphic designs which makes the texts indistinguishable from other text types, such as newstexts and official announcements on front pages - where advertisements were then commonly found. Apart from all the more or less universal features provided by the psychology of selling, period style is obviously an important characteristic. Elliott (1962: 58-9) comments on 19th-century tendencies: No one can read the advertisements of this period without marvelling at the cumbrous Latin compounds, the grotesqueries of 'Greek' with which the advertiser sought to impress his public. Teeth were stopped with 'mineral

18 I have here used the pages reproduced in Morison (1932). They comprise a large proportion of announcements of plays and concerts (under "public amusements"), and otherwise provide a mixture praising inter alia money on bond, a sauce for cold meats, spring cloaks, beaver hat wardrobe, patent bedsteads, silver pens - and anti-scorbutic medicine (thus The Star and Evening Advertiser no. 1, May 3, 1788).


A linguistic history of advertising

marmoratum' or 'mineral succedaneum'; raincoats were 'siphonias'; hair cream was an 'aromatic regenerator'; hair dye was an 'atrapilatory'. There were 'pulmonic wafers' for the chest; there were Aethereal Oleine, Eimes' Arcanum, Winn's Anticardium, Olden's Eukeirogenion, and Rypophagon Soap. Some critics feared (as many have feared since) that the English language would never recover from the abuses of the advertiser.

The third period treated in my paper starts in the 1830s and ends with the competition of modern media in the 1890s. The beginning of the phase is best defined extralinguistically by technological developments, an expanding readership and a greatly increased circulation of newspapers in the 1830s (though distribution was still hampered by the Stamp Act, repealed in 1855). Perhaps the most striking Victorian innovation is the creative combination of fanciful and often ingenious illustrations combined with (initially) still extensive texts, which, however, tend to become shorter (cf. facs. 22) - to be taken in in a hurry - as time goes on and becomes more precious. As it happens, later texts (such as those from The Newspaper of 1844, facs. 18) can be very traditional in typography and diction - apparently exhibiting a 'cultural lag', the readers of the paper coming from agricultural circles in the provinces. This developed into the stage where the product name, or the producer, was the only text left, as illustrated by Pears' soap from 1870 onwards (compare facs. 24 with Punch's remake). This is, of course, the stage where the linguist withdraws and the psychologist takes over. Rhymes had been popular for advertisements from the early 19th century. These can range from provincial doggerel to the patriotic 'Buy British' advertisement for Bryant's matches (facs. 22). Another innovation was tried for Eno's Fruit Salts which used extensive quotations mainly from literary sources: Three quarters of his space would be taken up by high-flown quotations of man's unconquerable mind ... The underlying thesis... was the sin of allowing the human intellect to be harnessed to a sluggish gut... Now and again the compiler would throw in an uplifting poem which had taken his fancy... (Elliott 1962: 59)

- Is this a possible source of Indian advertising using Shakespeare, Keats and Sir Walter Scott for very worldly commodities - which would mean that the practice is not an Indian innovation, but an instance of 'colonial lag' (cf. Görlach 1991e and 10.6 below)?



The emergence of the advertisement is, then, closely bound up with the early history of the newspaper (less closely with journals and books in which advertisements tend to be found from the 19th century onwards; cf. the endpapers facs. 23). How close the connection is can be seen by looking at antecedents and competitors of the advertisement. The early forms of drawing a customer's attention can be said to exist in the form of street cries, conventionalized jingles for sales in streets and markets, which however contain little of the expository information of the advertisement. This is also absent from the trade-cards which tend to contain little description, but include a pictorial element (cf. facs. 16). This combination makes it fundamentally different from 18th-century advertisements - but, coincidentally, brings it very close to the modern concept of a usually eye-catching device accompanied by little text, a combination which can be taken in in a minimum of time. By contrast, early newspaper advertisements are characterized by their similarity to the other texts printed on the same page. The implication is that, whatever its distinctive linguistic features, advertisements are predominantly expository, and the information handed out to the reader is principally of the same character as that found in news reports or death notices. Whether there is a sly psychological trick behind all this, persuasion hiding as information, is difficult to determine.

5.1.5 The evidence provided by playful distortions 19 That the concept was established at an early time is also obvious from misuses of the genre. At the same time when advertisements in Defoe's Journal provide the first large body of examples, a description in the Tatler (1709) uses the advertisement to parody the stylistic overuse of evaluative adjectives. The irony is apparent only if the incongruity of text type and linguistic form is recognized. In a different way, a poem by Woty satirized the genre of the advertisement by the use of rhymed verse. The principle is turned round in a 19th-century advertisement which employs the form of a public notice (facs. 21) as a poster, using the typography of official announcements and largely also the text-type specific diction in order to

19 It is well known that modern advertese is often and easily imitated; cf. Leech: "The fact that people are able to parody advertisements shows that they have some operational knowledge of advertising English" (1966: 6) - but it is interesting to see how early such parodies evolved. By contrast, later instances of playfulness as exhibited in Punch appear to tell us less about the original being parodied.


A linguistic history of advertising

capture the readers' attention. However, to advertise with the help of a nonserious text is clearly a modern development (5.4.5 below). 20

5.1.6 Contemporary criticism As with other forms of persuasive strategies, misuses were bound to arise Plato, we remember, wanted to ban poets and rhetoricians from the republic. It is significant that the first criticism came almost immediately after the start of the modern advertisement, in the Mercuries, which from 1622 were printing advertisements, not only of books and freaks, but of lost horses and the earliest patent medicines (Turner 1965: 16)

Medicines, in particular, provided a source of complaints from the public (and even of legislation). Defoe, in his Journal of the Plague Year, pointed out the huge number of quack medicines produced to provide cures of the 1665 pestilence and advertised in characteristic descriptions such as: INFALLIBLE preventive Pills against the Plague. NEVER-FAILING Preservatives against the Infection. SOVEREIGN Cordials against the Corruption of the Air. EXACT Regulations for the Conduct of the Body, in case of an Infection. Antipestilential Pills. IMCOMPARABLE Drink against the Plague, never found out before. An UNIVERSAL Remedy for the Plague. The ONLY-TRUE Plague-Water.

The Royal Antidote against all kinds of Infection.

(Defoe 1722/1928: 36)

(Note in particular the descriptive adjectives used - formally not all superlatives, but semantically equivalent to them). The situation was ironically commented on by Addison in the Tatler of September 14, 1710. He included an advertisement for spirit of lavender written in a Ciceronian manner - apparently no appropriate genre-specific style had been found for the text type. Finally, Addison also pointed to modest innovations in typographic (not linguistic) style to attract the reader's attention:


This finding is confirmed by Gieszinger on the basis of The Times', she devotes a long chapter to "Language play" (2001: 155-98); whereas rhetorical figures occur quite frequently in early advertising, jokes/puns are used from 1900 onwards only, peaking in the most recent decades (see her graph, 2001:171 ).



