Terminology Translation in Chinese Contexts: Theory and Practice 2020043548, 2020043549, 9780367439545, 9780367439538, 9781003006688

Table of contents :
Cover
Half Title
Series
Title
Copyright
Dedication
Contents
List of figures
List of tables
List of contributors
Acknowledgements
Introduction: the role of terminology translation in China’s contemporary identities and cultures
Part I Terminology translation
Introduction: the history and development of Chinese terminology
1 Terminology translation in socio-legal contexts: a corpus-based exploration
2 How policy concerns impose different understandings in legal transplantation: terminology translation in Chinese corporate law
3 Terminology translation in Traditional Chinese Medicine: from standardization of technical terms to intercultural knowledge transfer
4 Translatability and untranslatability of religious terminology: a hermeneutics perspective
5 Translating food terminology as cultural and communicative processes: a corpus-based approach
6 A study on the translation of Peking Opera terminology: a visual grammar perspective
Part II Terminology management and scholarship
Introduction: a historical overview of terminology management and scholarship
7 Translator-oriented terminology management
8 Terminology definition in the humanities and social sciences
9 Automatically compiling bilingual legal glossaries based on Chinese–English parallel corpora
10 A survey on terminology management of language service enterprises in China: problems and suggestions
11 Rethinking translationese and translation universals: insights from corpus-based translation studies
12 The construction of a Chinese and English term database of Manchu Ulabun
Bibliography
Index

Citation preview

Terminology Translation in Chinese Contexts

Terminology Translation in Chinese Contexts: Theory and Practice investigates the theory and practice of terminology translation, terminology management, and scholarship within the distinctive milieu of Chinese and explores the complex relationship between terminology translation (micro level) and terminology management (macro level). This book outlines the contemporary challenges of terminology translation and terminology management within Chinese contexts in specialized fields including law, the arts, religion, Chinese medicine, and food products. The volume also examines how the development and application of new technologies such as big data, cloud computing, and artificial intelligence have brought about major changes in the language service industry. Technology such as machine translation and computer-assisted translation has spawned new challenges in terminology management practices and has facilitated their evolution in contexts of ever greater internationalization and globalization. This book recontextualizes terminology translation and terminology management with a special focus on English–Chinese translation. It is hoped that the volume will enable and enhance dialogue between Chinese and Western scholars and professionals in the field. All chapters have been written by specialists in the different subfields and have been peer-reviewed by the editors. Saihong Li is Senior Lecturer in Translation Studies at the University of Stirling. She is an executive council member of the Chartered Institute of Linguists and an associate editor-in-chief of the Academic Journal of Literature and Languages. She has published widely in the areas of translation and interpreting studies, lexicography, and corpus linguistics. William Hope lectures in Italian at the University of Salford. He is a member of the advisory boards of the journal  Transletters  and the book series Moving Texts  (Peter Lang/Université Catholique de Louvain). He has headed a project funded by the AHRC entitled A New Italian Political Cinema? and has published extensively on European cinema.

Routledge Studies in Chinese Translation Series Editor: Chris Shei Swansea University, UK

This series encompasses scholarly works on every possible translation activity and theory involving the use of Chinese language. Putting together an important knowledge base for Chinese and Western researchers working in the field of translation studies, the series draws on multiple disciplines for essential information and further research that is based on or relevant to Chinese translation. Lao She’s Teahouse and its Two English Translations Exploring Chinese Drama Translation with Systemic Functional Linguistics Bo Wang and Yuanyi Ma Legal Translation and Bilingual Law Drafting in Hong Kong Challenges and Interactions in Chinese Regions Clara Ho-yan Chan Translating Tagore’s Stray Birds into Chinese Applying Systemic Functional Linguistics to Chinese Poetry Translation Yuanyi Ma and Bo Wang The Role of Henri Borel in Chinese Translation History Audrey Heijns Translation of Contemporary Taiwan Literature in a Cross-Cultural Context A Translation Studies Perspective Szu-Wen Kung Terminology Translation in Chinese Contexts Theory and Practice Edited by Saihong Li and William Hope For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/ Routledge-Studies-in-Chinese-Translation/book-series/RSCT

Terminology Translation in Chinese Contexts Theory and Practice

Edited by Saihong Li and William Hope

First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 selection and editorial matter, Saihong Li and William Hope; individual chapters, the contributors The right of Saihong Li and William Hope to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Li Rasmussen, Saihong, 1972– editor. | Hope, William, 1969– editor. Title: Terminology translation in Chinese contexts : theory and practice / edited by Saihong Li and William Hope. Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in Chinese translation | Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identifiers: LCCN 2020043548 (print) | LCCN 2020043549 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Chinese language—Translating. | Chinese language— Terms and phrases. Classification: LCC PL1277 .T47 2021 (print) | LCC PL1277 (ebook) | DDC 495.18/02—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020043548 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020043549 ISBN: 978-0-367-43954-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-43953-8 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-00668-8 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Apex CoVantage, LLC

The book is dedicated to our parents, Suqing Cui, Wen Li, Janice Hope, and Brian Hope.

Contents

List of figuresx List of tablesxi List of contributorsxiii Acknowledgementsxix

Introduction: the role of terminology translation in China’s contemporary identities and cultures

1

SAIHONG LI AND WILLIAM HOPE

PART I

Terminology translation

19

Introduction: the history and development of Chinese terminology21 ZHIWEI FENG

  1 Terminology translation in socio-legal contexts: a corpus-based exploration

27

LE CHENG AND YUXIU SUN

  2 How policy concerns impose different understandings in legal transplantation: terminology translation in Chinese corporate law

40

XIAOCHEN ZHANG

  3 Terminology translation in Traditional Chinese Medicine: from standardization of technical terms to intercultural knowledge transfer BINHUA WANG

53

viii  Contents   4 Translatability and untranslatability of religious terminology: a hermeneutics perspective

66

JENNY WONG

  5 Translating food terminology as cultural and communicative processes: a corpus-based approach

81

SAIHONG LI

  6 A study on the translation of Peking Opera terminology: a visual grammar perspective

98

QIN HUANG AND YAJUN WANG

PART II

Terminology management and scholarship121 Introduction: a historical overview of terminology management and scholarship

123

SAIHONG LI AND WILLIAM HOPE

  7 Translator-oriented terminology management

129

BINGBING LENG

  8 Terminology definition in the humanities and social sciences

143

JIAN YIN

  9 Automatically compiling bilingual legal glossaries based on Chinese–English parallel corpora

164

ZHAO-MING GAO

10 A survey on terminology management of language service enterprises in China: problems and suggestions

180

HUASHU WANG AND ZHI LI

11 Rethinking translationese and translation universals: insights from corpus-based translation studies XIAOLIN YANG AND DECHAO LI

200

Contents ix 12 The construction of a Chinese and English term database of Manchu Ulabun

214

WEN ZHAO, XINGYE SU, AND WEIZU HUANG

Bibliography 229 Index251

Figures

1.1 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5 6.6 6.7 6.8 6.9 6.10 7.1 8.1 8.2 8.3 10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 10.7 11.1 11.2 11.3 11.4

Semantic focus of liability and responsibility in Chinese legislations 33 Peking Opera: măng 103 Peking Opera: qīnɡyī 104 Xiàng bí dāo105 The Gestures (zhĭfă) of Peking Opera 109 Diǎncuìtóumiàn110 Zhuājítóu110 Fèngguān111 Zhèngjí gǔzhuāngtóu112 Lăoshēng 113 Piānjí gǔzhuāngtóu 114 Specialized discourse, terms, and terminology 134 Multi-level model of terminology definition 158 Concept structure of “Tibet/Tibetan” in CRHRPC 162 Concept structure of “西藏 (Xīzàng/Tibet)” in PCHR 162 Business nature and the average value of investment in terminology management 186 Enterprise scale and average value of standardization of terminology management 187 Operating period and average value of standardization of terminology management 188 Customer types and average value of standardization of terminology management 188 Percentage of the terminology tool applications in translation projects 189 Ratio of the application of specific terminology tools 190 Roles of staff and the ratio of receiving training 190 Semantic prosody of 腔 in Chinese 202 Continuing nature of translationese 210 Relation between translationese and translation universals 211 Translationese, translation universals, and language universals 212

Tables

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 6.1 6.2 6.3 7.1 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5

Distribution of text and word counts in Chinese legislations 31 Top five keywords in Chinese legislative texts corpus 32 Distribution of the top five hyponyms of zérèn (责任) and their translations in Chinese legislation 32 Examples of xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任) in criminal-related laws in China 33 Examples of terms with consideration in Hong Kong 34 Examples of consideration from the Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong, and Taiwan 35 Terms related to contract laws on the Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong, and Taiwan 36 Frequency of “organic”, “green”, “pollution-free”, and “natural” food 85 Frequency of health-related terms in the English corpus 87 Frequency of “health food” in the Chinese corpus 88 Translation of “seafood” terms and their frequencies in the corpora 89 Basic information about Peking Opera terms in the Book Series100 General information of strategies deployed in Peking Opera terminology translation 101 General information related to VG in Peking Opera term translation116 Work sequence comparison between systematic and ad hoc terminology management 130 Linguistic and conceptual characteristics of terms in traditional and modern terminology theories 145 HR category system 147 Extracted single-word candidate terms in CRHRPC 149 Linguistic filters and algorithms for English multi-word term extraction in CRHRPC 150 Samples of extracted nominal multi-word candidate terms in CRHRPC 151

xii  Tables 8.6 8.7 8.8 8.9 8.10 8.11

8.12 8.13 8.14 8.15 8.16 8.17 8.18

9.1 9.2 10.1 10.2 10.3 11.1 11.2 12.1 12.2 12.3

Samples of extracted verbal multi-word candidate terms in CRHRPC 152 Samples of extracted adverbial multi-word candidate terms in CRHRPC 152 Samples of extracted adjectival multi-word candidate terms in CRHRPC 153 Linguistic filters and algorithms for Chinese multi-word term extraction in PCHR 153 Samples of extracted single-word candidate terms in PCHR 154 Samples of extracted nominal multi-word candidate terms in PCHR 155 Sample of extracted single-word terms in CRHRPC 156 Samples of extracted nominal multi-word terms in CRHRPC 156 Samples of extracted single-word terms in PCHR 157 Sample of extracted nominal multi-word terms in PCHR 158 Economical indexes of the term system in CRHRPC and PCHR 160 Terms representing categories of “Tibet/Tibetan” in CRHRPC 161 Terms representing categories of “西藏 (Xīzàng/Tibet)” in PCHR 161 Top ten keywords in the English legal corpus 170 Top ten keywords in the Chinese legal corpus 171 Total variance of factors explained for the survey of terminology management in enterprises 184 Components and factor loadings for enterprises’ terminology management survey 185 Enterprise qualifications and terminology management attitude 186 Concordance for 翻译腔202 Chinese translations of translationese in research papers as shown in CNKI 202 Terms extracted from Heroine Hongluo221 Part of the self-made stopword list 222 Term translation 224

Contributors

Le Cheng is a concurrent professor at the School of International Studies and Guanghua Law School at Zhejiang University. He is currently Associate Dean of the School of International Studies, Director of the Institute of CrossCultural and Regional Studies, Director of the Centre for Legal Discourse and Translation, and Director of the Centre for Contemporary Chinese Discourse Studies at Zhejiang University. Additionally, he is the Editor-in-Chief of the International Journal of Legal Discourse, the Co-Editor of Social Semiotics, and Acting President of the Multicultural Association of Law and Language. His main research interests are in the fields of legal discourse and translation, semiotics, terminology, and discourse studies. Zhiwei Feng, a computational linguist, is Senior Research Fellow at the Institute of Applied Linguistics, the Ministry of Education of China. He has wideranging expertise in linguistics, mathematics, and computer science, as well as across sciences and the humanities. For more than 50 years, he has been engaged in interdisciplinary research in linguistics, mathematics, and computer science. He is a pioneering scholar in the fields of natural language processing and computational linguistics in China. He has published more than 30 books and more than 400 papers at home and abroad. He was the winner of the NLPCC (Natural Language Processing & Chinese Computing) Distinguished Achievement Award of the CCF (China Computer Federation) in 2018. Zhao-Ming Gao received his PhD in language engineering from the University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology (UMIST) in 1998. Since 1999, he has been affiliated with the Department of Foreign Languages and Literatures at National Taiwan University, where he currently serves as a professor. He has been involved in the construction of several major corpora in Taiwan, including the Sinica Chinese Corpus, the LTTC English Learner Corpus, and the Corpus of Contemporary Taiwanese Mandarin. His research interests include corpus-based computational linguistics, computer-assisted translation, and intelligent computer-assisted language learning. He is a co-editor of and a contributor to The Routledge Handbook of Chinese Translation. He has also contributed book chapters to The Routledge Handbook of Chinese Discourse Analysis and The Routledge Handbook of Chinese Language Teaching.

xiv  Contributors William Hope, PhD, lectures in Italian at the University of Salford, UK. He teaches translation and interpreting, European cinema, and Italian studies. He is a member of the Advisory Boards of the Translation/Interpreting journal Transletters and the book series Moving Texts (Peter Lang/Université Catholique de Louvain). He is a published translator. Dr Hope headed a project funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council, entitled A New Italian Political Cinema?, which analysed contemporary Italian cinema and how the cultural industries depict sociopolitical issues. Dr Hope has published a range of monographs and edited volumes, including Giuseppe Tornatore: Emotion, Cognition, Cinema (2006) and Italian Film Directors in the New Millennium (2010). Qin Huang is currently Professor and PhD supervisor in the School of Foreign Languages, Huazhong University of Science and Technology. She is now the Director of the Centre for Translation Studies and the Dean of the English Department, Huazhong University of Science and Technology. Her major research interests include literary translation studies and translator studies. She has published more than 80 articles and book reviews in SSCI, A&HCI, CSSCI journals and in other refereed journals such as Translation Review, Babel, International Journal of Communication, Perspectives: Studies in Translation Theory and Practice, Chinese Translators Journal. Weizu Huang, PhD, is Professor at the Computing Centre, Jinan University, P. R. China. His main research interests are in wellbeing computing, smart education, and agile development. He has proposed a virtualized self-platform for smart education and smart life and has built a SmartPBL teaching and learning system based on an intelligent learning assistant and intelligent project assistants. His main research interests are in computer science and technology, including term mining, programming, and artificial intelligence. Bingbing Leng, PhD, is Associate Professor at the University of Shanghai for Science and Technology, where she is a tutor on the MTI programme. She has been engaged in technical translation teaching and research for ten years and has published more than 30 academic papers in leading journals in China, including the Chinese Translators Journal, Shanghai Journal of Translators, Chinese Science & Technology Translators Journal, and East Journal of Translation. She is a co-author of the textbook Introduction to Terminology Management (2017) and the author of a monograph entitled Popular Science Translation Norms (2018). Her research interests include the theory and practice of scientific and technical translation, terminology research, and the history of scientific and technical translation in China. Dechao Li, PhD, is Associate Professor in the Department of Chinese and Bilingual Studies, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University. He also serves as the Chief Editor of Translation Quarterly, a journal published by the Hong Kong Translation Society. His main research areas include corpora-based translation studies, empirical approaches to translation process research, the history

Contributors xv of translation in the late Qing and early Republican periods, and PBL and translator/interpreter training. He has published over 60 articles in journals such as Perspectives: Studies in Translatology, The Translator and Interpreter Trainer, Frontiers in Psychology, Target: International Journal of Translation Studies, as well as book chapters published by Routledge, Springer, and Wayne State University Press. Saihong Li, PhD, is Senior Lecturer in Translation Studies at the University of Stirling and supervises PhD students in Translation and Interpreting Studies. She is an executive council member of the Chartered Institute of Linguists. She has been the director of degree programmes at universities in Britain, Denmark, and China. Dr Li was awarded a PhD at the University of Copenhagen in 2009; her research focused on comparative studies in translation and lexicography, working with English, Chinese, and Danish. Her publications include monographs and refereed journal articles on themes ranging from menu translation to bi-/trilingualism in secondary education. She is an associate editor-inchief of the Academic Journal of Literature and Languages and a reviewer for several journals and publishers such as Benjamin’s. Zhi Li is a lecturer at the School of Western Languages at Harbin Normal University. She is experienced in translation and interpreting. In the past five years, she has led and participated in seven provincial and ministerial scientific research projects. She has published nine papers in Chinese journals, such as Chinese Translators Journal, Technology Enhanced Foreign Language Education, and Shanghai Journal of Translators. She has participated in the compilation of four books, namely, Interpreting Project Management (2018), Concise Course of Translation Technology (2019), Tourism Interpreter/Translator’s Identity in China Global Communication (2018), and Practical Writing of Technical English: A Translation Training Coursebook (2015). Her research interests include computer-aided translation, terminology management, translation technology, and interpreting technology. Xingye Su did her postgraduate study at the Foreign Languages College, Northeastern University, majoring in translation studies. She majored in computer science and technology in her undergraduate study at Dalian University of Foreign Languages and at Sangmyung University in Korea. Her research interests are in term databases and in cultural translation studies. Within cultural translation studies, she has mainly investigated Manchu Ulabun translation. She has participated in the National Social Science Key Project on Manchu Cultural Translation. Yuxiu Sun is a PhD candidate in the Department of Linguistics and Translation, School of International Studies, Zhejiang University. She has also served as a research fellow at the Centre for Legal Discourse and Translation and as the Managing Editor of the International Journal of Legal Discourse since 2017. Her research interests lie in the area of discourse studies and crossregional studies, especially in legal discourse and translation, including legal

xvi  Contributors interpretations, legislative techniques, and bilingual legal translation. She is currently working on a project titled “A Parallel Corpus-Based Legal Translation” (15BYY012) and a major project, “Establishing and Perfecting the Comprehensive System of Cyber Governance” (20ZDA062), supported by the National Social Science Foundation. Binhua Wang is Chair/Professor of Interpreting and Translation Studies and Director of the Centre for Translation Studies at the University of Leeds. He is also an editorial board member of Babel – International Journal of Translation and Chinese Translators Journal. His research focuses on interpreting and translation studies, and he has published over 40 articles in refereed CSSCI/ Core and SSCI/A&HCI journals and over a dozen peer-reviewed book chapters. He has authored the monographs Theorising Interpreting Studies (2019) and A Descriptive Study of Norms in Interpreting (2013) and co-edited the volume Advances in Discourse Analysis of Translation and Interpreting (Routledge, 2020, in press). His research has been funded by competitive research grants such as the General Research Fund (GRF) of the Hong Kong Research Grants Council and the China Ministry of Education Research Grant for Humanities and Social Sciences. Huashu Wang, PhD, is Associate Professor at the School of Interpreting and Translation Studies, Guangdong University of Foreign Studies. His research areas cover applied translation theory, translation and localization technology, and project management. He has published over 50 articles in leading academic journals, including Journal of Translation Studies, Chinese Translators Journal, Chinese Science & Technology Translators Journal. He has published eight textbooks and monographs related to translation technology and localization management and has received several large research grants for translation and terminology technology. Dr Wang is a leading researcher and promoter of the localization service industry in China. He has been the Chairman of the Translation Technology Education Society since 2017 and the Vice Secretary General of the Localization Service Committee of the Translators Association of China since 2015. Yajun Wang is currently a PhD candidate in the School of Foreign Languages, Huazhong University of Science and Technology. His research interests lie in multimodality and translation and the translation of traditional Chinese operas, especially the multimodal phenomenon in the translation of traditional Chinese operas. He is currently working on an analysis of Peking Opera translation from multimodal perspectives, specifically the diachronic comparison of the multimodal devices deployed in the translation of Peking Opera terms. He has published articles concentrating on Peking Opera translation in refereed journals and has also published a book review in the International Journal of Communication (SSCI). Jenny Wong is currently Lecturer in Modern Languages (Chinese Interpreting) at the University of Birmingham. She was Assistant Professor at the

Contributors xvii School of Translation at Hang Seng University of Hong Kong, lecturing in interpreting. Prior to this, she was Assistant Professor at Beijing Normal University–Hong Kong Baptist University, United International College from 2008–2012. She has taught media translation and advanced commercial translation at different universities. Her research interests include Translation and Interpreting Studies, Chinese Shakespeare, and religious translation. Her monograph The Translatability of the Religious Dimension in Shakespeare (2018) studies the hermeneutical process of translators as readers and how their ideology interacts with the sociocultural milieu to carve out a unique drama production. Xiaolin Yang received her PhD in translation studies at Zhejiang University, China, in 2017. She currently is Associate Professor of Linguistics and Translation Studies at the School of Foreign Studies, Ningxia University. She is a qualified examiner of Standard Mandarin, a member of the council of the China Association for Studies of Translation History, CACSEC, and a reviewer for several related academic journals. Her main research interests include translation studies, corpus linguistics, and social linguistics, and she has published widely in these areas. Jian Yin graduated from Nanjing University with a PhD in applied linguistics. He is a lecturer at the School of Foreign Studies, Nanjing University of Posts and Telecommunications. His research interests include terminology translation, translation theory, and practice. His major publications include “TranslationOriented Terminology Studies: The Practice Characteristics and Theoretical Exploration of ‘China School’ – an Interview with Professor Zhiwei Feng” (Chinese Translators Journal, 2018, 3: 76–79); “Economical Index Difference: A Criterion for Assessing Terminology Translation” (Chinese Science & Technology Translators Journal, 2018, 3: 19–21 + 5); “Ontology-Based Definition of Terminology: An Interview with Professor Feng” (Journal of Hangzhou Normal University, Humanities and Social Sciences, 2019, 4: 132–136). Xiaochen Zhang is a PhD candidate at the China University of Political Science and Law and an SJD candidate at the University of Pennsylvania Law School. She is also a lecturer at the Zhejiang University of Finance and Economics. Her research focuses on corporate and securities law in China, especially stateowned-enterprises (SOEs). She has published in China’s CSSCI journals on topics including executive compensation, corporate capital, UK corporate law reform, and financial regulation. She has given presentations at conferences held by Fordham Law School, SOAS, and the University of Geneva, on shareholder litigation, SOE reform, and capital reform, respectively. She is working on a publication entitled “Stock Market as a Solution to Illiquidity in the Aftermath of the Global Financial Crisis – China’s Securities Regulation and New Securities Law” (Xiaochen Zhang and Shen Wei), to be published in the forthcoming volume Financial Crisis: Types, Causes and Consequences (Nova Science).

xviii  Contributors Wen Zhao, PhD, is Professor and the Dean of Foreign Studies College, Jinan University, P. R. China. Her main publication and research interests are in translation studies, corpus linguistics, curriculum and instruction, SLA writing studies, and computer-assisted language learning. She has authored and co-authored over 60 articles in national and international peer-reviewed journals, and chief investigated projects including the National Social Science Key Projects on Corpus-Based Learners’ Distinguishing Linguistic Feature Study (2013–2019), the National Social Science Key Project on Manchu Cultural Translation Study, the Manchu Folk Narrative Study, the Key-Stroke Translation Process Study, and the Term Translation Database (2019–2023), as well as other national and international cooperative projects.

Acknowledgements

The editors would like to express sincere thanks to everyone who has assisted in the development of this book. We would especially like to thank Professor Myriam Salama-Carr (University of Manchester), Professor Charles Lock (University of Copenhagen), Dr Amy Hui Li (University of Strathclyde), and Chus Fernandez (University of Salford) for providing us with their helpful feedback in the initial stages of this project. We are also extremely grateful to Dr Chris Shei (Swansea University) for his support at every stage of this volume; his generosity and commitment have been an inspiration. We would also like to express our appreciation to Yubo Zhou Rasmussen for checking the statistical and mathematical data in this book. Our sincere thanks also go to Andrea Hartill and Ellie Auton for their generous support in this project. We would like to express our gratitude to all contributors for sharing their research expertise and for their contribution to each chapter. Our special thanks go to Professor Zhiwei Feng for his encouragement, flexibility, and positive energy in contributing to this book. We would like to thank our families for their generous encouragement throughout the project.

Introduction The role of terminology translation in China’s contemporary identities and cultures Saihong Li and William Hope The role of terminology in contemporary society Terminology, as a system for developing terms and as an important means of knowledge transfer, plays a key role in language asset management and in language strategy for the internationalization of enterprises. Terminology is also essential to the construction and dissemination of the external discourse system of political, commercial, and cultural entities. It has the challenge of conveying concepts from a spectrum of distinctive fields ranging from the artistic to the economic, with a need to maintain a dual objective of accuracy and versatility. Professionals, such as the lexicologists, translators, and others who shape terminology, constantly need to be sensitive to the rapidly evolving sociopolitical and linguistic contexts of the cultures seeking to transfer and receive meaning. Regardless of the fluctuating international relations at a geopolitical level among Chinese-speaking countries – the focus of this volume – and other cultures both from beyond and within Asia, globalization in the 21st century now facilitates a cross-cultural symbiosis in areas ranging from commerce, cuisine, and the arts to science and technology. The introduction to this volume and its subsequent chapters examine the processes and influences that characterize terminology scholarship, management, and translation in contemporary Chinese contexts. The introduction identifies factors that have been indispensable for developing terminology and its translations effectively, and it outlines theoretical and practical proposals to enhance these methods. Equally, it discusses the obstacles that impede effective terminology work and examines the more deleterious processes (either within translation itself or affecting it) that sometimes result in the erasure of culturally or individually specific information within terminology and its translations. An important premise here – reiterated by the volume’s title, which references Chinese contexts – is the diverse ethnic, historical, and cultural reality of contemporary China, its territories, and its neighbours, and the importance of conveying this multifaceted essence within terminology scholarship, management, and translations.

2  Saihong Li and William Hope

Articulating China’s cultures, communities, and identities within global contexts As theorists Susan Bassnett and Michael Cronin have emphasized, the economic, political and social contexts in which translation takes place are crucially important and inseparable from the methods and techniques of translation itself, including the minutia of specific word choices (Ives and Lacorte 2010: 11). The present era has been characterized by an exponential increase in China’s global influence, instantiated from 2013 onwards by the Belt and Road Initiative with its emphasis on creating new markets and trade opportunities. Consequently, there are interesting synergies to explore between the desire to expand Chinese commerce and infrastructure development abroad, and the language used to facilitate this process. Important elements of this range from the guidance towards concise and functional terminology outlined by influential bodies such as the China National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies to the translations eventually used in publications produced by organizations such as the China National Tourism Administration for high-profile international events. In this age of accelerating globalized commerce, it is an opportune moment to revisit observations by Marx, Gramsci, and other scholars of the Marxist tradition and to look beyond China’s influential metropolises to survey the extent to which its aforementioned “other” facets  – the country’s territories, liminal areas, cultures, histories – are able to make their voices heard within terminology and its translations. Various determinants are exercising influence here, notably an emphasis on translatability and equivalence to facilitate commerce. But as Ertürk and Serin (2016: 20) suggest, processes of international economic exchange (inevitably capitalist in nature) generally “embody and represent . . . immeasurable difference as equivalence, concealing the historical conditions of their emergence. . . . The Marxian intervention is a refusal to let one’s inner truth be bound to and effectively cancelled by the sovereign, fetishistic exteriority (or ‘faciality’) of an equivalent other”. Another determinant from further back in the chain of communication concerns terminology development itself. The China National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies has established criteria for terminology research, and its various subcommittees in other disciplines are expected to use them as a basis for their work. Terminology development should focus on the “essential attributes of a single concept”, and language should be “concise, easy to use, and avoid uncommon words” (CNCTST 2016). This particular approach raises questions concerning its appropriateness for the more cultural terminological work carried out by certain subcommittees and by other bodies and also concerning how comprehensive the foreign language translations of these terms may ultimately be. As regards the sphere of culture, to what extent is translation loss minimized within terminology and in its official translations? To what degree are the traditions, creativity, and labour of different individuals and groups, of women, of minorities, of peripheral regions recognized and encapsulated in contemporary terminology work and its translation, and in larger terminology management projects?

Introduction  3 Establishing terminology, definitions, and term translations requires sensitivity towards the cultural specificity of terms undergoing these processes. Questions of standardization open up a range of politico-cultural implications of the sort explored by Gramsci in his writings on language and translation (Ives and Lacorte 2010: 1), especially the use of centralized “common denominators” that privilege functionality at all costs. In Gramsci’s particular geographical context, Marcus Green and Peter Ives (2009) have traced the implications of the imposition of Florentine Italian by an Italian government commission and analysed Gramsci’s counterproposal, which was predicated on “interaction and creative engagement among those who speak the diverse dialects” (2009: 20) – in essence, input from Italy’s subaltern regions. In Chinese contexts, during a quest to ensure translatability of terms ranging from speciality restaurant dishes to the unique, ornate props used during Peking Opera performances, it is important to avoid “bourgeois” conceptions of translation which, in Walter Benjamin’s terms, abstract from a source text “a universalized or universalizable conceptual content and understand any given product of translation as an instance of such abstraction” (Ertürk and Serin 2016: 3–4). It is essential to maintain geographical, cultural, historical, and individual distinctiveness in terminology and its translations wherever possible. There are signs of positive momentum in this context. In recent decades, China has taken an increased interest in promoting and protecting its growing number of domestic products with a specific geographical origin and in recognizing products from areas such as Europe that have a protected designation of origin (PDO) or similar designation. Nowadays, “the functions and powers of the protection of geographical indication products and geographical indication trademarks are centralised in the State Intellectual Property Office, which acts as a precondition for the integration of geographical indication protection” (Managing IP 2020). Over 2300 geographical indication products had been approved in China by the end of 2019. Significantly, a hundred products with geographical indications from China and from the European Union were formally recognized in a bilateral agreement in 2019 (European Commission 2019), enabling China to showcase a range of provincial products ranging from seafood, e.g. 嵊泗贻贝 (Shèngsì yí bèi, Shengsi mussels); 东港大黄蚬 (Dōnggǎng dàhuáng xiǎn, Donggang surf clams), to beverages, e.g. 安化黑茶 (Ānhuà hēi chá, Anhua dark tea); 保山小粒咖啡 (Bǎoshān xiǎolì kāfēi, Baoshan arabica coffee). But problems emerge when a greater range of components can be assimilated into translated terms. These are illustrated in the results of recent corpus-based research into the official Chinese to English translations for restaurant dishes (Saihong Li 2019). As part of this research, two key sources were analysed. The first was Enjoy Culinary Delights: The Chinese Menu in English (美食译苑 – 中文菜单英文译法), which was published for the Beijing Olympics in 2008 and contained 2862 Chinese menus and dishes in English. It constituted the first government-sponsored attempt to standardize Chinese restaurant menu translation. The second source, Xuhuiqu Chinese Menu in English (徐汇区餐饮服务 行业 – 中文菜单英文译法), was published for Expo 2010 and mainly featured Shanghai dishes translated into English. The Chinese scholars involved in this

4  Saihong Li and William Hope state-approved standardization project established a framework of reference for their work; they identified seven intrinsic elements, such as cooking methods, ingredients, and flavours, that could be the main components for translating Chinese dish names. Significantly, 83.48% of the official translations featured references to ingredients, while cooking methods were the second most common component, appearing in 51.65% of translations. By contrast, a dish’s geographical origin was the component with the second lowest frequency of use, being referenced in just 1.78% of cases, and the name of the dish’s creator was the least frequently used element, in only 0.77% of cases. The inherent problem here is evident; in the quest for universalized, commodifiable, easily “consumable” translations, the cultural heritage, regional provenance, and individual creativity behind these dishes were largely erased. Anthony Pym (2006) outlines the scale of this issue in international commerce. As he aptly observes, “[I]nternational trade promotes specialization in production, not global homogeneity” (2006: 747); in other words, it is not difficult for us to obtain a vast range of niche products from different areas of the world. But, as Pym adds, “[T]he regional diversity gained on the level of trade is progressively lost on the level of distribution” (2006: 748), particularly in the marketing material accompanying or packaging such products. Consequently, “we find centralized production of the one ‘internationalized’ text or product, which is basically a source text that has had as many as possible source-culture elements removed. The resulting internationalized version is then more efficiently ‘localized’ (translated and adapted) to a wide range of consumer environments” (2006: 750). In the case of the translated Chinese restaurant dishes, it will be difficult for the provincial producers of these products to be identified and their creative labour (and its cultural history) recognized within these universalized marketing texts, unless these are viewed as marketable attributes and publicized accordingly. The difficulty of subaltern voices making themselves heard echoes Venuti’s critique of how certain forms of translation – particularly those that privilege standardization and do not pay adequate consideration to the micro level – can contribute to the sort of nationalist thinking “premised on a metaphysical concept of identity as a homogeneous essence” (2005: 177). But it is important that peripheral cultures, histories, and ethnicities resonate in the development of terminology and its management within Chinese contexts. Beijing and Shanghai already exercise notable levels of political, economic, and cultural influence that radiate outwards towards the more distant provinces, a gravitational pull often illustrated when citizens from remote areas take their legal cases to one of the metropolises in an attempt to obtain justice which – for different reasons – has not been forthcoming at a local level. This influence also manifests itself culturally in the sort of literary works that cross over to the West in translation. The translation of literary works – as part of a diffusion of Chinese culture – is an ongoing challenge whose processes require care to ensure that translations of source texts and their distinctive terminology convey the diverse historical and cultural realities of China and its liminal areas. Ning Wang argues that during the 20th century, the country’s

Introduction 5 re-emerging literary output was shaped by the West, and he asserts that the Chinese language became “ ‘Europeanized’ or ‘colonized’ as a result of large-scale translation of Western literary works and cultural and academic trends” (2015: 6). However, he notes that in recent times China has made “great contributions to global culture and world literature. In this sense, translation plays an even more important role in exporting Chinese culture and thought to the world” (2018: 467). A significant question, however, regards the sort of authors and works that are being translated into English and widely circulated and how distinctively “Chinese” they and their language remain in translation. Fruela Fernández and Jonathan Evans reiterate Spivak’s warning that “there is a risk that translation can make all non-Western writers sound the same, with differences between genders, statuses, and ethnicities erased” (2018: 3), and they cite Emily Apter’s criticism that world literature can elide the differences between texts and cultures (2018: 3). Although Ning Wang praises the “dynamic” translations by Howard Goldblatt of Mo Yan’s works (2018: 477), suggesting that they may have helped him towards honours such as the Nobel Prize, it is questionable whether a limited number of renowned authors whose work is circulated with relatively high print runs by major Western publishers, are representative of the contemporary writers from China’s many regions who produce diverse genres of literature. Similarly, it is unclear whether the unadorned language into which the works of Chinese language authors are often translated really reflects the unique richness of the original terminology, or if simplification, translation universals, and other target text features – discussed by Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li in Chapter 11 – have come into the equation. After periods in China’s history when the country was subjugated by foreign powers and then, in the second half of the 20th century, isolated as it was transformed under Mao, the process of absorbing and developing terminology was predominantly unilateral. Ning Wang (2015, 2018) notes that Chinese translators delineated terms for advanced scientific and technical concepts that had evolved in the West: “China had to identify itself with those economically developed and politically powerful countries. In this aspect, translation did play an important role. Due to its overall westernizing practice, Chinese culture almost became a marginalized ‘colonial’ culture” (2015: 6). As regards terminology scholarship, management, and translation, China’s extended sociopolitical detachment over a long period of the 20th century has meant that in recent decades the global linguistic-cultural influence of Chinese is still in the process of matching the region’s political and economic strength. Although much terminology within the humanities and sciences has been developed according to Western perspectives and discoveries, there is an opportunity – as well as responsibility – for scholars from China and its neighbours to ensure that knowledge exchange is a two-way process by creating appropriately nuanced terms that can function as sociocultural envoys in the public and academic spheres. This volume outlines the challenges in formulating suitable terminology and translations for Chinese concepts from diverse fields. These include medicine,

6  Saihong Li and William Hope where Traditional Chinese Medicine has to define itself and its practices in a globalized world dominated by Western pharmaceuticals and medical practices; culture, where art forms such as Peking Opera require accurate terminology and translation to enhance their profile against a backdrop of Western forms of mass culture; and law, where the terminology of the legal system in China and in neighbouring territories needs clarification in order to facilitate comparisons with Western legal systems. Equally, however, given China’s global influence, attention to terminology and its management needs to be bilateral. The Belt and Road Initiative has increased infrastructure development and investment abroad and has enabled Chinese companies to consolidate their presence in foreign markets (Zhao 2020: 324). The World Bank has confirmed that China’s total inflation-adjusted annual income has passed that of the United States; in purchasing parity terms, China’s 2017 GDP was $19.6 trillion as opposed to the United States’ $19.5  trillion (Frankel 2020). It therefore also becomes incumbent on terminologists and translators in other geopolitical regions to facilitate economic engagement with China by developing effective systems of communication and, ultimately, by establishing terminology that conveys the many distinctive facets of contemporary Chinese society ranging from its political structures to its legal system.

Terminology translation in Chinese contexts The first part of this volume explores the notable challenges facing terminology translators in a range of conceptual fields that are central to individuals and institutions within Chinese-speaking regions and fundamental to their interaction with other parts of the developed and developing world. Taking China’s legal system as an example, a challenge for Western terminologists is to convey the functions of its unique macro-level structures ranging from 基层人民法院 (jī céng rénmín fǎyuàn, the basic, grassroots, or local people’s court), up to the 最高人民法院 (zuìgāo rénmín fǎyuàn, the Supreme People’s Court). Additionally, there are China’s courts of special jurisdiction which have few Western equivalents, such as the 铁路运输法院 (tiělù yùnshū fǎyuàn, the Court of Railway Transportation), which handles disputes centring on the transport of railway cargo and also cases of personal injury sustained in railway environments. Even in instances where a Western concept such as a “juror” in the context of trials seems to be identifiable in China’s legal system – in the form of 人民陪审员 (rénmín péishěn yuán) – there is only partial equivalence. While many Western jurors are individuals appointed randomly to trials on a one-off basis, the Chinese notion of a “people’s assessor” is closer to a semi-professional position where individuals are appointed into a jury pool for around five years and have a level of input during trials which is similar to that of judges themselves (Xinhuanet 2017). In their chapter, Le Cheng and Yuxiu Sun examine the interaction between corpus linguistics and legal terminology translation, noting that the translation of legal texts is a practice at the crossroads of legal theory, language theory, and

Introduction 7 translation theory. They illustrate how legal terminology is intimately related to its own society and culture and explore the difficulty of rendering concepts such as plea bargains – negotiated agreements between the prosecutor and the defendant in some American criminal cases – into Chinese. They use extensive Chinese– English parallel corpora containing three datasets: Chinese legislation as original texts and two corresponding English translation versions as parallel texts. The authors then deploy quantitative and qualitative analyses, the latter including socio-legal interpretations of translations of Chinese legal terms. Their study indicates the importance of delimitating and understanding legal terms before translating them, a process that may require legal translators to create legal equivalence in order to transfer terminology into a different sociocultural configuration, if a given legal procedure does not already exist there. The focus of Xiaochen Zhang’s Chapter 2 is on the specific theme of the language of corporate law in China, where it has evolved under different principles compared with Western notions of corporate law which are predicated on a system of checks and balances among shareholders, directors, and managers to regulate the exercising of power. Zhang discusses the history of the term 公司 (gōngsī), which is translated concisely as “company” and suggests that, although this translation is endowed with Western associations ranging from robust governance to a solid capital base, this has not always been the case in China. From the late 20th century, 公司 referred to government divisions that controlled commercial enterprises, but, conversely, the term later resurfaced in 皮包公司 (píbāo gōngsī), literally “leather bag companies” or shell companies, which were less reputable. Zhang argues for a clearer demarcation of terms for companies, suggesting that 公司 could be made to associate more closely with state enterprises, while alternative solutions need to be found for privately owned organizations. Binhua Wang examines the status of Traditional Chinese Medicine in the West in Chapter 3 that underlines the importance of standardized terminology translation in this unique field. As he observes, Chinese medicine continues to be one of the most popular exports to the West. However, in her wide-ranging monograph on this specialist field, based on interviews with translators, lecturers, and young Chinese medicine practitioners, Sonya Pritzker (2014: 2) outlines the complexities related to establishing terminology selection and also the singularity of the ongoing or “living” translation process that entails reformulating these concepts to the target recipient, the patient. Terminology translation within Traditional Chinese Medicine involves tasks including the clarification of sometimes ambiguous ancient Chinese writing, a complex process that may involve having to evaluate competing scholarly commentaries on the same original texts. In more practical terms, the process of definition continues with “the need to distinguish Chinese medical terms from those of biomedicine” (ibid.: 2), and, naturally, its ultimate application takes terminology translation beyond a scholarly exercise to an essential form of personal interaction where practitioners have to make interlingual and intersemiotic decisions concerning the forms of language to use with patients (ibid.: 188).

8  Saihong Li and William Hope Wang observes that Traditional Chinese Medicine draws on Chinese philosophy, distinctive cultural ideas, and on theories about human anatomy; it is therefore difficult to achieve cross-cultural knowledge transfer of these concepts into English. If Traditional Chinese Medicine is to transcend its position as a niche form of complementary treatment in the West, then a clearer interpretation of its fundamental concepts, a standardization of its terminology in modern terms, and more accurate translations from Chinese to English will be required. The chapter recommends the preservation of technical accuracy and cultural authenticity in the translation of Traditional Chinese Medicine terms. To achieve cross-cultural communication and effective knowledge transfer of Traditional Chinese Medicine terms, a greater degree of standardization must be attained in their translation while also remaining sensitive to the needs of target users by using sense-for-sense translation and including supplementary explanations if required. Jenny Wong’s Chapter 4 explores the translatability of religious terminology in European literary classics that have been translated – and sometimes performed – in China. Religious practices and literary traditions are phenomena where Chinese and Western civilizations have generally evolved along unique and divergent evolutionary paths. They eventually intersected as a consequence of Western influence and, in the case of literature, after a perspectival shift westwards by Chinese-speaking regions to customize what were seen as more innovative and sophisticated literary paradigms, a process famously labelled by Lu Xun as 拿來主義 (ná lái zhǔyì, or “grabbism”) (Wang 2008: 1–4). Although Christianity had been present in China since the 7th century, Jesuit missionaries deepened its influence from the 16th century onwards. Despite being evangelists, they served at the imperial court and shared an intellectual synergy with their Chinese counterparts because many were scholars, artists, and technicians (Mungello 2012: 534). However, after the First Opium War in the 1840s, the arrival of further missionaries who were “evangelists not only of religion but also of a triumphant form of Westernization . . . overwhelmed the indigenous Chinese churches with a foreign clergy and ecclesiastical structure” (ibid.: 534). During and after the Cultural Revolution, Christianity – a minority religion in China at best – was marginalized further, and there now exists a situation of uneasy tension between state-approved Christian institutions and unregistered or independent Christian churches. Inevitably, in a region where Buddhism, Daoism, Confucianism, and their concomitant imagery are prevalent, finding appropriate terminology to translate Christian metaphors and symbols – in this particular context also embedded within Western literary tropes – is a multifaceted challenge for any translator. Jenny Wong discusses the translatability of religious terminology in the context of Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice by referencing models in religious studies as well as translation studies in her interdisciplinary methodology. She redefines the scope of religious language, drawing on the dimensions of religion outlined by Ninian Smart including the ethical and legal dimensions and the narrative and mythical dimensions. She observes that the metaphorical nature of religious

Introduction  9 discourse poses a challenge to translators; problems sometimes arise from a failure to recognize how figurative the language is, and this makes it difficult to distinguish between symbolic and literal statements. Lin Shu, the scholar who first introduced Shakespeare to China, domesticated many Christian elements into a Daoist framework: thus, in Romeo and Juliet, “saints” became Daoist deities, 明神 (míngshén). Wong suggests that a key element to be considered in the translatability issue of religious terminology is a “theological turn”; namely, the religious experiences and theological positions of individuals such as translators and theatre directors who convey cultural works into Chinese. Saihong Li’s Chapter 5 examines one of the most pivotal elements of international trade, food – in terms of products, supplements, specialities, and, on a wider scale, a nation’s cuisine. Here, terminological accuracy and suitability not only influence rates of consumption but also consumer welfare. In China, brand names for food, particularly imported products, have sometimes been highly questionable. Certain Western products have been given evocative names in Chinese, such as the chocolate bar Snickers, which became 士力架 (shìlìjià), the Chinese name implying that consumers receive a soldier’s energy and power. KitKat was translated as 奇巧 (qíqiǎo), which indicates the qualities of being remarkable and clever. The alcoholic lager Heineken was marketed as 喜力 (xĭlì), meaning happiness and power. Although these product names are undeniably effective in terms of branding and marketing, they are ultimately misleading. They are possibly a contributing factor to China’s increasing obesity problems, since language can influence our perception of food and its taste (Temmerman 2017: 162). The formation of food terminology and its translation, therefore, not only plays a linguistic, cultural, and economic role but also a social role that impacts on our health and diet. Li’s chapter uses data from comparable English and Chinese corpora and deploys a cultural communicative approach to terminology to analyse foodrelated terms and their translations. It features three case studies that focus on food safety and environment-related terms, on health and nutrition-related terms, and on seafood products. The case studies illustrate how food terminology formation is not only a linguistic and social process but also a cultural process. The chapter shows that terminological inconsistency, inappropriateness, and mistranslation are still serious issues affecting food-related products. For example, the translation of “organic food” into Chinese is discussed, the term being 有机食品 (yŏu jī shípĭn), which means “food produced with machine or technology”. The term is misleading, given the process of producing organic food. This uninviting translation, together with the cost of such products, would put them at a disadvantage compared to “green food”, which was translated as 绿色食品 (lǜsè shípǐn) and which benefits from more positive cultural connotations in Chinese. The chapter advocates more systematic interdisciplinary research led by linguists and translators to bring together environmental scientists, food nutritionists, marketing researchers, and others, with the goal of harmonizing food terminologies and facilitating more appropriate product labelling. From a legal perspective, the

10  Saihong Li and William Hope chapter proposes more rigorous enforcement of standardized food terminologies and processes to regulate food safety and traceability. In Chapter 6, Qin Huang and Yajun Wang analyse the approaches to terminology translation taken in an influential volume on the unique art form of Peking Opera entitled The English Translation Series of a Hundred Peking Opera Classics (Sun 2012). The staging of Peking Opera in Western contexts began to increase in frequency from the early 20th century onwards, but the works themselves sometimes underwent radical adaptation and rewriting. Huijuan Ma and Xingzhong Guan’s account of the translation of 王宝钏 (Wáng Bǎochuàn) by the translator and writer Shih-I Hsiung indicates the scale of transformation involved for this traditional Peking Opera to become an English-language spoken drama, Lady Precious Stream, staged in the UK from 1934 to 1936 (Ma and Guan 2017: 556). Omission was a central strategy in order to reduce the opera’s original length of five to six hours. Many of its songs, extended descriptive passages, and references to superstition, polygamy, and the death penalty, were removed (ibid.: 560–563). Significantly though, the published version of what had evolved into a theatrical play was accompanied by multimodal paratexts, including “colourful and appealing illustrations by Chinese artists, including three coloured plates by Xu Beihong, one of the most distinguished modern Chinese painters, and 12 illustrations by Chiang Yee, whose picturesque work The Silent Traveller (1937) was gaining popularity in the UK in the late 1930s” (ibid.: 566). In their chapter, Huang and Wang maintain a focus on multimodality as an eyecatching method of conveying the terminology of Peking Opera, which, with its inimitable integration of music, drama, acrobatics, and mise en scène, has now become an important representation of Chinese identity in a globalized world. The authors note that scholarship into the use of multimodal devices to translate Peking Opera terms has been very limited, and through the optic of Kress and van Leeuwen’s theories of visual grammar, they analyse how The English Translation Series of a Hundred Peking Opera Classics introduces terms bilingually in its paratext and makes strategic use of colour images to convey the art form’s characteristic visuals. The book’s two main translation strategies are discovered to be (1) literal translation with annotation and image and (2) liberal translation with image which is exemplified by the book’s representation of the term 象鼻刀 (xiàngbídāo), a uniquely shaped sword. Huang and Wang also find that the translators frequently use images whose composition (often close-up but unconfrontational and with a high degree of colour saturation) maximizes their attractiveness, thereby creating a reader-oriented publication.

Terminology management and scholarship in Chinese contexts The focus of this volume extends beyond specialized terminology fields and encompasses terminology scholarship and management in Chinese contexts. The volume’s second part analyses how well equipped the terminology management

Introduction 11 sector is – in terms of resources, organization, and research – to provide specialized translation services capable of conveying fields of complex terminology as outlined in this introduction. For language service providers (LSPs), terminology management is a set of practical activities that centre on handling terminology resources (including terminology translation) to fulfil specific purposes that usually include the collection, manipulation, storage, editing, presentation, tracking, maintenance, and sharing of terms, in specialized areas of one or more languages. Language service provision has expanded significantly over the past decade, especially in China itself. According to the 2019 China Language Service Industry Development Report, by June 2019, there were 369,935 enterprises in China with language services as part of their business remit, an increase of nearly 50,000 in the space of a year. Information technology and education and training are the areas where demand for language services is highest. However, the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020 became a considerable stress test of the viability and well-being of the industries of the entire developed world, laying bare weaknesses on a scale rarely seen before in peacetime. A vivid snapshot of the fate of China’s language service providers was provided by the research conducted by the Academy of Global Language Services Sciences, Beijing Language and Culture University, and Hebei Normal University for Nationalities through their online survey of 113 LSPs on the Chinese mainland (Wang et al. 2020). Though the majority of these were private companies (89), there were also responses from state-owned enterprises, joint-stock companies, and companies based on foreign investment. The results confirmed the sector’s durable strengths but also highlighted well documented weaknesses. Many Chinese LSPs had an income stream through business with Englishspeaking nations, which was “impacted by the strict restrictions imposed on China by English-speaking countries” including “the withdrawal of nationals, suspension of flights and issuance of visas” (Wang et al. 2020). The survey found that 67% of LSPs had been adversely affected in this specific area, since over 90% of them provide English-related services. The ability of these companies to withstand the economic shock caused by the pandemic was also limited, given that “98% of companies in the industry have a registered capital of less than 10 million yuan and are comparatively weak in fending off risks”. The on-site services provided by LSPs were also affected by lockdowns and other restrictions, on-site interpreting being the worst hit with nearly 63% of companies being affected. (Wang, Sun, et al. 2020). More encouragingly, however, over 90% of companies had recommenced their activities as a result of employees working from home, and over half of them had resumed office-based work. Thanks to uninterrupted access to Internet and information technology, the language service sector was able to remain far more active compared with business models based on physical premises such as shops and factories (Wang et al. 2020). The second part of the volume indicates several ways forward for terminology management processes and terminology scholarship in Chinese contexts in the light of these new social and environmental challenges. Bingbing Leng’s

12  Saihong Li and William Hope Chapter 7 discusses the growing importance of terminology management and proposes a re-evaluation of the main terminology theories used by Chinese academics. Western terminology theories and practices were introduced to China from the 1980s onwards. Wüster’s General Theory of Terminology (GTT) was a pioneering framework for development and standardization processes used by UNESCO’s International Information Centre for Terminology (Infoterm) from its foundation in 1971, but GTT subsequently attracted criticism for not being fully applicable to issues arising in modern terminology work. Another approach that gained traction in China was the socioterminological perspective developed by Gaudin (1993) and Gambier (2009), which argued that terms normally depend on the social context in which they are used and that therefore the social dimension of terms needs to be considered. Chinese scholarship also assimilated and developed the textual terminology perspective which demands a more nuanced contextual understanding of term functions with the assistance of corpora and computer technology. The cultural approach to terminology (Diki-Kidiri 2000) requires a cognizance of “the diversity of cultures in space as well as in time”; this is a valuable alternative approach to terminology work (Campo 2012: 166) which Chinese academics could explore further. Communicative terminology theories (Cabré Castellví 1999) view terms as part of natural language whose meaning changes over time, thus emphasizing the communicative dimension of terms as well as their cognitive and linguistic aspects. In examining the problematic issues of “equivalence”, a functional communicative approach is often useful when working with the Chinese language. Leng outlines the importance of using computer-aided translation tools and project management processes to ensure quality control in the language service industry. She also discusses the shortcomings of the GTT as a reference point for translator-oriented terminology management within Chinese contexts. She proposes a more extensive use of the Communicative Theory of Terminology (CTT) and demonstrates how it can be applied to identify terms more accurately in context and then to translate them appropriately through an analysis of linguistic and pragmatic factors. For term recognition, the problem of polysemy can largely be overcome by comparing the related concepts and by meticulous reference to context. The issue of terminologization, where lexical units of general English evolve into specialized terms, is common and is instantiated by the word “chatter” being translated as 刀振 (dāozhèn) in the specific context of engineering processes that involve cutting tools. Such phenomena may elicit errors by translators, few of whom are domain experts, because of uncertainty about the general or specialized meaning that the lexical unit may convey. Again, the framework of CTT and corpus linguistics can assist by identifying the rules of term usage in different contexts and providing guidance for term recognition. Comprehensive definitions of terminology itself are an essential starting point for research and translation in specialized thematic areas, and Jian Yin’s Chapter 8 proposes a delineated, workable definition of terminology which has significant, practical terminology applications. The author’s definition of terminology has

Introduction  13 three levels: the theoretical level, the domain-specific level, and sample level. The theoretical and domain-specific definitions of terminology belong to its intension, and the sample definition falls into the category of extension. Yin compares traditional and modern terminology theories and proposes that at the theoretical level, the definition of terminology should be conducted from an entity-based to an ontology-based approach. Yin uses human rights as the terminology domain for exploration; corpora were constructed using Human Rights White Papers from China’s State Council Information Office and 20 of the U.S. government’s Country Reports on Human Rights Practices. Yin suggests that an effective domainspecific definition derives from a top-down induction of the category system from such resources as LSP dictionaries, encyclopedias, and academic articles. For the sample definition, a bottom-up, automatic-term extraction approach is adopted to extract candidate terms in the field of human rights. The practical real-world applications of this system are numerous; by calculating the frequency, the frequency weight, and the comprehensive weight of the extracted candidate terms, much can be learned about the priorities of the authors of the source texts. As regards the chapter’s chosen context of the issue of human rights as perceived by the governments of America and China – or indeed other themes such as environmental protection or key areas of foreign policy about which extensive documentation may exist – both countries and also third party states could deduce a range of information about another country’s policy priorities and standpoints. A  comparison of terminology frequency and weight in official documentation from the recent period of 2015 to 2020, compared with a longer, former period from 2000 to 2015, for example, might provide valuable insights into how a state’s perspective on specific political, economic, and social questions has changed over time. Zhao-Ming Gao’s Chapter  9 outlines a project that seeks to develop a more effective instrument for compiling Chinese–English legal glossaries. An important part of two-way terminological knowledge transfer is the ability to compile accurate glossaries in specialized fields. Term extraction – by identifying the main lexicons of a specialized domain – is an essential methodological stage of terminology work. (Semi-)Automatic Term Extraction (ATE), also known as terminology extraction, term mining, term recognition, glossary extraction, term identification, and term acquisition, alleviates what were formerly labour-intensive processes of manual term extraction and indexation. It also facilitates constant updates of the rapidly increasing number of terms in fields such as science and technology (Heylen and De Hertog 2015: 203–205). Bilingual automatic term extraction normally identifies words, phrases, and matching equivalent sentences from parallel corpora, and this process can be used for translation, terminology, lexicography, and information retrieval. For example, the results of automatic term extraction from a self-built, English–Chinese parallel corpus of international economic law documents were used by Li and Chen (2017) to analyse translation work in this specialized field. The study discovered that the terminologies used in international economic law can be subdivided into law-related, economy-related, and political

14  Saihong Li and William Hope entity–related lexical terms. The authors proposed that different translation strategies should be used for these individual categories and that contextual cultural factors must be incorporated into the translation of legal terminology. Gao’s chapter uses technology drawn from natural language processing and customized machine translation systems to compile Chinese–English bilingual terminologies in the legal domain. Using parallel corpora of bilingual Chinese– English laws in Taiwan – with a corpus size of 0.6 million words – Gao’s process is based on a combination of Chinese and English noun phrase recognizers, a customized machine translation system using the phrase-based statistical machine translation toolkit Moses, Google Translate, and partial matching. Gao’s study shows how statistical machine translation systems can compute the probability of bilingual n-grams, or word sequences, co-occurring in the same aligned text segments. For example, Gao notes that by using the Moses decoder, the Chinese legal term 行為能力 (xíngwéi nénglì) was correctly translated as “the capacity to make juridical acts”, whereas Google Translate was less able to provide domainspecific terminology translation. Although error patterns emerged in areas such as word segmentation, POS tagging, and English–Chinese noun phrases, the level of accuracy resulting from Gao’s dual approach – combining linguistic and statistical methods – suggests that it could be a productive direction for further studies on bilingual terminology identification within other specialized domains. In Chapter 10, Huashu Wang and Zhi Li investigate terminology management in China ranging from its theoretical provision in higher education to the level of its technological integration within the translation industry. The 2019 China Language Service Industry Development Report presents a mixed picture of the degree to which translation technology is establishing itself within education and industry. Regarding the higher education sector’s assimilation of translation technology into its teaching and research, more than half of the universities surveyed in the report had already opened translation technology–related courses. In the report, 64.2% were quite satisfied with these courses, but – worryingly – 73.5% of the universities admitted that a “lack of professional teachers” was the most serious current problem. Additionally, 20.6% of the respondents indicated that institutions “lack well-written and authoritative textbooks”, meaning that the expertise of experienced translation terminology professionals is not being adequately channelled back into the information flow received by students. In countries such as the United Kingdom, it is common to see offices allocated to “industry professionals” on a typical university staff corridor. Professionals are able to contribute to teaching and research for perhaps a day per week, and this model of information dissemination would strengthen most universities’ translation departments. Wang and Li assert that in Chinese-speaking regions, the demand for professional translation services has increased. Nevertheless, there has not been a commensurate increase in the level of investment in terminology management resources by language service enterprises. Wang and Li’s questionnaire-based study of contemporary terminology management practices unearthed numerous deficiencies in this area. Although companies acknowledged the importance of

Introduction 15 terminology tools, over a third of them do not use such tools. Most companies do not employ professional terminology staff and use other staff to perform this role. A  clear majority of language service enterprises had not established professional terminology management processes. The authors advise that language service enterprises should make terminology management integral to translation quality assurance and project management processes and that the construction of public term databases should be extended. They suggest that the standardization of terminology management should be promoted, together with research on term mining approaches, terminology management models, and terminology quality assurance. To ensure that the younger generations are better equipped, Wang and Li recommend an overhaul of university translation courses to prioritize the teaching of terminology management and technology, while the learning experience should feature practice-based terminology management projects. When specialized texts have been translated into Chinese from English or vice versa, at the revision or editing stage, there needs to be a technical awareness of the patterns that evolve within target texts involving this language pair, regardless of the medium of translation. The value of corpus-based techniques in facilitating the study of translationese, translation universals, distinctive features of translational Chinese and in improving translation revision processes that involve Chinese and English has been clearly demonstrated. Examples include the study by Rayson et al. (2008) who compared texts translated from Chinese to English by Chinese translators with the same texts subsequently edited by English native speakers. Here, corpus techniques such as keywords and n-gram extraction tools highlighted the differences between the translated and edited texts, for example identifying the input of native English speaker editors at the POS level in adjusting the frequency of articles and adverbs (Rayson et al. 2008). Xiao’s study of two balanced monolingual comparable corpora of translated and native Mandarin Chinese was an important step forward in identifying unique features of translational Chinese (2010), and subsequent studies such as those of Gong, Wang, and Ren (2019) have used corpora to conduct in-depth studies of specific features of translational Chinese such as prepositions. Nevertheless, in Chapter 11, Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li suggest that there needs to be a more delineated body of Chinese language scholarship that explores notions such as translationese and translation universals, research that can be made available to translators and professionals who work with Chinese and English. One main premise established by the authors is that the concept of translationese needs to be accurately and neutrally conveyed into Chinese. They illustrate how its prevalent translations have often been endowed with pejorative connotations which have underpinned many Chinese scholarly articles on the subject. Over the decades, definitions of translationese have evolved within translation studies, but the more recent perception that it is a special variant of target text language as a result of translation processes has not received as much academic analysis in Chinese contexts. Yang and Li suggest that translationese is a common tendency of human thought processes during language conversion, and they argue that the

16  Saihong Li and William Hope term needs a more neutral translation in Chinese. The authors suggest that an option could be 特征译语 (tèzhēng yìyǔ, translation-specific language), and they hope that a wider-ranging body of Chinese language scholarship on translationese and translation universals will be forthcoming. Earlier in this introduction, an emphasis was placed on developing appropriate terminology and translation to promote the distinctive histories, cultures, and industries of all of China’s regions – regardless of size and location – to enhance their domestic and international recognition and to enable them to shape China’s 21st-century identity. An important aspect of this process is the preservation and dissemination of provincial cultural heritages such as languages and literary works. In Chapter 12, Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang relate the creation of a database for terms from the oral literary tradition of Manchu Ulabun. This is a precious, practical resource that complements the broader work of bodies such as the Institute of Ethnic Literature (IEL, an affiliate of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences). The IEL has been instrumental in analysing “literary relations among various ethnic groups, with an emphasis on comparative approaches” and in “recording, transcribing, translating, digitizing and publishing oral texts and written works” (Bamo, Chao, and Niles 2016: 271). Whereas earlier attempts to document these works had resulted in literary epics and lyric songs being published “with little reference to how these examples of verbal art were originally performed” (ibid.: 276), the IEL has developed performance-centred fieldwork studies to capture the essence of these cultural traditions. Zhao, Su, and Huang emphasize that term databases have a key role to play in protecting cultural heritages and also in disseminating them internationally. In their chapter, they describe the development of a database for terms from the Manchu Ulabun tradition (Ulabun means “biography” and is used by the Manchu people of northeast China). The Manchu Ulabun cultural tradition risks extinction, so these narratives have been preserved and published in over 50 books. To introduce this cultural legacy to the English-speaking world and to improve the accuracy of future Ulabun translation, a Chinese–English database of 3800 terms has been developed to provide uniform term translation for the Ulabun books. The whole book series was taken as the source text, and the term management tool SDL MultiTerm extracted terms from the books in Chinese. With cultural translation theory as the guiding theoretical framework, four translation methods were adopted to translate the database terms, especially terms with cultural connotations. For example, when translating the names of gods with distinct cultural associations, annotation based on transliteration achieves cultural equivalence for target readers. Therefore, in Manchu mythology, since 阿布卡赫赫 (Ābùkǎhèhè) in the volume Heavenly Wars is the creation goddess, the selected translation was “Goddess Abukahehe [Goddess of Creation]”. Minority cultures rarely survive in a state of stasis, and therefore term databases such as these have an important function in disseminating unique work such as the Ulabun heritage to create cultural and academic synergies with other traditions nationally and internationally.