Asterisks and Hands were formerly in great Use for this Purpose. Of late Years the N.B. has been much in Fashion; as also were Cuts and Figures, the invention of which we must ascribe to the Author of Spring Trusses [cf. facs. 17q]. I must not here omit the blind Italian character, which being scarcely legible always fixes and detains the eye and gives the curious reader something like the satisfaction of prying in a secret. (quoted from Turner 1965: 26-7) Some sixty years later, when advertising had become a huge industry, Johnson, in the Idler of 1759, complained more strongly about negative aspects of advertising: Advertisements are now so numerous that they are very negligently perused, and it is therefore become necessary to gain attention by magnificence of promises, and by eloquence sometimes sublime and sometimes pathetic. Promise, large promise is the Soul of an Advertisement. (quoted from Turner 1965: 29) With all his criticism, Johnson stated (ironically?) that "The trade of advertising is now so near to perfection that it is not easy to propose any improvement" - but he was careful to warn against excesses, especially since advertisements stood side by side with international news on the front page - often without any typographical distinction. Such criticism did not of course stop the practice. We are therefore not surprised to find, another eighty years later, complaints of a very similar kind: a contributor to the Athenaeum, July 17,1839, wrote: There can be little doubt that the stupidest cluster of trashy papers, the most insignificant articles, may by dint of eternal paragraph be forced into sale. It could not otherwise happen that Day and Martin, Rowland, Colburn and Bentley, Eady, Warren and those after their kind could lavish so much money in the praises of their oils, their books, their pills and their polish if there did not exist a class of human beings who are greedy of belief. It is the duty of an independent journal to protect as far as possible the credulous, confiding and unwary from the wily arts of the insidious advertiser. (quoted from Turner 1965: 54 and Elliott 1962: 54)


A linguistic history of advertising

5.1.7 The development of a new text type Since the term 'advertisement' was as vague, or polysémie, as it was in the 18th century, the genre of the commercial advertisement published to praise, and thereby increase sales of, a particular product had to be formed by the development of characteristic typographical features in combination with a specific diction. Since the linguistic characteristics will be analysed below, it will here be useful to name the other constituent features that became more or less obligatory: 1. The place of the text in ajournai or on the front page of a newspaper, usually headed 'advertisement(s)' in order to distinguish it from other text types surrounding it. 2. The name of the product mentioned first, often highlighted by the use of capitals, italics or bold typeface. 3. a) A description of the commodity in glowing terms (for adjectives see 5.2.2 below) involving superlatives or semantically equivalent terms; b) in the case of medicines, the enumeration of the ills, often described in great detail and in the most dismal terms possible, and the assurance that the cure offered is infallible. 4. Authorities quoted, commonly in the form of 'recommended by the eminent doctor X', but independent testimonials written by grateful clients soon came to be appended (introduced by "This is to certify"). 5. Place where sold (later: how to be obtained) in what quantities for what price. 6. Warnings against cheap, spurious, fraudulent counterfeits and imitations. Note that there was then no legal objection against comparing products with those offered by competitors - denigrating alternative medicines was common practice. In most cases, these advertisements were endlessly repeated, without any change of wording, but a few (such as those by the Kirleus widow, and the oculist Read in Defoe's Review) show a great deal of variation and diachronic intertextual connections. Sampson (1874: 395-7) traced the successive advertisements of Mr Patence, "Dentist and Dancing Master" which appeared between 1771 and 1775 in the Gazetteer and the Morning Post, each containing more incredible accounts of his achievements, ending with the dictum "Envy may snarl, but superior Abilities assists (sic!) the Afflicted." We are not sufficiently informed about the authors of these texts to properly interpret their linguistic relevance. Many must have been composed by

Linguistic analysis: The 18th century


the people offering their products and services, but others were certainly written, or at least revised and polished, by hack writers in quest of a quick buck. Sampson (1874: 394) draws attention to an advertisement in the General Advertiser for June 21, 1749, praising the healing effects of snuff "which was supposed to cure lunacy." Making fun of the advertiser's total incompetence in formulating his message in intelligible English, Sampson aptly comments: "Certainly it has an effect on the ideas with regard to the construction of sentences."


Linguistic analysis: The 18th century

5.2.1 The rhetorical background Although the importance of rhetoric has continually decreased from the Renaissance onwards, we have to realize that the discipline still had a very strong hold on 18th-century concepts of stylistic appropriateness and language use, the stress shifting from a mechanical categorization of figures back to the more comprehensive system of rhetoric as defined by writers in antiquity. If the orator's objective was to convince, persuade and delight, advertising is one of the written genres typically affected by such concerns: it had fewer of the thematic restrictions inherent in political or even religious persuasion, so that the motive could be put across more directly. However, the system of rhetoric has not been used in the analysis of advertising, then or in recent research - modern scholars might in fact prefer to use a model based on pragmatic approaches or aspects of semiotics (in particular, where visual representation has a special relevance). The rhetorical refinement also differs from one advertisement to the next. However, it is obvious that a text like the Review s of 6 March 1705 was possible only in a time dominated by rhetorical strategies. The conspicuous features are the following: 1. the use of superlatives and strongly positive adjectives: golden, wonderful, great, successful, cf. all manner, all·, and corresponding negatives in the pains it heals: violent, most raging·, 2. the use of learned words which are employed without any factual need: odiferous 'smelly', cephalick 'head', Arcanum 'mystery', Encomium and Panacea 'praise';


A linguistic history of advertising

3) praeteritio, i.e. (claimed) failure to praise the article: wants no such Encomiums and the reason given (Concentration on Matter rather than words, on Things rather than Expressions). In other cases (11 Sept. 1705) the paragraph structure is closely modelled on legal texts, with sections indicated typographically. The use of whereas a Proposal has been made ... These are to give Notice ... All those Gentlemen ... are Desir'd. To apply semiotic categories to the analysis of advertisements is obviously less relevant in early periods when illustrations were primitive or mostly altogether missing, but it is not entirely fruitful for more recent examples, either.21

5.2.2 Adjectives We expect to find some continuity in the use of adjectives in positive and especially superlative form which serve to stress the excellence of the products and create trust in the advertiser. The following are among the most frequent in the advertisements in Defoe's Review: The famous, noble medicine praised is of course excellent and most perfect, but certainly incomparable/unparalleled and above all effectual and possibly absolutely infallible.

Basing a categorization on the thoughts of Peirce, Morris and Eco (1972), we can distinguish between three types of signs (cf. Hermerén 1999: 72): A symbol as a result of traditional association is in a largely arbitrary relationship with a class of referents, conventionalized in a specific speech or culture community. These relations are acquired together with other parts of the linguistic system and are consequently considered to be natural. An icon is highly motivated since it expresses a natural resemblance between the sign and its referent; a traffic sign, thus, becomes iconic by the addition of a visual emblem (such as a stylized locomotive at level crossings). It is obvious that iconicity is a matter of degree. An index is related to its referent by way of causality or contiguity. Therefore, the use of smoke signals for communication is an instance of symbol, whereas smoke indicative of a burning house is an index. In advertising all kinds of mixtures of the three categories are found, especially where we have to do with visual quotations, specimens of intertextuality, and various types of non-serious, playful, eye-catching devices. The general development has gone from the absence of visual representations (or primitive iconic and symbolic forms) to an increasing intentional breach of conventions, in both linguistic and visual expression; cf. Eco (1972: 267-8) who summarizes the rule that an advertisement draws greater attention the more it offends against communicative norms (and thus conflicts with rhetorical expectations). However, since the interplay of text, typography, layout, locale and illustration is highly complex and applies to other forms of advertising more narrowly than to my early corpus, it is only occasionally used in the following analysis: my texts contrast with forms used in posters (which have, for obvious reasons, little text and more graphic designs, from the 19th century onwards) and in modern advertisements (cf. specimens reproduced in Hermerén 1999 and in Vestergaard and Schräder 1985).

Linguistic analysis: the 18th century 153 Its application is easy, the taste pleasant!pleasing and sometimes charming, delightful, pretty, surprising and wonderful. It is recommended/approv 'd by eminent, experienced, famous doctors. Apart from the laudatory character of these adjectives, the fact that the superlative most excellent is sometimes used, and other adverbs are also employed as intensifiers highlights their appeal even more strongly. Other adjectives are employed more selectively; they include capable, clear, convenient, diverting, durable, easy, exalted, expeditious, exquisite, fine, free, good, grateful, harmless, new (est), proper, pure, rational, real, safe, skilful, sovereign, successful, sure and useful. Moreover, positive qualities are of course highlighted by negative adjectives used for contrast, or in the ills the advertised product is promised to cure.

5.2.3 Syntax and word formation The involved syntax in many of these texts is perhaps the most astonishing feature. Rather than praising the product in short sentences, the authors take particular care to develop their argument in carefully constructed long sentences often including a number of adverbial clauses and rhetorical figures like antithesis. Two characteristics appear to be particularly close to legal conventions - possibly features chosen to increase credibility: 1. the introductory formula Whereas ... is sometimes used (though not frequently); 2. the enumeration (for instance of the diseases that can be cured) is structurally close to legal extensional definitions. The absence of any unusual word formations coined ad hoc and with the aim to capture the reader's attention is truly noteworthy.

5.2.4 Other formulaic expressions The repetition of formulas draws our attention to conventions of the period style which may have become obsolete. One of the most notable is the opening formula by which the producer or salesman "begs leave to offer/to inform or to acquaint (his subscribers)/to solicit the attention", or "respectfully assures the Ladies", or "most respectfully intreats the public to observe." He sometimes "very respectfully informs the Nobility and


A linguistic history of advertising

Gentry", 22 thus explicitly mentioning the potential readership. To heighten the appeal, it is often stated that cures come about as if it were by miracle: "by a charm", "by enchantment", "by immediate Divine Assistance", "by God's Blessing" or generally "to admiration". Warnings of cheap imitations and forgeries, especially for medicines handed on from one generation to the next, and of course claimed to be as harmless as they are effectual, range from neutral/legalistic formulations to fanciful allegations of competitors. In the case of initial Whereas ... it is not quite obvious whether the formula is a legitimate for the text type, or whether its use is a kind of mimicry, employed to give the text a quasi-legal or official veneer, and thereby authority. 23

5.2.5 Summary Apart from excesses in the patent-medicine trade the linguistic characteristics of advertisements were surprisingly modest. The formal tone and elevated style of most advertisements was obviously directed at informing and convincing readers rather than coaxing and persuading them. This agrees with the inconspicuous presentation which was not intended to catch the readers' eye - potential customers must have been prepared or made desirous to have the information beforehand. The style and presentation thus clearly reflect the type of leisurely (often coffee-house) browsers, different from the wider Victorian or modern audiences. In addition, the Stamp Act, valid between 1712 and 1855 (charges were reduced in 1836) further restricted the currency of newspapers, and with it, the readership of advertisements. The situation is summarized by Turner: (In the 18th century) the advertisements in all these publications were directed only at a limited circle: the frequenters of coffee-houses, where the newspapers were read. There was little or no advertising of household goods. The advertiser was content to offer the wealthy their coffee, their tea, their turtles, their books and wines and wigs ... (Turner 1965: 24)


The practice continues into the 19th century when "Burbidge and Healy beg respectfully to inform the Horticultural world" (The Newspaper 1844). 23

The OED (whereas 3) does not relate the use to any specific text types, but the rank-shifting function as a noun (whereas 4) at least supports the assumption of legal origin.

The 19th century


5.3 The 19th century When changing over to early 19th-century advertisements, we are struck by a further increase in Latinate semi-learned diction in both product names and in the claimed qualities and applications. In The Newspaper (1844, facs. 18), directed at an audience of (gentleman) farmers, the advertised products can be "curvilinear" for "Orchidaceous Houses", and "Epiphytehouses" are offered to gardeners. Rowland's Kalydor (whatever the meaning of the name, possibly meant as 'beautiful gift'), a "Royally Patronised and universally adopted Specific, is a balmy, odiferous, creamy Liquid, composed chiefly of extracts from the most rare Flowers and Herbs from an Eastern clime (made from an) amalgamation of costly exotic materials". The carefully planned rhetoric of the advertisement aims at persuading through a combination of authority, elitism, rareness and exoticism, pushing to the background even the more genre-specific praise that it is "the mildest and most efficacious preparation ever known". Since the majority can't be wrong, Rowland's Macassar Oil is supported by "a reputation unparallelled ... still on increase in public estimation". Warnings against "fraudulent counterfeits" (thus Rowland's phrase) include expressions like "in lieu of the unsightly rubbish made by slopsellers" or "the cupidity of unprincipled Shopkeepers, who vend the most spurious trash", a denigrating tradition kept up all through the 19th century. Compare the caution formulated in another mid-19th-century text "Beware of the rubbishy, so-called magnetic socks that are sometimes stocked by chemists on account of their low price." As far as evaluative adjectives are concerned, advertisers apparently used whatever possibility of further stylistic exaggeration was left, employing words like brilliant, efficacious, infinitely surpassing, superior excellence and unrivalled {The Newspaper 1844). The most conspicuous features of the period style of advertising continued right through the Victorian period - although the data become divided between advertisements that employ illustrations and those which do not. An additional innovation is that advertisements came to be inserted, often in remarkable numbers, as front and end pieces in books. Thus, the end papers of Anon., Good Things of 188724 are typical representatives of advertising


The cookery book (4.3.5), apparently handed out free of charge by the producers of Yorkshire Relish, baking powder, egg powder, custard powder, but also plate powder and lavender water (Goodall, Backhouse and Co. of Leeds) is a collection of disguised advertisements, comprising a series of one hundred recipes all containing advice on how to use one of the Goodall products for successful dishes. (Even the producer's name Goodall sounds like an advertising trick!)


A linguistic history of advertising

directed at popular audiences (cf. facs. 23). The multilingual lexis used is most conspicuous where simple contents are explained to simple readers. The advertisement for Yorkshire Relish employs the words "viands palatable", "piquancy", "aw natureF\ "concocting" - very much in the style of Mrs Beeton (cf. ch. 4). Innovations include a more eye-catching variation of typefaces, a clearer lay-out broken up into short sections, and a further vulgarization of medical half-knowledge eclipsed in irresponsible captions like "Do not let your child die!" and "Do not untimely die" and "None now need to despair of life ... The most extreme cases need not despair" (facs. 23). Another 19th-century feature is the use of literary devices. This could be in the form of advertisements cast in verse form, varying from trite doggerel rhymes made by a local poetaster to verses commissioned from respectable poets: British matches are advertised in a jingoistic 'Buy British' rhymed advertisement (Hindley and Hindley 1972: 7.11, facs. 22), whereas a more modest shopkeeper poet from Stranton attempted to have many of his articles mentioned in doggerel verse (Wood 1967: 206); alternatively, advertisements could be accompanied by half-philosophical reflections bolstered up by quotations from eminent writers. Thus Eno dug up a passage from the 17th-century essayist Sir William Temple on health and long living to introduce the value of good food (and Eno's Fruit Salt's part in this). Even more ambitious is the same firm's "Contemplation", supported by an illustration of a cliché philosopher and various quotations of poetry including a scrap from Milton, but innovating in the form of mock advice to "would-be suicides" to "always avoid Eno's Fruit Salt". Finally, in an age of globalization, it is interesting to see that Eno, in 1887, provided "Directions in Sixteen Languages, How to Prevent Disease" (for illustrations see Hindley and Hindley 1972).