Introduction 17

Conclusion: translating a diversity of world views In conclusion, it is appropriate to return from macro-level questions to refocus on micro-level particulars to reiterate the task facing individuals involved in terminology scholarship, its translation, and its management. Theorists including Fredric Jameson and Jacques Rancière have identified spaces – ranging from the physical geography of urban areas down to terminological units in a written text – that are points of contestation or tension. Jameson calls them “ideologemes”, sites where two contrasting world views are distilled and where reactionary forces clash with emancipatory impulses (Jameson 1989: 85–87; Hope 2016: 273). A notorious case in point concerns the term 同志 (tóngzhì), whose primary meaning of “comrade” has acquired an increasingly colloquial significance of “gay” in Chinese contexts. However, the compilers of the sixth edition of the Contemporary Chinese Dictionary omitted this additional meaning on account of not wanting “to draw attention to these things” (Marsh 2012). While loanwords like 斯诺克 (sīnuòkè, snooker) and Internet slang such as 给力 (gěilì, awesome) were included, even the prospect of a secondary definition of 同志 was evidently sufficient to disturb the more conservative dictionary compilers. However, research that is conducted and published through such a reactionary optic alienates sections of the population and also undermines the “contemporary” premise of their dictionary. Translation in general, and terminology translation in particular, both carry a certain responsibility as they affect interactions between groups and communities (Fernández and Evans 2018: 2). Similarly, the decision to translate (or not) has ramifications at the micro level as illustrated in the UK during the coronavirus pandemic; politicians were criticized for issuing public health information in fewer than a third of the country’s languages and then for failing to update these translations as guidance changed month by month (Evans 2020). Although certain sections of society in every continent are benefiting enormously from rapid socioeconomic advancement, social cohesion and development will only ever be achieved on the principle of self-realization in conjunction with the self-realization of others. Terminologists and translation professionals have a role to play in this process. Where terminology and its translations have become too concise, turning the referent into little more than a commodity for target recipients, processes of “restoration” (Ryan 2016: 117) may be required to reinstate aspects of a term’s ontological origins – even if this entails intension or extension at the expense of conciseness. Terminology scholars, managers, and translators have a responsibility to avoid intellectual abstraction, generalization, and discrimination and to ensure that their work is forward looking, with a sensitivity and precision that acknowledge the concrete, diverse realities of individuals and the phenomena that characterize their lives.

Part I

Terminology translation

Introduction

The history and development of Chinese terminology Zhiwei Feng

Compared with occidental languages, Chinese is distant not only geographically but also in terms of script, morphology, syntax, and grammar. Terminology translation from occidental languages to Chinese and vice versa is consequently difficult compared with translation between occidental languages with their alphabetical system. A succession of historical and cultural influences has shaped the inherent features of contemporary Chinese terminology. The remit of this section introduction is to trace the nature and impact of these unique processes and to outline the history of terminology scholarship in China, with a specific emphasis on scientific terminology. During the Zhou Dynasty (周朝, Zhōu cháo), many loanwords came from the Hun language and the Western region languages. Most of the words in ancient Chinese were monosyllables, and the structure of the language was very simple; therefore, it was problematic to transcribe foreign words as monosyllabic phonemic loanwords in accordance with their pronunciation. Consequently, in this period, most loanwords were polysyllabic phonemic loanwords; these were also terms. A major development in the Han Dynasty (汉朝, Hàn cháo), was the publication of the first Chinese term dictionary Erya (尔雅, Ěr yǎ), also known as The Ready Guide. Erya is one of the first recorded collection of glossaries, structured according to concepts. It contains 2094 entries, covering over 4300 words and a total of 13,113 characters. Erya is divided into two parts and includes 19 sections. The first part concerns common terms (sections 1–3); the second part features specialized terms (sections 4–19), which is what we call terminology today. During the Tang Dynasty (唐朝, Táng cháo), classic Buddhist books and texts were translated from Sanskrit to Chinese. In this period, many new Chinese terms relating to Buddhism were created, for example 刹那 (chànà, an instant/a short time); this was borrowed from “ksana” in Sanskrit and became a disyllabic Chinese term. During the Northern Song Dynasty (北宋, Běisòng), an important scientific book Mengxi bitan (梦溪笔谈, mèngxī bǐtán) was published. This volume collected a wide range of terms from natural sciences (e.g. mathematics, physics, chemistry, geology, biology) and technology (e.g. metallurgy, architecture, hydraulic engineering). The Mongolian nationality dominated China with its

22  Zhiwei Feng culture for many years during the Yuan Dynasty (元朝, Yuán cháo), so Chinese inevitably assimilated terms from the Mongolian language. Most of them are phonemic loanwords, for example 蘑菇 (mógū) = 蘑菰 (mógū, mushroom). This term is borrowed from “moku” in Mongolian. Further linguistic influence came from the Manchu nationality, which dominated the country for a long time during the Qing Dynasty (清朝, Qīng cháo), 1644–1912. Some terms were borrowed from the Manchu language, most of them phonemic loanwords. During the Qing Dynasty, the Chinese language also absorbed semantic loanwords from English or other occidental languages via Japanese, and these became translated terms with Chinese characters: for example, 手工业 (shǒugōngyè); Japanese pronunciation: shukoogyoo; English term: manual industry. But towards the end of Qing Dynasty, the need for a unified collection of scientific terms became more acute. In 1909, the Ministry of Education assigned Yan Fu (1853–1921) to compile a concordance table between foreign scientific terms and their Chinese equivalents for all the scientific disciplines. At the same time, the Ministry of Education set up an agency for the elaboration of scientific terms, the first organization to verify scientific terms in China. After the 1911 Revolution, the Association for Research in Physics and Chemistry Teaching, attached to the Jiangsu Education Association, first verified terms in the domain of physics and chemistry. The China Association of Medicine saw to the verification of medical terms. In 1915, scientific terms in the fields of chemistry, physics, mathematics, zoology, biology, and medicine were verified. In 1918, the China Science Association (中国科学会, Zhōngguó kēxué huì) proposed a project for the verification of scientific terms, and the following year the Commission for Verification of Scientific Terminology (科学名词审定委员会, kēxué míngcí shěndìng wěiyuánhuì) was founded; in 1923, it published a summary of vocabulary concerning mineralogy and geology. In 1932, the National Translation Bureau (国立编译馆, guólì biānyì guǎn) was set up and became responsible for the verification and the examination of scientific terms in China. With the support of the Ministry of Education, the Bureau organized symposia to discuss scientific terms in the fields of astronomy, physics, and mathematics. In 1933, the Bureau published principles for the formation of chemistry terminology. Subsequent publications included a draft of Physics Terminology (物理学名词, 1934), the Lexicon of Mathematics (数学名词, 1935), a draft of Mineralogy Terminology (矿物学名词, 1937), and the Lexicon of Meteorology (天文学名词, 1934). Before 1949, in the field of biology, several drafts of terminology had been published in the following subfields: comparative anatomy, entomology, cytology, histology, phytopathology, botany, vegetal ecology, common horticulture, ornamental horticulture. By the end of 1949, drafts of terminology in mineralogy, human geography, electromechanics, and mechanics were also published (Feng 2011: 304–344). In 1950, The Translation Bureau of the Chinese Academy (中国科学 院编译局, Zhōngguó kēxuéyuàn biānyì jú) was established. It collected all the drafts of terminology proposed by the National Translation Bureau.

Introduction  23 The Chinese Academy took responsibility for the natural science group including the following disciplines: astronomy, mathematics, physics, chemistry, zoology, botany, geology, geography, geophysics, construction, agronomy (Feng 2004). In April  1950, the Committee for Scientific Terminology Unification (学术名词统一工作委员会, xuéshù míngcí tǒngyī gōngzuò wěiyuánhuì) was set up. This Committee was subdivided into five groups covering natural science, social sciences, medicine and hygiene, literature, and the arts. In 1956, The Compilation and Publication Committee of the Chinese Academy of Sciences established the Bureau of Terminology (名词室, míngcí shì), which had the key task of unifying the country’s scientific terms. At the beginning of the 1960s, this Bureau became the Bureau of Terminology directly under the leadership of the Chinese Academy. Unfortunately, during the period of the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976), work towards the unification of scientific terms was totally stopped. On 25 April  1985, the China National Commission for Terminology of Natural Sciences (自然科学名词审定委员会, zìrán kēxué míngcí shěndìng wěiyuánhuì) (CNCTNS) was officially set up in Beijing. The duties of this Commission were: • • • • • • •

To analyse and determine ways forward and concrete measures for the unification of terminology in natural sciences; To elaborate both short-term and long-term projects for the unification of terms in natural sciences; To disseminate the viewpoint regarding the necessity and importance of terminology unification in natural sciences in order to modernize sciences and technologies; To coordinate principles for terminology unification in natural sciences and in scientific symbols; To organize terminology-based research work in natural sciences, to collect documentation and information about terminology, and to study and determine principles and methods; To establish relations with international terminology institutions in order to harmonize the elaboration of terminology in the natural sciences; and To establish relations with terminology institutions in Hong Kong, Macau, and Taiwan through different channels and exchange terminology in the field of natural sciences.

In order to extend the domain of terminological work from the field of natural sciences to the fields of technology, agricultural science, and human and social science, the National Committee for Terms in Natural Sciences was renamed the China National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies (全国 科学技术名词审定委员会, quánguó kēxué jìshù míngcí shěndìng wěiyuánhuì) (CNCTST). The phrasing “sciences and technologies” replaced the original “natural sciences”. So far, the CNCTST has established 95 different subcommittees for

24  Zhiwei Feng different domains. They have examined and verified more than 300,000 terms in more than 120 scientific disciplines. Over the past two decades, the Committee’s offical journal, the Journal of China Terminology (中国科技术语, Zhōngguó kējì shùyŭ) has published nearly 2000 terminology-related research articles. A complete terminological system has now been developed in China, covering basic science, industrial and technological science, agricultural science, medical science, human and social science, and military science. This terminological system has undoubtedly helped to accelerate the development of science and technologies in China. In 1985, the National Bureau of Technique Supervision (国家技术监督局, guójiā jìshù jiāndū jú) created the National Technical Committee of Terminology Standardization (全国术语标准化技术委员会, quánguó shùyǔ biāozhǔnhuà jìshù wěiyuánhuì) (NTCTS), which is responsible for the standardization of terminology. Under the leadership of the NTCTS, a series of national standards for terminology was promulgated, including the following: • • • • • •

GB 10112–88, Principles and methods of terminology, 1988 GB 11617–89, Symbols for lexicography, 1989 GB 15237.1–94, Glossary of terminology, 1994 GB/T 15387.2–94, Guideline for the development of terminology data banks, 1994 GB/T 15625–1995, Guideline for the evaluation of terminology data banks, 1995 GB/T 18155–2000, Terminology work  – Computer applications; Machinereadable terminology interchange format (MARTIF) – Negotiated interchange, 2001.

The formation of a complete terminological system and a complete set of terminological standards is another distinctive feature of terminology in China. Twenty-first-century terminology research is increasingly characterized by the use of big data, a field involving the examination and extraction of information from large, complex datasets. From the 1980s onwards, a series of terminological databases were set up in China (Feng 1992, 1995a, 2012). These include: •

•

Terminological database TAL (Terms of Applied Linguistics): The Institute of Applied Linguistics (the Ministry of Education) set up this database in 1991. It included 20,000 term entries on applied linguistics and computational linguistics. The contents of every entry included English equivalent terms, structure of phrase terms, Chinese pinyin, classification code of terms. Terminological database of the ISTIC: The Institute of Science and Technology Information of China (ISTIC) set up this database in 1992. The database included 500,000 term entries, and it could be linked to the ISTIC’s machinereadable scientific thesaurus.

Introduction 25 •

Terminological database of the CNCTST: The CNCTST set up this database in 1995. It included more than 300,000 terms. So far, 127 disciplines of terminology have been standardized in China and recorded in the database. These terms are available online. The CNCTST set up the “terminology online” resource (术语在线, shùyǔ zàixiàn) to enable scientists to check for standardized terms and learn new terms.

Consequently, a particularly significant focus within contemporary Chinese terminology scholarship is that of computational terminology research. Valuable studies have been carried out in areas such as information retrieval through the extraction of domain-specific terms from online text resources, the syntactic and semantic analysis of phrase terms via large-scale corpora, and the automatic extraction of terms from web documents to facilitate text classification. The chapters in the first part of this volume use several of these processes as a basis for terminology research and translation in a range of contemporary fields, outlining the different domain-specific challenges that arise. Using Chinese– English corpora, the initial chapters illustrate the extent to which legal terminology is related to its own society and culture, and they explore the ambivalence of terminology in corporate law. Other chapters emphasize the requirement for greater standardization of terminology in fields ranging from Traditional Chinese Medicine to food-related products, and they outline the societal implications of failing to address this issue. New theoretical approaches to terminology translation are also needed to facilitate cultural exchange between China and other regions; other chapters in Part I explore the ways in which distinctive terminology in iconic cultural works ranging from Peking Operas to Shakespeare’s plays might be conveyed effectively between Chinese and English. Despite the aforementioned geographical and linguistic distance between China and other regions such as Europe and Latin America, their increasing proximity in areas of mutual interest such as commerce and culture has led to closer cooperative partnerships. Given the evolution in terminology scholarship both within and beyond China outlined in this introduction, there are grounds for optimism concerning the communication challenges that lie ahead.

1 Terminology translation in socio-legal contexts A corpus-based exploration Le Cheng and Yuxiu Sun

Introduction Globalization, in addition to the definition of economic goals and outcomes, is a process of extensive interactions among people, entities, and countries worldwide (Igarashi and Saito 2014). The growing awareness of global connectivity and common challenges highlights the irreplaceable role of both national and international entities in promoting cooperation within and beyond different discourse communities, especially between jurisdictions or even legal systems (Berman 2002; Garoupa 2014). Legal terms are originally created for a specific legal system, so the meaning of a legal term exists in a legal system as a sign system and may be interpreted within the interaction with other sign systems (Cheng and Cheng 2012; Cheng, Sin, and Cheng 2014b). From this perspective, legal terminology or legal terms are not just words or expressions used only in the legal domain, for example due process (Prieto Ramos and Guzmán 2018) and connivance (Cheng, Sin, and Cheng 2014b) but also ones with specific legal denotation and connotation, for example vehicle (Lee and Mouritsen 2017). A corpus is a collection of texts in electronic format which are processed and analysed using software specifically created for linguistic research (Zanettin 2015). Previous studies have reiterated the contribution of corpus linguistics in the field of legal translation (Biel and Engberg 2013; Biel 2018), which is not just limited to legal language or translator training (e.g. Kurzon 1997; Šarčević 2010, 2012; Goźdź-Roszkowski 2011; Engberg 2013). Such a field is conceived as an “interdisciplinary field” focusing on all the factors involved in the translation of legal texts, that is, legal translation studies (Prieto Ramos 2014: 261), or more precisely descriptive legal translation studies (Pontrandolfo 2012). This field with corpus linguistics, in line with the subfield, has been recently defined as “Computer-Assisted Legal Linguistics” (Vogel, Hamann and Gauer 2017), showing an increased awareness of data-driven and empirical approaches. It has been stated that relatively corpus-based and corpus-driven research remained unexplored in the area of legal translation until 2018 (Biel 2018), including translation studies of legal terms. This is generally used to compare a corpus of translations with a similar corpus of comparable texts originally written in the target language in order to isolate descriptive features of translations

28  Le Cheng and Yuxiu Sun (Trklja 2017), which can be carried out by means of parallel corpora of legal texts as contexts. However, a given term as a “specific” concept or a set of “isolated items” with its collocations can be highly misleading (Yallop 2004: 25) if used as a basis for theorizing about what words and their meanings are. Therefore, this study attempts to examine the interaction between corpus linguistics and legal terminology translation and to approach the translation of legal terms from broader socio-legal contexts by describing and exploring their meaning-making process within the context of legislative integrity via a corpus approach.

The process of legal translation If we treat legal terms in a broader sense, they are not only the symbolic representation of discrete legal concepts but also the carriers and even predictors of their relevant socio-legal contexts (Cheng and Sin 2009; Cheng 2012). These contexts, within and beyond jurisdictions, endow legal terms with their unique meanings which make the “transfer” from one legal system to another difficult, though not impossible (Cheng, Sin, and Cheng 2014a). The “transfer” deconstructs and reconstructs legal terms, which may cause the loss or addition of their contextual meaning contrasted with their original meaning (Solan and Gales 2016) and thus introduce incongruity and imbalance into the processes of legal transplant and translation. Therefore, this “transfer” process of legal terms is a “process of construction and reconstruction” of meaning within socio-legal contexts (Cheng and Cheng 2012: 446). This study argues that the whole process of legal terminology translation has three steps, that is, the delimitating of a legal term, the understanding of a legal term, and the translating of a legal term. The delimitation of a legal term is the prerequisite for the other two steps, and its understanding lays the foundation for the third step. The following discussion focuses on these three steps of legal terminology and argues that these processes are cognitively integral. The delimitating of a legal term When we come to the translation of a legal term, the first step is to decide whether a certain word or a kind of expression is a legal term, i.e. in a sense, whether such an expression has a given legal definition or legal denotation within a certain context (Kirchmeier and Thumma 2010; Eskridge 2016). For example, it is stated that all persons accused of crimes are considered to be innocent until their guilt be proven beyond a reasonable doubt in the jurisdiction of common law countries. When it comes to the parsing of such a term beyond a reasonable doubt, however, laypersons or even legal professionals will debate whether beyond a reasonable doubt is a full term, or whether a reasonable doubt is a full term, or even whether doubt itself is a legal term. According to the Due Process Clauses of the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution of the United States,1 a person accused of crimes is protected

Socio-legal contexts  29 from “conviction except upon proof beyond a reasonable doubt of every fact necessary to constitute the crime with which he is charged”; that is to say, beyond a reasonable doubt is a legal concept with complete legal meaning. However, if we return to the origin of this legal concept, Judge Woods stated his opinion in Miles v. United States,2 “the evidence upon which a jury is justified in returning a verdict of guilty must be sufficient to produce a conviction of guilt, to the exclusion of all reasonable doubt”, showing “reasonable doubt” as a legal concept with its corresponding legal meaning. From this perspective, this kind of process is based on the context with the intuition of a scholar: this is basically a cognitive and subjective process rather than a mechanical process. The understanding of a legal term In legal translation, especially in the settings of court interpreting, professional legal interpreters often encounter such a dilemma: whether they should interpret a legal term before they translate it. Some may argue that a legal translator should distance himself from the job that is actually expected to be done by judges (Mahowald et al. 2016). The task of determining the meaning of a legal term is that of a judge, for example by using a traditional dictionary or context;3 this is more appropriate than involving a legal translator in the process of interpreting a legal term. Possible approaches to legal interpretation include at least the literal or textual approach, the pragmatic approach, and the purposive approach (Scott 2009). In terms of the translation of written legal texts, the literal approach is the fundamental approach for legal translators to carry out their tasks in legal translation. The first task in the process of understanding a legal term is to find the literal and ordinary meaning of a legal term (Solan 2003, 2010; Slocum 2015). In other words, the process of understanding a legal term is essentially the process of finding the meaning of the term, which is also a cognitive process. If a legal term is translated without any context, it could be taken as an equivalent for such a legal term. Nevertheless, if a legal term is required to be translated within a certain context, the contextual configuration must be the primary consideration. It is particularly true if we deal with legal translation using a corpus approach. In corpus linguistics, the typical saying is that meaning lies in collocation, which is a representation of context. The context in legal translation is much more complicated than in other types of translation: it may be simply a sentence, a paragraph, a section, a chapter, an act, a whole section of departmental law, or even the whole legal system. The translating of a legal term As previously mentioned, the literal approach is the fundamental approach for legal translators. Indeed, legal discourse traditionally adopted a strictly literal translation (van Hoecke 2002); however, legal translation, as a more responsible

30  Le Cheng and Yuxiu Sun and “reflexive” practice in different contexts (Koskinen 2008: 152), needs the application of existing theoretical models and research methods or even “enrichment” in order to get a better understanding of legal translation and translators (Biel et al. 2019: 1). For the theoretical models themselves, it is acknowledged that legal translation is more “restricted” than any other form of translation (Newmark 1981) and subject to comparatively more “sociolinguistic constraints” (Nida 1964, 1998) or “special restrictions” (Neubert 1997) that can significantly interfere with translators’ creativity. A legal term can be translated according to different translation theories and manuals, so that one legal term may have more than one underlying “translation candidate”. For example, there is a special kind of agreement between the prosecutor and the defendant in some US criminal cases, called a plea bargain, which usually involves the defendant pleading guilty in order to receive a lesser offence or sentence (Goldstein 1975; Tor, Gazal-Ayal, and Garcia 2010). Plea bargain could be translated just according to the action itself as sùbiàn jiāoyì (诉辩交易, trade between the prosecution and the defence) or biànsù jiāoyì (辩诉 交易, trade between the defence and the prosecution). However, both translations are problematic for Chinese readers who are not familiar with other legal systems since, according to Chinese culture – and especially the Chinese legal system – there is no negotiation between the prosecution and the defence in consideration of crime and justice. From Chesterman’s perspective, the translation should fulfil the expectations of readers in their corresponding contexts as expectancy norms (Chesterman 1997); therefore some prefer the translation of rènzuì xiéshāng (认罪协商, negotiation of pleading guilty) (Zhang 2009). Therefore, the process of how to translate legal terms is the decision-making process of translators, and it is about the choice of different translation theories and manuals. Undoubtedly, this creates potential “cognitive space” in the process of legal terminology translation (Dimitrova 2005; Queiroz and Atã 2019), or more precisely, it involves the subjectivity and creativity of legal translators. The translation of a legal term is not about right and wrong; it is about the translator’s subjectivity and contextual constraints. Due to the complexity of legal translation as a phenomenon, legal translation occurs between source texts and target texts or between source language and target language, but texts and languages are “not the only concern of translators and researchers” (Cao 2013: 422); legal translation is not limited and restricted to “general translation” between words and expressions as traditional translation practice is (Prieto Ramos 2014: 261).

Case studies As noted, the context in legal translation concerns legal texts: it may be a sentence, a law, a whole section of departmental law, or even the whole legal system. Legal corpora, as a key component of corpus-based legal translation studies, are constituted by legal texts (Prieto Ramos 2019). More precisely, this study focuses on the usage of legal terminology and the process of legal terminology translation

Socio-legal contexts  31 as demonstrated within the context of legislative texts from a corpus approach. What is new is the ability of corpus to identify the distribution of language usage between groups and discourse communities (Baker 1995, 1996); corpora are especially valuable to this study for their ability to shed light on language usage in the discourse communities within and beyond jurisdictions. In this section, two case studies are selected to explain the process of legal terminology translation, that is, the delimiting, understanding, and translating of legal terms within and beyond different Chinese jurisdictions in order to show how legal translation in the transfer process of legal terms is constrained by different contexts. Case study 1: terms within one jurisdiction With the clear purpose of discussing legal terminology translation within one jurisdiction, the parallel corpora in this study consist of two parts: Chinese legislative texts and their corresponding English translation. Chinese legislative texts and their corresponding translation versions are from Westlaw China (www. westlawchina.com), an online China law database launched by Thomson Reuters. Up to 15 December  2019, Westlaw China captured 2694 laws by the National People’s Congress, Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, and subordinate organs of the National People’s Congress and its standing committee, and covered more than 26,131 legal issues on 35 legal topics. Since 1202 of these laws have English translation versions in Westlaw China, this study selects these 1,202 laws for the corpus as the representatives of Chinese legislative texts and their corresponding English translations for its parallel corpus (see Table 1.1). This study utilizes Sketch Engine (Kilgarriff et  al. 2014), whose algorithms analyse authentic texts of text corpora to identify language usage, including word sketch, word lists, term extraction, concordancer and n-grams, and Stanford Semantic Parser for semantic analysis. For the overall analysis, one typical Chinese legal term is sketched by “keywords” with the reference corpus of Chinese Web 2017 (zhTenTen17) Simplified. This modern Chinese corpus was made up of texts collected from the Internet in 2017, and it contains over 13.5 billion words. While the top five keywords are listed in Table 1.2 with the exclusion of some proper names (for example, chángwěihuì means “standing committee”) and locations (for example, zhíxiáshì means “municipality”), the most typical Chinese legal term is zérèn compared with the other four general words. Meanwhile, among the hyponyms of zérèn (责任) listed in Table 1.3, we select the hyponym Table 1.1  Distribution of text and word counts in Chinese legislations Corpus titles (abbreviation)

Text count total (word count)

Chinese legislative texts corpus Westlaw translation corpus Total

1202 (2,285,342) 1202 (1,374,988) 2404 (3,660,330)

32  Le Cheng and Yuxiu Sun Table 1.2  Top five keywords in Chinese legislative texts corpus

1 2 3 4 5

Word

English meaning

rénmín (人民) dìfāng (地方) zhèngquàn (证券) dàibiǎo (代表) zérèn (责任)

people local security (stock) representatives liability, responsibility

Table 1.3 Distribution of the top five hyponyms of zérèn (责任) and their translations in Chinese legislation Chinese terms Total English Frequency English translation Frequency with zérèn frequency translation with liability (责任) with liability 1 xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任)

1821

criminal liability

1287

criminal responsibility

534

2 fǎlǜ zérèn (法律责任)

659

legal liability

331

legal responsibility

328

3 mínshì zérèn (民事责任)

599

civil liability

282

civil responsibility

317

4 xiàngyīng zérèn (相应责任)

126

respective liability

74

respective responsibility

52

5 zhíjiē zérèn (直接责任)

59

direct liability

39

direct responsibility

20

xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任) with the maximum but different distribution as an example to have the overall profile of translating the Chinese legal term zérèn (责任) into English from 1949 to 2019. Table 1.3 indicates that two English translations have been used for the same legal term xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任), namely criminal liability and criminal responsibility. However, it seems that there is no significant difference between criminal liability and criminal responsibility, since they are translated within the similar contexts of criminal-related laws, that is, in both criminal law and criminal procedure law in China, as shown in Table 1.4. The ideality of the monosemy of legal terms implies that one given legal expression or legal term in the same context is not “expected” to have two different interpretants (Cheng et al. 2012: 23). However, Table 1.3 shows that, for example, all the translation candidates of liability and responsibility have been used inconsistently. More specifically, Figure 1.1 shows that the semantic centre of liability and responsibility is “crime” and “obligation”; that is to say, there was no potential semantic preference in the usage between liability and responsibility to construct the meaning of “crime” and “obligation” as “the obligatory liability/ responsibility for criminal justice” (Duff 2007; Stoitchkova 2010).

Socio-legal contexts  33 Table 1.4  Examples of xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任) in criminal-related laws in China Example 1: xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任) in Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China 第五条 刑罚的轻重，应当与犯罪分子所犯罪行和承担的刑事责任相适应。 Article 5: The degree of punishment shall be commensurate with the crime committed and the criminal responsibility to be borne by the offender. Example 2: xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任) in Criminal Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China 第十五条 有下列情形之一的，不追究刑事责任， . . . . . . （六）其他法律规定免予 追究刑事责任的。 Article 15: In any of the following circumstances, no criminal responsibility shall be investigated. . . (6) if other laws provide an exemption from investigation of criminal responsibility. 第三十五条 辩护人的责任是根据事实和法律，提出犯罪嫌疑人 . . . . . . 减轻、免除 其刑事责任的材料和意见 . . . Article 35: The responsibilities of a defender shall be to present, in accordance with facts and the law, materials and opinions proving that . . . the criminal suspect or defendant is eligible for a mitigated punishment or exemption from the criminal liability.

Figure 1.1 Semantic focus of liability and responsibility in Chinese legislations

From this perspective, liability and responsibility could be both identified as the equivalent of zérèn (责任) with no differences in the contexts and semantic preference. Therefore, the term xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任) has two English equivalents of criminal liability and criminal responsibility within Chinese legislation in this particular context. That is to say, for the legal term xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任), one Representamen, xíngshì zérèn (刑事责任), has two Interpretants, criminal liability and criminal responsibility, which is not the case in legal construction and legal translation.

34  Le Cheng and Yuxiu Sun Case study 2: terms beyond jurisdictions The term consideration has many potential meanings, including “recompense or payment”,4 in the sense of being an essential element of the formation of contract (Schmidt 1965). According to Currie v. Misa,5 a consideration, especially a “valuable consideration”, may consist of “either some right, interest, profit or benefit accruing to the one party, or some forbearance, detriment, loss or responsibility, given, suffered or undertaken by the other”. Consideration then becomes a legal term since a new context endows consideration with a new legal meaning. Without the detailed definition of consideration, it may be no problem at all to translate consideration with the notions of, for example, duìjià (对价) on the Chinese Mainland, dàijià (代价) in Hong Kong S.A.R., or yuēyīn (约因) in Taiwan. For example, the English equivalent of consideration in Hong Kong is dàijià (代价) for the literal meaning of “substitutive price” within the contexts of “value” or “price”. The examples of terms with consideration are identified and listed in Table 1.5. The definitions. It is shown that the related legal concepts of consideration, known as the collocations of consideration, entail the legal meaning of “costs” or “price of exchange”. As regards its definition in Hong Kong, the term consideration remains with the intent of “price” within the scope of contract laws and translates into dàijià (代价) literally as its equivalent. The examples of consideration have been extracted from legislative texts from the Chinese Mainland,12 Hong Kong,13 and Taiwan,14 as shown in Table 1.6.15 In Hong Kong, consideration is known as “the price for entering into a contract” (Chloros 1968; Adams and Brownsword 1990), so the distinctive element is price and contract. In other words, consideration is understood within the context of contract laws. So it is very important to decide or identify how contract is translated within a certain jurisdiction. If we take consideration as an individual sign, then contract or contract law is the whole sign system, and it is therefore necessary to understand, interpret, and translate consideration as a legal term within the integrity of the contract law as a whole context. The contexts. It has been stated that contexts could be identified as different sign systems (Haarmann 2011); for example, on the Chinese Mainland, contract is

Table 1.5  Examples of terms with consideration in Hong Kong English terms

Chinese equivalents

money consideration6 pecuniary consideration7 bona fide pecuniary consideration8 valuable consideration9 true consideration10 value of consideration11

jīnqián dàijià (金钱代价) jīnqián dàijià (金钱代价) zhēnzhèng jīnqián dàijià (真正金钱代价) yǒuzhí dàijià (有值代价) zhēnzhèng dàijià (真正代价) dàijià suǒzhí (代价所值)

Socio-legal contexts  35 Table 1.6 Examples of consideration from the Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Example 3: consideration in Law of the People’s Republic of China on Negotiable Instruments 第十条 . . . . . . 票据的取得，必须给付对价，即应当给付票据双方当事人认可的相 对应的代价。 Article 10: A negotiable instrument shall be acquired by payment of consideration, that is, the price corresponding to what is agreed upon by the two parties to the instrument. Example 4: consideration in Cap. 26 Sale of Goods Ordinance of Hong Kong 3(1) 售货合约是卖方为了换取称为货价的金钱代价而将货品产权转让或同意将货品 产权转让给买方的合约。 . . . . Article 3(1): A contract of sale of goods is a contract whereby the seller transfers or agrees to transfer the property in goods to the buyer for a money consideration, called the price. Example 5: consideration in Civil Code of Taiwan 第799–1条 . . . 规约之内容依区分所有建筑物之专有部分、共有部分及其基地之位 置、面积、使用目的、利用状况、区分所有人已否支付对价及其他情事 . . . Article 799–1: After considering the location, coverage, its purpose of use, its use condition, whether or not the owner has paid the consideration, and other conditions of the individual unit, the common elements, and the land on which the building is erected.

translated as hétóng (合同), so consideration could be translated as duìjià (对价); within the context of Hong Kong, contract is translated as héyuē (合约), so maybe it is more appropriate to translate consideration as within the contract law in Hong Kong. For the understanding of contract, three different equivalents of contract exist in three different jurisdictions, namely, hétóng (合同) on the Chinese Mainland, héyuē (合约) in Hong Kong, and qìyuē (契约) in Taiwan. As with consideration, it is impossible to decide the best or the most appropriate equivalent of contract without an awareness of legal contexts, including contract laws and even complete legislative texts. The understanding and translation of a given legal term concern not only one legislative text of a given law or a departmental law but also all the legislative texts of legal jurisdiction. The translations. As previously mentioned, contexts, especially socio-legal contexts, could be identified from a corpus approach, or contexts themselves could be viewed as a corpus to understand the contextual and intended meaning of a given legal term. That is to say, the equivalence of contract could be compared and discussed from the contexts of the Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong, and Taiwan correspondingly in order to measure the processes of meaning construction and transfer of contract beyond jurisdictions or legal systems. From this perspective, the study has selected several related terms and their corresponding English translations within the scope of contract laws on the Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong, and Taiwan, as listed in Table 1.7.

36  Le Cheng and Yuxiu Sun Table 1.7  Terms related to contract laws on the Chinese Mainland, Hong Kong, and Taiwan Items

Chinese Mainland

Hong Kong

Taiwan

consideration

duìjià (对价)

contract performance of a contract

hétóng (合同) lǚxíng hétóng (履行合同) jiěchú hétóng (解除合同) wéiyuē (违约)

dàijià (代价) yuēyīn (约因) héyuē (合约) lǚyuē (履约)

yuēyīn (约因) duìjià (对价) qìyuē (契约) lǚxíng qìyuē (履行契约) jiěchú qìyuē (解除契约) wéiyuē (违约)

termination of a contract breach of a contract

jiěyuē (解约) wéiyuē (违约)

Together with the translation of its collocations, for example, the performance, termination, and breach of a contract, héyuē (合约, contract), in Hong Kong achieves total translation equivalence compared with the corresponding equivalents used on the Chinese Mainland and in Taiwan. The common morpheme yuē (约) as the abbreviation of héyuē (合约, contract) effectively satisfies the principle of language economy; that is, the more productive a candidate is, the more appropriate it is (Baayen 1994; Malott 2003) and shows its potential to generate several verb–object constructions with the abbreviations of other verbs to express the whole legal meaning. Its productivity is with, for example, lǚ (履) as short for lǚxíng (履行) to express the meaning of performance, the same as jiě (解) for jiěchú (解除, termination) and wéi (违) for wéifǎn (违反, breach). These notions as a whole show the integrity among relevant legal terms and their equivalents and finally construct a wider semantic web in the context of contracts law or even the context of the laws of Hong Kong.

Discussion As noted, legal terminology translation is the meaning transfer process of a particular legal term among different contexts. Such a process is not the case among different languages, from Chinese to English or from English to Chinese, because the meanings are unique within broader social and political contexts, for example different jurisdictions in legal translation as already noted. From the perspective of semiotics, if we view the legal term as a sign and the context as a sign system, then it may be suggested that “a legal term as an individual sign does not have any inherent meaning, and its meaning can only exist in the relationship with other signs or sign systems” (Cheng, Sin, and Cheng 2014b). A sign is not born with meaning but is “invested with meaning by a sign user” (Cheng and Sin 2008: 40); it is then possible to create a total equivalent in legal translation. In consideration of the subjectivity and creativity of legal translators, the whole process of the translation of legal terms is also a cognitive transfer process within

Socio-legal contexts  37 contexts as corpora, which may be simply a sentence, a paragraph, a law, a whole section of departmental law, or even a whole legal system. This process includes three steps, as follows: 1 2 3

The delimitating of a legal term: To specify and delimitate an expression as a legal term and to give its clear definitions within a certain context or among different contexts; The understanding of a legal term: To understand the meaning of a legal term, including to find its literal meaning within a certain context and interpret the meaning into different contexts; The translating of a legal term: To translate a legal term as the decisionmaking process of translators, which involves the choice of different translation theories and manuals.

Previous case studies, on the one hand, show the delimitating, understanding, and translating process of a term as a whole process of term translation within a more complex contextual situation, within one jurisdiction and beyond different jurisdictions. On the other hand, the translation of a legal term is restricted by its interpretation, that is, the understanding of a legal term, which is highly constrained by context, since the understanding of a given legal term is based on its definition and variable with subtle differences that are “context-dependent” (Yallop 2004: 24). Such constraints create the potential of term inconsistency, but unfortunately legislatures strongly endorse the presumption that the same term is consistently used in different statutes, as well as its definition and translation. More specifically, with quite different “legal composites” in jurisdictions (Cheng and Sin 2008: 38), the attainment of legal equivalence could be further complicated by the incongruity and inconsistency of legal terms (Cheng and Sin 2008: 38). Therefore, the essential tasks for legal translators are to find or create legal equivalence between different contexts, which is often difficult, though not impossible.

Conclusion Subject to special syntactic, semantic, and pragmatics constraints, legal discourse is diverse among legal systems, jurisdictions, or even areas of the law to the extent that it has its own language or sublanguage of the law (Cheng and Sin 2008). It is no exaggeration to say that, within specific legal discourse, terms are lexical items representing “discrete concepts” (Cheng and Sin 2008: 34) which form the knowledge system of a given subject field and that they are “depositories of knowledge” (Sager 2001, 2003). Consequently, the knowledge system is realized by different signs together as a sign system; that is to say, different legal terms as legal signs exist between different legal systems. This, especially from a corpus approach, provides empirical evidence of terminological incongruity conducted between different jurisdictions and legal systems (Cheng and Sin 2008: 34).

38  Le Cheng and Yuxiu Sun The translation of legal texts is a practice at the crossroads of legal theory, language theory, and translation theory (Al-Refo and Faqir 2016), and legal terminology is “system-bound” – related to its own society and culture (Pommer 2008: 17); that is to say, legal terms are tied to socio-legal contexts rather than to language. In consideration of the contrast between different contexts, multiple legal languages can exist within the “boundaries” of a natural language, depending on how many legal orders make use of that same language (Pommer 2008: 18). From this perspective, legal terms as the carriers of legal concepts preserve diversity and integrity as “harmony in difference” as “the respect, acceptance and appreciation of the rich diversity of our world’s cultures, our forms of expression and ways of being human” (UNESCO’s Declaration of Principles on Tolerance), a vital instrument to ensure the equality of linguistic rights and achieve the balance between language diversity, justice, and human rights.

Notes 1 Available at: www.whitehouse.gov/about-the-white-house/the-constitution/ [Viewed 20 August 2020]. 2 See Miles v. United States [1880] 103 U.S. 304 (US Supreme Court); see also Victor v. Nebraska [1994] 511 U.S. 1 (US Supreme Court). 3 See United States v. Costello [2012] 666 F.3d 1040. 4 According to the Merriam-Webster dictionary, “consideration” could be defined and understood as (1) continuous and careful thought; (2) a matter weighed or taken into account when formulating an opinion or plan; taking into account; (3) thoughtful and sympathetic regard; (4) an opinion obtained by reflection; (5) esteem, regard; (6) recompense, payment; the inducement to a contract or other legal transaction. The study selects the most relevant definition of “consideration” to present its meaning construction process and its further translation. See more details available at www.merriamwebster.com/dictionary/consideration [Viewed 20 August 2020]. 5 See Currie v. Misa [1875], (1875–76) LR 1 App Cas 554 (House of Lords of the United Kingdom). 6 See, e.g., Art 3(1), Section 3 Sale and agreement to sell, Cap. 26 Sale of Goods Ordinance of Hong Kong. 7 See, e.g., Art 85, Section 85 Remuneration of trustee, Cap. 6 Bankruptcy Ordinance of Hong Kong. 8 See, e.g., Art 3(1), Section 3 Interpretation, Cap. 111 Estate Duty Ordinance of Hong Kong. 9 See, e.g., Art 5, Section 5 Postponement of rights of person lending or selling in consideration of share of profits in case of insolvency, Cap. 38 Partnership Ordinance of Hong Kong. 10 See, e.g., Art 27(2), Section 27 Fees, Cap. 128 Land Registration Ordinance of Hong Kong. 11 See, e.g., Art 7(10)(b), Section 7 Definition of principal terms used, Cap. 405 Drug Trafficking (Recovery of Proceeds) Ordinance of Hong Kong. 12 The results from Chinese legislative texts and corresponding English translations here are from the parallel corpus mentioned in Case Study 1. 13 The results of legislative texts of Hong Kong S.A.R. are from Hong Kong e-Legislation, an official legal database of all Hong Kong legislation established by the Hong Kong government. See more details available at www.elegislation.gov.hk.

Socio-legal contexts  39 14 Legislative texts of Taiwan are selected from the official website of Taiwan laws (available at https://law.moj.gov.tw/ENG/LawClass/LawAll.aspx?pcode=B0000001) [Viewed 30 August 2020]. The corresponding translation of Macau S.A.R is excluded here because the legislative texts of Macau are translated into Portuguese instead of English. 15 Here, the translation between yuēyīn (约因) and consideration in the context of Hong Kong is excluded because it has no meaningful connection with “price” but “reason”. See more from Cap. 424 Toys and Children’s Products Safety Ordinance of Hong Kong (L. N. 240 of 1993), Article 2 Interpretation: supply (供应) means. . . (c) to exchange or dispose of for any consideration; (d) to transmit, convey or deliver in pursuance of . . . (e) an exchange or disposal for any consideration; or. . . .

2 How policy concerns impose different understandings in legal transplantation Terminology translation in Chinese corporate law Xiaochen Zhang Introduction China has corporate rules similar to Western corporate law. However, in practice, in China, corporate law has been enforced under a completely different logic compared to the countries from where it originated. Western corporate structure is supposed to establish power checks and balances among shareholders, directors, and managers. Although Chinese companies have a similar governance structure, the power checks and balances have not been accomplished. Lawmakers have frequently demanded that board governance should be achieved and have issued various rules to implement it, but these efforts have failed repeatedly. There is a huge gap between corporate rules and their enforcement. Why are Chinese corporate rules weakly enforced in practice? This chapter explores the answer from a historical perspective. The use of language reflects hidden understandings and expectations. The same word may refer to completely different things in different countries. For example, in China in the 1980s, the word 公司 (gōngsī, company) referred to government institutions that controlled “enterprises and factories”, while in the West, the word “company” refers only to business organizations. By tracing the translation of “company”, the lawmakers’ reluctance to admit “ownership rights of the company”, and the misunderstanding that shareholders are “owners” of the company, this chapter argues that local context can impose additional meanings upon terminology translation, and sometimes misunderstandings are intentional because of political concerns. Many special features in current Chinese corporate law have historical origins. Current political intervention in corporate governance has origins that can be traced back to the Qing Dynasty. The emphasis on 资本 (zībĕn, capital) can be traced back to a period when many 皮包公司 (píbāo gōngsī, shell companies or “briefcase” companies) committed fraudulent transactions. Expanded shareholder rights can be traced back to the ideological debate within Chinese politics, as a compromise to ensure both state control and business efficiency. In the 1980s, some proponents realized and admitted that Chinese “companies” were more like government divisions/administrative units rather than business

Understandings in legal transplantation  41 organizations. However, they expected that by transplanting Western corporate law, the new rules could change the real world. History proved the failure of their expectation. The local context changed the rules instead of being changed. This chapter explores the changed understanding of individual words, such as 公司 (gōngsī, company), 所有权 (sǔoyǒuqúan, ownership rights), 股权 (gǔqúan, equity rights) to demonstrate how local contexts and realities imposed different meanings on these concepts, regardless of the lawmakers’ expectations. This chapter aims to clarify why and how Chinese company law has developed. This chapter has four sections. The first is the introduction, and the next explores the changing meaning of the word “company” since the Qing Dynasty. This section explains why the word “company” in China implies “public monitoring” and how shell companies took advantage of this implied meaning to mislead market players. It outlines why China imposed high 公司资本 (gōngsī ziběn, corporate capital) to ensure transaction safety and how this illusionary protection increased transaction costs. A further section explores the debates concerning whether to admit a company’s independent “ownership rights” over its assets and whether shareholders were “owners” of the company. This section illustrates the political debates stemming from the ideology of socialism and why the Chinese shareholder/director relationship differs from its Western equivalent. The final section provides conclusive observations and suggestions. This chapter suggests that China should use different terminologies to refer to state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and privately owned companies to avoid misunderstandings and should provide different sets of rules accordingly.

The translation of the word “company” into 公司/gōngsī Mistranslation of the word “company” into 公司/gōngsī The Western understanding of “company” (公司/gōngsī) refers to business organizations, and these organizations should have some common features to be called a “company”: limited liability; assets, once invested, belong to the company and no longer to the shareholders; shareholders are residual claimers but not owners of the company and have voting rights to elect directors; directors makes business plans; and managers are responsible for business operations. However, in China, in the 1980s, the word “company”, translated as 公司/gōngsī, indicated various institutions other than these business organizations. Some “companies” were former government organizations that only changed their names from “ministries/bureaus” to “companies” yet still performed the same function as government institutions. Some “management companies” were administrative institutions that controlled SOEs and earned their living by collecting management fees from SOEs (Wang 1987). This expanded usage of the word “company” was a result of state involvement in business operations, and the terminology translation reflected it. The Chinese translation of the word “company” (公司, gōngsī) is composed of two characters: 公 (gōng) means “public”, and 司 (sī) means “monitoring”. The word was not

42  Xiaochen Zhang randomly chosen. Why was the word “company”, which refers to business organizations, translated as “public monitoring”? Liufang Fang (2000) researched Qing Dynasty terminology to see how and when “gōngsī” referred to the word “company”. He found that before 1833, “gōngsī” referred to the East India Company (EIC) only. The EIC had a special charter issued by the British government. Other Western business enterprises called themselves 行 (háng), which means “business firm” in ancient China (Kang 1958). These “háng” did not call themselves “gōngsī” until 1833, when the EIC no longer had a British government charter. Before 1833, it was clear that “gōngsī” only referred to the EIC, which had a special charter. Other Western business enterprises without state-issued charters were “háng”, which demonstrated a clear difference between the two concepts (Fang 2000). Therefore, the original translation that referred to the EIC was accurate, as the character 公(gōng), meaning “public”, correctly reflected its close link with the British government. Inspired by the idea of the East India Company, the Qing Dynasty began to establish China’s own companies in the 1860s. Reflecting the EIC’s status, the Qing Dynasty granted special charters to these companies. These companies were called 局/jú, which means “bureau”, a word usually referring to government organizations rather than business enterprises. These “jú” were at least partially initiated, owned, operated, or monitored by state power, and the word 局/jú reflected their close relationship with the state. Therefore, from the very beginning, Chinese companies had a close link with state power. This historical origin should not be ignored, as it partly explains the current problems China has faced and helps to explain why state interference has always existed in corporatized SOEs. It might be a historical coincidence, but the usage of the word 公司/gōngsī spread from the EIC to other business enterprises. After 1833, the business organizations without state charters, which previously called themselves 行/ háng, began to call themselves 公司/gōngsī. Since then the use of the word 公司/gōngsī expanded, from the EIC to general business organizations. A Qing Dynasty Emperor first used the word 公司/gōngsī instead of 局/jú in 1875, and this change perhaps signalled a policy shift from state monitoring of companies to private management (Fang 2000). In 1903, when the Qing Dynasty issued the first company law in China, 公司/gōngsī referred to all business enterprises that were independent legal persons (Fang 2000). Then in the company law issued by the Republic of China government in 1929 and 1946, the word 公司/gōngsī continued to refer to all business enterprises, whether local or international, state owned, or privately owned (Li and Chen 2013). This was the process of how the use of “gōngsī” expanded from the EIC to general business enterprises. The word 公司/gōngsī referred to the EIC at the beginning and later spread to other business organizations without special relationships with their governments, which called themselves 行/háng. Then its use expanded to cover 局/jú, which were state-controlled or state-related enterprises. Unlike the Western usage, where the word “company” usually indicates privately owned business organizations, in

Understandings in legal transplantation  43 China the same word has referred to both private and state-controlled/state-related business organizations since the Qing Dynasty. By the 1980s, the word 公司/gōngsī expanded its usage again, to administrative institutions or government organizations, as a result of institutional reform. For example, in 1982, “in the organizational reform of the State Council, some ministries and bureaus were reorganized to gōngsī” (Fang 1991). From 1979 to 1982, the State Council established 120 全国性专业公司 (qúangúoxìng zhūanyè gōngsī, national professional companies) (Fang 1991). These “gōngsī” had a political standing, and some of them even shared funding and personnel with government organizations as 一套机构，两块牌子 (yítào jīgòu, líangkùai páizī, one set of institutions, two brands) (Fang 1991). The mistranslation of “company” is therefore clear: it should refer to privately owned business organizations in the origin country, it was never intended to cover institutions that perform functions as government organizations. However, the translation of “company” in China – the word “gōngsī” – had too many additional meanings, which caused problems and confusion. The next section analyses the negative impacts of the mistranslation. Consequences of the mistranslation of “company” The mistranslation of “company” has caused numerous misunderstandings. The first misunderstanding is that “gōngsī” implies state support. In the origin countries, “companies” are just business organizations. However, in China, in the 1980s, the establishment of “gōngsī” required state approval. Without state support, it would be very difficult to get state approval to register a “gōngsī”. Each “gōngsī” had a 主管单位 (zhǔgǔan dānwèi, institution in charge), which was a government organization that supervised “gōngsī”. Therefore, in the 1980s, the word “gōngsī” itself sent signals to the market as having an official background or state support. This implied state support misled market players. Individuals might assume that if a business organization called itself a “gōngsī”, it might have a political background; this implied that it was guaranteed by the state and that there would be security in transactions. A consequence of this was the creation of shell companies, known colloquially as “briefcase” companies in Chinese, which conducted fraudulent transactions in the market. These are “companies” that did not have offices or invested capital. They did not offer services or produce goods, and all they had were briefcases to denote their business focus. By calling themselves “gōngsī”, these companies took advantage of implied state support, made themselves look like credible parties to deal with, but they signed contracts that they never intended to honour. These shell companies caused chaos in the market. In order to eradicate this phenomenon, Chinese lawmakers imposed high capital requirements in company registration. Lawmakers believed that this capital requirement could prevent the registration of unqualified companies. The official explanation for the draft of the 1993 Company Law announced that “considering the situation that there were too many companies being established, the

44  Xiaochen Zhang draft imposed a considerably strict requirement for the registered capital” (NPC 1993). It was believed that more capital meant more credibility, as the company would be better able to honour contracts and responsibilities (Jiang 1997). The capital requirement in the 1993 Company Law was extremely high compared to a Chinese person’s annual income. The lowest minimum capital requirement was 100,000 yuan, for consulting companies. However, in 1993, the urban annual income was 2337 yuan per person, and rural annual income was 921 yuan per person (TJCN 2009). It was clear that even the lowest minimum capital requirement was a high threshold for Chinese people. Another special requirement was the 验资证明 (yànzī zhèngmíng, certificate of capital verification) required by the registration office, which was issued by registered accounting or auditing firms to verify that the registered capital had been invested into the company (State Administration for Industry and Commerce 1996).1 The high capital threshold and capital verification requirement increased the transaction costs. It was very difficult for Chinese people to register a company to benefit from limited liability protection. For SOEs, the capital requirement was not a problem as they had state investment. The capital requirement increased the costs for the registration of privately owned corporations, which in turn increased the dominance of SOEs in the Chinese economy. However, the expectation that higher registered capital could offer creditor protection was an illusion. Moreover, it sent misleading information to the market, as more capital meant more credibility. Companies could lose their capital during business operations, and the registered capital did not necessarily reflect the initial capital investment because, in practice, the capital verification requirement could be circumvented. There were professional intermediaries who offered loans to company founders, only for the purpose of passing the capital verification requirement. After the completion of the company registration, the debt was repaid, and there was no real capital investment underpinning the company (Guo 1990). Terminology reflects people’s understanding and contextual reality. The translation of the word “company” into “gōngsī” demonstrates how local context imposed additional meaning upon a transplanted concept and how the local language that was chosen reflected this misunderstanding. On the other hand, once such language was used, the misunderstanding would change people’s behaviour and cause unexpected outcomes. Here, the additional meaning of “public monitoring” and the deep state involvement in “gōngsī” elicited an assumption of state credit or backing. The shell companies (or “briefcase” companies) made use of this assumption by calling themselves “gōngsī” to mislead contractual parties. In order to eliminate these companies, lawmakers imposed high capital requirements. However, the high capital requirement either prevented private investors from registering companies or imposed additional costs on them as they had to pay intermediaries to circumvent the capital verification requirement. In this sense, the costs were clear, but the benefits were uncertain as the registered capital did not necessarily reflect the company’s real financial status.

Understandings in legal transplantation  45 The second negative consequence was the abuse of privileges by the “gōngsī” with state backgrounds. In practice, some state-initiated “gōngsī” used state power to make profits. Some of them imposed administrative approval requirements to prevent competitors from entering the market. Some used privileges to obtain products at low cost from the state and resell them to the market at higher prices, a process called 官倒 (gūandǎo, official reselling). These practices increased the transactional costs in the market. The state realized this problem and sought to return the word “gōngsī” to its original meaning, which refers to business organizations, by preventing government organizations from using the term. In order to clarify that “companies are . . . unified economic organizations, which must be enterprises, not administrative agencies” (The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China 19842), China proposed campaigns of “clean-up and rectification of companies” (State Council 19853). In 1985, the State Council issued “notice on further cleaning-up and rectifying companies”, which provided a clear definition of “gōngsī”. “A gōngsī shall be an economic entity with legal person status engaged in production, operation or service business, an enterprise that implements independent accounting, self-financed profits and losses, pays taxes according to regulations, and can bear economic responsibility” (State Council 1985). This definition clarified that only economic entities could use the name “gōngsī”. The notice required that “administrative institutions using the name gōngsī” which “do not take economic responsibility, still performing the function of administrative management”, should be revoked, merged, changed to service companies, or renamed as government organizations. For instance, in a notice issued by the Ministry of Labour, certain 劳动服务公司 (láodòng fúwù gōngsī, labour service companies) should be renamed as 就业服 务局 (jiùyè fúwù jú, employment service bureaus) (ISCPS 1989). The change of name indicated the lawmakers’ determination to draw a clear line between the two concepts: “gōngsī” referred to enterprises, while “jú” referred to government organizations. However, once a word has been misused, it creates a path dependence effect, and the misunderstandings continued to exist despite lawmakers’ efforts to shift the term back to its original meaning. In Western countries, “companies” are business organizations with limited liability and independent assets. However, in China, the translation of “company”, the word 公司/gōngsī, refers to a hybrid of both state power and private rights. The deep involvement of state power changed people’s behaviour. For example, in the 1980s, some “gōngsī” had political standing, and their managers were state-appointed cadres. Forty years later, in 2020, most SOE managers still have political standing and are still cadres rather than professional businessmen. The SOEs, although they called themselves “gōngsī”, are still running under a completely different logic, compared to privately owned companies. For example, according to the Company Law, the corporate governance structure should provide a power balance among shareholders, boards, and managers. However, in SOEs, although they are governed by the Company Law, in practice they apply a “collective decision making process” which is in fact a

46  Xiaochen Zhang power concentration system controlled by the party committee. Although they call themselves “gōngsī” and apply “company law”, in practice they are still operating under the cadre system. In this sense, Company Law enforcement is weak in SOEs.

How political concerns reshaped company law concepts This section argues that China’s political concerns caused selective transplantation of company law and that some basic concepts were debated and reshaped in China because of political concerns. In the 1980s, China tried to grant more autonomy to SOEs to increase efficiency and at the same time maintain state control and ensure state ownership. The corporatization reform of SOEs, which intended to establish 现代企业制度 (xiàndài qǐyè zhìdù, modern enterprises), was believed to be able to achieve both objectives. There were ideological concerns that prevented the acceptance of a “company” as a form of business enterprise. Conservatives worried that corporatization reform might threaten the foundation of socialism, state ownership, or that the shareholding system might cause privatization (Qi 1994). Before Deng Xiaoping’s public speech clearly supported economic reform, there were various criticisms and objections concerning shareholding or the securities market (Guo 1990). It was possible that, without these changes, the Company Law would not have been able to go through. China’s 1993 Company Law was a compromise between reformists and conservatives. In order to get consent from conservatives, some basic concepts in company law were changed to fit local concerns. The following section explores the debates concerning whether “companies have independent ownership rights” and whether “shareholders are owners of the company” in order to demonstrate how the local political context reshaped transplanted concepts. Although they still used the same terminology, the understandings behind these concepts were changed because of local concerns. “Ownership rights” versus “property rights” This section demonstrates how lawmakers reached consensus by avoiding politically sensitive terminology, “ownership rights”, as a compromise with political concerns. According to Western corporate law, companies should have independent ownership over their assets. However, this widely accepted assumption has been debated in China. Proponents for Western corporate law argue that companies should have “ownership rights of company” over its assets. Once state assets are invested into the company, the state should give up the ownership rights and change them into equity rights, and the enterprises should have real 法人所有权 (fǎrén sǔoyǒuqúan, legal person ownership) (Kang 1993). Opponents argued that companies should have two levels of ownership rights, named 国家所有权 (gúojiā sǔoyǒuqúan, state ownership rights) and 法人财产权 (fǎrén cáichǎnqúan, legal person property rights), respectively.

Understandings in legal transplantation  47 On the one hand, conservatives wanted to ensure that corporatization would not threaten state ownership, and a refusal of a company’s independent ownership rights was their option. If the enterprise has ownership rights, how could the state also have ownership rights (Li 1982)? On the other hand, in order to grant more 经营自主权 (jīngyíng zìzhǔqúan, autonomy rights for business operations) to SOEs to improve efficiency, independent ownership was necessary. The 1993 Corporate Law was delayed from August to December to wait for the Third Plenary Session of the Fourteenth Central Committee to announce the official understanding of a “modern enterprise system” in order to establish a politically feasible version of company law. The term 法人财产权 (fǎrén cáichǎnqúan, legal person property rights) was the final choice, as it avoided direct ideological conflicts yet could still expand enterprise autonomy. According to this arrangement, the operational rights could be enhanced yet ownership rights were not touched. Therefore, the SOE reform would “not weaken the public ownership system” (Liu 1993). The 1993 Company Law distinguished property rights from ownership rights. In Article 4, companies had “all legal person property rights by shareholder investment”, which could expand the enterprise’s autonomy. At the same time, it emphasized that “the ownership rights of state-owned assets in companies belong to the State”, which ensured state ownership by clear statement. Only the state could use the word “ownership”, and companies simply had “property rights”. Both the 1993 and 2005 Company Laws used the terminology 法人财产权 (fǎrén cáichǎnqúan, legal person property rights) instead of “ownership rights”, which demonstrated the lawmakers’ reluctance to admit a company’s “independent ownership rights”. However, this expression was in conflict with basic company law principles. According to company law theory, once investors invest their assets into a company, they no longer have the ownership of the invested assets. The assets now belong to the company, and investors give up their ownership rights in exchange for equity rights. According to Article 4, the state still has ownership rights over “state owned assets”, even though the assets had been invested into the company. How could the state have both ownership rights and shareholder rights at the same time? What is the consideration paid for the state’s shareholder rights, if the state does not give the asset to the company? This was clearly a misunderstanding of Western company law. However, it was possible that, without this misunderstanding, there might have been no Company Law at all. It was a necessary distortion to obtain permission from conservatives, by clearly stating that the state did not lose its ownership after its company investments. The refusal of “ownership rights” in the 1993 Company Law was a deliberate choice, delayed for four months until the ideological debate reached a consensus, to avoid political conflict. In other words, the lawmakers intentionally chose the terminology 财产权 (cáichǎnqúan, property rights), instead of 所有权 (sǔoyǒuqúan, ownership rights), as a selective transplantation of Western company law. China’s 2005 Company Law deleted the sentence that emphasized state ownership because by then it was commonly understood that by

48  Xiaochen Zhang investing its assets into the companies, state ownership changed its form of existence from ownership rights to equity rights. However, the 2005 Company Law still avoided using the term “ownership rights”. Companies still have “legal person property rights” rather than “ownership rights” over their assets. This example demonstrates the importance of subtleties in terminology. Lawmakers avoided the word “ownership” because this one small word implied the key difference between socialism and capitalism: state ownership. Shareholders as “owners” of the company The previous section demonstrates how lawmakers avoided using the politically sensitive terminology “ownership rights” and replaced it with the phrase “property rights” to avoid the risk of threatening state ownership. The debate concerning whether shareholders are “owners” of a company was also triggered under similar political contexts. This section will demonstrate how Chinese company law expanded shareholder power to ensure state control over SOEs by arguing that shareholders are owners of a company, which is another misunderstanding of company law theory. According to Western corporate law, shareholders are not “owners” of the company. Shareholders are residual claimers and can exert their control through board election and voting rights on important issues. Companies should seek to maximize shareholder interests as a whole group, not for the interests of individual shareholders. However, in China, the understanding that shareholders are “owners” of the company was widely accepted. In 1982, the most authoritative law journal in China argued that companies do not have ownership rights and that shareholders are owners of the company (Li 1982). This explanation was intended to ensure continued state control over SOEs. Conservatives were worried that a shareholding system would “distribute publicly owned assets to individuals”, and this expression was a popular criticism of corporatization reform (Jiang 1992). Proponents had to find a way to persuade them that the corporatization reform and shareholding system would not threaten state ownership. Both the denial of independent ownership of the company, and the expression that shareholders are owners of the company were compromises. The logic was that, if the state as shareholder was owner of the company and if the ownership belonged to the state, corporatization would not cause privatization. Different understandings of shareholders’ roles caused different power arrangements between shareholders and directors. When shareholders were “owners” of the company, it was logical to grant more powers to shareholders. For example, in the United States, where the relationship between shareholders and directors is similar to one of trust, shareholders can only elect directors and vote on a few important issues. Delaware Company Law statutes directly grant authority to directors to run the company, and shareholders’ involvement in corporate governance is quite limited. However, in China, the Company Law explicitly defines that a shareholder meeting is the 权力机构 (qúanlì jīgòu, organ of authority) of

Understandings in legal transplantation  49 the company and that shareholders can vote on various issues (Company Law of the People’s Repulbic of China 2013). All these arrangements were designed to ensure shareholder control over the company, since the state as the lawmaker was also the shareholder that the Company Law intended to protect. This view has been widely accepted. For example, in 1988, an authoritative law journal argued that shareholder rights are ownership rights, which are collectively owned by shareholders (Sun 1988). In 1993, China’s most authoritative journal in social science, 中国社会科学 (Zhōnggúo shèhùi kēxúe, Social Science in China), cited Marx’s theory to argue that shareholders have 终极所有权 (zhōngjí sǔoyǒuqúan, final ownership rights) and that the companies have 占有权 (zhànyǒuqúan, possession rights) (Liu 1993). Even in 2005, Prof. Shangshang Liang from Tsinghua University used this key phrase as part of his arguments: “although shareholders are owners of the company .  .  .”; this exemplified the fact that the concept of shareholders being owners of a company was popularly accepted in China. Although he chose this expression, Professor Liang knew shareholders are not owners of a company. He explained in a footnote that “here the shareholders’ ownership rights over the corporation do not mean shareholders have the ownership rights over the corporation in the civil and commercial law sense” (Liang 2005). Why did Prof. Liang choose to use the word 所有权 (sǔoyǒuqúan, ownership), with an additional note to explain that this “ownership” is not “ownership in the civil and commercial law sense”, rather than directly acknowledge that shareholders are not owners of the company, something that Western Company Law had already established as a fundamental concept? This tricky expression illustrates the power of language. Once terminology has been used, it establishes a habit, and people continue to use the old expression even though they know it is incorrect. They choose to add complex supplementary explanations rather than use a new term with more accurate and appropriate information due to the path dependence effect. Certain popular understandings in China, such as shareholders being owners of a company and a company not having independent ownership, were misunderstandings of Company Law concepts from other countries. However, once the misunderstandings were well established, people continued to use the previous terms that were in circulation even though they were aware that these terms were now inaccurate. This chapter is not arguing that Western interpretations should be the only correct versions of company law. China has the right to use selective transplantation. However, the company laws in their countries of origin are a set of rules that function together, and the omission of any factor may cause the whole system to be ineffective. China’s interpretation of corporate ownership and shareholder rights, whether intentional or unintentional, caused negative side effects. The long existing problem of 软预算约束 (rǔanyùsùan yūeshù, soft budget constraint) is partially caused by the unclear line between state ownership and company ownership. Independent ownership is based on the prerequisite that companies should repay their debts, based on their own assets, and if they cannot repay the debts,

50  Xiaochen Zhang they may claim bankruptcy. Under soft budget constraint, SOEs face less risk of bankruptcy because the state usually steps in when they are in financial difficulty. In other words, SOEs have state credit as an implied guarantee. In Western countries, bad performance may increase the risk of bankruptcy or potential mergers, which may incentivize managers to perform their duties properly. However, in Chinese SOEs, this market approach may be invalidated by potential state support, whose origins are in denial of a company’s independent ownership.