Changes in advertising style

5.4.1 Sociolinguistic changes The major determinant in advertisements and their relation to the potential buyers of the products is the change of readership. In the 18th century, only a small section of English society was able to read, had the leisure to do so extensively and the money to afford expensive periodicals, and these facts clearly determined the range of commodities advertised, and the style used. Good prose style being largely defined by the English used in Addison's, Steele's, Defoe's and Swifts's essays, it is no surprise that advertisements

Changes in advertising style


share many typical features with these. Advertising had to sound respectable to have an effect on the educated readership. That they were manipulated is also true. Tucker comments: All the familiar tricks of the men simply out to sell are there - exaggeration, pseudo-science, vulgarity, careless structure: some of it funny, some pompous, some stupid. But a modern reader misses the puns, the clever twists to familiar word-patterns, the alliteration, rhyme or juggling with spelling, the adaptation to the language of various kinds of reader that enliven the good modern advertisement. (Tucker 1967: 83) Changes in advertising style are conspicuous around 1830. Again, the change is not unexpected. Cheaper paper and printing created a much larger reading public (although still somewhat delayed by taxation) - and readers were also more mobile. Newspapers bought in the new W W Smith's bookshops and read while waiting for the train or travelling on it were consumed in a way quite different from how The Spectator or The Rambler were read a hundred years earlier. Since the message of the advertisement has to be taken up in a hurry, or at a glance, the new reading style must affect the presentation in the direction of more illustration and less text. However, the change is not as straightforward as might be expected: for one thing, more rural or provincial audiences might still prefer the more 'informative' style of advertising, as illustrated by the texts printed in The Newspaper of 1844 (facs. 18). On the other hand, Victorian advertisements, and newspaper texts in general, are still much more verbose than most modern ones. In many cases the advertiser's strategy was now divided into two steps: first attract attention, and when you have gained it, use it to pass on detailed information: This explains typographical excesses as collected in Hindley, such as the advertisement for electric warming presented in the form of a sole (1972: 7.2).

5.4.2 Contrasts with coexisting styles Diachronic developments exclusively based on differences exhibited in individual text types tend to be distorted, unless they are contrasted with other texts of the same period: the stylistic range, which makes the choice of a particular diction a deliberate selection from coexisting styles and thereby illustrates the distance of advertese from other prose texts, is at least as distinctive - however difficult it may be to reconstruct the necessary


A linguistic history of advertising

communicative competence in the period language which includes a reconstruction of the impact on readers affected by the connotations of advertese. Although, then, 18th-century advertising language may strike us as unusually formal, the criterion should be, how informal it is in comparison to expository texts.

5.4.3 Changes in lexis The adjective has long been seen as the most distinctive element in advertising style. This is partly because many adjectives are evaluative, and partly because they are gradable: good involves the advertisement writer's evaluation, best adds comparison and a particular emotional appeal. Leech compiled a hitlist of adjectives used in advertisements of the 1960s (a list which may well be historical by now, but I do not know of any more recent study, possibly even contrastive to Leech's). 25 The ranking he found is as follows: 1 2 3 4 5 6 8 10

new good/ better/ best free fresh delicious , filli ' sure , clean ' wonderful

11 12 13 14 15


, '





crisp fine big great real ι easy ' bright extra safe (Leech 1966: 152)

Counting the frequency of these adjectives is, however, only half the story: the classes of nouns with which they collocate is at least as distinctive. For instance, the fact that good is almost exclusively used with food may come as a surprise. Less astonishing is the fact that negatives are avoided {bad, dreadful), and that 'gradation' is also achieved by the use of intensifying adjectives, replacing good by more expressive items.


Gieszinger has a section on adjectives offering useful information (such as statistics on [implicit] superlatives, 2001: 133), but her count of individual adjectives (table on p.321) is not conclusive for this point.

Changes in advertising style


A comparison with the adjectives used in the 18th century brings out significant contrasts. Many modern words were then not used at all {delicious, special, crisp, bright, extra), others were less frequent than they are now {new, good, free, fresh etc.). This could partly be because of the different products offered, but appears to be much rather indicative of a more 'respectable' style employed in advertising. By contrast, the advertisements I analysed from the 19th century (concentrating on The Newspaper of 1844 which had practically no illustrations, thus reflecting 18th-century conventions) had a very low incidence of evaluative adjectives, with the exception of patent medicines. Instead, there was much verbosity and Latinate expression, again not unexpected in 19th-century prose.

5.4.4 Changes in syntax Tendencies in syntax have gone from carefully constructed long sentences in the 18th century to more loosely built, but still long ones in the 19th, (ultimately) to short and often insufficiently connected ones in PDE. In Leech's convincing descriptive formula, styles have gone from discursive to disjunctive. The change is also noticeable in other genres, but most clearly seen in advertising. The text type now supplies many instances of 'block language', that is, incomplete syntactical patterns - if it is not downright asyntactical. These changes go together with other features which are also found in Biber's analysis of personal letters: the earlier formal, impersonal, involved, ceremonious styles which combine Latinate expressions, high frequencies of passives and explicitly formulated statements have come to be replaced by forms reflecting more direct and often more personal address. Since the change is largely a 20th-century one, we might assume it has to do with advertising in other media, and in fact we can see advertisements in newspapers coming closer to the elliptical syntax traditionally used for posters and hoardings from early times onwards. However, the new conventions in newspaper advertising seem much better explained by a change in life-style, in communication patterns and a breakdown of social classes and certain educational expectations. On the other hand, very verbose styles of advertising can survive, even in popular tabloids of recent years where we might possibly least expect it as modern specimens in The People serve to illustrate.


A linguistic history of advertising

5.4.5 Changes in seriousness Many early advertisements are boring reading: they lack the visual attraction we now connect with the genre, but also the experimental use of deviant word-formations and (largely) the punning and other forms of word-play which are among the most conspicuous features in modern advertese. This change started in the 19th century when various eye-catching devices were tried - as the rebus from 1820 (facs. 20). However, the technique is largely a more recent development - it became frequent after 1950, and it reached its peak from the 1970s onwards. Many of the linguistic means employed in such diction would in former times have been categorized by the prospective customers as a parody, and certainly have not helped to create the trust in the product that is necessary for them to take the decision to buy. The forms that such word-play can take are infinite; they range from slips of the tongue to rhyme and alliteration, misunderstanding of polysemous words and homonyms, mis-spellings, distorted quotations and other forms of intertextuality: there is no end of modern specimens. The first examples I remember from the 1950s - excepting the flat phrase "My goodness, my Guinness!" - include one for Newcastle Pale Ale (seen in 1959) Thirsty days has dry September, October too, and dull November. Ν PA

I enclose two more recent advertisements employing linguistic sophistication (facs. 24, the Present Perfect, and Happy Ballantine s Day - which was later refined including the additional pun on the darling Ballantine). Hermerén quotes from the 1990s the advertisement for Dillon's Bookshop "Foiled again? Try Dillons" - and many of us will remember verbal playfulness from the London underground from the 1970s onwards.26 All this illustrates changes of attitude that seem to make Leech's characterization of advertese somewhat dated - although the statement is only thirty years old. He still claimed in 1966: 1. An advertisement is of necessity honest in declaring its purpose. The mention of the brand-name is usually sufficient to identify an advertisement for what it is, and, in addition, regulations at least partially safeguard the public against camouflaged advertising.


It seems remarkable that the change in style has become international. Over the last ten years, punning (normally disliked in my native German) has become acceptable in German advertising, especially if the text contains English elements, as in Dämmershoppen for late shopping hours (cf. Görlach 1994a).

A text type exported


2. The advertiser has to buy his way to the public's attention; budgeting economy of means against results, in terms of sales returns, is an especially important consideration for him. 3. Whereas other forms of persuasion can expect to meet with interested responses varying from active support to active hostility, the average person's attitude to advertising is bored tolerance, mixed with varying degrees of good or ill-humour. 4. Advertising uses a predominantly concrete language, matching its concrete purpose. Propagandists in other fields tend to deal in abstractions. 5. Elsewhere appeals are often made to moral and ethical principles; advertising largely confines itself to basic human drives such as gain, emulation, protectiveness, and the physical appetites. (Leech 1966: 26) To my mind, such uses are connected with new typographical styles for advertising in the 20th century - and the tedium caused by excessive praises of common products. However, we may be misled by the fact that our judgment is based on intellectual, largely middle-class attitudes. The change just sketched appears to have happened only to some layers of society while the old type persists in others. Many advertisements in more popular papers have surprisingly long texts to them, are mainly expository and certainly not witty. The persuasion of the allegedly objective, very detailed information contained in them is obviously seen as the best means of success, and it comes as a surprise that the long texts are aimed at people who are not expected to read much.

5.5 A text type exported As my discussion in ch. 10 and the accompanying texts make clear, advertising was exported into English-using communities as a feature of newpapers and radio/ television, be it that the English impact modified existing traditions or created a new genre - as it appears to have done in the very creative advertising in Tok Pisin and Bislama (see facs. 27). Advertising as a comparatively informal genre also permits codeswitching to an extent not expected in more 'serious' text types. Two specimens from The Manila Bulletin of 19 and 29 April, 1988 can serve to illustrate the practice (see facs. 26). Advertising can here be claimed to trigger language change, making mixed utterances acceptable, a development that may spread to other registers.


A linguistic history of


5.6 Conclusion It can be argued that advertising has remained a stable rhetorical exercise aimed at raising the sales of specific products by convincing or persuading the prospective customers to buy the items offered. In fact, there are, with all the cultural changes of the past three hundred years, also recurring linguistic patterns (praise of the product, warning not to buy cheap imitations, etc.). However, changing reading habits and the impact of modern media - which have largely shifted advertising to the aural or non-linguistic visual means of persuasion - and stylistic shifts from serious exposition to witty (and often frivolous) expression have drastically changed the role and style of advertising in the modern world. This makes the topic an unlimited field of scholarly analysis - and fun.

6 The church hymn27

6.1 Introduction When discussing text types, the church hymn is an obvious choice and this for various reasons: 1. It combines features which distinguish it from other types in the religious domain (metre, rhyme, singability, largely fixed form, predictable occasions for use, etc.) and shares some features with other text types outside 'religion' (such as the folk song). In particular, the relationship with (religious, devotional) poetry is complex. 2. It allows us to analyse traditions of the entire genre, or contrasts specimens of individual churches/denominations; the 18th century was particularly complex, with Anabaptists, Anglicans, Calvinists, Lutherans, Methodists, Moravians, Presbyterians, Quakers and Roman Catholics holding different dogmatic tenets. Adaptations of existing texts include specific accommodations for individual communities - resulting in a unique combination of a stable core text and permitted changes in length, sequence, and wording. 3. It makes it possible to compare - in the case of hymns based on biblical translations - the 'source' and its versified paraphrase (cf. 6.3 below). 4. The analysis of foreign models (esp. Latin and German Lutheran) shows their impact on the English tradition, or individual hymn writers, or translations of specific hymns; for instance, John Wesley was a particularly active translator. 5. It presents an 'open' text; even most hymn writers foresaw, and often encouraged, revisers to truncate, rearrange, and rephrase hymns according to local needs. Such histories of individual hymns throw much light on the attitudes of various religious communities and changing tastes (cf. Arnold 1991: 133-80 and my discussion below).


Chapters 6 and 7 were written for the present book in 2002 in order to widen the base of text types characterized in more detail than just by definitions. Again, it would be fruitful to attempt a full comparison of various national developments of hymn writing and usage, especially considering the interdependence of individual traditions.


The church hymn

6. A comparison of contrasting idiolects of hymn writers throughout their writings permits us to determine, e.g. Charles Wesley's (or the Wesleys') language use in hymns, letters and treatises/reflexions. 7. The existence of a comprehensive literature devoted to the subject, peaking in the two recent volumes by Arnold (1991, 1995) allows us to summarize the evidence and adapt it to the methods of this book.

6.2 The historical foundations of the text type Although building on medieval predecessors, church hymns made a decisive breakthrough only with the Reformation - which took very different developments in individual European countries. In England, one tradition was started by Coverdale, who brought out England's first hymn-book, the Goostly Psalmes and Spiritual Songes in 1531 (Arnold 1991: 5), and Thomas Sternhold and John Hopkins's The Whole Booke of Psalmes, Collected into English Metre ( 1562), which, with royal support, became so popular that it determined the later tradition at least until Tate and Brady's A New Version of the Psalms of David in 1696 came out. Arnold summarizes the developments as follows: In essence the hymn was atfirstjust the flowering out of the metrical Psalm into a form which embraces other Biblical texts, providing the stimulus for writers to expand their metrical territory to other passages of scripture (...) once the hymn began to be tolerated, however timidly and restrictively, it soon caught on remarkably as a widespread and widely divergent liturgical form. (Arnold 1991: 8-9) The vogue was supported by devotional poetry, in particular George Herbert's, Richard Crashaw's and Henry Vaughan's. However, hymns were invariably used for private devotion rather than public worship. Church opinion after the Reformation [sc. in England] was so markedly against hymn-singing that when Myles Coverdale published his Psalm-book in 1531 Henry VIII prohibited its sale mainly because of the number of hymns at the end. (Arnold 1991: 11) Even dissenters were against congregational singing, as the Quaker George Fox was. All this was in stark contrast to Germany where for Luther hymns were a central part of public worship. The situation in Britain changed with

The historical foundations of the text type


Watts's Hymns and Spiritual Songs in 1707; of the three volumes only the hymns in the first part are based on particular scriptures, those in Part Two are 'Hymns of meer Human Composure (...)'· Thus begins in England a prolific century of hymns which convey a writer's own vision of God and Christian experience, a vision meant to be shared with a congregation and sung to music. (Arnold 1991:18)28 The real breakthrough for public hymnody came, however, with the rise of Methodism after 1728: religion tended to become less liturgically procedural and more spontaneously public in nature, less concerned with doctrine and social responsibility and more with spirituality and individual salvation. (Arnold 1991:19) The importance of public singing is illustrated by the fact that Charles Wesley wrote nearly 9,000 hymns, his brother John edited hundreds, and the two brothers produced over 50 volumes of hymns in 50 years. (Arnold 1991: 19) Opposition to such "new-fangled notions, and enthusiastic conceit" (Ci>f»

Facs. 2










ofthe Higheibborne Princes, A N N A of Venmarkfi by God's permiilion, Crowned Qy bene of England, Scotland, France & Ireland, &c.

Hirhumbleftferuant I. F. wiiheth all the truc felicities, that this Ttxirld may afford^ and the fuBejifruition of the bkjfedmjji that hcauen can yedd.

His braine-babe Qopardon me that title mofl abfolute fupreme Minerua ) brought with it into the world, not» thirteenyeersfince, a worldof words: Since, following the fathers fiefs in all obfemant feruice ofyour rnofifacred Maieïïie,yet with a traueuers minde i as erfi Colombus at commandof gloriom Ifabella, it hath Qat home') difcouerednecre hälfe a ne,» world : and therefore as oftidefome called Scotia o/Scota, and others lately Virginia, ofQueenesyour Aidefliesprcdecejjors : Jo pardon again Çômoft Gracious andGlorious") if it dare be entitled Q v _ e e n A n n a ' s New world ofwords, asvnderyour proteBionandpatronagefent andfetfoorth. f t ¡hall be myguard agairift the worñ3 if not grace With the beH, if men may f e e f beare Minerua in my front j or as the Hart on my n e c f y , f am Diana's, β with heart J may f a y y This is (\v

ajfuthorù, andßalleuer be

ε β ν A n n a's ,


Your Soueraigne Maiefties inuiolablydeuotedfubied and moil obliged feruant I ο η ν