Conclusive implications This chapter has outlined how the use of term 公司/gōngsī expanded from the East India Company to privately owned business organizations, to statecontrolled enterprises, and then to former government organizations/administrative institutions that still performed public functions. During this process, the word “company”, which referred to private business enterprises in its countries of origin, had the additional meaning of “public monitoring” imposed in its translation, “gōngsī”. This mistranslation caused complications as shell companies took advantage of the name “gōngsī” and its implied state credit, and the state’s efforts to eradicate them via higher capital requirements only increased the operational costs of legitimate companies. It has been illustrated how political concerns caused the selective transplantation of basic company law concepts. In order to ensure that corporatization of SOEs did not threaten state ownership, both the 1993 and 2005 Company Laws avoided the terminology “ownership rights” and replaced it with “property rights” to avoid political controversy. In order to ensure state control over SOEs as a shareholder, China’s Company Law called shareholders “owners” of a company and expanded shareholder power to enable them to vote on various issues as “owners”. Although scholars realized that shareholders do not have ownership rights over a company but only have equity rights, the common misunderstanding that shareholders “own” the company is still popular. The reluctance to admit that companies have independent ownership rights over their assets and the insistence that shareholders are “owners” of the company demonstrate how political concerns reshaped terminology and rules. It is fair to say that the terms “company” and “gōngsī” refer to different institutions in Chinese and English linguistic contexts. From the beginning, Chinese “gōngsī” have been hybrids of state power and private business, and China’s Company Laws were drafted to fit the needs of the state as a shareholder. If Western scholars assumed that the common equivalents of “company” or “company law” in China express the same conceptual information as in the West, they would be surprised at the differences.

Suggestions It is arguable that the application of the term 公司/gōngsī should be narrowed to SOEs, as this already contains the implied meaning of “public monitoring”

Understandings in legal transplantation 51 to describe the state’s involvement in SOEs. It would be better not to translate “gōngsī” as “company”; rather, a more appropriate English translation should be found. For example, the phrase “state-related enterprises” would better convey the meaning of “public monitoring”. Translation should be bidirectional. As staterelated enterprises are unique in China, Western countries should also find an accurate translation for that concept to avoid confusion. For the translation of the word “company”, which usually refers to privately owned business organizations, an alternative Chinese term could be used – for instance “行/háng” (which was used in the Qing Dynasty) – to distinguish between state-related and privately owned enterprises. Accordingly, there should be two sets of laws that apply to “gōngsī” and “company” respectively. The current Company Law, which is mostly composed of transplanted rules from the West, should apply only to privately owned companies, as Western company legislation was designed for private business, and these rules were never intended to be applied to SOEs. For a “company law” that applies only to privately owned companies, general company law theory should be revisited in order to clearly recognize the independent ownership rights of the company and to clarify explicitly that the shareholders are not owners but equity holders. Accordingly, expanded shareholder power should be restricted as they are not “owners” of the company. As regards “gōngsī”, the state-controlled or state-related enterprises, China should formulate special rules and laws to reflect the state-shareholder’s special concerns, for example expanded shareholder power to ensure state ownership and control. In practice, the enforcement of the Company Law in SOEs is weak because SOEs face different governance problems compared with private companies. Although they use the same name, “gōngsī”, they run under different types of logic. To apply the same Company Law to different organizations just because they are referred to by the same term results in weak enforcement. The law is a public good provided by the government – a set of contracts to save transactional costs. As long as SOEs still use the Company Law that was created for private enterprises, they should not enjoy the benefit of laws designed for public entities. A better solution is to face the problem, admit that SOEs and private companies are different organizations, use different terminologies to describe them, and regulate them with different rules.

Acknowledgements I wish to thank my supervisor, Professor Fang Liufang, for his great advice and support.

Notes 1 State Administration for Industry and Commerce (1996) Available at: www. lawinfochina.com/display.aspx?lib=law&id=10188&CGid= [Viewed 20 September 2020].

52  Xiaochen Zhang 2 Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. (1984). 中共中央关于经济体制 改革的决定 (The Decision of the Economic System Reform), Beijing: Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. 3 State Council. (1985).“国务院关于进一步清理和整顿公司的通知” [Notice of the State Council on Further Clean-up and Rectification of Companies]. Available at: www. gov.cn/zhengce/content/2013-09/05/content_1719.htm [Viewed 20 September 2020].

3 Terminology translation in Traditional Chinese Medicine From standardization of technical terms to intercultural knowledge transfer Binhua Wang Introduction Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM) and its long history and rich cultural background According to the China National Image Global Survey Report 20181 by the Academy of Contemporary China and World Studies, Chinese cuisine, Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM), martial arts, and Confucianism continue to be the top four elements that best represent Chinese culture outside China. As an important component of traditional Chinese culture, TCM explains health and diseases from a macro, systemic, and holistic perspective. As a unique form of medicine, TCM exercises a profound influence on the life of the Chinese people and functions among the large population in China as a major means to maintain health, cure diseases, and live a long life. As one of the most representative components of Chinese culture, TCM has a rather long history and rich cultural background. Having been practised for around three to four thousand years, its origin can be traced back to remote antiquity, when the forefathers of the Chinese nation began to use herbs and plants as remedies for certain ailments and pains. Ancient Chinese mythology has the legend of “Shennong (神农, Agriculture God) tasting hundreds of herbs”. In the Western Zhou Dynasty (1046–771 bce), there were already doctors classified into four categories: dietician, physician, doctor of decoctions, and veterinarian. In the Spring and Autumn and Warring States Period (770–221 bce), Bian Que (扁鹊) was recorded as arguably the first famous doctor who laid the foundation for TCM diagnosis and treatment by proposing the four basic diagnostic methods in TCM: inspection (望), auscultation and olfaction (闻), inquiry (问), and palpation (切). The first TCM classic – Yellow Emperor’s Inner Canon (黄帝内经) – compiled during the Qin and Han Dynasties (221 bce–220 ce) as a systematic summation of TCM theories, constitutes the first theoretical framework for TCM. The Treatise on Febrile Diseases and Miscellaneous Illnesses (伤寒论) collated by Zhang Zhongjing (张仲景) in the Eastern Han Dynasty (25–220) established the principle of syndrome pattern diagnosis and treatment differentiation

54  Binhua Wang (辨证论治) for TCM. The Shennong’s Classic of Materia Medica (神农本草经) also appeared during this period, providing guidance for the production of TCM prescriptions, safe application of TCM drugs, and enhancement of therapeutic effects, thus laying the foundation for the formation and development of TCM pharmaceutical theory. In the late years of the Eastern Han Dynasty, Hua Tuo (华佗) (140–208) was recorded as the first doctor to use powder for anaesthesia (麻沸散) during surgery. The Canon A and B of Acupuncture and Moxibustion (针灸甲乙经) during the Western Jin Dynasty (265–316) marked the shaping of the theory of jingluo2 and of acupuncture and moxibustion. In the late 16th century, the Compendium of Materia Medica (本草纲目) compiled by Li Shizhen (李时珍) was the first book in the world that scientifically categorized medicinal herbs and a milestone advance in TCM pharmaceutical theory. International communication of TCM culture and its circulation in the UK By the late 14th century or during the Ming Dynasty, the TCM smallpox vaccination technique had already spread outside of China. The Compendium of Materia Medica (本草纲目), published at the end of the 16th century, was translated into various languages and widely read. The remarkable effects of acupuncture and moxibustion have won them popularity throughout the world during the past few centuries. The discovery of the antimalarial effect of the leaf extract of the Chinese herb Qinghao (青蒿素, artemisinin) in the 1970s has saved millions of lives especially in developing countries.3 According to the White Paper on Traditional Chinese Medicine in China, until now TCM has established itself in 183 countries and regions around the world. According to the World Health Organization, 103 member states have given approval to the practice of acupuncture and moxibustion, 29 have enacted special statutes on traditional medicine, and 18 have included acupuncture and moxibustion treatment in their medical insurance provisions. TCM medicines have gradually entered the international system of medicines, and some of them have been registered in Russia, Cuba, Vietnam, Singapore, United Arab Emirates, and other nations. The World Federation of Acupuncture-Moxibustion Societies, headquartered in China, has 194 member organizations from 53 countries and regions, and the World Federation of Chinese Medicine Societies (WFCMS) has 251 member organizations from 67 countries and regions (The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China, 2016). The start of the circulation of the TCM culture in the UK can be traced back to the 17th century, when TCM was brought to the UK by some missionaries. As there had always been the tradition of using herbal medicines among the British people, it was easy for them to accept TCM as another means of alternative and complementary treatment and health care. In the 1970s, a group of outstanding TCM doctors including Dr Luo Dinghui (罗鼎辉), who graduated from Guangzhou University of Chinese Medicine,

Traditional Chinese Medicine 55 came to the UK and opened TCM clinics in the Chinatowns of big cities such as London and Manchester. Dr Luo was an experienced TCM practitioner who had worked in the Paediatrics Department of Guangdong Provincial TCM Hospital. When she came to the UK, she opened the Hong Ning Clinic in London’s Chinatown. Her treatment was mainly based on Traditional Chinese Medicine prescriptions, which led to the import of the first batch of Traditional Chinese Medicines in the UK. At that time, there were many cases of eczema in children in the UK. While Western medicine was not effective in treating the skin disease, Chinese medicine was found to be rather effective in treating it. Dr Luo cured so many children with eczema that even the famous British dermatologist Dr David Atherton sent his patients to her clinic for treatment. Atherton also wrote that 70% of the patients who were not cured in his hospital were cured by Dr Luo Dinghui. This became a media hit. Some mainstream British media, such as The Independent4 and the BBC, reported on the effectiveness of the TCM practised by Dr Luo in treating eczema. On 26 April 1993, BBC1 even used half an hour of its prime time schedule reporting on Dr Luo Dinghui’s successful treatment of eczema (Zhang 2003: 70). The decade between 1995 and 2005 was a period of rapid boom for Traditional Chinese Medicine clinics and Chinese medicine stores in the UK. At its peak, there were over 2000 Chinese medicine stores (Cheng and Shen 2010). At the time, the open attitude of the British government and the public to Chinese medicine promoted the vigorous development of Chinese medicine, but at the same time, the lack of professional quality supervision led to an uncontrolled development of the Chinese medicine profession. After 2005, Chinese medicine clinics and stores in the UK entered a downturn stage of disorderly competition, and their number has diminished. In 2004 the British government decided to implement legislative management in response to the disorderly situation of Chinese Medicine clinics and stores, i.e. to implement the European Directive on Traditional Herbal Medicinal Products (THMPD) in 2014, which requires traditional herbal medicines including Chinese medicines to apply for registration with the relevant authorities of EU member states, and approval must be granted before they can be sold and used as medicines on the EU market. The importance of translation and standardization of terminology Through this review of the history and status quo of the circulation of TCM culture in the UK, we can see that, although TCM has been accepted as a means of alternative and complementary treatment and health care, it is not yet included as part of the formal health care system, e.g. the National Health Service (NHS). Among various causes, two major reasons stand out: (1) modern empirical evidence is required about the mechanisms and efficacy of TCM by Western health systems, which means, among other things, interpretation of its traditional concepts and standardization of its terminology in modern terms; (2) the wider circulation and

56  Binhua Wang international communication of TCM culture necessitates adequate and acceptable translation from Chinese to English. According to Nigel Wiseman (2001: 29), language is “the neglected key” to “transmission and reception of Chinese medicine”, on which he expounded as follows: [T]he development of Chinese medicine in the West has suffered by failure to accord due importance to gaining direct access to the East Asian tradition; at the core of every aspect of this problem is the failure to meet the challenges posed by language. This failure can only be fully remedied by encouraging students and practitioners to learn Chinese or other East Asian languages, by promoting translation of primary literature, and by nurturing a process of term standardisation. This review of the history and status quo of the international communication and circulation of TCM highlights the importance of the translation of TCM culture, especially its core concepts and terminology. The importance of translation and standardization of terminology has been explored by some scholars such as Li (2008) and Wiseman (2000, 2001, 2004). In this chapter a descriptive analysis and categorization of the approaches and methods of TCM terminology translation will be conducted into the official translation of TCM terminology in two authoritative documents: Chinese Terms in Traditional Chinese Medicine and Pharmacy compiled by the China National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies (CNCTST) and International Standard of Chinese–English Basic Nomenclature of Chinese Medicine compiled by the World Federation of Chinese Medicine Societies (WFCMS). Then the general principles for TCM terminology translation will be discussed with reference to the different approaches to technical translation and cultural translation as well as to the ISO principles of terminology work.

Translation of core concepts and terms in TCM: a descriptive analysis of two authoritative documents The data: two authoritative documents on TCM terminology In order to examine how the core concepts and terms in TCM have been translated into English, a descriptive analysis will be conducted into the official translation of TCM terminology in two authoritative documents: Chinese Terms in Traditional Chinese Medicine and Pharmacy compiled by the China National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies and International Standard of Chinese–English Basic Nomenclature of Chinese Medicine compiled by the World Federation of Chinese Medicine Societies. By doing so, the general principles and methods in translation of TCM terminology will be explored. The document Chinese Terms in Traditional Chinese Medicine and Pharmacy was compiled by the TCM Committee of the China National Committee

Traditional Chinese Medicine 57 for Terms in Sciences and Technologies in 2005. It includes a total of 5283 fundamental terms of TCM and their English translation in the following 18 sections: General Theory of TCM, Classical TCM Literature in History, Basic Theories of TCM, Diagnostics, Therapeutics, Chinese Pharmacy, Prescriptions, Acupuncture, Massage and Rehabilitation, Internal Diseases, Surgical Diseases, Gynaecological Diseases, Paediatric Diseases, Ophthalmological Diseases, Otolaryngology Diseases, Anorectal Diseases, Dermatological Diseases, and Orthopaedic Diseases. The document International Standard of Chinese–English Basic Nomenclature of Chinese Medicine was compiled by the World Federation of Chinese Medicine Societies in 2008, and it continues to be the recommended international standard for 174 WFCMS member societies in 55 countries. It includes 6526 terms classified into 21 categories focusing on the following subjects: General Theory of TCM, Classical TCM Literature in History, Basic Theories of TCM, Diagnostics and Therapeutics, Chinese Pharmacy and Prescriptions, Acupuncture, Massage and Rehabilitation, and Clinical Subjects. Approaches and methods of TCM terminology translation: a descriptive analysis and categorization The aim of this section is to conduct a descriptive analysis and categorization of the official translation of TCM terminology in the preceding two authoritative documents. First, core concepts about TCM will be extracted from the section “General Theory of TCM”. While doing so, special attention will be paid to those concepts that are unique and specific to the Chinese language and TCM culture. These concepts are generally considered to be a major difficulty in TCM translation, thus creating an impediment to its international circulation and communication because of the profoundness of its conceptualization and the uniqueness of the Chinese characteristics used in its expression of terminology. They will then be used as query words in searches throughout the two documents. Then all the terms and their translations generated from the searches will be categorized according to their different approaches and methods of translation. The results are outlined in the following sections. TCM-specific terms that are not commensurable to Western culture: transliteration The first group of concepts and terms in TCM are unique and specific to the TCM culture and have no equivalent in Western medicine either in concept or in expression. They are normally translated in the two documents through transliteration, i.e. transliterating the Chinese names or transcribing the Pinyin sounds directly into English. Example 1: 五脏 five zang viscera; 六腑 six fu viscera; 三焦 sanjiao

58  Binhua Wang 五脏 is a collective term in TCM referring to the five primary organs (liver, heart, spleen, lung, and kidney), which are also called five spiritual zang due to their governing and participating roles in mental activities. They are primarily involved in storing essential qi5 to nourish the whole body. These five systems not only are closely related to one another but also correspond to the universe, including the four seasons, thus forming the theory of visceral manifestation which is centred on the five zang and connected with Nature within or beyond with time characteristics (Li, Wu and Xing, 2019: 28). 六腑 is a collective term in TCM for stomach, small intestine, large intestine, gallbladder, urinary bladder, and sanjiao. They take in and digest food and water, absorb the essence, transmit the residues after decomposition, and finally remove waste from the body. They are not supposed to be filled with food, water, and waste. Otherwise, disorders will occur. Any dysfunction of their transforming and transporting will make it difficult to digest food and water and further convert these substances into essence (ibid.: 29). 三焦 is a central concept in TCM and acupuncture. It is one of the six fu viscera, which has no equivalent in Western medicine. Sanjiao is believed to be a type of body cavity which has the ability to influence other organs and an individual’s overall health, mainly through the free movement of qi, the fundamental energy or life force. Example 2: 气 qi; 元气 primordial qi; 真气 genuine qi; 正气 vital qi; 精气 essential qi 气 is the most fundamental concept in TCM, and it has no equivalent in Western medicine. It refers to the substance, energy, and information that constitute the human body and maintain activities essential to life. The qi of humans can be divided into yin qi and yang qi based on its nature; original qi, pectoral qi, nutrient qi, and defence qi based on its transformation; stomach qi, heart qi, liver qi, kidney qi, lung qi, spleen qi, and visceral qi based on an organ’s function (ibid.: 2). Example 3: 阴 yin; 阳 yang, 阳盛 yang excessiveness; 阴虚 yin deficiency 阴 and 阳 are a pair of categories in ancient Chinese philosophy. They are a generalization of two sides in opposition, or the apposition of things, phenomena, and their attributes that are related to each other in nature. Yin and yang can refer to yin qi and yang qi, the two types of qi within the original qi that constitutes everything in the universe or the qi of human life. They can also refer to the two interdependent and opposing aspects of every substance and human experience in the universe. The opposition and unity between yin and yang is a common law in the universe and human life. It is embodied in interaction; mutual opposing and constraining, mutual depending and promoting, mutual including and storing, mutual waxing and waning, as well as mutual transformation between yin and yang. The theory of yin and yang reflects a fundamental dialectical view that runs

Traditional Chinese Medicine  59 through the entire system of TCM, expounding the human structure, physiology, pathology, diagnosis, prevention, and treatment (ibid.: 12). Example 4: 合谷 hégǔ; 颊车 jiáchē; 乳中 rǔzhōng; 足三里 zúsānlǐ All these terms and names of acupoints (穴位) are transcribed with pinyin or the sound of the Chinese word in English. Acupoints, which are specific to TCM, are points on the surface of the human body where meridian qi infuses. They are the points where qi of the zang-fu and meridians concentrates or passes, where certain diseases or pains are manifested or felt, and where TCM acupuncture, moxibustion, and massage can be applied to increase immunity against diseases, regulate deficiency and/or excess conditions, prevent and treat diseases, and in some cases aid diagnosis. TCM-specific terms that are understandable to Western culture: literal loan translation The second group of concepts and terms in TCM that are also unique and specific to the TCM culture are translated word-for-word into English in the two documents. Loan translation is “the process whereby the morphological elements of a foreign term are translated to form a new term” (International Standard Organisation 704 2000: 35). As the majority of TCM terms are compounds of Chinese characters/morphemes, e.g. 风邪 (wind pathogen), 寒邪 (cold pathogen), 湿邪 (dampness pathogen), 燥邪 (dryness pathogen), it is very convenient to use the approach of literal loan translation which uses English words to translate the characters/morpheme of the Chinese term/word. Such an approach is also proposed by Wiseman (2004) as a primary method of translation for “strictly specialist terms” in TCM. As shown in Example 5, all the terms related to 经 and 脉 are translated with the core word of the concept as the root and the other character(s) in the term literally rendered into English words. It must be noted that this translation approach actually creates new terminology in English for TCM, preserving its concepts, tradition, and cultural specificity to the maximum. Example 5: 经 (经络) channel/meridian; 脉 (经脉) channel/vessel; 督脉 governor vessel; 任脉 conception vessel 经络 (channel/meridian) is a concept in TCM relating to the path through which the life-energy known as qi flows. The meridian network is typically divided into two categories: the 经脉 (meridian channels) and the 络脉 (collaterals or associated vessels). There are 12 Principal/Regular Meridians (经) and eight Extraordinary Vessels (脉). Example 6: 邪 pathogen; 风邪 wind pathogen; 寒邪 cold pathogen; 湿邪 dampness pathogen; 燥邪 dryness pathogen; 表寒 exterior cold; 里热

60  Binhua Wang interior heat; 外感咳嗽 exogenous cough; 内伤咳嗽 endogenous cough; 清热 clear heat; 解表 relieve exterior syndrome; 散寒 dispel cold; 除湿 remove dampness; 息风 calm endogenous wind; 伤寒 cold pathogenic disease; 风温 wind-warm disorder; 春温 spring warm disorder; 暑温 warm disease in summer; 秋燥 autumn-dryness disease; 君药 sovereign drug; 臣药 minister drug; 佐药 assistant drug; 使药 envoy drug; 推法 pushing manipulation; 拿法 grasping manipulation According to TCM theories, the key to health is to maintain the balance of qi and 邪气 (pathogenic qi) is the cause of diseases such as 风邪 (wind pathogen), 寒邪 (cold pathogen), 湿邪 (dampness pathogen), and 燥邪 (dryness pathogen). As shown by the preceding examples, almost all the symptoms, disease names, and pattern names are translated via the method of literal loan translation. TCM terms that are commensurable to Western medicine: sense-for-sense translation As shown in Example 7, almost all the therapeutic methods (疗法), the various methods of processing crude medicine/drugs (中药材炮制方法), of prescribing medicine (方剂), and of preparing medicine (剂型) are commensurable to Western medicine and Western culture. Such terms are translated with a sense-forsense or paraphrasing approach in the two documents. Example 7: 疗法 therapy; 热敷疗法 hot compress therapy; 熏蒸疗法 fumigation and steaming therapy; 刮痧疗法 scraping therapy; 炒[制] stir-frying; 煨[制] roasting; 蒸[制] steaming; 酒炙 stir-frying with wine; 蜜制 stirfrying with honey; 方剂 prescription; 经方 classical prescriptions; 复方 compound prescription; 秘方 secret recipe; 剂型 preparation; 汤剂 decoction; 泡腾片 effervescent tablet; 散剂 powder; 蜜丸 honeyed pill; 滴丸剂 dripping pill; 颗粒剂 granules; 滴眼剂 eye drop Translation of terms concerning traditional Chinese patent medicines: transliteration with generic translation of the medicine forms Almost all the terms concerning traditional Chinese patent medicines (中成药) in the two documents are translated through transliteration with generic translation of the medicine forms, such as 汤/煎 decoction, 饮 drink, 丸 pills, 丹 mini-pills, 滴丸 dripping pills, 散 power, 片 tablets, 颗粒 granules, 膏 plaster, 胶囊 capsules, as shown in Example 8. Example 8: 一贯煎 yiguan decoction/yīguàn jiān; 九味羌活汤 jiuwei qianghuo decoction/jiǔwèi qiānghuó tāng; 五皮饮 wupi drink/wǔpí yǐn; 七宝 美髯丹 qibao meiran mini-pills/qībǎo měirán dān; 六味地黄丸 liuwei

Traditional Chinese Medicine 61 dihuang pill/liùwèi dìhuáng wán; 复方丹参滴丸 compound danshen dripping pills/fùfāng dānshēn dīwán; 七厘散 qili powder/qī lí sàn; 牛黄解毒片 niuhuang jiedu tablets/niúhuáng jiědú piàn; 板蓝根颗粒 banlangen granules/bǎnlángēn kēlì; 伤湿止痛膏 shangshi zhitong plaster/shāngshī zhǐtòng gāo; 牛黄降压胶囊 niuhuang jiangya capsules/niúhuáng jiàngyā jiāonáng Translation of terms about crude medicine/drugs in TCM: using both standard Latin terms and lay names All the terms for crude medicine/drugs (中药药材) in TCM are translated both into standard Latin terms and into lay names of the herbs, as shown in Example 9. Example 9: 红参 Radix Ginseng Rubra (Latin)/red ginseng; 大黄 Radix et Rhizoma Rhei (Latin)/rhubarb; 山药 Rhizoma Dioscoreae (Latin)/common yam rhizome; 山楂 Fructus Crataegi (Latin)/hawthorn fruit; 化橘红 Exocarpium Citri Grandis (Latin)/pummelo peel; 冬虫夏草 Cordyceps (Latin)/ Chinese caterpillar fungus; 西洋参 Radix Panacis Quinquefoli (Latin)/ American ginseng; 何首乌 Radix Polygoni Multiflori (Latin)/fleeceflower root; 杏仁 Semen Armeniacae Amarum (Latin)/bitter apricot seed; 金银 花 Flos Lonicerae (Latin)/honeysuckle flower; 莲子 Semen Nelumbinis (Latin)/lotus seed; 银杏叶 Folium Ginkgo (Latin)/ ginkgo leaf

Discussion: general principles for TCM terminology translation Considering standardization of terminology in TCM translation As translation of terminology can be considered as second term formation in the process of knowledge transfer to another linguistic community, standardization of terminology is important in such a process. The ISO (International Standard Organization, or International Organization for Standardization) principles of terminology work laid down by the ISO 7046 should be adopted as the guideline for translation of TCM terminology. Included in the ISO principles of terminology formation are the following (ISO 2000: 25–27): 1

2

The principle of transparency: A  term is considered transparent when the concept it designates can be inferred, at least partially, without a definition. In other words, its meaning is visible in its morphology. To make a term transparent, a key characteristic, usually a delimiting characteristic, is used in the creation of the term itself. The principle of consistency: The terminology should not be an arbitrary and random collection of terms but rather a coherent terminological system corresponding to the concept system of the subject field.

62  Binhua Wang 3 4 5 6

The principle of appropriateness: Proposed terms should adhere to familiar, established patterns of meaning within a language community. Term formations that might cause confusion should be avoided. The principle of derivability: Productive term formations that allow derivatives (according to whatever conventions prevail in an individual language) should be favoured. The principle of linguistic correctness: A term shall conform to the morphological, morphosyntactic, and phonological norms of the language in question. The principle of linguistic economy: A term shall be as concise as possible.

From the descriptive analysis in the preceding section, we can see that the translation of TCM terminology in the two authoritative documents generally follows the principles of transparency and appropriateness in rendering the core concepts of TCM, such as 阴 (yin), 阳 (yang), 阳盛 (yang excessiveness), 阴虚 (yin deficiency); the principle of consistency, as shown in the translation of methods of processing crude medicine/drugs (中药材炮制方法), such as 炒[制] (stir-frying), 煨[制] (roasting), 蒸[制] (steaming), 酒炙 (stir-frying with wine), 蜜制 (stirfrying with honey); the principle of derivability of root terms, as shown in the translation of traditional Chinese patent medicines (中成药) through transliteration with generic translation of the medicine forms, such as 汤/煎 (decoction), 饮 (drink), 丸 (pills), 丹 (mini-pills), 滴丸 (dripping pills), 散 (power), 片 (tablets), 颗粒 (granules), 膏 (plaster), 胶囊 (capsules). The terms are also translated with linguistic correctness and linguistic economy. Considering TCM terminology translation as both technical translation and cultural translation As seen from the descriptive analysis in the preceding section, the two authoritative documents of TCM terms, i.e. Chinese Terms in Traditional Chinese Medicine and Pharmacy and the International Standard of Chinese–English Basic Nomenclature of Chinese Medicine have been effective in standardizing TCM terminology and their English translation. This categorization of translation methods reveals that the following five translation methods are applied systematically in the translation of TCM terms in the two documents: 1 Transliteration of TCM-specific terms that are not commensurable to Western culture 2 Literal loan translation of TCM-specific terms that are understandable to Western culture 3 Sense-for-sense translation of TCM terms that are commensurable to Western medicine 4 Transliteration with generic translation of terms about traditional Chinese patent medicines 5 Use of both standard Latin terms and lay names for the translation of terms about crude medicine/drugs in TCM

Traditional Chinese Medicine  63 Out of the five translation methods summarised from the translation of TCM terminology in these two authoritative documents, Methods 1, 4, and 5 adopt the approach of technical translation, whereas Methods 2 and 3 adopt the approach of cultural translation. While the former puts more emphasis on standardization of terminology featuring the objective and literal rendition of technical content, the latter refers to those practices of translation “that mediate cultural difference, or try to convey extensive cultural background, or set out to represent another culture via translation” (Sturge 2009: 67). The latter also pays more attention to features like culturally specific items or “further-reaching differences in the assumed contextual knowledge that surrounds the text and gives it meaning” (Sturge 2009: 67), as well as metaphors and analogy that are typical of TCM discourse. While terminology translation is perceived as technical translation in most cases, the translation of TCM terms is different and deserves special attention. Traditional Chinese Medicine is rather different from Western medicine in that, both in philosophy and in practice, it is not a purely technical subject but a humanistic medicinal science. Therefore, in the translation of Traditional Chinese Medicine we cannot simply apply the approaches and methods of technical translation. In the international communication and circulation of TCM culture and techniques, it is necessary to explore and clarify which parts of TCM content are suitable for technical translation and which content requires the approach of cultural translation. While scientific and technical texts are often informative texts and their translation focuses on an objective rendition of information, the translation of cultural texts focuses on the interpretation and transmission of cultural content and connotation. How to use standard terms and language to circulate Traditional Chinese Medicine to the international community so that more people will benefit from this time-honoured legacy of the Chinese nation and at the same time preserve the rich and meaningful cultural connotation of TCM so that its potential in diagnosis and treatment can be fully tapped has remained the biggest issue and challenge for the modernization and internationalization of TCM. With regard to TCM terms, previous translation practices have always focused more on acceptability among the target users and have thus used domestication as a main method in cultural translation. Such a translation approach dominated by the philosophy of technical translation often leads to the loss of cultural connotations in Traditional Chinese Medicine. In addition, the translation of Traditional Chinese Medicine into English also involves the conversion of traditional and even ancient concepts into modern ones, which is another issue related to cultural translation. As Wiseman (2000, 2001) rightly pointed out, in translating TCM concepts from ancient and classic books, using Western medical terms is rarely an appropriate solution. It would be easy to project ideas from modern medicine on to the traditional concepts, but the original notions in the classics might be obscured or distorted as a consequence. The approach of cultural translation as an important principle in TCM translation is reflected in the WHO International Standard Terminologies on Traditional Medicine in the Western Pacific Region, which highlights the accurate reflection

64  Binhua Wang of the original concept within Chinese terms as the first and primary principle for “English expression selection” (World Health Organisation 2007: 5). According to this publication: [I]t should be stressed that each term is a unit of meaning, which is not necessarily equal to the summation of meanings of the constituent original Han characters (汉字). According to Chinese philology, a character may have several different meanings and is often more like a syllable in English. Generally a compound word, consisting of two or more characters, provides the specific meaning. However, the meaning of a compound word is different from the separate meanings of its components. Furthermore, the appropriateness of an English equivalent should be judged primarily by its accuracy in reflecting the medical concept of the Chinese original. (World Health Organisation 2007: 5) Based on this discussion, it is therefore proposed that the translation of Traditional Chinese Medicine should be approached as both technical translation and cultural translation. The translation of TCM terms can be guided by the following three general principles: 1 Preserve technical accuracy and cultural authenticity in the translation of TCM terms. 2 Maximize interlingual and cross-cultural communication in the international knowledge transfer of TCM. To realize this principle, standardization must be considered in the translation of TCM terms. 3 Consider the reception of target users of TCM in translation. Use sense-forsense translation and explain appropriately if necessary.

Conclusion Medical translation is an area of specialization where accuracy is crucial in ensuring that appropriate medication and courses of treatment are administered. Traditional Chinese Medicine, based on Chinese philosophy and on complex cultural ideas and theories about the human body formulated during the course of its multi-millennial history, uses a very different approach to conventional medical practice. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of classical Chinese language and culture, as well as clinical Chinese medicine, is required for a translator to provide a thorough translation. Through the descriptive analysis of the official translation of TCM terminology in two authoritative documents, five approaches and methods have been identified and proposed as a means for TCM terminology translation to handle the difficulty of translating TCM into English. Then by considering standardization of terminology following the ISO principles of terminology work and by reconsidering the translation of TCM as both technical translation and cultural translation, three general principles for TCM terminology translation have been advocated.

Traditional Chinese Medicine 65 Translation of terminology is actually a second term formation in the process of knowledge transfer to another linguistic community. The findings about translation methods and principles based on the representative data of two authoritative documents of TCM terminology can be useful in dealing with the major problems in TCM international communication and inter-lingual and cross-cultural knowledge transfer. However, a more comprehensive solution would require further interdisciplinary cooperation among specialists from relevant disciplines including not only translation studies, linguistics, Traditional Chinese Medicine, and Western medicine, but also epistemology, philosophy of science, information science, and cognitive sciences in a concerted effort to conduct research on concepts and their representations in Chinese and in English.

Acknowledgements Part of the content of this chapter was presented as a keynote presentation at the 1st Congress of the Committee of Translation and International Promotion of Traditional Chinese Culture (Beijing Languages and Cultures University, July 2019). Special thanks go to the congress organisers.

Notes 1 Available at: http://news.china.com.cn/txt/2019-10/18/content_75315805.htm [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 2 Jingluo, or meridians and collaterals, are considered to be among the essential component parts of the human body structure. The circulation of qi, blood, and body fluid all depend on the transmitting and regulating functions of meridians and collaterals, and they integrate the human body into an organic whole. 3 Available at: www.nobelprize.org/prizes/medicine/2015/tu/facts/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 4 Available at: www.independent.co.uk/life-style/health-and-families/health-news/healthfamilies-who-are-itching-for-a-remedy-chinese-medicine-is-offering-hope-to-childrenwith-1378172.html [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 5 Qi refers to the substance, energy, and information that constitute the human body and maintain activities essential to life. Human qi can be divided into yin qi and yang qi based on its nature; original qi, pectoral qi, nutrient qi, and defence qi based on its transformation; stomach qi, heart qi, liver qi, kidney qi, lung qi, spleen qi, and visceral qi based on its function. (Li, Wu, and Xing 2019: 2) 6 ISO 704 (2000) “Terminology work – principles and methods”. Available at: www.iso. org/standard/31696.html [Viewed 30 August 2020].

4 Translatability and untranslatability of religious terminology A hermeneutics perspective Jenny Wong Introduction When analysing the translation of religious terminology, one also needs to contextualize definitions of religious language before its translatability can be considered. Victoria Harrison, in her review of the traditions of religious language, defines it in a broader sense by regarding it as a “language that is used either to serve a religious purpose or in a religious context, or both.”1 In her discussion, she emphasizes the significance of the metaphorical aspects of religious language by referring to the approach by George Lakoff and Mark Johnson, who argue for the power of metaphors to create a new reality. While her view that religious language is primarily metaphorical sheds new light on the nature of religious language, it does not fundamentally enrich the discussion of its translatability if only the metaphorical aspect is highlighted.2 In order to broaden the discussion of the translatability of religious terminology, I will draw on models in religious studies as well as Translation Studies in this interdisciplinary research. With regard to religious studies, I propose to redefine the scope of religious language, drawing on the seven dimensions of religion adopted by religious studies scholar Ninian Smart:3 an ethical and legal dimension, a doctrinal and philosophical dimension, a social and institutional dimension, a practical and ritual dimension, an experiential and emotional dimension, a narrative and mythic dimension, and a material dimension. (Un)translatability and problems of translating sacred texts The translation of religious terminology has for a long time been the cause of cultural conflicts owing to the semantic complexity of terms. Semantically, the undeveloped technical terminology in the target language creates barriers for scripture translators. This can be seen in the translation of Buddhist texts4 and in the case of Bible translation in China in the Nestorian period, as Buddhist concepts are borrowed for translating Christian terminology. For example, God is translated as 佛 (Buddha), Sin as 罪業 (karma). In the 19th-century translation of The Pilgrim’s Progress, churches were translated as 寺 (temples) and missionaries as 僧伽 (monks).

Religious terminology 67 Adding to the semantic challenge is that the metaphorical nature of religious discourse poses a great challenge to translators as evidenced in the existing body of research.5 The problems of this metaphorical nature arise from the failure to recognize how much the language is figurative,6 making it hard for readers to distinguish between the symbols and literal statements. Ricoeur (1967) claimed that indirectness, a characteristic of religious language, is necessary where the irrational act of evil could only be expressed by means of the indirect language of symbolism.7 Because metaphor says what has not been said before and cannot be said in any other way, metaphor is irreducible to literal language, in I. A. Richards’ terms.8 This “irreducible concept” is echoed by Ricoeur, who believes metaphors generate new meanings if they are not reduced to the commonplace, opening up new avenues of interpretation. Anders Jeffner9 (1972) cites three theories that justify the use of untranslatable indirect statements in religious language. The interaction theory argues that religion gives us knowledge of another kind of reality, and metaphorical or indirect statement helps one to see new aspects of empirical reality, making one aware of its relation to a trans-empirical reality. The theory of circumstantial metaphors shows that some untranslatable metaphorical religious sentences are statements containing a circumstantial metaphor, where the metaphor “indicates a situation in which the religious experience can be achieved”, such as “God is in his holy temple”. Thirdly, the theory of analogy that draws the relationship between God and something in the world explains the cognitive function of untranslatable metaphorical statements about God. In Paul Tillich’s terms, symbols must be characterized by indirect or metaphorical statements because it is only when symbols are located in the fictitious that one can see that they are true statements. Thus, symbolic religious sentences are untranslatable and irreducible to their literal meaning.10 The Bible contains various metaphors such as referring to God as “shepherd” and to Jesus as “vine”, which are often translated into the same image in the target culture. The most notorious example of untranslatability of metaphors is “four corners of the earth”. How are translators to distinguish whether this is metaphorical or realistic? In the end, this literal translation eventually led to the condemnation of Galileo who proposed that the Earth is round while the Vatican insisted on the literal reading of the translation. As such, the hermeneutical task of religious translation can be seen to extend beyond the “term question”, i.e. the translation of the word “God” in the Chinese Bible.11 More recently, the hermeneutical problem has become an issue in the feminist movement, most aptly seen in a feminist interpretation of the word “helper” in Genesis 2:18. Feminist theologian Phyllis Trible12 elaborated on the Hebrew meaning of “helper” or “helpmate” which should carry the meaning of “companion” in Hebrew. Woman, in this sense, does not assume an “assistant” role, but one that corresponds to the other half on an equal basis. That said, being a “helper” does not necessarily imply inferiority because the use of help, as appears in Psalms 33:20 and other verses, corresponds to the meaning of “protect” and even “save”. Translations in modern English versions range from “helper” to the more neutral term “companion”, but the Chinese translations have not evolved significantly

68  Jenny Wong over the years. New translations try to be gender inclusive by using the phrase “brothers and sisters”, but in the case of Genesis 2:18, the new translation (Today’s Chinese Version) in 1992 still highlighted the assistant role of women, which reads, “I will make for him an assistant corresponding to him” (那人獨居不好，我要 為他造個和他相配的幫手。). The translation in the recently published Revised Chinese Union Version is the same as the earlier Chinese Union Version (1919), the canonized Bible translation in the Chinese community, which reads, in back translation, “I  will make him a spouse to help him” (那人獨居不好、我要為 他造一個配偶幫助他。). The Chinese Catholic Studium Biblicum reads, “I will make him a helper corresponding to him.” (人單獨不好，我要給他造個與他相 稱的助手。). In Lu Chenzhong’s version, “I will make a helper as his spouse” (那人獨居不好；我要為他造個幫助者做他的配偶。). Wong13 cites an example where an elder from a fundamentalist church articulated his patriarchal preunderstanding in reading Genesis 2:18. In the wedding sermon, he urged that the bride should sometimes look stupid because her role, according to the Bible, was to “help” her husband rather than to look intelligent. John Lai (2007), using André Lefevere’s framework on patronage and ideology, shows how the translation of religious tracts by William Milne was subject to the ideological control of the Religious Tract Society (RTS) in 19th-century China. Milne proposed a liberal approach to tract translation, where “something should be omitted, and something added” as more suitable for “heathen readers”. This ran contrary to the firm conviction of the RTS which preferred literalism in the translation of religious tracts. In a letter to the RTS, Milne apologized for his liberal approach to translation.14 The institutional influence in Bible translation can be seen in the translation of the Chinese Union Versions (CUVs), under the patronage of the British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS), the largest Chinese Protestant Bible translation project initiated by the Western Protestant churches in the 19th century.15 In his journal article, George Mak illustrates how the BFBS’s role was one of influencing the translation of the CUV by examining the BFBS’s financial support to the translation project, the conferment of honorary titles on the translators, and the influence of ideology on the translators’ choice of Greek text as the basis for the CUVs New Testament translation. Not only did BFBS provide financial support to the project, it also built up a good relationship with the missionary organizations in China through granting honorary titles to their missionaries who served in the translation project, which paved the way for its reception. As the patron of the translation project representing two-fifths of the project cost, BFBS also “tried to press for the translators to follow the Textus Receptus as much as possible” for fear of losing financial support from the King James Version supporters. The pressure from BFBS had an effect, as shown in Mak’s textual analysis of the Mandarin CUV Gospel of John. He found that the translators finally decided to follow the Textus Receptus on eight occasions among the 45 deviations between the Textus Receptus and the Greek text underlying the English Revised Version in 1907. As seen from these examples, both Lai and Mak use the sociological framework in Translation Studies in their analysis to show that translation is a socially situated activity.

Religious terminology  69 (Un)translatability and problems of translating religious discourse in literature However, the aforementioned theories or discussions, although serving as useful pointers in understanding the translatability of religious terminology in sacred texts, are not sufficiently applicable to the discussion of religious discourse in secular literature. This is because the translation of sacred texts, a widely discussed subject, has strategies different from translation of the sacred into the secular, that is, the religious discourse in literary works. Although both types of translation require religious knowledge, translating sacred texts requires faith and faithfulness. The fact that it is sacred often dictates the need for giving a close rendition of the text, which assumes a higher authority than in other forms of literature. In both the West and in China, discussion on the translation of religious terms in secular literature mainly points to issues of power and politics, over and above other factors leading to untranslatability. This is known as the “power turn”, a concept that focuses on why and how translation can participate in political and ideological struggles in order to effect change as an agent of activism.16 In this framework, religious issues within a secular literary piece are often the subject of manipulation and rewriting in order to conform to the predominant ideology and sociocultural conditions. In China, from the late Qing period to the contemporary Communist era, Christian references in Shakespearean works have often been marginalized, if not lost, at the receiving end. This can be related to the long-standing tradition that theatrical works are mirrors of social issues. In 1942, Hamlet was staged by the National Drama School in Sichuan, a performance whose purpose was reportedly to prompt a spirit of resistance to the Japanese invasion.17 The pragmatic function of foreign literature translation has long been advocated in its history. For example, during the Anti-Japanese War from 1937 to 1945, foreign literary works that promoted patriotism were translated. Mao Zedong reinforced this didactic function further in his Talks at the Yan’an Forum on Literature and Art in 1942, which has influenced the history of Chinese drama to this day. Mao emphasized that literature and art should always serve a political purpose in order to ensure that a politically appropriate agenda was being followed. In the context of this “power turn”, Martha Cheung18 applied Michel Foucault’s theory of discourse as a starting point in analysing the translation of Uncle Tom’s Cabin by Lin Shu, the first scholar who introduced Shakespeare to China and who is also considered a nationalist reformer who upheld Confucian teaching and considered translation as a means of accelerating the modernization and strengthening of China. Lin’s translations are considered by Cheung to involve an “ideological manipulation of the religious material of the source text”, echoing Foucault’s theory of discourse which argues that language and knowledge are intimately linked with ideology and power. Taking a sociological approach, she concluded that Lin exercised “knowledge management” in his translation of Christian content in Uncle Tom’s Cabin and introduced concepts including “knowledge management”, “subversion”, “containment”, and “censorship/self-censorship” in

70  Jenny Wong establishing the framework of understanding translation and culture.19 In her conclusion, the translation product shorn of Christian references thereby aims to curb “the power of religion as ideology” because Wei Yi and Lin Shu were: obviously aware that Christianity was at once the vanguard of imperialism as well as its ideological handmaid. Censorship and subversion were part of the strategy of resistance they employed, consciously or not, against the insidious penetration of Christianity and the perilous advance of imperialism, the first of which was threatening both their country and the Chinese people with cultural hegemony and the second with imminent disaster.20 Perhaps inspired by Cheung’s manipulative approach, Ding Dagang (2014) also concluded that American missionary Laura White exercised “knowledge management” in her translation of Silas Marner into Chinese in 1913, through retaining all Christian content but omitting narratives irrelevant to Christianity.21 The untranslatability of Christian discourse in Lin Shu’s translation of Tales from Shakespeare is another example of the significance of power and ideology. Jean Tsui (2009) cited several tales that domesticated the religious element into a Daoist framework: thus in The Tempest, the magician Prospero becomes a Daoist priest who studies Daoist scriptures alongside occult books, using Daoist registers to contain the elements and communicate with the spirits. In Romeo and Juliet, which is originally set in a Catholic framework, Lin gave the religious terms a Daoist touch: prayer becomes “blue paper prayer” (qīng cí, 青詞), a “shrine” becomes a Daoist altar (tán diàn, 壇坫), “Saints” turned into Daoist Deities (míngshén, 明神). In other tales, Tsui showed that the plot and characterization changed to highlight filial piety, which is a Confucian value in China. Tsui explained this by linking Lin’s political agenda to his translation discourse – that his translation revealed “a new vision of the West”, which “was not very much different from Old China”. Lin Shu was a “reformer who took up translation on a political agenda and consciously manipulated this very medium to express his reformist ideal”.22 John Lai (2007)23 illustrated the loss in translation by situating the translation of The Pilgrim’s Progress in the context of 19th-century China. In his textual analysis, William Burns adopted a domestication strategy where the biblical allusions were translated into the semantic framework of Confucianism or Daoism to facilitate the understanding of readers who had little knowledge of Christianity. For example, “to render the Cross” is translated as 正道 (zhèndào) or 正 路 (zhènlù, to walk the paths of righteousness), “treasures in Egypt” (Hebrews 11:24–26) becomes 世間的財寶 (shìjiān de cáibăo, treasures of the world), “(pagan) religion” is translated as 事鬼神 (shìguĭshén, contacting the ghosts), “burden” translated as 任 (rèn), meaning “obligation” in Confucian terms, and the biblical allusion “avenger of blood” (Deuteronomy 19:12) is omitted. Lai reckoned that such domestication could be used to facilitate reader reception. As Chinese readers became more familiar with Christianity and the Bible half a century

Religious terminology 71 later, other translators such as Xi Hai (西海) kept the religious resonance intact in subsequent translations. (Un)translatability of Shakespeare’s religious discourse in other cultures Given the current gap in the study of translatability of religious language in literature in general, this research brings together the domains of study of the translatability of religion. Apart from the present discussion on the relationship between theology, religious experiences, and religious translation, what is important is to introduce a hermeneutic turn to the present research. Borrowing from the strong philosophical and hermeneutic foundation underlying the study of religious translation is important, which makes necessary the following review of the interaction between hermeneutics and translation studies. Hermeneutics, theology, and translation How important is the contribution of hermeneutics to translation studies? Although important translation theories such as Lawrence Venuti’s domestication versus foreignization theory come from the hermeneutic tradition of Friedrich Schleiermacher, the hermeneutical turn to Translation Studies is currently less discussed compared to the “cultural” turn or “sociocultural” turn. As such, given the hermeneutical framework that shapes this current research, and the current research gap concerning the relationship between hermeneutics and translation, a brief overview of their interrelationship becomes imperative. Several figures are important in the study of how the two disciplines crossed paths. The German pietist Friedrich Schleiermacher reckoned that two hermeneutic principles can be universally applied to all texts. His treatise Ueber die verschiedenen Methoden des Uebersetzens (On the Different Methods of Translating) is an extraordinary example that illustrates the nexus between translation studies and hermeneutics. Schleiermacher (2004) proposed that translators can choose either to bring the reader to the author by introducing foreignness to the translation or to bring the author to the reader by cultural adaptation. What lies at the heart of this polarization is still the entanglement between author and text. This translation theory continues to have a far-reaching impact to the present day. Lawrence Venuti, a translation scholar in the 20th century, recharacterized this dualistic concept as the much quoted concept of foreignization versus domestication, which is the equivalent of “bringing reader to author” versus “moving the author forward towards the reader”.24 Many translation scholars follow in Schleiermacher’s footsteps, as Douglas Robinson noted: [T]hese later theorists typically dualize translation and assign overtly moral charges to the two choices: either you domesticate the [source] text, cravenly assimilate it . . . or you foreignize it . . . and so heroically resist the flattening pressures of commodity capitalism.25

72  Jenny Wong Despite the seemingly equal standing of these two elements of this polarization, Schleiermacher preferred foreignizing to domesticating because he believed that readers would be attuned to cultural diversity.26 In the same treatise, Schleiermacher proposed a faithful translation of philosophical texts versus a domestication approach to comedies. A paraphrase of the former, he believes, “can and will never appear to have been composed originally in the same language”.27 The genre of comedies, however, is closest to social conversation, where “lightness and naturalness in grace are its principal virtues”. His classification gives some pointers as to why the religious dimension is fluid, unstable, and easily subject to manipulative suppression in comedies – which we will look at later – because one has to consider the “gracefulness and naturalness” of the speeches in a play. Schleiermacher’s hermeneutical translation theory left an imprint in the translation of religious terminology especially in early 20th-century China. However, as the textual analysis of scripts shows, translation strategies are not unidirectional, as Schleiermacher or Venuti theorized. Translators have sometimes adopted a mix of strategies in the same translation, moving from domestication to foreignization as appropriate. Both Schleiermacher and Venuti preferred foreignization to domestication (considered an act of English imperialism by Venuti).

Revisiting translatability of religious language At the beginning of the chapter, I asked questions about the translatability of religious language. This research, departing from the conventional way of approaching these questions from semantic or linguistic perspectives, uses an innovative approach by drawing on Ninian Smart’s model of the seven dimensions of religion as mentioned earlier. I approach translatability not only by focusing on the effects at the receiving end but also by using the hermeneutics of translation agents as the starting point of the translatability issue. Smart’s seven dimensions are: • Doctrinal and philosophical, • Mythic and narrative, • Ethical and legal, • Emotional and experiential, • Social and institutional, • Ritual and practical, and • Material. In the following section, I seek to illuminate the areas that are translatable and untranslatable in a Shakespearean play with religious concepts, namely The Merchant of Venice. Biblical translators tend to agree on the notion that “all translations fail” and that no translations are adequate to suit all purposes.28 But to what extent are religious texts not translatable? To answer this question, the notion of translatability should be set in a wider context. While conventionally it refers to

Religious terminology  73 the translatability of concepts from one language to another, I wish to widen its scope to cover the transfer of ideas from page to stage, owing to the intersemiotic nature of this transfer. Between 2012 and 2015, I interviewed directors and translators in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan about their translation of religious terminology in The Merchant of Venice on the Chinese stage from the 1990s to the 2010s. Taking together the findings of the textual analysis of translated scripts and the data collected from interviewing directors, from agents of translation, and from the reflective journals and reviews of individuals, the doctrinal dimension presents one of the biggest challenges in the translation process. Untranslatability of the doctrinal dimension Alasdair MacIntyre (1988) argues that adequately expressing the convictions and presumptions embedded in the discourse of some traditions is so difficult that speakers of English should be wary of ever thinking that we can translate another’s discourse simply by matching words and phrases in their language with words and phrases in the English language.29 Stephen Fowl in his article “Could Horace Talk with the Hebrews?” makes two supplementary points:30 first, “our contemporary moral discourse is a minefield of incommensurable disagreements . . . because we, as the liberal heirs of the Enlightenment, lack the skills for rationally supporting our own moral discourse, much less adjudicating between conflicting discourses”; second, relating to the illusion that people have regarding the common ground, “fostered in part by the fact that we wrongly assume that because we use the same words we are talking about the same thing”, e.g. a term such as “justice”, “each tradition invokes different (sometimes irreconcilable) convictions and presumptions when using the term”. A textual analysis of various scripts of the Chinese productions of The Merchant revealed that Portia’s mercy speech was substantially reduced, with a consequent loss of the balance between mercy and justice. This is a telling example of MacIntyre’s notion of untranslatability. Ni Huiying, the director of the Cantonese version of The Merchant in 2007, reduced it because Chinese culture has a different notion of justice – the saying of “the law takes account of humanity” (法律不外乎人情) aptly illustrates why the director viewed the bond of contract as so unreasonable that it could not occur in Mainland China. Mercy, no longer an exclusively Christian concept in modern English, cannot be translated and understood in a way that involves the forgiveness of wrongdoings in a Christian sense. Mercy from the Christian tradition embedded in Portia’s speech in Elizabethan England can only be understood in the Chinese tradition as the equivalent of compassion, or the Buddhist notion of compassion (慈悲, cíbēi), which does not specifically reflect the forgiveness of sins. Thus, the word 慈悲 (cíbēi) is used in most Chinese translations, or 仁 (rén), the Confucian notion of kindness, in other versions. Although 仁 (rén) is upheld as the universal virtue that makes men fully and perfectly human and is often seen as the equivalent of the Christian virtue agape,

74  Jenny Wong 仁 (rén) has a human-centredness that does not explicitly offer heaven’s love for man as a model for imitation, unlike the Christian teaching of love which is rooted in God’s love for man through the revelation of Jesus Christ. 仁 (rén) is primarily concerned with human relationships and the perfectibility of human nature. The tensions between God-centred mercy and human-centred 仁 (rén) inevitably lead to the loss of the Christian dimension in this human-centred cultural tradition.31 Accordingly, total cultural equivalence in the doctrinal/philosophical dimension is as unachievable as equating apples with oranges. Untranslatability of the narrative dimension Modern productions of The Merchant typically last 2½ hours, which means that certain narratives cannot be included. Among the commonly deleted plots are the elopement of Lorenzo and Jessica, the story of Jacob and Laban cited by Shylock to justify his money-lending business, the Old Testament allusions to Daniel and Hagar’s offspring. What is the result when certain narratives are untranslated? Omission of the elopement will render Shylock a crueller figure, who is seemingly blindly insistent on the bond. The rebellion of Jessica and her subsequent conversion to Christianity after marrying the Christian Lorenzo offers an important motive for Shylock’s outrage and justifies his reaction. He has lost a daughter to a Christian, one who in Elizabethan times would have been prejudiced against Jews. The conversion of his daughter to Christianity seems to foreshadow the inevitable conversion of the father, unwillingly and abruptly, not out of his own choice but imposed by the duke. The omission of these two motifs eventually leads to untranslatability in another dimension – the social, especially since their interfaith love and marriage would be disapproved of by Jewish society. Another story – that of Jacob and Laban, a long passage – is commonly deleted. Accordingly, the tensions between Antonio the Christian and Shylock the Jew over the interpretation of the same sacred text (Genesis 25–35) are left out. However, directors who have decided to skip such narratives simply think that there is too much for audiences to take in. They assume that audiences would not be interested in the religious dimension of the play, which could hardly be explained within a short time frame. Ko Tin Nung’s production of The Merchant in Hong Kong in 2010, which retains these narratives, however, demonstrates that the religious dimension does have a market. What is it, then, that made the other directors lose confidence in the inclusion of important narratives? Economic concerns are one factor, but interviews show that what lies beneath the surface is their own theology and religious experience. Under the Communist regime and trained in the USSR, Zhang Qihong, director of the 1980 production in Beijing, and her successor Ni Huiying did not see religion as an important issue in the play or simply viewed it as equivalent to an ethnic issue. On the other hand, Chris Shum, director of the production in Hong Kong in 2000, attributed this deletion to his own religious “revelation” after his baptism that God might not exist. That is, he attempted to translate his religious experience to the audience through the untranslation of the religious content of

Religious terminology 75 the play. In the following section, I illustrate how translation of the experiential dimension can be achieved. Translatability of the emotional and experiential dimension Religious language often contains emotive statements whose resonance can be challenging to convey. Statements such as “God is love”, “I  am the way, the truth, the life” have emotive qualities which may be understood differently by religious and non-religious communities. In this play, certain speeches by Shylock are particularly laden with emotion. When the emotions are translated from the page to the stage, the effectiveness of translations hinges on more variables than when translated in print. When Shylock asks, “Hath not a Jew eyes?”, some translations have provoked more emotion than others. The translatability of emotion is dependent on the genre in which the play is set, the characterization, the mise en scène, and the performance of the actors. Ko’s production (2010) offers a most powerful delivery of the speech, which is made possible through a combination of these variables. The play is set as a tragicomedy instead of as a pure comedy. Shylock is portrayed as a kind father through the mise en scène well before this speech. Antonio’s prejudice and aggression towards the Jew are highlighted. The director gave Shylock a sympathetic treatment which was communicated to the actor through briefings and a collaborative directorial approach. Such translatability did not occur only in this production but was also strengthened longitudinally – Ko inherited the vision of Daniel Yang in the eighties when he was cast as Bassanio in Yang’s 1984 production. Yang insisted on a sympathetic treatment for Shylock and the portrayal of Old Testament dignity in his character. In fact, Ko surpassed his predecessor Yang in this transmission of sympathy towards the Jews. Another interesting area of study is how the religious experience of directors and translators is communicated and translated to the audience. Conditioned by their own pre-understanding, these agents translate not only the religious content of the play but also their preconceptions, their experience in interacting with Christianity, and their emotional baggage. Director Ko’s unhappy experience of being forced to recite prayers in school as a child and translator Chan’s unique pre-understanding of the exclusivity of Protestantism encouraged them to imbue the play with their impression of Christian hypocrisy. The fact that these individuals with creative input in three out of seven productions implied that the Christians in the play were hypocrites alerted me to cross-cultural differences in the interpretation of hypocrisy. Some of these differences relate to their past unique experience with Christianity, but, as MacIntyre32 has suggested, the term “hypocrisy” invokes a different set of responses across cultures. Confucian philosophy centres on a whole-person approach to the morality of human beings. Consistency of words and deeds is an important criterion for being a righteous person.33 Sometimes, the religious experience can be translated through the untranslation of the Christian elements. This oxymoron should be understood from the way in which Chris Shum (2000) omitted the

76  Jenny Wong Christian content owing to his doubt whether God exists. His post-conversion doubt and his unhappy encounter with hypocritical Christians in his unique religious experience led him to delete all Christian discourse from his production.

Translatability of the ethical dimension In an earlier section, I mentioned that theological concepts such as mercy and justice cannot be completely translated because each tradition has its own reading of the same term. However, it should not be deduced that the ethical dimension has no common ground and cannot be translated. Quite the contrary: one learns from the study of ethics that certain ethical principles are universally condemned, for example murder, rape, and behaviours that inflict harm on human beings. Other principles are culturally bound and can change over time, such as marriage and gender issues. Returning to the theology of mercy above justice, a major theme in the play from a Christian perspective, one could find an equivalence in Chinese culture. In China this notion is not an especially religious one, but it is embedded in the Confucian way of thinking – 德主刑輔 (dézhŭ xíngfŭ), i.e. virtue as primary, punishment as supplementary. As a way of governance current even in present-day China, the principle can trace its roots back to Confucius, who in the Analects, the Politics section《論 語.為政》, recommended that a country should be ruled by virtue (以德治國, yĭdé zhìguó), emphasizing the priority of virtue over punishment – first education, then penalty.34 This notion was challenged during the Qin Dynasty when the concept of legalism took centre stage, but that phase was short-lived as the use of rigid rules and punishment met with resistance in society and even an uprising of the people. The Chinese principle of mercy over justice was revived in the Han Dynasty through the Confucian political figure Dong Zhongshu (董仲舒), who proposed 貴德賤刑 (treasuring virtue over penalty). His recommendation of a Confucian way of governance was supported by the then Emperor Han Wudi (漢武帝), who, building on this framework, developed other principles such as 大德小刑, 前德後刑 (major on virtue and minor on punishment, first virtue then penalty). These became the mainstream principles of governance in the succeeding dynasties and up to the present day.35 Han Wudi believed that moral education could persuade the people to accept the feudal system. But he reckoned that mere education without punishment cannot consolidate the social order, and thus it is only when moral education is supplemented by punishment that the country can be governed effectively. In most versions of Portia’s mercy speech, the Christian vocabulary is erased, and there is thus a dilution of the Christian theology of mercy versus justice, but the emphasis on compassion and mercy is still recognizable throughout the different versions. The translatability of these concepts serves to challenge MacIntyre’s point that translation is not possible due to irreconcilable presumptions and convictions across cultures. The challenge is cogent because different cultures do share a certain common ground in terms of ethical tradition, whether it is mercy above justice in Christian terms or virtue over law in Chinese traditions.

Religious terminology 77

Translatability of the social dimension It is true that religious identity is not translated in some versions, but one of the play’s themes (ethnic tensions) has been maintained in most versions whether they have been de-Christianized or not. This is because the theme of ethnic conflict and competition has societal relevance across time and cultures. Whether it is across the different ethnic groups within China or outside China, ethnic tensions still exist. In Europe where there is a long tradition of association of Church and State, where religious identity may not be easily separated from ethnic identity, there used to be a high percentage of Christians in Europe, and Jews were equated as followers of Judaism, but this is not the case in China. Perng Ching Hsi (2012), who translated the play to Bond in Taiwan, commented in an interview on the competition among the different ethnic groups in Taiwan, including those from Hakka, Fujian, indigenous Taiwan, and Hong Kong. Then again, Zhang Qihong’s and her successor Ni Huiying’s productions became the exceptions in that the social dimension of ethnic conflict was subdued, highlighting the “truth, benevolence, and beauty” of humankind under a humanistic interpretation. Zhang’s successor Ni Huiying pursued the main theme of zhēn-shàn-mĕi (真善美, truth, benevolence, and beauty) so far that she changed Shylock to a Macanese who no longer represented the ethnic minority in the play. What lurks behind such untranslation of the social dimension is not just a post-Holocaust response because, as Zhang has pointed out, Chinese audiences in that period were generally indifferent to Jewish–Christian conflicts; it was rather a response to the needs of the Chinese people right after the Cultural Revolution, the period when this production was staged. Human conflict and power struggles were such a part of everyday life over the decade from 1966 to 1976 that people were tired of the conflict theme. In my interview with Zhang, she asserted that issues of religious and ethnic conflict are “untouchable” and that the audience would not be interested. When I asked her what made it “untouchable”, Zhang did not answer the question directly but pointed to her decision to prioritize the theme of Portia’s brilliance in a relatively brief production. The preceding discussion indicates that the predominant adaptation strategy is a response to social issues in China, where the social function of theatre is highly regarded. In addition, emphasis on other social issues such as the portrayal of Portia as the title character in Zhang’s production under a feminist interpretation or of a homosexual relationship between Antonio and Bassanio may seem to have no direct relationship with the suppression of the religious dimension. But such suppression occurs when other social issues are highlighted.