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Facs. 3 a

of all the people of your moft noble Fathers Dominions 5 then if now from your firft yeares.you might beginne to be the blefled inftruments of the Almighty, of an euerlaftingbenefiteto the prelent and all fucceeding generations f whereby you might knit all hearts more furely vnto the holy G o d , and his fupreame deputy hereamongft vijas alfo tovour feiues bis Regali iflue, and vnto a n d M I G H T Y P r i n c e , yours for euer. Accept therefore, to this Henry,Prince o f W a l e s ; and to the purpofe ( I beféecli y ou ) this wcake labour moft Noble and excellent Duke,£bar¿u t thus begun, of fearching out, and inquiring Duke of Yorkc i I. B. vnfoinedly wiiheth ail of all the fpecdicft, fureft and moft calie engrace and gloty,and humbly commendcth trance aod way to all good learning in our ibi PttTia'i' »/i» Labours. Grammar fchoolei. T o the end, that thofe rare helpes of knowledge, which the Lord hath graunted to this laft Age ( fome of the Eeingthat all of vs of this principali wlierof haue beenfcarce knowen, Nation ( maß Gratiotu md ' Excellent ) doe aboue all or very little praöiced, fo farreas'l can find) and moft of the reft baue bin only knowen people , owe vnto the amongft fome few) mightby your Princely Higheft, our liues and Refauours, be made common vnto all,for the ligion , with all our ble£ publique good ofthe prefent Age, and of all fings; and nextvnderhim,to his Anoynted, times to come. The Lord God hath giuen your moft royall Father, our drad Soueynto your Highneffeand Excellency, to be raignc ; to whom he hath giuen ν s , by whoíé born,and to liue in the time of moft glorious hand he hath fo miraculoufly fauedvs, and light,and knowledge 5 in which, if the expe* doth (till preferue vs aliue in the midft ofour riments offundry of the learnedeft, Sc moft enemies : wc are therfore eucry one alwaies happily experienced Schoolemaflers and o · bound ( in what thing foeuer he ihafl inable thcrs, were gathered into one (hortfum, all vs thereunto) to teftifie our acknowledgegood leamingfwhich is the chiefeftglory o f a ment. Pardon then the delire ofyourdcuonation ) would daily flourilh more & more, ted and moft affezionate poore ftruant.if and be conueycd to all places & times; that he (hall endeauour in all humility, to witnefs not only this age prefent,but alfo al pofterihis thankcfulnefle vnto the Lord of heauen, ty ihould haue iuftcaufeeuermore to magand to his Annoynted, by feeking to adde nifie tbçGod ofglory foryou:forhow muft fomewhat vnto the Honour, and déferas of thisneedes oblige all forts, if this heauenly his royall progenie : euen ofyou.who are the gift of learning, mightthorough you be atrich gifts of the heauenly bountie, and the tained with much more cafe, delight, & cerflouriihing branches, of that happy fpreatainty 5 and alfo in (hotter time, withlefle ding Cedar. And what is it, which might charges to Parents, without that extreatnc ftill more aduance you io the eyesand hearts f 3. íharp-



Facs. 3 b

7 be Spi file Aiarpnes vfed ordinarily in fchools amongft the pœre children i How (hall it increate yourlaftingcomfort&honour, if byyour Highneflcs fauoursjthe work thus entred into, (hall (bone come to an happy end ! For as Tome very learned and of much experience, haue begun already to help herein;fo others of the chiefeft qifts and imploiments in this kind, (hall not difdaine to lay-to their hands to bring it in time to fome perfedion. Why lhould wee the liege fubicits of I ε s ν s C H λ ι s τ, and of this renowned kingdorae, be ouergonc herein,by the (eruants of Antichrift? many of whom bend all their wirres and ioine their ftudies, for the greateft advantage of their Iearning,euen in the Oram* mar fchooles, onely to the aduancement of Babylon, with the ouerthrow of this glorious nation, and of all parts of the Church of Chrift; to bring vs vnder thatyoakeagaine, or elfe to vtter confufìon. Ór why lhould we omit any time or opportunity, wjiich the Lordoffereth hereunto?The hope therforc of your pcore fcruant is, that your Highnefs and Excellency will not impute anic preemption to this indeuor, (though thus vndertaken by me the vnableft ofmany thoufands) but thatyou will accept it. according to the deftre that hath bin in me, to do good there by to thisChorch and Nation. And the rather, for the vndoubted affurance of the exceeding benefit, which mud needs come in time, by the beft courfes once found out and madepublick : and for that though fuch a work haue bin Jong talked of and wiihed , yet it isftillgenerally neglefted. The experience alio which the Lord hath (hewed, in the readiueffe of fundrie very learned, in a workeofnotmuchlefle difficulty, to helpe moft louingly, with their beft aduices, to bring ftill tobetterperfedion, doothgiue


'Dedicatorie. your fcruant certain hope of thelike cheerfull abidance herein. Howfoeuer; yetit (hall remaine tor a further teftimony of duetyto theheauenly Majefty, ofthankfulneffeand loyall affedion towardes our Liege Soueraigne, and you his Royall Progenie. That as you are the worthy fons ofa Father moft renowned of all the Kings of the earth» for fingular learning, and for holding v p , and aduauncing by all meanes the glorious light therof; and as you are not inferiorto anle of the Princes of the world in your education and firft yccrcs : fo all forts may thorough ron receiue anincreafc of the (âme (hinfng ight, and all hearts may beftillmore (irmly bound by your perpetual benefits. To you thrice happy Prince, I offer it moft humbly, as the poore Wido wes mite, amongft the great gifts prefented vntoyourHighneffe: And to you right noble Duke, theftudyof your (cruant»ifne might but in any one thing furtheryou in thatfweetand pleafant way of learning, wherin you are fogracioufly proceeding. Finally,1 truft that it (hai euer (land as a true witnefle ofanvnfained defire toward« the perpetuali flouriihing of this Nation, with all the Church of CHR IST. And in this humble defire, I commend your HighnefTe and Excellency vntohim who aduaunceth and fetteth vp Kings in their throne, andhathfayde that ne will honor thofe who honor him. The whole fticcefle I commit to that Supreame Grace, who lœketh at the heart, ana accepts the will : whom you defiring to follow (hall reigne with him in th*t moft blefled light e ternally.


TturHi¿bnt¡ft φ Grtcii immblj demttd im állUjt t!ani ftiibfuU ci/muter. Io. B I I N K T .



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Dove and Rainbow in Alderfgate-ßreet, London; Dyes andScowersall Sorts of Silks Stuffs, and Callicoes ; And likewife W r o u g h t Beds, At Reportable


Facs. 17 a


22 May, 1705



p O S M E - T l C O H r Or T An E r t e i l e t W«A y to Beaatife " ^———-« n* the ν»-* Fate and « « Sfcin, jmjiiymaking uuuuf it w h i « clear c l « r «ni fnfr it admirahlv admirably white íoft, tj&inç »way ici Hardnej», Tannin^, Snatura, P u l u l e s Wheals, Red Pimples, FreeBej, Lenails, Scurf, Morphew, with all other fart« ûf Brílkingv-out, m i DHcolaurinp of the-Sldir. It il a Preparation çotnpqfed witboetany thing of Mercury in it, » h k h being qBnftandyuàdfoT fomecime, giva· mch a iure, Clear, NataraL and Youthfiil A p pearance to the Hands,~Necic, and Fati, that n i ching io Nature can pqfliHy exceed it. Ppce τ ». í . tr, Steven'» j Tin-ft'etr Wext the Tftrrt Ntíni ne?r SilkburyCourc in Ftatrftreet; and at Mr, Parker's at the Legand Soar in Corahill, ever ic-iinft the RorilExehange. March 5, 1706


]VifR. Rtktrt Itmttd, Author ·*·'•*• of the new Invention for making Chocolate the fineft, and cleanlieft in the World, which admits not of coarie or foul Sellings, as others made that loachfome way up. ι pon a Stone ; iells all Nut 3 ». A draught of a pound, Sugar and Nut 2 s. the new Inven- to 3 s a pound , a quartet tion 110 way 13 gratis, 6 other forts .ill Nut, Ineiieailbright or Sugar and Nut with the ealt Iron. fame Allowance. The Invention ij co be leen.; the working part i» a Secrec. The Chocolate fold by none but the Author in S tropfest Court, the third door behind the Green Dragon Tavern in Fleetftreet. C



April 2 5 , 1706


Pica fare Powder f i r the Heart burn, being the moft infallible Re medy in the World for that troublefome Dif temper. A little of it taken a» direâed gives perfect eafe in lefs than a Minute, and effeAnallyupon the % i t takes away all fowre Belches, Pain ätthe Stomach, &c. tho' never fo-fliarp and uneafy. It ha» been experienced by Thoufands of Perfon» to be the only beft and effectual Medicine for that Τ II nefs Yet known, and is fo very plca&nt to be taken, that it is admired and recommehded by all. Price ι s a Βαχ wich Directions. fold only byMr. Βφ ac Will's Coffiee-honfe near the Royal Exchange inCocnhill.

. ΓΙ \Λ Dec 25, 1705



H E Royal Eflence for the H a i r o f the Head and Perriwigs, being the moft delicate and charming Perfume in Nature, and the gitateli: Preferver of Hair in the World, for κ keeps that of Perriwigs (a much longer time than ufual) in the Curl, and fair Hair from fading or changing colour, makes the Hair of the Head grow thick, ftrengthens and confirms its Roocs, and effectually prevents it from falling off or fplitiing at the ends, makes the Po.vder continue in all Hair longer than it poJEbly will, by che ulë of any Other thing. By. its incomparable Odoue and Fragancy icftrengthensthe Brain, revive· ihe Spirit» quicken» the Memory and makes the Heart chearful, never raifes the Vapour» in Ladies, 6e. being wholly free from (and abundantly more defiehcfiil and pleafant cha») Musk, Civet, «frc.Tií indeed an unparalled fine Scent for the Pocker, and perfumes HanJkerchiefc, ire. excellently. T o be had oniric M r A a Toyfliop ac the Blue. Coat But agalhlc.the Ktftl Exckt^e iaCçnbUl. Sealed up at 2 /.íJ.aíottIe-_wjth Diredion». Bewaíe of Counterfeits. fuch are abroad, accompany\i with Bail· liquations, and Romaimdc Pretences. θ

Sept 5 , 1706


HE gyii Cbjmictl Cofmnick, experienced for 7 Years paft, by above a 1000 forerai Perfons, effèftuaBy to cure the moft inveterare Steis, ltd, Tetters, Xftrgworm, white fed] Bresiiags out, often taken forthcLeprofy, sût Humeurs, Ve, fc any fm of the Body, and that in a few ΰφ when che Oeformitj has been fine rears. i t infallibly frees the F see, OV. 0( r « r « r in the Skix,PhtpUs, fußules, Hess, gcdatfs, TeJhmnefs, Suttiuntingt, and fuch like defilements rendring the Skin white, famb and" foft · Being the moñ certain and fafe Reftorer, P r e f e m r and improver of a good Complexion, or natural Beauty,yet known. T i s a neat dean Medicine, and of a grateful Scent, fit to be ufed by the mofl delicate of the Fair Sex, o r t o young Children. Price 5 s. or 2 χ. and 6i. the Bottle with Direäions. T o be had at Mr. toper's, Bookreller in Fleetftreet, and at the Golden Seil in Stlf Odem Court, on Luigste-BiU.



Facs. 17 b




Dec 2 8 , 1706


h'tS. 111,155:620

the iSEfeBs



Dri*k>*g ; A n incomparable Medicine, ι few Drops of which infallibly prevents Fevers, carries W i n e , ire. off clean, cools and refreftes, reftores a pall'd Appetite, remove* Sickncfs at Stomach, takes away ail Pains of the Head, Dulnefs, Heavineû and Weari» neis o f the whole Body, (occa£oncd by aa eyil Ferment rais'd in the Blood and Juices, by drinking much or bad ftrong Liquors) and certainly eftabliihes perfefl Health. Is fold only by Mr. fr/I at ifttf's Coffee-Houfe, near the Royd· Exchange in Cornbilt, at 2 f.i a Bottle, with Directions. A t the (ame place is alfo tuld the famous plcafont Powder for -the Heart-burn, which not only infallibly cures in a Minute to Admiration ; but allò by taking away thcCaufc prevents its Return. Price 11. a Box with Direäions. CJ

Dec 3 1 , 1706


~VSJ Her eai an ill-minded Perfon bjth

Λ Specific EleÄuary for the Palile; being a * * true and moil abfolute Remedy for chat Diftempir, let it procecd from what Caufe foevcr ; ic infallibly and quickly accomplice» the Cure, dio' ic be a univerfal Parakiii, all parts of the B:>dy aff^íed, and of never ίο Ions; ftandinj, for its '.v¿rms, fomforrs and ftrcngthen? ciu infccbic.i Nerve;, frees them from all Obftruciiuns, and carries off che picuicou« or fiurp i-iumours, that cauie :hcir ly Urine,corrcberacts jnd revives the priiliiiî i orce and'Vigour of che Sinews and Tendon:, increaling che Animal Spiiics, reftoring rhe nacuril Strength and truc Ufe of all the Lini bs, and perfectly taking awayall Kumbneij,. Oeadncft, O S T excellent ftrengthning Pills, which the whole Body from ail manner of Impurigive certain Help in all Pains or Weakties, and m o f t certainly eures all ftubborn nefs o f the Back, (either in Men or Women) Scrophulous Humours, inveterate Tettar.« occaEon'd by a Strain, a Wrench, or any oScabs, Itch, or Breakings out, bciond anv tlier Cauie ; being a fure Remedy (under othec Medicine in the World, as Number's G o d ) i.i fiich Cafes for Cure. Recommendto their encxprcllible Joy and Satisfaction ed from the ling Experience of an eminenc have found. Price 3 >'a Pot. Sold orlv at Apothecary of ZWon, and to be had only at Mr. Cúpr ι at thc (ioU-Ring in Little Shear.imeM r . t y M w ' s ^ t the ί·'ο/Λ· Half Λ.'"» in Cu'ti¡leflreet in GttJmjx'j-FieUj near Ubllc-Chjpftl. by Tempi,-3jr. Price 3 1. the Box, 1'eal'd up with plein Directions.




17 c

Aug 3 0 ,



IV,86:344 July 3,

a d v e r t i s e m e n t s . A L L MelancholyandHypochondriacalDif * ftenipers of Mind, wich ftrange Fears, Dilmal Apprehenfions. great Oppretfion,and finking of Spirits (little underftood, and lèidom. Cured by any common Means;) Alfi> Sick-fits, Faincings, Giddinefi, Tremblings or any other Diforderj arifine from Vapeurs' &C. aie fucceüfiiíly Cured (wich GOD's bief" fing) by a Phyfician weil experience, and o f more than 20 Years PraAice in thofe deplorable Cafes ; living near tonjtm, but to be fjjokea with moil Evenings, about é- or 7 a Clock, at'theU»h Court GftMmuù fi'.ik ( And why elle fliould thac adjoyning to LuS^te, where ^Avict, in any ¿laciiftnitli in GvJumiu m J i break one of ων particular Cale, may be had of the rii«r, Trùlïisin'piicejJiôd tlightlyjo.rn it together, who' has been a frjificdl and UgMj ¡¡«*l!ijyj for· n Years paft. a'idjtten'flwwix. and lay, fee what fad Werk τϋπ · Β A R T L ' E T T · ¿och, this great P*«t«ii-




Facs. 17 d



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Lately PuWilh'd,

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N e w Defcripcion of t h e W o r l d ,




the Bine-Coat Boy i g i i n f t the Royal E x change in C o r n h t U , and a t M r . Brook's, S u . tioacr, a t t h e Ship-near t h e M a y - P o l e in t i e Señad»-.at 34. ¿ ¿ . a B o t t l e with Dire&ioai.