Translatability of the ritual, practical, and material dimension What are the material and ritual dimensions of religion? The material aspect includes the religious symbols, costumes, and architecture that are visible, whereas the ritual aspect entails the practices of the religion, including festivals

78  Jenny Wong and worshipping rituals. But the translatability of the material depends not only on the vision of the director and whether s/he sees religion as important or unimportant but also on the play’s budget. Amateur productions such as Shylock in Shanghai (2010) and The Merchant of Venice in Hong Kong (2000) could only afford the making of contemporary rather than period costumes. Ko’s production exemplifies how a combination of an adequate budget, a strong vision of the play (emphasizing “belief leading to prejudice”), and effective communication with the actors led to a high visibility of the religious dimension. Through the use of Jewish robes with a distinctive red hat marking Shylock’s Jewishness, an elaborate stage setting that transported the audience into the Elizabethan era, and the bright colours of the costumes worn by the major Christian characters, the differences between the two parties were highlighted. Of the audience reviews received, some emphasized the Vitruvian Man painting in centre stage, its rotation synchronized with the motion in the court scene highlighting the tensions between the Jew and Christian. Shylock, as a representation of the patriarchal figure in the Jewish tradition, was translated differently in different versions. In Ko’s production, bodily gestures such as Shylock’s caring goodbye kiss to Jessica communicated a sympathetic side of the Jewish father. Among the most conspicuous elements noticed by respondents were the scene where Antonio pushed Shylock to the ground in Act 1 when asking for a loan and the gesture of spitting on Shylock. Others mentioned the hunched back of Shylock throughout the play, which gained him audience sympathy. These examples illustrate the fact that physical bodies were used as “sites of translation” (in Smart’s terms) to engender a sympathetic attitude towards Jews. Although the physical objects referred to are not particularly religious objects, this physical dimension is capable of heightening religious awareness. While the ritual dimension is not prominent in the original script, Antonio’s act of making a trinity cross to show forgiveness to Shylock (in the court scene when he says, “I am content”) is an effective way of drawing the audience’s attention to the play’s religious dimension. References to festivals such as Ash Wednesday are often deleted, as there is no scope in a performance to introduce explanations of such rituals to the audience. In Daniel Yang’s 1984 production, a big cross pendant was forced upon Shylock at the court scene to signify forced conversion. However, from the audience response of laughter rather than sympathy, it appears that the translatability of the material dimension to the audience is uncertain. The translatability of one dimension of religion is interwoven with that of another. This is hardly surprising because all the seven dimensions proposed by Smart are interrelated.

Conclusion This chapter illustrates how religious language, when broken down into various dimensions, has different degrees of translatability. That is to say, the translatability or untranslatability of religious language is no longer a “term question”. Instead of asking the question “to translate or not to translate”, the translatability

Religious terminology  79 of religious terminology should not be defined by linguistic or semantic criteria but should be viewed in the context of the range of definitions developed by theologian Ninian Smart concerning the seven dimensions of religion. Even for the most recondite doctrinal aspects that could be viewed as untranslatable for some, translatability depends on the particular religious view that one holds. Theological terms that appear untranslatable to those, for example, with an exclusivist approach to Christianity can still be translatable to communities who adopt a pluralistic view. From the aforementioned examples, the main determinant for directors and translators in the untranslatability of religious terminology is their ideological conflict, rather than simply a marketing concern reflecting the “sociological turn”. Instead, what should be considered in the translatability issue of religious terminology is a “theological turn”; that is, taking into account the religious experiences and theological positions of individuals may give a more comprehensive picture than what meets the eye.

Notes 1 Harrison, “Metaphor”, 127–145. 2 A review of the discussions of religious language shows that, traditionally, religious language is categorized into two broad types: cognitive (i.e. that gives out knowledge), and non-cognitive. Dan Stiver mapped out three historical approaches to religious language: the negative way, the univocal way, and the analogical way. The negative way means “all words must be denied or negated in order to understand Ultimate Reality truly”, that is to say, what God is not, instead of what God is. The second is univocal; that is, since revelation is definitive, there can be no equivocation. The third is an interpretative orientation based on analogy. In general, the existing body of research characterizes religious language with the following attributes: metaphorical, symbolic, emotive, narrative. However, this definition is skewed on the semantics of language, without considering the religious dimension which extends beyond these categories. As such, a broader view of religious language is needed to enrich the discussion of translatability of religious language. See Stiver, The Philosophy of Religious Language, 14–36. 3 For a detailed study of Ninian Smart’s seven dimensions of religions, see Smart, The World’s Religions. 4 Crosby, “What Does Not Get Translated”, 46. 5 For a comprehensive discussion on the nature of religious language, see McFague, Metaphorical Theology; Soskice, Metaphor and Religious Language; Stiver, The Philosophy of Religious Language; Fawcett, The Symbolic Language of Religion; Ricoeur, The Symbolism of Evil. 6 Donovan, “Religious Language”, 7. 7 See Ricoeur, The Symbolism of Evil. 8 Stiver, The Philosophy of Religious Language, 114–115. 9 Jeffner, The Study of Religious Language, 20–21. 10 Ibid. 11 In 1843, 15 missionaries met in Hong Kong to discuss revising the Chinese Bible translations, including the word “God”. Opinions were split regarding whether the term should be translated as 神 (literally shén) or上帝 (literally shàngdì). Among the opponents of “shén” was James Legge, a British missionary who asserted that “shén” is a created being and subordinated to Dì, i.e. the Lord. See Legge, James Legge, Missionary and Scholar.

80  Jenny Wong 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

See Trible, God and the Rhetoric. Wong, “Text of submission”. Lai, “Institutional Patronage”, 53. Mak, “Laissez-Faire or Active Intervention”, 167–190. See Tymoczko and Gentzler, Translation and Power. See Huang, Shakespeare on the Chinese Stage. For more detailed discussion, see Cheung, “The Discourse of Occidentalism?”, 127–149. 19 In terms of knowledge management, Cheung points out that incidents of religious conversion were secularized skilfully, and that quotations from the Bible that preface many chapters were systematically omitted. See Cheung, “The Discourse of Occidentalism?”, 127–149 for more examples. 20 See Cheung, “The Discourse of Occidentalism?”, 141. 21 Ding, “Laura M. White’s Translation of Silas Marner”, 231–240. 22 See Tsui, “Rewriting Shakespeare”, 66. 23 Lai, “On the Translation Strategies”, 73–97. 24 Kirk, “Holy Communicative?”, 94. 25 Ibid. 26 Ibid. 27 Ibid.: 60. 28 See Norton, “Confessions of the Perplexed”. 29 MacIntyre, Whose Justice? Which Rationality? 30 Fowl, “Could Horace Talk with the Hebrews?” 1–2. 31 For a comparison between Confucian values and Christian thoughts, see Julia Ching, “I-Confucianism: A Philosophy of Man”; Whitehead and Shaw, China and Christianity: Historical and Future Encounters, 8–34. 32 Fowl, “Could Horace Talk with the Hebrews?”, 1–20. 33 Numerous teachings in the Book of Analects emphasize actions and deeds over words. For instance, 先行其言而後從之 (“He acts before he speaks, and afterwards speaks according to his actions”), 君子耻其言而过其行 (“The superior man is modest in his speech, but exceeds in his actions”),君子欲讷于言，而敏于 (“The superior man is reserved in speech but forward in action”). 34 Analects Book II discusses the importance of governing by virtue. Chapter  3 says: “子曰：道之以政，齊之以刑，民免而無恥。道之以德，齊之以禮，有恥 且格”。1. The Master said, “If the people are led by laws, and uniformity is enforced by punishment, they will try to avoid the punishment, but will have no sense of shame”. 2. “If they are led by virtue, and uniformity is enforced by the rules of propriety, they will have a sense of shame, and moreover will become good”. 35 It should be noted that, despite the prevalent Confucian ideology, the legal framework from the Han Dynasty onwards has been somewhat legalistic, putting more emphasis on authority and obedience.

5 Translating food terminology as cultural and communicative processes A corpus-based approach Saihong Li Introduction For what is food? It is not only a collection of products that can be used for statistical or nutritional studies. It is also, and at the same time, a system of communication, a body of images, a protocol of usages, situations, and behaviour . . . . When he buys an item of food, consumes it, or serves it, modern man does not manipulate a simple object in a purely transitive fashion; this item of food sums up and transmits a situation; it constitutes an information; it signifies. (Roland Barthes [1961] 1997: 24)

Barthes outlines that food has a fundamental symbolic and cultural value in its consumption and preparation by different religions and cultures but that it is also a system of communication that can be used to exchange knowledge, to promote sophisticated social values, and to reaffirm personal and ethnic identities. As such, the linguistic food term-formation process, also known as terminologization, forms part of a system of communication across cultures and across languages. This process manifests its respective food culture positions in social space and time. For example, there is the well documented story of translating CocaCola when it was first introduced to the Chinese market in 1927 (Mooney 2008). Because the company was simply seeking a transliteration of Coca-Cola using Chinese characters, without considering the meaning of the characters used, it was translated as 蝌蚪啃蜡 (kēdŏu kĕnlà); however, in English this meant “tadpole bites the wax”. Later it was retranslated to 可口可乐 (kĕkŏu kĕlè), which means “taste good and feel good”. The term formation process of “kekou kele” in Chinese reflected a mechanism of cultural communication: a company’s need to present a product attractively to gain a market foothold led to the creation of this new linguistic term in Chinese characters by integrating the Chinese tradition of including positive connotations in naming strategies. Food Studies, a discipline that has grown in momentum over the last 20 years, has inspired translators to discuss the interlinking concepts of food, culture, and translation. Food, if contaminated or without proper allergy information and translation, can cause serious illness or worse. Terminology refers to a collection

82  Saihong Li of specialized words or meanings that are used for a specialized field. Food terminology in this chapter is used in a broad sense, which includes any terms for gastronomy (including dish names and restaurant menus) and terms for food science, food production, food engineering, food safety, and food nutrition. Food is an important part of culture. Different cultures have different practices, attitudes, and beliefs with regard to food: “You are what you eat”. Tastes in food and food consumption habits are also indicators of social class and social identity (Bourdieu 1984). Food terminology and its translations arguably constitute the most important texts in the global food trade sector and in food studies; they play a vital role in communication across culture and languages. However, translation scholars, according to Chiaro and Rossato (2015: 241), “have so far tended to neglect, ignore or overlook the conceptual connections and familiarities between food and language in different societies and cultures”. Saihong Li (2019) expresses similar views and calls for a systematic study of food and food-related terminology and translation research. With the increasing demands of the global food trade, food-related terminology and translation research, however, is still in its infancy (Cronin 2014). So far, food terminology translation has been considered a peripheral area of professional translation and thus “not worthy of analysis” and/ or academic attention (Marco 2015: 2). This study aims to help fill this gap, and its purposes are trifold: 1 To use cultural and communicative theory to examine food terminologization and its translation between Chinese and English, to assess the efficacy of the existing translation strategies, and to provide recommendations for future food terminology-related research and practice; 2 To identify the current issues affecting food terminology and its translation between English and Chinese and to address the importance of translating food and food-related terminology as a cultural and communicative process; 3 To raise awareness of food nutrition, waste, environmental impact, climate change, and how to ensure sustainable management of food production and equitable access to natural resources through term formation and translation processes.

Theoretical framework: a cultural and communicative approach to food terminology A communicative and cultural theoretical approach was chosen to analyse food terminology and its translation in this chapter, as it is a theoretically coherent, practical, and flexible approach to adopt for the complexity and variations of culture-bound food terminology. A cultural and communicative approach to terminology provides access to specialized knowledge in Food Studies. The cultural approach to terminology takes into account cultural diversity, a process “that preserves identity needs of different human communities” (Diki-Kidiri 2000, cited

Translating food terminology  83 by Campo 2012: 165). Globalization  – a process of integrating and enhancing interaction between economies, societies, and cultures worldwide – requires new ways of working and the creation of new terms and expressions. Food Studies itself constitutes a rich and complex culture; the neology of food terminologies to designate our broadened gastronomical tastes constitutes a multifaceted sociocultural, linguistic, and communicative process. The Communicative Theory of Terminology, according to Cabré (2009: 9), studies terms as “units of language, units of cognition and units of social function”, respectively. It recognizes both the multidimensional nature and the dynamic nature of terminological units. She proposes a triple inseparable model for a communicative approach to terminology based on the cognitive (the concept), the linguistic (the term), and the communicative (the situation), thereby emphasizing the pragmatic conditions of specialized communication (Cabré 2003: 187). Cabré further claims that her triple model for terminology presents a theoretical framework to harmonize terminology variation, to describe the reality of terminological use, and thus to design user-oriented, diverse terminological applications to terminology research and practice. The communicative approach to terminology considers terms as part of natural language whose meaning changes over time, and each terminological unit searches for a communicative objective that “would help to account for the complexity of terminological units within the framework of specialised communication” (Cabré 1999: 69). Therefore, the communicative approach is the key to achieve “harmonization of terminological variation, description of real terminological use, diversity in the design of terminological applications adapted to users” (Campo 2012: 153).

Globalization and glocalization of food terminology: terminologization and its translation strategies The datasets The use of corpora has been proven to be an effective method for terminology study as it has notable benefits, especially in term extraction, compilation, description, and evaluation (Bowker 2001; Yuliawati, Suhardijanto, and Hidayat 2018). Today, terminologists rely more on “textual evidence to make generalisations about the behaviour of terms” (L’Homme 2006: 185); corpus analysis has thus become one of the key methods for terminologists and translators to create glossaries, to extract textual evidence, and to resolve terminological problems. The food-related terminology datasets in this chapter include (1) 食 品 科 学 技 术 名 词 (shípĭn kēxué jìshù míngcí, Terms of Food Science and Technology); (2) 食 品 工 业 基 本 术 语 (shípĭn gongyè jībĕn shùyŭ, Fundamental Terms of Food Industry); (3) 食 品 营 养 成 分 基 本 术 语 (shípĭn yíngyăng chéngfèn jībĕn shùyŭ, Fundamental Terminology and Definitions of Nutrition Components in Food), released in 2008; (4) 美 食 译 苑-中文 菜 单 英 文 译 法 (mĕishí yìyuàn – zhōngwén càidān yīngwén yìfă, Enjoy Culinary Delights:

84  Saihong Li The Chinese Menu in English). All four datasets were issued and approved by the authorities in China. Terms of Food Science and Technology was released in 2019. It consists of 3481 food terms and includes five parts: an introduction, food science terms, food engineering, food safety, and food nutrients. Fundamental Terms of Food Industry was released in 1994, and its recorded standard number is GB/T 15091.1 The standard includes 3344 words. Fundamental Terminology and Definitions of Nutrition Components in Food was released in 2008, and the standard number is GB/Z 21922.2 Enjoy Culinary Delights: The Chinese Menu in English was published in 2008; it contains 2862 food terms and is regarded as the first collection of officially standardized Chinese menus, dish names, and their translations. The Terms of Food Science and Technology datasets are accessible at the official Chinese terminology platform Termonline.3 The TenTen Family general language comparable corpora of English and Chinese were used as reference data to extract the linguistic information of gastronomy terms in order to evaluate and compare the use of food-related terms in the abovementioned datasets. These two reference corpora are (1) Chinese Web 2017 (hereafter Chinese 2017), which contains more than 15.9 billion words, and (2) English Web Corpus 2015 with 15 billion words (hereafter English 2015). The TenTen “comparable corpora” were developed by Sketch Engine,4 a corpus query system (Jakubíček et  al. 2013). Corpora are used as textual linguistic evidence to make generalizations about the grammatical and collocational behaviour of terms. Therefore, they can be used as a basis “for making decisions about terms” (L’Homme 2006: 185) and for evaluating the efficiency of existing terminologies. In this chapter, food terminologies and their translation strategies will be analysed with three case studies developed from the corpora data. Case study 1: translating food safety and environment-related terms – “organic”, “green”, “pollution-free”, and “natural” food “Organic food”, “green food”, “natural food”, and “pollution-free food” are a group of food safety and ecological environment-related concepts. The term formation process of these terms reflects the growing awareness of environmental impact in food production, global trade, and food consumption. Language shapes our perception and consumption of food (Temmerman and Dubois 2017: 162); thus, accurate uses of language and translation enhance understanding of the intricacies of food terminology as an evolving and adaptive practice in a globalized era and increase our environmental awareness. The usage of these terms can be seen from data extracted from the corpora in Table 5.1. Table 5.1 shows the occurrence of these terms in descending order in the Chinese corpus: “green food” (with 95,111 occurrences), “pollution-free” (76,048 occurrences), and then “organic” (56,325) and “natural” food (31,564), which account for 5.73%, 4.58%, 3.39%, and 1.9% per million words, respectively. It is interesting to see that the frequency of these terms in the English corpus is almost the opposite of the Chinese one: “organic food” with 101,338 occurrences

Translating food terminology  85 Table 5.1  Frequency of “organic”, “green”, “pollution-free”, and “natural” food corpora

Terms

Chinese 2017 English 2015

Green food

Pollution-free food

Organic food

Natural food

95,111 5.73 per million 1991 0.11 per million

76,048 4.58 per million 44 0.01 per million

56,325 3.39 per million 101,338 5.51 per million

31,564 1.9 per million 26,726 1.45 per million

(5.51%), “natural food” occurs 26,726 times (1.45%), “green food” occurs 1991 times (0.11%), and the least frequently used term is “pollution-free”, occurring only 44 times (0.01%) in the English corpus. Another interesting trend shown in the Chinese corpus data is the frequency of “green” and “organic” used together, with 18,191 hits. However, in the English corpus, “organic” and “natural” are normally used together, with 2540 occurrences. The results indicate that cultural and linguistic preferences influence these environment-related terminology choices. Most of these food safety– and environment-related terms were created in the aftermath of the 1960s Green Revolution Movement and the subsequent environmental awareness campaigns, as a way of working towards a harmonious ecosystem, biodiversity, and the sustainable use of resources. The data also suggests that the terms used to describe food and food taste in the Chinese language are continually expanding. It is unsurprising that vocabularies require constant updating to include new ways of communication, and there is also a need to standardize the food terms that convey this exchange. Food-related neologisms were therefore coined to meet market requirements and linguistic demands and to reflect the Chinese people’s growing desire for novelty in terms of products and taste. The increasing use of “organic”, “green”, “eco-friendly”, and “natural” has also sparked debate over accurate definitions of these terms (Vermeir and Verbeke 2006) and has accelerated the process of constructing meaning for them. These terms were introduced and translated in the late 1980s in China. Organic food, contrary to much conventional food, uses a range of sustainable agricultural technologies to reduce environmental and product pollution throughout the production and processing stages without adding artificial fertilizers, insecticides, synthetic hormones, and artificial colouring (Mie et al. 2017; Janssen 2018). “Organic” food was translated into Chinese as 有机食品 (yŏujī shípĭn), which literally means “food produced with machine or technology”. The term itself, although widely accepted in Chinese now, is very confusing as the opposite of “organic food” in Chinese is 无机食品 (wújī shípĭn) (non-organic food), which literally means “no machine”. “Green food” was translated as 绿色食品 (lǜsè shípǐn) – a more popular term in Chinese compared to “organic food”, as “green food” has a more positive connotation in Chinese because of its links to the natural colour of

86  Saihong Li green plants. Organic food was first translated as “green food” in Chinese, but it was corrected shortly after “green food” was introduced to China. In other words, the lexicalization process of translating and standardizing these two terms – green food and organic food – has changed over time to indicate the linguistic variation in the terms (Cabré 2003). For Chinese people, “green food” is associated more with concepts of eco-products and healthier products, although sometimes wrongly. In English, however, “organic food” is often viewed as more ethical, tastier, and healthier. With the increasing interest in healthy food and in environmental impact, the demand for organic food has also increased considerably. Another term, 无公 害食品 (wú gonghài shípĭn) as “pollution-free” food, a culturally specific food term, was coined in 2001 in China (Gao and Wang 2002). It refers to food that is produced with moderate amounts of chemicals and pesticides that will not cause harm to health. This mode of production was intended to address the increasing concerns of overusing pesticides, chemicals, and additives in the food production process in China since the 1980s. This term has been very controversial itself. In November 2019, the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs reviewed the regulations and the usage of 无公害食品 (pollution-free food). The term remains an environment-related food term in Chinese contexts: organic food, green food, pollution-free food, and conventional food. Again, the creation of “pollution-free food” as a linguistic term in China is an active communicative move to address environmental awareness and food safety. As can be seen, the creation of these environment-related food terms has been an ongoing series of communicative acts in the process of globalization. It also indicates the Chinese people’s growing awareness of food safety and of the environmental impact of food production and consumption. Case study 2: translating health and nutrition-related food terms – “health food”, “food supplement”, “dietary supplement”, and “functional food” Food health and well-being-related terms and claims, such as “health food”, “food supplement”, “dietary supplement”, and “functional food”, have gained increasing popularity across the world. However, according to Pomeranz (2013), food that focuses on health and nutrition-related claims has become not only a barrier to a fair and efficient marketplace but is also responsible for consumer misperceptions concerning healthier and ego-friendly food. This is particularly true in China. For 保 健 (health care), 食 品 (băojiàn shípĭn), or 保 健 品 (băojiàn pĭn) which is an abbreviated term, the officially recognized translation in English is “health food”. Requirements relating to health food did not exist until 2016 in China. To date, “health food” in China includes traditional Chinese medicinal food products and has two types: food supplement/nutrient supplement (营 养 品, yínyăng pĭn) and functional food (保 健 品, (bǎojiàn pǐn). The hypernym “health food” has been used to refer to both hyponyms – nutrient supplement and functional food.

Translating food terminology  87 “Food supplement”, in EU law, is defined as “any food the purpose of which is to supplement the normal diet and which is concentrated sources of a vitamin or mineral or other substance with a nutritional or physiological effect, alone or in combination, and is sold in dose form”.5 The definition incorporates all substances with a nutritional or physiological effect. “Functional food” was first coined in Japan in the early 1980s; this is a relatively new term which refers to food products that have “disease-preventing and/or health-promoting benefits in addition to their nutritive value” (Arihara 2014: 32). So far, different countries and different cultures have used different terminology for health-related food; for example, “food supplement” is used in EU countries, “dietary supplement” in the United States, “complementary medicines” in Australia, and “natural health product” in Canada. Therefore, it has been progressively acknowledged that the increasing formation of health-related terminologies not only is “an issue of physical health, but indexes cultural beliefs and normal hierarchies” and “varies across culture” (Szatrowski 2014: 17). The frequency of the usage of these terms in the English corpus can be seen in Table 5.2. Table 5.2 shows the general pattern of usage of these health-related terms in the English corpus. “Dietary supplement” appears 18,428 times, with 1.0 per million words; “health food” occurs 13,751 times, 0.75 per million; “nutritional supplement” 10,417 times, 0.57 per million; “health product” appears 7838 times, and “complementary medicines” 4448 times. Dietary supplement, health food, and food supplement are among the three most frequently used terms. “Complementary medicines”, “health product”, “functional food” are frequently used alternative terms to express similar concepts of health-related food categories. Table 5.3 shows the frequency of health-related terms in Chinese. “Health food” appears 152,499 times as the most commonly used term in the corpus. Compared with the English corpus, similar concepts for health terms in Chinese are relatively limited. This may be due to the key differences in food culture and terminology regarding health food in China. China has a long tradition of food therapy and herbal medicinal food products; “health food” is deeply rooted in Chinese culture. One of the key methods of communicative theory for terminology is adaptability

Table 5.2  Frequency of health-related terms in the English corpus Food supplement Dietary supplement

Complementary Health product medicines

6969 times 0.38 per million

18,428 1.0 per million

4448 7838 13,751 0.24 per million 0.43 per million 0.75 per million

Nutritional/ nutrient supplement

Functional food Health supplement

10,417 + 428 0.57 per million

4707 3776 5047 3689 0.26 per million 0.21 per million 0.27 per million 0.2 per million

Health claims

Health food

Special food

88  Saihong Li Table 5.3  Frequency of “health food” in the Chinese corpus Chinese terms

保健(食)品 营养品

膳食补充剂

功能(性)食 营养补充品 品

English translation

health food

nutrition food

food supplement

functional food

25,809 (with 1.56 per million)

513 (with 0.03 per million)

Frequency in 152,499 the corpus (with 9.19 per million)

0

nutrition supplement 0

(Cabré 1999). “Food supplement” and “functional food” in Chinese are such cases in point. However, different supplements were all localized as “health food” in China. It is not surprising that when different types of Western food supplement and functional food are imported to China, they are all translated as health food (保健食品). This is a translation strategy that is recognized as glocalization in order to make names of products recognizable to the general public at a local level and also to address a social and cultural need to optimize communication among specialists and professionals (Cabré 1999). It is also unsurprising to see that the literal translation of “food supplement” or “dietary supplement” as 膳 食 (shànshí, food), 补 充 剂 (bŭchōng jì, supplement), or 营 养 (yíngyăng, nutrition), 补 充 品 (bŭchōng pĭn, supplement), and functional food as 功 能 性 (gōng néng xìng, functional), 食 品 (shípĭn, food) exist in Chinese. These terms have been used to create the image of exotic and better-quality foreign health food products by using rare combinations of different Chinese characters that sound more foreign. Today, 膳食补充剂 (shànshí bǔchōng jì, food supplement) is used as an alternative term for “health food” in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Table 5.3 shows that the new terms are not very common in the Chinese 2017 corpus. The corpus data shows that 膳食补充剂 (food supplement) appears only 513 times and that there is no occurrence of 功能性食品 (functional food) and 营养补充品 (nutritional food). However, these two terms appear more often in academic contexts. This is evidenced by the largest Chinese journals database, CNKI. In the database, 功能性食品 (functional food) appears over 2000 times, and 膳食补充剂 (food supplement) appears over 420 times. The terminology used in academic writing seems to echo Cabré’s (1999) argument that new terms are created as a necessary medium of expression and professional communication. The translation of health-related special foods such as “food supplement” and “functional food” into one commonly used Chinese term, “health food”, is an indication that the word formation process of food terminology is not only a linguistic activity but also a cultural activity through which Chinese people interact with different cultures by negotiating and communicating different health food beliefs and identities. The creation of directly translated new terms which are used in academic writing by experts creates a specialized communication condition in conceptualizing a new reality or a new research focus.

Translating food terminology  89 Case study 3: translating “seafood” and “aquatic products” Seafood has emerged as one of the most important elements in global trade. The term “seafood” itself in English is broadly defined as fish and shellfish that are eaten as food. But it also covers a range of subcategories, including freshwater and seawater fish and shellfish. The term also extends to production processes and covers the catch and preparation of seafood. Seafood in Chinese refers to fish and shellfish that live in the ocean as opposed to freshwater fish and shellfish that are used for food. These are themselves culturally inflected phenomena with associated rituals of social interaction which have their own vocabularies and styles. A translator might be called upon to deal with and express any of these concepts. Table 5.4 shows the translation of these seafood terms between English and Chinese. At Termonline, “seafood” was translated as 海 (sea) 味 (taste) 品 (product) (hăiwèi pĭn); “aquatic food” was translated as 水 (water) 产 (to produce) 食 品 (food) (shuĭchăn shípĭn); “marine product” as 水 (water) 产 (to produce) 品 (product) 及 (and) 制 (to manufacture) 品 (product) (shuĭchănpĭn jí zhìpĭn). It is surprising to see that “seafood” is translated as 海味品 (hăiwèi pĭn), as the Chinese corpus shows no occurrence of this term, although 海味 occurs 15,428 times. This seems to be a newly standardized term for the English definition of seafood. This translation, however, is inconsistent with other official publications such as Enjoy Culinary Delights: The Chinese Menu in English and Collins Bilingual English–Chinese Dictionary, where seafood is translated as 海 (sea) 鲜 (fresh) (hăixiān). The Chinese corpus data in Table 5.4 also shows that four terms – 海鲜, 海 味, 水产品, and 海产品 – can be used to refer to seafood. 海鲜 (seafood), with over 237,791 occurrences, is the most frequently used term with 14.33 per million words. The next term is 水产品, which occurs 79,242 times at around 4.8%; 海产品 occurs 27,400 times, at around 1.65%; and the least frequent is 海味,

Table 5.4  Translation of “seafood” terms and their frequencies in the corpora Chinese terms

海味品

海鲜

海产品

水产品

水产品

水产品及 水产食 制品 品

English seafood translation

seafood

sea fish product

Chinese corpus

0

237,791 27,400 79,242 14.33 1.65 4.8 per per per million million million

English corpus

156,761 156,761 600 1,513,560 1036 1933 0.11 1359 8.52 per 8.52 per 0.03 per 82.31 0.06 per per 0.07 million million million per million million per million million

aquatic marine aquatic products products food 21

0

90  Saihong Li which occurs 15,428 times. Another significant translation at the Termonline dataset is 水 (water) 产 品 (product) (shuĭchăn pĭn); it is translated as “fish”. However, if a back search of “fish” is carried out, three different translations in three different subject areas are obtained: 鱼 (yú) – “fish” in Animal Studies; 落鱼 (luò yú) – the figurative meaning of fish is used in Petroleum; 水产品 (shuǐ chǎnpǐn) – “water product” in Aquaculture. 水产品 in the Contemporary Chinese Dictionary is defined as a “general term for animals and algae of economic value (re)produced in seas, rivers and lakes, e.g. fish, shrimp, crabs, shellfish, kelp, agar, etc.” and translated as “aquatic products”. “Fish” is one of the most commonly used terms both in the English and in the Chinese corpora as it can also be used figuratively as previously mentioned. “Fish” in the English corpus appears 1,513,560 times, with 82.31 per million words, whilst in the Chinese corpus, “fish” occurs 1.098,844 times, 66.22 per million. In the English corpus, “seafood” appears 156,761 times (with 8.52 per million words). It is the second most common term after “fish” in the English corpus. The data regarding seafood-related terminologies indicates that the same concepts can be represented by different terms. The creation of 海味品 by the Chinese terminology committee could indicate a communicative act with global trade in mind, by combining three characters: 海 (hǎi, sea), 味 (wèi, taste), and 品 (pǐn, product), in an attempt to create a dynamic new terminological unit to match the English term “seafood”. However, it is unclear why 海 (sea) 鲜 (fresh) – a widely accepted term for seafood in China – is not used. Case Study 3 also shows that when we translate seafood-related terms, this involves translating not only the linguistic differences between two languages but also the social and cultural discourses that are intrinsic to seafood.

Challenges in food terminologization and its translation The challenges in translating food-related terminology, according to Cabré (2009) and González-Vera (2015), include both linguistic and non-linguistic factors (e.g. the reception of the original and the translated text; the translators’ social, linguistic, and cultural background; and their political views). As previously discussed, an application of cultural and communicative theory to terminology has been used in the context of three case studies to discuss how food terminologies were created and/or translated between English and Chinese. This particular theoretical framework for terminology sees each terminological unit as multidimensional, and each term is created with a requirement to present and transfer specialized knowledge that covers a linguistic component, a cognitive component, and a socio-communicative component from the units of language, knowledge, and communication. This allows terminologists to solve terminological problems and to develop new resources for term representation and communication (Cabré 2003: 190). The following section will discuss the challenges and issues in food terminologies and their translations that emerged from the corpora.

Translating food terminology  91 Terminological problems Food is an important part of culture; food terminology itself is culture specific. The name of a food or a brand name normally has an informative, advertising function, identifying the product distinctively and differentiating it from others, although the name itself may be evocative or even mythical. Food terminology therefore unavoidably deals with transferring its sociocultural and linguistic connotations and also the ideology underpinning the society that creates it. Writing “fish ‘n’ chips”, for example, is to pose several linguistic questions, not only of demotic orthography and its social and semantic signals but also of how a name can mimic its display on a shopfront. Terminological problems stem from different ways of naming and also different concepts whose difference is obscured by the apparent synonym of the terms and polysemy that has more than one meaning (Marco 2019). Synonymy, a single concept represented by different words, normally reveals meaning and function differences in the cultural association embedded in these food terms. In Case Study 1, for example, “green food” has been commonly used/misused as “organic food” in Chinese contexts. Polysemy is where one form has two or more meanings. The term “fish” in Case Study 3 illustrates this. The translation of these terms therefore may involve an informative function, references to the features of the speciality itself, a specific cultural value system, and even literary allusions. Anisomorphism between the English and Chinese languages is another challenge for terminologists (and translators) when an exact correspondence between food terminology (including food names and food labels) is lacking (Li 2010). In Case Study 2, for example, “health food” was chosen as a primary term formation (e.g. native food terms in Chinese) to refer to “food supplement” and “functional food”. When there is no correspondence between the two languages, term formation normally includes a secondary term formation (e.g. loanwords/translation) (Sager 1990). The creation of “food supplement” and “functional food” in Chinese are such cases in point. To summarize, the three case studies show that term formation processes are complex and multidimensional and that a communicative approach to food terminologies entails both “precision” and “nativization” through standardization; “pragmatics is essential for explaining the activation of the terminological meaning of lexical units” (Cabré 1999: 190). Synonyms, such as “organic food”, “green food”, and “natural food”, have been given their corresponding terms in Chinese. Polysemy is recognized, and each concept is given a respective term in Chinese. The recurrent challenges for translators are to decode the language of food in terms of what it tells them about “the social setting, cultural background, situation in time (past, present, future), religious or folk beliefs and relationship to the erotic or the aesthetic” (Zarnikhi 2005: 293). Inconsistencies as different countries use different food terms The terminology used for food names normally indicates a specific culture or social convention as it is not merely a name of a product. It also possesses

92  Saihong Li economic, cultural, and social values. Inconsistency in food terminology is one of the most common barriers to global food trade. According to Ambrožic, Jevšnik, and Raspor (2010), there is neither a clearly defined set of food (safety) terminology concepts nor a consistent use of these terminologies in professional and scientific work. The three case studies in this chapter highlight similar problems. In Case Study 1, the four tertiary environmental impact-related food labels – organic, green, pollution-free, and conventional food – incorporate social change and people’s growing awareness in addressing global warming and climate change. For example, the terms “organic food” and “local food” are becoming increasingly popular in the West, whilst in China, “green food” and “local food” are more popular. The creation of a Chinese-specific term 无公害食品 (pollutionfree food) – increasingly used as a consequence of food-based disease outbreaks, such as the 2008 Chinese milk scandal that hospitalized over 54,000 babies – is another example of the different uses of food terms in different countries. In Case Study 2, health and nutrition claims in some ways resemble a “war zone” (Jackson 2013) in the sense that a major crisis in authority, trust, and responsibility is affecting health and nutrition claims because there are no unified regulations as a reference for labelling. Different countries have different rules concerning the standards that health and nutrition claims need to satisfy. This is particularly true in China as many health and nutrition claims lack openness and clarity; for example, in China an orange soda drink such as Fanta was labelled as low calorie even though it contains more than 10 calories per 100 millilitres, whereas in the EU, this low calorie labelling is not permitted unless there are fewer than 10 calories. As previously mentioned, different countries use different terms, such as “food supplement”, “dietary supplement”, “functional food”. Obviously, it is not just the terms that are confusing but also the various associated health claims. The diversity of approaches to food terms in different counties is deeply embedded in the political, moral, and technological frameworks of their food systems, and hence different terminologies are created to suit their political and economic purposes. The use of “health food” (保健食品), previously mentioned, as a term to refer to both “food supplement” and “functional food” is an example of Chinese terminologists choosing to maintain Chinese health food culture by emphasizing the benefits of traditional Chinese herbal medicinal food. In Case Study 3, seafood mislabelling and inconsistent labelling are rampant in different industries, and this has raised ethical concerns about the identity, value, and safety of sustainable seafood around the world. It is not just the names for specific fish but also the cultural value of seafood that causes inconsistent terminological information. For example, cod and sable fish were both (mis)labelled as 鳕鱼 (xuěyú) in Chinese. In addition, Chinese consumers value “freshness” and prefer purchasing live fish and livestock, in contrast to British consumers who often purchase processed or breaded fillets that have an eco-certification label. Therefore, consistent and appropriately differentiated translation in Chinese is essential for conveying accurate information.

Translating food terminology  93 Internationally, Chinese standardized terms do not always match the ISO6 (International Organisation for Standardization) standardized terms. For example, “organic food” in Case Study 1 was translated as 经过认证的有机食品 (jīngguò rènzhèng de yǒujī shípǐn, certified organic food) in the United Nations Terminology Database, but it was translated as 有机食品 (yǒujī shípǐn, organic food) in the Chinese terminology database. Mislabelling and mistranslation Labelling is considered a critical part of product identity and function. In Case Study 2, for instance, a basic search for “health products” in Chinese at Baidu (www.baidu.com), the largest Chinese search engine, produces over 71,600,000 hits. Different terms were also found online, for example, “functional drinks” are also called sports drinks or energy drinks. Many energy drinks, such as the Chinese domestic brands 健 (health) 力 (power) 宝 (treasure) (jiàn lì băo) (Jianlibao); 乐 (happy) 虎 (tiger) (lè hŭ) (Hi-Tiger); and foreign products such as 红 (red) 牛 (bull) (hóng niú) (Red Bull) and 美 (beautiful) 汁 (juice) 源 (source) 果 (fruit) 粒 (bites) 橙 (orange) (mĕi zhī yuán guŏ lì chéng) (orange juice with bites), all claim to have certain health benefits in the Chinese market. Some called them an “energy supplement”, some called them a “dietary supplement”. The translation of these terms therefore is also varied. These inconsistent and misleading health and nutritional labels sometimes misrepresent a product’s true properties. Several international fast food and soft drink companies claimed that their products had health benefits. The idea that consuming these products makes you stronger has typically circulated on social media since the 1990s in China. Many children believed misleading social media advertisements that eating burgers or having cakes for breakfast was nutritious. It has become a trend and even a luxury to eat at Burger King and McDonald’s in China. Evidence of this can be found in the increasing number of wedding ceremonies held at McDonald’s in China (Keegan 2018). The examples indicate that due to a lack of appropriate food and marketing regulations in China, many deceptive and mistranslated terminologies and claims have caused serious health issues. Consequently, obesity has become a major problem in contemporary China.

Conclusion and recommendations The importance of standardization and harmonization The study shows that a significant problem affecting food terminology is not only the difficulty of finding precise terms or the best ways of classifying foods in the term formation process but also the fact that differing, inconsistent, or mistranslated names and labels hinder communication and global trade. The three case studies show that it is crucial to have a more systematic standardization of food termininology in order to reduce ambiguity and thus to improve communication

94  Saihong Li in today’s globalized society where products are fortunate to gain a foothold in the domestic markets of different continents – a position that can easily be lost through mistranslation and misrepresentation. To address this issue, the China National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies was established in 1985. The Committee has also played a crucial role in the food terminology standardization process. To date, the Committee has established 95 subcommittees; subcommittee no. 91 reviews terms for food science and technology. The subcommittee has helped to standardize and harmonize food terminology and published its first food terminology resource in 2019. However, the Committee is still in a developmental phase. The study shows that there are still cases of inconsistency, mislabelling, and mistranslation; food terminologization has only recently started to receive scholarly attention, and improvements in the neology of food terminology processes and in translation quality are required. In addition, there is no clear evidence of food terminology data sharing. Termonline is almost the only free online bilingual English and Chinese database. Large-scale multilingual term banks, such as TERMIUM plus, Inter-Active Terminology for Europe (IATE), and UNTERM, are publicly and freely available for users across the world; however, very limited resources of this sort are available for free in China. Smaller and newer start-up companies might have financial difficulties in buying these resources. Also, it is not clear from its official website whether the subcommittee is in dialogue with other committees working in related thematic areas. More standardized food terminologies are also urgently needed in order to reduce misunderstanding in food-related interdisciplinary research. For example, a lack of standardized nomenclature terminologies regarding food texture and drink thickness could be a major barrier to research in the dysphagia field. Without agreement on standardized terminology, food-related research and development are impeded. Effective regulation in the usage of food-related terminologies and claims The globalization and growing complexity of food supply chains need proper regulation; therefore, there is an urgent global need to address the lack of standardized requirements, food terminologies, and language. This chapter indicates that the current situation regarding food labelling and terminologization is characterized by several problems. Firstly, there need to be more regulations concerning the use of standardized food terminologies and language to harmonize global trade and to eradicate inconsistent use of terminology; secondly, there need to be more formal processes to investigate and prosecute questionable advertising language, terminology, and claims that mislead the public. It was only in 2009 that China’s first law to regulate food safety came into force. Charlebois et al.’s (2014) and Qian et al.’s (2020) investigations indicate

Translating food terminology  95 that China is in the development phase of outlining food traceability processes, and further regulations and industry guidance are needed. Since the Reform and Opening-Up policy was launched in China in the late 1970s, there have been more than 2000 national food standards, 2900 industrial standards, and over 1200 local standards on food, food additives, and food-related products. Nevertheless, there is a sense that this legislation – and particularly its lack of enforcement – has struggled to maintain minimum standards, given the proliferation of different products emerging across China’s immense territory. To address the issues in the three case studies, this chapter recommends that the Chinese government should implement more forceful regulatory requirements for manufacturers to use standardized environment-related terminologies, health- and nutrition-related claims and terminologies, and seafood terminologies. Systematic interdisciplinary research Food has become one of the most important elements in global trade. The complexities of the global food trade and the proliferation of diverse food cultures and practices highlight the necessity of international collaborative engagement among different disciplines and communities of practice and different forms of knowledge exchange among academia, food professionals, and terminologists. A systematic linguistic and cultural analysis within the global food trade would provide an overview of the traceability of language used in the existing foodrelated industries and an enhanced understanding of the nuances of the language, translation processes, and actions being employed. Three areas of urgent systematic interdisciplinary research led by linguists and translators are identified in this study. Environment-related food terminology research There would be immense benefits from an interdisciplinary study led by linguists and translators to bring together environmental scientists, food nutrition scientists, behaviour scientists, marketing researchers, social media experts, and psychologists to work collaboratively on agreed, harmonized food terminologies. Harmonized terminology would facilitate more accurate labelling on products; in the case of food produced in more environmentally friendly ways, for example organically, consumers in China and in neighbouring countries would have a clearer idea and appreciation of the quality of the product, a better understanding of its pricing, and a greater ability to make an informed choice as to whether to buy a product created with a lesser environmental impact. Further multilevel studies and cross-national research collaborations are needed in order to gain a deeper understanding of food language (and terminologies) in international business and trade. So far, very limited research has been carried out to study the impact of terminologies and translation in the food industry and beyond.

96  Saihong Li Health-related food terminology research New food products created by technological innovations in processed food manufacturing have brought benefits to our fast-paced lives; however, they have also become “the primary driver of the obesity and other nutrition-related chronic diseases epidemic” and “the greatest challenge to public health” (Pomeranz 2013: 617). Another international interdisciplinary research project led by linguists and translators would be beneficial. Terminologists and translators could work with nutrition experts and doctors to develop food language and terminologies that communicate and meet current public health challenges. They could ensure that food labels and terminologies are clear, that consumers are properly informed and protected, and that food packaging would give a less misleading picture of a product’s effect on human health. Seafood terminology research Scientific studies continue to show that seafood provides many health benefits; seafood language and translation issues such as accurate terminology are a vital tool to facilitate global trade. Especially where seafood products are traded globally between cultures, it is essential to convey socioeconomic and cultural values between producer and consumer countries in order to maximize the value of seafood trade to communities. Seafood is a major cultural and socioeconomic asset both from a producer’s perspective in which fishing and fish farming communities are structured around production activities and also with regard to the cultural value of consuming seafood products. If salmon, for example, have been reared organically in pure water, with organic-based feed, and in cages with a low density of fish, these factors will be reflected in the product price; it is therefore vital that translated terminology conveys this accurately to foreign consumers in countries that might not have similar production processes. The role played by language, especially by terminology, seems to have been largely overlooked by the seafood industry despite its pivotal role in this industry and in global trade. This chapter – by drawing data from comparable English and Chinese corpora – has used a cultural communicative approach to terminology to analyse food-related terminologies and their translations between English and Chinese. In our complex global cultural landscape, translations do not always lead to genuine intercultural dialogue. This chapter has used three case studies to discuss approaches to food-related terminology formation and its translation and has argued that food term formation processes are not only linguistic and social activities but also cultural activities through which people from different cultures interact by negotiating and communicating different beliefs, priorities, and values about food. The key research issues related to food terminology are terminological issues, including inconsistency, mislabelling, and mistranslation; it is therefore to be hoped that more comprehensive interdisciplinary research in food-related terminology and its translation will take place, supported – in Chinese contexts – by

Translating food terminology  97 more rigorous enforcement of the use of standardized food terminologies and processes to regulate food safety and traceability.

Notes 1 GB/T 15091–1994, S. N. (2019) “Terms of Food Science and Technology”. Available at: https://openstd.samr.gov.cn/bzgk/gb/newGbInfo?hcno=8C59FB62F4A29EB1F9F0 2D42780F2DDB [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 2 GB/Z 21922–2008 (2008) “Fundamental Terminology and Definition of Nutritional Component in Foods”. Available at: https://std.samr.gov.cn/gb/search/gbDetailed?id=7 1F772D7F7C1D3A7E05397BE0A0AB82A [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 3 Termonline. Available at: https://termonline.cn/index.htm [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 4 Sketch Engine. Available at: https://www.sketchengine.eu/documentation/tenten-cor pora/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 5 Food supplement EU. Available at: https://www.food.gov.uk/business-guidance/foodsupplements [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 6 ISO [online]. Available at: https://www.iso.org/home.html [Viewed 30 August 2020].

6 A study on the translation of Peking Opera terminology A visual grammar perspective Qin Huang and Yajun Wang

Introduction Traditional Chinese operas, exemplified by Peking Opera and Kunqu Opera, have been listed by the United Nations as part of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity. Peking Opera, in particular, taken as the quintessence of the Chinese nation, is also recognized as one of the three major performance systems (the other two are the Konstantin Stanislavsky system and the Bertolt Brecht system). On the one hand, Peking Opera is a comprehensive art that integrates music, singing, gesture, costume, make-up, movement, words, acrobatics, and stagecraft in a unique way (Mackerras 1997: 19). On the other, although it is a comparatively nascent art form, it is no exaggeration to say that it is a reflection of traditional Chinese culture and a true vehicle of the essence of traditional Chinese theatre (Sun 2012: 14). Therefore, it serves as a window into Chinese culture, specifically into Chinese art, and it is an important representation of Chinese identity – and soft power – in a globalized world. Defined as the process of compiling, describing, processing, and presenting the terms of specialized subject fields in one or more languages, terminology is not an end in itself, but it addresses social needs and attempts to optimize communication among specialists and professionals by providing assistance to translators or to committees concerned with the standardization of a language (Cabré 1999: 10). For end users (either direct or intermediary), terminology is a set of practical communication units which are assessed according to the criteria of economy, precision, and suitability (Cabré 1999: 11). Terminology contains information related to a certain subject field and is used to communicate with people within and beyond the field. It plays an integral role when explaining and understanding a subject, especially for end users. This role is especially important when end users are from different language communities. Therefore, it is arguable that terminological translation has a considerable influence on the transmission of Peking Opera as a unique art. Unfortunately, to date, the translation of Peking Opera terms has not yet been scientifically investigated within academic research. More importantly, a significant and largely unexplored phenomenon is the adoption of multimodal devices in the translation of Peking Opera terms, which can be traced back to as early as the 1930s before Mei

Peking Opera terminology  99 Lanfang (1894–1961, one of the most famous Dan performers, and one of the greatest popularizers of Peking Opera abroad) was invited to perform in America. Several methodological approaches, for example Scott’s (1998), have made use of multimodal devices. However, up to now, it is demonstrable that scholarly articles concerned with the translation of Peking Opera terminology have invariably centred on monomodal approaches (Mao 2002; Zhang 2013). As a creative experiment in furthering exchange on a cultural and interpersonal level, The English Translation Series of a Hundred Peking Opera Classics (Sun 2012) (hereafter the Book Series) is a significant accomplishment in promoting Chinese culture overseas, a publication in which Peking Opera terms are systematically introduced bilingually in the paratext. This is the reason why it has been chosen as the subject of this study. Books included in the Series are divided into two parts, a guide and an introduction to the art of Peking Opera. The latter part, in which Peking Opera terms are introduced, is the same in all the books in the Series. As such, examples in this study have been randomly selected from The Great Enthronement, an important Peking Opera classic included in the Book Series. Since verbal and visual signs are both deployed in the translation of Peking Opera terminology, this chapter, therefore, takes visual grammar proposed by Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen (2006) as its theoretical construct. This theory, primarily navigating the long neglected visually mediated production of meaning, covers three parts corresponding to the three meta-functions in Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG): representational (narrative representation and conceptual representation), interactive, and compositional. Within each category, several subcategories and parameters are included. Mainly from these three perspectives, this study explores how verbal and visual modes interact with each other and contribute to the creation of meaning on a multimodal page; it also identifies the special advantages of modal combinations. Examples are analysed in accordance with categories in visual grammar, and thorough analysis is given thereafter. The body of the chapter is divided into three parts. Firstly, the chapter outlines the translation strategies deployed to justify the application of visual grammar (VG), a multimodal theory. The rationale lies in the wedding of multimodal components  – to be specific, text and images  – in the translation of Peking Opera terms. The following section outlines the central tenets of visual grammar – the essence of the theory itself and the motivations for applying the theory. In the conclusion, observations relating to VG in Peking Opera terminology translation are presented, and the significance of the study is restated from both general and specific perspectives. Furthermore, the limitations of the present study are also acknowledged in combination with the provision of indicators for possible directions of further study.

Translation strategies for Peking Opera terms Peking Opera terms covered in the Book Series fall into seven categories with nearly 150 entries in total. The seven categories include role types and schools,

100  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang Table 6.1  Basic information about Peking Opera terms in the Book Series Categories

Number

Representative term

Role types and schools

21

Music and modes

23

Theatrical speech

2

青衣 (qīnɡyī) – dignified and upright female characters 京胡 (jīnɡhú) – Peking Opera fiddle, a highpitched two-stringed strike fiddle 京白 (jīnɡbái) – stage speech in Beijing dialect 凤冠 (fènɡɡuān) – phoenix coronet worn by women in imperial or noble families 点翠头面 (diǎncuìtóumiàn) – a set of head ornaments made of precious feathers 霸王枪 (bàwánɡqiānɡ) – a special spear used by generals fl风 (yínɡfēnɡ) – a kind of hand gesture for praising

Costuming

21

Facial make-up

45

Properties and stagecraft

19

Performance

13

the music and modes, theatrical speech, costuming, facial make-up, properties and stagecraft, and the performance. Table 6.1 shows the categories of Peking Opera terms, numbers of entries, and representative terms for each category. With regard to translation strategies, we have identified altogether five types: literal translation, literal translation with annotation, literal translation with image, literal translation with annotation and image, and liberal translation with image. Table 6.2 maps the different translation strategies of Peking Opera terms found in the Book Series. Table 6.2 provides an outline of the five translation strategies and the types of Peking Opera terms to which they are applied. It was found that the latter three translation strategies –or, to use another term covering all three (albeit insofar as it is still not a term widely accepted in the field of translation studies), multimodal translation strategies – claim the largest share, 129 out of 144. Further endeavour will be made in the next section with reference to visual grammar to explain this phenomenon. In the subsequent part of this section, we analyse several examples to illustrate the five translation strategies adopted. Example 1 二黄 – 京剧主要声腔。二黄在京胡上的定弦是52弦。二黄是一种比较 平和、稳重、深沉、抒情的腔调。节奏比较平稳，起音、落腔多在板 上，由于二黄唱腔流畅、舒缓，比较适合表现沉思、忧伤、感叹、悲 愤等情绪，因此悲剧题材的戏多用二黄腔。二黄的板式有：原板、慢 板、快三眼、碰板、顶板、导板、回龙、散板、摇板、滚板等。 Erhuang, one of the two primary modes of Peking Opera, is pitched on the sol-re string of the jinghu. Erhuang features a respectively moderate,

Peking Opera terminology 101 steady, deep and lyrical music for singing. The beginning and ending notes of a musical phrase fall on an accented beat. Due to its fluency and softness, Erhuang is often used to express such feelings as contemplation, grief, pathos, and indignation; therefore, it is frequently heard in operas concerning tragic stories. The metrical types of Erhuang include yuanban, manban, kuaisanyan, pengban, dingban, daoban, huilong, sanban, yaoban, gunban. (Sun 2012: 154) Example 2 京白 – 属北京语言的念白，但与生活中的普通话不同，与接近自然 语言形态的话剧念白也不同。京白是一种韵律化、节奏化、朗诵化了 的，亦即美化、夸张化了的北京口音的舞台念白。念京白的大多是花 旦和丑角，但花旦和丑角不一定都念京白。京白给人的感觉是轻松、 活泼、亲切、自然。 Though spoken in Beijing dialect, jingbai (stage speech in Beijing dialect) is different from the Mandarin used in daily life and to the natural linguistic form. Jingbai is a rhythmical, or beautified and exaggerated stage recitation in Beijing dialect. Those who employ such speech are mainly huadan and chou, but not all huadan and chou use it. Jingbai gives the audience a relaxed, lively, amiable, and natural feeling. (Sun 2012: 169) Table 6.2 General information of strategies deployed in Peking Opera terminology translation Translation strategies Categories

Representative term

Literal translation

Role types and schools/ 二黄 (èrhuánɡ) – one of the music and modes the two major musical patterns

Literal translation with annotation

Role types and schools/ 京白 (jīnɡbái) – stage theatrical speech speech in Bejing dialect

Literal translation with image

Role types and schools/ 宫灯 (ɡōnɡdēnɡ) – costuming/properties palace lantern and stagecraft

Frequency 10 5 16

Literal translation Role types and schools/ 青衣 (qīnɡyī) – dignified 32 with annotation and the music and modes/ and upright female image properties and characters stagecraft Liberal translation with image

Costuming/facial makeup/properties and stagecraft/the performance

象鼻刀 (xiànɡbídāo) – a kind of broadsword used by old generals

81

102  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang Example 1 presents the source text and the translated text of a key musical term in Peking Opera. It is easy to conclude that formal equivalence is achieved, to reference Nida, or in other terms a literal translation strategy is adopted. By comparison, in Example 2, though literal translation is identified as well, words included in the brackets (stage speech in Beijing dialect) should not be ignored; these serve as an annotation to convey the term more clearly. Therefore, literal translation with annotation is the strategy employed in Example 2. Example 3 蟒 – 帝王将相等高贵身份人物在庄重场合所通用的礼服。 Măng (蟒) (see Figure 6.1) – a kind of ceremonial robes [sic] for emperors, kings, generals and high-ranking officials on official occasions. (Sun 2012: 187) In Example 3, similar to the previous examples, literal translation is still identified. However, what is particularly different is that the translator gives the image (see Figure 6.1) a comparative pride of place. Hence, the strategy adopted in Example 3 is literal translation with image. Here, we will not analyse the role played by the image since it will be the focus of the next section. Example 4 青衣 – 青衣在旦行里占据最主要的位置，主要表现性格文静的女 子，因为典型的人物多穿着黑色的衣裙，所以称为青衣。青衣扮演的 一般都是端庄、严肃、正派的人物，大多数都是贤妻良母，或者旧社 会的贞节（洁）烈女之类的人物。年龄一般都是由青年到中年。青衣 表演上的特点是以唱工为主，动作幅度比较小，行动比较稳重。唱念 都是念韵白，而且唱工相当繁重。 Qingyi (青衣) is the major category in the role type dan, mostly representing gentle and refined females. Characters of this role type generally wear black or blue costumes, whence the name of qingyi [qing, black or dark blue; yi is clothing]. The figures represented by qingyi are usually dignified, solemn, and upright, such as wise wives, loving mothers, martyred virgins, and faithful widows of old times, ranging from youth to middle age. Qingyi performance emphasizes singing. The movements are reserved and modest. The actors recite in yunbai, and sing a lot during their performance. (Sun 2012: 114) In Example 4, as presented in Figure 6.2, literal translation with annotation is applied to the textual part. The definition segment “qīng, black or dark blue; yī is clothing” included in the brackets is not found in the original text, it is an annotation added by the translators. A recurring phenomenon inviting our attention is the co-occurrence of text and image.

Peking Opera terminology  103

Figure 6.1  Peking Opera: măng

104  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang

Figure 6.2  Peking Opera: qīngyī

Example 5 象鼻刀 (xiàng bí dāo) (see Figure 6.3) – a kind of broadsword usually used by old generals. (Sun 2012: 220) In Example 5, there is an explanation for 象鼻刀. Thus it is legitimate to say that it is an example of liberal translation; it is, to be exact, liberal translation with image, given the evident interplay between text and image.

Peking Opera terminology 105

Visual grammar and the translation of Peking Opera terminology Language is of particular interest to the study of human interaction, as the mode has great informative as well as expressive value (Norris 2004: 1). Here, a mode is a socially organized set of semiotic resources for making meaning (Jewitt et al. 2016: 71). As such, traditionally, language has been viewed as constituting the primary channel in interaction, and nonverbal channels have long been neglected or at least viewed as being subordinated to language. We assume that few people will disagree with the view that language is one among a number of quite different sets of resources that humans have developed to make meaning (Jewitt et al. 2016: 14). In this postmodern age when boundaries tend to become increasingly blurred, spurred by the intermixing of cultures and the increasingly unfettered flow of information, one of the boundaries that deserves attention is that between arguably the most ubiquitous means

Figure 6.3  Xiàng bí dāo

106  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang of communication – text and image. Thus the multimodal approach, postulated and popularized in recent years, which argues that meaning is not only conveyed by language but also by many other modes, has gained academic momentum. In this chapter, visual grammar, developed by Kress and van Leeuwen, is the preferred theoretical construct. The reasons are as follows. Firstly, VG is a generalized theory drawing on various multimodal genres. Others have developed multimodal theories, like Royce (2007) who generalized a framework solely based on an analysis of The Economist magazine. This is a specific multimodal genre, which would be less convincing if applied to other multimodal genres. More importantly, VG is a systemic functional approach to multimodal discourse analysis (SF-MDA). According to Halliday and Hasan (1985: 4), there are many other modes of meaning, in any culture, which are outside the realm of language. Although Halliday developed systemic functional linguistics (SFL) for the study of language, systemic functional theory is a theory of meaning, and, as such, the fundamental principles of the approach are applicable for the study of other semiotic resources (Jewitt, Bezemer and O’Halloran 2016: 33). In other words, it is believed that VG can scrutinize different modes at the same time and can be applied to various multimodal genres including traditional Chinese Operas. For example, Zhu and Fu (2012) adopted VG to explore the translation of Kunqu Opera considering the nature of multimodality in language, music, and performance.

Visual grammar Systemic functional theory is well suited to the study of multimodality because the underlying premise that semiotic resources are tools for creating meaning is equally applicable to the multitude of sign systems in society, and a fundamental principle of SFT is that language and other semiotic resources are (multi) functional tools for creating and structuring thought and reality (Jewitt, Bezemer, and O’Halloran 2016: 33–34). A key word here is “function”. Van Leeuwen (1999: 190) explains that semiotic resources have different “metafunctional configurations” that are not universal or a function of their intrinsic nature but are the result of their uses in society and the values attached to them. Therefore, the metafunctional principle plays an important role in SF-MDA, which is also the pillar of VG. Correspondent with the three metafunctions in systemic functional grammar, Kress and van Leeuwen posit representational function (meaning), interactive function (meaning), and compositional function (meaning). Representational function refers to any semiotic mode that is able to represent aspects of the world as it is experienced by humans; interactive function signifies that any semiotic mode can project the relations between the producer of a (complex) sign and the receiver/producer of that sign; and compositional function suggests that any semiotic mode has the capacity to form texts, complexes of signs which cohere both internally with each other and externally with the context

Peking Opera terminology 107 in and for which they were produced (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 42–43). In terms of representation, Kress and van Leeuwen discuss narrative representation, which serves to present unfolding actions and events, processes of change, and transitory spatial arrangements (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 59), and conceptual representation, which represents participants in terms of their more generalized and more or less stable and timeless essence in terms of class, structure, or meaning (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 79). The hallmark of a narrative visual proposition is the presence of a vector: narrative structures always have one, but conceptual structures never do (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 59). Vectors, in Kress and van Leeuwen’s words, are formed by depicted elements that form an oblique line, often a quite strong, diagonal line, or are formed by bodies or limbs or tools “in action” (2006: 59) and so forth. They aim to direct viewers from one point of the image to another, i.e. to form a dynamic eye flow. Therefore, a vector is a primary indicator which distinguishes narrative representation and conceptual representation. However, it is by no means the only principle. With regard to interaction, Kress and van Leeuwen (2006: 114) hold that these images involve two kinds of participants: represented participants (the people, the places, and the things depicted in the images) and interactive participants (the people who communicate with one another through the images, the producers, and viewers of images). Kress and van Leeuwen map out four kinds of interactive meanings in images: contact, social distance, attitude, and modality, under which there are different means of realization, and through which we can pick out information such as whether the represented participants look at the viewers; the different relations between represented participants and viewers; the subjective or objective attitudes towards represented participants, human or otherwise; and the reliability of messages, respectively. Lastly, for Kress and van Leeuwen, the composition of the whole is the way in which representational and interactive elements are made to relate to each other, the way they are integrated into a meaningful whole (2006: 176). Composition relates the representational and interactive meanings of the image to each other through three interrelated systems, which are information value; that is, the placement of elements endows them with different information values; salience, which means that the elements are made to attract the viewer’s attention to different degrees; and framing, the presence or absence of framing devices disconnecting and connecting elements of the image.

Visual grammar in the translation of Peking Opera terms In this section, we will examine the translation of Peking Opera terms on the basis of the three functions or meanings of VG one by one. A point to note is that a small number of Peking Opera terms will be excluded from our discussion; their translation is monomodal, which is inappropriate for the theoretical framework that this chapter assumes.

108  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang Representation Let us analyse representation first. Previously, the two types of representation have been presented and defined with a fundamental principle to distinguish them. As the definition showed, narrative representation offers dynamic scenes, a hallmark of which is the presence of a vector. Vectors, which, as previously stated, are formed by depicted elements that form an oblique line, aim to direct viewers from one point of the image to another, i.e. to form a dynamic eye flow. On the other hand, conceptual representation, as the word “concept” denotes, is more essence oriented or meaning oriented. To put it another way, narrative representation interprets phenomena, while conceptual representation reflects essence (Zhang and Jia 2012: 39). This brief yet informative discussion of the two types is fundamental for our further analysis and is the basis for which narrative representation is excluded. The reason lies, of course, in the fact that Peking Opera terms, at least the terms included in the Book Series, focus on meaning reproduction or explanation (conceptual representation), in which there is no phenomenal interpretation or directed eye movement (narrative representation). Next, we will present a section of analysis with concrete examples. Conceptual representation encompasses three processes: classificational processes, analytical processes, and symbolic processes. The first two types are found to be evident in the translation of Peking Opera terms. Figure 6.2 (qīngyī) and Figure 6.4 (Gestures of Peking Opera) belong to classificational processes. Classificational processes relate participants in terms of a “kind of” relation, a taxonomy: at least one set of participants will play the role of Subordinate with respect to at least one another participant, the Superordinate (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 79). Figure 6.2 is the term “qīngyī”. The upper part presents an image with fèngguān (凤冠, a phoenix coronet usually worn by women in imperial or noble families) and xiápèi (霞帔, a costume usually worn by women in imperial or noble families). A point to be made clear is that “qīnɡyī” is an umbrella term in Peking Opera since female characters both rich and poor can be this type. As such, qingyi characters will dress distinctively according to the roles they play. In other words, the upper part in Figure 6.2 is just one kind of qīngyī dressing and make-up. It is a “kind of” relation and, of course, belongs to classificational type. It is easier and more manifest based on the previous analysis when we come to Figure 6.4 in which a set of gestures serve as Subordinates, and they are different patterns of Peking Opera gesture, or zhĭfă. We assign Figure 6.5 and Figure 6.6 to analytical processes. Analytical processes relate participants in terms of a part–whole structure, and they involve two kinds of participants: one Carrier (the whole) and any number of Possessive Attributes (the parts) (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 87). The two terms are “diǎncuìtóumiàn” and “zhuājítóu”, two terms related to Peking Opera facial makeup which refer to a set of head ornaments made of precious kingfisher feathers and a hairstyle featuring a twisted knot of hair on the top, respectively. Through the two images, we are presented with what diǎncuìtóumiàn and zhuājítóu look like both as a whole and as their constituent parts. With the help of word description, the constituent parts are more informatively conveyed to the prospective viewers.