deand die Ëmpires, Kingdoms, P r o v i n c e , and Cities therein, together with a Chronological and H i f t o r i a l A c c o u n t of t h e E m p e r o r s , K i n g s , Princrt, Governments, Religion, Languages, Cuttoms, C o m m o d i t i « , Reyolutioos, _ R e n d o n s for Che A ! L X L b T T i a n d R a r e r i e s t h e r e o f . B y B . Curfn, G a i t . Κ which h i v e gained 0f Rapnirei, S o l d by Jib, Mtrfbtv,,^ Swumeri-B*ü. S o U a i f c r f a l E f t e e r n , a r e n o w , y e t f a r t h e r AFumous Lithöntnptick Elccruary, j m p r o v ' d co Γ ο - g r e a t a N i c e t y , t h a t o n e Λ compounded of C h y m i c a l Préparations, o f h I s S c e e l s p r i l l g T r u f f e s of t h e l a r g e * a n d p e c u l i a r l y f p e e i á c a f e d n o e o n l y t o c u t e »·.— r . u — τ ι » . , ι . . nr.:.·.. S i z e , feldom E x c e e d s 4. o u n c e s i n W e i g h t , a Fic o f t h e S t o n e a n d G f a r e i ; b u t a l l a t o a n d m e o f t h e t m a l l e t t r a r e l y e x c e e d s a deftroy and eradicate t h e very Efieace, o r q u a r t e r of an O u n c e , and a r e fo wen a · c a u f e t h e r e o f , f o as t h a t i t w i l l n o t r e t u r n d a p c e d C» t h e iba p e s o f h u m a n B o d i e s , *gain ; I t infallibly breaks and diffolres d u that they are extraordinary eafy eves to h a r d e f t Stone in the K i d n i e s o r Bladder, t a I n f a n t s of a D i y O l d , a n d l a c i r t l y k e e p α M i r a-c l e , b. »u• w — r -» G J »eJ^ S M S j J 3 5 « ü O ciSw o £) ¿ í tí IO « o a ïî feflS e> *•* öS £ c 0 o - o « ri ' í 2 η ? ° o m a " o ΙΑ — a l s g s û r ô ο _ j o-a - "3c i α 3 S, ¿ κ X °d rf η U — U — ^ s SC 3 a S 3 ^ « ir S o H .« π" „ g S - C J^c— ^ c o^ — • Γ j r« 'o -~Î i 5 " C.£ 3 «η u υ Ρ t — m ι. - a § aH s · U 5 2 £-3·ε·«-Ξ·Η « = ci a î o "> >- o .2 ü ' ug ' sSoÍ · W "o-o S " - C4 o S,m 5 _ η wwc - M o χ; to O to u — uic ûa a ^ i B i s t 3 : ! » " s u c 2 S s »Ç) ü cs e° α —S^ ri " C « Oi^^j · Η ϋ -u «π* " • ^ • g S o S S a o ö 35··° «5 ^ Η c 1 0 ej * - ®ϊ fc. t j S £J , - a « e ö ' ü 3 " / • ΛL·.3 rt s io s g'-e'r·^ g = S 2·= a s c c 3 p l l i Wl loi o I ' I >;s a o ω 3 Ö-w i — u ? r5 ««a oα s O > inC^^-α ο α o 5-3 2 5 O 3 «¿S ë - — o s Ρ - - .5 W

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Facs. 22





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Evil is wrought by want of thought, And low-priced goods are dearly bought.

In careless multitudes exists the power To solve the greatest question of the hour— The Unemployed, who stand with idle hands, Watching the ships arrive from alien lands, Freighted with merchandise themselves can make Of better sort. When will we Britons take Some interest in ourselves? Unhappy they Who work, or vainly seek for work, each day, Finding it not—blood of our blood, our race, Each with an English name, an English face I John Bull's long purse is always opened wide Whene'er disaster or distress betide ; But yet his thoughtlessness, m certain ways, The welfare of his race too oft betrays. Forgetful of his own industrial poor, Till from sheer want they clamour at his door, He spends abroad—and then gives kindly aid To succour want his thoughtlessness has made.

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BRYANT&MAY'S MATCHES are Manufactured only in the East end of London.

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Facs. 29

City's ponywallas hounded By JOHN B. MONTEfRO Will the recreation-starved children of downtown Bombay have to say good-bye to their favourite pony rides? Real estate dèvelopers have been hounding out the ponywallas from their nondescript moorings. They were first at the Tata Οατακβ (Wellington . Mews). Then they hud to go Bellasis Road, sharing the stables with the gharlwallas. •Mysterious fires drove them out. of Bellasis Road where real catate developers have put up multlitoreyed buildings. They have now moved to a plot at.Narlman Point which, will be built on as the plans for the building get off the. drawing boards. Pony rides for children In downtown Bombay have a history of about 40 years. There was time when the'outer periphery of Oval Maldan was a pony track. The charge i m 50 poise for a round. At the Co*peram Qarden, the track » a i much shorter and t h · oharge a mer· SQ. pais·. About ten years ago, ponies were barred from the Oval. At the Cooperage Garden the charge Increased to 70 pais· - In 1978 and to Re. 1 this year. The ponywallas bave a good record of maintaining the price line despite the fact that the quantum and cost of their capital Investment and running Inputs has Increased. " The ponies, which come from mofussil towns like Kalyan and.Bhlvandl, used to cost between Rs. 400 and Rs. 1,000 until a tiecade ago. Now the going price Is between Re. 1,000 and Ra. 5,000. Feeding the ponies (with channa, grass, gur, etc.) costs between Ra. 16 ta Re. 30 pef day, depending on the size of the- pony. Dally takes at the Cooperage Garden are about Rs. 36 on weekdays and about three times the sum on week-ends and holidays. To earn the money, the ponywallas have to be on their feet between 8 ΑΛΙ. to 11 Λ-Μ. and 4 P.M. to 8 P.M. They bave literally to run with the ponies, carefully holding the riding child so that even if the pony stumbles and falls, the child la prevented from being injured. In this sense, they more than run for their money.

The nonywBltea h>tvw beta taught up in the web of bureacratlo mixups. The open space on which the ponies wait for customers is said to belong to the municipality. For the use of this space, they have to pay a licence fee. For running inside the garden, they have to pay a fee to the "Rani Baug" authorities. This obviously means the Qarden Department, as if η not enough to pay to the two arms of the same body, the PWD enters the scene as the ponies pass through a short stretch of public footpath. But, none has thought of providing any toilet facilities for ponywallas — as If their bowels and bladders have unlimited tolerance. All this has opened the floodgates of greed from officials who have the authority to harass and chargesiiect. Once, five ponywallas were taken to the court. They had b«en advised to plead guilty to avoid litigation. Even the judge couldn't let them off. But he managed to .chide those who took the ponywallas there and noted the generation-old service of ponies to children. Yet, greedy officials ofT and on try their luck only to bo rebutted. The ponywallas are unionised and, if pushed too far, will go to Congress House — and get a return for the Rs. 13 they pay per year as union fees. Also they know that they give Joy rides to children and grandchildren of high officials in Mantralaya. They complain to these gentleman to if anyone dares to harass them once again. Out of 28 ponies at Cooperage, 20 come from Hariman Point. There are 14 at Chowpattl, five at Bhivajl Park, two at Breach Candy and about sixty at Juhu. At Juhu. ponies also pull mini-carts on the sand. Life Is essentially dhul-bhajl for the ponywallas who mainly come Irom Bañares and nearby towns oí 0.P. If the takes are good, and the day proportionately tiring, some might drown their weariness in country liquor or bhang. They 6end occasional remittances to their wives and the brood of children back in the khetl. And. when they go back to their families, they take with them goods and cash worth about Rs. 1,000.

Facs. 30

South Asian Texts

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