Peking Opera terminology  109

Figure 6.4  The Gestures (zhĭfă) of Peking Opera

Interaction Now the investigation will move its focus to interactive function. As previously stated, interactive function can be explored from different perspectives. Here, we will analyse these perspectives one by one. Contact is established when represented

110  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang

Figure 6.5  Diǎncuìtóumiàn

Figure 6.6  Zhuājítóu

Peking Opera terminology 111 participants look at the viewer and therefore vectors are formed by participants’ eyelines (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 117). Contact includes demand (gaze at the viewer) and offer (absence of gaze at the viewer). We can see the clear distinction between demand and offer. However, a point to be considered is that, as Kress and van Leeuwen (2006: 117–118) suggest, when it is demand, the producer uses the image to do something to the viewer in order to demand that the viewer enters into some kind of imaginary relation with him or her. This point distinguishes demand from offer in nature and is of the utmost significance for further elaboration. The following examples will illustrate the point further. It is apparent that Figure 6.7 belongs to demand. However, regarding Figure 6.8, it is doubtful whether it is demand or offer if we do not have any convincing argumentation. It is legitimate to suggest that Figure 6.8 is a manifestation of demand in the sense that there is a gaze at the viewer. Nonetheless, to back up

Figure 6.7  Fèngguān

112  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang

Figure 6.8  Zhèngjí gǔzhuāngtóu

our conviction, we need to return to the distinction just mentioned in the picture: when it is demand, the producer uses the image to do something to the viewer, to demand that the viewer enter into some kind of imaginary relation with him or her. Taking this as a starting point, it might be proposed that the producer of Figure  6.8 is not demanding that the viewer does something; rather, it is more logical to place the image in the offer category. As the word “offer” itself suggests, it offers something, and to be exact, it offers the general appearance of zhengji guzhuangtou. Thus it is arguable that Figure 6.8 can be considered as an offer. The effects of social proximity or distance are closely reflected within the framing of an image. Framing centres on choices between close-up, medium shot, long shot, and so on. Kress and van Leeuwen (2006: 124) believe that the choice of framing and distance can create different relations between represented participants and viewers. In Figure 6.9, a medium-long shot shows the full figure and indicates

Peking Opera terminology  113

Figure 6.9  Lăoshēng

114  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang a relatively “close social distance”. In contrast, Figure 6.10 only shows the head and shoulders of the subject, a close-up that signifies close personal distance. There is yet another way in which images influence relations between represented participants and the viewer: perspective (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 129). Perspective, the selection of an angle, a “point of view”, implies the possibility of expressing varied attitudes towards represented participants, human or otherwise. If a represented participant is seen from a high or a low angle, then there will be power differentiation between interactive participants and represented participants. If the image is at eye level, no power difference is involved; this displays an equal relation between interactive participants and represented participants as in the images displayed in the preceding figures. Equal attitudes prevail in the multimodal translation of Peking Opera terms. Lastly, in terms of interaction, one of the crucial issues in communication is the question of the reliability of the messages, which is realized through “modality”,

Figure 6.10  Piānjí gǔzhuāngtóu

Peking Opera terminology 115 a term from linguistics. The concept of modality is equally essential in accounts of visual communication (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 156). There are different modality markers in visual texts. In this chapter, we will address only one kind – colour saturation, exceptionally evident in the text investigated. Colour saturation works through a scale running from full colour saturation to the absence of colour, that is, black and white. According to Kress and van Leeuwen, “black and white” demonstrates the lowest modality, and when the saturation scale is between 60% and 70%, it embodies the highest modality, after which the modality decreases again (2006: 160). What we can deduce from this statement is that comparatively high saturation will take on the highest modality, though it cannot be quantified. The images from Figure 6.1 to Figure 6.10, except for Figure 6.2, Figure 6.4, and Figure 6.9, all display comparatively high saturation. High modality, no matter how high it is, is the general tendency in the multimodal translation of Peking Opera terms. Composition The final examination will be composition and the multimodal text of translations of Peking Opera terms. As stated in the preceding section, composition relates the representational and interactive meanings of images to each other, and it consists of three interrelated systems: information value, salience, and framing. In that framing devices are rarely seen in texts, our following endeavour will focus on information value and salience only. The information values of left and right, top and bottom, central and margin are different. This means that spatial arrangements of images contain important information as to the degree of value of the images. From all the figures, we can generalize two types of image location: left versus right and top versus bottom. The first type follows the rule that the left is the side of the already Given, something the reader is assumed to know already, and that the elements placed on the right are New (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 180–181). If, in a visual composition, some of the constituent elements are placed in the upper part and the other, different elements in the lower part of the picture space or the page, then what has been placed above is presented as the Ideal, and what has been placed at the bottom is put forward as the Real (Kress and van Leeuwen 2006: 186). What differentiates the Ideal from the Real rests on the fact that the Ideal presents the idealized or generalized essence of the information which is the most salient part, and the Real, in contrast, gives more specific, more down-to-earth, or more practical information. Hence, with reference to the preceding description, when we look back through the previously analysed figures, we are informed that the selected images demonstrate information values as the Given, the New, the Ideal, and the Real. The composition of a picture or page also involves different degrees of salience in its elements. In Kress and van Leeuwen’s opinion (2006: 201), regardless of where the elements are placed, salience can create a hierarchy of importance among the elements, selecting some as more important and worthy of attention than others. Factors leading to a hierarchy of importance include size; sharpness

116  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang of focus; tonal contrasts (areas of high tonal contrast have high salience); placement in the visual field (elements not only become “heavier” as they are moved towards the top but also appear “heavier” the further they are moved towards the left, due to an asymmetry in the visual field); perspective (foreground objects are more salient than background objects and elements that overlap other elements are more salient than the elements they overlap); and so on. Salience, or a hierarchy of importance, will lead viewers to pay more attention to some elements over the others. Normally, the more salient elements will win out. Having this in mind, when we review all the figures, we conclude that the image parts are highlighted, whether scrutinized from the principles of size or from sharpness of focus. The comparatively larger size that the images occupy and the relatively higher sharpness of focus that the images enjoy work in tandem, guiding the viewers’ gaze to specific elements of the images.

Conclusion To recap all the points after their detailed description, we offer a table outlining the numbers of images in accordance with the framework of VG. As shown in Table 6.3, among the translation of 129 terms, 59 of them deploy analytical processes, and 70 use classificational processes. Regarding interaction, what strikes us most is that the images appearing in the translation of the 129 terms perform the function of offer and display equal attitude. Data in the interaction section also tells us that all the images express close distance; to be specific, 37 are close personal distance and 92 indicate close social distance. Concerning the parameter of modality, higher colour saturation claims the largest proportion, to be exact, 99 out of 129. The last result that can be obtained from the table is relevant to information value and salience, the most interesting of which is that, compared with the textual part, all images in the translation of the 129 terms

Table 6.3  General information related to VG in Peking Opera term translation VG Representation Interaction

Number Conceptual representation Contact Social distance Attitude Modality

Composition

Information value

Salience

Analytical processes Classificational processes Offer Close personal distance Close social distance Equal attitude Higher colour saturation Lower colour saturation Given New Ideal Real Images salient

59 70 129 37 92 129 99 30 6 43 60 20 129

Peking Opera terminology 117 are salient, while images mainly demonstrate two types of information value: the New and the Ideal. What has been observed here is closely connected with the following factors. First, at the representational level, only conceptual representation is identified, which is supposed to conform to the semiotic information conservation rule of translation, a principle holding that the sum of semiotic information shall be the equal or not less than the original after it has been transferred (Wang 2015: 23). Ogden and Richards argue that the relation between a word (symbol/form) and a thing (referent) to which it refers is not direct. It is mediated by concept (reference/ thought) (Hu 2006: 107–108). In other words, a semantic whole is expected to include the three parts. In the translation of Peking Opera terms, texts have words/ symbols/forms (liberal translation) and concepts/references/thoughts (literal translation with annotation), whereas images work as things/referents. Through cooperation of multimodal components, there is no or almost no loss of meaning. Second, what has been observed at the interactive and compositional levels is firmly related to the motivation that inspired the birth of the Book Series. The Book Series is intended to promote Peking Opera culture abroad. However, a central and complicated issue to be clarified is how to promote Chinese culture abroad. Solutions are definitely diverse. Nonetheless, scholars share a similar view that effective communication is paramount. For example, Huang affirms that the ultimate goal of translation is to achieve optimal communication and to make us globally understood (Bao 2013: 64). Mainly targeted at foreign audiences who are unfamiliar with Peking Opera, the Book Series is required to be endowed with features reflecting those of popular scientific writing (Zhao 2019: 16). Popular scientific writing is aimed at popularizing knowledge. In this way, as well as being scientific and literary, it should be easy to understand and easily attract readers (Wang 2006: 36). It can be concluded through Table 6.3 that the images are mainly to function as offer, to embody close social distance and “higher colour saturation” at an interactive level. At the compositional level, images chiefly convey two functions, Ideal and New. In addition, the images are noted to be more salient at the compositional level. The images set in motion a series of effects on readers that distil the characteristics of the New and Ideal and of the concept of offer; the images present the essence of the costumes and other items in a deliberately eye-catching, concrete way, inviting readers to contemplate them in a pleasurable, unconfrontational way. “Equal attitude”, as previously explained, conveys no power differentiation. Readers and viewers will be more easily attracted and drawn towards the images because of the intimate atmosphere that they create. Furthermore, another factor determining whether a piece of popular scientific writing is attractive or not, a factor also relevant to the format of the Book Series, is its design (Sun 2017: 60). Visual elements such as colours, images, and graphs, underlie design (ibid.). “Salient images” and “higher colour saturation of images” are clear manifestations of attractiveness. To sum up, the multimodal features of the translation of Peking Opera terms show the reader-oriented nature of the translators’ work and the extent of their efforts to make Peking Opera culture easily understood. The present study is, of

118  Qin Huang and Yajun Wang course, mainly descriptive. However, it has highlighted key elements of the multimodal phenomenon in Peking Opera terminology translation for the first time, an issue unexplored in this particular context. This research adds to the limited existing scholarship on the translation of Peking Opera terms and also presents a new theoretical approach to its study. It will hopefully promote future study in both the general and the specific senses. With an unparalleled proliferation of interconnected social and cultural changes, together with the joint processes of globalization and technological innovation, the landscape of human communication has changed extensively. What typifies today’s communication is its increasingly multimodal nature, and the burgeoning interest in it has attracted scholars from various disciplines. However, the verbal fixation continues to have a firm grip on translation to this day, and the expansion of translation theory and analysis tools to other modes and media is taking place rather hesitantly and in an unfocused manner (Kaindl 2020: 54). Within translation studies, scholars have only sporadically touched upon the issue, for example Jakobson’s intersemiotic translation in his tripartite division of translation activities and Reiss’s functional approach to translation studies which includes audiovisual text. Additionally, with regard to multimodality and translation, audiovisual translation (AVT) is frequently studied. The panoply of studies on AVT and the plentiful theoretical frameworks available leave many other multimodal phenomena insufficiently examined. Fortunately, in recent years, there have been discussions on the interplay of multimodality and translation studies in general (Adami and Ramos Pinto 2020; Kaindl 2013, 2020). Also, the need for a focused consideration of translation in multimodal contexts is becoming increasingly urgent in the modern world as communication involving words, images, movement, gesture, and music occurs frequently (Boria and Tomalin 2020: 3). As a result, the present study can be viewed as a concrete case study in terms of the interplay of multimodality and translation studies. It is thus hoped that scholars’ attention will be diverted to the existing and rapidly developing multimodal phenomena in translation. Specifically, it is hoped that the present study will contribute to future studies in the following ways. As explained at the beginning of the chapter, terminology plays a substantial role in the transfer of Peking Opera concepts. Therefore, it seems to be a platitude to repeatedly state the importance of the translation of Peking Opera terms. However, it is of particular urgency to emphasize this once more with reference to the strategy of “Taking Chinese Culture to the Global Stage” and to the facts, as pointed out by Sang (2015: 1), that China is lagging behind in attempts to promote Peking Opera globally and that the English versions translated by Chinese translators and scholars are largely marginalized overseas. It is believed that taking Peking Opera to the global stage will be a systematic project and that it will take a number of complicated and closely interconnected steps. The translation of Peking Opera terms should constitute the first step or, maybe more prudently, should at least be highlighted at the first stage. That is to say, further and more rigorous scholarship on the translation of Peking Opera terms will be required. Thus, a specific purpose of this study is that it serves as

Peking Opera terminology  119 a timely reminder of the specific importance of the translation of terminology in Peking Opera in order for its distinctive elements to be comprehended abroad. However, the study is limited by the absence of an overall evaluation of the multimodal ensemble in the translation of Peking Opera terms. Future scholarship would benefit from this, and continued efforts are also required in the following areas. Firstly, a closer investigation of multimodal design in the translation of Peking Opera terms is necessary. Design is a key concept in social semiotics and refers to the situated process in which a sign maker chooses semiotic resources and possible arrangements for semiotic entities to be produced to meet particular social functions and purposes. This study avoids any discussion on whether the present design in the text is suitable or optimal. This deserves further investigation. Secondly, further research could also explore modal affordances, meaning that different modes offer different potentials for making meaning. We have modes like audio, video, images, and so forth. Further studies could be carried out to verify whether the modes already adopted are suitable for Peking Opera transmission; if not, what other modes could be used? In addition, multimodal reception analysis should be conducted. Multimodal reception analysis requires empirical research to show how multimodal messages are perceived and comprehended by users. The results of reception research will be instrumental in bettering modes design and discovering more mode affordances. A further point of note is that the three aspects can never be studied in isolation as they are always intertwined. Multimodal reception rests substantially on logical design and optimal mode affordance, and in turn, reception analysis will present fertile terrain for the improvement of multimodal design and the exploration of mode affordance. The present study, by highlighting the scant attention paid to multimodal devices in the translation of Peking Opera terms, opens an avenue to further studies on the translation of terminology. It is hoped that this incipient perspective on the translation of Peking Opera terms will attract more scholars’ attention and that subsequent fruitful outcomes will be available in the near future.

Part II

Terminology management and scholarship

Introduction A historical overview of terminology management and scholarship Saihong Li and William Hope

Terminology, as a system for studying terms and as an essential means of knowledge transfer, is of pivotal importance in language asset management and in language strategy for the internationalization of enterprises. Terminology, as a term itself, was first coined by the German terminologist Christian Gottfried Schutz in 1770 by using the Latin term terminus (word, expression) + the Greek -logia (dealing with). Terminological work itself has a long history; however, terminology as a science and a discipline was first developed by Eugen Wüster in the 1930s. His general theory of terminology influenced many contemporary terminology research studies and continues to be a reference point for modern terminology research. Terminology management in its broader sense refers to “any deliberate manipulation of terminological information” (Wright and Budin 1997: 1). Terminology management in its practical sense refers to a set of terminological tasks centring on the handling of terminology resources and translation to fulfil specific purposes or needs, including the collection, description, manipulation, storage, editing, presentation, tracking, maintenance, and sharing of terms, in specialized areas of one or more languages (Reynolds 2015: 276). Effective terminology management can increase productivity in translation processes and improve the quality of target translations. For enterprises such as language service providers, this can also mean reduced costs in the long term. As mentioned in the introduction to Part I, the history of terminological work in China dates back to 200 bce. Erya (尔雅) is considered to be the first recorded volume of terminology. Terminology work in China has long been considered a part of practical lexicographical work and more importantly as part of a political process of translating and then integrating minority languages when a new dynasty was established. Therefore terminological work was completely separated neither from translation nor from lexicography – the science of compiling dictionaries. Despite its long practical history, however, terminology as a subject and a science only received formal recognition in the 1980s in China, when the Chinese National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies (CNCTST) was set up. Today, all Chinese terminology is standardized and approved by this Committee. The Committee is under the supervision of the Chinese National Bureau of Technique Supervision and now works closely with international organizations such as the ISO (International Organization for Standardization), the IEC (International Electrotechnical

124  Saihong Li and William Hope Commission), and the ITU (International Telecommunications Union). The development of terminology management in China reflects the demand by industry and global organizations to have unified terminologies to facilitate commerce and the transfer of technology. Contemporary Chinese terminology and terminology management have been strongly influenced by Western scholarship and continue to be driven by globalization and internationalization. Their development can be summarized in five stages since the founding of the P. R. China in 1949. The initial stage lasted from 1949 to 1965. During this period, terminology work was considered an important part of the development and standardization process of the Chinese language, as well as being a significant element of the country’s national language planning and education policy, and therefore received strong central government support. The official terminology nominalization committee (学术名词统一工作委员会) was established in 1950 and included over 150 scientists. In 1956, this role was passed to the Chinese Academy of Science (中国科学院). The committee was also partly involved in the development of the Pinyin system (the romanization of Chinese) and the process of simplifying official Chinese characters in the 1950s (Wu 1985, 1991). The second stage – or what might be termed the stagnation stage – was strongly influenced by the Cultural Revolution and domestic political reform in China between 1966 and 1984. During the Cultural Revolution, terminological work was politically and linguistically discouraged, and all terminology work came to a standstill. In 1974, the Chinese government started to prepare for re-establishing the terminology committee and restoring terminology work. The third stage – which we will call the exploration stage – lasted from 1985 to 1995. This stage was marked by the official launch of the Natural Science Terminology Committee (全国自然科学名词审定委员会) by the Chinese government on 25 April  1985. During this period, the Committee drafted its working principles and methods. The Committee’s Internal journal, Terminology of Natural Science (自然科学术语研究), which was launched in 1985, was a medium for exchanging insights into the redefinition of fundamental and applied aspects of terminology in China, as well as for introducing Western theories and practices of terminology. This laid the foundation for the establishment of the (Journal of) China Terminology (科技术语研究)1 in 1998. The exploration stage featured three key aspects of knowledge exchange: Firstly, there was knowledge exchange with the Taiwan Straits in the development of Chinese language terminology work: in 1994, a knowledge exchange symposium with Taiwan was held to share information and developments in terminology work in the Chinese language with input from beyond inland China. The event marked the first attempt to harmonize and standardize Chinese terminology work; significantly, it established a dialogue of knowledge exchange with Taiwan. Secondly, there was greater engagement with Western terminology theories and practice. Terminologists such as Wüster, Hoffmann, and Rondeau were invited to China to outline Western terminology scholarship and practice. It was in this period that different schools of terminology in the West were first introduced into China. In addition to inviting the leading figures from the different terminology schools, Chinese scholars started to translate and incorporate Western theories

Introduction 125 into their work. Fengming Wu (1985) and Zhiwei Feng (1985, 1991) were among the first Chinese scholars to introduce and discuss the four different schools of terminology at that time – the German-Vienna School, the Moscow School, the Canadian School, and the Prague School. Thirdly, technology exchange and evolution gained momentum. Traditional methods of printing and data management (such as handwritten records) were no longer able to meet the increasing complexity of terminology work since the invention of the computer and associated technologies in the 1950s. The database management system  – a “software system that enables users to define, create, maintain and control access to the database” (Connolly and Begg 2014: 3) – became one of the main parts of terminology work. Since the 1960s, many term databases, such as Eurodicautom (developed by the EU, replaced by Interactive Terminology for Europe: IATE2), TERMIUM (Canada, replaced with TERMIUM Plus3), DANTERM4 (Denmark), and MultiTerm5 (later changed to SDL MultiTerm) were developed. However, there was almost no such terminology database in China before 1989, according to Jin (1991). Scholars such as Ziping Wang (1991) and Zhiwei Feng (1991, 1995b), were among the Chinese scholars to introduce artificial intelligence to terminology database systems and called for the development of an extensive Chinese database system. Between 1991 and 1993, funded by the Chinese government, the first Chinese database was developed. To sum up, during this stage, many Western publications on terminology theories and practice were translated and introduced to China. The Natural Science Terminology Committee set up 49 subcommittees, employed over 1700 terminology experts, and published standardized terminology for 29 different subjects. The fourth stage – to be labelled the development stage – lasted from 1995 to 2005. The 95th Congress meeting of the China National Committee for Science and Technologies marked the beginning of the development phase of terminology work in China. The name of the Committee also changed to the China National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies6 (CNCTST) (全国科学技术名词 审定委员会), and its remit also included arts and humanities subjects. In 2002, the first interactive data management system was successfully built. In collaboration with Infoterm (International Information Centre for Terminology), the Termonline7 (术语在线) official website was launched in 2003, enabling people to search for terms online for free. Terminology management, as a new term to replace terminology work, was introduced to China in the 2000s (Liang 2005). By 2005, 61 subcommittees of the CNCTST had been set up; 66 subject-specific terminology areas had been standardized. This stage featured several distinctive characteristics. There was increasing demand for terminology standardization to facilitate global trade and communication. With the rapid development of international trade linked to China, inconsistency and inaccuracy in terminology and translation became an obstacle. In the 1990s, for example, there were many different versions of translated terms in science and technology in circulation. The World Wide Web (万维网, wànwéi wǎng) was translated as 万维网, 全球网, and 世界网; cyberspace (网络空间, wǎngluò kōngjiān) was translated as 电子空间, 网上咖啡屋, and 多维空间 in computer science. Therefore, there was an urgent demand for term standardization or nominalization. To facilitate this work, validation principles and methods were

126  Saihong Li and William Hope drafted in 1995. ISO standards for term translation and ISO principles and methods of terminology work were both introduced to China by Qingchang Zhou (1999). In addition, terminology standardization in minority languages such as Uighur, Mongolian, and Tibetan started to receive recognition. Minority language experts and industry professionals were invited to discuss frameworks for terminology normalization. Minority language experts and terminologists expanded their work by using term base, corpora, and terminology management systems. This initiative subsequently led to the publication of the汉英维科技大词典 (hányīng wéi kējì dà cídiǎn, Chinese Wiki Science and Technology Dictionary) in different minority languages (CNCTST). Importantly, there was rapid development in terminology tools and technology. The increasing integration of machine translation, artificial intelligence, large corpora, and usage of computer-assisted translation and terminology tools dramatically changed terminology work. Machine translation and terminology tools gave terminologists and translators quick access to target language terms (Reynolds 2015). In the 1980s, China developed its first machine translation system: the KY-1 and MT/ EC863 English–Chinese translation system. Baidu Translation was first launched in 2000 and now has the capacity to translate and interpret over 200 different languages automatically (both in written and spoken form). AITRANS8 (爱译), is a multinational company that used artificial neural network technology to develop both Bodiansoft-ITM and Bodiansoft crowdsourcing. Terminology tools such as Huoyun9 (火云), Baidu10 (百度), Youdao11 (有道), SDL Multiterm, Trans-Mate,12 memoQ,13 and TermWiki14 are extensive user-friendly repositories of linguistic data. Technological advances such as terminology management systems, machine translation, and 5G have contributed to a significant boom in terminology work. The fifth stage, arguably categorizable as the boom stage, started in 2005 and continues to the present day. In this stage, international collaborations between America, Europe, Asia, and Russia have intensified, and domestic synergies between higher education institutions and industries have multiplied. The CNCTST has also evolved; its charter was established in 2016 and today it has 95 subcommittees. Some 127 different disciplines of terminology have been standardized and promulgated in China. More than 3000 experts (including more than 300 academics) from different disciplines have joined the subcommittees. This period has featured an upsurge in the number of academic publications linked to terminology and a sharp increase in the provision of research funding. There has also been a notable expansion in the number of higher education institutions that provide courses related to this field. In 2007, the MTI (MA in Translation and Interpreting) was approved by the Chinese Ministry of Education, and now over 270 BA and 249 MA programmes are offered in Translation and Interpreting Studies by Chinese universities, with over 30,000 graduate students every year (TAC 2018). The establishment of university programmes was a key factor in the surge of academic publications. A basic search for “terminology” using the CNKI database reveals 118,875 publication results. This is also exemplified by the nationally funded ten-volume project《中华科学技术大词典》(zhōnghuá kēxuéjìshù dà cídiǎn, Chinese Dictionary of Science and Technologies) by Chunli Bai and colleagues, with over 500 editors involved in the project. It was published in 2019 and

Introduction 127 included 96 different subjects, with over 500,000 terms and definitions. Another example is the publication of 《两岸科学技术常用词典》(liǎngàn kēxué jìshù chángyòng cídiǎn, The Comparative Terms of Science and Technology) between the P. R. China and Taiwan in 2010 by Yongxiang Lu, Qing Liu, and colleagues. It includes 19,500 terms in 31 different subject areas. In 2010, the Committee signed an agreement with Baidubaike; since then, over 100,000 standardized terms with definitions have been published via Baidubaike and are available to consult for free. Internationally, influential Sino-Austrian collaborative projects entitled ‘基于 Web 的开发、分发、重新使用术语的方法’ (Web-Based Semi-Automatic Term Construction) and ‘在汉语语料库中识别和提取新术语的方法、工具与技能’ (Methods, Tools, and Strategies of Term Extraction in Chinese Corpora) were developed between 2007 and 2009 (CNCTST 2020). Automatic or semi-automatic term extraction technology was developed as part of this project. Term extraction, which makes use of corpora-based linguistic methods (e.g. part-of-speech tagging, phrase chunking) to extract term candidates and compare frequency in corpora, can be used for databases and translation memories (databases consisting of sentences, paragraphs, or sentence-like units that have previously been translated and which present matching pairs as translation candidates) and is an important component of terminology work. The Sino-Russian bilateral science and technology project in 2008–2009 and the Sino-Kazakh terminology management collaboration resulted in a multilingual term bank and a publication, 《汉ˎ 哈ˎ 英ˎ 俄科技名词大词典》 (hàn hā yīng é kējì míngcí dà cídiǎn, The Chinese, Kazakh, English, and Russian Dictionary of Technical Terms) in 2013. A similar Sino-Korean collaboration led to the completion of a trilingual Chinese, Korean, and English term bank. Considerable advances have also been made in terminology management training. Professional training is essential to improve the quantity and quality of terminology work. Since 2007, many CNCTST members have participated in the International Terminology Summer Schools, usually held in either Austria or Germany, for comprehensive terminology management training. In 2006, the CNCTST also started to offer annual terminology training courses, and since then there have been 15 training events. To help address the issue of a lack of necessary training in terminology management, more terminology management modules have been included in Translation and Interpreting degree programmes in Chinese universities since 2007 (Xinhuanet 2017; Xinhua News 2020). Another element of the boom period in terminology work in Chinese contexts is the way language service industries have thrived. Language service industries, ranging from microbusinesses to multinational corporations, provide a wide range of services in translation, localization, globalization, and internationalization (Angelone, Ehrensberger-Dow, and Massey 2020). China’s language service industries have collaborated with higher education institutions to provide internship opportunities and have led the way technologically by making practical use of advanced translation technologies such as CAT tools, cloud computing, artificial intelligence, and machine translation (Luo, Meng, and Lei 2018). The number of language service providers has increased exponentially from 8,179 in 2002 to 320,874 in 2018, indicating that they are integral to the growth in China’s economy. The first national specification for China’s translation industry  – the

128  Saihong Li and William Hope Specification for Translation Service – was established in 2003. In the same year, the Chinese Accreditation Test for Translators and Interpreters (CATTI) was launched. Today, over 200,000 people have taken the tests, which have become a “benchmark of professionalisation” (Hu 2020: 90). But alongside the systematic terminology management developed by the CNCTST, ad hoc terminology management is also carried out by many language service industries (Wright 2001). This work is often “hidden or blended with other tasks” (Bowker 2020: 262), and it is even the case that “very few companies do any terminology management at all” (Warburton 2015: 367). The chapters in Part II of this volume shed further light on this dual reality that characterizes contemporary terminology management and scholarship in Chinese contexts. The following chapters outline the potential for further advances in terminology translation quality by improving term recognition techniques, by enhancing bilingual terminology compilation processes, and by identifying distinctive features of translational Chinese such as translationese and translation universals. The practical applications of such approaches are illustrated in projects which, for example, identify culturally specific terminology in literary works and facilitate its translation into other languages. Equally though, evidence emerges of the amount of work that still needs to be done in terms of implementing terminology tools in business contexts, in establishing professional terminology management processes more extensively, and in creating more term databases that are accessible to the public. The new millennium has so far been characterized by accelerated progress that has significantly improved terminology translation, management, and scholarship in Chinese contexts. The main challenge now is arguably that of maintaining this momentum and ensuring that its socioeconomic and cultural benefits are shared equitably across China, from its metropolises to its peripheries, and among all sections of society.

Notes 1 Journal of China Terminology (中国科技术语). Available at: https://www.term.org. cn/CN/1673-8578/home.shtml [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 2 IATE. Available at: https://iate.europa.eu/home [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 3 TERMIUM Plus. Available at: https:www.btb.termiumplus.gc.ca/tpv2alpha/alphaeng.html?lang=eng [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 4 DANTERM. Available at: https://www.danterm.dk/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 5 SDL MultiTerm. Available at: https://www.sdltrados.com/products/multiterm-desk top/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 6 CNCTST (全国科学技术名词审定委员会). Available at: https://www.cnctst.cn/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 7 Termonline (术语在线). Available at: https://termonline.cn/index.htm [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 8 AITRANS. Available at: https:www.aitrans.org/en/about.aspx?id=9 [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 9 Huoyun. Available at: https://pe-x.iol8.com/#/home [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 10 Baidu. Available at: https://www.baidu.com/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 11 Youdao. Available at: https://www.youdao.com/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 12 Trans-Mate. Available at: https://trans-mate.com/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 13 memoQ. Available at: https://www.memoq.com/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 14 TermWiki. Available at: https://accounts.termwiki.com/login [Viewed 30 August 2020].

7 Translator-oriented terminology management Bingbing Leng

Introduction The Handbook of Terminology Management: Basic Aspects of Terminology Management (Wright and Budin 1997) is a practical work oriented to serve terminologists, translators, lexicographers, domain specialists, and standardizers, who are to a greater or lesser extent involved in terminology work. This book focuses on basic methods of terminology management and on the use and development of terminology tools such as terminology databases, online dictionaries, and application of terminology. In this book, terminology management is defined as any deliberate manipulation of terminological information, including systematic terminology management and ad hoc terminology management. The former refers to traditional terminology management while the latter is targeted at the terminology work of translators or interpreters. We believe that terminology management is a more comprehensive and appropriate concept than terminology translation because terminology translation has integrated with computer technology and translation project management within the Chinese context. Related studies can mainly be seen in the journal essays by Wang Huashu (2019) and master’s theses by Fan Jiajia (2019), Weng Chuanzhou (2018), Li Li (2018), Cheng Yiliang (2017), and Yao Jia (2017). Most of the researchers explore how terminology management technology, as one of the key computer-aided translation technologies, plays a crucial role in ensuring the quality of translation projects. Although the use of terminology management technology is popular with translation researchers, the importance of term identification and term use in translation should not be neglected because of the limitations of CAT tools in identifying term variants and those of machine translation in choosing appropriate terms. In the following section, this chapter will indicate that the traditional terminology theory, i.e. the General Theory of Terminology (GTT), cannot provide translators with the theoretical support to identify terms in context and to communicate with appropriate terms.

GTT’s inability to guide translator-oriented terminology management Eugen Wüster (1898–1977), the father of terminology, established GTT, which is regarded as the authoritative theory to guide terminology research. Wüster

130  Bingbing Leng proposed that GTT is a practical discipline to harmonize technical communication among nations by standardizing the relationship between concepts and terms. The purpose of GTT is to set the fundamental principles for terminology studies and dictionary compilation. We believe, however, that GTT is unable to provide theoretical guidance for translators for the reasons discussed next. GTT is a theory with concept analysis as its starting point The comparison and analysis of concepts is the starting point of GTT with the purpose of standardizing term variants which share the same concept, but translator-oriented management is quite different. The difference between translator-oriented terminology management and traditional terminology management is shown in Table 7.1, where systematic terminology management, another name for GTT, refers to the systematic recording of such information and its presentation as dictionaries, terminology collections, and terminology databases while ad hoc terminology management means the ad hoc retrieval of such information for the purposes of translation and interpreting. (Wright and Budin 1997: 150)

As indicated by Table 7.1, GTT claims that the analysis of concept–term relationships is seen as the cornerstone and the starting point of any terminology work (Packeiser 2009: 8–9), while the initial stage of ad hoc terminology management/ translator-oriented terminology management is to identify terms in isolated texts, which may be paragraphs, sentences, or even words. Extensive studies of translation practice show that translators’ inability to recognize terms is a main cause of poor translation quality. Here are two examples: Example 1: Its key research areas are in integrated circuits design, advanced packaging, bioelectronics and medical devices, MEMS, nanoelectronics, and photonics. Table 7.1 Work sequence comparison between systematic and ad hoc terminology management Work sequence

Systematic terminology management

Ad hoc terminology management

Step 1

Collect terms and concepts from relative domain field Construct the corresponding concept system Create term entries based on the concept system Link entries to the system

Identify terms used in isolated texts

Step 2 Step 3 Step 4

Create term entries Document available contexts Construct the concept system based on available fragments if there is adequate time and opportunity

Translator-oriented terminology management  131 False translation: 它的主要研究领域包括集成电路设计、先进的包装、 生物电子学、医疗设备、微机电系统、纳米电子学和光子学。 Analysis: advanced packaging is a concept which means a collection of approaches for combining chips into packages, resulting in lower power and cost. When translating the phrase advanced packaging in Example 1, translators, being outsiders with regard to domain knowledge, may quite possibly translate it literally as 先进的包装 (xiānjìn de bāozhuāng) instead of as 先进封装 (xiānjìn fēngzhuāng), which is the standardized term in Chinese. Example 2: Raw materials requiring little or no special treatment can be transported by rail, ship, or barge at low cost. False translation: 原材料由于几乎不需要特殊处置，所以能够通过铁路, 轮船或驳船进行低成本ff输。 Analysis: ship in Example 2 is such a simple word that certain translators who are not familiar with marketing or logistics expertise may translate it as 轮船 (lúnchuán). However, ship in this context is a logistics term, with the concept barge-carrier ship. Therefore, it should be translated as 货船 (huòchuán). This type of translation mistake, stemming from a failure to recognize the specialized meaning of certain terms, is a noticeable problem in language for special purposes (LSP) translation, and GTT cannot provide appropriate guidance for term recognition. GTT is a theory concerned only with words GTT claims that the rules of Flexionslehre and syntax are not relevant to terminologists, but a common mistake of translators when they deal with terminology management is their misconception that only words can be terms. Therefore, they fail to recognize the terms in other grammatical forms, such as phrases, sentences, and even discourse. Take the following example: Example 3: Concrete should always be placed in horizontal layers which are compacted by means of high frequency power-driven vibrators of either the immersion or external type, as the case requires, unless it is placed by pumping. False translation: 一般情况下，除使用泵来浇筑外，混凝土都应在水平 方向上分层浇筑，并使用插入式或表面式高频振捣器捣实。 Analysis: it is placed by pumping in Example 3 actually means concrete pumping with it referring to concrete, and should be translated as 泵送混凝土浇 筑 (bèngsòng hùnníngtǔ jiāozhù), denoting “a placing method by concrete pump”. 泵送混凝土浇筑 can be conveyed by pumping concrete or concrete pumping. and “it (concrete) is placed by pumping” here is a syntactic variant. Kit and Feng (2009) summarize four types of term variations, one of which is syntactic variation. If translators do not know that syntactic variants

132  Bingbing Leng of a term also function as terms, they may make translation mistakes. Another example: Example 4: IME’s innovation will help realize a wireless communication system with very small form factor. False translation: 新加坡微电子研究所的这项创新有助于实现小形状系 数的无线通信系统的发展。 Analysis: a wireless communication system with very small form factor is a syntactic variant of an SFF (small form factor) communication system. Therefore, the proper translation of the compound term is 小形状系数无线 通信系统 or SFF无线通信系统. Fang and Fan (2008: 100), Chinese translation theorists, emphasize that the reasons why so many translators fail to produce quality translations are attributable to a lack of linguistic and specialized knowledge to interpret various grammatical structures and semantic meanings of compound terms. The recognition of terms therefore requires a good knowledge not only of lexicons but also of common grammatical forms of terms. Research into how to identify terms in various forms is unfortunately beyond the parameters of GTT. GTT is a synchronic linguistic study GTT concerns the existing concept of a term, but many translation mistakes are made as a consequence of the diachronic changes of a term and its concept (Feng 2007). Example 5: Typical methods of fastening and joining parts include the use of such items as bolts, nuts, cap screws, setscrews, rivets, locking devices, and keys. Parts may also be joined by welding, brazing, or clipping together. False Translation: 紧固和联结零件的典型方法包括使用螺栓、螺帽、有 头螺钉、定位螺钉、铆钉、锁紧装置和键。此外, 零件也可以通过焊 接、硬钎焊或是夹紧等方式联结。 Analysis: There is a logic-based mistake in the translation, for welding here should not be translated as 焊接 (hànjiē), which is a broader term covering various processes in Chinese, such as 硬钎焊 (yìng hànjiē，软钎焊 (ruăn hànjiē), etc. Online research shows that the term welding is often used to denote two meanings, one referring to a fabrication process that joins materials, usually metals or thermoplastics, and the other frequently denoting a fusion welding process. As welding processes have advanced, the term welding, originally with the conceptual meaning fusion welding process, has been used nowadays as an umbrella term encompassing various welding processes. So the boldfaced word in Example 5 should be translated as 熔焊. Example 6: Could 焊缝 be translated as weld? In China’s welding industry, 焊缝 (hànfèng) and 焊接接头 (hànjiē jiētóu) are two confusing terms,

Translator-oriented terminology management  133 although the former had been replaced with the latter in the China national standards GB150 list in order to avoid concept confusion. However, due to its customary use, 焊缝 is still used to denote two concepts, “welding joint” and “the area of a weld where melting and solidification occurs”. 焊缝, with the meaning welding joint, can be translated as weld, welded seam, etc., but could welded seam be used to refer to the concept of the welding area where melting and solidification occurs? The answer is no. According to English technical documents outlining welding technology like Welding Engineering: An Introduction (Phillips 2016: 180) and A Quick Guide to Welding and Weld Inspection (Hughes 2009: 22–23), we find that the concept of the area of a weld where melting and solidification occurs is often referred to as a fusion zone instead of a welded seam. Hence the frequent translation mistake of 焊缝 comes from the customary use of 焊缝. Many terms are accepted through common practice over a long period. 甚高 分辨率辐射仪 (shèngāo fēnbiànlǜ fúshèyí) is the Chinese equivalent of the term advanced very high resolution radiometer (AVHRR) and is quite often used in space remote sensing technology within Chinese contexts. Translators choose this customary use despite the fact that 甚高分辨率辐射仪 is not a proper name from the perspective of Simplified Chinese term naming. The study of how to identify terms in isolated texts should be an essential part of translator-oriented terminology management. It is necessary to provide theoretical terminology support for translators because of several challenges translators may be faced with, such as a lack of domain expertise and of reference materials for both source and target texts. Moreover, they may not have enough time to search online and establish an extensive database for later use.

CTT’s guidance for translator-oriented terminology management Zhiwei Feng, a Chinese terminology scholar, commented on the Introducción a la teoría general de la terminología y a la lexicografía terminológica (1998) by Wüster and suggested that although it is useful for terminology study and term standardization, the work’s research scope is limited. Feng proposes that researchers should study the concept and standardized linguistic form of the term and also the communicative and diachronic uses of the term. Feng points out that although Wüster’s publication offers good guidance for terminology research and term standardization, it has some limitations in that we can research terms not only from the perspective of concepts but also from that of ontology; not only from the perspective of lexicons but also from that of syntax and semantics; and not only from the perspective of synchronic changes but also from that of diachronic perspectives (Feng 2012). We believe that the Communicative Theory of Terminology (CTT), as an appropriate theoretical framework for translator-oriented terminology management, is a

134  Bingbing Leng valuable complement to GTT. How should we approach CTT study with a view to focusing it on translator terminology management? In this chapter, we will discuss the guidance of CTT for translators from the perspective of term recognition, the initial stage of translation terminology management. In Section 3, based on translation practice in the context of a popular science magazine Scientific American, this chapter will discuss how to use CTT to achieve appropriateness of term translation. CTT’s guidance for term identification In a specialized discourse, technical communicators use terms in flexible ways, and more than two terms may share the same concept, as shown in Figure 7.1. Terms as concrete items observed in utterances, precede terminology as a set (Kageura 2015: 50). Term recognition as the initial stage of translation terminology management is often challenging for the complexity of terms in use, due to phenomena like polysemy, terminologization, synonymy, and the variety of terminological units. Polysemy “A term with two or more concepts, among which more or less semantic relations exist, is called a polysemous term. These terms may belong to either the same conceptual system or a different one” (Feng 2011: 47). Consider the following example: Example 7: Another aspect is related to chemical problems connected with plant growth: aluminum toxicity is a problem in low PH soils, where it may reduce plant growth. False Translation: 另一个方面是与作物生长的化学问题有关：低PH值土 壤中的铝中毒问题能够延缓作物的生长速度。 Analysis: aluminum toxicity has more than two Chinese equivalents: 铝毒 (lǚdú), a term from agriculture, and 铝中毒 (lǚzhòngdú), a term from medical science. When encountering a term used in multiple fields, translators

term1

term1…………………… …………………term2…

Identifying terms

term2

Terminology 1

………………………… …….term3……………… …………term4…………

term3 term4

Figure 7.1  Specialized discourse, terms, and terminology

Terminology 2

Translator-oriented terminology management  135 should analyse its context carefully before they decide which Chinese equivalent is appropriate. In this example, the term is shared by the fields of agriculture and medicine. According to the context described by the words plant growth and soils, we can see aluminum toxicity here should be translated as 铝毒. Example 8: Roller chains are assembled from pin links and roller links. A pin link consists of two side plates connected by two pins inserted into holes in the side plates1. A roller link consists of two side plates2 connected by two press-fitted bushings, on which two hardened steel rollers are free to rotate. False Translation: 滚子链的安装包括销轴连接和滚子连接。销轴连接是 指将两个销轴插入链板1的孔中，来连接销轴和两个链板1。滚子连接 则是将两套筒与链板2进行过盈连接，然后将硬化钢滚子套上，滚子 可以在套筒上自由转动。 Analysis: Roller chain side plates are used to hold the internal components in and for strength. There is a set of inside side plates and outside plates with their different functions. In Example 8, side plates1 and side plates2 refer to outside plates and inside plates. respectively, and the writer uses the superordinate term side plates to indicate these two hyponyms. Based on specialized background knowledge, a judgment can be made that the translation of side plates1 and side plates2 should be corrected to 外链板 (wài liànbǎn) and 内链板 (nèi liànbǎn), respectively. Translators are advised to analyse the context of term use carefully before they make a definitive choice about a term’s meaning. Terminologization Terminologization is a linguistic process in which lexical units of general English become used as terms. Basically, there are three methods to form a term: the use of existing resources, the modification of existing resources, and the creation of new linguistic entities (Sager 1990: 28). A common process for the first method is to form new terms by means of analogy, such as the terms dovetail saw and gooseneck clamp, which are named according to the similarity between the shapes of the dovetail/gooseneck and the saw/clamp. However, sometimes it is difficult to identify clearly the semantic relationship between the term and the corresponding element in general English, such as terms in civil engineering like furring, anchor, apron, bleeding, pocket, etc. It is therefore necessary for translators to analyse whether certain expressions are terminological or not by considering the contexts in which they are used. Example 9: Under some conditions, this vibration will reach and maintain a steady amplitude whilst under other conditions the vibration will build up, and unless cutting is stopped, considerable damage to both the cutting tool and workpiece may occur. This phenomenon is known as chatter.

136  Bingbing Leng Translation: 在某些情况下，振动将保持稳定，而在另一些情况下，振动 将加剧，除非停止切削，否则刀具和工件可能发生相当严重的破坏。 这种现象称作“刀振”。 Analysis: Considering that the subject matter of Example 9 is the vibrations of cutters and the description that chatter is a cutting phenomenon, we can deduce that chatter, as a specialized term used in the context of cutting instead of an everyday word, should be translated as 刀振 (dāozhèn). Synonymy of term use Synonymous terms in scientific and technical documents mainly come from multiple expressions of specialized concepts and their temporary use by technical writers in discourses. Example 10: tungsten inert gas welding (TIG) gas tungsten arc welding (GTAW) Translation: 钨极惰性气体保护焊 Analysis: The English name of 钨极惰性气体保护焊 is gas tungsten arc welding (GTAW), an arc welding process that uses a non-consumable tungsten electrode to produce the weld. In this process, the weld area and electrode are protected from oxidation or other atmospheric contamination by an inert shielding gas. GTAW is also known as tungsten inert gas (TIG) welding. The two names have the same meaning and are used interchangeably in technical contexts. As outsiders, translators may sometimes be ignorant of the synonymous uses of 钨极惰性气体保护焊and might translate gas tungsten arc welding literally into Chinese as 钨极气体（保护）弧焊, which denotes an incomplete concept as it does not emphasize the characteristic of inert gas shielding. There are other examples like implantable cardioverter-defibrillators (ICD), a medical device used to prevent cardiac arrest in high-risk patients who have not had but who are at risk of, life-threatening ventricular arrhythmias. The traditional ICD is also known as transvenous ICD, where the transvenous ICD leads are commonly implanted via the left or right subclavian vein. Therefore, ICD has two acceptable names according to different naming methods. The reasons for the use of synonymous terms like GTAW/TIG and ICD/transvenous ICD can be explained by the general terminology theory. Synonymy of term use is attributable to several reasons: misunderstanding of the concept, innovations by different manufacturers, lack of timely standardization, or different uses for different regions, such as different uses in simplified and traditional Chinese. However, lack of coherence, a serious translation problem, is often caused by the technical writer’s temporary term variants whose purpose is to avoid repetition. The writer usually resorts to various linguistic means, such as hyponyms,

Translator-oriented terminology management  137 superordinates, and substitutes to replace the same term, but inexperienced translators sometimes fail to identify them. Example 11: Heat treatment is thermal cycling involving one or more reheating and cooling operations after forging for the purpose of obtaining desired microstructures and mechanical properties in a forging. Few forgings are produced without some form of heat treatment. Untreated forgings are usually relatively low-carbon steel parts for noncritical applications or are parts intended for further hot mechanical work and subsequent heat treatment. The chemical compositions of the steel, the size and shape of the product, and the properties desired are important factors in determining which of the following production cycles to use. The object of heat treating metals is to impart certain desired physical properties to the metal or to eliminate undesirable structural conditions which may occur in the processing or fabrication of the material. In the application of any heat treatment it is desirable that the “previous history” or structural condition of the material be known so that a method of treatment can be prescribed to produce the desired result. In the absence of information as to the previous processing, a microscopic study of the structure is desirable to determine the correct procedure to be followed (Situ and Li 2001: 27). Analysis: In order to avoid repeating heat treatment, the writer used such substitutes as thermal cycling, production cycles, heat treating metals, treatment, or procedure; all of these should be translated as 热处理 (rè chǔlĭ) with the standardized English term heat treatment. It should be noted that the writer’s temporary wordings of some concepts appear in different places within the whole text, which may be deceptive for translators. CTT should explain the term use in specific contexts. As linguistic units used in specialized communication with natural language features, terms in use are decided by pragmatic factors like the relationship between addressers and addressees, the intention of addressers, and specific context. We think that research into the term use in various texts through the perspective of the Communicative Theory of Terminology is necessary for both LSP translators and technical writers. Variety of terminological units in use CTT proposes that the language units to denote specialized concepts can be lexical, phraseological, or syntactic units. All the language units contribute to a terminology system, and the most frequently used term unit is nominal structure (Leng 2012). Extensive translation practice proves the variety of the terminological units used in technical communication. Example 12: Plants may be able to be more resistant to drought, flooding, salinity or sensitivity to heavy metals, so that they can be grown in areas

138  Bingbing Leng of the earth currently beyond the tolerance range of species, or even those areas unable to be used for agriculture at all. Translation: 改造后的作物具有更强的抗旱、抗涝、抗盐碱或抗重金属污 染的特性，这样作物就可以种植在超过物种耐性、甚至根本不适合做 农用地的土壤里。 Analysis: “be resistant to . . .” in Example 12 is a term variant of the standardized form resistance and should be translated as 抗旱/涝/盐碱/重金属敏感性. Example 13: Furthermore, other environments could be considered: tolerance to low temperature is also important, and, for example, an antifreeze gene from an arctic fish has been transferred to soybean, with the goal of creating plants tolerant to low temperature. Translation: 此外，作物对其他生长环境适应能力，如低温耐受性也很重 要。例如，基因科学家已经从一种北极鱼体内提取出一种抗冻基因植 入大豆中来提高大豆的低温耐受性。 Analysis: Both the noun phrase tolerance to low temperature and the adjective expression tolerant to low temperature in Example 13 denote the concept 低温耐受性. A detailed linguistic description of term units in technical contexts will help translators to identify terms properly, and research into the relationships between term uses and their contexts are of great value for translator-oriented terminology management. In the following section, the chapter will discuss the appropriateness of term use for different readers and discourses.

CTT’s guidance for term translation Spanish terminologist Teresa Cabré (1999: 11) divides term users into two groups: one comprises the term experts who facilitate the exchange of terms by compiling term lists, and the other includes people who communicate with terms. In this way, terminology study can be carried out in two directions, i.e. through linguistic and communicative aspects. Juan C. Sager established a term communication model, in his book A Practical Course in Terminology Processing (1990), highlighting the importance of communicative terminology research. Sager’s term communication model focuses on terms in use and emphasizes the appropriateness of term communication. According to Sager (1990: 100), the communicator should consider the possible knowledge of audiences, the communication purpose, and the proper term use so that s/he can achieve the intended goal. This section will demonstrate how to translate terms from popular science magazines, guided by CTT. Discourse functions decide term translation News and features in Scientific American (SA), a famous popular science magazine in America, generally consist of title, lead, and body. The three components

Translator-oriented terminology management  139 have different discourse functions with their specific communicative function. The title and lead are supposed to be carefully designed to attract readers, avoiding complex terms so as not to discourage its readership, while the terms used in the body of articles are comparatively more precise. The following examples are from three Chinese versions of SA: 环球科学 (huánqiú kēxué) and 科学 (kēxué) on the Chinese mainland and 科學人 (kēxué rén) in Taiwan. Example 14：Rethinking the “Lesser Brain”（title） In the back of our skulls, perched upon the brain stem under the overarching mantle of the great hemispheres of the cerebrum, is a baseball-sized, beanshaped lump of grey and white brain tissue. This is the cerebellum, the ‘lesser brain.’ (lead) Translation：小腦一點都不小（title）（《科學人》2003/10） 在我們頭顱的後方，有一個腦區身於腦幹之上、籠罩於大腦兩大半球之 下、 大小如棒球、形狀如豆子、由灰色與白色腦組織所構成，這就 是小腦（cerebellum），[比較小的腦]。（lead） Analysis: As shown in Example 14, the expression of cerebellum in the lead is simplified by the use of lesser brain in the title. Similarly, 小腦 (xiăonăo, cerebellum) in the lead is more precise than 小腦 in the title. Therefore, term uses in the title and the lead of the feature are different, and the former tends to be simple and easy to understand for non-specialist readers while the latter is more technical and formal. Example 15: The Enigma of Huntington’s Disease (title) Nearly 10 years after scientists isolated the gene responsible for Huntington’s Disease, they are still searching for how it wreaks its devastation. (lead) This is the grim picture of Huntington’s Disease, a heritable disorder that commonly strikes people who have the predisposing gene during the prime of life, the 30s or 40s.（body） Translation: 謎樣的舞蹈症 (title) (《科學人》2003/02） 病況悲慘的家族遺傳疾病杭丁頓氏症，患者通常正值盛年，卻開始不由 自主地手舞足蹈，慢慢變得憂鬱、暴躁、瘋狂、失智，甚至被誤以 為是酗酒或精神病患，無法自行正常生活，最後因併發症死亡。早 在10年前，杭丁頓氏症就由全球科學家合作找到致病基因，過程感人 至深。目前也有近百位研究人員組成跨國研究聯盟，繼續尋找這種謎 樣疾病的治療方法，希望能終止病患家族的驚恐與絕望。(lead) 以上就是杭丁頓氏症（Huntington’s disease）這種遺傳疾病的可怕寫照。 先天帶有這種致病基因的人士，通常在30~40幾歲的盛年發病。(body) Analysis: Huntington’s disease is translated as 舞蹈症 (wǔdăo zhèng) in the title, 杭丁頓氏症 (hángdīng dùnshì zhèng) in the lead, and 杭丁頓氏症 (Huntington’s disease) in the body, respectively, which shows a norm of term translation from simplicity to specialization. 舞蹈症 in the title attracts the attention of readers for its vivid description of the disease, while 杭丁頓氏症 (Huntington’s disease) in the body part conveys precise medical information. Therefore, discourse function decides term use in popular science magazines.

140  Bingbing Leng Target readers also decide term translation Whether term translation is appropriate or not is also decided by the target readers of the translation. The examples in the preceding section illustrate how to translate terms appropriately in popular science magazines. It should be noted that sometimes appropriate term translation can be achieved only by using specialized terms, which is exemplified as follows: Example 16: New research shows how a layer of water on the surface of ice – even at temperatures well below freezing – can influence everything from the slipperiness of a skating rink to the electrification of thunderclouds. Translation: 新的研究表明，即使完全在冷凝温度以下，冰表面的水相可 能影响到从室内滑冰场的滑行到暴雨云的电现象等各个方面。(《科 学》2000/04) Analysis: This example comes from 科学, a simplified Chinese version of Scientific American with the purpose of popularizing information for well educated but non-expert readers; a layer of water, in the source text, is translated as 水相 (shuĭxiàng), which is a standardized Chinese term with water phase as its English equivalent. Obviously, the Chinese translation is targeted at the expert audience instead of the public. Example 17: Muscle, Genes and Athletic Performance Translation: 肌、基因与ff动成绩（《科学》2000/12） Analysis: Muscle is defined as a band or bundle of fibrous tissue in a human or animal body that has the ability to contract, producing movement in, or maintaining the position of, parts of the body. Muscle in this example is translated into 肌 instead of 肌肉, indicating that the translation is aimed at an expert audience. Translation methods of terms Three common translation methods are put forward to achieve appropriateness of term use in popular science magazines: deletion of specialized terms, use of colloquial terms, and use of substitute terms. Deletion of specialized terms Example 18: PLASMA ACCELERATORS（title） Translation:《桌面上的加速器》（《环球科学》2006/3） Analysis: In this translation, the translator omits PLASMA in order to achieve readability of the translation, for this term is considered to be too specialized for a general readership. Example 19: ANTENNAS get SMART (title) Adaptive antenna arrays can vastly improve wireless communications by connecting mobile users with virtual wires (lead) Translation: 天線變聰明了 (Lead Omitted)（《科學人》2003/08）

Translator-oriented terminology management  141 Analysis: the translation of this lead is omitted because the information is too specialized for the public to follow. Therefore, how to translate a term in certain contexts, such as adaptive antenna arrays in this example, depends on how to translate the discourse to which the term belongs. Use of colloquial terms Example 20: In vitro fertilization was once considered by some to be a threat to our very humanity. Cloning inspires similar fears. Translation: 試管嬰兒一度被認為是對人性的威脅，如今，復制人也引發 了類似的恐懼。生物科技介入生殖，帶來的是希望還是災難？（《科 學人》2003/07） Analysis: In vitro fertilization can be translated precisely as 體外受精 (tǐwài shòujīng), which refers to a medical procedure whereby an egg is fertilized by sperm in a test tube or elsewhere outside the body. This procedure is usually called 試管嬰兒 (shìguǎn yīngér) in traditional Chinese. Here it is obvious that translators replaced the specialized name 體外受精 with its colloquial variant, thereby matching the expectations of a readership of non-specialists. Use of subordinate terms Example 21: Short-range infrared lasers could beam advanced broadband multimedia services directly into homes and offices Translation: 光纖通訊效果雖然又快又好，但缺點是鋪設纜線的成本太 高，無法普及到家家戶戶。要如何跨越寬頻通訊的最後這一個鴻 溝？雷射，或許是唯一的解決之道。（《科學人》2002/09） Analysis: In this translation, the translator transfers the underlined part of the source text into 雷射 (léishè), by omitting short-range infrared with the purpose of simplifying the information conveyed by the lead. Example 22: The ULTIMATE WHITE LIGHT “Supercontinuum” laser light has enabled the most precise frequency and time measurements ever and might drive optical data transmission rates to record speeds. Translation: “漂白”激光（《环球科学》2007/01） 激光五彩斑斓，但是你一定没有听说过白色的激光。对光来说，白色最 为复杂，集万千色彩于一身，而激光却一向以颜色单纯而著称。想 把激光的颜色漂白，绝不像用一块三棱镜将白光幻化成七色彩虹这 么简单。一个意外的实验结果，让科学家终于找到了“漂白”激光的方 法。白色激光拥有更加神奇的特性，可以制造出上亿年都不偏差一秒 的时钟，还能把光纤互联网的传输速率提高上千倍。 Analysis: Supercontinuum laser light is a technical term which can be best described as broad as a lamp and bright as a laser, and the translator translates it as 白色激光(báisè jīguāng) instead of the literally translated version 超连续谱激光 (chāo liánxù pǔ jīguāng), which is arguably too specialized for a general readership.

142  Bingbing Leng Based on several examples from the three Chinese versions of Scientific American, two in simplified Chinese and one in traditional Chinese, we propose that the translators achieve term appropriateness by analysing contextual factors like discourse functions and target readers and then choose appropriate term variants.

Conclusions In short, considering the high demand for appropriate term recognition and translation in the translation process within Chinese contexts, we should establish a study focus on the Communicative Theory of Terminology as soon as possible with the purpose of keeping pace with the rapid development of the translation service industry in China. Recent research in terminology mainly focuses on establishing translation criteria for terms according to term naming methods, while paying no attention to the context of term uses. This chapter initially highlighted the difference between traditional terminology management and translator-oriented terminology management and then analysed three characteristics of GTT, which indicate that the theory is unable to provide adequate guidance for translators’ terminology work. Finally, it has been outlined how terms can be appropriately translated based on an analysis of discourse types and target readers as well as on the selection of term variants.

8 Terminology definition in the humanities and social sciences Jian Yin

Introduction Terminology is the crystallization of human knowledge and wisdom in natural language (Feng 2011: 1). The precondition for any endeavour in terminology research and application is a clear definition of “what is terminology?” While it seems easy to obtain terminology definitions from textbooks or academic articles, in actuality, a comprehensive and workable definition which proves to be applicable in terminology application is usually difficult to obtain, especially when terminology is being extracted or analysed in natural language texts in the Humanities and Social Sciences (H&SS). A definition consists of intension and extension, and the answer to this question can also be intensive and extensive. In this chapter, we propose that the definition of terminology has three levels: the theoretical level, the domain-specific level, and the sample level. While theoretical and domainspecific definitions of terminology belong to its intension, the sample definition falls into the category of extension. Thanks to the development of terminology studies, our understanding of terminology has deepened. With a comparison between traditional and modern terminology theories, it is indicated that at a theoretical level, the definition of terminology should be conducted from an entitybased to an ontology-based approach. We choose human rights (HR), a typical domain in H&SS which is characterized by complexity and interdisciplinarity, as the object of research in our elaboration of domain-specific definition acquisition. A workable domain-specific definition in HR (what are HR terms?) derives from a top-down induction of the category system from such resources as LSP dictionaries, encyclopedias, and academic articles. As for the sample definition at the third level, its extension, a bottom-up automatic term extraction (ATE) approach is adopted so as to extract candidate terms in HR, after which the HR category system is referred to as a framework for screening noise and obtaining the final terms. These final terms, as a set, constitute the extensive definition of HR terminology. One important key word in this chapter is “definition”, which usually refers to “an explanation of the meaning of a word or phrase” (Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, 9th edition). This chapter is entirely centred on the issue of defining terminology as well as the evaluation of the outcome. Another key word worth mentioning here is “ontology”, which pertains to the knowledge system in

144  Jian Yin theoretical terminology definition as well as to the category system induced when domain-specific HR terminology definition is conducted. Wüster, the founder of terminology as an independent discipline, constructed his theory based on his experience as an engineer in electronics technology. Since then, most of the theoretical contributions to terminology and their application have centred on terminology in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics), at the expense of terminology in H&SS, which has many unique characteristics compared with STEM terminology. This chapter focuses on HR studies, one of the typical H&SS disciplines, in the context of terminology definition and extraction. While terminology definition, as well as extraction, is one thing, a subsequent multidimensional criticism of the extracted term systems is another; its aim is to evaluate the soundness of the system. Terminology criticism is to evaluate the soundness of the term system in a specific domain which covers the linguistic, cognitive, and communicative dimensions. Since the major functions of terms as special types of linguistic symbols include both knowledge transfer and discourse construction, terms act as the underlying and fundamental units of knowledge and discourse, and the soundness of the term system can reflect the fulfilment of the preceding two functions. One way to apply and extend the multilevel definition model is to evaluate the defined and extracted terms from the perspective of knowledge transfer and discourse construction. It is hoped that the definitionextraction-criticism protocol in HR may also be adoptable in other domains. This chapter consists of six sections. The first section, the introduction, summarizes the main tenets of the chapter and outlines the different levels of a comprehensive form of terminology definition. The second section explores theoretical definitions of terminology and the importance of ontology-based definitions. The next section discusses domain-specific terminology definition, in which a topdown approach is adopted when terms and defining expressions in LSP dictionaries, encyclopedias, and academic articles are collected and analysed so as to induce a category system for HR. The fourth section examines sample definitions of HR terminology. A  bottom-up ATE approach is adopted to obtain candidate terms in both Chinese and English HR texts. Then, the top-down and bottom-up approaches are combined when we use the HR category system as the framework for screening noise in the ATE process, and finally we obtain the final lists of HR terms. In section five, a multidimensional terminology criticism is conducted so as to evaluate the soundness of the extracted term systems in HR. The last section is the conclusion, in which the chapter’s main points are summarized, together with the limitations of the research and our suggestions for further study.

Theoretical definition of terminology: from entity to ontology This section will analyse the definition of terms in traditional terminology theory (GTT) founded by Wüster and his followers. Both the merits and demerits of the traditional definition will be discussed before an ontology-based defining approach is proposed. By comparing the traditional definition and our definition, both the linguistic and conceptual characteristics of terminology will be widened

Humanities and social sciences  145 so as to recognize and extract terms more completely and efficiently in the subsequent obtaining of the category system and ATE in HR. Wüster advocated the establishment of an independent discipline which takes terms as its unique research object, hence the traditional theory of terminology, or GTT. According to Wüster, a term is “the linguistic label of a concept” (Jacquemin and Bourigault 2005: 599). When a concept occurs in science and technology, people assign a linguistic form to designate the concept, hence the creation of terms. Owing to Wüster’s contribution, he is called the Father of Terminology. His ideas were inherited, disseminated, and supplemented by scholars like Felber (Felber 1981: 70). The International Standardization Organization (ISO) adopted Wüster’s definition of terminology (ISO 704). However, Wüster’s traditional terminology theory is not without demerits. From the early 1990s, some terminologists started to challenge Wüster’s principles (Cabré 2003; Temmerman 2000; Faber 2009). Concerning the definition of terminology, two points are pivotal. First, GTT confines terms to the word category of nouns and nominal phrases, due to its termconcept-object-entity (term represents concept, concept designates object, and object is equal to entity) epistemology. Objects arguably include both entities and other nonentities, like activity, quantity, attribute, time, place, process, relation, and the like. Accordingly, as for parts of speech, terms can be nouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, and so on. Besides, given that terms are used in both paradigmatic and syntagmatic relations, variation is the norm. Therefore, variation of terms occurs frequently, which includes morphological variation, syntactic variation, semantic variation, and expanded variation (Kit and Feng 2009). Secondly, the structure of the concept system needs to be re-examined. According to GTT, concepts in the same system have a logic relation with each other, the two most important logic relations being generic relation and partitive relation (Feng 2011: 114). In actuality, new proposals for a concept structure can be found in the schools of modern terminology theories (Temmerman 2000; Faber 2009). For instance, Socio-cognitive Terminology argues that concepts are in a prototypical structure (Temmerman 2000), and Frame-based Terminology suggests that concepts in the same field usually constitute templates as frames, which is an important cognitive mechanism for humans (Faber 2009). Table 8.1 summarizes the main proposals of Table 8.1 Linguistic and conceptual characteristics of terms in traditional and modern terminology theories Linguistic characteristics

Conceptual characteristics

Linguistic form Term variation

Objects represented

Semantic relation

GTT

Nouns

Univocity and no variation

Entities

Logic relation

Modern terminology theories

Nouns and other categories

Variation of various types

Entities and other nonentities

Ontology relation

146  Jian Yin ontology-based terminology definition, which amends and supplements the arguments of GTT in both linguistic and conceptual characteristics. Based on the preceding understanding, we tend to define terminology as “the linguistic expression of domain knowledge in language for specific purposes” (Kit and Feng 2009). This definition is based on the latest contribution of modern terminology studies and conforms to the real behaviour of terms in natural language use by rationalizing both the linguistic and conceptual characteristics of terms. Ontology is not only an effective perspective for defining terminology in general; in the next section we will construct an HR category system using a top-down method, which is similar in both function and form to a terminological ontology.

Domain-specific definition of HR terminology: construction of the category system Ontology is a high-frequency word in philosophy, computer science, and terminology studies. This section introduces the induction of HR terminological ontology with the aid of LSP dictionaries, encyclopedias, and academic articles, and outlines the function of domain terminological ontology in ATE. In philosophical meaning, ontology is the science or study of being or existence, that is, the essence of things in the world. Both Aristotle and Kant established systems of categories (Aristotle 1959: 19; Kant 2016: 15). Utilizing the category system, we can classify objects and obtain a general understanding of the world. Both Aristotle’s and Kant’s category system theories laid foundations for research in computer science and terminology studies. In the field of computer science, an ontology is “an explicit specification of conceptualization” (Feng 2011: 160), or “a formal specification of a shared conceptualization” (Feng 2011: 161). The idea of ontology in both philosophy and computer science can be extended to terminology studies, which facilitates our understanding, definition, and extraction of terms. In essence, ontology concerns the system of concepts or categories. Terminological ontology is the specification of conceptualization in the form of terminology in specific fields. Concepts come from the conceptualization of objects, and objects include both entities and nonentities. These concepts, in the process of designating objects, form terms with various parts of speech. If we can acquire all the concepts in a domain, classify these concepts into various categories, achieve agreement among domain experts, and express these concepts in the form of terms, then this category system can be viewed as a terminological ontology. Usually, the construction of a domain ontology relies on the knowledge of experts. However, domain experts are not always available for terminology workers, and their opinions may also be subjective. For the domain of HR studies, it is arguable that LSP dictionaries, encyclopedias, and academic papers contain many intellectual contributions from domain experts, which may count as reliable substitute sources for the domain-specific definition, i.e. the HR category system. Guided by this consideration, we constructed an HR terminological ontology on

Humanities and social sciences  147 the basis of relevant dictionaries, encyclopedias, and academic articles. The procedure was as follows: first, HR dictionaries and encyclopedias were acquired (which included three dictionaries and two encyclopedias published in China, two dictionaries and one encyclopedia published in the United States). Meanwhile, academic articles containing the key words of “human rights” were extracted from such databases as CNKI, EBSCO, GALE, and SAGE. These articles were read by the researcher, and any statements pertaining to the definition of HR were extracted, usually as sentences, sentence groups, or short passages. Altogether, 75 definitions were extracted from these articles (40 in Chinese and 35 in English). After these were done, a top-down process of inducing the category system of HR was conducted. The entries in dictionaries and encyclopedias were read and sorted according to their semantic categories in the HR domain. Meanwhile, a small-size corpus of HR academic definitions (3023 tokens) was built and AntConc (3.2.1) was used to identify the high-frequency words in the corpus. These words (we chose content words) are co-words in the definitions that academic articles deem as significant in defining the concepts of HR. Like the entries in dictionaries and encyclopedias, they were also sorted by categories. Finally, a general HR category system was obtained from these resources. It consists of such categories as PATIENT, OBJECT, ACTIVITY, AGENT, and ATTRIBUTE. Table 8.2 illustrates the members of the category system and their meanings. Note that these categories are large-grain classifications of HR terms. Under each category, there are also other tiers of terms, i.e. subcategories, or even hyponyms under subcategories. These subcategories may have different structures and semantic roles. This category system is a terminological ontology in its structure and function, which we consider as the HR domain-specific definition. In answering what HR terminology is, it is not enough just to quote the theoretical definition, since it is still rather abstract, though theoretically all-inclusive. However, guided by the preceding HR category system, we can give a more workable domain-specific definition of HR terminology: “HR terminology is the linguistic expression of HR knowledge which falls into any category of PATIENT, OBJECT, ACTIVITY, AGENT, or ATTRIBUTE in this domain.” This definition may well function as a criterion of domainhood for HR term candidates, which in turn helps guarantee the proper extraction of terms from texts.

Table 8.2  HR category system PATIENT OBJECT ACTIVITY AGENT ATTRIBUTE

The individuals or groups that enjoy human rights The rights under the umbrella of human rights The actions related to the cause of human rights, being either positive or negative The counterpart of PATIENT, usually those with duty in human rights ACTIVITY The nature of human rights ACTIVITY, usually referring to the foundation, whether domestic laws, international agreements, or ethnic codes

148  Jian Yin Sample definition of HR terms: a corpus-based ATE approach While the top-down term extraction relies on the expertise of domain experts, whether by their personal participation or their academic works, the bottom-up approach refers to ATE via a computer. In the previous section, we discussed the acquisition of the HR category system using a top-down method. This section mainly deals with the bottom-up ATE process to acquire the sample definition of HR. Currently, ATE is situated within the category of corpus-based computational linguistics (Kageura and Umino 1996: 259–289). There are mainly three approaches for ATE: the linguistically oriented approach, the statistically oriented approach, and a combination of the two. The two major parameters for the evaluation of terms are domainhood and unithood. The former concerns the uniqueness and relativity in meaning, and the latter regards the degree of collocation in domain-specific texts. No matter what methods are adopted, there may be noise – though some words conform to both linguistic and statistic criteria, they are not actually terms in the domain. If that happens, it is necessary to consult domain experts for a final decision. Therefore, in term extraction practice, it seldom happens that computers are completely relied on. Most term extraction projects are actually semi-automatic, that is, computer-aided automatic extraction plus domain expertise (Taljard and Schryver 2002: 44–74). In this case, the ATE approach is aided by the HR category system. HR is one of the most complex and controversial terms in H&SS. It was created in the West, and then by translation it entered China in the late 1800s in the process of the Eastern assimilation of Western sciences. The movement of ideas is not linear; that is, when a concept, especially one from H&SS, leaves its original society and travels to a new context, its meaning usually alters to some degree. This is also the case for the dissemination of HR from the West to China. Due to cultural, historical, and political reasons, Chinese people have different understandings of this concept compared with the Western world. This explains the dramatic disagreement on the intension and extension of the term, as well as the disputes in the international arena. Against the backdrop of the disputes about HR, the construction of discourse and the dissemination of the ideology of HR find their expression in government documents, mass media reports, or academic papers. This research chooses typical HR government-issued texts by China and the United States as the text data. Every year the US State Department issues a Country Report on Human Rights Practices in the name of Congress. China, on the other hand, from 1991, started to issue its Human Rights White Paper (usually entitled “Progress in China’s Human Rights”) to express its ideology on this issue. These two sets of texts have high intertextuality. On the one hand, they constitute a form of dialogue with each other and represent a battlefield for concept contention. On the other hand, these texts are highly typical of the application of terminology in China and the West. It is due to these reasons that this research considers these government documents as corpus materials before further processing is conducted.

Humanities and social sciences  149 We downloaded China’s comprehensive Human Rights White Papers from the website of the State Council Information Office (The State Council Information Office 2020). The United States has been writing and issuing Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for more than 40 years (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor 2020). From the website of American government we downloaded 20 reports (from 1999 to 2018). Altogether, the collected texts have 967,834 tokens. For English texts, TagAnt was used for POS tagging. Jieba was used for Chinese texts for segmentation and POS tagging. Two sub-corpora were built: Country Report for Human Rights Practices, China (abbreviated as CRHRPC); Progress in China’s Human Rights (abbreviated as PCHR). Our ATE processing mainly relies on the calculation of word entropy, frequency weight, and comprehensive weight, which we considered more effective in extracting candidate terms automatically. Here, word entropy basically reflects the complexity level of the context around a certain word. The more words that co-occur with a certain word, the higher the word’s entropy will be (Huang and David 2003). The following table lists some of the extracted single-word candidates with a high comprehensive weight in CRHRPC. As can be seen in Table  8.3, the majority of the extracted words are nouns. A small number of verbs, adjectives, and adverbs also occur in the list. The results confirmed the assumption that nominal terms account for the vast majority in all term systems (Feng 2011: 366). Both linguistic and statistical approaches are

Table 8.3  Extracted single-word candidate terms in CRHRPC POS

Frequency

Entry

Word entropy

Frequency weight

Comprehensive weight

Noun Adj. Noun Noun Noun Adj. Noun Adj. Noun Noun Noun Noun Noun Adverb Adj. Noun Verb Noun Noun Noun

939 939 929 943 915 956 911 960 908 963 967 967 898 975 893 891 881 996 991 100

CCP human people discrimination right Chinese child criminal access information education family section often ethnic practice see Internet citizens organizations

9.861171159 9.861171159 9.87661772 9.855038546 9.898524573 9.835285698 9.904845262 9.829261911 9.909604019 9.824760518 9.818780427 9.818780427 9.925580872 9.806894098 9.933636141 9.936870885 9.953154297 9.776150574 9.774702812 9.770368222

2.972665592 2.972665592 2.968015714 2.974511693 2.961421094 2.980457892 2.959518377 2.982271233 2.958085849 2.983626287 2.985426474 2.985426474 2.953276337 2.989004616 2.950851459 2.949877704 2.944975908 2.998259338 2.998695158 3

29.3139642 29.3139642 29.31395659 29.31392739 29.31369947 29.31365488 29.31357157 29.31352504 29.31345941 29.31341375 29.31324703 29.31324703 29.31298312 29.31285172 29.31255387 29.31179962 29.31179962 29.31143457 29.311354 29.31110467

150  Jian Yin adopted in our ATE work, which usually focuses on the extraction of multi-word terms. For the linguistic approach, language filters are induced based on the observation of the terms in HR dictionaries and the close reading of texts. Since the vast majority of multi-word terms are nominal, adjectival, adverbial, and verbal, here we present these four categories. Table 8.4 provides information concerning linguistic filters and algorithms for extraction. Based on this setting, we obtained the following nominal, verbal, adjectival, and adverbial multi-word candidate terms. The following tables (Tables 8.5–8.8) present some samples. Note that the extraction of multi-word terms was conducted using regular expressions in EmEditor. Similar approaches and procedures have been adopted for terms in Chinese HR texts in PCHR. For the sake of space saving, the following three tables (Tables 8.9, Table 8.10, and 8.11) list the linguistic filters and algorithms, as well as the samples of extracted single-word and nominal multi-word, respectively. The extracted terms in the tables are only candidate terms, not final terms, which call for screening. The researcher inferred that there is noise in these lists of candidate terms. Therefore, guidance from domain experts is needed to filter out the wrongly extracted words and determine the final candidates. Ideally, if qualified domain experts are available, this is not a difficult job. However, because adequate and timely help from experts is not always accessible, and since it can be time-consuming and expensive, it is advisable to obtain substitute expertise to guarantee the quality of ATE. It is our belief that as a repository of information to parallel the knowledge of experts, the category system elucidated from LSP dictionaries, encyclopedias, and academic articles can function as an effective alternative for that purpose. Here we will use the HR category system as a framework to assess the domainhood of candidate terms in both Chinese and English. For Table 8.4 Linguistic filters and algorithms for English multi-word term extraction in CRHRPC Filters for nominal terms

adjective/adverb/noun + noun

Filters for verbal terms

verb + prep.

Verb + adverb

verb + adverb + prep.

Filters for adjectival terms

adj. + prep.

adverb + adj.

adj. + adverb adj. + adverb + adj. adjective + prep.

Filters for adverbial terms

adverb + adverb

adverb + adverb + adverb + adverb + adverb adverb + adverb

Word entropy

−Log (p,2), p as word form probability

Frequency weight

Log (f,10), f as frequency

Comprehensive Word entropy × comprehensive weight weight

verb + adverb + verb adverb + verb adverb + + prep. adverb adverb + adj. + adverb

Humanities and social sciences 151 Table 8.5  Samples of extracted nominal multi-word candidate terms in CRHRPC Frequency

29 85 74 26 72 74 64 62 23 54 21 354 50 56 325 43 42 17 284 256 247

Entry

Accumulated value of word form weight

Frequency weight

Comprehensive weight

international human rights organizations politically sensitive cases other Tibetan areas national household registration system social compensation fees criminal procedure law foreign domestic workers former political prisoners high female suicide rate human rights activists independent Muslim religious leaders domestic violence public security officials human rights record Tibetan areas Tibetan political prisoners human rights groups serious human rights abuses local officials rural areas family members

116.5300483

1.462397998

170.4133093

87.11225262

1.929418926

168.0760289

87.12799725 113.0707436

1.86923172 1.414993348

162.8624161 159.9920886

85.73238541

1.857332496

159.2335454

84.91483685 87.51911734

1.86923172 1.806179974

158.7255065 158.0752771

87.08639037

1.792391689

156.0929224

111.6806276 87.37504146 113.5455722

1.361727836 1.73239376 1.322219295

152.0786193 151.3679769 150.1321464

58.61025936 87.07311394 84.05549998 58.36515157 87.45015624

2.549003262 1.698970004 1.748188027 2.511883361 1.633468456

149.3977423 147.9346088 146.9448187 146.5838466 142.8470717

87.38087152 115.2615508

1.63234929 1.230448921

141.8409377 141.8234508

57.68669807 58.34423376 58.53343235

2.45331834 2.408239965 2.392696953

141.5238344 140.5069155 140.0527652

the sake of space, we will only demonstrate the screening of single-word terms and nominal multi-word terms in the two languages in CRHRPC and PCHR. The extracted candidate terms in these tables will be used again in the screening process. For the single-word terms in Table 8.12, based on the HR category system, we classify them into various categories in the system; hence Table 8.12. It can be seen from Table 8.12 that nominal terms account for the largest proportion, and by consulting the HR category system, we classify some terms into PATIENT, OBJECT, ACTIVITY, and AGENT, respectively. There remain several extracted words which are difficult to label: access, section, often, practice, and see. It is our view that some of them, for example, section and see, are high frequency general words. Other entries like information may function as a term component forming multi-word terms. In order to verify the hypothesis, we searched

152  Jian Yin Table 8.6  Samples of extracted verbal multi-word candidate terms in CRHRPC Frequency

Entry

Accumulated value of word form weight

Frequency weight

Comprehensive weight

379 896 179 187 263 251 124 119 225 331 52 90 35 276 123 115 118 190 497 100 73

does not reported that generally respected do not detained in remained in not allowed not provide resulted in stated that not provide for do so also known as based on held in arrested in involved in states that provides for released in not permit

56.99478369 46.47161369 57.15823362 56.67757242 50.96688086 51.02280292 57.21559953 57.36058333 49.86297809 46.3754595 66.02090188 56.34414905 71.29553429 43.79879187 50.94877082 50.88584609 50.02759611 45.35643899 37.93937526 50.96379512 54.38017664

2.57863921 2.95230801 2.252853031 2.271841607 2.419955748 2.399673721 2.093421685 2.075546961 2.352182518 2.519827994 1.716003344 1.954242509 1.544068044 2.440909082 2.089905111 2.06069784 2.071882007 2.278753061 2.696356389 2 1.86332286

146.968984 137.1985173 128.7690999 128.7624672 123.3375963 122.4380794 119.7763768 119.0545844 117.2868254 116.8581811 113.2920884 110.1101312 110.0851562 106.9088689 106.4780966 104.8603531 103.6512762 103.3561487 102.2980769 101.9275902 101.3278263

Table 8.7  Samples of extracted adverbial multi-word candidate terms in CRHRPC Frequency

Entry

Accumulated value of word form weight

Frequency weight

Comprehensive weight

302 45 42 45 30 47 24 21 19 18 21 18 21 14 16 14 17 13 11 25 12

as well also reportedly not only not always as well as no longer not officially reportedly also also frequently not specifically not expressly not already not yet reportedly still not legally sometimes even almost all not previously also often well as not openly

43.29985194 58.13676429 57.4344565 52.32183643 57.60634559 50.83181223 56.34498673 58.13676429 57.51894686 55.69915841 52.11016867 54.48751899 51.54233017 57.53518415 54.58906192 57.31381869 53.34480068 55.20665076 58.1967225 43.29985194 54.90526938

2.480006943 1.653212514 1.62324929 1.653212514 1.477121255 1.672097858 1.380211242 1.322219295 1.278753601 1.255272505 1.322219295 1.255272505 1.322219295 1.146128036 1.204119983 1.146128036 1.230448921 1.113943352 1.041392685 1.397940009 1.079181246

107.3839334 96.11242623 93.23044076 86.49911473 85.09155748 84.99576434 77.7679841 76.86955148 73.55256042 69.91762211 68.90107047 68.39668446 68.15052789 65.94268759 65.73178029 65.68897443 65.63805246 61.49708162 60.60564111 60.5305954 59.25273702

Humanities and social sciences  153 Table 8.8  Samples of extracted adjectival multi-word candidate terms in CRHRPC Frequency

Entry

Accumulated value of word form weight

Frequency weight

Comprehensive weight

323 146 87 86 78 64 63 57 44 49 42 42 39 37 40 22 32 31 30 29

politically sensitive North Korean international human other Tibetan as many as foreign domestic former political too sensitive Tibetan political very few other ethnic unregistered religious more difficult illegal religious underground religious more difficult for other administrative other social many other sensitive political

58.15719264 55.27142917 58.45546491 57.99308604 57.68486493 58.49595678 57.7943887 55.64002084 58.15815457 56.25846522 58.0845302 56.97569164 57.50662012 58.27803875 56.85054544 66.16693867 57.94834869 58.08113084 57.84372313 58.2312862

2.509202522 2.164352856 1.939519253 1.934498451 1.892094603 1.806179974 1.799340549 1.755874856 1.643452676 1.69019608 1.62324929 1.62324929 1.591064607 1.568201724 1.602059991 1.342422681 1.505149978 1.491361694 1.477121255 1.462397998

145.9281745 119.6268756 113.3754996 112.1875351 109.1452216 105.6542257 103.9917871 97.69691356 95.58017949 95.08783738 94.28567243 92.4875102 91.49674794 91.39172084 91.07798433 88.82399919 87.22095577 86.61997367 85.44219289 85.15731635

Table 8.9 Linguistic filters and algorithms for Chinese multi-word term extraction in PCHR Filters for nominal terms

adjective/adverb/noun + noun

Filters for verbal terms

verb + prep.

verb + adverb

verb + adverb verb + adverb + + prep. adverb + verb adverb

Filters for adjectival terms

adj. + prep.

adverb + adj.

adj. + adverb adj. + adj.

Filters for adverbial terms

adverb + adverb

adverb + adverb + adverb + adverb + adverb adverb + adverb

Word entropy

−Log (p,2), p as word form probability

Frequency weight

Log (f,10), f as frequency

Comprehensive weight

Word entropy × comprehensive weight

adverb + verb + prep.

adverb + adj. adverb + adj. + + prep. adverb

for the word information in multi-word term lists. Among the extracted nominal multi-word terms, we found 113 entries with the component of information. Some of them with high comprehensive weight include government information, new information, information requests, publicly available government information, information regulation, and information law.

154  Jian Yin Table 8.10  Samples of extracted single-word candidate terms in PCHR Frequency Entry 57 10

20 571 65 34 20 51

63 9

559 83 58 249

Word entropy

quánguó rénmín dàibiǎo 72.58192397 dàhuì/National People’s Congress quánguó rénmín dàibiǎo 125.458782 dàhuì chángwù wěiyuánhuì/Standing Committee of National People’s Congress xīnjiāng wéiwúěr zìzhìqū/ 95.65371167 The Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region shǎoshù mínzú/Ethnic 43.55564008 Minorities zhōnghuá rénmín 64.41361192 gònghéguó/The People’s Republic of China zuìgāo rénmín jiǎncháyuàn/ 72.97529976 The Supreme People’s Procuratorate guówùyuàn xīnwén 85.18262758 bàngōngshì/The State Council Information Office quánguó réndà chángwěihuì/ 64.69310021 Standing Committee of National People’s Congress zuìgāo rénmín fǎyuàn /The 57.1968813 Supreme People’s Court rénmín dàibiǎo dàhuì 107.2112153 chángwù wěiyuánhuì/ Standing Committee of People’s Congress cánjí rén/The disabled 35.38289161 zhōngguó gòngchǎndǎng/ 50.63368672 Chinese Communist Party rénmín dàibiǎo dàhuì/ 54.33435728 People’s Congress Zhōngguó zhèngfǔ/The 39.45520001 Chinese government

Frequency weight

Comprehensive weight

1.755874856 127.4447753 1

125.458782

1.301029996 124.4483481 2.756636108 120.0670502 1.812913357 116.7762974 1.531478917 111.7601331 1.301029996 110.8251536 1.707570176 110.4680085

1.799340549 102.9166801 0.954242509 102.3054992

2.747411808 1.919078092

97.21137421 97.16999892

1.763427994

95.81472664

2.396199347

94.5425245

For English nominal multi-word candidate terms, the same method was adopted. Based on the category system, we conducted the classification shown in Table 8.13. Most candidate terms can be sorted into specific categories with only a few that seem vague in categorization and require further confirmation, for instance, social comprehensive fees. One conclusion we can draw here is that, compared with single-word terms, the effect of ATE is better for multi-word candidates, which also conforms to the rule of terminology formation.

Humanities and social sciences 155 Table 8.11  Samples of extracted nominal multi-word candidate terms in PCHR Frequency Entry 14

8 5 6 3

4 2

2 4 3 3 3 3 3

Word entropy

zhōnghuá rénmín 149.5962395 gònghéguó guówùyuàn xīnwén bàngōngshì /The State Council Information Office, The People’s Republic of China liánhéguó wéihé/ 50.88728587 The United Nations Peacekeeping zhōngguó fǎlǜ yuánzhù/ 64.9966233 Chinese legal aid Guówùyuàn yìnfā/The 51.68589051 State Council prints and distributes zhōngguó zhèngfǔ 77.37675429 dàlì fāzhǎn/The Chinese government energetically develop wéiyěnà xuānyán/Vienna 57.53323609 Declaration liánhéguó ānlǐhuì 107.4031103 chángrèn lǐshìguó /The permanent member of the United Nations Security Council rémín dàibiǎo dàhuì 103.9043959 xuǎnjǔ/General election of People’s Congress běijīng xuānyán/Beijing 45.30389206 Declaration sìchuān wènchuān/ 56.47081696 Wenchuan Sichuan zhōngguó mùsīlín/ 54.78188464 Chinese Muslims dàzhōngzhuān/ 54.43385331 Undergraduate and diploma màngǔ xuānyán/Bangkok 52.48099452 Declaration zhōngguó chéngzhèn/ 40.52057605 Chinese cities and towns

Frequency weight

Comprehensive weight

1.146128036 171.4564441

0.903089987

45.95579833

0.698970004

45.43064745

0.77815125

40.21944033

0.477121255

36.91809409

0.602059991

34.63845962

0.301029996

32.33155783

0.301029996

31.2783985

0.602059991

27.27566086

0.477121255

26.94342704

0.477121255

26.13758329

0.477121255

25.97154839

0.477121255

25.03979795

0.477121255

24.39581767

For Chinese single-word candidate terms in Table  8.10, we took some with the highest comprehensive weight and classified them into the same categories. For this set of candidate terms, almost all of them can be clearly sorted into four specific categories.

156  Jian Yin Table 8.12  Sample of extracted single-word terms in CRHRPC PATIENT OBJECT ACTIVITY AGENT ATTRIBUTE

Human, people, Chinese, criminal, family, ethnic, organization Education, right Discrimination CCP (Chinese Communist Party) No entries

Table 8.13  Samples of extracted nominal multi-word terms in CRHRPC PATIENT

OBJECT ACTIVITY AGENT ATTRIBUTE

International human rights organizations, family members, independent Muslim religious leaders, former political prisoners, foreign domestic workers, human rights activists, Tibetan political prisoners, human rights groups, other Tibetan areas, rural areas, Tibetan areas No entries Politically sensitive cases, local officials, serious human rights abuses, public security officials, domestic violence, high female suicide rate Local officials, public security officials National household registration system, human rights record, criminal procedure law

As for Chinese nominal multi-word candidate terms in Table 8.11, the classification is more complex. This may be explained by the difficulties in the segmentation and POS tagging process due to the inherent characteristics of the Chinese language. Unlike English and other alphabetic languages, there is no natural space between words. Also, Chinese does not have inflectional devices. Therefore, a certain degree of deviation may occur. The categorized terms are shown in Table 8.15. While most of the candidate terms can be classified, there are still some which seem vague in their termhood and need to be further confirmed, for example 国务院印发 (Guówùyuàn yìnfā/the State Council prints and distributes), 中国 政府大力发展 (Zhōngguó zhèngfǔ dàlì fāzhǎn/the Chinese government energetically develops), 英雄史诗 (yīngxióng shǐshī/heroic epic), 道路交通安全法 (Dàolù Jiāotōng ānquánfǎ/Road Traffic Safety Law), 联合国非政府 (Liánhéguó Feīzhèngfǔ/the United Nations Non-governmental), 四川汶川 (Sìchuān Wènchuān/Wenchuan Sichuan), 美丽中国 (meǐlì Zhōngguó/beautiful China), 丽江古城 (Lìjiāng gǔchéng/The old town of Lijiang), and 拉萨布达拉宫 (Lāsà Bùdálāgōng/The Potala Palace at Lhasa) which lack due domainhood. This section has focused on the acquisition of sample definitions of HR terminology. By sample definitions, we mean that, when we want to define HR terminology, it is helpful to offer some typical example terms. These examples constitute a domain terminology set; they are the terms extracted from the corpus and may stand for the entire term system in that domain. In the next section, we

Humanities and social sciences 157 Table 8.14  Samples of extracted single-word terms in PCHR PATIENT

OBJECT

ACTIVITY AGENT

少数民族 (shăoshù mínzú/ethnic minorities) 残疾人 (cánjírén/the disabled) 城镇居民 (chéngzhèn jūmín/urban citizens) 发展中国家 (fāzhǎnzhōng guójiā/developing country) 西藏自治区 (Xīzàng Zìzhìqū/Tibet Autonomous Region) 新疆维吾尔自治区 (Xīnjiāng Wéiwùěr Zìzhìqū/Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region) 合法权益 (héfǎ quányì/lawful rights and interests) 社会保障 (shèhuì bǎozhàng/social security) 宗教信仰 (zōngjiào xìnyǎng/religious belief) 义务教育 (yìwù jiàoyù/compulsory education) 法律援助 (fǎlǜ yuánzhù/legal aid) 全国人民代表大会 (Quánguó Rénmín Dàibiǎo Dàhuì/the National People’s Congress) 全国人民代表大会常务委员会 (Quánguó Rénmín Dàibiǎo Dàhuì Chángwù Wěiyuánhuì/the NCP Standing Committee) 中华人民共和国 (Zhōnghuā Rénmín Gònghéguó/the People’s Republic of China) 最高人民检察院 (Zuìgāo Rénmín Jiǎncháyuàn/the Supreme People’s Procuratorate) 国务院新闻办公室 (Guówùyuàn Xīnwén Bàngōngshì/the State Council Information Office) 全国人大常委会 (Quánguó Réndà Chángwěihuì/the NCP Standing Committee) 最高人民法院 (Zuìgāo Rénmín Fǎyuàn/the Supreme People’s Court) 人民代表大会常务委员会 (Rénmín Dàibiǎo Dàhuì Chángwù Wěiyuánhuì/the Standing Committee of People’s Congress) 中国共产党 (Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng/Chinese Communist Party) 人民代表大会 (Rénmín Dàibiǎo Dàhuì/People’s Congress) 中国政府 (Zhōngguó Zhèngfǔ/the Chinese Government) 联合国人权委员会 (Liánhéguó Rénquán Wěiyuánhuì/the United Nations Commission on Human Rights)

will try to apply our proposed multi-level definition model by conducting a multidimensional evaluation of the extracted terms from the perspective of knowledge transfer and discourse construction.

Implication of terminology definition for its application Terminology as a discipline has always laid an emphasis on its application since its establishment in the last century. This section will explore the implication of our terminology definition approach for its application in the field of HR. Our discussion will focus on the evaluation of the outcome of terminology definition in HR, or terminology criticism. Here, by terminology criticism, we mean the evaluation of the soundness of the extracted term system adopting a multi-level definition model.

158  Jian Yin Table 8.15  Sample of extracted nominal multi-word terms in PCHR PATIENT

中国穆斯林 (Zhōngguó Mùsīlín/Chinese Muslims) 普通本专科 (Pǔtōng běnzhuānkē/undergraduate and diploma education) 呼格吉勒 (Hūgé Jílè) 中国天主教 (Zhōngguó Tiānzhǔjiào/Chinese Catholicism) No entries 联合国维和 (Liánhéguó Wéihé/the United Nations peacekeeping) 中国法律援助 (Zhōngguó fǎlǜ yuánzhù/Chinese legal aid) 人民代表大会换届选举 (Rénmín Dàibiǎo Dàhuì Huànjìexuǎnjǔ/ General Election of People’s Congress) 司法部法律援助 (Sīfǎbù Fǎlǜ Yuánzhù/Legal aid of the Ministry of Justice) 中华人民共和国国务院新闻办公室 (Zhōnghuá Rénmín Gònghéguó Guówùyuàn Xīnwén Bàngóngshì/The State Council Information Office, the People’s Republic of China) 联合国安理会常任理事国 (Liánhéguó ānlǐhuì chángrènlǐshìguó/ The permanent member of the United Nations Security Council) 维也纳宣言 (Weíyěnà Xuānyán/Vienna Declaration) 北京宣言 (Beǐjīng Xuānyán/Beijing Declaration) 中国智慧 (Zhōngguó zhìhuì/Chinese wisdom)

OBJECT ACTIVITY

AGENT

ATTRIBUTE

Terminology is multifunctional in both specific and systematic use. Wei (2018) proposed a 3-M model in which she points out that terminology can be applied in a specific or systematic manner (when individual terms are used or when the entire term system is used), and the terminology application fulfils three functions: language expression, knowledge dissemination, and discourse construction. The full description, presentation, and explanation of terminology application are obviously based on a reasonable definition of terminology and on accurate recognition and extraction. The following diagram illustrates and summarizes our proposed multi-level terminology definition model:

Theoretical definition From entity-based to ontologybased

Intentional definition

Extensional definition

Domain-specific definition

Sample definition

Category system

Extracted terms from domain texts

Figure 8.1  Multi-level model of terminology definition

Humanities and social sciences  159 As can be seen from Figure  8.1, the diagram, the three levels of terminology definition are interactive. A reasonable definition of terminology at a theoretical level guarantees a workable domain category system, which in turn facilitates the accurate extraction of terms from domain texts. In natural language texts, when terms which go beyond the category system are found, or in other words, when the extension of some terms no longer matches the original intention, the terminology system will change, leading to the alteration of term intension. The multiple applications of terms pertain to language, thought, and discourse; that is, terms are utilized as language representation for both knowledge transfer and discourse construction. Therefore, our criteria for the soundness of the extracted terms concern both the structure of knowledge systems and the effectiveness of discourse construction. Here, structure of knowledge refers to the completeness and reasonability of the system of knowledge units represented by the extracted terms. The effectiveness of discourse construction refers to the realization of the purpose to argue for a specific idea by means of terminology application. Terms, as the triple composition of terminological units, have linguistic, cognitive, and communicative dimensions (Cabré 2003). So our discussion of terminology criticism will cover these three dimensions. We assume that, linguistically, the extracted HR terms from the Chinese and American texts should conform to the Economical Law of Term Formation. Cognitively, the preceding extracted terminological units should form concept systems which are complete in categories and reasonable in interrelations. Communicatively, as terms in H&SS tend to be influenced by different cultural and societal parameters, the extracted terms are supposed to comply with the ideology of text authors so as to play a role of discourse construction in the HR arena. The evaluation of these three aspects rely on both quantitative and qualitative analysis of the extracted terms in CRHRPC and PCHR. Any term systems which are linguistically economical consist of the multiword terms that are the largest in number and are mostly composed of single-word components. Zhiwei Feng (2011: 374–377) proposed the Economical Law for the Formation of Terms, which is an important contribution from Chinese scholarship to the domain of terminology studies. In the E = F/L formula, F is the average frequency that one single-word term is utilized to form multi-word terms, L is the average length of the terms in a specific system (how many words on average are used to form a multi-word term), and E is the economical index of the very term system. According to Feng, a sound term system should be one which best utilizes single-word terms to form multi-word ones. Linguistically speaking, the higher the economical index (E) is, the more reasonable the term system is. Usually, the economical index of a term system will slightly decrease as the number of terms investigated increases (Hu and Wei 2015). For the convenience of calculating and comparing the economical indexes in CRHRPC and PCHR, we have chosen nominal multi-word terms, since these terms account for the vast majority (Feng

160  Jian Yin 2011; Faber 2010). Based on the previous ATE work, we get 995 and 188 nominal multi-word terms, respectively, in CRHRPC and PCHR. Table  8.16 shows the results of the economical index calculation using the E = F/L formula. Obviously, the economical index of the term system in CRHRPC is much higher than that in PCHR. This coincides with the fact that HR is a concept from the West and Western countries like the United States, which are in a dominant position in terms of HR discourse construction. Then, cognitively, a comparison of the systematicity of concepts is another indicator for the soundness of the term system. For that purpose, let us choose “Tibet/Tibetan” and “西藏” (Xīzàng/Tibet) as a typical case. Usually, “Tibet/Tibetan” and “西藏” (Xīzàng/Tibet) are proper names in both English and Chinese. However, in HR discourse, this concept is one key point in dispute. There is a multitude of discourses centring on Tibetan issues. It is for that reason that “Tibet/Tibetan” and “西藏” (Xīzàng/Tibet) are considered as HR terms. Tables 8.17 and 8.18) and Figures 8.2 and 8.3 illustrate the terminological units concerning “Tibet/Tibetan” and “西藏” (Xīzàng/Tibet) as well as the conceptual structure in CRHRPC and PCHR. The categories or semantic roles of the term set in the tables are based on the observation of relevant entries. A rather obvious difference can be observed from the preceding comparison of the concept systems between CRHRPC and PCHR. Similar to the linguistic soundness of two term systems, entries in CRHRPC representing “Tibet/Tibetan”related concepts are larger in number and more complete in structure than their counterparts in PCHR. More concepts are created and utilized in the US HR documents, which again explains its dominance in the international HR arena. The complexity and maturity of HR term systems in Chinese and American texts reflect the influence of culture and society on terminology. From an epistemological viewpoint, human cognition characteristically focuses on a certain aspect of reality at the expense of other aspects. Kenneth Burke, an American linguist, put forth the idea of the terministic screen, which means a set of terms used collectively after a subjective screening of other terms (Burke 1966: 49). Burke stated that “we must use the terministic screen, without which we can explain nothing. No matter what terms we are using, these terms in effect form our terministic screen which directs our attention to one aspect of the reality instead of other aspects” (Burke 1966: 50). The differences between Chinese and American HR term systems are due to the functioning of their respective terministic screens, the very mechanism of creating and applying terms in their discourse. In this sense, a terministic screen as the communicative dimension of a terms system is a decisive factor for the organization of concepts and the structure of linguistic forms. In Cabré’s (2003) Theory of the Door, Table 8.16  Economical indexes of the term system in CRHRPC and PCHR

L (average term length) F (average word frequency) E (economical index of term system)

CRHRPC

PCHR

2.24 3.21 1.43

2.43 2.09 0.86

Humanities and social sciences 161 Table 8.17  Terms representing categories of “Tibet/Tibetan” in CRHRPC Categories

Entries

LOCATION

Tibetan areas, Tibetan autonomous prefectures, ethnic Tibetan areas, Tibetan regions, Tibetan cities, Tibetan towns Tibetan Buddhism, Tibetan independence, Tibetan language, traditional Tibetan culture, national Tibetan-language curriculum, traditional Tibetan-language religious education, Tibetan culture, Tibetan language programs, traditional Tibetan ways, Tibetanlanguage satellite television channels, Tibetan-language Internet sites, overseas Tibetan-language radios, Tibetan syllabary, Tibetan studies, Tibetan alphabets, Tibetan-language blogs Tibetan political prisoners, ethnic Tibetan tour guides, Tibetan Buddhist monks, Tibetan Buddhist religious figures, Tibetan, Tibetan government officials, Tibetan Buddhists, Tibetan exile community, Tibetan population, Tibetan communities, Tibetan students, Tibetan children, urban Tibetans, rural Tibetans, Tibetan experts, Tibetan prisoners, Tibetan Internet writers, Tibetan secondary students, local Tibetans, Tibetan traditional painters, ethnic Tibetan academics, Tibetan government employees, Tibetan teachers, Tibetan new arrivals, Tibetan nomads, Tibetan defendants, Tibetan society, Tibetan government officials, Tibetan speakers, Tibetan demonstrators, Tibetan people, non-Tibetan Chinese citizens, ethnic Tibetan employees, Tibetan farmers, nonTibetan population, Tibetan ethnomusicologists, Tibetan school teachers, non-Tibetan residents, Tibetan officials, Tibetan ethnicity, Tibetan youth, Tibetan herders, Tibetan protestors, Tibetan translators, foreign Tibetan Buddhists Tibetan curriculum high schools, Tibetan Buddhist monasteries, Tibetan schools, Tibetan businesses, Tibetan-language educational facilities, Tibetan-language schools, Tibetan high schools, ethnic Tibetan government, Tibetan Buddhist establishment Tibetan national flag, Tibetan independence leaflets, Tibetan flags, Tibetan economy Tibetan language services, Tibetan uprisings, ethnic Tibetan demographic dominance, Tibetan Buddhist activities, Tibetan affairs, Tibetan-language broadcasting, Tibetan farming

CULTURE

PERSON

INSTITUTION

OBJECT ACTIVITY

Table 8.18  Terms representing categories of 西藏 (Xīzàng/Tibet) in PCHR Categories

Entries

LOCATION

西藏地区 (Xīzàng dìqū/Tibet region), 西藏自治区 (Xīzàng Zìzhìqū/ Tibet Autonomous Region), 西藏 (Xīzàng/Tibet), 玉树藏族自治区 (Yùshù Zàngzú Zìzhìqū/Yushu Tibet Autonomous Region) 藏传佛教 (Zàngchuán Fójiào/Tibetan Buddhism), 藏语 (Zàngyǔ/ Tibetan language), 藏文 (Zàngwén/Tibetan text), 藏历 (Zànglì/Tibetan calendar), 西藏布达拉宫 (Xīzàng Bùdálāgōng/Potala Palace in Tibet) 藏族（Zàngzú/Tibetan nationality） 青藏公路 (Qīngzàng gōnglù/Qinghai-Tibet highway), 青藏铁路 (Qīngzàng tǐelù/Qinghai-Tibet Railway), 藏药 (Zàngyào/Tibetan medicine), 川藏公路 (Chuānzàng gōnglù/Sichuan-Tibetan highway)

CULTURE PERSON OBJECT

162  Jian Yin Thought culture

System culture

Culture Location

Object

Tibetan

Positive

Governmental

Institution

Activity Negative

Non-governmental

Person Agent

Patient

Figure 8.2  Concept structure of “Tibet/Tibetan” in CRHRPC

LOCATION

OBJECT

xīzàng/TIBET

CULTURE

PERSON Figure 8.3  Concept structure of “西藏 (Xīzàng/Tibet)” in PCHR

the linguistic dimension is the entry point for the analysis of a terminological unit, after which conceptual and communicative dimensions can in turn be described. However, from the point of view of discourse construction, it is the communicative motive, or terministic screen, that fundamentally determines the application of terms in a specific domain. China and the United States will definitely select, emphasize, screen, and organize the terms which conform to their respective epistemologies and ideologies in the HR domain.

Conclusion This chapter has focused on answering the question, “What is terminology?” A multi-level definition model of terminology has been proposed, which contains

Humanities and social sciences  163 both intensive and extensive definitions. The former includes a theoretical definition and a domain-specific definition, and the latter sample definition. Based on this model, texts from Chinese and American HR documents were collected to construct two corpora, and Chinese and English HR terms were recognized and extracted with the help of the HR category system. Following that, a multidimensional evaluation model for the extracted terms was applied in order to evaluate the soundness of the two HR term systems. It is hoped that this definition-extractionevaluation protocol can be extended to the analysis of terminology in other domains, in order to both deepen our understanding of terminology and facilitate its application. Lastly, we must point out the limitations of this research, which leaves room for further exploration. Since this research is mainly speculative in orientation, supplemented by such technical approaches as ATE, there is room for improvement. To be more specific, the data materials for category system induction and term extraction were not large or exhaustive. This may have influenced the research results. Therefore in future studies, it is suggested that the range of data materials be enlarged and that other advanced technology, for example machine learning, be adopted; this will require much closer cooperation among terminologists, information technicians, and domain experts.

9 Automatically compiling bilingual legal glossaries based on Chinese–English parallel corpora Zhao-Ming Gao Introduction Translating terminologies into a foreign language is considered one of the most difficult tasks for translators. Among all terminologies, legal terminologies are particularly challenging. They are difficult to understand and often have unexpected meanings that baffle laymen. Bilingual legal glossaries are indispensable resources that can greatly facilitate a translator’s job when translating a legal document. However, compilation of such resources requires not only knowledge of the legal domain but also intensive labour. With recent advances in natural language processing (NLP) and machine translation (MT), automatic compilation of bilingual legal glossaries has become feasible. This chapter explores the methods of automatically compiling bilingual legal glossaries based on parallel Chinese– English legal corpora from Taiwan using NLP and MT technology. Terminologies are fixed, recurrent, domain-specific noun phrases (cf. Justeson and Katz 1995). These features seem to be independent of languages. However, Chinese differs from English and other Western languages in that it is not an inflected language. This has a major impact on the differentiation of parts-ofspeech and the identification of terminologies in Chinese. In addition, there is no delimiter between words in Chinese. These two distinct features make automatic identification of Chinese terminologies challenging. There have been significant changes in the methodology for automatic identification of terminologies over the past few years. While traditional approaches are typically based on linguistic rules and features involving part-of-speech tags, syntactic structures, and monolingual data, there has been an increasing number of studies on bilingual terminology identification using data-driven methods and parallel corpora. These approaches employ statistical and machine learning algorithms. As suggested by (Dagan, Itai, and Schwall 1991), two languages are more informative than one. Multilingual data provides linguistic information that monolingual data cannot reveal. With Chinese–English parallel corpora, we are able to capitalize on structural information from two languages in deriving bilingual terminologies. Perhaps the most intuitive idea for extracting bilingual glossaries is via dictionary lookup. However, contrary to one’s intuition, automatic identification of bilingual terminologies based on dictionary lookup involves

Compiling bilingual legal glossaries 165 many uncertainties, the main reason being that translations of terminologies are in general not word for word. Gao (1998) reported that the precision (i.e. accuracy rate) of finding bilingual lexical correspondences (known as word alignment) in a Chinese–English corpus based on exact matching of dictionary lookup was only 70%, while the recall (i.e. the percentage of correct word alignment identified by the proposed method given all the word alignment that can be found) could be as low as 6%. The low recall was due to English inflections and the non-literal nature of translations. Since the recall of exact matching was too low to provide enough clues for word alignment, inexact (i.e. partial) matching was a reasonable alternative. However, Gao (1998) showed that word alignment based on partial matching had higher recall (24%) but lower precision (30%) than exact matching. Tremendous progress has been made in machine translation over the past three decades. The revolution of corpus-based machine translation that started in the late 1980s has dramatically changed the translation industry ever since. Statistical machine translation (SMT) based on parallel corpora and probability theory has reshaped the workflow of translation professionals. While SMT is being replaced by neural machine translation (NMT) based on deep learning, it provides several important tools that are very useful to bilingual terminology identification. In particular, bilingual word alignment tools in statistical machine translation allow us to identify bilingual terminologies using purely data-driven approaches without the need to resort to parts-of-speech or syntactic structures. Word alignment information provides us with the probability of a word in the source text co-occurring with another word in the target text in the same aligned segment of the parallel corpora. In addition, phrase tables generated by statistical machine translation systems compute the probability of bilingual n-grams (i.e. word sequences) cooccurring in the same aligned segment. Apart from the use of word alignment and phrase tables, further machine translation technologies can be utilized in bilingual terminology identification. Within the framework of phrase-based statistical machine translation and neural machine translation using sequence-to-sequence models, we can recast the problem of bilingual terminology translation as the problem of machine translation. While the state-of-the-art machine translation systems like Google Translate perform reasonably well for general texts, their accuracy in Chinese–English legal terminologies is not satisfactory. For instance, the English translation for the Chinese legal terminology 妨害風化罪 (fánghài fēnghuà zuì) is “offence against morality” in the Criminal Code of Taiwan, but the translation output by Google Translate is “crime of obstruction”. Google Translate also incorrectly translates the Chinese legal terminology 管束 (guănshù), “physically constraining”, into “tube bundle”. These two examples show the inadequacy of Google Translate in dealing with Chinese–English legal terminologies and the need for a better tool in compiling Chinese–English legal glossaries. These two mistakes suggest that machine translation systems developed for general domains such as Google Translate may not reflect the usage that is actually used in specialized domains. In order to provide translations in the legal domain, we propose using customized machine translation systems based on bilingual legal corpora.

166  Zhao-Ming Gao The central research question addressed in this chapter is how to compile Chinese–English legal glossaries automatically by integrating state-of-the-art tools in machine translation and a parallel Chinese–English legal corpus of 0.6 million words. There are also several related questions to explore. (1) What kind of machine translation toolkit best suits our purpose? Do neural machine translation systems such as OpenNMT outperform phrase-based statistical machine translation systems embodied by Moses1 (Statistical Machine Translation System)? (2) What are the pros and cons of linguistic and statistical approaches to bilingual terminology extraction? (3) How do the unique features of Chinese condition monolingual and bilingual terminology extraction? In the following sections, we first provide a survey on terminology identification in monolingual and bilingual corpora followed by an introduction to statistical machine translation. We then describe the main components in our system and the procedures of our proposed method. Finally, we present the experimental results, discussions, and conclusions.

Monolingual and bilingual terminology identification Justeson and Katz (1995) noted that technical terms were noun phrases consisting mostly of nouns, adjectives, and occasionally prepositions. They could be distinguished from other non-terminological noun phrases by their frequency in texts. Moreover, they were rarely more than four words. Justeson and Katz adopted a simple approach by rejecting strings whose parts-of-speech sequences were not A N, N N, A A N, A N N, N A N, N N N, or N P N, where A, N, and P refer to adjectives, nouns, and prepositions respectively. Daille et al. (1994) and Gaussier and Lange (1997) extracted monolingual candidate terms by using part-of-speech and frequency information. They compared the performance of mutual information (MI) and log likelihood ratio (LLR) in identifying terms and found that the latter worked better. Kupiec (1993) used a tagged bilingual corpus which was pre-aligned at the sentence level. He first employed a finite-state recognizer to extract noun phrases from a tagged bilingual corpus and applied the Expectation Maximization (EM) algorithm to choose the mostly likely noun phrase correspondences. He evaluated the 100 highest-ranking correspondences and reported 90% accuracy. Van der Eijk (1993) took an approach similar to that by Kupiec (1993) by using sentencealigned bilingual texts, part-of-speech tags, and a noun phrase recognizer. However, he used a different correlation measure. He compared the local frequency of the term in the text to the global frequency of the term in the whole corpus; 68% precision and 64% recall were reported. Dagan and Church (1997) described a system called Termight, which first identified terms in the source language. They then used word alignment to find the first and last words in the target text, which respectively corresponded to the first and last words of the source term. The smallest phrase which contained these two words in the target text was proposed to correspond to the source term. They reported that 40% and 7% translations were the first and second choices in their proposed translation list. Daille et  al. (1994) and Gaussier and Lange (1997)

Compiling bilingual legal glossaries 167 evaluated two methods of extracting bilingual terminology. The first approach used word alignment scores by summing all the possible single word associations of the component words of the terms, while the second approach considered the co-occurrence of the two terms in question in an aligned sentence together with their pattern affinities in the light of part-of-speech tags. Daille et al. (1994) reported 70% precision. Identification of Chinese terminologies English terminological phrases can be identified by finite-state recognizers or regular expressions based on part-of-speech tags (cf. Kupiec 1993). Following Karttunen et  al. (1996), we can characterize simple English noun phrases with the regular expression (DT) (JJ)* N+ using the Penn Treebank Tagset,2 where DT, JJ, and N denote determiners, adjectives, and nouns, respectively. The tags inside the parentheses indicate that they are optional; * represents any number of occurrences; + denotes at least one occurrence. Likewise, a simple Chinese NP can be identified using the regular expression (A)* (VH)* N+ adopting the CKIP3 tagset, in which A  represents attributive adjectives and VH denotes stative predicates which can modify nouns. However, as the distinction of parts-of-speech in Chinese is unclear, it is difficult to determine the syntactic category of a phrase simply based on its part-of-speech sequence. Note that a Chinese word can have different parts-of-speech in different contexts without morphological distinctions. Many Chinese verbs can also be used as nouns. For instance, V N and N V sequences output by a Chinese part-of-speech tagger may actually constitute noun phrases, as in 搜救 小組 (sōujiù xiǎozǔ, rescue team) and 空氣 污染 (kōngqì wūrǎn, air pollution), in which the verbs 搜救 (sōujiù, rescue) and 污染 (wūrǎn, pollute) are nominalized. It is therefore difficult to identify a noun phrase based on its partof-speech tags. Apart from using part-of-speech information, certain multi-word terminological units can be identified by employing probabilistic or statistical information such as mutual information (MI), t-score (cf. Church and Hanks 1990), and log likelihood ratio (cf. Daille et al. 1994; Gaussier and Lange 1997). As terminological phrases are usually noun phrases, NP chunking can be applied to terminology extraction. By definition, NP chunking is the identification of non-recursive and non-overlapping noun phrases. It is an important step in natural language processing with various applications. Rule-based and statistical methods (cf. Church 1988) were primarily used for NP chunking before large syntactic Treebanks were available. In recent years, machine learning-based algorithms such as Support Vector Machine (SVM) and deep learning have become the mainstream. Supervised learning algorithms such as SVM can learn from data labelled with the answers for a research question in the training stage and predict with new data in the testing stage. Kudo and Matsumoto (2000) successfully applied SVM to chunking in English. They used contextual information, including the words in question, their parts-of-speech, and the chunk labels for the feature sets in the training and

168  Zhao-Ming Gao testing stages. Chunk labels such as I, O, B were used, which denoted in an NP, not in an NP, and at beginning of an NP, respectively. Lin and Gao (2008) adopted SVM and the feature set similar to Kudo and Matsumoto (2000) for Chinese NP chunking. The Sinica Chinese Treebank4 and the SVM toolkit YamCHa5 were used in the experiment. They observed that a V N sequence in Chinese might contain a “verb-object” relation such as 分派 股息 (fēnpài gǔxí; literally, assign shares) or a “noun modifier–modifiee” relation such as 分派 比例 (fēnpài bǐlì, the ratio for [profit] distribution; literally, assign ratio). After statistical analysis, they noted that two co-occurrence patterns emerged for these two types of V N relations. For “verb-object” relations, the preceding parts-ofspeech tended to be an adverb “D”. For “noun modifier-modifiee” relations, in which the V was nominalized and modified the following noun, the preceding part-of-speech tended to be nominalization and possessive marker DE, aspectual mark DI, quantifier NEQA, and personal pronoun NEP based on the CKIP tagset. Likewise, an N V sequence might be a “subject-verb” such as 土地 屬於 (tǔdì shǔyú; literally, land belongs) and “modifier-modifiee” 土地 設定 (tǔdì shèdìng; literally, land setting). For an N V sequence with “subject-verb” relation, the preceding part-of-speech tended to be an adverb “D” and a correlative conjunction “CBB”. In contrast, for an N V sequence consisting of a “modifiermodifiee” relation (the verb being nominalized), the preceding parts-of-speech tended to be the tag for copula SHI. Lin and Gao (2008) incorporated the co-occurrence patterns and data from Google Search into the original SVM-based algorithm to determine whether the verb in V N or N V is nominalized. They reported that in an open test, the adoption of the proposed features and additional unlabelled data from Google Search Engine had a significant improvement of 8.79% over the original approach based on SVM. Machine translation There are several approaches to the extraction of word correspondences from sentence-aligned parallel texts. These approaches are mainly statistics-based. One of the most influential proposals for statistical word alignment was due to Brown et al. (1993) who presented a series of increasingly sophisticated statistical models for deriving a translation lexicon from an aligned English–French parallel corpus. These models estimated the conditional probability of a French target word given an English source word. Brown et al. (1993) started from the simplest model which assumed that each English word was translated into one and only one French word. This model was obviously flawed, since an English word might correspond to none or more than one French word. They then built a more complex model which assumed that an English word could generate zero or several French words. In order to take into account the affinity between English and French word order, they proposed a more sophisticated model by using the expectation and maximization (EM) algorithm.

Compiling bilingual legal glossaries  169 Statistical machine translation (SMT) (cf. Brown et  al. 1993; Koehn 2010) requires a large parallel corpus for training the translation model and a corpus in the target language for training the target language model. There are a few toolkits for SMT. Moses is by far the most widely used open source toolkit for phrasebased SMT. In training a translation model, Moses invokes the word alignment programme GIZA++ and generates word alignment probabilities along with a file called phrase table that contains n-gram (i.e. word sequences) alignment probabilities. The information shows how frequently the words in the source and target language co-occur in the same aligned segment. The correspondences proposed by the output of GIZA++ and the phrase table in Moses are candidates for bilingual terminologies and phrases. A similar tool used in this study is Anymalign6 (cf. Lardilleux and Lepage 2009), which is a tool for deriving subsentential alignment (including correspondences at word and n-gram level) based on a parallel corpus. The output of Anymalign is similar to the combined output of GIZA++ and the phrase table in Moses.

Methodology The procedures of our proposed method are outlined in the following 12 steps. Step 1 Corpus compilation We collected bilingual Chinese–English laws in Taiwan, which included civil code, criminal code, company laws, etc. The corpus contained 613,412 tokens (including 287,169 Chinese and 326,243 English tokens). As can be seen in (1), the Chinese law and its English translation are aligned at the article level, which is larger than a sentence and smaller than a paragraph. (1)

(a) 法人之目的或其行為，有違反法律、公共秩序或善良風俗者，法 院得因主管機關、檢察官或利害關係人之請求，宣告解散。 (b) When the purpose or the activity of a juridical person violates the act, public policy or morals, the court may declare to dissolve the juridical person upon the application of the authorities concerned, the public prosecutor, or any interested person.

Step 2 Chinese word segmentation and part-of-speech (POS) tagging The Chinese legal corpus was processed with the CKIP word segmentation and POS tagging programme developed at Academia Sinica in Taiwan. These programmes employ state-of-the-art technology in deep learning and achieve higher accuracy than other similar programmes. The CKIP word segmentation programme could identify new words and proper nouns not listed in the dictionaries. The output of the word segmentation programme inserts a space between

170  Zhao-Ming Gao Chinese words, whereas the POS tagger labels the POS tag for each word in the format such as 自由_Na 不得_D 拋棄_VC. Compared with two other commonly used Chinese NLP tools such as Jieba7 (Chinese text segmentation) and HanLP8 (Han Language Processing), the CKIP word segmentation and POS tagging programmes had higher accuracy in our experiments. For instance, the CKIP tagger correctly labelled the following two strings – 主管_Na 機關_Na 監督_VC and 內容_Na 違反_VJ 法令_Na – both of which were incorrectly labelled as noun sequences by HanLP. Step 3 English part-of-speech tagging and noun phrase extraction Spacy9 is a powerful tool that can perform several NLP tasks such as part-ofspeech tagging, parsing, and name entity identification with efficiency and accuracy. Spacy was employed to tag the English legal corpus and extract noun phrases, as shown in (2). (2)

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

a civil case juridical personality a licensed juridical person a dissolved juridical person any bona fide third party

Step 4 Keyword extraction The Keyword List function in the corpus analysis tool AntConc was utilized to extract words that occurred statistically significantly more often than those in the reference corpus. The Brown Corpus and the Sinica Chinese Corpus were used as the English and Chinese reference corpus, respectively. The statistics behind the Keyword List function (i.e. the keyness value in Tables 9.1 and 9.2) is log

Table 9.1  Top ten keywords in the English legal corpus Rank

Frequency

Keyness

Word

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

2,273 1,693 1,591 1,258 733 873 1,053 687 691 554

5,880.701 3,485.632 3,447.964 3,445.281 2,016.313 1,907.535 1,763.606 1,669.634 1,538.898 1,494.612

article court person paragraph imprisonment authority act provisions appeal offence

Compiling bilingual legal glossaries 171 Table 9.2  Top ten keywords in the Chinese legal corpus Rank

Frequency

Keyness

Word

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

3,359 3,226 1,896 2,144 2,289 936 799 795 658 705

14,427.520 10,951.945 10,688.462 10,579.405 9,079.347 5,038.495 4,574.492 4,384.433 3,959.725 3,762.231

條 項 法院 機關 規定 事項 訴訟 當事人 聲請 請求

article paragraph court authority provision matter; task lawsuit the party motion request

likelihood ratio test (LLR). Table 9.1 and Table 9.2 show the top ten keywords in the English and Chinese legal corpus. As shown in the tables, these words are indeed words that frequently occur in laws. Step 5 Chinese NP chunking The NP chunking programme reported in Lin and Gao (2008) was employed to extract NP chunks from the Chinese corpus. Using the Chinese NP chunker, we were able to extract several different types of noun phrases. Listed in (3) are some of the Chinese noun phrases extracted by the Chinese NP chunker based on the CKIP Chinese tagset. The tag VH refers to stative predicates which can modify a noun or serve as a predicate. (3)

假扣押_VH 處分_Na 刑事_Na 訴訟法_Na 公益_Na 社團_Na 法人_Na 行政_Na 處分_Na 身心_Na 障礙_Na 者_Na 無記名_VH 政府_Na 公債_Na 獨立_VH 機關_Na 合議制_Na

a provisional attachment ruling Criminal Procedural Act an incorporated charitable association an administrative disposition the physically and mentally disabled a bearer bond commission member of independent agencies

Step 6 Noun phrases Noun phrases that contained the Keywords extracted by the Keyword List in AntConc were considered legal terminologies. Step 7 Data preprocessing All the punctuation marks in the Chinese and English were removed. The words in the English legal corpus were converted into lower case.

172  Zhao-Ming Gao Step 8 Running the Anymalign word aligner Anymalign is a multilingual word and n-gram aligner that can output probabilities of word and n-gram alignment. In (4) are some of the examples output by the programme. (4) 辯護人 審判長

defence attorney presiding judge

0.324 0.863 0.118 0.981

9377 8877

Step 9 Running Moses Moses is an open source toolkit for phrase-based statistical machine translation. To train a Chinese–English or English–Chinese decoder, alignment of the source and target texts at sentence level is required. The Chinese text must be processed with a word segmentation programme first. The output is a decoder which can translate a sentence in the source language into the target language. In training a decoder with Moses, word alignment output by Giza++ (cf. the examples in [5]) and phrase table (cf. the example in [6]) were created. The phrase table shows the probability of frequently co-occurring bilingual n-grams in the same aligned segments. They serve as candidates for correspondences for multiword expressions, phrases, and terminologies. The Chinese–English and English–Chinese decoders were used to derive the English and Chinese translations of the Chinese and English noun phrases extracted by noun phrase recognizers. (5)

(6)

subscription share ransom kidnapping for

認股 0.500 認股 0.500 擄人勒贖 0.333 擄人勒贖 0.333 擄人勒贖 0.333

# 智慧 財產 法院 ||| Intellectual Property Court ||| 0.0492 0.0002 0.3

Step 10 Running OpenNMT OpenNMT10 is an open source neural machine translation system that implements the sequence-to-sequence model in deep learning. Just like Moses, OpenNMT generates a decoder after taking parallel corpora as training data. The training data of the decoder was based on the same parallel Chinese–English legal corpus used for Moses. Step 11 Bilingual terminologies Bilingual terminologies were extracted by combining the information derived from English and Chinese noun phrase recognizers, the bilingual word and

Compiling bilingual legal glossaries  173 n-gram alignment information output by Anymalign, GIZA++, and phrase table. Bilingual word and n-gram alignment probabilities output by the alignment tools were expanded or adjusted to phrase level. For instance, the word alignments in (5) were expanded to phrasal alignments 擄人勒贖 (lǔ rén lè shú, kidnapping for ransom) and 認股 (rèn gǔ, subscription for shares) based on the output of English and Chinese noun phrase recognizers. Step 12 Identifying bilingual terminologies Google Translate, English and Chinese noun phrase recognizers, and partial matching were used to identify bilingual terminologies. Google Translate, which is based on very large parallel corpora, can perform reasonably well for general texts. It was used as a bridge to identify the actual bilingual terminological correspondences in the parallel Chinese–English legal corpus. Such an approach can complement the approach based on customized MT systems using Moses and the method based on word and n-gram alignment probabilities. Given two strings, how can we calculate the similarity between them? The Jaccard coefficient in (7) is well suited to this task. (7) Jaccard( x, y ) =

c nx + n y − c

Here, x is the result of English-to-Chinese or Chinese-to-English translation via Google Translate, y is the Chinese or English word found in the Chinese or English text, nx and ny are the number of characters in each, and c is the number of characters they have in common. If there is an identical match between two strings, the Jaccard coefficient gives the value of 1. If no match is found, the Jaccard coefficient gives the value of 0. Let us illustrate this measure with one example. Suppose the output of an English-to-Chinese translation for “dissolution” is 溶解 (róngjiě). Comparing it with the string 解嚴 (jiěyán, the lifting of martial law), using the Jaccard coefficient, the number of characters they have in common is 1 and their similarity is 1/(2 + 2 − 1) = 0.33 at the character level. Let’s demonstrate how the proposed method worked. The noun phrase “cash bail bond” was extracted by Spacy. As one of the component words (“bail”) in the phrase was also in the keyword list, the whole noun phrase was considered a potential terminology. The Chinese translation output by Google Translate for this phrase was 現金 保釋金 (xiànjīn bǎoshì jīn, cash bail). However, such a translation could not be found in the corresponding Chinese article in the original Chinese legal corpus. The closest instance was 保證金 (bǎozhèngjīn, bail), which shared two Chinese characters 保 (bǎo) and 金 (jīn) with 現金 保釋金. The Jaccard coefficient for the similarity between 現金 保釋金 and 保證金 was therefore (2)/(5 + 3 – 2) = 0.333. While the similarity between the two strings was not very high, the proposed method was able to identify the potential bilingual

174  Zhao-Ming Gao correspondence between “cash bail bond” and 保證金 in the bilingual legal corpus via Google Translate and partial matching. Similarly, as suggested by the word alignment probability output by Anymalign in Step 8, “bail” was aligned with 保證金. Based on Step 11 outlined previously, the word alignment could be expanded to the phrasal alignment between “cash bail bond” 保證金 via the English noun phrase recognizer. Steps 11 and 12 both led to the same conclusion that the actual translation of “cash bail bond” in the parallel corpus was 保證金. (8) 保證金

bail

0.023 0.012

55

Results and discussions We evaluated the performance of our customized Chinese−English decoder trained using the Moses statistical machine translation toolkit based on 30 randomly chosen terminologies in (9), which were mostly multi-word expressions consisting of two or more words. It turned out that 56.66% of the translations were fully correct, that 20% of the translations had one missing word, that 10% of the translations had more than one missing words, and that 6.67% of translations had one redundant word. The result was quite encouraging. In contrast, the accuracy rate of Google Translate for the same set of data in terms of fully correct translations was only 50%. Our preliminary experiment showed that Moses performed better than Google Translate in terms of the terminologies in our Chinese–English legal corpus. With over 80% of the translations close to the authentic usage in the legal corpus, the performance of the Moses decoder was good enough to be of value to translators. It is noteworthy that the training data for Chinese–English translation in Google Translate might exceed one billion words, whereas the size of the training corpus of our customized machine translation system was only 0.6 million words. There is also one crucial difference between the output data of the two systems. The translations output from Google Translate tends to favour meanings in the general rather than legal domain. For instance, the translation of 異議人 (yìyì rén) output by Google Translate is “dissident”, which is more often used in newspapers and politics than in laws. In contrast, the translation of our customized Chinese– English decoder of the same word was “an opposing party”, which is exactly the same phrase used in our legal corpus. Another example is the Chinese legal terminology 行為 能力 (xíngwéi nénglì). The English translation of this term output by Google Translate was “behaviour ability”, whereas our Moses decoder correctly translated it into “the capacity to make juridical acts”. The two examples show that the output of Google Translate was sometimes too general for domainspecific terminology. They also demonstrate the advantages of using Moses. Note that the original Chinese phrase in the second example has only two words, but its English translation contains six words. Yet Moses can derive it correctly. Since the Moses decoder was based on the parallel legal corpus in Taiwan, the translations

Compiling bilingual legal glossaries 175 it output were identical with or close to the authentic usage in the legal corpus, as evidenced in (9), in which the signs (−), (+), and (*) indicate missing, redundant, and incorrect words in the output of translations. (9)

猥褻 make an obscene act 異議人 an opposing party 公益 法人 a non-departmental public interest (*) 行為 能力 the capacity to make juridical acts 司法 事務官 judicial Affairs (-) 加值型 營業稅法 * 火災 保險人 a fire insurer 不動產 所有人 the owner of a real property 土地 所有權人 the land at (−) 上級 機關 the supervising agency 利害 關係人 a person affected thereby (+) 法定 代理人 a statutory agent 監察 法人 a Control Yuan (*) 民事 訴訟 civil action 遺囑 執行人 an executor (−) 精神 障礙 to unsound mind (+) 訴訟 行為 the acts of litigation 社員 表決權 member (−) 商標 註冊 公告 trademark (-) 刑事 訴訟 程序 criminal procedure 司法 行政 人員 a judicial administrative personnel 社會 福利 機構 social welfare institutions 法定 孳息 權利 civil profits rights (−) 地方 自治 團體 the local self-governing body 稅捐 稽徵 機關 the tax collection authorities 少年 刑事 案件 a criminal case (−) 公務人員 任用 法 Civil Service Employment Act 公司 股本 總額 the total amount of a company (−) 行政 法院 裁判 the administrative court decision 三親等 以內 血親 blood relative within (−)

In comparison, the Chinese−English decoder trained from OpenNMT had a much poorer performance. Most of the English translations output by OpenNMT had nothing to do with the input Chinese terminologies. It should be noted that OpenNMT reflects the state-of-the-art in neural machine translation. One possible reason for the poor performance of OpenNMT in our experiment may be due to the small size of our training corpus. It is already known that the training data required for deep learning is larger than that for traditional machine learning. In addition, it can also be inferred that OpenNMT is more sensitive to the length of bilingual

176  Zhao-Ming Gao alignment than Moses. As our parallel Chinese−English legal corpus was aligned at the article level, the length of long text alignments presumably resulted in the poorer performance of OpenNMT. The output of the Moses Chinese−English decoder can further be improved by using the noun phrases identified by Spacy. For instance, “collateral blood relative within” is not a complete noun phrase. By using the information from the noun phrase recognizer in Spacy, the complete noun phrase “blood relative within third degree” can be correctly extracted. Alternatively, we can use the English noun phrases identified by Spacy as input and employ the English−Chinese decoder of Moses. As mentioned in the preceding section, in addition to using Moses and noun phrase recognizers, the word and n-gram alignment information derived from Anymalign, Giza++, and phrase table can also be employed to extract bilingual terminologies. In (10) are listed some of the entries output by the word alignment programme Anymalign. The last column is the frequency with which the Chinese and the English words co-occur in the same aligned segment. The third and fourth columns provide the conditional probabilities of the English word(s) given the Chinese word(s) and vice versa. As can be seen in (10), Anymalign can also output probabilities for n-grams co-occurring in the same aligned segments. Many of these terminologies concern criminal offences. A preliminary test was conducted to evaluate the accuracy of Anymalign by examining the top 50 entries output by the programme. It turned out that 40 out of the 50 bilingual alignments (i.e. 80%) were fully correct. Five cases were totally incorrect, and five cases were partially incorrect. The totally incorrect cases contained 之, 者, and 本, which are frequently occurring function words or suffixes. Our experiment reveals that the accuracy of word alignment tools tends to be affected by function words and the frequency of co-occurrences. Anymalign tends to fall short when handling the most frequently occurring function word such as 之 or low-frequency words. Anymalign fares reasonably well for non-function words that occur frequently. (10) 公訴 管束 主管 機關 妨害 秘密 罪 妨害 自由 罪 妨害 風化 罪

public prosecution   0.519 physically restraining −0.405 competent authority −0.247 offences against privacy −0.963 offences against freedom −0.975 offence against morality −0.819

0.997 0.993 0.270 0.877 0.896 0.960

1,128 1,125 1,078 1,221 1,148 1,130

It should be recalled that the key components in our proposed system are noun phrase recognizers, word and n-gram alignment probability, Google Translate, and partial matching. Take the word alignment information in (11a), for example. We know that the correspondence between 利害 關係人 and “interested” had higher probability than the other pairs. The programme searched the aligned segments in the bilingual corpus where both the Chinese and English words occurred

Compiling bilingual legal glossaries 177 (cf. [11b]). The programme then extracted the noun phrases that contained the aligned words (i.e. 利害 關係人 in Chinese and “any interested person” in English in [11b]). Note that the Chinese legal terminology 利害 關係人 (party affected) has more than one English translation equivalent, including “the party affected”, “the party concerned”, “the affected party”, and “the party in interest”. This seems to show that while the terminologies in the source language tend to be fixed, their equivalents in the target language are more flexible. (11)

(a) 利害 利害 利害 利害 利害 利害 利害 利害

關係人 關係人 關係人 關係人 關係人 關係人 關係人 關係人

interested affected party interest concerned authority interested party affected thereby

−0.503 −0.099 −0.051 −0.033 −0.013 −0.008 −0.010 −0.005

0.412 0.128 0.006 0.017 0.015 0.001 0.763 0.088

1532 300 155 102 41 24 29 14

(b) 失蹤人 失蹤 滿 七 年 後 法院 得 因 利害 關係人 或 檢察官 之 聲請 為 死亡 之 宣告 。 An absent person who has disappeared for more than seven years may be declared dead by the court upon the application of any interested person or the public prosecutor. An inspection of the errors of our proposed system suggests that they arise from the following types: (1) word segmentation and POS tagging errors; (2) errors of English and Chinese noun phrase recognizers; (3) word alignment and partial matching errors. While the CKIP word segmentation programme performs quite well, it is error prone. The situation is also true of English POS tagging programmes and noun phrase recognizers. Due to the ambiguity in Chinese POS tags, the error rates of Chinese NP chunkers are much higher than those of English noun phrase recognizers. It was observed that many errors involve the suffix 者, which can be attached to a longer phrase rather than just a word. The proposed Chinese NP chunker often fails to identify the correct noun phrases with the suffix 者, which behaves like its English counterpart “-er”. The English suffix “-er” is normally attached to a verb, as in “reader”, “cleaner”, and “fighter”. However, it can also be attached to a larger unit such as a compound, as in “fire extinguisher” and “card reader”, where the suffix “-er” is attached to the nominalized compound derived from the verb phrase “extinguish fire” and “read a card”. The suffix 者 is similar to English PP attachment in that it causes ambiguities. Whenever a verb is followed by a noun phrase (NP) followed by a prepositional phrase (PP) in English as in V NP PP, there are two possible interpretations. The PP can either modify the head of the

178  Zhao-Ming Gao preceding noun phrase (e.g. “buy a book with a black cover”) or the verb (e.g. “buy a book with a credit card”) depending on the context. Just like the English PP attachment problem, the suffix 者 also tends to result in errors due to ambiguity. Many other suffixes and words in Chinese behave like the suffix 者(zhě, -er). For instance, 罪 (zuì, offence; crime) can also be attached to a larger unit such as a verb phrase rather than just a word, as in 妨害 風化 罪 (fánghài fēnghuà zuì, offence against morality) and 教唆 殺人 罪 (jiàosuō shārén zuì, offence for abetment of murder), where 妨害 風化 (violating morality) and 教唆 殺人 (abet someone to commit a murder) are in fact verb phrases. These examples are the cases where our Chinese NP recognizer often fails. Fortunately, word and n-gram alignment probability could derive the correct bilingual correspondences if the co-occurrences are frequent enough. In other words, the ambiguity problem can somewhat be alleviated by the probability of word and n-gram alignment.

Conclusion In this chapter, we proposed using technology drawn from natural language processing and machine translation to automatically compile Chinese–English bilingual terminologies in the legal domain based on a parallel corpus. There are four main components in our proposed system: Chinese and English noun phrase recognizers, a customized machine translation system using Moses, Google Translate, and partial matching. Our study showed that for a corpus size of 0.6 million words, the phrase-based statistical machine translation toolkit Moses outperformed neural machine translation such as OpenNMT and Google Translate in deriving Chinese–English bilingual terminologies. There are several theoretical ramifications for this study. First, while terminologies tend to be fixed in the source language, their translations in the target language seem less rigid. It is not clear whether this is universal or due to the nature of our corpus. Second, our experimental results show that OpenNMT, a neural MT toolkit, is more sensitive to the size of the training corpus and the length of text alignment than a phrase-based statistical machine translation system such as Moses. Third, error analysis of our customized MT system suggests that there are more missing words than redundant words. It is not clear whether this is a general tendency for phrase-based statistical machine translation systems or due to the nature of our specialized corpus. Finally, although the method proposed in this chapter is believed to be generally applicable to any bilingual corpus involving any language pair in a specialized domain, the impact of linguistic features on its performance needs to be further investigated. In order to reduce the error rate, future research is required to address the errors arising from word segmentation, part-of-speech tagging, word alignment, and noun phrase identification. Our research suggests that while the linguistic features such as part-of-speech tags and syntactic structures tend to be affected by individual languages, the probability of word and n-gram alignment seems less susceptible to the influence of individual languages. This implies that a hybrid approach combining linguistic and statistical

Compiling bilingual legal glossaries  179 methods as proposed in this study could be an appropriate direction for future research on bilingual terminology identification.

Notes 1 Moses: Statistical machine translation system. Available at: www.statmt.org/moses/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 2 Available at: www.ling.upenn.edu/courses/Fall_2003/ling001/penn_treebank_pos. html [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 3 CKIP Tagger. Available at: https://pypi.org/project/ckiptagger/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 4 Sinica Chinese Treebank 3.0. Available at http://turing.iis.sinica.edu.tw/treesearch/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 5 YAMCHA, yet another multipurpose chunk annotator. Available at http://chasen. org/~taku/software/yamcha/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 6 Anymalign. Available at: https://anymalign.limsi.fr/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 7 Jieba. Available at: https://github.com/fxsjy/jieba [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 8 HanLP (Han Language Processing). Available at: https://github.com/hankcs/HanLP/ tree/doc-zh [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 9 Spacy, “Industrial Natural Language Processing in Python”. Available at https://spacy. io/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 10 OpenNMT. Available at: https://opennmt.net/ [Viewed 30 August 2020].

10 A survey on terminology management of language service enterprises in China Problems and suggestions Huashu Wang and Zhi Li Introduction At present, translators have become a major force at the forefront of worldwide development, with the advancement of a series of regional and domestic strategies such as globalization and informatization and the Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road (the regional strategies advocated by China to promote common development and prosperity and to create a road towards peace and friendship by enhancing mutual understanding and trust and by strengthening all-round exchanges). In this context, China’s language service industry has stepped onto the fast track of development, embraced unprecedented opportunities, and encountered unexpected challenges. On one side, the public perception of the importance of translation has increased, which has enlarged the demand for professional translation services; on the other, industry recognition of the importance of terminology is stagnant, thereby decreasing efficiency in terminology management. Terminology is considered as an important means of knowledge transfer (Sager 1994). In this sense, terminology management, that is, knowledge management, is instrumental in promoting the construction and dissemination of discourse systems. In addition, terminology management is also an essential aspect of the language service, a key element of global language asset management and an important aspect of the international language strategy of enterprises. In particular, advanced terminology management philosophy and sophisticated terminology management systems are of great significance to the quality assurance of translation projects and the healthy development of the language service industry (Childress 2007; Dunne 2007; Fidura 2007; Massion 2007; Warburton 2013). Currently, the development and application of new technologies, such as big data, cloud computing, the Internet of Things, the mobile Internet, and artificial intelligence strongly influence many aspects of translation practices, which have transformed and pushed forward the language service business and spawned new problems, technologies, and solutions to terminology management activities. In the meantime, as achievements have been accomplished in the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, China’s language service enterprises must consider the reality, sense, process, technical competence, training, and improvement

Management of language service enterprises  181 of terminology management. To find answers to such questions, this study has carried out a survey on the status quo of terminology management conducted by China’s language service enterprises.

Research basis Terminology management refers to “any deliberate manipulation of terminology information” (Wright and Budin 1997: 1). Specifically, it is a practical activity to manage term resources to meet a certain purpose or demand, including collecting, describing, processing, storing, editing, presenting, sorting, maintaining, and sharing. Terminology management originated from the 18th century (Oeser and Picht 1998) and became an important research area of modern terminology in the 1930s with the emergence of modern terminology in Germany, Russia, and other Western countries. Globally, ISO/TC 37,1 a technical committee within the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), is in charge of the formulation and revision of international standards regarding terminology and other language and content resources and ISO has issued over 50 international standards. Domestically, terminology management practices and studies have a relatively short history. SAC/TC 62, a technical committee within the Standardization Administration of China2 (SAC), works with the ISO/TC 37 to formulate and revise national standards and other documents concerning methodology and principles for terminology. So far, SAC/TC 62 has issued 19 national standards for terminology and has played a positive role in promoting the standardization of China’s terminology management. Relevant studies in China mainly include (1) concept explanation of terminology Management (Zheng 2007; Wang 2013; Wang and Zhang 2014a, 2014b); (2) research on terminology management technology (Wang and Zhang 2014a; Liang 2015; Wang and Hao 2016; Liu 2017); (3) a close look at terminology management practices (Liang 2012; Wang and Zhang 2014b; Wang 2015); (4) discussions about terminology management teaching (Wang 2011, 2012, 2013; Leng and Wang 2013); (5) terminology management textbook compilation. In translation technology and translation management textbooks published over the past few years, there are separate chapters to introduce terminology management concepts and tools, such as Qian (2011), Computer-aided Translation; Computeraided Translation: Theories & Practices; Wang and Wang (2013), A Practical Guide to Translation Project Management; Wang (2017), A Practical Course in Translation Technologies. In particular, An Introduction to Terminology Management by Wang and Leng (2017) and A Practitioner’s Guide to Terminology Management by Wang and Wang (2017) are two specialized terminology management volumes. The two books have systematized the knowledge system of terminology management and promoted terminology management literacy. The translation industry attaches special importance to terminology management practices. In 2004, the Terminology Special Interest Group, an affiliate of the Localization Industry Standards Association (LISA), carried out a worldwide terminology management survey. It showed that most respondents believed that

182  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li terminology management could help improve translation quality and efficiency, reduce costs, and enhance competitiveness. Of respondents, 75% said that they had carried out systematic terminology management practices (Lommel 2005). In 2005, Saarland University carried out a worldwide survey on term extraction and terminology management in English, French, German, and Spanish and received 451 replies from professional language service practitioners. According to the results, 91% of respondents had already carried out terminology management practices, and 71% of them were using professional terminology management tools (Zielinski and Ramírez Safar 2005). In addition, international standards for translation services, such as ISO/TS 116693 (2012), ISO 171004 (2015), and ASTM F2575–145 (2014), have clearly stipulated the requirements for terminology and terminology management. In China, the language service industry has not paid enough attention to terminology management. The Specification for Translation Service – Part 1: Translation, a national standard issued in 2008, only roughly regulates that translators must look up and review terms to ensure that terms in the translation are basically correct, but it does not include any contents about terminology management concepts and approaches. In 2013, Huashu Wang surveyed 25 domestic language service enterprises. According to the results, about 6% of respondents used professional terminology management tools, about 2% had terminology management experts, and 27% did not carry out effective practices. It is thus clear that most domestic language service enterprises have not established effective terminology management mechanisms, and there are significant disparities in terminology management between domestic and international language service industries. Today, the language service industry in China has seen great progress in terms of systematic research into the terminology management practices of the domestic language service industry. Therefore, we designed a questionnaire to survey the status quo of terminology management. In the analysis, we identified problems, discovered fundamental causes, and offered suggestions to help with the improvement of terminology management and service competence of the language service enterprises nationwide.

Design of the study Study objects We invited domestic language service enterprises via www.wjx.cn – a professional online survey platform – e-mails, and short message service to participate in the survey. To ensure the accuracy of the indexed data and avoid repeated and useless data, each enterprise was given only one questionnaire. The survey was conducted from 22 February to 20 May 2018. Over the three months, we collected 180 questionnaires and eliminated six ineffective replies. We eventually obtained 174 effective questionnaires with an effective rate of 96.67%. The surveyed enterprises were located in different provinces and municipalities directly under the

Management of language service enterprises  183 jurisdiction of the Central Government, such as Beijing, Guangdong, Shanghai, Jiangsu, Shandong, Hubei, Shanxi, Henan, Anhui, and Liaoning. Among them, enterprises in Beijing, Shanghai, Guangdong, and Jiangsu accounted for 69.54% of all, which reflected the overall geographical distribution of domestic language service enterprises. Questionnaire design With reference to the Terminology Management Guidelines issued by the China Academy of Translation in 2017, the questionnaire was developed to focus on the status of terminology management awareness, terminology management processes, terminology tool applications, and terminology management training in domestic language service enterprises. The questionnaire consisted of 42 questions (2 open questions and 40 closed questions), including single-choice questions, multi-choice questions, and four-level scale questions. After the preliminary design of the questionnaire, a trial test was conducted among smaller groups of participants. We sent the questionnaire draft to two groups of people: (1) six professionals (two project managers, two translators, and two terminologists) in well established language service enterprises, including Lionbridge, SDL, CSOFT, and EC-Innovations; (2) four translation technology experts in language service enterprises in Beijing, Shanghai, and Guangzhou. The first group offered suggestions on the format of the questionnaire, and the second group proposed improvements on the design of specific questions. According to their suggestions, we refined the questionnaire and developed the final version. Data processing A large number of four-level-scale questions were in the four parts of the questionnaire, namely terminology management awareness, terminology management processes, terminology tool applications, and terminology management training. As for the reliability analysis of these questions, the coefficient of Cronbach’s α is 0.936 (>0.7), indicating the good internal consistency of these questions. With further testing, the value of KMO was 0.916, and Bartlett’s sphere test value was 0.000, reaching a very significant level and confirming suitability for factor analysis. On the basis of principal component analysis and with the use of the maximum variance skew rotation method, we carried out exploratory factor analysis of the data and obtained two factors; the cumulative explanation rate of factors was 74.06%. See Table 10.1. There are seven questions for the first factor, and each factor loading is greater than 0.50. As these questions all concern terminology management processes, the first factor is named, “Standardization level of terminology management”. Three questions regard the second factor. As these questions all concern the input of an enterprise provided in terminology management, the second factor is named, “Investment in terminology management”. See Table 10.2.

184  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li Table 10.1 Total variance of factors explained for the survey of terminology management in enterprises Score Initial characteristic value

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Extraction of sums of squared loadings

Rotation sums of squared loadings

Total Percentage Cumulative Total of variance (%)

Percentage Cumulative Total of variance (%)

6.347 63.466 1.059 10.594 0.647 6.474 0.487 4.871 0.402 4.024 0.317 3.169 0.295 2.951 0.210 2.103 0.145 1.449 0.090 .899

63.466 10.594

63.466 74.060 80.533 85.405 89.429 92.598 95.549 97.652 99.101 100.000

6.347 1.059

63.466 74.060

6.073 4.342

Data analysis The basic features of respondents and their enterprises are independent variables, including the identity of respondents, business ownership, scale, operating period, and customer types. The dependent variable is the specific manifestation of enterprises in terminology management awareness, terminology management process, terminology tool applications, and terminology training. With the back office system of www.wjx.cn and SPSS 25.0, we respectively carried out further analyses: cross-tabulation analysis and classification of data from www.wjx.cn, and one-factor analysis on the variance of two factors (standardization level of terminology management and investment in terminology management) from data process. The two analyses comprehensively reviewed the status quo of terminology management in China’s language service enterprises from the macro and micro levels. Given space constraints, the data analysis only presents the representative data and trends. Terminology management awareness Investment in terminology management is the main and specific manifestation of terminology management awareness. The stronger the awareness is, the greater the investment in terminology management becomes. Through one-factor analysis of variance, the survey examines the relationship between the “investment in terminology management” and independent variables. The business nature of an enterprise significantly affects the investment in terminology management (p < 0.01). As is shown in Figure 10.1, the polygonal line was in a “W” shape. Among all respondents, private enterprises and government

Management of language service enterprises  185 Table 10.2 Components and factor loadings for enterprises’ terminology management survey Questions and contents

Factors Standardization level of terminology management

19. Do you perform update and backup operations of the term database after a translation project finishes? 20. Do you carry out maintenance of the term database of a translation project? 21. Do you summarize terminology problems that you have encountered and relevant solutions after a translation project finishes? 22. Do you carry out a term consistency examination during the proofreading process? 29. Are the terms examined and confirmed by terminology staff before their use? 30. Are the terms confirmed by your customer before their use? 33. Do you communicate with your customer and develop a unique terminology management scheme for the customer during the launch phase of a translation project? 34. Do you design an independent schedule for terminology management during the planning phase of a translation project? 35. Do you develop terminology management guidelines during the planning phase of a translation project? 36. Do you independently evaluate and charge the terminology management service during the launching phase of a translation project?

0.937

Investment in terminology management

0.926 0.870

0.864 0.836 0.830 0.803

0.866

0.844

0.762

agencies or government-affiliated institutions have the lowest investment in terminology management, state-owned enterprises have the highest investment, and foreign-funded enterprises and private enterprises come second. The lack of terminology awareness (64.4%) and long-term plans (27.0%) are concrete manifestations of insufficient terminology management awareness. However, the overall trend of enterprises understanding the importance of terminology management is obvious. Through the cross-tabulation analysis, the survey finds that most language service enterprises that have or have not been certified believe terminology management was “important” or “very important”. See Table 10.3.

186  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li

Figure 10.1  Business nature and the average value of investment in terminology management

Table 10.3  Enterprise qualifications and terminology management attitude Do you think it is important to carry out terminology management in translation projects? Common No. 8 question: (N/A)

Counting ratio No. 8 question: (ISO Counting Certification–1S09000) ratio No. 8 question: (ISO Counting Certification–IS017100) ratio No. 8 question: (CMM Counting Certification) ratio No. 8 question: (ASTM Counting Certification) ratio No. 8 question: (Others) Counting ratio Total Counting

Important Very important Total 5 4.2% Ratio 2.3%

68 57.1% 5 11.6% 1 1 6.3% 6 S 6.3% 1 3 Ratio 12.5% 37.5% 0 2 0.0% 100.0% 0 1 0.0% 33.3% 8 77

46 38.7% 37 86.0% 14 87.5% 4 50.0% 0 0.0% 2 66.7% 89

119 43 16 8 2 3 174

Data management processes Terminology management processes are mainly embodied by the standardization of terminology management. Through one-factor analysis of variance, the survey can examine the relationship between the factors and independent variables of the standardization level of terminology management.

Management of language service enterprises  187 The scale of an enterprise greatly affects the standardization of terminology management of an enterprise (p < 0.01). As shown in Figure 10.2, with the increase in the number of employees, an enterprise’s standardization level of terminology management grew accordingly. The standardization level reached a peak when an enterprise had 51 to 100 employees, and then it dropped. The operation period greatly affects standardization of terminology management in an enterprise (p < 0.01). As Figure 10.3 shows, an enterprise operating for 6 to 10 years had the lowest standardization level of terminology management, an enterprise operating for over 10 years had a slightly dropping but generally higher standardization level, and a start-up enterprise paid much more attention to terminology management processes. The types of customers have great influence on the standardization of terminology management of an enterprise (p < 0.01). As Figure 10.4 shows, the overall trend is in an “N” shape. An enterprise that serves foreign customers embraced the highest standardization level of terminology management, while an enterprise that mainly serves domestic customers or only serves domestic customers had the lowest standardization level. The data analysis also shows that most enterprises carried out terminology management in the start-up phase of a project (76.44%) and during the implementation phase (75.86%). In addition, 31.03% of enterprises did this in the closeup phase, 26.64% of them in the planning phase, and 16.67% in the supervision phase. As regards terminology examination, 41.95% of enterprises used terms before an examination and confirmation by terminology staff, 28.16% carried out an examination now and then, 18.97% carried out an examination very often, and only 10.92% always carried out an examination.

Figure 10.2  Enterprise scale and average value of standardization of terminology management

188  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li

Figure 10.3  Operating period and average value of standardization of terminology management

Figure 10.4 Customer types and average value of standardization of terminology management

Terminology tool applications In terms of terminology tool applications, 123 enterprises (70.69%) used terminology tools in their translation projects, but 51 enterprises (29.31%) did not. The reasons why the 51 enterprises do not use terminology tools are lack of

Management of language service enterprises  189 understanding of terminology management technologies and tools (54.9%); failure to find suitable terminology management tools (50.98%); translation projects with relatively few specialized terms (19.61%); higher price of terminology management tools (17.65%); and failure to understand the importance of terminology management tools (9.8%). Among the 123 enterprises, 32.52% used terminology management tools in 10% to 30% of translation projects, 25.2% used the tools in fewer than 10% of translation projects, 18.7% used the tools in over 70% of translation projects, 13.82% used the tools in 30% to 50% of translation projects, and 9.76% used the tools in 50% to 70% of translation projects (see Figure 10.5). As shown in Figure 10.6, SDL Multiterm, memoQ, and Déjà Vu are the most used tools, but fewer than 20% respondents use other terminology tools, and 10.57% of enterprises used their own terminology tools. The main problems with current terminology management tools are the insufficient intelligent features (59.77%), low efficiency (50.57%), simple functions (34.48%), a limited range of available tools (32.76%), low price/performance ratio (18.97%), and poor system compatibility (17.82%). Terminology management training Through the cross-tabulation analysis of the identity of respondents (see Figure 10.7), scale and operating duration of enterprises, and terminology

Figure 10.5 Percentage of the terminology tool applications in translation projects

190  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li 80.00%

75.61%

70.00% 60.00% 50.00%

45.53%

40.00% 29.27%

30.00%

19.51%

20.00% 10.00%

13.82%

13.01% 2.44%3.25%

4.88%

8.13%

5.69% 4.88%

13.82% 10.57% 8.94% 3.25%

em

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sT e An r m oQ y m Le an (te xi ag rm em Dé c in j ol en à og t m Vu y m od an ul e) ag em en Lin t m go od ul e) P S W i D t or LM iya df as ul tit t( er te rm Te m rm in ol bo og Te x y rm m an St T ag a em er m r W en t m ild od ul e) Ya In te xi S n rn n CA ow al ly de ma T n ve C lo pe AT d to ol s O th er s

0.00%

Figure 10.6  Ratio of the application of specific terminology tools 40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

Decisionmaking staff

Management Terminology staff staff

Significantly insufficient

Insufficient

Supporting staff

Consultants

Basically sufficient

Figure 10.7  Roles of staff and the ratio of receiving training

Others

Sufficient

Management of language service enterprises  191 management training, the survey found that there was inadequate training in terminology management, especially for management staff, terminology staff, nonstate-owned enterprises, and those operating for 6 to 10 years. Nearly half (47.7%) of respondents believed the lack of systematic terminology management training ranked number 4 in all terminology management problems they had encountered. The respondents also expressed the desire to increase terminology management training, such as training in the application of software, management system, and best practices. They also wanted to increase the training hours, the opportunity of access to online training, MOOC (massive open online courses), and terminology management salons or seminars.

Problems and discussions Through the data analysis, the main problems in the current terminology management of China’s language service enterprises can be summarized as follows. Insufficient attention to terminology management value Terminology management is an important means for global knowledge management and information sharing of an enterprise and an important part of global language asset management and language strategy. It increasingly plays an essential role in corporate information development, global document creation, corporate content management, multilingual information processing, translation and publication, customer communication, brand consistency, and the avoidance of legal risks. Some 83.33% of respondents reflected that companies were in need of professional terminology staff for terminology management tasks. However, in fact, translators, project managers, and proofreaders shouldered them. Regarding the one-factor analysis of the variance of investment in terminology management and the identity of staff, the survey found that the management staff and implementation staff did not attach greater importance to terminology management and accordingly failed to provide substantial input in terminology management processes. Investment in terminology management by different enterprises varied greatly: private enterprises did not pay sufficient attention to investment in terminology management due to limitations in the scale of their operations and management; government-affiliated institutions failed to accept the concept of advanced terminology management or to give sufficient attention to terminology management. Almost half (47.7%) of enterprises admitted that they did not carry out professional terminology management training, and they also complained that industrial associations failed to offer sufficient training. An interesting finding is that no matter how much an enterprise invests in actual terminology management practices, most respondents answered “important” or “very important” to the question about the importance of terminology management. This indicates that the respondents’ view of the significance of terminology management remained consistent regardless of the scale of investment by an enterprise. Even though

192  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li most enterprises are aware of the importance of terminology management, they did not have sufficient terminology management awareness in the actual implementation of a translation project. The root cause is that insufficient emphasis is placed on the value of terminology management. Lower popularization of terminology tools The survey shows that only 9.76% of the companies used terminology tools in over half of translation projects, though all recognized their importance and believed that terminology management significantly affects many aspects of translation. Among those companies that believed terminology management was very important, 34.83% did not use any terminology tools at all. It is noteworthy that non-state-owned enterprises and private enterprises used terminology management tools most frequently, but they mostly used SDL Multiterm, memoQ, and Déjà Vu terminology modules instead of specialized terminology management and terminological process management software. According to the crosstabulation analysis, among all of the 123 enterprises that used terminology tools in translation projects, 4.88% operating for less than 2 years, 8.13% operating for 3 to 5 years, 10.57% operating for 6 to 10 years and 13.0% operating for 11 to 20 years used terminology tools in over 30% of translation projects. Terminology management tools are fundamental for terminology management. Overall, most of the respondents recognized the importance of the concept of terminology management but needed to improve the application of terminology tools in practice. Low degree of standardization in terminology management Terminology management should be carried out throughout five phases of project management (the start-up phase, planning phase, implementation and supervision phases, and closing phase). Only with strict terminology management throughout the entire implementation process of a translation project can a language service enterprise avoid terminological confusion in the implementation of subsequent projects. The survey finds that 68.97% of enterprises did not establish professional terminology management processes. Small start-up enterprises carried out random and unsystematic terminology management due to reasons such as the lack of professionals and finance and the fact that these enterprises found it difficult to standardize their terminological processes. A total number of 71 enterprises that have operated for 6 to 10 years, accounting for 40.8% of the respondents, had the lowest standardization level in their terminology management processes. The reason is probably that these enterprises have accumulated certain terminology resources, and by shifting their focus to business growth, they do not invest much time and effort in terminology management processes. Enterprises that have operated for more than 10 years have gone through the initial accumulation of terms, gathered enormous terminology resources and begun more systematic classification, progressing to vertical and deeper terminology management. Although the

Management of language service enterprises  193 degree of standardization of their terminology management process descends, it remained at a relatively high level. Larger enterprises generally have more standardized terminology management. However, when an enterprise has accumulated a large number of terms, which require money and effort to maintain, it has difficulty in guaranteeing standards. Most enterprises lack specific terminology management links, such as identification and sharing of terminology, customer confirmation, terminology planning, update and maintenance of term database, and term backup. The main reasons for the absence of these processes are insufficient attention from the corporate management (70.83%), lack of dedicated terminology management staff (46.67%), insufficient attention from clients (43.33%), excessive terminology management costs, and unsatisfactory terminology management performance. In addition, the standards of terminology management varied greatly for different customers – those enterprises offering language services only to international customers outperform those who mainly or only serve domestic customers. International customers may impose higher requirements for standardization. Regardless of the clientele, language service enterprises should maintain the same standardization in their terminology management. Though the standardization process may seem cumbersome, it is crucial to the successful implementation of a translation project and beneficial to the accumulation of terms. It also helps with the build-up of terms, translation records, and other intangible assets. Lack of terminology management professionals Among all 174 respondents, only 16.7% had professional staff for terminology management. According to the cross-tabulation analysis of the scale of enterprises and the work undertaken by the terminology staff, we found that the staff from small enterprises had to complete almost all terminology tasks, including the collection of terms, format conversion, and the entry revision. That is to say, roles were not specifically prioritized for this task, and there were no detailed, clear divisions of labour. Comparatively, the terminology staff in large enterprises had a clear division of labour and are specifically responsible for the revision and quality assurance of terms. However, in absolute terms, the number of special terminology staff is small. In general, over 70% of respondents did not have terminology staff. This problem was especially prominent in small and medium-sized enterprises: 89.58% of enterprises with fewer than 15 employees, and 84.4% of enterprises with 16 to 50 employees did not have terminology staff. Having further analysed the staff performing terminology tasks in enterprises that did not have special terminology staff, we found that various roles involved in the projects (project director, project manager, translator, and proofreader) had all participated in terminology management to varying degrees. Currently, only a limited number of professionals perform terminology management duties in language service enterprises, and staff from multiple roles are involved in terminology management to a greater or lesser extent. Without the

194  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li coordination of special terminology staff, there will be mistakes and low efficiency in terminology management due to the lack of clear authority and responsibilities. It is necessary to clarify the roles and responsibilities of terminology management staff, to designate professionals specifically to terminology jobs to analyse the terminology demands of the enterprise and its customers, to provide terminology services, to develop and maintain terminology resources, and to liaise with other staff to jointly carry out terminology management. Terminology management technologies require urgent improvement Terminology management technologies can help with sorting, storing, processing, and maintaining of translation data; the accumulation of language assets for future translation projects; the improvement of translation quality; the acceleration of translation progress; and the promotion of terminology sharing. In addition, terminology management tools contribute significantly to the successful implementation of translation projects, and each member of the translation team and other stakeholders should familiarize themselves with these tools. However, terminology management tools are not widely used. Taking the term extraction tool as an example, during the implementation of translation projects, 62.64% of enterprises extract terms by a combination of automatic and manual means, 24.14% extract terms only by manual means, and 7.47% extract terms only by automatic means, indicating that term extraction tools have limited functions and need further improvement urgently. Current terminology management tools cannot fully satisfy the terminology management demands of enterprises. According to the survey, 50.98% of enterprises said that there were no suitable management tools, 9.8% believed that terminology management tools were not useful, and 40% confirmed the application of terminology management tools in some but not all translation projects. This means the tools used by enterprises can only meet the needs of certain translation projects. The respondents complained about the lack of sophisticated functions, intelligent features, and low efficiency in these tools, which indicated that the existing tools and technologies could not sufficiently solve terminology management problems. It is therefore recommended that more R&D efforts should be made to improve terminology management technologies and tools and develop more intelligent ones (for example, terminology management tools that are directly built into the translation process).

Suggestions Terminology management closely relates to the corporate cultures and marketing strategies of language service enterprises. It is not only a problem that enterprises have to solve but also a challenge to which the whole language service industry must positively respond. The improvement cannot be accomplished overnight, and it requires joint efforts from all parties concerned throughout the ecological

Management of language service enterprises  195 chain of the language service business. For problems revealed in the survey, we offer the following suggestions and countermeasures. Transforming traditional terminology concepts and improving terminology management awareness In the era of big data, the content of enterprises is increasing rapidly along with rapid data growth. During this process, terminology management, as the core of knowledge management, has become increasingly important. Government authorities and industrial associations need to implement a series of measures. The measures include planning and designing the domestic language service infrastructure, constructing a complete terminology management knowledge and training system, gradually establishing public terminology communication channels and platforms, dynamically monitoring terminology management practices, disseminating terminology management knowledge to the public, and comprehensively enhancing the knowledge management awareness of the whole industry. Language service enterprises (especially private enterprises and governmentaffiliated institutions) should alter traditional concepts of terminology management and make it an integral part of translation quality assurance and project management processes. They should design professional terminology management courses and provide diverse and professional online and offline training programmes for translator teams or groups, so that translation practitioners will be able to improve their terminology management ability and increase the service competence of these enterprises. They should also develop terminology management guidelines or terminology management best practices, increase customers’ awareness of the importance and value of terminology management, implement scientific and efficient terminology management processes upon the request of customers, and ensure that the value of terminology management is recognized from the upstream of the language services. Improving terminology management plans and continuously standardizing terminology management Terminology is an essential part of an enterprise’s language assets. Therefore, language service enterprises should attach great importance to the construction of language asset infrastructure; continuously integrate content management, translation management, and terminology management; and guarantee the value of such language assets from a macro perspective. They should assimilate the advanced terminology management practices of international enterprises or institutions (such as Microsoft, IBM, and Huawei). In particular, experienced terminologists should be invited to analyse the requirements of translation projects, design appropriate terminology management processes, and integrate the terminological process systematically with different phases of project management. Language service enterprises should strengthen the terminology management awareness and

196  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li terminology collaboration of different departments and invest allocated time and funds for term management, such as applying specialized terminology tools, creating terminology management jobs, clarifying the roles of terminology staff, and inviting terminology experts to deliver regular terminology management training. Industrial associations should establish a complete set of basic terminology management standards and specifications for language service enterprises and customers, include terminology management into national translation service standards or specifications as a requisite, and promote the implementation of such terminology management standards or specifications as an element of regulatory content recommended for implementation within language service enterprises. They should strengthen collaborations with domestic and foreign terminology management organizations; conduct terminology management ability training, assessment, and certification; assimilate excellent translation internationalization practice; and provide best terminology management case studies for language service enterprises, so as to promote the transformation and innovation efforts of language service enterprises and accelerate the standardization of language services. It is noteworthy that in August 2017, the China Academy of Translation issued the Terminology Management Guidelines. which have a strong steering effect on terminology management and standardization within the translation service industry. In addition, we should strengthen the construction of public term databases and actively promote the standardization of terminology management. Currently, many international organizations have established their own term databases, such as the UNTERM Portal, the TERMITE, EuroTermBank, the TERMIUM, and the TAUS Data. We should refer attentively to the advanced experience of these international organizations; build cloud-based, open and pro bono multilingual term databases; and encourage access to and application of such bases in key fields of national strategic importance. A good example is that in December 2017, the China Academy of Translation launched the Standard Term Database for the Translation of Words and Expressions with Chinese Characteristics. The construction of large public term databases will provide data resources and services for the improvement of language service infrastructure, external communication, and construction of discourse systems with Chinese characteristics and significantly benefit the planning, practice, and research of the discipline of translation in China. Deepening terminology management research and carrying out research and development of terminology technologies Currently, Chinese foreign language experts focus more on the introduction of foreign terminology (Huang 2010) than on research regarding the application of terminology theories and methods in specific translation practices (H. Wang and Z. Zhang 2014a, 2014b; H. Wang 2015). This should be immediately changed by deepening terminology management research. For example, we should conduct translation management research from an interdisciplinary perspective and encourage research on term mining approaches, terminology management models, and

Management of language service enterprises  197 terminology quality assurance and efficiency. Additionally, we should strengthen the development of terminology management textbooks, approve proposals for terminology textbooks and the commercialization of scientific research achievements, and push forward coordinated development among industries, universities, and research institutions. The intensification of terminology management and terminology research will develop and structure the translation ability of translators, enhance people’s understanding of modern translation activities, broaden translation research perspectives, and enrich translation research content. We should intensify R&D efforts focusing on technologies and tools; provide more financial support for software technology development and improvement programmes; and establish terminology technology and service platforms, term database platforms, and new term supervision platforms. We should develop dynamic terminology resource service and technology platforms, vertical-fieldspecific terminology websites, terminology software, term databases and other marketable products and provide standard API interfaces (charged for or free) to meet the application demands of different industries. We should fully consider the compatibility of systems and functions, user friendliness, and process adaptation and develop integral and diverse tools such as term sorting, extraction, marking and management systems, as well as term database technologies, which are beneficial for the publicity and application of terminology technologies. Accurately analysing language service demands and cultivating terminology talents In the era of big data, with the rapid growth of the language service sector and a higher degree of social division of labour, there are more and more job vacancies for terminology staff, terminology managers, language asset managers, and those with exceptional terminology management ability. As scholars have realized, terminology management competence is not only important for translators (Wang 2011, 2017) but also for interpreters (Wang and Zhang 2015). Various foreign universities have already offered terminology-related courses to students. However, China’s terminology education is in its infancy, and very few translationpractice-oriented terminology courses are available for students. Moreover, current terminology education cannot meet the demands of industrial practices, which is a problem that modern translation educators have to consider (Li 2010; Leng and Wang 2013). We should clarify a definitive terminology management system, construct terminology management ability models for practitioners, incorporate the terminology management system into university translation courses, and improve the comprehensive quality of our language service practitioners. We should monitor the practical demands of the language service industry, provide terminology courses, improve the teaching content and methodology related to terminology within the curriculum of translation majors, place a greater emphasis on the teaching and learning of terminology management theories, integrate terminology

198  Huashu Wang and Zhi Li technology cases and practice into teaching, and enhance students’ terminology management awareness and ability. We should also promote the construction of digital platforms to facilitate terminology teaching, such as terminology case databases, multi-modal teaching term databases, and terminology management and practice platforms, so as to provide abundant resources for terminology management teaching.

Concluding remarks “The organization, management and dissemination of human knowledge cannot happen without the presence and function of corresponding terminology systems” (Li 2017). The aim of terminology management is to achieve the systematic and accurate arrangement of knowledge to improve the efficiency of knowledge communication. Terminology management not only helps to improve the consistency of terms during the implementation of a translation project and to improve language service quality in an all-round way but also contributes tremendously to the development of standardization in China’s language service sector – strengthening the country’s external communication ability – and develops expertise in the national language. This study has, through the questionnaire survey, examined the status quo of domestic language service enterprises, summarized existing problems, and offered suggestions and countermeasures from the perspectives of terminology management understanding, standardization, technologies, and talent cultivation. However, due to time constraints and intellectual property rights, we have presented a section of data from the whole survey. In the future, we should broaden the scale of investigation, adopt precise investigation procedures, and survey the working reality of the language service industry with diverse methods in order to obtain a more objective and thorough perspective of the status quo of terminology management within enterprises and companies. Hopefully, this study will encourage industrial associations, professionals, and scholars to pay greater attention to terminology management, deepen and improve terminology management practices and research, and disseminate terminology management theories, methods, and technical support to language service practitioners and translation students.

Acknowledgements This work was supported by a grant from the Major Program of the China Academy of Translation (No. 2017TSB01).

Notes 1 ISO/TC 37. Available at: www.iso.org/committee/48104.html; www.astm.org/Stand ards/F2575.htm [Viewed 30 August 2020].

Management of language service enterprises  199 2 Standardization Administration of China (2008) “National standard GB/T 19363.1– 2008: The specification for translation service – part 1: Translation”. Available at: https://webstore.ansi.org/Standards/SPC/GB193632008 [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 3 ISO/TS 11669:2012 (2012), “Translation projects  – general guidance”. Available at: www.iso.org/standard/50687.html [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 4 ISO 17100:2015 (2015), “Translation services – requirements for translation services”. Available at: www.iso.org/standard/59149.html [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 5 ASTM F2575–14 (2014), “Standard guide for quality assurance in translation”. Available at: www.astm.org/Standards/F2575.htm [Viewed 30 August 2020].

11 Rethinking translationese and translation universals Insights from corpus-based translation studies Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li Introduction In the second half of the 20th century, scholars such as Nida (1964) and Catford (1965) began to apply linguistic theories to the study of translation, which ushered in waves1 of linguistically oriented approaches to translation studies that lasted more than four decades. However, most of these approaches explored such questions as translation techniques and equivalence within or beyond the word (Fawcett 2003). Little attention has been paid to the study of the linguistic features of the target language itself, which in fact did not become a legitimate object of study until the inception of descriptive translation studies (DTS) that was pioneered by Even-Zohar’s polysystem theory (1978, 1990). Even-Zohar (1978) believes that there are some language norms in translation, which are different from both source language (SL) and target language (TL). Different labels are given to this special type of language, including “the third language” (Duff 1981) and “the third language code” (Frawley 1984). Toury (1995: 208) called it translationese, suggesting that “in the long run, a habitualized translationese may even acquire some distinct markers, which would set it apart from any other mode of language use within the same culture, translational or non-translational”. Despite an increasing consensus on the special characteristics of this third code, a large-scale and systematic study of the specific linguistic features of TL only became possible with the beginning of corpus-based translation studies (Baker 1993, 1995) in recent decades. Two key concepts frequently occurring in these studies are translationese and translation universals, whose definitions sometimes overlap with each other. In China, whereas the concept of translation universals has been generally translated as 翻译共性 (fānyì gòngxìng, literally common features of translation), translationese has been translated into various terms such as 翻译腔 (fānyì qiāng, literally special tone of translation), 翻译症 (fānyì zhèng, literally symptom of translation) to 翻译体 (fānyì tǐ, literally genre of translation), all of which, to some extent, carry negative semantic associations in Chinese. By drawing on the insights from recent corpus-based translation studies, this chapter attempts to clarify and redefine the relationship between the concepts of translation universals and translationese and argues that the latter should be translated into a more neutral term of 特征译语 (tèzhēng yìyǔ, featured translation-specific

Translationese and translation universals 201 language) in Chinese so as to reflect the current understanding of the term. It is hoped that this new translation will distinguish translationese from “translation language”, which refers to the overall features of a target text, and highlight the “feature description” aspect and the relatively independent status of the concept of translationese.

Translationese in the context of Chinese In China the concept of translationese, including the definition as well as the application of the term, has been widely discussed by translation scholars. Our search in CNKI (China National Knowledge Infrastructure), which is the biggest academic index database in China, returned around 500 journal articles on this topic. A further examination of all these papers reveals that a majority of the discussions on translationese in Chinese contexts are still dominated by such topics as 翻译腔 (fānyì qiāng), 翻译症 (fānyì zhèng), and 翻译体 (fānyì tǐ), terms that often cause misunderstanding about the nature of this special TL linguistic feature because of the apparently pejorative meanings associated with the Chinese translations. In Chinese, 症 (zhèng, literally syndrome) indicates a preconceived negative connotation. As for 腔 (qiāng), one of the meanings listed in Xinhua Dictionary is 说话的语调，乐曲的调子 (literally tone of voice, tune) (2015: 404). Although the dictionary entry for the word seems to be neutral at first sight, in actual usage it frequently involves a negative connotation, such as in the phrases of 油腔滑 调 (glib), 娘娘腔 (sissy), 官腔 (bureaucratic tone). In the multi-register corpus of BCC,2 we found supporting evidence for this negative semantic association with 腔. In the corpus, all noun phrases containing 腔 have been concordanced and the semantic prosody of the 100 most frequently used words from the list (according to the meaning “accent or tone”) has been selected for analysis. The results shown in Figure 11.1 reveal that in most cases (68%) 腔 is used to express a negative attitude. Then the phrase 翻译腔 was concordanced in the same corpus, and the screenshot of the results is shown in Table 11.1. Almost without exception, the phrase is used in a derogatory manner to mean an awkward, unnatural language style. For example, in the first four concordanced lines, the collocations of 翻译腔 are 半通不通的 (hardly making sense), 让人难以接受的 (unacceptable), 消极干扰 (passive interference), 避免出现 (avoid), all of which express a derogatory value. A further search for translations of the term “translationese” in CNKI from the 1980s to 2020 shows that the term 翻译腔 was adopted in 319 academic papers on this topic. While the term 翻译症 was used in 58 studies, the nomenclature of 翻译体 was quoted in 120 research articles (Table 11.2). The statistics shown in Tables 11.1 and 11.2 reveal that Chinese scholars predominantly discussed the concept of translationese from a negative perspective. For instance, while teasing out the nuances of meaning among these translations, Yang, Liu, and Zhou (2009) claimed that it would be more appropriate to translate it as 翻译腔 (fānyì qiāng).

202  Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li

Figure 11.1  Semantic prosody of 腔 in Chinese Table 11.1  Concordance for 翻译腔

Table 11.2  Chinese translations of translationese in research papers as shown in CNKI

Total number of research articles that adopted the respective Chinese translation Years of publication for these articles

翻译腔

翻译症

翻译体

319

58

120

1981–2020

1986–2019

1987–2020

Translationese and translation universals  203 Note that starting from the late 1980s, the translation of 翻译体, which is a neutral word in Chinese, had been gradually adopted and discussed by several researchers analysing this topic (Zhang and Hu 2004; Hu and Ji 2009). For example, by drawing on a cognitive stylistic analysis framework of translation language, Xiujuan Chai (2012) tried to explain the common theoretical underpinnings of translationese and translation universals and proposed using a more neutral term 翻译语体 (fānyì yǔtǐ, literally translational variation) as an intermediate translation for these two concepts. But despite these early attempts to adopt a neutral stance to examine the two concepts, it is arguable that the confusion brought about by the other two translations, namely 翻译腔 and 翻译症 – two terms that are laden with negative values – still persists today. Thus it is important for us to understand the nature of the concept of translationese, particularly by clarifying the origin, difference, and similarities between translationese and translation universals, if we want to develop a suitable Chinese translation for it.

Translationese versus translation universals: from the perspective of corpus-based translation studies Translationese Early definitions and approaches When the word “translationese” was first used in translation studies, it often contained a derogatory meaning. For example, Nida (1969) and Newmark (1988) considered it the result of inappropriate literal translation which led to a distorted representation of the original content. But such a value-laden view of this concept has tended to change with the advent of corpus-based translation studies – the investigation of translation as both a product and a process based on corpora of “real world” translations. Gellerstam (1986) was the first scholar to use the word in a neutral sense by regarding it as some special language variant in the translated text. Baker (1993: 243), who used “universal features of translation” to describe the characteristics of translationese, believed that it was a distribution of linguistic features that deviated from the target language rather than the result of the mutual linguistic interference between the SL and TL. Also adopting a neutral attitude towards the study of the concept, Puurtinen (2003b) defined translationese as a kind of “translation specific language” (2003b: 391), whose unique linguistic features may occur at the levels of vocabulary, syntax, semantics, style, and pragmatic function. Balaskó (2008) also argued that translationese could appear at all linguistic levels in overt and covert translation texts (cf. House 1977). These special linguistic features, which make the language of a translated text different from that of the original text of the target language, can be categorized into two groups. Whereas the first group comprises the features that deviate from the standard usage in the target language, the other consists of translation universals as proposed in DTS, such as explicitation, simplification, normalization, etc. Koppel and Ordan (2011) also believed that both written and spoken translation

204  Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li products were different from their original texts. While some scholars consider this difference as the general linguistic characteristics that are unrelated to the SL (Frawley 1984; Gellerstam 1986), others attribute it to the influence of source language interference (Toury 1995). To sum up, although translationese generally presents deviations from conventional target language, its specific features and causes need to be further classified. Here we will only discuss the different layers of linguistic meanings for translationese, leaving out its potential implications for the study of society, culture, and translator’s style, such as translationese in the political sense as mentioned by Spivak (1993). As previously mentioned, in linguistically oriented translation studies, the study of translationese tended to rely on prescriptive methods of comparative textual analysis, aiming to identify the so-called ideal translation. Translationese was largely viewed as a negative aspect of the TL within this paradigm, namely unnatural linguistic features that need to be avoided or rewritten so as to make the translation sound more idiomatic in the target language culture. In contrast, since the 1990s, the emphasis on “ideal” translation has gradually given way to the objective description of the products and the processes of translation, especially within the branch of DTS, in which translation is regarded as part of the receiving culture (Toury 1995). Furthermore, the emergence of corpus-based translation studies also makes it possible for scholars to describe the features of translation language systematically and objectively in order to prove that, to a certain extent, translationese exists in an independent form and can be identified through corpus means. Corpus-based approaches to the study of translationese Gellerstam (1986, 1996) pioneered the study of translationese via a corpus approach by comparing the statistical characteristics of translation language and spontaneously written language. After Baker’s first systematic attempts (1993, 1995) to identify the patterns of translated language by using large corpora, more and more scholars have used various corpus methods to recognize the nature and features of translationese. Currently, most of the linguistic features concerning translationese found so far are located at the lexical, syntactic, and semantic levels. For example, Gellerstam (1986) investigated the lexical features of Swedish translation language. Puurtinen (2003a, 2003b) studied the complex and non-restrictive structures as well as the conjunctions of clauses and the key words in the translation of Finnish children’s literature. Rayson et al. (2008) examined the translationese in Chinese–English translation from the perspective of vocabulary, parts of speech, and semantics. Meldrum (2009) examined translationese in Japanese from the aspects of personal pronouns, loanwords, female expressions, and abstract nouns as the subject of transitive verbs and long paragraphs. Koppel and Ordan (2011) examined two corpora which contained both the original and translation languages, respectively, and found some similar features between different source languages

Translationese and translation universals 205 and translation languages. Rabinovich et al. (2015) evaluated the Haifa corpus of translationese by examining functional words and cohesive markers. Apart from these lexical aspects, some scholars have attempted to examine the grammatical features of translationese for different language pairs. For example, Santos (1995) dealt with the grammatical features of translationese by examining the tense and aspect system in original Portuguese–English texts and translations. By examining the pattern features in the Hungarian language and its translation corpus, Balaskó (2008) observed that the pattern features of translationese could occur at both the pragmatic and the syntactic levels. Resorting to a corpus-based methodology and an independent-sample t-test and F-test statistical design in three news articles corpora, Rodríguez-Castro (2011) argued that representations of translationese can also be reflected in punctuation, which is caused by the interference of the source language. Several of these corpus-based studies on translationese support the claim that there are common linguistic features in translated language, i.e. the hypotheses of translation universals. Puurtinen (2003a, 2003b) found evidence either supporting or contrary to these hypotheses by examining the translation language features in a Finnish children’s literature translation corpus. Balaskó’s research (2008) verified the hypothesis of simplification and normalization. Rodríguez-Castro (2011) found evidence of simplification and explicitation in punctuation. Other scholars proposed their own hypotheses for translationese, such as the unique items hypothesis put forward by Tirkkonen-Condit (2002), which will be further discussed later. Translation universals Discussions about concepts and hypotheses The early exploration of the general characteristics of translated texts began with Vinay and Darbelnet’s ([1958] 1995) study of explicitation in translation, in which they described the process of adding information implied in the context or specific situation of SL to TL (ibid.: 8). Vanderauwera (1985) examined 50 Dutch–English translated novels and found that the translators tended to simplify the original text in terms of vocabulary and syntax. Baker (1993) proposed the concept of translation universals, which referred to the common features of translation texts. According to her, these typical linguistic features, which were lacking in source texts, only appeared in the translated texts and had nothing to do with the language pairs involved in translation (1993: 243). Since then, more universal hypotheses on translational language have been proposed, such as explicitation (Baker 1996), simplification (Laviosa 1998), normalization (Scott 1998), untypical collocation (Mauranen 2000), unique items (Tirkkonen-Condit 2002, 2004), shining through effect (Teich 2003), and convergence (Corpas et al. 2008). Based on the different points of departure for studying the concept, Chesterman (2004) divided translation universals into two categories: s-universals

206  Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li and t-universals. Whereas the former compares the source language with the translation language, the latter relates the target language with the translation language. His categorization, which resembles the law of interference and law of growing standardization proposed by Toury (1995), in fact is concerned more with the standpoints from which the observation is conducted than with a detailed description of the representative linguistic features of translation language. Approaches to translation universals in the context of corpus-based translation studies Translation universals are frequently investigated from the perspective of specific linguistic features, for which scholars make comparative analysis, generalize, and then extract the possible common tendencies from the corpora. Following is a short review of some of the representative works. Some of the linguistic aspects which have been covered in the study of explicitation include the increase of conjunctions (Blum-Kulka 1986; Puurtinen 2003a, 2004), addition of modifiers (Vanderauwera 1985), replacement of general words with concrete ones (Øverås 1998; Perego 2003; Klaudy and Karoli 2005), to list a few. Comparatively, the most frequently discussed features of simplification include decrease of lexical identity, increase of high-frequency words, repetition of high-frequency words, low frequency of hapax legomena (Laviosa 2002; Xiao and McEnery 2010; Xiao 2012). Similarly, a multi-pronged approach has been employed to explore normalization as a key feature of translation universals. Teich (2003) explored normalization and “source-language shining through effects” by examining such grammatical items as passive structure in English–German translation. The similar shining through effect was also supported by Dai and Xiao’s study on Chinese translated texts (2011). Other than these commonly explored topics, linguistic evidence has also been found to support some new hypotheses concerning translation universals. By comparing the frequencies of two kinds of linguistically unique items in the corpus of translated Finnish, Tirkkonen-Condit (2004) found that these unique Finnish items are less frequent in translated than in the original Finnish, which suggested the tendency of unique item under-representation in translated language. Mauranen (2008) also found syntactic structural evidence that lent support to this hypothesis in Finnish translation. Some researchers explored the hypotheses from other linguistic perspectives. Scott (1998) proposed that there were two kinds of normalization: compulsory normalization caused by TL grammar and another type caused by the translator’s subjective tendency. Klaudy (1993) also mentioned these two kinds of classifications in his research on explicitation. Lapshinova-Kultonski (2015) conducted a comparative study on the systematic differences among the translation variants (professional versus non-professional and artificial translation versus machine

Translationese and translation universals 207 translation) and found that the hypotheses of normalization and source language shining through effect were only partially proved, while the convergence hypothesis was verified.

The distinction and relation between translationese and translation universals Rethinking translationese The recent developments in corpus-based approaches to the study of translationese increasingly lend support to the argument that translationese is a special kind of language feature that appears in the translation language and deviates from TL norms. It is an objective and independent entity, which can be explored and described through investigations of the specific representations of vocabulary, syntax, grammatical forms, and other linguistic aspects of translation language. As for the cause of translationese, while some scholars emphasize the interference from source language (Toury 1995), others believe there is no such influence on this special language (Baker 1993; Gellerstam 1986). Balaskó thought that translationese consisted of “two sets of components” originating from the original and target languages, respectively (2008: 61), an idea that is also based on this binary classification. Koppel and Ordan (2011) also believed that we can find both types of traits in translated texts according to this classification, but they did not explain the features of continuity between the two types in detail. There is no denying that translationese to some extent deviates from the norms of the original language. Such a deviation sometimes makes it sound somewhat “unnatural” and “non-authentic” in the eyes of native speakers. This is one of the main reasons why some early researchers in China tended to hold a negative view of this concept and translated it as 翻译症 (fānyì zhèng) and 翻译腔 (fānyì qiāng), terms with a pejorative meaning. When so-called unnaturalness occurs in the TL, SL interference is usually to be blamed, as its impact on the TL is generally direct and obvious. Weinreich (1953, 1979) once discussed the mechanism, causes, and research methods of interference caused by language contact. He argued that interference occurred during language contact, which caused the reorganization of target text language patterns. The greater the difference between the two language systems, the more obvious the interference (1953: 1). Toury (1979) believed that translation was one of the most obvious and common areas for such interference (1979: 224), though it may not be derived only from the language in the source text. Borrowing Selinker’s (1972) concept of “interlanguage”, Toury highlighted the prominence of these linguistic features in translation and argued that no translations were free from the traces of this kind of interlanguage (1979: 226). Indeed, this unavoidable phenomenon indicates the universality of the special linguistic features in the TL. Baker went so far as to claim that, rather than being linked to interference from any specific language systems, these special features were inevitable results of the translation process (1993: 243). These inevitable results may

208  Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li relate to the nature of translation, which deserves further exploration, especially in the context of corpus-based translation studies discussed in the present chapter. In our opinion, it will be more appropriate to conceptualize translationese as a continuum: with one of the farthest poles being the often denounced concept of translationese in tradition. The linguistic features of this kind of translationese are influenced by the specific source language systems. The degree mainly depends on the translator’s proficiency, cognitive ability, and even his/her deliberate manipulation. In this type of translationese, the influence from source language features is usually obvious and easy to spot. The following translation examples help to illustrate this point: ST 1：His parents were cotton pickers in Peru until they opened a tailor shop in downtown Lima. TT 1.1：他的父母在秘鲁采摘棉花谋生，一直到他们在利马商业区开了 家裁缝店为止。(Back translation: His parents had been picking cotton to make a living in Peru until they opened a tailor shop in the business district of Lima.) TT 1.2：他的父母原本在秘鲁采摘棉花为生，后来他们改行在利马商业 区开了家裁缝店。(Back translation: His parents originally picked cotton to make a living in Peru, and later they changed their business and opened a tailor shop in the business district of Lima.) ST 2：彼は、この自然と対照させて、今さらのように世間の下等さを 思い出した。下等な世間に住む人間の不幸は、その下等さに煩 わされて、自分も下等な言動を余儀なくさせられるところに ある。(Back translation: Compared with the nature, he began to think about the inferiority of the world of human beings. The tragedy of the people living in this inferior world lay in the fact that under the influence of the inferiority, your words and actions could not but become inferior either.) TT 2.1：与自然风光相对照，他又一次想到人世间竟有多么下等。生活 在下等的人世间的人们的不幸在于，在这种下等的影响下，自己的 言行也不得不变得下等了。(Back translation: Compared with the natural scenery, he once again thought about how inferior the world of human beings was. The tragedy of the people living in this inferior world lay in the fact that under the influence of the inferiority, your own words and actions could not but become inferior either.) TT 2.2：对照自然的景色，他更感到世间的卑俗，和生活于这俗世的人 们的不幸 – 一天到晚被包围在卑俗的气氛中，连自己也不能不做出许 多卑俗的行径。(Back translation: Compared with the natural scenery, he felt more intensely about the petty and banal nature of the world, as well as the misfortune of the people living in this earthly world – every day till night being enveloped in this petty and banal atmosphere, one cannot but doing many low things.) In these examples, both TT 1.1 and TT 2.1 reveal obvious linguistic features of their respective source languages. In TT 1.1, the structure of “一直到 . . . . . . 为止”

Translationese and translation universals  209 is apparently influenced by “until” in the original English text. While in TT 2.1 it is also easy to identify the shining through effect from the original Japanese syntactic structures of “. . . . . . と対照させて” and “. . . . . . は、その . . . . . . て” for the corresponding Chinese translations “与 . . . . . . 相对照” and “. . . . . . 在于， 在 . . . . . . 下”. When compared with TT 1.2 and TT 2.2, which sound more fluent and idiomatic in Chinese, TT 1.1 and TT 2.1 present obvious traces of “English translationese” and “Japanese translationese”, respectively. However, despite the fact that TT 1.2 and TT 2.2 sound more natural than their counterparts in Chinese, it does not mean that they are free from traces of other types of translationese. Indeed, some common linguistic features – which are close to translation universals – exhibit themselves clearly in TT 1.2 and TT 2.2. For example, in TT 1.2, words like 原本, 后来, 改行 are amplifications of the original content. An explicit approach was clearly adopted in translation. And in TT 2.2, the addition of the conjunction (和 in Chinese) is a very common practice of explicitation, both in translations from English to Chinese or other language pairs. Moreover, the use of a dash to omit the translation of original auxiliaries and pronouns, in order to reduce the difficulty of the original content, can be regarded as a means of simplification. The adoption of the preceding translation strategies is bound to be reflected by the TL linguistic features, which can be identified through a comparison with their original language in a parallel corpus of a large scale. In fact, the more likely source language interference is to be confirmed, the more likely the translator’s subjective influence can be found. When source language and target language belong to different language families, the characteristics of the source language interference will be more obvious and more easily identified. The degree of translationese in the translation language that is less influenced by the source language is relatively weaker, but it still exists. This continuing nature of translationese is shown in Figure 11.2. The relationship between translationese and translation universals The preceding review shows that by trying to support or refute popular hypotheses concerning translation universals, the study of translationese actually intertwines with the study of translation universals. Both studies start from a comparative analysis between ST and TT from the perspective of specific linguistic features which are usually investigated at both macro and micro grammatical levels, ranging from vocabulary, syntax, grammatical form to discourse coherence and other criteria. Among these possible starting points, the most common one is the study of vocabulary in the TL to determine the characteristics of a specific translation language, aiming to verify the existing translation universals hypotheses or to propose new ones. Translationese can be broadly defined as the deviation of linguistic features from the target language norms for a specific language. Theoretically, only tendencies that are commonly observed in all translation languages, rather than those linguistic differences induced by a specific language, can be called translation

210  Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li

Figure 11.2  Continuing nature of translationese

universals. Since the study of translation universals has only been limited to a few but not all language pairs to date, and the research perspectives and standards are of a wide variety, the so-called translation universals examined in recent corpusbased studies, which are far from being fully verified, can only be regarded as hypothetical ones. And the verification of translation universals hypotheses still needs to rely on the continuous induction and summary of the features in specific language pairs. To be more specific, although both translationese and translation universals are produced in the process of translation and embodied in translation products, translationese is the actual realization of specific linguistic features of a specific language at a specific level, which may vary from language to language. Thus, it is likely that we will end up having translationese 1, translationese 2, translationese 3, etc. for different language pairs. If there are indeed some universally common features among these TLs, they should be summed up by following the preceding procedures. This concept should be at the abstract level and universally applicable. The relationship between translationese and translation universals is shown in Figure 11.3. It can be seen in Figure  11.3 that translationese, which may contain characteristics of either individuality or commonness in translation language, covers a wider range of linguistic features than translation universals. Therefore, it might be claimed that the study of translationese is the starting point and necessary condition for the study of translation universals. On the other hand, if indeed some translation universal may be applied in any case, its mechanism actually lies in the process of translation and exerts its

Translationese and translation universals 211

Figure 11.3  Relation between translationese and translation universals T1: translationese 1, T2: translationese 2; T3: translationese 3; TUs: translation universals

influence back on the process as well. Specifically, this “universal” exerts influence through the process of language conversion, which is reflected in the translation products as well as the production parts of translationese, the latter of which refer to the interference of the specific language system, sometimes outside translation universals. Thus, the commonness of linguistic features in translation language actually reflects the common tendency of human thought processes in language conversion. In that case, although it might eventually also be shown as some common tendency of linguistic features, these translation “universals” have little to do with the common features of general languages. This process is shown in Figure 11.4. If there is indeed a universal language commonness, it should be produced in the process of human language thinking. The “deep structure” (Chomsky 1969) reflected by its linguistic representation in translation can be related to the connotation of the “kernel sentence”, on the basis of which Nida (1964) proposed “dynamic equivalence”. The pursuit of translation universals is not the same as the pursuit of language universals. With a focus on the “abnormal” part of the original language which deviates from the conventional one, the study of translation universals aims at summarizing the common features from these differences and generalizing rules and patterns from them. Therefore, the “third language code” (Frawley 1984; Øverås 1998) is actually the result of common human thought patterns during the process of language conversion. This also explains Chomsky’s denial of such a concept as “deep-seated formal universals” within all natural languages which will affect translating between languages (1965: 30).

212  Xiaolin Yang and Dechao Li

Figure 11.4  Translationese, translation universals, and language universals

Conclusion and proposal Conclusion on the concepts of translationese and translation universals From the preceding discussion, we may come to the following conclusions： 1 Translationese is a continuum between source language interference and translation universals. 2 Translation universals are contained in translationese, the latter being the various external realizations of the former. 3 Translationese is a common tendency of human thought processes during language conversion rather than a common tendency of human language. A proposal on translating the term in the context of Chinese As Confucius once claimed, “If language is incorrect, then what is said does not concord with what was meant; and if what is said does not concord with what was meant, what is to be done cannot be effected”.3 It would be helpful if future studies further explored the concept of translationese, as well as its relationship with translation universals and even with language universals. As an essential step, we argue that it is necessary to foreground its descriptive and neutral nature in the first place. In the context of China, this means that the current popular translations for this terminology, such as 翻译症 or 翻译腔, need to be retranslated in such a way as to make them free from any preconceived negative connotation. As for 翻 译体, it is also not precise because 体 (tǐ, literally style) is potentially confusable with “style” and “genre”; it is therefore not conducive to further and more subtle exploration.

Translationese and translation universals  213 As indicated earlier, a negative view of translationese may discourage scholars from exploring the true nature and patterns of this legitimate language variation. Thus it is beneficial to produce a new translation for this term that is free from any biases. It is recommended here that 特征译语 (tèzhēng yìyǔ, literally translationspecific language) could be used as a possible solution, as the new translation emphasizes the neutral and natural sense of translation-specific language. Here 特征 (tèzhēng) is used in a descriptive sense to mean a specific linguistic phenomenon as a result of translation, conveying neither positive nor negative semantic associations. 译语 (yìyǔ, literally translation language) indicates that this specific language is just a kind of natural linguistic realization in translation, though it is distinct from either original language or target language to some extent. It is also hoped that the retranslation of the terminology will be helpful for us to understand the nature of translation more accurately. Metaphorically, different types of translationese are like pieces of a huge jigsaw puzzle which is named translation universals. Some pieces may contribute to our discovery of translation universals, and some may not. However, if we are patient enough, it will gradually be possible to identify the phenomenon of translation universals more clearly. In summary, the two strands of research on translationese and translation universals are closely linked, but they need to be carefully distinguished from each other. In the context of corpus-based translation studies, it could be expected that more fruitful results will be yielded in this area if we take full advantage of the benefits brought about by specifically designed comparable or parallel corpora as well as the interdisciplinary research methods that embody this type of research.

Acknowledgements This work was supported by the MOE (Ministry of Education in China) Youth Project of Humanities and Social Sciences: Intra-lingual Translation, Interpretation and Identity Construction: A Contrastive Study on Wang Daiyu and Liu Zhi’s Han Kitab (Project No. 16YJC740078).

Notes 1 According to Peter Fawcett, the boom in linguistically oriented translation studies “extended from the mid-1950s to the mid-1980s” (2003: foreword). 2 Beijing Language and Culture University Corpus Center. Available at: http://bcc.blcu. edu.cn [Viewed 30 August 2020] (Xun et al. 2016). 3 The Analects of Confucius, Book Thirteen, 3, translated by Arthur Waley, published by Wordsworth Editions Limited Cumberland House (1996).

12 The construction of a Chinese and English term database of Manchu Ulabun Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang

Introduction Manchu, also Manju, is a nationality with a long history. Sushen, Yilou, Wuji, Mohe, Bohai, and Jurchen are the ancestors of the modern Manchu. Manchu people, formerly known as Bannermen, have their own language and characters and mainly live in northeast China. In 1636, the Manchus established the Qing Dynasty. With a total population of 10,410,585 in 2010,1 the Manchu ethnic minority now ranks third among China’s 55 ethnic minorities. Manchu people have made an inextinguishable contribution to human civilization and have preserved a vast number of Manchu classics and cultural heritages. Manchu Ulabun, as an old form of narrative literature created and narrated by Manchu people, is mainly inherited through word of mouth (Sun 2016). Ulabun is mainly told by an inheritor of the tribe, the person with a golden mouth, by narrating and chanting alternately after rinsing their mouth and burning incense, accompanied by bells, drums, and wood clappers. The topics of Ulabun cover a wide scope and are generally considered an encyclopedia of the northern ethnic minorities (Gu 2009). Due to its cultural importance, Manchu Ulabun was enlisted as a form of national intangible cultural heritage in 2006 (Fu 2012). After years of intensive fieldwork and research studies, 54 Ulabun series have been published to preserve this literary form (Gu 2018). Since Ulabun can only be told by inheritors, Manchu Ulabun is in danger of extinction with the passing away of these aged storytellers. Among the published books, only three books – Goddess Ubusi Ben, Heavenly Wars, and Nishan Shaman – have been translated into languages in Japanese, Korean, German, and Italian (Gu 2009). Other works remain unknown to international readers. In order to make Ulabun known to the English world, we initiated the Ulabun translation project. Since Ulabun is told in an informal style, one of the challenging difficulties is the translation of terms, especially terms with Manchu characteristics. A term database thereafter needs to be constructed with terms extracted from the Ulabun series in Chinese and with standardized English translation to ensure uniformity.

Literature review A review of Ulabun studies, term databases, and theoretical frameworks can provide theoretical and practical guidelines for the Manchu Ulabun term database construction.

Term database of Manchu Ulabun 215 Ulabun studies Ulabun is a Manchu word, meaning “biography”. It refers to the oral literature passed down by Manchu people, accompanied by its narrators’ performance of simulated actions and by instrumental accompaniment (Liu 2015). The earliest recorded history of Ulabun can be traced back to the Qing Dynasty. Nowadays, the word Ulabun can still be heard in the Aihui and Sunwu areas in Heilongjiang Province, where the Manchu language is still used by elderly people. To preserve this literary tradition, which is endangered since few inheritors are still alive, rescue work began since the late 1980s. Stories narrated by inheritors were recorded by researchers. In the process of recording, addition, deletion, or revision was not allowed, and only proper arrangement and adjustment could be made in grammar, sentence patterns, and historical facts, so as to maintain the originality and authenticity of Ulabun, as well as the narrating styles of the storytellers and the original characteristics of oral history (Fu 2012). By January 2018, a total of 54 Ulabun books had been published. Manchu Ulabun can be classified in different ways. In terms of the periods in which the stories evolved, Gao (2017) classifies Ulabun into four periods: (1) before the Song Dynasty (e.g. Heavenly Wars, Goddess Ubusi Ben); (2) during the periods of the Liao, Jin, and Yuan Dynasties (e.g. Goddess of Sumu, Emperor Taizu in the Jin Dynasty); (3) in the Ming Dynasty (e.g. Legend of Donghai Jurchen, Legend of Hulun Tribes); and (4) in the Qing Dynasty (e.g. Saga of Mulan Paddock, Goddess Zhahutai). In terms of the contents of the stories, Fu (1999) divides Ulabun into four types: (1) Weqeku (窝车库, wō chē kù) Ulabun, which tells shaman myths or the miracles of shaman ancestors (e.g. Heavenly Wars, Nishan Shaman, Goddess Ubusi Ben); (2) Boui (包衣, bāo yī) Ulabun, which records family stories and family histories (e.g. General Sabusu, Legend of Hulun Tribes, Legend of Donghai Jurchen); (3) Baturu (巴图鲁, bā tú lǔ) Ulabun, which tells the legends of heroes (e.g. Legend of Princess Tong Chunxiu, Legend of Jin Wushu); (4) Gisun Uqun (给孙乌春, jǐ sūn wū chūn) Ulabun, the chanting stories, which praise heroes in historical legends (e.g. Heroine Hongluo Fighting against Khitan Thrice, Marriage through Sword Race). Wang (2012) argues that Ulabun should consist of three types since both Gisun Uqun Ulabun and Baturu Ulabun tell the stories of heroes. They only differ in forms of narration. Fu’s classification, however, is more widely accepted. In recent years, Ulabun studies have been on the rise, the foci of which are on the following perspectives: intangible cultural heritage (e.g. Fu 1999; Gao 2016, 2017; Shao 2016), history (e.g. Jiang 2012; Lv 2009), feminism (e.g. Zhang 2017), shaman culture (e.g. Gao 2014; Gu 2010), literature (e.g. Gu 2018; Shao 2013), and translation (e.g. Liu 2013; Tian 2013). In terms of translation, Sun (2017) discusses four different translation methods used in the translation of Manchu cultural terms in Goddess Ubusi Ben and emphasizes the importance of transliteration for retaining cultural elements. Liu (2013) introduces the translation of Manchu cultural classics Heavenly Wars and states that the translation should focus on preserving ethnic minority cultural features. Taking Nishan Shaman as an example, Tian (2013) recommends the application of translation compensation in translating ethnic minority literature classics. The review study shows that

216  Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang studies on Ulabun have escaped the scrutinization of researchers and translators, with only three Ulabun works (i.e. Goddess Ubusi Ben, Heavenly Wars, and Nishan Shaman) translated into English. Term databases Term database, also known as termbase and terminological database, makes full use of computer techniques to record, store, classify, and retrieve terms. Term databases can solve problems of translation inconsistency and improve translation quality and efficiency, thus playing an important role in computer-aided translation, machine translation, and communication (Liu 2017). Carl and Langlais (2002) further extend the notion of term database to intelligent term database. There are various types of term databases, such as multidisciplinary and international term databases. The history of term databases can be traced back to the 1950s, when computers were utilized in term management (Wang and Wang 2017). Many international organizations, government agencies, and enterprises have deployed large term databases. The most representative international term databases are UNTERM (United Nations Term Database), the EU’s IATE (Interactive Terminology for Europe), and the Canadian Termium term database. Terms in the UNTERM are mostly from UN documents, providing terms in the UN’s six official languages. The database is characterized by a centralized term database with sub-libraries and is open to the world (Gu and Wen 2017). IATE’s strength lies in its authority. Each term is defined by experts or terminologists and checked by authorities. Terms are rated strictly on reliability from 0 to 4 (Liu and Ning 2017). Termium, one of the earliest and largest term databases, is run by the terminology and standardization committee of the Canadian Translation Office. Translators, language service companies, and term workers are qualified to submit term entries. In addition to these term databases, there are other term databases: Quebec Term Database (BTQ), Term Bank of French Standardization Association (NORMATERM), Siemens Term Database, and TERMDOK from Sweden, to name just a few (Liu 2017). The construction of term databases for translation in China began in the 1980s and developed in the early 1990s (Yan et al. 2016). The China Encyclopedia Term Database was established in 1993, based on China Encyclopedia. It provides encyclopedic knowledge as well as services for the automation of editorial work (Wang 1999). The Chinese–English English–Chinese Science and Technology Term Database, developed in 1995, is mainly used for the translation of scientific and technological documents from English to Chinese and Chinese to English (Gu and Wen 2017). The Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture has been developed since 2013. Each term entry in the database has a detailed definition and connotation interpretation, along with pinyin, bilingual explanation, and related links for terms. The Term Online, launched in 2016, is an online platform sponsored by the China National Committee for Terms in Science and Technologies with more than 500,000 normative terms. Registered users can submit terms to the database (Liu and Ning 2017).

Term database of Manchu Ulabun 217 Two newly issued term databases are the Standardized Term Database for the Translation of Important Chinese Political Words (TICPW),2 and the Standardized Term Database for Foreign Translation of Discourse with Chinese Characteristics (FTDCC).3 The TICPW is the first national standardized political term database, developed by the China Academy of Translation, to standardize the multilingual translation of important political terms and provide relevant data resources for communication and translation. The term database provides a query service in Chinese and English, French, Russian, German, Italian, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Arabic, and other languages. All the terms are extracted from authoritative language materials. The term database provides term translation, term sources, and example sentences in target languages. The FTDCC consists of more than 50,000 Chinese political terms and Dunhuang cultural terms. The development of the cultural terms of Chinese ethnic minorities, Buddhism, and traditional Chinese medicine is still being carried out. Each term entry contains a foreign language translation, a Chinese definition, synonyms, classic literature example sentences, network reference example sentences, and other specific contents. With years of development, China has made great progress in the construction of term databases, but the term databases focusing on ethnic minority culture are still in need of further development. Guiding translation theory and term database standards Susan Bassnett, a key figure in cultural translation studies, puts forward the following points. (1) Translation should pay more attention to culture than language. It is the culture that should be taken as the basic translation unit instead of discourse. Traditional translation theories focus more on language translation than cultural context, while cultural translation theory pays more attention to cultural context. (2) Translation is not a simple process of decoding and recoding but more of an act of communication. (3) Translation is not just for describing the source text but seeking the functional equivalence of the text in the target culture. Translation is a dynamic transformation process rather than a static transformation, and translators should achieve the equivalence of cultural functions. (4) Translation aims to meet the needs of different cultures and to conform to different norms in different times. The cultural translation theory provides the guiding framework for the translation of minority cultures and culture-loaded terms (Bassnett 2002). As regards term database construction, certain principles and methods should be followed. In 1988, China issued “GB/T 10112 Terminology Work Principles and Methods” and in 1992 “GB/T 13725 General Principles and Methods of Term Databases”. Subsequently, standards such as “GB-T 15387.2 Term Database Development Guide” and “GBT 16785 Terminology Work, Coordination of Concepts and Terms” were issued. In 2002, “GB/T18895 Translation-oriented Terminology Compilation” was released, providing a reference for term translation and a working guide for the construction of translation-oriented term databases. To facilitate the sharing of terms across platforms, international terminology

218  Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang standards such as ISO 704 (Terminology  – Principles and Methods)4 and ISO 30042:2008 (TBX, Term Base eXchange)5 are commonly adopted in term database construction. The TBX standard defines a variety of terminological markup languages to facilitate data transfer and exchange between different programmes and systems.

Method The construction of a bilingual term database for Manchu Ulabun translation is of great significance in preserving the original language memory, knowledge memory, and cultural memory of Manchu people (Liu, Ding and Liu 2019). The current study aims to address the following two research questions: 1 2

How can terms conveying Manchu cultural characteristics be extracted from the source text? How can the extracted terms be translated to achieve functional equivalence in the target language?

The first research question concerns term extraction from the Chinese source text with term management tools. The second question is a translation issue, which is about the translation of the culture-embedded terms from the source text into the target language. Sampling The whole Ulabun series was taken as the source text. Altogether there are 54 books, about 22 million words in total, published in three different periods: 11 books in 2007, 17 books in 2009, and 26 books in 2018 (see the Appendix at the end of the chapter). Instrument The SDL MultiTerm and SDL Trados term management tools were utilized in the current study. SDL MultiTerm Extract can automatically locate and extract terms from existing monolingual and bilingual documents, together with SDL Trados and other tools for SDL language platforms to create, edit, and manage terms. Unlike the traditional dictionary method of enumerating terms, MultiTerm adopts a concept-based approach to manage terms, which indicates that all terms related to the same concept are under the same entry (Kang, Wei and Qu 2015). This allows users to work in a multilingual term database in any language, and term information, including synonyms or abbreviations, is recorded under the same entry ID in MultiTerm; this helps users effectively manage obsolete terms, current terms, recommended terms, and rejected terms (Wang and Wang 2017).

Term database of Manchu Ulabun  219 Procedure The construction of term databases usually consists of the following steps: term extraction, term selection, term translation, term application, and term maintenance (Liang 2016a, 2016b). Term extraction Since the source text is a collection of over 50 books, both manual and machinebased automatic term extraction were utilized. Manual extraction makes terms applicable but is labour intensive. Automatic extraction filters terms according to the algorithm. It is efficient but not always reliable and accurate. Term extraction tools generally utilize the following four extraction methods: (1) dictionary-based method, which matches term entries extracted with professional dictionaries; (2) statistical method, using statistical attributes and frequencies of terms to identify terms; (3) linguistic rule–based method, using context and internal components to identify terms; and (4) machine learning–based method. Since each method has its own merits, integrated methods are usually adopted (Wang and Wang 2017). In the study, terms were extracted with SDL MultiTerm Extract, along with the statistical method (based on term frequency), to display terms that appeared in context. Although this method made good use of two methods to improve the recall rate of term extraction, due to the lack of Manchu and Manchu culture-related documents as background support, extraction of Manchu cultural terms showed a low accuracy rate since some function words were often wrongly extracted. In MultiTerm, the term entry structure of Ulabun was set, each having three levels: entry level, index level, and term level. The entry level contains system fields, such as entry number, creation date, creator, etc.; the index level contains the source language and the target language information; the term level contains descriptive fields, such as the definition of terms and the source of terms. After setting the entry structure, the Ulabun series as the source text was imported. Term properties were then set, such as the length of the extracted terms, the terms to be excluded, and the Silence/Noise ratio. The higher the Silence value, the fewer terms extracted, the higher the quality, and vice versa. According to the length of common Manchu terms, the minimum term length and maximum term length were set to 1 and 10, respectively. Term selection Team work plays an important role in term selection and verification, since terminology and term management work have interdisciplinary, cross-language, and cross-industry attributes (Liu 2019). Team members are generally from a variety of professional backgrounds (Liang 2016b). In this study, the team consists of six members: a terminology expert, an information technology expert, a Manchu

220  Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang culture expert, and three experienced translators. The process of review underwent three stages: the review of term entries; the confirmation of terms selected; the verification of term accuracy. After terms were extracted, they were then exported from MultiTerm in TXT format. By using the built-in converter, the file was then converted into an Excel document. Term translation In the term database, the terms are made up of a variety of topics: Manchu tribes, places, administrative institutions, official titles, musical instruments, clothing, songs and dances, animals, sacrifices, food, weapons, etc. Term translation mainly adopted the following four methods: literal translation, transliteration, transliteration with annotation, and free translation. The verification of term translation was conducted by the terminology expert and the culture expert and cross-checked by senior translators in two rounds. After term translation, all term data in the Excel file were converted into XML format by MultiTerm converter before the data was imported into the term database. Term application The advantage of the term database is that it can be embedded into the computeraided translation tool and automatically search and identify terms in the source language. Most computer-aided translation tools support the function of adding and modifying terms while translating, so as to achieve real-time updating and maintenance of term databases. Term maintenance Term maintenance includes the addition, deletion, modification, and update of terms from time to time, checking the accuracy and normativity of terms, opening the user feedback function and maintaining interaction with users (Liang 2016a). The current study mainly focuses on the first three steps. Term extraction, term selection, and term translation are labour intensive, especially in the process of verifying the accuracy of the terms. Only accurate extraction and translation of terms can ensure the quality of a term database.

Results and discussion With the utilization of SDL MultiTerm, terms in Chinese were extracted, reviewed, and translated into English with reference to Bassnett’s cultural translation theory (2002). Term extraction On the basis of term extraction and selection, 3824 terms were constructed in the Manchu Ulabun term database, covering a variety of themes from the rise

Term database of Manchu Ulabun 221 of tribes, territorial expansion, and heroic stories to folk culture. Although the accuracy of term extraction tools has been improved, still some miscellaneous entries were inevitably extracted. Manual screening was hence essential. Each entry was checked by professional experts (i.e. the terminology expert and the culture expert), and the relevant terms were saved, such as terms related to Manchu (e.g. 女真人 [nǚ zhēn rén, Jurchen]), terms in Manchu (e.g. somo i moo, 索伦 杆 [suǒ lún gān, Sauron rod]). The miscellaneous words, such as function words (e.g. 在 [zài, on, at, since]), common words (e.g. 从此 [cóng cǐ, thereafter]), and redundant terms were excluded. Term extraction from the first chapter of Heroine Hongluo can be taken as an example. Table 12.1 shows that the first term extracted is 靺鞨人 (mò hé rén, Mohe people), who were Manchu ancestors and lived along the Changbai Mountains, Songhua River, and Amur River (Heilongjiang) in northeast China in ancient times. This is a cultural term. The second extracted term is 大祚荣 (dà zuò róng, the Go of Balhae), who was historically from Sumo; therefore it is included in the database. The third is 部落 (bù luò, tribe), a common word, not a term. The rest of the words are either common words or function words. Therefore, manual and automatic term extraction were both adopted. Given the problems encountered, one solution is to add a stopword list into MultiTerm Extract to exclude invalid terms, such as 和 (hé, and) and 靠 (kào, by). A stopword list contains the so-called irrelevant words, which are not terms. These irrelevant words generally include articles, prepositions, conjunctions, interjections, auxiliaries, etc. Foreign languages, such as English and French, have many ready-made stopword lists, whereas there exist no such ready-made lists in Chinese. During term extraction, a self-made stopword list in Chinese was created and uploaded to exclude irrelevant words. In addition to excluding function words, commonly used Chinese words, special symbols, and numbers in Chinese were excluded as well in order to improve extraction efficiency and narrow the scope of term selection. A section of the words in the self-made stopword list is shown in Table 12.2. In term selection, not only should non-Manchu-related terms be excluded, but the terms selected should also be verified in relation to their context and meaning in the discourse, as well as in relevant dictionaries, to have meanings checked. For

Table 12.1  Terms extracted from Heroine Hongluo Frequency

Terms extracted

99 99 72 57 57 37 37 37

靺鞨人 大祚荣 部落 后， ，在 人， 从此 ，大

222  Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang Table 12.2  Part of the self-made stopword list 按照 包括 本身 比较 必须 并非 并且 并于

另一个 落实 进而 进一步 经过 绝不 可能 可以

没有 每 每个 面对 面向 某个 某些 哪里

（ ） { } 《 》 ； ？

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

一 二 三 四 五 六 七 八

instance, “amban” (安巴或安班, ān bā or ān bān) in the Manchu dictionary means “big”. But the Ulabun book Tales of the Qiakala gives the annotation of the word as “tiger”. Through the query function of the term database, it was found that there are terms such as 塔斯哈 (tǎ sī hā), 达思哈 (dá sī hā), 塔思哈 (tǎ sī hā), meaning “tiger”. The annotation of “amban” (安巴或安班, ān bā or ān bān) is hence not the correct explanation. Term translation In the process of term translation, it is essential to be faithful to the source text while taking cultural translation theory as the guiding framework (Bassnett 2002). Faithfulness means being faithful to the text’s original content, style, and context, to preserve its own cultural connotation and to convey both the literal meaning and the cultural meaning of the original text. The value of Chinese ethnic minority cultural classics lies in their profound historical and cultural connotations (Liu 2013). For example, the book Heroine Hongluo Fighting against Khitan Thrice not only tells a vivid and heroic story of defending the family clan and Balhae against Khitan but also conveys cultural information about the living situation and social conditions of ancestral Manchu communities. Since terms in Ulabun have been passed down through word of mouth, they generally possess the following features: (1) colloquialisms (e.g. 安班乌勒滚 [ān bān wū lè gǔn, big day!]); (2) unique Manchu characteristics, such as musical instruments, sacrifice utensils, appellations (e.g. “eniye” [额娘, é niáng, mother]); (3) distinct regional characteristics, such as terms from northeast dialects (e.g. “balama” [半拉人, bàn lǎ rén, wild Jurchen]). In term translation, the following four methods were mainly adopted: (1) Literal translation Many terms in Ulabun have the same meaning in the target language, such as animal names and kinship terminology. Literal translation can be applied to these nouns. Animal god figures in Manchu culture are considered as symbols of cultural inheritance. Manchu people believe that animals often help people who have suffered accidents or who are in distress. Literal translation can be used for animal

Term database of Manchu Ulabun  223 names because most names have equivalent translations in the target language, such as 撒黑 (sā hēi, boar), 牛呼力 (niú hū lì, wolf) in Legend of Hulun Tribes and 瓦克珊 (wǎ kè shān, frog) and 色波色曷 (sè bō sè hé, “grasshopper”) in Goddess Zhahutai. (2) Transliteration Transliteration is often used in name and place translation to preserve the uniqueness of culture. Many Manchu terms are translated from original Manchu language to reflect Manchu cultural characteristics. Places like 图鲁江 (tú lǔ jiāng) and 孩赖河 (hái lài hé) in Marriage through Sword Race were translated into “Tulu River” and “Hailai River”. Some terms, however, cannot express their categories merely through transliteration. It is essential to add term categories to make their meaning salient. For example, 兀惹 (wù rě), one of the Jurchen tribes in the Liao Dynasty, is hence translated as “Wure Tribe” to make the meaning clear to target readers. (3) Transliteration with annotation Transliteration with annotation was adopted to further explain terms, especially when translating the names of gods with distinct cultural connotations. In primitive times, Manchu ancestors were unable to rationalize powerful natural forces, so they imagined that certain supernatural powers dominated Nature. They believed that all natural things had souls, and it was they who controlled human beings and who brought happiness and misfortune. This formed the origin of Manchu mythology. In the mythology, the goddesses usually perform many different functions. Therefore, annotation based on transliteration is used to complete the cultural information gap, to achieve the goal of cultural equivalence for target readers and to reflect the experience of source language readers (Bassnett 2002). In the mythology of Manchu, 阿布卡赫赫 (ā bù kǎ hè hè) in Heavenly Wars is the creation goddess, translated as “Goddess Abukahehe (Goddess of Creation)”. The figure of 佛陀妈妈 (fó tuó mā mā) represents fertility, and 佛陀 (fó tuó) means “willow” in the Manchu language. It is then translated as “Goddess Fodo (Willow Goddess of Reproduction)”. In the same way, 奥克敦妈妈 (ào kè dūn mā mā), representing education, is translated as “Goddess Aokedun (Goddess of Education)”. Although the gods worshipped by Westerners and Manchu people were different, they were translated as gods or goddesses in the context of cultural translation to achieve the same effect as those on source language readers, reflecting the worshipping of goddesses by the Manchus. (4) Free translation Some terms in Manchu Ulabun, such as Manchu weapons and instruments, have no additional symbolic meanings or cultural connotations, and they have no matching words in the target language, so free translation was adopted. 温图恩

224  Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang (wēn tú ēn) and 伊姆钦 (yī mǔ qīn) are Manchu musical instruments, similar to hand drums. They are used on certain occasions, like sacrifice rituals. 温图恩 (wēn tú ēn) and 伊姆钦 (yī mǔ qīn) were then translated as “Female Shaman family sacrifice hand drum” and “Male Shaman family sacrifice hand drum”, not only conveying the cultural connotations of the terms but also making them easier to understand by target readers. In the same way, the Shaman utensil 哈马刀 (hā mǎ dāo) is translated as “Shaman bell knife”. Additionally, some words have become well known around the world. For example, 萨满 (sà mǎn) is known as “Shaman” and 女真 (nǚ zhēn) as “Jurchen”. Literal translation, transliteration, transliteration with annotation, and free translation were hence used in term translation to convey culturally distinct connotations to target language readers. Table 12.3 lists some examples with the utilization of the four translation methods. In addition to these four methods, there existed some translation difficulties. The nomenclature of Manchu cultural terms militates against term nomenclature principles. For example, according to the monosemy of nomenclature principles, idealized terms correspond only to a single concept in a particular domain (Feng 2011). However, in translation practice, polysemous and synonymous words appeared. Take the word 诸申 (zhū shēn) as an example. It was extracted from three different books of Manchu Ulabun with different meanings. 诸申 (zhū shēn) in The Creation Myths and Legends refers to “Jurchen”, which derives from Table 12.3  Term translation Chinese

English

扎拦 (zhà lán)

Jiala (Jurchen social organization, one Jiala consists of five Nirus) Jiala (Jurchen social organization, one Jiala consists of five Nirus) Niru (Jurchen organization in the Ming Dynasty) Eight Banner system Gusa ([1] An organization based on the Niru system; [2] the highest military administrative unit under the Eight Banner system) Gocikahafan (guard) Hafan (officer) Dazuorong (Go of Balhae) fish-shaped wind instrument figure of dance goddess

甲喇 (jiǎ lā) 牛录 (niú lù) 八旗制 (bā qí zhì) 固山 (gù shān)

戈什哈哈番 (gē shí hā hā fān) 哈番 (hā fān) 大祚荣 (dà zuò róng) 尼姆查库 (ní mǔ chá kù) 玛克辛妈妈神像 (mǎ kè xīn mā mā shén xiàng) 索伦杆 (suǒ lún gān) 瓦克珊 (wǎ kè shān) 色波色曷 (sè bō sè hé) 沙比 (shā bǐ) 恩切布库女神 (ēn qiè bù kù nǚ shén)

somo i moo (Sauron rod) frog grasshopper disciple Enduri Buku goddess

Term database of Manchu Ulabun 225 the Chinese pronunciation of “Nǚ zhēn”, while in Snuff Pot it means “fellowtownsman”. The same term in Legend of Princess Tong Chunxiu means “freeman, which is a grassroot class between aristocracy and slave classes in Manchu history”. With reference to the new edition of the Manchu dictionary, it is learned that 诸申 (zhū shēn) has a fourth meaning, “subordinate”. Thus it can be seen that 诸申 (zhū shēn) has four different meanings, all of which should be preserved to ensure the completeness of term concepts. Therefore, the word 诸申 (zhū shēn), which means (1) Jurchen, (2) fellow-townsman, (3) freeman, a grassroot class between aristocracy and slaves in Manchu history, and (4) subordinate, were all included in the term database. Also, several terms were used in Manchu appellations to refer to the same meaning. For example, the word 爱根 (ài gēn, aigen) in Tales of the Qiakala and 畏根 (wèi gēn, weigen) in The Khan in the North both mean “husband” but are addressed differently in different Ulabun works. In order to preserve the cultural Manchu authenticity of the original text to the greatest extent, both expressions were included. In terms of synonyms, some synonymous terms are identical or very similar in pinyin but written in different ways. For instance, there are six terms with the same meaning in six different Ulabun works, 萨尔罕 (sà ěr hǎn) in The Creation Myths and Legends, 萨尔干 (sà ěr gān) in Anecdotes of Jurchen People, 沙拉 干 (shā lā gān) in Young Mergen’s Anecdotes, 查里甘 (chá lǐ gān) in Goddess of Sumu, 沙里甘 (shā lǐ gān) in The Khan in the North, 查尔甘 (chá ěr gān) in Legend of Hulun Tribes. The pinyin and pronunciation for these terms are quite similar and are all used to mean “wife”. The six terms were then unified into one translation by transliteration with explanation to make the terms consistent. They were translated as “saerhan (wife)”. In this section, the results of the terms extracted were introduced with the utilization of the term management tool SDL MultiTerm. In the process of term extraction, a self-made stopword list was applied to avoid invalid terms and to improve the term extraction algorithm and accuracy. Compared with traditional term extraction methods, automatic extraction can greatly improve the efficiency of term extraction without affecting the recall rate of terms. Both automatic and manual term extraction were adopted to have the terms extracted and verified. With reference to cultural translation theory, four translation methods were adopted: literal translation, transliteration, transliteration with annotation, and free translation. These methods were not used in isolation but in conjunction in order to mutually reinforce each other.

Conclusion This chapter has briefly introduced Manchu Ulabun and reviewed existing Ulabun studies and term databases. With term management tools, terms in Chinese were extracted. To improve the extraction accuracy and efficiency, a Chinese stopword list was developed. Member check was adopted to improve the quality and validity of the terms. The approved terms were then translated into English based on

226  Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang Bassnett’s cultural translation theory (2002). Different translation methods were utilized to convey the cultural connotations. Unlike many terms from academic fields, the cultural terms of ethnic minorities often have one or more conceptual meanings, all of which are indispensable in Manchu culture. Multiple methods of translation were used to preserve the completeness of term concepts. The difficulties encountered in the process of constructing the database have also been discussed. Since the construction of this Manchu Ulabun term database is the first of its kind, there still exist some limitations, such as the term extraction tools and the stopword list which could be further refined to improve its accuracy rate and efficiency. The terms in the database can be further enriched from other Manchu literary works. It is expected that the term database of Manchu Ulabun will be able to provide practical and theoretical references for term extraction and term translation and be utilized to increase the accuracy of translations of Manchu Ulabun and other Manchu literary works.

Acknowledgements This chapter was supported by the research project Manchu Folk Historical Archive Collation and Research and Database Development (19ZDEA181), funded by National Social Science Fund of China. Wen Zhao is the first author of the chapter, and Xingye Su is the corresponding author.

Notes 1 2 3 4

Available at: www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/pcsj/ [Viewed 30 August 2020]. Available at: http://210.72.20.108/special/class3/search.jsp [Viewed 30 August 2020]. Available at: http://210.72.20.108/index/index.jsp [Viewed 30 August 2020]. ISO 704 (2000) “Terminology Work –Principles and Methods”. Available at: www.iso. org/standard/31696.html [Viewed 30 August 2020]. 5 ISO 30042 (2008) “International Standard Organisation ISO 30042 Systems to Manage Terminology, Knowledge and Content –Termbase Exchange (TBX)”. Available at: www.iso.org/standard/45797.html [Viewed 30 August 2020].

Appendix to Chapter 12 Ulabun series of books

Time (published books)

Ulabun works

2007 (11)

Legend of Hulun Tribes General Sabusu Anecdotes of General Sabusu Anecdotes of Lv Luoxiu Legend of Three Heroines Goddess Ubusi Ben Legend of Donghai Weji Tribe Princess Xuefei and Her Son Baoru Gahan Sir Sabusu Legend of Donghai Jurchen Nishan Shaman Anecdotes of Jurchen People Marriage through Sword Race Saga of Mulan Paddock Enduribuku Jin Shizong in Exile Heavenly Wars Xi Lin AnBan Mafa Goddess of Sumu The Creation Myths and Legends Legend of Princess Tong Chunxiu Tales of Yitong County Heroic Legend of the Army and Civilians along Heilongjiang Civilian Princess Sanhuanggu Heroine Hongluo Fighting against Khitan Thrice Records of Rescuing Manchu Ulabun Stories of Ruibai, Tales of Bannermen Legend of Aguda Grand Secretary Fuheng and Dou Erdun Profiles of Manchu Ulabun Inheritors Princess Baihua Marriage Escaping of Likunzhu Goddess of Aokedun Legend of Jin Wushu

2009 (17)

2018 (26)

(Continued)

228

Wen Zhao, Xingye Su, and Weizu Huang

(Continued) Time (published books)

Ulabun works Outlaws of Xing’an Mountains Tales of People along Songhua River (Vols. 1 & 2) Tales of Wanyan Tribe in Jingchuan Introduction to Manchu Ulabun Biography of General Yi Tales of the Qiakala & Young Mergen’s Anecdotes Tributes of Huso Dauricus Aobai Baturu Goddess Zhahutai Boatman Sahaliyan Jurchen Mythology The Khan in the North Emperor Taizu in the Jin Dynasty Story of Aisin Gioro Family Tales of General Shoushan Manchu Mythology Tales of Two Khans: Wang Gao & Tales of Two Khans: Nurhachi Legends of Emperors in the Qing Dynasty Tales of Ula Tribe Yangsan and His White Pony

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Index

Note: Page numbers in italics indicate a figure on the corresponding page. Page numbers in bold indicate a table on the corresponding page. Academy of Contemporary China and World Studies 53 Academy of Global Language Services Sciences 11 advanced very high resolution radiometer (AVHRR) 133 Ancient Chinese mythology 53 anisomorphism between English and Chinese languages 91 Anymalign word aligner 172, 174, 176 Apter, Emily 5 aquatic food products terminology translation 89, 89 – 90 Aristotle 146 artificial intelligence 125 – 128, 180 Association for Research in Physics and Chemistry Teaching 22 Atherton, David 55 attitude in images 107 audiovisual translation (AVT) 118 automatic term extraction (ATE) 127, 143 – 157, 219, 221 Barthes, Roland 81 Bassnett, Susan 2, 217 Beijing Language and Culture University 11 Beijing Olympics (2008) 3 Belt and Road Initiative 6, 180 Benjamin, Walter 3 Bian Que 53 Bible, the 67 – 68 big data 24, 180, 195, 197 bilingual glossaries see Chinese–English bilingual terminologies Brecht, Bertolt 98 British and Foreign Bible Society (BFBS) 68 Buddhism 8, 21, 66

Bureau of Terminology 23 Burke, Kenneth 160 Canon A and B of Acupuncture and Moxibustion 54 category system 13, 143 – 159, 163 Cheung, Martha 69 – 70 Chiang Yee 10 Chai Xiujuan 203 China Academy of Translation 183, 196 China Association of Medicine 22 China Encyclopedia Term Database 216 China Language Service Industry Development Report (2019) 11, 14 China National Commission for Terminology of Natural Sciences (CNCTNS) 23 – 24, 25, 56, 123 China National Committee for Terms in Sciences and Technologies (CNCTST) 2, 56, 94, 125 – 128, 216 China National Image Global Survey Report (2018) 53 China Science Association 22 Chinese Academy of Science 124 Chinese Bible translations 79n11 Chinese–English bilingual terminologies: Anymalign word aligner 172, 174, 176; bilingual terminologies 172 – 174; Chinese terminologies 167 – 168; CKIP word segmentation 169 – 170, 177; corpus compilation 169; data preprocessing 171; introduction to 14, 164 – 166; key word extraction 170, 170 – 171, 171; machine translation 168 – 169; methodology 169 – 174; monolingual and bilingual terminology identification 166 – 169; Moses toolkit

252 Index 13, 166, 172 – 176, 178; noun phrase extraction 170, 171; NP chunking 167 – 168, 171, 177; OpenNMT translation system 166, 172, 175 – 176, 178; part-of-speech (POS) tags 167, 169 – 170, 177; results and discussions 174 – 178; summary of 178 – 179 Chinese–English database 16 Chinese–English parallel corpora 7 Chinese legislative texts 31, 31 – 33, 32 Chinese Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs 86 Chinese National Bureau of Technique Supervision 123 Chinese terminology 21 – 25, 84, 90, 93, 123 – 124, 133 Chinese Terms in Traditional Chinese Medicine and Pharmacy 56 – 62 Chinese to English translations 3 – 4 Chinese Union Versions (CUVs) 68 Christianity 8, 9, 70 – 71, 73 – 76 CKIP word segmentation 169 – 170, 177 cloud computing 127, 180 CNKI (China National Knowledge Infrastructure) 201 colloquial terms 17, 43, 140 – 141, 222 ‘colonial’ culture 5 colonized Chinese language 5 Commission for Verification of Scientific Terminology 22 Committee for Scientific Terminology Unification 23 Communicative Theory of Terminology (CTT): colloquial terms 141; deletion of terms 140 – 141; discourse functions 138 – 139; food terminology translation 82 – 83, 90; guidance for 138 – 142; guidance for term identification 134; polysemy 134 – 135; subordinate terms 141 – 142; synonymous terms 136 – 137; target readers 140; terminologization 135 – 136; in terminology management 12, 83, 133 – 142; translation methods 140 – 142; variety of terminological units in use 137 – 138 Communist regime 74 community terminology translation 2 – 6 Company Law (1993) 44 – 49, 51 “company” mistranslations 41 – 46 Compendium of Materia Medica; see also Li Shizhen 54 Compilation and Publication Committee of the Chinese Academy of Sciences 23

composition in Peking Opera terminology 115 – 116 conceptual representation 99, 107 – 108, 117 Confucianism 8, 53, 70, 75 consideration, translation of 34, 34 – 35, 35 “consumable” translations 4 contact in images 107, 111 Contemporary Chinese Dictionary 17 contract, translation of 35 – 36, 36 corporate law translations: “company” 41 – 46; conclusive implications 50; introduction to 7, 40 – 41; ownership vs. property rights 46 – 48; political concerns and 46 – 50; shareholder ownership 48 – 50 corpus-based/corpus-driven research 27 – 28, 30 – 31, 200 – 201, 204 – 207 Country Report for Human Rights Practices, China (CRHRPC) 148 – 149, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 156, 159 – 160, 160, 161, 162 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices 13 COVID-19 pandemic 11 criminal liability, translations of 32 – 33, 33, 33 criminal responsibility, translations of 32 – 33, 33, 33 Cronin, Michael 2 cultural context of terminology translation: entities discourse system 1; food terminology translation 82 – 83, 90; introduction to 2 – 6; politico-cultural implications 3; TCM terminology 62 – 64 Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) 8, 23, 77, 124 Currie v. Misa 34 DANTERM 125 Daoism 8, 9, 70 data management 125, 186 – 188 deep-seated formal universals 211 deep structure 211 Delaware Company Law 48 deletion of terms 140 – 141 demand in images 111 – 112 derivability principle 62 descriptive translation studies (DTS) 200, 203 – 204 dietary supplement terminology translation 86 – 88, 87, 88, 92, 93 domain-specific HR terminology 146 – 157

Index  253 Dong Zhongshu 76 Due Process Clauses (Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments) 28 – 29 Eastern Han Dynasty 53 – 54 East India Company (EIC) 42, 50 Economical Law of Term Formation 159 emotional dimension of translatability 75 – 76 English-Chinese translation 173 English–German translation 206 English Translation Series of a Hundred Peking Opera Classics, The (Sun) 10, 99, 117 English translations of legal terms 31 – 33 Enjoy Culinary Delights: The Chinese Menu in English 3 environment-related food terminology translation 84 – 86, 85, 92, 95 Erhuang mode in Peking Opera terminology 100 – 101 Erya dictionary 21, 123 ethical dimension of translatability 76 Eurodicautom 125 Europeanized Chinese language 5 Evans, Jonathan 5 expectation and maximization (EM) algorithm 166, 168 experiential dimension of translatability 75 – 76 extraction-criticism protocol 144 false translation 131 – 135 Fang Liufang 42 Feng Zhiwei 125, 133 Fernández, Fruela 5 First Opium War 8 Food Studies terminology translation: challenges in 90 – 93; cultural and communicative approach 82 – 83, 90; datasets 83 – 84; effective regulation 94 – 95; environment-related terms 84 – 86, 85, 92, 95; globalization in 83 – 90; health-related terms 86 – 88, 87, 88, 93, 96; inconsistencies among countries 91 – 93; introduction to 9 – 10, 81 – 82; mislabelling and mistranslation 93; nutrition-related terms 86 – 88, 87, 88; safety-related terms 84 – 86, 85; seafood/aquatic products 89, 89 – 90; seafood products 89, 89 – 90, 96 – 97; standardization and harmonization importance 93 – 94; systematic

interdisciplinary research 95 – 97; terminological problems 91 Foucault, Michel 69 Fowl, Stephen 73 Frame-based Terminology 145 framing in images 107 free translation 220, 223 – 225 functional food terminology translation 86 – 88, 87, 88, 91, 92 gender inclusive translations 68 General Theory of Terminology (GTT) 12; concept analysis 130 – 131; definition of terms 144 – 146, 145; only words as terms 131 – 132; as synchronic linguistic study 132 – 133; in terminology management 129 – 133 geographical context, 3 globalization: in Food Studies translation 83 – 90; language service industry 180; role of internationalization of enterprises 1, 2 – 6; socio-legal terminology translation 27 glocalization in Food Studies translation 83 – 90 God, translation of 67 Goldblatt, Howard 5 Google Translate 14, 165, 173 – 174, 178 Gramsci, Antonio 2, 3 Great Enthronement, The 99 Green, Marcus 3 green food terminology translation 84 – 86, 85, 91 Green Revolution Movement 85 Handbook of Terminology Management: Basic Aspects of Terminology Management (Wright, Budin) 129 Han Dynasty 21, 53, 76 Han Wudi 76 harmonization in Food Studies terminology translation 93 – 94 Harrison, Victoria 66 health-related food terminology translation 86 – 88, 87, 88, 93, 96 Hebei Normal University 11 hermeneutic approach to translation 71 – 72 high-frequency words 131, 146, 147, 151, 206 Humanities and Social Sciences (H&SS) terminology definitions: General Theory of Terminology 144 – 146, 145; HR terminology 146 – 157, 147; implications

254 Index for application 157 – 162; introduction to 143 – 144; summary of 162 – 163 human language thinking 211, 212 human rights (HR) terminology: ATE approach 148 – 157; domain-specific definition 146 – 157, 147; introduction to 143 – 145 Human Rights White Papers 148 – 149 Hun language 21 Ideal in Peking Opera terminology 115 identity context in terminology translation 2 – 6 ideologemes, defined 17 information value 107, 115 – 117 informatization 180 Institute of Applied Linguistics 24 Institute of Ethnic Literature (IEL) 16 Institute of Science and Technology Information of China (ISTIC) 24 intelligent term database 216 interaction in Peking Opera terminology 108 – 115 Inter-Active Terminology for Europe (IATE) 94, 216 international economic exchange 2 International Electrotechnical Commission (IEC) 123 – 124 International Information Centre for Terminology (Infoterm) 12 internationalization 1, 63 International Organization for Standardization (ISO) 123, 126, 145, 181, 218 International Standard of Chinese– English Basic Nomenclature of Chinese Medicine 56 – 62 International Telecommunications Union (ITU) 124 Internet of Things 180 Internet slang 17 Ives, Peter 3 Jaccard coefficient 173 Jeffner, Anders 67 Jesuit missionaries 8 Jewish–Christian conflicts 77 Jiangsu Education Association 22 jingbai mode in Peking Opera terminology 101 – 102 Johnson, Mark 66 Journal of China Terminology 24 Kant, Immanuel 146 Key Concepts in Chinese Thought and Culture 216 key word extraction 170, 170 – 171, 171

Lai, John 68, 70 Lakoff, George 66 language for special purposes (LSP) translation 131 language service industry see terminology management in language service industry language service providers (LSPs) 11, 123, 127 language studies in human interaction 105 – 106 Lefevre, André 68 legal terminology translation: beyond jurisdictions 34, 34 – 36, 35, 36; delimitating of 28 – 29, 37; within one jurisdiction 31 – 33; socio-legal terminology translation 28 – 30; translating of 29 – 30, 37; understanding of 29, 37; see also socio-legal terminology translation liability, translations of 32 – 33, 33, 33 Liang Shangshang 49 likelihood ratio test (LLR) 171 Li Shizhen 54 literal loan translation 59 – 60, 62 literal translation 222 – 223 loanwords 17, 21 – 22, 204 local food terminology translation 92 log likelihood ratio (LLR) 166 Luo Dinghui 54 – 55 machine translation (MT) 164, 178 MacIntyre, Alasdair 73 MA in Translation and Interpreting (MTI) 126 Mak, George 68 Manchu mythology 16, 223 Manchu nationality 22 Manchu Ulabun database: bilingual term database for 218 – 220; free translation 223 – 225; guiding translation theory 217 – 218; introduction to 16, 214; literal translation 222 – 223; literature review 214 – 218; results and discussion 220 – 225; series of books 227 – 228; studies of 215 – 216; summary of 225 – 226; term application 220; term databases 216 – 217; term extraction 219, 220 – 222, 221; term maintenance 220; term selection 219 – 220; term translation 220, 222 – 225, 224; transliteration 223, 224; transliteration with annotation 223, 224 manual term extraction 219, 225 Marxism 2, 49 material dimension of translatability 77 – 78

Index  255 medical translation 64 Mei Lanfang 98 – 99 Merchant of Venice, The (Shakespeare) 8, 72 – 78 mercy principle 76 metaphor 8 – 9, 63, 66 – 67, 79n2, 213 Miles v. United States 29 milk scandal (2008) 92 modality in images 107 Mongolian language 21 – 22 monosemy of legal terms 32, 224 monosyllabic words 21 Moses toolkit 13, 166, 172 – 176, 178 Mo Yan 5 multilingual term banks 94, 127, 196, 218 MultiTerm 125 – 126, 218 – 221, 225 mutual information (MI) 166, 167 narrative dimension of translatability 74 – 75 narrative representation 99, 107 – 108 National Bureau of Technique Supervision 24 National Health Service (NHS) 55 National People’s Congress 31 National Technical Committee of Terminology Standardization (NTCTS) 24 National Translation Bureau 22 natural food terminology translation 84 – 86, 85 natural language processing (NLP) 14, 164, 167, 178 Natural Science Terminology Committee 124, 125 neural machine translation (NMT) 165 – 166, 172, 175, 178 Ni Huiying 73, 77 Northern Song Dynasty 21 noun phrase extraction 170, 171 NP chunking 167 – 168, 171, 177 nutrition-related food terminology translation 86 – 88, 87, 88 offer in images 111 – 112 official translations 2, 4, 56 – 57. 64 online China law database 31 ontology-based defining 143 – 145 OpenNMT translation system 166, 172, 175 – 176, 178 opera terminology see Peking Opera terminology organic food terminology translation 84 – 86, 85, 92 ownership rights in corporate law translations 46 – 48 part-of-speech (POS) tags 167, 169 – 170, 177 Peking Opera terminology: classification process 108, 109; composition in

115 – 116; Erhuang mode 100 – 101; interaction in 108 – 115; introduction to 3, 10, 98 – 99; jingbai mode 101 – 102; qingyi category 102, 104, 108; representation in 108; summary of 116 – 119; translation strategies 99 – 104, 100, 101, 103, 104; visual grammar and 99, 105 – 116, 116 Perng Ching Hsi 77 phrase-based statistical machine translation toolkit 13 phrase tables 165, 169, 172 – 173, 176 plea bargain 7, 30 politico-cultural implications 3 pollution-free food terminology translation 84 – 86, 85 polysemy 12, 91, 134 – 135 polysystem theory 200 power turn 69 Practical Course in Terminology Processing, A (Sager) 138 practical dimension of translatability 77 – 78 principle of appropriateness 62 principle of consistency 61 principle of derivability 62 principle of linguistic correctness 62 principle of linguistic economy 62 principle of mercy 76 principle of transparency 61, 62 privately owned companies 7, 41 – 45, 50 – 51 Progress in China’s Human Rights (PCHR) 149 – 151, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 159 – 160, 160, 161, 162 property rights in corporate law translations 46 – 48 protected designation of origin (PDO) 3 Protestantism 68, 75 Pym, Anthony 4 Qin Dynasty 53, 76 Qing Dynasty 22, 40 – 43, 215 Qinghao herb 54 qingyi category in Peking Opera terminology 102, 104, 108 Quebec Term Database (BTQ) 216 Real in Peking Opera terminology 115 reasonable doubt 28 – 29 Reform and Opening-Up policy 95 Religious Tract Society (RTS) 68 religious translation/untranslatability: doctrinal dimension 73 – 74; emotional dimension 75 – 76; ethical dimension 76; experiential dimension

256 Index 75 – 76; hermeneutics and 71 – 72; introduction to 8, 66; literature discourse 69 – 71; material dimension 77 – 78; narrative dimension 74 – 75; practical dimension 77 – 78; religious language categorization 79n2; ritual dimension 77 – 78; sacred text 66 – 68; Shakespearean works 69, 71, 72 – 73; social dimension 77; summary of 78 – 79; translatability of 72 – 76 representation in Peking Opera terminology 108 responsibility, translations of 32 – 33, 33, 33 restoration process 17 ritual dimension of translatability 77 – 78 Robinson, Douglas 71 Romeo and Juliet (Shakespeare) 9 Saarland University 182 sacred text untranslatability 66 – 68 safety-related food terminology translation 84 – 86, 85 Sager, Juan C. 138 salience in images 107, 115 – 116 Schleiermacher, Friedrich 71 – 72 Schutz, Christian Gottfried 123 SDL MultiTerm Extract 16, 126, 189, 192, 218, 219 – 220, 225 SDL Trados term management tool 218 seafood products terminology translation 89, 89 – 90, 96 – 97 secondary definitions 17 semantic analysis 31, 202 (Semi)-Automatic Term Extraction (ATE) 13 sense-for-sense translation 60 – 61 seven dimensions of religion 72 Shakespeare, William 8 – 9 Shakespearean untranslatability 69, 71, 72 – 73 shareholder ownership 48 – 50 Shennong’s Classic of Materia Medica 54 Shih-I Hsiung 10 Shum, Chris 74 Siemens Term Database 216 Silent Traveller, The (Chiang Yee) 10 Silk Road Economic Belt 180 Sinica Chinese Treebank 168 Sketch Engine 31 Smart, Ninian 72 social dimension of translatability 77 social distance in images 107, 114 socialism 41, 46, 48 Socio-cognitive Terminology 145 socio-legal terminology translation: case studies 30 – 36; discussions over 36 – 37;

introduction to 27 – 28; legal terms 28 – 30; process of 28 – 30 source language (SL) 200, 203 specialized texts translations 15 Specification for Translation Service – Part 1: Translation (2008) 182 Standardization Administration of China (SAC) 181 standardization of terminology 55 – 56, 93 – 94 Standardized Term Database for the Translation of Important Chinese Political Words (TICPW) 217 Standard Term Database for the Translation of Words and Expressions with Chinese Characteristics 196 Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress 31 Stanford Semantic Parser 31 Stanislavsky, Konstantin 98 State Council Information Office 13, 149 State Intellectual Property Office 3 state-owned enterprises (SOEs) 41, 44 – 46, 48 – 50 statistical machine translation (SMT) 165 – 166, 169, 172 – 174 STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) terminology 144 stopword list 221, 222, 225 – 226 subaltern voices 4 subordinate terms 141 – 142 Support Vector Machine (SVM) 167 – 168 synchronic linguistic study 132 – 133 synonymous terms 136 – 137, 225 systematic interdisciplinary research 95 – 97 systematic terminology management see General Theory of Terminology systemic functional approach to multimodal discourse analysis (SF-MDA) 106 Systemic Functional Grammar (SFG) 99, 106 systemic functional linguistics (SFL) 106 systemic functional theory (SFT) 106 Tang Dynasty 21 target language (TL): corpus of translations comparisons 27 – 28, 30; functional equivalence in 218; linguistic features of 200, 203 – 204; machine translation 126, 169; Manchu Ulabun and 222 – 224; source language translation into 172, 177 – 178, 206 – 209, 213, 219; term database and 217; undeveloped technical terminology in 66

Index  257 target readers 16, 140, 142, 223 – 224 technical context of terminology translation 62 – 64 TenTen Family general language 84 Term Bank of French Standardization Association (NORMATERM) 216 TERMDOK database 216 Termight system 166 – 167 terminological, defined 123 terminological databases 24 – 25, 216; see also Manchu Ulabun database terminologization 12, 81 – 97, 134, 135 – 136 terminology, defined 81 – 82 terminology extraction 13, 166 – 167 terminology management, defined 129 Terminology Management Guidelines (2017) 183, 196 terminology management in language service industry: accurate analysis and talent cultivation 197 – 198; data analysis 184 – 191; data processing 183; improvement needs 194; improvements and standardization of 195 – 196; insufficient attention to value 191 – 192; introduction to 180 – 181; lack of professionals 193 – 194; lower popularization of tools 192; lower standardization in 192 – 193; problems and discussions 191 – 194; questionnaire design 183; research bias 181 – 182; research improvements 196 – 197; standardization of 186 – 187, 187, 188; study design 182 – 184; study objects 182 – 183; suggestions for 194 – 198; summary of 198; terminology management awareness 184 – 185, 185; terminology management training 189 – 191; tool applications 188 – 189, 189, 190 terminology management practice 14 – 15, 181 – 182, 191, 195, 198 Terminology of Natural Science 124 terminology scholarship 1, 5, 10 – 12, 17, 21, 25, 124 terminology translation: Chinese contexts 6 – 16; development of 2; diversity of worldviews 17; global contexts 2 – 6; history and development of 21 – 25; management and scholarship 10 – 16, 123 – 128; role in contemporary society 1 TERMIUM/TERMIUM plus 94, 125 Term Online 216 theory of discourse 69 third language code 200, 211 Tillich, Paul 67

Traditional Chinese Medicine (TCM): approaches and methods 57 – 61; crude medicine/drugs in 61; history and cultural background 53 – 54; international communication of 54 – 55; introduction to 6, 7 – 8; literal loan translation 59 – 60; sensefor-sense translation 60 – 61; standardization of terminology 55 – 56, 61 – 62; summary of 64 – 65; translation of core concepts 56 – 61; translation of terminology 55 – 56, 62 – 64; transliteration 57 – 59 Traditional Herbal Medicinal Products (THMPD) 55 translatability 66 – 69, 72 – 78; see also religious translation/untranslatability Translation Bureau of the Chinese Academy 22 – 23 translationese: in Chinese context 201 – 203, 202; concepts and hypotheses 205 – 206; corpus-based approaches 204 – 207; defined 200, 203 – 204; rethinking of 207 – 209; summary of 212 – 213; translation universals vs. 203 – 212, 210, 211, 212 translation technology 14, 181, 183 translation universals 200, 203 – 212 translator-oriented terminology management: Communicative Theory of Terminology 12, 133 – 142; General Theory of Terminology 129 – 133; introduction to 129; summary of 142 transliteration: with annotation 223, 224; annotation based on 16; of Coca-Cola into Chinese 81; Manchu Ulabun database 220, 223, 224 – 225; retaining cultural elements 215; of TCM terms 57 – 59, 60, 62; in Western culture 57 transplantation 46 – 51 Treatise on Febrile Diseases and Miscellaneous Illnesses (Zhang Zhongjing) 53 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road 180 Ulabun translation see Manchu Ulabun database UNTERM database 94, 216 untranslatability 66 – 69, 71 – 73; see also religious translation/untranslatability US State Department 148 Venuti, Lawrence 71, 72 visual grammar (VG) 10, 99, 105 – 116, 116 Wang, Nina 5 Wang Ning 4 – 5

258 Index Westernization 8 Western Jin Dynasty 54 Western region languages 21 Western terminology theories 12, 57 White Paper on Traditional Chinese Medicine in China 54 WHO International Standard Terminologies on Traditional Medicine in the Western Pacific Region 63 – 64 Wiseman, Nigel 56 World Bank 6 World Federation of AcupunctureMoxibustion Societies 54 World Federation of Chinese Medicine Societies (WFCMS) 54, 56

Wu Fengming 125 Wüster, Eugen 129 – 130, 144 – 145 Xinhua Dictionary 201 Xu Beihong 10 Xuhuiqu Chinese Menu in English 3 YamCHa toolkit 168 Yan Fu 22 Yellow Emperor’s Inner Canon 53 Yuan Dynasty 22 Zhang Qihong 74 Zhang Zhongjing 53 Zhou Dynasty 21